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HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
REPORT
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS,


UNITED STATES SENATE,
WITH ACCOMPANYING TESTIMONY,
AND
EXECUTIVE DOCI.TUMENTS


TRANSMITTED TO CONGRESS
FRoM JANUARY 1, 1893, TO MARCH 10, 1894.
SUBJ CT INDEX.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
WASHINGTON:
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE.
1894.




DU
G 79. 
1894


I:I-..




Senate Ex. Doec. No. 45, Fifty-second Congress, second session.


MESSAGE
FROM THE
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
IN RESPONSE
To Senate resolution of February 4, 1893. relative to the draft of an uncompleted treaty with Hawaii.
FEBRUARY 6, 1893.-Read, referred to the Committee on. Foreign Relations, and
ordered to be printed.
To the Senate:
I transmit herewith, as desired by the resolution of the Senate of the
4th instant, a report from the Secretary of State of the 6th instant, with
its accompanying correspondence, in relation to the draft of an uncompleted treaty with Hlawaii, made in 1854.
BENJ. HARRISON.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
Washington, February 6, 1893.
The PRESIDENT:
The Secretary of State, to whom was referred the resolution of the
Senate of the 4th instant requesting the President, "if in his opinion it
is not inconsistent with the public interests, to send to the Senate the
draft of a treaty, negotiated in 1854, but not completed, between the
plenipotentiaries of the United States and the Kingdom of Hawaii,
with the correspondence between the two Governments relating to said
negotiation," has the honor to transmit herewith a copy of the draft in
question, together with copies of the correspondence referred to.
Respectfully submitted.
JOHN W. FOSTr,.
DEPARTMENT OP STATE,
Washington, February 6, 1893. 
[For accompanying papers see page 929.]
811
2542 




C
i
5
i
r




Senate Ex. Doc. No. 77, Fifty-second Congress, second session.


MESSAGE
FROM THE
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
TRANSMITTING
Correspondence respecting relations between the United States and the
Hawaiian Islands from September, 1820, to January, 1893.
FEBRUARY 17, 1893.-Read, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and
ordered to be printed.
To the Senate:
I transmit herewith a letter from the Secretary of State of the 15th
instant, covering a report with accompanying correspondence respecting relations between the United States and the Hawaiian Islands from
September, 1820, to January, 1893.
BENiJ. HARRISON.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
Washington, February 16, 1893.
The PRESIDENT: 
In further relation to the subject, and as being of interest in conjunction with the papers submitting the treaty concluded and
signed at Washington on the 14th of February, instant, and sent to
the Senate with a message on the 15th instant, the undersigned, Secretary of State, has the honor to submit the accompanying report by
Andrew H. Allen, chief of the Bureau of Rolls and Library of this Department, upon the relations between the United States and the Hawaiian Islands from 1820 to 1893, supplemented by an appendix and
copies of considerable correspondence involved in the narrative.
This report shows that from an early day the policy of the United
States has been consistently and constantly declared against any foreign aggression in the Kingdom of Hawaii inimical to the necessarily
paramount rights and interests of the American people there, and the
uniform contemplation of their annexation as a contingent necessity.
But beyond that it is shown that annexation has been on more than
one occasion avowed as a policy and attempted as a fact. Such a solution was admitted as early as 1850 by so far-sighted a statesman as
Lord Palmerston when he recommended to a visiting Hawaiian commission the contingency of a protectorate under the United States or
813




814


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


of becoming an integral part of this nation in fulfillment of a destiny
due to close neighborhood and commercial dependence upon the Par
cific States.
Early in 1851 a contingent deed of cession of the kingdom was drawn
and signed by the king and placed sealed in the hands of the commissioner of the United States, who was to open it and act upon its provisions at the first hostile shot fired by France in subversion of Hawaiian independence.
In 1854 Mr. Marcy advocated annexation and a draft of a treaty was
actually agreed upon with the Hawaiian ministry, but its completion
was delayed by the successful exercise of foreign influence upon the heir
to the throne, and finally defeated by the death of the king, Kamehameha III.
In 1867, Mr. Seward, having become advised of a strong annexation
sentiment in the islands, instructed our minister at Honolulu favorably
to receive any native overtures for annexation. And on the 12th of
September, 1867, he wrote to Mr. McCook, "that if the policy of annexation should conflict with the policy of reciprocity, annexation is in every
case to be preferred."
President Johnson in his annual message of December 9, 1868, regarded reciprocity with Hawaii as desirable, " until the people of the
islands shall of themselves, at no distant day, voluntarily apply for admission into the Union."
In 1871, on the 5th of April, President Grant in a special message
significantly solicited some expression of the views of the Senate respecting the advisability of annexation.
In an instruction of March 25, 1873, Mr. Fish considered the necessity
of annexing the islands in accordance with the wise foresight of those
"who see a future that must extend the jurisdiction and the limits of
this nation, and that will require a resting spot in midocean between
the Pacific Coast and the vast domains of Asia, which are now opening
to commerce and Christian civilization." And he directed our minister
" not to discourage the feeling which may exist in favor of annexation
to the United States," but to seek and even invite information touching the terms and conditions upon which that object might be effected.
Since the conclusion of the reciprocity treay of 1875, it has been the
obvious policy of the succeeding administrations to assert and defend
against other powers the exclusive commercial rights of the United
States and to fortify the maintenance of the existing Hawaiian Government through the direct support of the United States, so long as
that Government shall prove able to protect our paramount rights and
interests.
On December 1, 1881, Mr. Blaine, in an instruction to the American
minister at Honolulu, wrote:
It [this Government] firmly believes that the position of the Hawaiian Islands, as
the key to the dominion of the American Pacific, demands their benevolent neutrality, to which end it will earnestly cooperate with the native government. And
if, through any cause, the maintenance of such a position of benevolent neutrality
should be found by Hawaii to be impracticable, this Government would then unhesitatingly meet the altered situation by seeking an avowedly American solution for
the grave issues presented.
Respectfully submitted,
JOHN W. FOSTER.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
February 15, 1893.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 815
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
BUIREAU OF ROLLS AND LiBlRARY,
Washington, February 9, 1893.
SiRt: In obedience to your direction of the 30th of January ultimo,
I have the honor to submit the accompanying report on relations with
the Hawaiian Islands.
Respectfully,
ANDREW H. ALLEN.
The SECRETAR~Y OF STATE*




REPORT UPON THE OFFICIAL RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES WITH THE
HAWAIIAN ISLANDS FROM THE FIRST APPOINTMENT OF A CONSULAR OFFICER
THERE BY THIS GOVERNMENT.i
On September 19, 1820, Mr. John C. Jones was appointed to reside
at the Sandwich Islands in the capacity of "Agent of the United
States for commerce and seamen." To those functions there were added
to the duties of the agent a general supervision of American interests
in the islands concerning the status of which he advised the Department from time to time. Other official information touching these
interests, and events then current there, was occasionally afforded by
officers of the Navy, on visiting vessels, whose instructions permitted
their friendly intervention in such affairs of the country as they might
with propriety regard as of importance to this Government.
In consequence of instructions in May, 1825, to Commodore Hull, U.
S. Navy, in command of the Pacific squadron, then at Callao, Thomas
ap Catesby Jones, commanding the U. S. S. Peacock, was sent the following year to Honolulu on a visit of friendly inspection, to relieve the
native authorities of the annoyance occasioned by deserters from American vessels in the islands, and to endeavor to adjust certain claims due
American citizens there resident. The objects of this visit were successfully accomplished, and Capt. Jones negotiated a treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation with the King, which was signed December 23, 1826. This was the first treaty formally negotiated by the
Hawaiians with any foreign power, and although it was never ratified
by this Government, certain of its stipulations appear to have embodied
friendly views and purposes of the United States which were considered
morally binding by both parties. (A copy of the treaty will be found
in Appendix -.
In 1829, Capt. Finch, commanding the U. S. S. Vincennes, visited the
islands as the bearer of presents and a letter, dated January 20 of that
year, from the Secretary of the Navy, on behalf of the President. In
that letter Mr. Southard said:
The President anxiously hopes that peace and kindness and justice will prevail
between your people and those citizens of the United States who visit your islands,
and that the regulations of your government will be such as to enforce them upon
all.
Our citizens who violate your laws or interfere with your regulations violate at
the same time their duty to their own Government and country, and merit censure
and punishment.
From time to time thereafter naval vessels of the United States visited Hawaii and intervened in a friendly way in their affairs. Among
them the United States frigate Potomac, with Commodore Downs,
touched at Honolulu soon after the deportation, in December, 1831, of
the Roman Catholic priests who had been introduced into the country
in 1827 by the French, and that officer interceded successfully in behalf of some of their converts, who were undergoing persecution at
the hands of the native. Government. These persecutions were not
816




HAWA~~IIAN ISLANDS.S


817


finally arrested until 1839, in July of which year the French frigate
JLArtemise, Laplace, commander, visited there. Laplace propounded
several demands for the adoption of measures for the protection of the
Catholics and offered a treaty of commerce, etc., threatening in the
event of noncompliance with the demands and nonsignature of the
treaty by the Hawaiian authorities to proceed forthwith to hostilities.
The American consul was notified by Laplace at the same time that the
American Protestant clergy would be treated as a part of the native
population when hostilities should begin, he regarding them as the instigators of the alleged insults to France. The treaty, however, was
signed by the premier, in the King's name, and violence was averted.
Under the provisions of article VI of this treaty intoxicating liquors
were introduced. (Appendix.)
At about the same time the British consul, Mr. Charlton, who had
long been at odds with the native Government, left to present, en route
to London, certain personal claims and complaints to the British naval
force on the South Pacific station. Already his representations had
secured the violent intervention of Lord Edward Russell, commanding
H. B. M. S. Acteon, and that officer had " negotiated a treaty " under
the guns of his ship, which was signed November 16, 1836. (Appendix.)
Charlton did not return, but the result of his errand was the visit in
February, 1843, of Lord George Paulet, commanding H. B. M. S. Carysfort, who seized the islands in the Queen's name and forced from the
King, Kamehameha III, a deed of cession, which was pathetically proclaimed by the unfortunate monarch on the 25th of that month. The
Government was immediately put in commission by a proclamation of
Lord George, he and (in the King's absence) the King's deputy, Mr.
Judd, with others, being of the commission. On the 11th of May Mr.
Judd resigned, after a protest against some of the acts of the commission, and thus withdrew the King from all further participation in their
course. The remaining members of the commission continued to administer the Government and to perform various sovereign functions.
Among others, they raised a native regiment, which they called " The
Queen's Own,7 but which they armed and equipped at the expense of
the Hawaiian treasury, and the officers of which they, of course, required to make oath of allegiance to the British Queen.
Commodore Kearney, U. S, Navy, on board the U. S. Frigate Constellation, arrived on the 11th of July, and promptly protested against
the King's deed of cession, and also against the acts of the commission
wherein the rights of American citizens had suffered in any degree.
The King returned to Honolulu on the 25th of July, and on the 26th
Rear-Admiral Thomas, R. N., entered the harbor on board H. B. M. S.
Dublin, from Valparaiso. After friendly conferences between the King
and the admiral, an agreement was signed, the Hawaiian flag was
restored on July 31, 1843, and Lord George Paulet's act of seizure disavowed. (Appendix.)
In this relation Mr. Fox, in a note of June 25, 1843, to Mr. Upshur,
used the following language:
I am directed by the Earl of Aberdeen to state to you, for the information of the
Government of the United States, that the occupation of the Sandwich Islands was
an act entirely unauthorized by Her Majesty's Government; and that with the least
practicable delay due inquiry will be made into the proceedings which led to it.
(Appendix.)
[In an ingenious (but not ingenuous) plea of defense against the claim of the
King for compensation and reimbursement, the Earl of Aberdeen satisfied himself
that no such claim could be entertained by Great Britain. He regarded the seizure
by Lord George Paulet as not "forcible ".-History Hawaiian Islands, Jarves.]
S. Rep. 227 —52




818


HAWOCAIIAN ISL;ANDS.


The indirect causes of this outrage were complicated, but of assisted
and persistent growth. From the early days of foreign interests and
immigration in Hawaii the American element had predominated. The
contention of the two principal European nations sending ships into
the North Pacific-England and France-for supremacy in the islands
was hampered by this fact. The remedy adopted by the French was
the introduction of a rival religion. It was the belief of the British
consul that American influence might thus be broken, and the field left
clear for a settlement of the question of ultimate sovereignty between
the two powers, whose policy in that part of the world was one of conquest or colonization. The native sentiment turned toward that people
by whom their independence had been first virtually acknowledged.
The treaty negotiated by Capt. Jones had been the first actual recognition of their autonomy. For while that treaty had not been formally
ratified, it had been observed as morally binding. The United States
had manifested towards the Hawaiians a spirit of goodwill, and had
maintained an attitude of neighborly respect in all official relations.
The visits of their naval vessels had been generally helpful and encouraging; the purposes of their immigrants had been generally civilizing
and progressive. By the policy of the French and English the Americans were thrust into a position of defense alongside of the native
population, and threatened with a share of the punishment to be visited
upon the government for the fancied insults and wrongs suffered by
the people of those two nations.
But a short time before the event just recited, William Richards, a
clergymen, and Timoteo Haalilio, of the King's suite, the first embassy
from Hawaii, had left for the United States, thence to proceed to England and France, upon the errand of securing recognition of the independence of their government. Mr. Richards had been formerly sent
to this country in 1836 by the King to secure, if possible, the service of
some American eminent in public life as advisers to the chiefs; but his
mission had been unsuccessful.
The embassy having arrived at Washington addressed a communication to Mr. Webster on the 14th of December, 1842, setting forth the
situation of affairs in the Hawaiian Islands, reciting the progress of
the people in the paths of civilization; their aspirations, and the necessity that demanded the formulation by the King of some definite foreign
policy, and the assumption by his government of diplomatic relations
with other powers.
Mr. Webster answered them on the 19th, declaring in the name of
the President recognition of the independence of the Hawaiian Government and the sense of the United States that no interference with the
King by foreign powers should be countenanced. He pointed out the
interest of the American people in the islands and the reasons for such
interest, and added that in so obvious a case the President did not regard a formal treaty or the establishment of formal diplomatic relations as then necessary. He concluded with the assurance that not
improbably the correspondence would be made the subject of a communication to Congress, and be thus officially made known to the Governments of the principal commercial nations of Europe. The President communicated the correspondence to Congress on the 30th of
December, with a special message declarative of his policy. (Ap.
pendix.)
This recognition of Hawaiian independence was, as we shall see,
afterwards confirmed by Mr. Calhoun.
Proceeding to England the Hawaiian ambassadors were finally si2c



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


819


cessful in London in securing, on the 28th of November, 1843, a convention between France and Great Britain, engaging them " reciprocally
to consider the Sandwich Islands as an independent state, and never to
take possession, either directly or under title of protectorate, or under
any other form, of any part of the territory of which they are composed." (Appendix.)
This convention did not, however, guarantee the autonomy of the
islands as against any third power, nor did it contain any expression
of opinion on that point similar in spirit to Mr. Webster's declaration
of the preceding December. Its intention seems to have been simply
reciprocally to bind those two powers to do one thing-that is, "to consider the Sandwich Islands as an independent state "-and to refrain
from doing another thing-that is, " never to take possession," under
any pretext, " of any part of the territory of which they are composed."
In consequence of the recommendation contained in the message of
President Tyler, of December 30, 1842, Congress made an appropriation for the compensation of a diplomatic officer from this Government
to the Sandwich Islands, and on March 3, 1843, Mr. George Brown, of
Massachusetts, was appointed commissioner.  Mr. Brown arrived at
Honolulu in October following, and, on the 30th of that month, presented his credentials, with an address to the King, in which he asked
in behalf of the citizens of the United States favorable and impartial
treatment, at the same time assuring the monarch that this Government had no wish to secure for itself or its citizens any exclusive privileges. The King, answering, said upon this point:
You may assure your Government that I shall always consider the citizens of the
United States as entitled to equal privileges with those'of the most favored nation.
(Appendix.)
Unfortunately, soon after Mr. Brown's arrival-by the latter part of
the following August —a cause of serious difference arose between him
and the King's Government in the case of, John Wiley, an American
citizen, who had been arrested charged with the commission of a crime
or misdemeanor, and to whom trial by jury had been denied by the
local governor.
The treaty with France, above alluded to as secured by Capt. Laplace at the mouth of his guns, contained a stipulation (Article vi)
thatNo Frenchman accused of any crime whatever shall be judged otherwise than by
a jury composed of foreign residents, proposed by the consul of France and accepted
by the Government of the Sandwich Islands.
Onthe 12th of February, 1844, a convenition with Great Britain had been
entered into by the King's Government which contained (Article iI) the
samneprovision ii identical phrase, rmutatis mutandis. This treatyhad been
secured very much after the fashion observed by Laplace. Within less
than one year before its signature the islands had been seized by Great
Britain and had been adequately advised of the power of England.
The King's embassy was still absent, and the newly arrived British
consul-general had communicated the fact that he was without discretion to alter terms. The treaty was itself, in still other respects, objectionable to the American commissioner by reason of apparent discrimination in favor of England and against the United States, and it had
already been the subject of an earnest protest on his part. And now,
there being no treaty with the United States, the King's promise made
in his speech to that commissioner, as he understood it, had been ignored by advice of the attorney-general-an American citizen-a lawyer of New York, of the name of John Ricord, who had been invited to




820


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


accept the office and had gone to Hawaii and there become naturalized
for the purpose. The dispute over the treaty and the Wiley case together created a situation of affairs that resulted in a request from the
King for the recall of Mr. Brown (whose conduct was, however, approved by this Governtment) and the appointment of Mr. Ten Eyck.
(Appendix.)
But in the meantine, on the 6th of July, 1844, the King's commissioners, having returned to this country from Europe, received a communication from Mr. Calhoun confirming the "full recognition on the
part of the United States of the independence of the Hawaiian Government." They left for Honolulu in November.
On March 26, 1846, two general conventions were entered into-one
by France, the other by Great Britain-identical in terms and equally
to be substituted for all preexisting agreements made by those Governments with the King. These conventions modified the jury clauses
and Article vi of the Laplace treaty, governing the importation of intoxicating liquors. Juries were to be composed of native or foreign residents proposed by the consul (English or French) and accepted by the
Hawaiian Government, and duties were allowed within the prohibitory
limit upon ardent spirits. These conventions do not, however, seem to
have recognized the complete independence of the King. (Appendix.)
On the 19th of the following October a treaty with Denmark was
concluded at Honolulu, containing the favored-nation clause; and this
compact appears to be the first of its kind conveying unrestricted and
ample acknowledgment of Hawaiian independence. (Appendix.)
Mr. Ten Eyck's instructions had included a charge to negotiate a
treaty upon the basis of that existing between the Government of the
islands and Great Britain at the time of his appointment. The unacceptability of the jury clause in that instrument and the desire of the
Hawaiian King to secure its modification rendered it unwise to insist
upon a similar article in any new convention. The authority of Mr.
Ten Eyck had not been limited to the negotiation of an identical agreement, and he seems therefore to have persisted unwisely in urging the
inclusion of the objectionable provision. This error was pointed out to
him by Mr. Buchanan in an instruction of June 18, 1847, but seemingly without result. Much correspondence occurred between the
King's minister and the American commissioner, and several projects
of treaties were ineffectually submitted by the latter. Pending these
negotiations the disadvantageous position of the United States, in the
absence of a treaty, was emphasized by each new agreement successfully negotiated by other governments. Meanwhile the commissioner
became indiscreetly (with American claimants) involved in serious differences of opinion with the Government of Hawaii, respecting the
rights of American residents, and his attitude became finally one of
hostility. There was the repetition of the old story, told so many times
in such quarters of the globe, personal and commercial difficulties involving consuls and diplomatic agents alike, conflicting interests among
foreigners of two or three nationalities, rival factions, complicated
quarrels, and, so far as practicable, general disregard of native rights
by each and all. Mr. Ten Eyck was roundly rated by Mr. Buchanan
in an interesting dispatch of considerable length and some tartness,
dated August 28, 1848, from which there will be occasion to make several extracts. Mr. Ten Eyck resigned in September, 1848, and Mr.
Charles Eames was appointed January 12, 1849. (Appendix.)
On the 8th of January, 1848, a treaty with Hamburg was concluded
by the King's minister for foreign affairs, and later in the month an




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


821


agreement touching consular notices under the Danish and Hamburg
treaties was reached. But it was not until October 22, 1849, that a
treaty with this Government was finally signed at San Francisco by Mr.
Eames and Mr. Judd. (Appendix.)
Mr. Eames, en route to Honolulu, had met Mr. Judd, the King's commissioner, en route to Washington2 at San Francisco, and there together they had agreed upon an instrument of a general character.
The treaty, in the English and Hawaiian languages, reached the Department of State on the 8th of December. But, in the meantime, the
Hawaiian Government had appointed Mr. James Jackson Jarves, then
in this country, a special commissioner to negotiate a treaty, and he
met Mr. Clayton, appointed on behalf of the United States, at Washington in the same month. They agreed upon terms and signed a
treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation, and for extradition of
criminals, December 20, 1849. Ratifications were exchanged at Honolulu the 24th of August, following, and the treaty was proclaimed-the
first perfected treaty between the two powers-November 9, 1850.
This convention did not differ materially from the treaties negotiated
by this Government with other nations for similar purposes. The
treaty is still in force except so far as modified by later conventions.
(Appendix.)
In 1849 disputes between the French consul and the native authorities respecting the convention of 1846 brought about another seizure
of the islands by the armed forces of France, which became the occasion
of the dispatch of very explicit instructions from the American Secretary of State. After a preliminary diplomatic skirmish between the
French naval commander7 Admiral de Tromelin, and the King's minister for foreign affairs, Mr. Wyllie, the admiral formulated his demands
in an ultimatum, and upon its nonacceptance the naval force under
his command, on the 25th of August, 1849, took military possession of
the fort, the Government offices, and of the custom-house, and seized
the King's royal yacht and several other vessels belonging to private
persons. Official news of this proceeding reached the United States
December 10, 1849, from Mr. Ten Eyck. (Appendix.)
The French continued in possession of the fort and public buildings
until the 4th or 5th of September, dismantled the fort, and destroyed
considerable public property, but did not haul down the Hawaiian flag.
Upon the exercise of this restraint they depended for the argument
that they had not acted in contravention of the agreement with England
of 1843. (Appendix.)
Mr. Judd was appointed by the King as commissioner to England,
France, and the United States, it appears, with pretty full powers to
make some adjustment of this last difficulty., It was rumored that he
was not limited even from cession of the kingdom either to England or
the United States. His negotiations with the French minister for foreign affairs having proved fruitless he reached the United States on
his way home in the spring of 1850, and in conjunction with Mr. Jarves
solicited the good offices of this Government in the settlement of the
dispute with France. They were promptly accorded by the President,
through the Secretary of State, in a note of June 3, 1850, and instructions in conformity therewith were sent to Mr. Rives at Paris. Negotiations dragged and chances of settlement seemed to recede until on
the 11th of March, 1851, Mr. Severance, the commissioner of the United
States at Honolulu, reported the fact that a deed of cession of the
kingdom to the United States had been drawn, submitted to him, sealed,
and delivered to him on the afternoon of the same day by two of the




822


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


King's ministers. This instrument was the consequence of the Kinges
apprehension excited by the hostile attitude of France. It bore the
following inscription in the Hawaiian language:
The King requests the commissioner of the United States, in case the flag of the
United States is raised above the Hawaiian, that he will open the inclosed and act
accordingly.
The terms of this deed provided that the kingdom should be held
by the United States until a satisfactory adjustment of the dispute with
France, and, failing that end within a reasonable period, should be
permanently transferred to them. (Appendix.)
Answering Mr. Severance's series of dispatches on this subject, Mr.
Webster, on the 14th of July, 1851, said:
The Navy Department will receive instructions to place and to keep the naval
armament of the United States in the Pacific Ocean in such a state of strength and
preparation as shall be requisite for the preservation of the honor and dignity of
the United States and the safety of the Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
In a confidential dispatch of the same date Mr. Severance was directed to return to the Hawaiian Government the deed of cession
placed in his hands. (Appendix.)
The abject of annexation was not, however, abandoned in the correspondence by reason of Mr. Webster's dispatch. Mr. Marcy, writing
to Mr. Gregg. then United States commissioner there, on the 4th of
April, 1854, discussed the question fully, and authorized the negotiation
of a treaty for the purpose, the terms of which he indicated. On the
11th November following, a draft of a treaty acceptable to the King
was received with Mr. Gregg's dispatch No. 52 of September 15, 1854.
(Appendix.)
Stipulations were drawn in this treaty for annuities aggregating three
times the sum offered for that purpose by Mr. Marcy, and for the admfssion of the Kingdom as a State of the Union. These provisions were
objected to by this Government, but before any conclusion was reached
the King, Kamehameha III, died, and was succeeded in February, 1855,
by a prince who held views unfavorable to the project, and so the treaty
failed. (Appendix.)
In 1855, on the 20th of July, a treaty of reciprocity was concluded at Washington by Mr. Marcy and Judge Lee, the King's commissioner; but; although the Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs
appears to have been favorable to it, ratification failed, it is said, by
reason of the pressure of more important and absorbing questions.
(Appendix.)
Correspondence for several years following this incident is chiefly
concerned with claims, complaints, and matters of routine. In 1863 the
rank of the diploma;ic officer of this Government was raised to that of
minister resident, alid James McBride, of Oregon, was appointed to
that office. The conduct of the civil war so far diverted attentidn from
Hawaiian affairs that consideration of the subject of a desired treaty of
reciprocity was obliged, by Mr. Seward's engagements, to be deferred to
a more tranquil period, and until the results of English and Southern
influence there, exerted during the civil war in the United States against
this Government, should be overcome. There are occasional references
to annexation. (Appendix.)
In December, 1866, Queen Emma, queen dowager of Hawaii, visited
the United States on her way from England to Honolulu.
On the 1st of February, 1867, Mr. McCook, our minister at Honolulu,
was instructed that it was the desire to revive the subject of the recit  procity treaty of 18554 but upon terms more liberal to the United
ti: en 




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


823,


States. Accordingly, on the 21st of May following, Mr. McCook, on behalf of the United States, and Mr. Harris, on the part of the Hawaiian
Government, concluded a treaty of reciprocity at San Francisco, which
received the approval of the President, but failed of ratification by the
Senate. (Appendix.)
In a private note of June 7, 1867, Mr. McCook adverted to the subject of annexation, and asked leave of absence to visit the United
States the following November, when the reciprocity treaty might be
expected to become the subject of consideration in the Senate. This
leave was granted by Mr. Seward, who thus instructed Mr. McCook:
You are at liberty to sound the proper authority on the large subject mentioned
in your note, and ascertain probable conditions. You may confidentially receive
overtures and communicate the same to me.
I will act upon your suggestion in that relation in regard to a party now here.
Mr. Seward's "large subject" was annexation, and Mr. Seward's
4"party now here" was the Hawaiian minister to this country, Mr. C. J.
Harris. (Appendix.)
It is probable that a conference was held on the subject by Mr. Seward and Mr. Harris, but notes of it do not appear. On the 12th of September, however, Mr. Seward, writing confidentially to Mr. MIeCook,
said:
Circumstances have transpired here which induce a belief that.a, strong interest,
based upon a desire for annexation of the Sandwich Islands, will be active in opposing a ratification of the reciprocity treaty. It will be argued tliat the reciprocity
will tend to hinder and defeat an early annexation, to which the people of the Sandwich Islands are supposed to be now strongly inclined.
He advised the minister to remain at Honolulu and abandon his
earlier plan to visit Washington, and he addedThat if the policy of annexation should conflict with the policy of reciprocity, annexation is in every case to be preferred. (Appendix.)
During the spring and summer of 1867 some apprehension was
created in the mind of the King by the presence in Hawaiian waters
of the U. S. S. Lackawanna, Capt. Reynolds. This was based upon
the fact that the commanding officer had been formerly a resident in
Hawaii and was interfering, or had the purpose to interfere, in political affairs. It is not impossible that the King's minister for foreign
affairs, de Varigny, was really responsible for the royal apprehensions.
The presence of the ship delayed ratification of reciprocity, and it was
not until after her departure that the King convened the legislature to
consider the subject.
His Majesty stated to me [writes Mr. McCook] that he would like to discuss its
[the treaty'sj provisions with me, but did not deem it consistent with his dignity,
etc., to enter into any such discussion while the Lackawaln'ai remained here; I will
do His Majesty the justice to say that I do not believe this'idea was an original one,
but was suggested to, and forced upon him by his ministers, they hoping that the
Lackawanna could not, or would not leave, and that this mightprove an insuperable
obstacle to the ratification of the treaty. (Appendix.)
The treaty was ratified July 30, 1867. Our own Senate had received
the treaty early the same month; it was reported in February, 1868,
but was not finally acted upon until June 1st, 1870, when it was rejected. (Appendix,)
Very soon after his ratification of the reciprocity treaty the King sent
a commissioner to Japan to negotiate a commercial treaty. This project
the American minister at Honolulu earnestly antagonized, upon the
ground that such a treaty would deflect trade from the United States
and encourage English competition. (Appendix.)




824                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
A second time inviting the attention of the Senate to our own compact with Hawaii, President Johnson said, December 9, 1868:
It is known and felt by the Hawaiian Government and people that their Government and institutions are feeble and precarious; that the United States, being so
near a neighbor, would be unwilling to, see the islands pass under foreign control.
Their prosperity is continually disturbed by expectations and alarms of unfriendly
political proceedings, as well from the United States as from other foreign powers.
A reciprocity treaty, while it could not materially diminish the revenues of the
United States, would be a guaranty of the goodwill and forbearance of all nations
until the people of the islands shall of themselves, at no distant day, voluntarily
apply for admission into the Union. (Appendix.)
During the last mentioned year the subject of annexation continued
to appear as an important feature of the correspondence from time to
time, and on April 14 a letter to Mr. R. P. Spaulding, a member of
Congress, from his son, Mr. Z. S. Spaulding, in charge of the United
States legation, reported the projected organization of an active annexation party in Honolulu, and the prevalence of such a sentiment in
the Kingdom. Mr. Seward was again obliged to defer immediate consideration of the subject by reason of the administration's absorption
in domestic affairs relating to reconstruction. (Appendix.)
In 1868 a remonstrance was made by the United States representative at Honolulu on the subject of the importation of coolies into the
islands, and a resolution of the Senate of the United States, describing
the traffic in human beings, already substantially extirpated, as abhorrent to the spirit of modern international law and policy, and to the
advanced sentiment of the great civilized powers, was brought to the
attention of the Hawaiian Government. This intervention, however,
was not effectual to stop or even moderate the business in the face of
British and other influences, and the trade continued a threatening
danger to the Kingdom. (Appendix.)
In February, 1871, Mr. Pierce, our minister at Honolulu, wrote recommending the subject of annexation to the attention of the President,
and President Grant transmitted this most interesting dispatch to the
Senate, confidentially, with a message soliciting the views of that body
upon the matter. This message and dispatch are of so much interest
and importance that it is deemed best to present the executive document in toto in this place.
[Confidential. Executive B. Forty-second Congress first session.]
MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, TRANSMITTING A COPY OF A
DISPATCH RELATIVE TO THE ANNEXATION OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, ADDRESSED
TO THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE BY HENRY A. PIERCE, MINISTER RESIDENT OF
THE UNITED STATES AT HONOLULU.
APRIL 7, 1871.-Read and, with the dispatch referred to the Committee on Foreign
Relations, ordered to be printed in confidence for the use of the Senate.
To the Senate of the United States:
I transmit confidentially, for the information and consideration of the Senate, a
copy of a dispatch of the 25th of February last, relative to the annexation of the
Hawaiian Islands, addressed to the Department of State by Henry A. Pierce, minister resident of the United States at Honolulu. Although I do not deem it advisable to express any opinion or to make any recommendation in regard to the subject
at this juncture, the views of the Senate, if it should be deemed proper to express
them, would be very acceptable with reference to any future course which there
might be a disposition to adopt.
U. S. GRANT.
WASHINGTON, April 5, 1871.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                          825
Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish.
No. 101.] Legation of United States at Hawaiian Islands, Honolulu, February 25,
1871.
Mr. Henry A. Pierce to Secretary of State.
Subject: Annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the territory of the United States.
Abstract: United States Government recommended to again consider the subjectPrevailing opinion thereon-The choice and will of Hawaiian people will be
manifested on the death of their king, if approved of by the United States
Government-Puritan and democratic tendencies of the Hawaiians-Fifteenth
amendment, Constitution of the United States-Native population rapidly disappearing-Leaving their country to foreigners-Reasons given for the acquisition of these islands by United States-Lord Palmerston's opinions on the
question-Sound and prophetic historical incidents in Hawaiian history.
No. 101.]                LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
Honolulu, February 25, 1871.
SIR: Impressed with the importance of the subject now presented for consideration, I beg leave to suggest the inquiry whether the period has not arrived making
it proper, wise, and sagacious for the United States Government to again consider
the project of annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the territory of the republic.
That such is to be the political destiny of this archipelago seems a foregone conclusion in the opinion of all who have given attention to the subject in this country,
the United States, England, France, and Germany.
A majority of the aborigines, creoles, and naturalized foreigners of this country,
as I am credibly informed, are favorable, even anxious for the consummation of the
measure named.
The event of the decease of the present sovereign of Hawaii, leaving no heirs or
successor to the throne, and the consequent election to be made by the legislative
assembly of a king, and new stirps for a royal family, will produce a crisis in political affairs, which, it is thought will be availed of as a propitious occasion to inaugurate measures for annexation of the islands to the United States, the same to
be effected as the manifest will and choice of the majority of the Hawaiian people;
and through means proper, peaceful, and honorable.
It is evident, however, no steps will be taken to accomplish the object named
without the proper sanction or approbation of the United States Government in approval thereof.
The Hawaiian people for fifty years have been under 'educational 'instruction of
American missionaries, and the civilizing influences of New England people, commercial and maritime. Hence they are Puritan and democratic in their ideas and
tendencies modified by a tropical climate. Their favorite songs and airs are American. Sherman's "Marching Through Georgia" and "John Brown's Soul is Marching On," are daily heard in the streets and in their schoolrooms. The Fifteenth
Amendment to the Constitution of the United States has made the project of annexation to our Union more popular than ever, both here and in the United States.
The native population is fast disappearing; the number existing is now estimated
at 45,000, having decreased about 15,000 since the census of 1866. The number of
foreigners in addition is between 5,000 and 6,000, two-thirds of whom are from the
United States, and they own more than that proportion of foreign capital, as represented in the agriculture, commerce, navigation, and whale fisheries of the kingdom.
This country and sovereignty will soon be left to the possession of foreigners, "to
unlineal hands, no sons of theirs succeeding." To what foreign nation shall these
islands belong if not to the great Republic? At the present those of foreign nativities hold all the important offices of Government and control legislation, the judiciary, etc. Well disposed as the Government now is toward the United States and
its resident citizens here, in course of time it may be otherwise, as was the case during our civil war.
I now proceed to state some points of a more general character, which should influence the United States Government in their decision of the policy of acquiring
possession of this archipelago, their geographical position occupying, as it does,
an important central, strategical point, in the North Pacific Ocean, valuable, perhaps
necessary, to the United States for a naval depot and coaling station, and to shelter
and protect our commerce and navigation, which in this hemisphere is destined to
increase enormously from our intercourse with the 500,000,000 population of China,
Japan, and Australia. Humbolt predicted that the commerce on the Pacific would,
in time, rival that on the Atlantic. A future generation, no doubt, will see the
prophecy fulfilled.
The immense injury inflicted on American navigation and commerce by Great
Britain in the war of 1812-1814, through her possessions of Bermuda and other West




826                       HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
India Islands, as alko that suffered by the English from French privateers from the
Isle of France, during the wars between those nations, are instances in proof of the
necessity of anticipating and preventing, when we can, similar evils that may issue
from these islands if held by other powers. Their proximity to the Pacific States of
the Union, fine climate and soil, and tropical productions of sugar, coffee, rice, fruits,
hides, goat-skins, salt, cotton, fine wool, etc., required by the West, in exchange for
flour, grain, lumber, shooks, and manufactures of cotton, wool, iron, and other articles, are evidence of the commercial value of one to the other region.
Is it probable that any European power who may hereafter be at war with the
United States will refrain from taking possession of this weak Kingdom, in view of
the great injury that could be done to our commerce through their acquisition of
them?
It is said that at a proper time the United States may have the sovereignty of these
islands without money and without price, except, perhaps for purchase of the Crown
and public lands, and moderate annuities to be given to the five or six high chiefs
now living with uncertain claims as successors to the Crown.
His Hawaiian Majesty, although only in his forty-first year, is liable to a sudden
decease, owing to frequent attacks of difficulty in breathing and danger of suffocation
from congestion caused by obesity. His weight is 300 pounds. He is sole survivor
of the royal race of Kamehameha; unmarried, no heir, natural or adopted; posesesse
the constitutional prerogative of naming his successor, but it is believed he will not
exercise it, fromna superstitious belief his own death would follow immediately the
act.
Prince Alexander and Lott Kamehameha (the former subsequently became the fourth
Hawaiian King and the latter the fifth) and Dr. G. P. Judd, my informant, visited
England in 1850 as Hawaiian commissioners.
Lord Palmerston, at their interview with him, said, in substance, that the British
Government desired the Hawaiian people to maintain proper government and preserve national independence. If they were unable to do so, he recommended receiving a protectorate government under the United States or by becoming an integral
part of thatnation. Such,"he thought, "wasthedestinyofthe Hawaiian Islands arisingfrom their proximity to the States of California and Oregon, and natural dependence on those markets for exports and imports, together with probable extinction of
the Hawaiian aboriginal population and its substitution by immigration from the
United States." That advice seems sound and prophetic.
The following historical events in relation to these islands are thought worthy of
revival in recollection:
JFebruary 25. 1843.-Lord George Paulet, of Her Britannic Majesty's ship Carysfort,
obtained, by forceful measures, cession of the Hawaiian Islands to the Government
of Great Britain, July 31, 1843. They were restored to their original sovereignty by
the British Admiral Thomas.
November 28, 1843.-Joint convention of the English and French Governments,
which acknowledged the independence of this archipelago, and reciprocally promised never to take possession of any part of same. The United States Government
was invited to be a party to the above, but dec lined.
August, 1849.-Admiral Tromelin, with a French naval force, after making demands
on the Hawaiin Government impossible to be complied with, took unresisted possession of the fort and Government buildings in Honolulu, and blockaded the harbor.
After a few weeks' occupation of the place, the French departed, leaving political
affairs as they were previous to their arrival.
January, 1851.-A French naval force again appeared at Honolulu, and threatened
bombardment and destruction of the town.
The King, Kamehameha III, with the government, fearing it would be carried into
eflect, and in mortal dread of being brought under French rule, similar to that placed
by the latter over Tahiti, of the Society Islands, executed a deed of cession of all the
Hawaiian Islands and their sovereignty forever in favor of the United States of
America.
The document, in a sealed envelope, was placedin charge of Mr. Severance, United
States commissioner here, with instructions to take formal official possession of the
soil of these islands on occasion of the first hostile shot fired by the French. On
learning the facts, the latter desisted further aggressive acts, and departed from the
country.
Since that period the French authorities have pursued a conciliatory course in
their relations with the Hawaiian Government, and fully of opinion, it is said, that
a secret treaty exists between the United States Government and that of Hawaii, by
which these islands pass into the possession of the former in case of aggressions made
upon them thereafter by any hostile powers.
In 1854 the administration of President Pierce authorized the United States commissioner, Mr. Gregg, to negotiate a treaty with the Hawaiian authorities for the
cession of the sovereignty of these islands to the United States; but Mr. Gregg suc



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         827
eeded only in obtaining a protocol for a treaty, by which the United States were
o extend a protectorate government over them. The matter in that form did not
neet with ths approval of Mr. Secretary Marcy, and further negotiations ceased.
I omitted to state in proper sequence that the deed of cession of 1851 was, by orler of the Secretary of State, Mr. Webster, returned to the Hawaiian Government.
In conclusion, I herewith inclose "Annual Review of the Agriculture and Comnerce of the Hawaiian Islands for the year 1870," published by the Pacific Commertial Advertiser, February 25, 1871. Additional copies will accompany my dispatch
Io. 102. Permit me to refer you to a lithographic map, published in 1867 by United
States Bureau of Statistics, as showing in convenient form the relative position of
these islands to the continents of America, Asia, etc.; also, steamship lines radiating therefrom.
With great respect, your obedient, humble servant,
HENRY A. PIERCE.
Hon. HAMILTON FISH,
Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.
The failure from time to time to solve their difficulties by annexation
served to continue a lively consideration of the subject of reciprocity
as the second best solution; but the growing interests of the sugar
States during nearly all of the first decade after the civil war were of
sufficient influence to obstruct successfully any favorable consideration
of such a treaty by this Government. The situation was frankly stated
by Mr. Fish in an instruction of considerable length and importance on
the 25th of March, 1873, in which, turning from reciprocity to annexation, always a question "full of interest," he said:
The position of the Sandwich Islands as an outpost fronting and commanding the
whole of our possessions on the Pacific Ocean, gives to the future of those islands a
peculiar interest to the Government and people of the United States. It is very
clear that this Government can not be expected to assent to their transfer from their
present control to that of any powerful maritime or commercial nation. Such transfer to a maritime power would threaten a military surveillance in the Pacific similar to'that which Bermuda has afforded in the Atlantic-the latter has been submitted to from necessity, inasmuch as it was congenital with our Government-but
we desire no additional similar outposts in the hands of those who may at some
future time use them to our disadvantage.
The condition of the Government of Hawaii and its evident tendency to decay
and dissolution force upon us the earnest consideration of its future-possibly its
near future.
There seems to be a strong desire on the part of many persons in the islands, representing large interests and great wealth, to become annexed to the United States.
And while there are, as I have already said, many and influential persons in this
country who question the policy of any insular acquisitions, perhaps even of any
extension of territorial limits, there are also those of influence and of wise foresight
who see a future that must extend the jurisdiction and the limits of this nation, and
that will require a resting spot in the midocean, between the Pacific coast and the
vast domains of Asia, which are now opening to commerce and Christian civilization.
We are not in possession of information sufficiently accurate, and possibly not
sufficiently extended, with respect to the population, trade, industry, resources, and
debt, etc., of the Hawaiian Islands to decide the policy which must soon be considered with respect to the relations they are to maintain toward this Government.
You will, therefore, at the earliest date practicable, furnish me with full and accurate information upon the several questions above alluded to, and also as to the relative condition of the islands at this time, with respect to each question as compared
with former periods.
If there be official documents or reports as to trade, population, debt, etc., you
will obtain and transmit them.
Should occasion offer, you will, without committing the Government to any line of
policy, not discourage the feeling which may exist in favor of annexation to the
United States; and you will cautiously and prudently avail of any opportunity that
may present of ascertaining the views of the Hawaiian authorities on this question,
and if there be any idea entertained in that direction among those in official position,
you will endeavor to sound them and ascertain their views as to the manner, and
the terms and conditions on which such project could be carried into execution.
On the 3d of February, 1874, the King, Lunalilo, died without having
named his successor, and the legislative assembly, called together by




828                  HAWAITAN ISLANDS.
the cabinet, proceeded to the election of a monarch. The excitement
incident to this event, the threats of violence by the contending factions of the populace, and the danger of revolution or anarchy required
the intervention of the naval forces of foreign powers in Hawaiian
waters, the militia being unreliable in the circumstances. The British
commissioner had invited the American minister to join him in effecting
measures to preserve order, but this invitation was very properly declined by Mr. Pierce. On the 12th, in consequence of an assault by a
mob of Queen Emma's adherents on the legislative committee attempting to announce to David Kalakaua his election to the throne, and an
attack upon the Government buildings, the Hawaiian minister for foreign affairs appealed to Mr. Pierce to secure the landing of a sufficient
force from the United States ships Tuscarora and Portsmouth to defend
the authorities and suppress the rioters. The force was landed, at the
request of the American representative, and placed in charge of the
court-house.
Shortly after-within a few minutes-a force of sailors and marines
from H. B. M. S. Tenidos went ashore und6r command of the executive officer of the vessel and the captain of the marines, without invitation from the Hawaiian authorities or orders from the commanding
officers of their ship. They procceded to disperse the lawless crowd
about the residence of Queen Emma-the rival of Kalakauafor the
throne-and thence marched to occupy the barracks, where they
remained for eight days. This incident was afterwards accommodated
by an antedated note, formally requesting their intervention. On the
20th these naval forces returned on board their respective vessels.
(Appendix.)
In the autumn of 1874 King Kalakaua visited the United States on
the U. S. S. Benicia, and, remaining several weeks, was during that
time shown many friendly attentions by this Government. The U. S.
S. Pensacola was placed at his disposal for the homeward voyage. One
of the principal objects of this visit was the desire of the King to promote negotiations of reciprocity with the United States. It is noteworthy that this visit of the King was opposed by the English and
French commissioners, as reported by Mr. Pierce October 12, 1874.
(Appendix.)
The King before leaving Hawaii had appointed Mr. Allen and Mr.
Carter commissioners to negotiate a reciprocity agreement, and, greatly
to the delight of his people, the treaty was signed at Washington January 30, 1875. It contained a schedule which, to be made effective, required an act of Congress in ratification of the customs dues fixed thereby, and a proclamation of the fact. The treaty went into effect by this
proclamation September 9, 1876. (Appendix.)
Some difficulty was encountered with Great Britain by reason of the
" parity " or " favored nation " clause in the treaty of 1852 between that
power and Hawaii; and Germany was also at first disposed to take a
view similar to the English in that respect. But the German claim
was successfully contested by Mr. Carter, appointed to arrange the
matter with those two Governments, and the construction given that
clause by the United States agreed to substantially. Much correspondence followed the expression of England's views on the subject, and a
compromise was proposed fixing a duty of 10 per centum on British
importations of the articles in the free schedule of our treaty. This
proposition was not accepted by Mr. Carter, and was withdrawn; but
in the discussion of the matter in the Hawaiian Legislature a majority
*f the committee on foreign relations reported not only in its favor, but




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


829


in favor of the original claim of the British Government'to the enjoyment of privileges equal to those granted the United States. The controversy led to a change of ministry, and finally to an admission by the
King's minister of the claim of this Government to exclusive privileges,
and a pledge to hold the treaty, so interpreted, inviolate. This episode
involved an " annexation scare" as against the United States, touching which Mr. Evarts thus instructed our minister, Mr. Comly, August
6, 1878:
You will endeavor to disabuse the minds of those who impute to the United States
any idea of further projects beyond the present treaty. (Appendix.)
From time to time during the ensuing three years questions of interpretation of articles on the schedule and of the customs provisions of
the treaty, and some involving attempted or apprehended frauds arose,
several of them complicated by claims of Great Britain under the stipulations of the Anglo-Hawaiian treaty of 1852, and by the influence of
British residents. All these questions were, however, satisfactorily
determined without resort to any other mode of arrangement than the
usual diplomatic method, by notes. A domestic scandal, involving almost the entire Government, followed, resulting in rapid changes of
ministers and a hasty request for the recall of foreign representatives,
including Mr. Comly. This request was, however, itself recalled
promptly after the last change of cabinet on account of this particular
crisis, and a more agreeable state of affairs brought about. The details
of these incidents are, however, hardly worthy of any notice, as they
serve chiefly to establish the disreputable. character of certain of the
King's advisers at the time, to verify charges of general corruption in
the legislature, and point to influences at work against an extension of
our reciprocity treaty.*
The same year the good offices of this Government were solicited by
the Hawaiian Evangelical Association, in the suppression of the liquor
traffic, by the enforcement of Chief Lebon's ordinance in the Ralik Islands. Mr. Evarts, on November 13, 1880, instructed Mr. Comly, and
Mr. Dawson, the United States consul at Apia, also, to make efforts to
secure some suitable person to act as consular agent of this Government in the Raliks. (Appendix.)
The good offices of this Government were enlisted also in the negotiation of a treaty between Hawaii and Japan, and its approval of such
a convention sought by the king's minister for foreign affairs.
In June, 1881, Mr. Comly reported the persistent effort of Great
Britain to derive benefit or advantage from the parity clause of the
Anglo-Hawaiian treaty of 1852, through the reciprocity treaty with the
United States, by way of pushing claims based upon that clause pending its termination by notification. He wrote:
I do not propose to trouble the Secretary of State with a repetition of my arguments
intended to show the inadmissible character of this claim, and showing also that in
1855, when a reciprocal treaty with the United States was pending, the then British
Commissioner here (Gen. Miller), acting under direct instructions from Lord
Clarendon, literally " gave away" the whole case as to this present claim. He says:
't Great Britain cannot, as a matter of right, claim the same advantages for her trade,
under the strict letter of the treaty of 1852." (Quoted more at length and in his own
words in my dispatch No. 13.)
For the convenience of the Secretary of State I present a brief itinerary of the
progress of this claim up to date, as I understand it:
1. Immediately after the reciprocity treaty went into effect, Maj. Wodehouse, the
British Commissioner, peremptorily notified the Hawaiian Government that " Her
Majesty's Government can not allow of" any discrimination against British products
* See Mr. Comly's 113,121, and 122; and Mr. Evart's 76 and 78.




830                       HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
as in favor of American, and that British importers would claim under their treaty,
for British products, equality with American products, under the American reciprocity treaty. A long diplomatic correspondence followed, in which I was frequently
consulted in a friendly way by the Hawaiian minister, and was notified from time
to time by Maj. Wodehouse of his proceedings. I have uniformly insisted that it
would be a violation of the reciprocity treaty to allow the same privileges to British
or any other products with those of the United States-privileges purchased by
reciprocity advantages beyond the power of any other nation to concede. I have
also insisted that it would amount to a violation of the sovereignty of this Kingdom
for Great Britain to assume to dictate to the Hawaiian Government what differential
rate of customs should be levied upon British goods as compared with those of other
countries, taxation being an incident of sovereignty.
2. Finding that the British Government insisted upon its claim, the Hawaiian Government gave one year's notice (under the seventeenth article), terminating the
fourth, fifth, and sixth articles of the Anglo-Hawaiian treaty of 1851-'52. (This would
take effect July 3, 1878.)
3. This was resented by the British Government as "unfriendly" action.
4. Mr. Henry A. P. Carter was sent as Hawaiian envoy to England to settle the
dispute. Major Wodehouse, alarmed by threats of annexation to the United States
rather than submit to the demands of Great Britain, accompanied Mr. Carter to San
Francisco, where he applied for and received telegraphic leave from Lord Derby to
proceed to England with Mr. Carter.
5. In London Lord Derby proposed to Mr. Carter that England would drop the
whole matter if the Hawaiian Government would withdraw its denunciation of the
fourth, fifth, and sixth articles, and would attach the free schedule of the American
treaty to an agreement that none of the articles in that schedule should be taxed
more than 10 per cent if British product rejected. (My dispatch No. 43 is full on this
and subsequent points.)
6. The notice of discontinuance was withdrawn as to all but first paragraph of
fourth article.
7. In legislative assembly of 1878, a large and noisy party of British sympathizers
attacked the Government severely and threatened the reciprocity treaty so seriously
that I wrote a note of warning and protest to the minister of foreign affairs (appears
as inclosure No. 4 with my dispatch No. 43) which was subsequently approved
by Mr. Evarts Secretary of State.
8. The Hawaiian treaty was amended substantially as suggested by Lord Derby
(10 per cent ad valorem horizontal). It was supposed that this would end the matter of the British Claims, but
9. About the beginning of the present year, Mr. Theo. H. Davies, acting British
consul-general, a merchant doing large business here and one of the claimants,
wrote (unofficially) to the minister of finance on behalf of the claimants, demanding a refund of duties paid under protest pending the termination of the first clause
in the fourth article of the British treaty.
10. The minister of finance referred the claimants to the Hawaiian courts.
11. The British commissioner then made official demand for diplomatic(executive)
settlement.
12. The Hawaiian mininister informed Major Wodehouse that he would lay the
matter before cabinet council.
The minister of foreign affairs informed Major Wodehouse that the action of the
minister of finance was sustained by cabinet council, and that the claimants were
remanded to the courts accordingly.
14. Major Wodehouse replied that he could not accept that form and would report
to his Government for further instructions.
15. The Hawaiian minister wrote a brief note, simply acknowledging Major Wodehouse's note without comment.
16. Major Wodehouse wrote a severe reply, complaining that the Hawaiian minister had omitted to say that he would give due consideration to Major Wodehouse's
note, or words to that effect.
17. I am informed by a member of the cabinet that the minister (Mr. Green) will
make a brief and dignified protest against the tone of Major Wodehouse's note, and
will say (substantially) that, Major W. having been already fully notified that the
matter had been considered by His Majesty's Government and the claimants referred
to the courts, and he himself having notified the Hawaiian Government that he had
referred the matter to the British secretary, then, in that case, there was nothing
further to consider at present, and Major Wodehouse's complaint was without
foundation.
Here the matter rests.
This dispatch drew from Mr. Blaine, June 30, 1881, an explicit instruction setting forth the views of this Government as to the impossi



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                       831
bility of a grant by the Hawaiian Government of any of the privileges
exclusively given the United States by the treaty of 1875 without a
violation of that treaty. He said:
You will add that, if any other power should deem it proper to employ undue influence upon the Hawaiian Government to persuade or compel action in derogation of
this treaty, the Government of the United States will not be unobservant of its rights
and interests and will be neither unwilling nor unprepared to support the Hawaiian
Government in the faithful discharge of its treaty obligations. (Appendix.)
The revival of the subject of coolie immigration from British India
and an expression of the views of the British commissioner at Honolulu respecting the means by which such immigration should be promoted and such immigrants protected and controlled, together with a
resuscitation, by Major Wodehouse, of the Lackawanna incident, and the
adhesive character of the British claims arising from the reciprocity
treaty, were together the moving cause of considerable correspondence
designed to instruct the United States minister very fully respecting the
established and continued policy of this Government. On December
1, 1881, Mr. Blaine said:
It [this Government] firmly believes that the position of the Hawaiian Islands as
the key to the dominion of the American Pacific demands their benevolent neutrality,
to which end it will earnestly cooperate with the native Government. And if,
through any cause, the maintenance of such a position of benevolent neutrality
should be found by Hawaii to be impracticable, this Government would then unhesitatingly meet the altered situation by seeking an avowedly American solution for
the grave issues presented. (Appendix.)
In 1883 the Government of the United States was invited to concur
in a protest by the Hawaiian Government against the extension of their
respective territories by Great Britain and France in Polynesia, by annexation of the New Hebrides, the Solomon Islands, and adjacent
groups. Mr. Frelinghuysen on December 6, 1883, declined to concur,
because, as he wrote, " while we could not *   *  *  view with complacency any movement tending to the extinction of the national life of
the intimately connected commonwealths of the Northern Pacific, the
attitude of this Government towards the distant outlying groups of
Polynesia is necessarily different;" and he added that the President
" does not regard the matter as one calling for the interposition of the
United States, either to oppose or support the suggested measure."
(Appendix.)
In the same year the reciprocity treaty between the United States
and Hawaii reached the limit of its duration, subject to twelve months'
notice from either power to the other of its desire to terminate the compact. Negotiations looking to the extension of this agreement were set
on foot by the Hawaiian Government and the project was discussed in
Congress and in the diplomatic correspondence with the ultimate result
of a convention of renewal, etc., concluded December 6,1884, at Washington, in three articles, of which Article I renewed the treaty for a
period of seven years and Articles II and III provided, respectively:
ARTICLE II.
His Maj esty the King of the Hawaiian Islands grants to the Government of the United
States the exclusive right to enter the harbor of Pearl River, in the Island of Oahu,
and to establish and maintain there a coaling and repair station for the use of vessels
of the United States, and to that end the United States may improve the entrance
to said harbor and do all other things needful to the purpose aforesaid.
ARTICLE III.
The present convention shall be ratified and the ratifications exchanged at Washington as soon as possible.




832                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
The convention was not however ratified and proclaimed until November, 1887, owing to considerable opposition to the extension of the
original compact by the sugar interests of this country and further discussion of the subject in Congress. The extension of the treaty and
the Pearl River Harbor cession were also opposed by Great Britain
as the general policy of that Government. (Appendix.)
In May, 1873, Gen. Schofield, under confidential instructions from
the Secretary of War, made a full report upon the value of Pearl River
Harbor as a coaling and repair station, recommending its acquisition,
and later he appeared before a committee of the House of Representatives to urge the importance of some measure looking to the control of
the Sandwich Islands by the United States. (Appendix.)
The question of connecting the islands by cable with Australia and
the United States was presented to this Government by our minister
in August, 1884, by his report of proposals of the Australasian Cable
Syndicate in relation to the laying of an ocean cable from Brisbane to
San Francisco, via Honolulu. This syndicate secured the introduction
and passage of an act by the Hawaiian legislature providing a subsidy
of not more than $20,000 for a period limited to fifteen years. Owing
to the failure to secure landing privileges at San Francisco before 1886
this act was then amended so as to provide for the landing of the cable
at any other port or place on the North American continent, presumably in the interest of the Canadian Pacific Railway Company's telegraphic system. While the sentiment in the islands favored a terminus
in the United States, the project of Mr. Coote, a British subject, was a
terminus in British Columbia. Further legislation on the subject drew
from the British commissioner a protest against the granting of exclusive privileges to any persons for the landing of a cable from any
British territory on any of the Hawaiian Islands and the assertion on
the part of the Kitig's Government of their right to control the matter as
they believed best. In 1891-'92 a cable survey was made by the U. S.
S. Albatross, of the Fish Commission, and lines of sounding were run
from the Californian coast, Salinas Landing, Monterey Bay, to Honolulu.
In 1886 a bill was passed by the legislature and approved by the
King to negotiate a loan of $2,000,000 and pledge the revenues of the
Kingdom for its. repayment. An English syndicate had the matter in
charge. Its objects were the liquidation of certain outstanding bonds
and the prosecution of domestic improvements. The loan under such
conditions was successfully opposed by this Government under the
exclusive privileges granted the United States by the reciprocity treaty.
(Appendix.)
Early in 1887 the subject of a proposed treaty of political alliance or
confederation between the Hawaiian and Samoan Kings was brought
to the attention of this Government with a view to its advice and its
approval of the project; but Mr. Bayard pointed out the inexpediency
of such a compact and withheld approval. (Appendix.)
On the 23d of December, 1887, the minister of Great Britain at
Washington handed the following memorandum to Mr. Bayard:
WASHINGTON, December 83, 1887.
England and France by the convention of November 28, 1843, are bound to consider the Sandwich Islands as an independent state and never to take possession,
either directly or under the title of a protectorate or any other form, of any part of
the territory of which they are composed.
The best way to secure this object would, in the opinion of Her Majesty's Government, be that the powers chiefly interested in the trade of the Pacific should join in
making a formal declaration similar to that of 18A3 above alluded to, and that the




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


833


United States Government should, with England and Germany, guarantee the neutrality and equal accessibility of the islands and their harbors to the ships of all
nations without preference.
To this communication Mr. Bayard replied:
PERSONAL.]                            DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 15, 1888.
DEAR SIR LIONEL: After reading the memorandum of Lord Salisbury in relation
to the Sandwich Islands, it does not occur to me that I can add anything to what I
stated to you orally in our interview on the 23d of December last, when you first
sent it to me.
I was glad to find that you quite understood and had conveyed to your Government the only significance and meaning of the Pearl Harbor concession by the
Hawaiian Government, as provided in the late treaty of that Government with the
United States, and that it contained nothing to impair the political sovereignty of
Hawaii.
The existing treaties of the United States and Hawaii create, as you are aware,
special and important reciprocities, to which the present material prosperity of
Hawaii may be said to owe its existence, and by one of the articles the cession of
any part of the Hawaiian territory to any other government without the consent of
the United States is inhibited.
In view of such existing arrangements it does not seem needful for the United
States to join with other governments in their guaranties to secure the neutrality of
Hawaiian territory, nor to provide for that equal accessibility of all nations to those
ports which now exists.
I am, etc.,
T. F. BAYARD.
The direct and immediate motive of Great Britain in this correspondence is not evident; but it is obviously to be discovered in certain closely
anterior events, sufficiently well known at the time. But a little while
before an understanding had been reached between England and Germany relative to a division of a great area of the Pacific Ocean; the
attitude then lately assumed by this Government respecting Samoan
affairs had perhaps been the cause of some surprise and, it may be, a
little apprehension in this direction on the part of Her Majesty's Government, and the frankness with which we shall see the British consulgeneral in Hawaii cautioning the King's Government against any exclusive concession of a naval station to any foreign power is no less
useful a key to the action of Sir Lionel West. The causes, then, of
this step were complicated; jealousy of the United States led to the
inclusion of this Government in a project for an agreement prompted
by jealousy of Germany, and France was relegated to the convention
of 1843 by force of more pressing circumstances.
While Mr. Bayard, in February, 1888, was writing his answer to Sir
Lionel, the British commissioner at Honolulu, formally protested against
the grant to the United States of the exclusive use of Pearl River Harbor as a coaling and repair station, by Article II of the supplementary
convention extending    our reciprocity treaty, and argued that the
Hawaiian Government was estopped from this action by the provisions
of Article II of the King's treaty with Great Britain, granting to vessels
of war liberty of entry to all harbors to which such ships of other
nations "1 are or may be permitted to come." And he said:
Under instructions from Her Majesty's Government I have already pointed out to
the Government of His Hawaiian Majesty that the acquisition by a foreign power
of a harbor, or preferential concession in the Hawaiian Islands, would infallibly
lead to the loss of the independence of the islands; but this consideration has not
prevented His Hawaiian Majesty's Government from proceeding to the ratification
of the supplementary convention with the United States, and although Her Majesty's Government are informed that by an exchange of notes between the Hawaiian
minister at Washington and Mr. Bayard it is declared that the article in question
S. Rep. 227.   53




834                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
(No. II) does not subtract from Hawaiian jurisdiction; that it gives no right of
property in the harbor or cession of territory; that no exclusive right is conferred
commercially, and that it terminates with the original treaty of 1875, whenever
notice of such a termination is given. (Appendix.)
The question was ably treated by the Hawaiian minister for foreign
affairs, and the privileges granted this Government clearly defined.
(Appendix.)
On the 30th of July, 1889, an insurrection was set on foot by Robert
W. Wilcox and Robert Boyd, two half-caste Hawaiians, who, on the
afternoon of the same day, together with their adherents, about 100 in
number, were defeated. The ringleader, with about 60 of his followers,
was imprisoned. About 70 sailors and marines from the U. S. S. Adams,
then in the harbor, were landed by permission with a machine gun to
protect life and property at the legation and in the city, and their appearance on the streets had a favorable effect on the populace. Remaining over night, quartered at the armory, they returned on board
the next morning when tranquility was restored. (Appendix.)
A dispute between the King and the cabinet, of a constitutional scope,
was decided by the supreme court, against the King, just after the
attempt at revolution; and it was determined that his signature was
subject to the direction of the cabinet whenever required on public
documents, and that the Government in all its departments must be
conducted by that council. This controversy received the attentive
consideration of all the foreign representatives, and its termination, ah
recited, appears to have been accepted with general satisfaction.
On the 20th of March, 1890, Mr. Blaine wrote inviting the King of
the Hawaiian Islands to participate in the International American Conference, then in session at Washington. This invitation was extended
in pursuance of a resolution of Congress adopted upon the President's
recommendation. In consequence of the adjournment of the Conference
sine die before Mr. Carter, the delegate from Hawaii, could present his
credentials, lie did not participate in its deliberations. Upon Mr.
Blaine's invitation, however, Mr. Carter, on the 28th of April, after the
adjournment, announced his appointment as delegate and expressed his
regret at its arrival too late to permit his attendance on the Conference;
but at the same time signified the probable accession of his Government
to its conclusions.
In December, 1890, Kalakaua, the King, arrived in the United States
on a friendly visit, and died at San Francisco, January 20, 1891. His
body was returned to Honolulu on board the U. S. S. Charleston, the
flagship of Rear-Admiral Brown, which arrived in that harbor January
29; whereupon the Princess Liliuokalani, regent during the King's
absence, was proclaimed Queen. (Appendix.)
Considerable doubt and fear seem to have prevailed with the better
element of the people in regard to the course of the new Queen, as
the matter is reported by Mr. Stevens. On the 22d of February, 1891,
he wrote:
The present ministry has been but a few months in office and the best men of
the islands, including nearly all the principal business men, wish the present ministry to remain, who, by the present constitution, are chiefly independent of tl h
Crown, and can not be removed except by impeachment or by the votes of the
legislature. Under her extreme notions of sovereignty and the influence of her bad
advisers, the Queen is trying to force the resignation of the ministers and to get
a cabinet comp(ased of her tools. So far the ministers have refused to resign,
and the best public opinion increases in their support. Should the supreme court
sustain the right of the ministers, which is very clearly and strongly intrenched in
the constitution, the ministers will be supported by such a united determination
of the business men and other better citizens of the islands as will force the




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


835


Queen to yield. If she should still persist and attempt to form a ministry of her own,
without the consent of the legislature, she willsurely imperil her throne. She is
well known to be much more stubborn in character than her brother, the late King,
but my present belief is that she will finally yield to the legal and other legitimate
forces operative against her present course and place herself in the hands of the
conservative and respectable men of the country as the only way to retain her
throne.
Early in the spring of 1891 the supreme court decided that the Cabinet of the late King ceased to have legal existence at his death. A
new Cabinet was appointed which seemed to give general satisfaction
and somewhat to allay earlier apprehensions touching the probable
course of the Queen. Mr. Stevens, however, expressed some lack of
faith in the minister of finance.
In September, 1891, Mr. Stevens wrote that the prince consort, husband of Queen Liliuokalani, a native of New York and strongly
American in his sympathies, had died August 27, 1891.
At the same time the minister reported a project for a revision of the
reciprocity treaty between this Government and Hawaii, prompted by
the removal of the tariff on sugar, which materially, if not vitally,
affected the principal interests of the islands. Late in 1891, Mr. Mott
Smith was appointed a special envoy to the United States to negotiate
such an agreement, and a legislature favorable to the treaty was elected
in February, 1892.
In a confidential communication of March 8, 1892, Mr. Stevens reports revolutionary plans to be held in check solely by the presence of
an United States naval vessel, and describes a very general sentiment
of hostility to the succession of the " half English" heir to the throneat the time being educated in England-and a growing inclination
among all classes towards annexation to the United States. (Appendix.)
Mr. Stevens's dispatches continue to be of the same tenor. The subjection of the queen to the influences of a half-caste Tahitian of the
name of Wilson, and marshal of the Kingdom, since soon after her accession, continued to excite considerable dissatisfaction, and revolutionary schemes were rife throughout the year. The attitude of the
Queen and her immediate entourage was one of arrogance. Late in
August or early in September the cabinet was voted out, and a deadlock followed between the Queen and the legislature. The new cabinet
was objectionable to the better elements, but a vote of want of confidence sufficiently decisive to bring on the crisis was not secured until
the 17th October. The minister said in his dispatch of October 19,
1892, on the situationMy present impression is, that the Queen and her faction will have to yield.
Otherwise the entire overthrow of the monarchy could not be long delayed.
In his No. 74, of November 20, Mr. Stevens gave a full statement of
the financial, agricultural, social, and political condition of the islands,
and said:
One of two courses seems to me absolutely necessary to be followed: Either bold
and vigorous measures for annexation or a " customs union," an ocean cable from the
Californian coast to Honolulu, Pearl Harbor perpetually ceded to the United States,
with an implied but not necessarily stipulated American protectorate over the islands.
Reports to the Secretary of the Navy-especially those beginning
with one from Rear-Admirl Brown, dated September 6, 1892-corroborated the American minister's accounts and forecasts of events in Hawaii until, on the 28th of January, telegraphic news was received from
both sources of the accomplishment of a peaceful revolution at Honolulu and the dethronement of the Queen. (Appendix.)




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


The correspondence examined in the preparation of this report indicates the general policy of; this Government towards the Hawaiian
Islands to have been, from 1820 to 1893, one of close friendship and
protection, prompted by a desire for the welfare and autonomy of the
islands and a careful preservation of American rights and territory on
this continent. The active intervention of foreign powers in the affairs
of Hawaii is shown to have been uniformly regarded with distrust, and
a determined attitude against it seems to have been frankly assumed
whenever occasion called for an expression of purpose upon the subject
from the United States. This view of the common interests of the two
countries several times contemplated annexation as a necessity under
apprehended foreign encroachment at Honolulu, and once, if not more
than once, as the positive policy of this Government-notably in the
administration of President Pierce.
Respectfully submitted.
ANDREW H. ALLEN,
Chief, Bureau of Rolls and Library.
[The narrative of events from the 17th of January, 1893, is continued
in the report accompanying the President's message of February 15,
1893, sending to the Senate the treaty concluded and signed at Washington, February 14, 1893, by the Secretary of State of the United
States and the representatives of the Provisional Government of the
Hawaiian Islands.]




APPENDIX.
The time and assistance available in the preparation of the foregoing
report and this appendix have not been sufficient to render a full presentation of the correspondence involved practicable here. The purpose of this supplement therefore is to give a general view of the
progress of events and to submit copies of all papers of ascertained
importance to a clear understanding and reinforcement of the narrative,
except those published in the volumes of Foreign Relations of the
United States and other volumes, to which reference is noted in a
bibliographical paragraph.
It has been deemed neither necessary nor advisable to touch upon
the subject of private claims of the citizens or subjects of either
country against the government of the other, as none of the claims
adverted to in the consular or diplomatic correspondence appears to
have become at any time matter of special or separate negotiation or
to have reached a position of adequate moment to demand any further
action than the exercise of good offices by the diplomatic representative of the Government of the claimant.
Three unperfected treaties described in the correspondence are deposited in this Bureau, those of 1849, 1855, and 1867, respectively.
A considerable volume of correspondence upon Hawaiian relations will
be found in the archives of the Navy Department, should it be regarded
as desirable to examine letters of naval officers of the United States in
support or elaboration of the consular and diplomatic letters given or
referred to in the list of papers.
The present report and appendix bring the narrative down to the
revolution of January 17, 1893, from which point it is continued in the
report accompanying- the President's message of February 15, 1893,
scending to the Senate the treaty concluded and signed at Washington,
February 14, 1893, by the Secretary of State of the United States and
the representatives of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian
Islands.
A list of papers, chronologically arranged, follows, and is, in its turn,
followed by a brief subject index for more convenient reference.
A. H. A.
BUREAU OF ROLLS AND LIBRARY, February 14, 1893.
837




838                        HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.
LIST OF PAPERS.
[The arrangement is chronological.]
Treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation between the United States and the
Sandwich Islands, signed at Honolulu, December 23, 1826.
Letter to the Secretary of the Navy from Thomas ap Catesby Jones, December 25,
1826. Extract.
Extract of letter to William Bolton Finch, U. S. S. tVicennes, January 20, 1829.
Treaty between Great Britain and Hawaii of November 16, 1836, signed at Honolulu.
Treaty between France and Hawaii, signed at Honolulu, July 12, 1839.
Treaty between France and Hawaii, signed at Honolulu, July 17, 1839.
Message of the President of December 31, 1842. (H. R. Ex. Doe. No. 35, Twentyseventh Congress, third session.)
Commercial Agent William Hooper's, No. 22, March 7, 1843.
Commercial Agent William H-ooper's, No. 23, March 11, 1843.
Commercial Agent William Hooper's, No. 28, August 15, 1843.
Mr. Webster to Mr. Brown, No. 7, March 15, 1843.
Commercial Agent Hooper's No. 28, August 15, 1843.
Mr. Brown to Mr. Webster, No. 5, October 26, 1843.
Mr. Brbwn to Mr. Webster, No. 6, November 4, 1843.
Declaration of Great Britain and France relating to independence of islands, London,
November 28, 1843.
Mr. Calhoun to Mr. Brown, No. 4, January 20, 1845.
Treaty of peace, amity, and colmmerce between France and Hawaii, signed at Honolulu, March 26, 1846.
Mr. Buchanan to Mr. Ten Eyck, Angust 28, 1848.
Article 6, treaty with France of July 17, 1849.
Mr. Ten Eyck to Mr. Buchanan, No. 55, September 3, 1849.
Mr. Turrill to Mr. Clayton, No. 30, September 4, 1849.
Treaty of friendship. commerce, and navigation between the United States and
Hawaiian Islands, concluded at Washington 20th December, 1849.
Messrs. Judd and Jarves to Mr. Clayton, May 30, 1850.
Mr. Clayton to Messrs. Judd and Jarves, June 3, 1850.
Mr. Clayton to Mr. Rives, No. 15, July 5, 1850.
Mr. Rives to Mr. Webster, No. 49, September 12, 1850.
Mr. Severance to Mr. Webster, No. 6, March 11, 1851.
Mr. Webster to Mr. Rives, No. 28, June 19, 1851.
Joint resolution of the nobles and representatives of June 21, 1851,
Mr. Rives to Mr. Webster, No. 95, July 8, 1851.
Mr. Webster to Mr. Severance, No. 4, July 14, 1851.
Confidential, Mr. Webster to Mr. Severance, July 14, 1851.
Mr. Rives to Mr. Webster, No. 97, July 22, 1851.
Mr. Rives to Mr. Seward, No. 109, October 30, 1851.
Mr. Marcy to Mr. Mason, No. 3, December 16, 1853.
Message of the President of March 3, 1854.
Treaty of reciprocity, unperfected, 1855.
(Bureau of Rolls and Library, Department of State.)
Mr. McBride to Mr. Seward, No. 9, October 9, 1863.
Mr. Seward to Mr. McBride, No. 10, January 14,1864.
Message of the President, February 5, 1864.
Mr. McBride to Mr. Seward, No. 37, September 16,1864.
Mr. McCook to Mr. Seward, No. 6, September 3, 1866.
Mr. McCook to Mr. Seward, private, June 7, 1867.
Mr. Seward to Mr. McCook, No. 33, July 13,1867.
Mr. McCook to Mr. Seward, No. 31, August 5,1867.
Mr. Sewaid to Mr. McCook, confidential, September 12, 1867.
Mr. Seward to Mr. McCook, No. 36, October 5, 1867.
Mr. Seward to Mr. Spalding, No. 42, July 5,1868.
Mr. McCook to Mr. Seward, No. 54, August 14, 1868, with inclosure.
Message of President Johnson, December 9, 1868.
Mr. Z. S. Spalding to Mr.  -    Spalding, April 14,1869.
Mr. McCook and Mr. De Varigny, notes of conversations, September 14, 1869, and Mr.
McCook and the King.
Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish, No. 189, February 7, 1873.
Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish, No. 190, February 10,1873.
Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish, No. 191, February 17, 1873.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                             830
Gen. Schofield to Gen. Belknap, May 8,1873.
Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish, No. 241, February 11, 1874.
Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish, No. 243, February 17,1874,
Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish, No. 245, February 20, 1874.
Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish, No. 291, October 12,1874.
Treaty between the United States and the Hawaiian Islands, Commercial Reciprocity, January 30,1875.
Treaty: Protocol of Conference, September 9, 1876. (Ratification of Commercial
Reciprocity.)
Mr. Evarts to Mr. Corwly, No. 28, August 6,1878. (See Foreign Relations of the United
States, 1878,)
Mr. Evarts to Mr. Comly, No. 81, November 13, 1880.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Comly, No. 102, June 30, 1881. (See Foreign Relations of the United
States, 1881.)
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Comly, No. 113, December 1, 1881. (See Foreign Relations of the
United States, 1881.)
Confidential, Mr. Blaine to Mr. Comly, December 1, 1881.
Mr. Frelinghuysen to Mr. Daggett, No. 42, December6, 1883. (See Foreign Relations
of the United States, 1883.)
Treaty: Hawaiian Islands Supplementary Convention, December 6, 1884. Reciprocity and Pearl River Harbor Cession.
Mr. Merrill to Mr. Bayard, No. 78, September 2, 1886.
Mr. Merrill to Mr. Bayard, No. 85, October 19, 1886.
Mr. Hastings to Mr. Bayard, No. 89, October 28, 1886.
Mr. Bayard to Mr. Merrill, No. 52, July 12, 1887. (See Foreignt Relations of the
United States, 1887.)
Mr. Merrill to Mr. Bayard, No. 173, February 24,1888. (See Foreign Relations of the
United States, 1888.)
Treaty: Parcels Post Convention between the United States and the Hawaiian Kingdom, December 19, 1888..Mr. Merrill to Mr. Blaine, No. 255, August 1, 1889.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 46, February 8, 1892.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 48, March 8, 1892.
Admiral Brown to the Secretary of the Navy, September 6, 1892.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, No. 74, November 20, 1892.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, No. 65, September 14, 1892.
Capt. Wiltse to the Secretary of the Navy, October 12, 1892.
Capt. Wiltse to the Secretary of the Navy, October 20, 1892.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, No. 72, October 31, 8892.
Capt. Wiltse to the Secretary of the Navy, November 1, 1892.
Capt. Wiltse to the Secretary of the Navy, November 9, 1892.
Message of the President, February 6, 1893. Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 45, 52d Cong. 2d sessADDENDA.
Treaty of amity, commerce, and unavigation, unperfected, 1849. (Bureau of Rolls
and Library, Department of State.)
Treaty of reciprocity, unperfected, 1867. (Bureau of Rolls and Library, Department of State.)
SUBJECT INDEX.
Annexation to the United States:
Mr. Severance to Mr. Webster, No. 6, March 11, 1851.
Mr. Webster to Mr. Severance, July 4,1851 (confidential).
Mr. Marcy to Mr. Mason, No. 3, December 16,1853.
Mr. McCook to Mr. Seward, No. 6, September 3.1866.
Mr. McCook to Mr. Seward (private), June 7,1867.
Mr. Seward to Mr. McCook, No. 33, July 13, 1867.
Mr. Seward to Mr. McCook (confidential), September 12,1867.
Mr. Seward to Mr. Spalding, No. 42, July 5, 1868.
Mr. Z. S. Spanlding to Mr. Spaulding, April 14,1869.
Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish, No. 189, February 7,1873.
Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish, No. 191, February 17,1873.
Gen. Schofield to Gen. Belknap, May 8,1873.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 46, February 8,1892.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 48, March 8,1892.
Admiral Brown to Secretary of Navy, September 6,1892.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Annexation to the United States-Continued.
Capt. Wiltse to the Secretary of Navy, October 12,1892.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, No. 74, November 20,1892.
Message of the President, February 6, 1893 (Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 45, Fifty-second
Congress, second session).
See Foreign Relations of the United States, 1881.
Cession of territory to the United States:
Proclamation of Kamehameha III of March 10, 1851.
Mr. Severance to Mr. Webster, No. 6, March 11, 1851.
Mr. McBride to Mr. Seward, No. 37, September 16,1864.
Mr. McCook and the King-conversation, September 14,1869.
Coolie trade:
Mr. McCook to Mr. Seward. No. 54, August 14, 1868, with inclosure.
See Foreign Relations of the United States, 1873, 1880, 1881, 1882, 1885, 1888,1889.
Declaration of Great Britain and France relative to independence of islands, London, November 28, 1843.
Hawaiian Islands:
Statement of financial, agricultural, social, and political conditions.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, No. 74, November 20, 1892.
Independence of islands:
Declaration of Great Britain and France, London, November 28, 1843.
Mr. Buchanan to Mr. Ten Eyck, August 28, 1848.
Mr. Webster to Mr. Severance, No. 4, July 14, 1851.
Mr. Buchanan to Mr. Ten Eyck, August 28, 1848.
Mr. Rives to Mr. Webster, No.97, July 22, 1851.
Mr. Rives to Mr. Seward, No. 109, October 30, 1851.
Japanese reciprocity treaty:
Mr. McCook to Mr. Seward, No. 32, August 5, 1867.
Kalakaua, King-death of, in the United States-(Foreign Relations United States,
1891).
"Lackawanna" (incident):
Mr. McCook to Mr. Seward, No. 31, August 5, 1867.
Mr. Seward to Mr. McCook, No. 36, October 5, 1867.
Mr. McCook and Mr. de Varigny-notes of conversations, September 14, 1869.
And Mr. McCook and the King.
Landing of naval force:
Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish, No. 241, February 11,1874.
Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish, No. 243, February 17,1874.
Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish, No. 245, February 20,1874.
Mr. Merrill to Mr. Blaine, No. 255, August 1,1889.
Lilioukalani, Queen, accession of.
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1891.
Liquor traffic:
Article 6, treaty with France of July 17,1849.
Mr. Evarts to Mr. Comly, No. 81, Nov. 13,1880. (Ralik Islands.)
Message of the President of December 31,1842:
House of Representatives Ex. Doc. No. 35, Twenty-seventh Congress, third session.
Message of December 9,1868, annexation.
Message of December 9, 1868, reciprocity.
Opposition of Great Britain to American interests:
Mr. McBride to Mr. Seward, No. 9, October 9, 1863.
Mr. Seward to Mr. McBride, No. 10, January 14, 1864.
Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish, No. 291, October 12, 1874.
Mr. Evarts to Mr. Comly, No. 28, August 6, 1878. (See Foreign Relations of the
United States, 1878.)
Mr. Blaine toMr. Comly, No. 102, June 30, 1881. (See Foreign Relations of the
United States, 1881.)
Mr. Merrill to Mr. Bayard, No. 78, September 2, 1886.
Mr. Merrill to Mr. Bayard, No. 85, October 19, 1886.
Mr. Hastings to Mr. Bayard, No. 89, October 28, 1886. (See Foreign Relations
of the United States, 1887.)
Mr. Merrill to Mr. Bayard, No. 173, February 24, 1888. (See Foreign Relations
of the United States, 1888.)
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, No. 65, September 14, 1892.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, No. 72, October 30, 1892.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, No. 74, November 30,1892. (See Foreign Relations of
the United States, 1878,1887,1888.)
Pearl River HarborMr. Pierce to Mr. Fish, No. 190, February 10, 1873.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Pearl River Harbor-Continued.
General Schofield to General Belknap, May 8, 1873, report.
Supplementary convention, December 6, 1884.
Mr. Merrill to Mr. Bayard, No. 173, February 24, 1888. (See Foreign Relations
of the United States, 1888.)
See Foreign Relations of the United States, 1888.
Policy of the United StatesPresident's Message December 31, 1842. (I. R. Ex. J)oc. No. 35, Twenty-seventh
Congress, Third session.)
Mr. Webster to George Brown, No. 7, March 15, 1843.
Mr. Brown to Mr. Webster, No. 5, October 26, 1843.
Mr. Brown to Mr. Webster, No. 6, November 4, 1843.
Mr. Webster to Mr. Severance, No. 4, July 14,1851.
Confidential, Mr. Webster to Mr. Severance, July 14, 1851.
Mr. McBride to Mr. Seward, No. 9, October 9, 1863.
Mr. McCook to Mr. Seward, n'o. 6, September 3, 1866.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Comly, No. 113, December 1, 1881. (See Foreign Relations of
tile United States, 1881.)
Confidential, Mr. Blaine to Mr. Comly, December 1, 1881.
Mr. Frelinghuysen to Mr. Daggett, No. 42, December 6, 1883. (See Foreign Relations of the United States, 1883.)
Hawaiian-Samoan Convention. (See Foreign Relations of the United States,
1887.)
Mr. Bayvard to Mr. Merrill, No. 52, July 12, 1887. (See Foreign Relations of the
United States, 1887.)
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 48, March 8, 1892.
Message of the President, February 6, 1893. (Sen. Ex. Doe. No. 45, Fifty-second
Congress, second session.)
See Foreign Relations of the United States, 1881, 1883, 1888.
Presents sent to the chiefs of the islands:
Extract of letter to William Bolton Finch, U. S. S. Vincennes, 20th January, 1829.
Protection of foreigners:
Letter to the Secretary of the Navy from Thomas ap Catesby Jones, December
25, 1826. Extract.
ReciprocityUnperfected treaty of 1855. (Bureau of Rolls and Library, Department of State.)
Message of the President, February 5, 1864.
Mr. McCook to Mr. Seward, private, June 7, 1867.
Mr. McCook to Mr. Seward, No. 31, August 5, 1867.
Mr. Seward to Mr. McCook, confidential, September 12, 1867.
Mr. Seward to Mr. McCook, No. 36, October 5, 1867.
Unperfected treaty of 1867 (Bureau of Rolls and Library, Department of State).
Mr. Z. S. Spalding to Mr. -   Spalding, April 14, 1869.
Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish, No. 189, February 7, 1873.
Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish, No. 190, February 10, 1873.
Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish, No. 191, February 17, 1873.
Gen. Schofield to Gen. Belkliap, May 8, 1873.
Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish, No. 291, October 12, 1874.
Treaty of January 30, 1875.
Protocol of Conference, September 9, 1876.
Mr. Evarts to Mr. Comly, No. 28, August 6, 1878. Favored Nation clause. (See
Foreign Relations of the United Slates, 1878).
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Comly, No. 102, June 30, 1881. Construction of the treaty.
(See Foreign Relations of the United States, 1881).
Supplementary Convention, December 6, 1884.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 46, February 8, 1892, revision.
See Foreign Relations of the United States, 1874, 1875, 1876, 1877, 1879, 1881,
1887.
Restoration of the islands in 1843 -Commercial Agent Hooper's No. 28, August 15, 1843.
Mr. Brown to Mr. Webster, No. 5, October 26, 1843.
Mr. Brown to Mr. Webster, No. 6, November 4, 1843.
Revolution, organized party forMr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 48, March 8, 1892.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, No. 65, September 14, 1892.
Political situationCapt. Wiltse to the Secretary of the Navy, October 20, 1892.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, No. 72, October 31, 1892.
Capt. Wiltse to the Secretary ot the Navy, November 1, 1892.
Capt. Wiltse to the Secretary of the Navy, November 9, 1892.




842                        HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.
Seizure of the islands by the British in 1843 -Commercial Agent Wmn. Hooper's No. 22, March 7,1843.
Commercial Agent Wm. Hooper's No. 23, March 11, 1843.
Commercial Agent Win. Hooper's No. 28, August 15, 1843.
Message of the President of March 3, 1854.
Seizure of islands by the French in 1849 -Mr. Ten Eyck to Mr. Buchanan, No. 55, September 3, 1849
Mr. Turrill to Mr. Clayton, No. 30, September 4, 1849.
Messrs. Judd and Jrarves to Mr. Clayton, May 30, 1850.
Mr. Clayton to Messrs. Judd and Jarves, June 3, 1850.
Mr. Clayton to Mr. Rives, No. 15, July 5, 1850.
Mr. Rives to Mr. Webster, No. 49, September 12, 1850.
Mr. Severance to Mr. Webster, No. 6, March 11, 1851.
Mr. Webster to Mr. Severance, No. 4, July 14, 1851.
Mr. Webster to Mr. Rives, No. 28, June 19, 1851.
Joint Resolution of the nobles and representatives of June 21, 1851.
Mr. Rives to Mr. Webster, No. 95, July 8, 1851.
Mr. Webster to Mr. Severance, No. 4, July 14, 1851.
Mr. Rives to Mr. Webster, No. 97, July 22, 1851.
Mr. Rives to Mr. Seward, No. 109, October 30, 1851.
Treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation between the United States and
the Sandwich Islands, signed at Ilonolulu, Decelmber 23, 1826.
Treaty between Great Britain and Hawaii of November 16, 1836, signled at Honolulu.
Treaty between France and Hawaii, signed at Honolulu July 12, 1839.
Treaty between France and Hawaii, signed at Honolulu July 17, 1839.
Treaty of peace, amity, and commerce between France and Ha waii, signed at
Honolulu March, 26, 1846.
Treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation between the United States and
Hawaiian Islands, concluded at Washington, December 20, 1849.
Treaty of reciprocity, unperfected, 1855. (Bureau of Rolls and Library, Department of State.
Treaty, unperfected treaty of reciprocity, 1867. (Bureau of Rolls and Library,
Department of State.)
Treaty between United States and the Hawaiian Islands, Commercial Reciprocity,
January 30, 1875.
Treaty: Protocol of Conference, September 9, 1876. Ratification of Commercial
Reciprocity.
Treaty, Hawaiian Islands.  Supplementary Convention, December 6, 1884. Reciprocity and Pearl River Harbor Cession.
Treaty, Parcels Post Convention between the United States and the Hawaiian Kingdom, December 19, 1888.
Visit of King Kalakaua:
Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish, No. 291, October 12, 1874.
Wiley case:
Proceedings on appeal from judgment of the inferior court. Mr. Calhoun to Mr.
Brown, No. 4, January 20, 1845.
Bibliography. Foreign Relations of the United States, volumes from 1871 to 1891;
International Law Digest, Wharton; Treaties and Conventions between the
United States and other Powers, 1776 to 1887; Treaties and Conventions of
the Kingdom of Hawaii, Honolulu, 1875; History Hawaiian Islands, Jarves,
4th ed,, with Appendix, Honolulu, 1872; Honolulu Directory and Historical
Sketch of the Sandwich Islands, by C. C. Bennett, Honolulu, 1869; Honolulu Sketches of Life in the Hawaiian Islands, 1828-1861, by Laura Fish
Judd, with Appendix, New York, 1880; Hawaiian Islands, Anderson, Boston,
1864; Sandwich Islands, Stewart, Boston, 1839; Sandwich Island Notes, Bates
(A. Haole), New York, 1854. (Histories by Dibble, Bingham, Nordhoff, Chaney,
and Miss Bird are mentioned, but have not been consulted.) Printed Confessional Documents; Forty-fourth Congress, first session, House Report No.
116, Parts 1 and 2; Forty-seventh Congress, second session, House Report
No. 1860, Parts 1 and 2; Forty-seventh Congress, second session, Senate
Report 1013; Forty-eighth Congress, first session, Senate Report No. 76,
Forty-ninth Congress, first session, House Report No. 1759; Forty-ninth
Congress, second session, House Ex. Doc. No. 130; Forty-ninth Congress,
second session, House Report No. 4177; Fifty-first Congress, second session,
House Report No. 3422; Fifty-first Congress, second session, House Report.
No. 3774; Fifty-first Congress, first session, House Report No. 627; Fiftyfirst Congress, first session, House Mis. Doc. 114; Fifty-second Congress,
first session, Senate Ex. Doc. No. 27; Fifty-second Congress, second session,
Senate Mis. Doc. No. 37.




Treaty of Friendship, Commerce, and NTavigation, betwemn Vie United
States and the Sandwich Islands, signed at Honolulu, December 23,
1826.
Articles of agreement made and concluded at Oahu, between Thomas
ap Catesby Jones, appointed by the United States, of the one part,
and Kauikeaouli, King of the Sandwich Islands and his guardians,
on the other part.
ARTICLE I. The peace and friendship subsisting between the United
States and their Majesties, the Queen Itegent and Kauikeaouli, King of
the Sandwich Islands, and their subjects and people, are hereby confirmed and declared to be perpetual.
II. The ships and vessels of the United States (as well as their consuls and all other citizens), within the territorial jurisdiction of the
Sandwich Islands, together with all their property, shall be inviolably
protected against all enemies of the United States in time of war.
III. The contracting parties, being desirous to avail themselves of the
bounties of Divine Providence, by promoting the commercial intercourse
and friendship subsisting between the respective nations; for the better
security of these desirable objects, their Majesties bind themselves to
receive into their ports and harbours, all ships and vessels of the United
States, and to protect to the utmost of their capacity all such ships and
vessels, their cargoes, officers, and crews, so long as they shall behave
themselves peacefully, and not infringe the established laws of the land;
the citizens of the United States being permitted to trade freely with
the people of the Sandwich Islands.
IV. Their Majesties do further agree to extend the fullest protection
within their control to all ships and vessels of the United States which
may be wrecked on their shores, and to render every assistance in their
power to save the wreck and her apparel and cargo; and, as a reward
for the assistance and protection which the people of the Sandwich
Islands shall afford to all such distressed vessels of the United States,
they shall be entitled to a salvage or a portion of the property so saved;
but such salvage shall in no case exceed one-third of the vessel saved,
which valuation is to be fixed by a commission of disinterested persons,
who shall be chosen equally by the parties.
V. Citizens of the United States, whether resident or transit, engaged
in commerce or trading to the Sandwich Islands, shall be inviolably
protected in their lawful pursuits, and shall be allowed to sue for and
recover by judgment all claims against the subjects of His Majesty the
King according to strict principles of equity and the acknowledged
practice of civilized nations.
VI. Their Majesties do further agree and bind themselves to discountenance and use all practicable, means to prevent desertion from
all American ships which visit the Sandwich Islands; and to that end
it shall be made the duty of all governors, magistrates, chiefs of districts, and all others in authority, to apprehend all deserters and to
deliver them over to the master of the vessel from which they have
843




844                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
deserted; and for the apprehension of 'every such deserter who shall
be delivered over as aforesaid, the master, owner, or agent shall pay to
the person or persons apprehending such deserter the sum of 6 dollars,
if taken on the side of the island near which the vessel is anchored;
but if taken on the opposite side of the island the sum shall be 12 dollars, and if taken on any other island the reward shall be 24 dollars,
and shall be a just charge against the wages of every such deserter.
VII. No tonnage dues or impost shall be exacted of any citizen of
the United States which is not paid by the citizens or subjects of the
nation most favored in commerce with the Sandwich Islands; and the
citizens or subjects of the Sandwich Islands shall be allowed to trade
with the United States and her territories upon principles of equal
advantage with the most favored nation.
Done in council at Honolulu, Island of Oahu, this 23rd day of December, in the year of our Lord 1826.
THOS. AP CATESBY JONES.
ELISABETA KAAHUIIMANU.
KARAIMOKU.
BOKI.
HOAPILI.
LIDIA NAMaAHANA.
[From Jones, December 25, 1826, dated.onolulu.J
Says that the state of affairs in regard to foreigners being protected
is in a bad condition and that his services are really required at the
islands to protect the seamen.
"On the 23d instant I concluded some arrangements with the Government of these islands calculated to secure our interest in this quarter
and suppress the evils which have hitherto existed. I have also secured
satisfactory pledges for the speedy payment of the large claims held by
American citizens against the islanders. In short, I hope it will be
proved that the Peacock's visit to the Sandwich and Society Islands
has in some degree accomplished the main object of the cruise."
[To Wim. Bolton Finch, U. S. S. Vincennes, January 20,1829.]
" Chaplain Stewart hlas in his care and will deliver to you a letter to
King Kamehameha, a few presents from our Government to the principal chiefs of the Sandwich Islands. You will deliver them to the persons
for whom they are intended.
"Remain from two to three weeks, or as long as shall be thought
expedient for careful to cultivate the most friendly relations and to
procure from our consular and commercial agent or from other sources
every information respecting our commercial and other interests which
may be practicable."
Instructions to reclaim deserting sailors, and to make inquiries into
the state of our commerce, etc.
[No mention made of the treaty of December 23, 1826.]




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                    845
(2) English treaty of Lord Edward Russell, November 16, 1836.
Articles made and agreed on at Honolulu, island of Oahu, the 16th of
November, 1836.
ARTICLE I. English subjects shall be permitted to come with their
vessels, and property of whatever kind, to the Sandwich Islands; they
shall also be permitted to reside therein, as long as they conform to the
laws of these islands, and to build houses, and warehouses for their
merchandise, with the consent of the King; and good friendship shall
continue between the subjects of both countries, Great Britain and the
Sandwich Islands.
ARTICLE 11. English subjects, resident at the Sandwich Islands, are
at liberty to go to their own country, or elsewhere, either in their own
or any other vessel; they mlay dispose of their effects, enclosures,
houses. &c., with the previous knowledge of the King, and take the
value with them, without any impediment whatever. The land on
which houses are built is the property of the King, but the King shall
have no authority to destroy the houses, or in any way injure the
property of any British subject.
ARTICLE 1.I. When an English subject dies on the Sandwich
Islands, his effects shall not be searched or touched by any of the
governors or chiefs, but shall be delivered into the hands of his executors or heirs, if present; but if no heir or executor appear, the consul
or his agent shall be executor for the same; if any debts were owing to
the deceased, the governor of the place shall assist and do all in his
power to compel the debtors to pay their debts to the heirs or executor,
or the consul, in case no heir or executor appears, and the consul is to
inform the King of the death of every British subject leaving property
upon the Sandwich Islands.
KAMEHAMEHA III.
EDWARD RUSSEL,
Captain of H. B. M. S. Acteon.
[Translatior.]
Treaty concluded July 12, 1839, between the King of the Sandwich Islands
and Capt. Laplace, commanding the French frigate Artemise, acting in
the name of the King of the French.
ARTICLE 1. The Catholic worship is declared free in all the islands
subject to the King of the Sandwich (Islands); the members of that
communllion will enjoy there all the privileges granted to Protestants.
ART. 2. A piece of ground for a Catholic church will be granted by
the (Government at HEohorourou, a port frequented by the French, and
that Church will be served by priests of their nation.
ART. 3. All the Catholics imprisoned on account of their religion
since the last persecutions exercised against the French missionaries
will be immediately set at liberty.
ART. 4. The King of the Sandwich (Islands) will deposit in the hands
of the captain of the Artemrise the sum of twenty thousand dollars as a
guarantee of his future, conduct towards France, the Government of
which will restore him this sum when it shall deem that the clauses of




846


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


this treaty and those of the convention concluded with Captain DupetitThouars in July, 1837, have beenl faithfully executed.
ART. 5. The treaty, together with the sum mentioned above, will be
brought on board the frigate Artemise by one of the principal chiefs of
the country, and, at the same time, the batteries of I-onorourou will
salute the French flag with twenty-one guns, which will be returned by
the frigate.
Made and signed between the contracting parties July 12, 1839.
KAMEHAMEHA III.
C. LAPLACE,
Commanding the Artemise.
[Translation.]
Convention concluded July 17, 1839, between the King of the Sandwich
Islands, Katmehameha 111, and Captain. Laplace, commanding the
French frigate Artemise, representing his Government.
ARTICLE 1. There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between
the King of the French and the King of the Sandwich Islands.
ART. 2. Frenchmen shall be protected in an efficient manner, in
their persons and property, by the King of the SandWich Islands, who
will also grant them the necessary permission to prosecute those of his
subjects against whom they may have just claims.
ART. 3. Such protection shall extend to French vessels, their crews
and their officers.  In case of shipwreck, the chiefs and inhabitants of the various parts of the archipelago must lend them assistance
and protect them from pillage. The salvage dues will be settled, in
case of difficulty, by umpires appointed by both parties.
ART. 4. No Frenchman accused of any crime can be tried otherwise than by a jury composed of foreign residents, proposed by the
consul of France and accepted by the Government of the Sandwich
Islands.
ART. 5. The desertion of sailors employed on board the French vessels will be severely repressed by the local authorities, who must employ every meals at their comnmand to have the deserters arrested; and
the expenses of capture will be paid by the captains or owners of the
said vessels, in accordance with the tariff adopted by the nations.
A RT. 6. French goods, or those recognized as being of French origin,
and especially wines and brandies, can not be prohibited, nor pay an
import duty of more than five per cent ad valorem.
ART. 7. No tonnage or import duties can be required of French merchants, unless they are paid by the subjects of the most favored nation
in its comnnerce with the Sandwich Islands.
ART. 8. The subjects of King Kamehameha III shall be entitled, in
the French Possessions, to all the advantages enjoyed by the French
in the Sandwich Islands, and they shall be considered, moreover, as
belonging to the most favored nation, as regards its commercial relations with France.
Made and signed between the contracting parties, July 17, 1839.
KAMEHAMEHA III.
C. LAPLACE,
Captain, Commanding the Artemise.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


847


[House Ex. No. 35, Twenty-seventh Congress, third session.]
SANDWICH ISLANDS AND CHINA.
Message from the President of the United States, respecting the trade and
commerce of the United States with the Sandwich Islands and with diplomatic intercourse with their Government; also in relation to the new
position of affairs in China, growing out of the late war between Great
Britain and China, and recommending provision for a diplomatic agent.
DECEMBER 31, 1842.-Referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs.
To the House of Representatives of the United States:
I communicate herewith to Congress copies of a correspondence which
has recently taken place between certain agents of the Government of
the Hawaiian or Sandwich Islands and the Secretary of State.
The condition of those islands has excited a good deal of interest,
which is increasing by every successive proof that their inhabitants
are making progress in civilization, and becoming more and more conpetent to maintain regular and orderly civil government. They lie in
the Pacific Ocean, much nearer to this continent than the other, and
have become an important place for the refitment and provisioning of
American and European vessels.
Owing to their locality and to the course of the winds which prevail
in this quarter of the world, the Sandwich Islands are the stoppingplace for almost all vessels passing from continent to continent, across
the Pacific Ocean. They are especially resorted to by a great number
of vessels of the United States, which are engaged in the whale fishery
in those seas. The number of vessels of all sorts, and the amount of
property owned by citizens of the United States, which are found in
those islands in the course of a year, are stated, probably with sufficient
accuracy in the letter of the agents.
Just emergingfrom a state of barbarism, the Government of the islands
is as yet feeble; but its dispositions appear to be just and pacific, and
it seems anxious to improve the condition of its people, by the introduction of knowledge, of religious and moral institutions, means of
education, and the arts of civilized life.
It can not but be in conformity with the interest and wishes of the
Government and the people of the United States that this community
thus existing in the midst of a vast expanse of ocean should be respected, and all its rights strictly and conscientiously regarded. And
this must also be the true interest of all other commercial states. Far
remote from the dominions of European Powers, its growth and prosperity as an independent state may yet be in a high degree useful to
all whose trade is extended to those regions, while its near approach
to this continent, and the intercourse which American vessels have with
it-such vessels constituting five-sixths of all which annulally visit itcould not but create dissatisfaction on the part of the United States at
any attempt by another power, should such attempt be threatened or
feared, to take possession of the islands, colonize them, and subvert the
native Government. Considering, therefore, that the United States
possesses so very large a share of the intercourse with those islands, it
is deemed not unfit to make the declaration that their Government
seeks nevertheless no peculiar advantages, no exclusive control over
the Hawaiian Government, but is content with its independent existence, and anxiously wishes for its security and prosperity. Its forbear



848


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


ance in this respect, under the circumstances of the very large intercourse of their citizens with the islands, would justify the Government,
should events hereafter arise, to require it, in making a decided remonstrance against the adoption of an opposite policy by any other power.
Under the circumstances, I recommend to Congress to provide for a
moderate allowance to be made out of the Treasury to the consul residing there, that in a Government so new and a country so remote
American citizens may have respectable authority to which to apply
for redress, in case of injury to their person and property, and to whom
the Government of the country may also make known any acts committed by American citizens of which it may think it has a right to
complain.
Events of considerable importance have recently transpired in China.
The military operations carried on against the Empire by the English
Government have been terminated by a treaty according to the terms
of which four important ports hitherto shut against foreign commerce
are to be open to British merchants, viz, Amoy, Foo-Choo-Foo, Ningpo,
and Chinghai. It can not but be interesting to the mercantile interest
of the United States, whose intercourse with China at the single port
of Canton has already become so considerable, to ascertain whether
these other ports now open to British commerce are, to remain shut,
nevertheless, against the commerce of the United States. The treaty
between the Chinese Government and the British commissioner provides neither for the admission nor the exclusion of the ships of other
nations. It would seem, therefore, that it remains with every other
nation having commercial intercourse with China to seek to make
proper arrangements for itself with the Government of that Empire in
this respect.
The importations into the United States from China are known to be
large, having amounted in some years, as will be seen by the annexed
tables, to $9,000,000. The exports, too, from the United States to China,
constitute an interesting and growing part of the commerce of the
country. It appears that in the year 1841, in the direct trade between
the two countries, the value of the exports from the United States
amounted to $715,000 in domestic products and $485,000 in foreign
merchandise. But the whole amount of American produce which
finally reached China and is there consumed is not comprised in these
tables, which show only the direct trade. Many vessels with American
products on board sail with a primary destination to other countries,
but ultimately dispose of more or less of their cargoes in the port of
Canton.
The peculiarities of the Chinese Government and the Chinese character are well known. An Empire supposed to contain 300,000,000
of subjects, fertile in various rich products of the earth, not without the
knowledge of letters and of many arts, and with large and expensive
accommodations for internal intercourse and traffic, has for ages sought
to exclude the visits of strangers and foreigners from its dominions,
and has assumed for itself a superiority over all other nations. Events
appear likely to break down and soften this spirit of nonintercourse,
and to bring China ere long into the relations which usually subsist
between civilized States. She has agreed, in the treaty with England,
that correspondence between the agents of the two Governments shall
be on equal terms-a concession which it is hardly probable will hereafter be withheld from other nations.
It is true that the cheapness of labor among the Chinese, their inge.
nuity in its application, and the fixed character of their habits and




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   849
pursuits may discourage the hope of the opening of any great and
sudden demand for the fabrics of other countries; but experience
proves that the productions of Western nations find a market, to some
extent, among the Chinese; that that market, so far as respects the
productions of the United States, although it has considerably varied
in successive seasons, has on the whole more than doubled within the
last ten years; and it can hardly be doubted that the opening of several new and important ports, connected with parts of the Empire heretofore seldom visited by Europeans or Americans, would exercise a
favorable influence upon the demand for such products.
It is not understood that the immediate establishment of correspondent embassies and missions, oi the permanent residence of diplomatic functionaries, with full powers, of each country, at the court of
the other, is contemplated between England and China, although, as
has been already observed, it has been stipulated that intercourse between the two countries shall hereafter be on equal terms. An ambassador or envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary can
only be accredited, according to the usages of western nations, to the
head or sovereign of the state. And it may be doubtful whether the
court of Pekin is yet prepared to conform to these usages so far as to
receive a minister plenipotentiary to reside near it.
Being of opinion, however, that the commercial interests of the
United States, connected with China, require at the present moment a
degree of attention and vigilance such as there is no agent of this Government on the spot to bestow, I recommend to Congress to make appropriation for the compensation of a commissioner to reside ini China,
to exercise a watchful care over the concerns of American citizens and
for the protection of their persons and property; empowered to hold
intercourse with the local authorities, and ready, under instructions
from his Government, should such instructions become necessary and
proper hereafter, to address himself to the high functionaries of the
Empire, or through them to the Emperor himself.
It will not escape the observation of Congress that, in order to secure
the important objects of any such measure, a citizen of much intelligence and weight of character should be employed on such agency;
and that, to secure the services of such an individual, a compensation
should be made corresponding with the magnitude and importance of
the mission.
JOHN TYLER.
WASHINGTON, December 30, 1842.
Messrs. Richards and Haalilio to the Secretary of State.
WASHINGTON, December 14, 1842.
SIR: The undersigned having been duly commissioned by His Majesty Kamehameha III, King of all the Hawaiian Islands, to represent
his Government and promote its interests in the United States, wish
to call the attention of your Government to the existing relations between the two countries.
In the year 1826 articles of agreement, in the form of a treaty, were
entered into between His Majesty's Government andThomas ap Categby Jones, commanding the United States sloop of war Peacock. His.
Majesty has never received any notice of that treaty's being ratified,
S. Rep. 227- 54




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


nor intimation that it was approved by the Government of the United
States. His Majesty has, nevertheless, during the last sixteen years,
governed himself by the regulations of that treaty in all his intercourse
with citizens of the United States.
Subsequently to the above similar forms of agreement have been
entered into between His Majesty and officers commanding vessels of
war of different nations of Europe; but, so far as is known to the undersigned, those agreements have never received the sanction of their
several Governments.
These facts, viewed in connection with their attendant circumstances,
have led His Majesty to feel considerable embarrassment in managing
his foreign relations, and have awakened the very strong desire that his
Kingdom shall beformally acknowledged by the civilized nations of the
world as a sovereign and independent State.
His Majesty considers that this acknowledgment has already been
tacitly but virtually made, both in the United States and Europe, by the
appointment of consuls and commercial agents to reside in his dominions and by the formal manner in which the commanders of national
vessels have transacted business with him, many of whom have professedly acted under the express instructions of their several Governments.
But he is nevertheless of opinion that the time has now arrived when
both the interests and the honor of his Kingdom demand a more formal
acknowledgment than has hitherto been made by any foreign government. It is His Majesty's request that the Government of the
United States will take into consideration the nature, extent, and the
rapidity of those changes which have taken place in his dominions during the last few years-changes which he has the happiness to believe
are honorable both to his Government and to the people over whom it
rules.
Twenty-three years ago the nation had no written language and no
character in which to write it. The language had never been systematized nor reduced to any kind of form. The people had no acquaintance with Christianity nor with the valuable institutions or usages of
civilized life. The nation had no fixed form or regulations of government, except as they were dictated by those who were in authority or
might by any means acquire power. The right of property wasnot acknowledged, and was therefore but partially enjoyed; there were no
courts of justice and the will of the chieftains was absolute. The property of foreigners had no protection except in the kind disposition of
individuals. But uncer the fostering influence, patronage, and care of
His Majesty and of his predecessors the language has been reduced
to visible and systematized form and is now written by a large and respectable proportion of the people. Schools have been established
throughout his dominions and are supported principally by the Government, and there are but few among the younger people who are
unable to read. They have now, in their own language, a library, embracing a considerable variety of books on a variety of subjects, including the Holy Scriptures, works on natural history, civil history, church
history, geography, political economy, mathematics, and statute law,
besides a number of elementary books. A regular monarchical Government has been organized, of a limited and representative character,
a translation of the constitution of which we herewith transmit. A
code of laws, both civil and criminal, has been enacted and published.
The legislature holds an annual meeting, for the purpose of adding
to and amending this code. Courts of justice have been established
and regular trials by jury required in all important cases, Foreigners




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


851


of different nations have testified their confidence in these courts by
bringing suits in cases where many thousands of dollars' worth of
property was involved, and that, too, in cases when, with but very
short delay, they could have been carried before the courts of other
countries.
It has, moreover, been the uniform practice of consuls and commercial agents, resident il His Majesty's dominions, and also of all commanders of national vessels visiting those dominions, to demand all
that protection, both of persons and property, which is demanded of
sovereign and independent States, and this His Majesty believes has
been duly and efficiently extended. While, therefore, all is demanded
of his Government, and all is rendered by it which is demanded of or
rendered by the governments of sovereign and independent states, he
feels that he has a right to expect his state to be acknowledged as
such, and thus be formally received into the general compact of sovereign nations. In the request which His Majesty hereby makes to
the Government of the United States, he has of course for his direct
object the promotion of the interest of his own Kingdom, but he is also
very fully convinced that the important interests of all the great commercial nations will also be materially subserved by his dominions remaining, as they have hitherto been, independent.
Their position is such that they constitute the great center of the
whale fishery for most of the world. They are on the principal line of
communication between the western continent of America and the eastern continent of Asia; and such are the prevailing winds on that ocean
that all vessels requiring repairs or supplies, either of provisions or of
water, naturally touch at those islands, whether the vessels sail from
Columbia River on the north, or from the far distant ports of Mexico,
Central America, or Peru, upon the south; and it should be further
added, that there is no other place in all that part of the Pacific Ocean
where repairs of vessels can be made to so good an advantage, or supplies be obtained in such abundance, and on so favorable terms.
His Majesty wishes also to remind the Government of the United
States that the amount of property belonging to their citizens, which
is either landed at or enters the various harbors or roadsteads of his
dominions, and is consequently more or less dependent on the protection of his Government, can not be less than from five to seven millions
of dollars annually. This property lies in some 90 or 100 whaling
ships and their cargoes, and in some 12 or 15 merchant vessels, besides
also a considerable amount of other property belonging to American
citizens on shore. At some seasons there have been not less than three
or four millions of dollars worth of American property, and some 1,400
American citizens at the same time, at the various ports of the islands,
requiring constantly, in some degree, the protection of His Majesty;
and he has the happiness of believing that efficient and satisfactory
aid has always been extended to those who have required it. In evidence corroborative of many of the facts herein stated, the undersigned
do not hesitate to refer to documentary evidence, which they believe
must be among the papers in your Department of State, recently furnished by masters of national vessels, but more especially by the United
States commercial agent at Honolulu.
His Majesty is also desirous that there should be a definite arrange.
ment for the settlement of any future difficulties which may unhappily
arise and which, between sovereign and independent nations, would
ordinarily be the subject of diplomatic correspondence. To carry into
effect these desirable objects the undersigned are authorized by His




852


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Majesty Kamehameha III to enter into negotiation with the authorities of the United States, by convention, treaty, or otherwise, whenever
the latter shall acknowledge the sovereignty of the former; and as evidence that the undersigned are thus authorized, they are prepared to
present official papers from His Majesty whenever the way is open for
them to be received.
The undersigned will further state that they are directed to proceed
from the United States to Europe for the purpose of obtaining from
some of the principal governments there the same acknowledgments
which it is the object of this letter to obtain from the Government of
the United States.
Accept, sir, the assurances of. the high consideration with which the
undersigned have the honor to be your obedient servants,
TIMOTEO HAALILIO.
WILLIAM RICHARDS.
Hon. DANIEL WEBSTER,
Secretary of State.
The Secretary of State to the agents of the Sandwich Islands.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, December 19, 1842.
GENTLEMEN: I have received the letter which you did me the honor
to address to me, under date of the 14th instant, stating that you had
been commissioned to represent in the United States the Government
of the Hawaiian Islands, inviting the attention of this Government to
the relations between the two countries, and intimating a desire for a
recognition of the Hawaiian Government by that of the United States.
Your communication has been laid before the President, and by him
considered.
The advantages of your country to the navigators in the Pacific, and
in particular to the numerous vessels and vast tonnage of the United
States frequenting that sea, are fully estimated; and just acknowledgments are due to the Government and inhabitants of the islands for
their numerous acts of hospitality to the citizens of the United States.
The United States have regarded the existing authorities in the Sandwich Islands as a Government suited to the condition of the people, and
resting on their own choice; and the President is of opinion that the
interests of all the commercial nations require that that Government
should not be interfered with by foreign powers. Of the vessels which
visit the islands, it is known that a great majority belong to the United
States. The United States, therefore, are more interested in the fate
of the islands, and of their Government, than any other nation can be;
and this consideration induces the President to be quite willing to declare, as the sense of the Government of the United States, that the
Government of the Sandwich Islands ought to be respected; that no
power ought either to take possession of the islands as a conquest, or
for the purpose of colonization, and that no power ought to seek for any
undue control over the existing Government, or any exclusive privileges or preferences in matters of commerce.
Entertaining these sentiments, the President does not see any present necessity for the negotiation of a formal treaty, or the appointment
or reception of diplomatic characters. A consul or agent from this




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  853
Government will continue to reside in the islands. He will receive
particular instructions to pay just and careful attention to any claims
or complaints which maybe brought against the Government or people
of the islands by citizens of the United States. and he will also be instructed to receive any complaint which may be made by that Govern.
ment for acts of individuals (citizens of the United States) on account
of which the interference of this Government may be requested, and to
transmit such complaint to this Department.
It is not improbable that this correspondence may be made the subject of a communication to Congress, and it will be officially made known
to the governments of the principal commercial powers of Europe.
I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your obedient servant,
DANIEL WEBSTER.
Messrs. TIMOTEO. HAALILIO and WILLIAM RICHARDS,
Washington.
No. 22.
U. S. COMMERCIAL AGENCY,
Oahu, Sandwich Islands, March 7,1843.
SIR: I have the honor to inform you of the arrival at these islands
of the British frigate Carysfort, Capt. Lord Geo. Paulet, on the 11th
ultimo, dispatched from San Bias by Admiral Thomas to inquire into
certain charges alleged against this Government by Mr. Charlton, late
English consul for these islands. Copies of the correspondence which
took place between Capt. Paulet and His Majesty the King are herewith inclosed.
The nature of the demands made by Capt. Paulet were such as
rendered it utterly impossible for the King to comply with them without completely subverting the established laws of the land and sacrificing the interests of many citizens of the United States, resident here,
by setting aside decisions of juries in cases in which they were interested. In this dilemma he chose the only alternative proffered by Capt.
Paulet, which was to cede the islands to Great Britain; accordingly a
provisional cession was made, a copy of which I have the honor to inclose to you.
I would, observe in regard to the first of the demands made by Capt.
Paulet, that the attachment on the property of Mr. Charlton was
made by virtue of a judgment rendered against him in the regular established courts of these islands. The Government, however, fearing
that the result of an immediate prosecution of the judgment might be
construed into an infringement on the privileges claimed by ministers,
simply caused the sheriff to issue public notice that the property could
not be transferred, by which measure the full occupation and enjoyment of the property was secured to Mr. Charlton. Not the shadow of
a loss, therefore, was sustained by him in consequence of the proceedings.
By the second demand it will be perceived that Capt. Paulet denies
the right which this Government claims, in common with other nations,
of receiving or rejecting consuls or their agents, even when good and
sufficient cause for rejection can be adduced.
The punishment of foreigners who have committed crimes by putting
them in irons has only occasionally been resorted to, to prevent offend



854                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
ers from leaving the port; indeed so slack has the Government become
in awarding punishment to merited offenders (foreigners) that I have
formally declared to the governor of this island that, unless some reform should take place in that particular, I should feel it my duty to
represent it to Com. Jones of the Pacific squadron.
The promise made by the King to Capt. Jones, referred to in the
fourth demand, has been most religiously complied with, and the parties interested in the matter having voluntarily left their case with
Sir George Simpson as arbitrator, the business has been fully and definitely settled, and is now only brought forward among other equally
frivolous charges in order to swell the amount of "grievances" of British subjects.
In an interview between Mr. Simpson and the King, after he had
formally acceded to the demands made by Capt. Paulet, he, Mr. Simpson,
demanded that new trials should be granted in every instance in which
decisions had been made affecting British subjects, since Mr. Charlton,
the late consul, left, and this he contended was granted him by the
King in acceding to the two last demands made by Capt. Paulet. The
King, overwhelmed with this and similar unjust and exorbitant demands,
gave up in despair. The final result of the business terminated in the
provisional cession of the islands, before referred to.
I have thus briefly reviewed the character of the "demands" made
on this Government by Capt. Paulet under the direction of Mr. Simpson;
of the injustice of them no one conversant with the facts for a moment
doubts.
I would observe in passing that Lord Paulet is a young man of whose
intellectual capacities very little can be said, and could the Government of Great Britain be induced to send out a commission for the
purpose of instituting an inquiry into the causes which led him to pursue the course he has, the result would by no means be creditable to
him. Such a commission the King most devoutly wishes might be sent,
and it is intended, I learn, to solicit the Governments of France and the
United States to use their influence in bringing it about.
The geographical situation of the islands is such as to render it
highly desirable that they should be neutral and their ports accessible
at all times, in peace or war, by vessels of every nation.
Of their value to American interests the Department must be fully
aware from repeated communications and returns from this agency.
A census of American citizens resident at these islands taken under
my direction gives the number of 404, a large proportion of which are
more or less interested in landed property, and they are not a little
solicitous as to the national character they shall have to assume in
order to retain their estates, should the islands become British territory. So, also, in regard to the titles of their estates, a majority of
which are held simply by the right of gift from some chief, now deceased, to some person, also deceased, and from whom the estate has
passed without that formality which an English court of law would
deem requisite in order to establish a valid title.
It will be perceived on referring to the King's letter of February 18,
(No. 7) to Capt. Paulet, that he complies with his demands only under
protest; this was undoubtedly done with the hope of exciting the sympathies of foreign governments, but are there not other considerations
which should induce the Government of the United States to exert its
influence to secure the recognition of the independence of these islands
by the European powers.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   855
the subject is, indeed, one which deserves the profound considera
tioli of the Government.
T'he British commissioners have assessed an additional duty of 1 per
cent on all merchandise imported after this date.
I have the honor to be, etc.,
MT. HOOPER,
Acting U. S. Commercial Agent.
To the Hon. DANIEL WEBSTER,
Secretary of State, Washington City.
HER BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S SHIP CARYSFORT,
Wdahoo, February 11, 1843.
SIR: Having arrived at this port, in her Britannic Majesty's ship
Carysfort, under my command, for the purpose of affording protection
to British subjects, as likewise to support the position of Her Britannic
Majesty's representative here, who has received repeated insults from
the Government authorities at these islands, respecting which it is my
intention to communicate only with the King in person.
I require to have immediate information by return of the officer conveying this dispatch whether or not the King (in consequence of my
arrival) has been notified that his presence will be required here, and
the earliest day on which he may be expected, as otherwise I shall be
compelled to proceed to his residence, in the ship under my command,
for the purpose of comnmunicating with him.
I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant,
GEORGE PAULET,
Captain.
To KEKUANOA,
Governor of Woahoo, etc.
[Translated by G. P. Judd, translator to the Government.]
HONOLULU, OAHY, February 11, 1843.
Salutations to you, Lord George Paulet, captain of Her Britannic
Majesty's ship Carysfort.
I have received your letter by the hand of the officer, and, with
respect, imform you that we have not as yet sent for the King, as we
were not informed of the business, but, having learned from your communication that you wish him sent for, I will search for a vessel and
send.
He is at Wailuku, on the eastern side of Maui. In case the wind is
favorable he may be expected in six days.
Yours, with respect,
M. KEKUANOA.
HER BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S SHIP CARYSFORT,
Honolulu, Harbor, February 16, 1843.
SIR: I have the honor to acquaint your Majesty of the arrival in this
port of Her Britannic Majesty's ship, under my command, and, accord



856                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
ing to my instructions, I am desired to demand a private interview
with you, to which I shall proceed with a proper and competent interpreter. I therefore request to be informed at what hour to-morrow it
will be convenient for your Majesty to grant me that interview.
I have the honor to remain your Majesty's
Most obedient and humble servant,
GEO. PAULET,
Captain.
To His Majesty KAMEHAMEHA III.
HONOLULU, February 17, 1843.
Salutations to you, Lord George Paulet, Captain of Her Britannic
Majesty's ship Carysfort.
SIR: We have received your communication of yesterday's date, and
must decline having any private interview, particularly under the circumstances which you propose. We shall be ready to receive any
written communication from you to-morrow, and will give it due consideration.
In case you have business of a private nature, we will appoint Dr.
Judd our confidential agent to confer with you, who, being a person of
integrity and fidelity to our Government, and perfectly acquainted with
all our affairs, will receive your communication s, give you all the information you require (in confidence), and report the same to us.
With respect,
KAMEHAMEHA III.
K]EKAULOUHI.
I hereby certify the above to be a faithful translation,
G. P. JUDD,
Translator and Interpreterjor the Government.
HER BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S SHIP CARYSFORT,
Woahoo, February 17 1843.
SiR: In answer to your letter of this day's date (which I have too
good an opinion of your majesty to allow me to believe ever emanated
from yourself, but from your ill-advisers) I have to state that I shall hold
no communication whatever with Dr. G. P. Judd, who, it has been satisfactorily proved to me, has been the punic mover in the unlawful proceedings of your Government against British subjects.
As you have refused me a personal interview, I inclose you the demands which I consider it my duty to make upon your Government,
with which I demand a compliance at or before 4 o'clock p. m. to-morrow
(Saturday); otherwiseI shall be obliged to take immediate coercive
steps to obtain these measures for my countrymen.
I have the honor to be your majesty's most obedient, humble servant,
GEO. PAULET,
Capitain.
His Majesty KAMEHAi MEHIiA I.H




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


857


Demand made by the Right Honorable Lord George Paulrt, captain, R.
N., commanding Her Britannic M. Ship Carysfort, upon the King of the
Sandwich Islands.
First. The immediate removal by public advertisement, written in
the native and English languages and signed by the governor, of this
island and F. W. Thompson, of the attachment placed upon Mr. Charlton's property, the restoration of the land taken by the Government
for its own use and really appertaining to Mr. Charlton, and reparation
for the heavy loss to which Mr. Charlton's representatives have been
exposed by the oppressive and unjust proceedings of the Sandwich
Island Government.
Second. The immediate acknowledgment of the right of Mr. Simpson to perform the functions delegated to him by Mr. Charlton, namely,
those of Her Britannic Majesty's acting consul until Her Britannic
Majesty's pleasure be known upon the reasonablness of your objections
to him, the acknowledgment of that right, and the reparation for the
insult offered to Her Majesty through her acting representative, to be
made by a public reception of his commission and the saluting the
British flag with twenty-one guns, which number will be returned by
Her Britannic Majesty's ship under my command.
Third. A guarantee that no British subject shall in future be subjected to imprisonment in fetters, unless he is accused of a crime which
by the laws of England would be considered a felony.
Fourth. The compliance with a written promise given by King
Kamehameha to Capt. Jones, of Her Britannic Majesty's ship Curacoa, that a, new and a fair trial would be granted in a case brought by
Henry Skinner, which promise has been evaded.
Fifth. The immediate adoption of firm steps to arrange the matters
in dispute between British subjects and natives of the country or
others residing here, by referring these cases to juries, one-half of
whom shall be British subjects, approved of by the consul, and all of
whom shall declare on oath their freedom from prejudgment upon or
interest in the case brought before them.
Sixth. I direct communication between His Majesty Kamehameha
and her Britannic Majesty's acting consul for the immediate settlement
of all cases of grievance and complaint on the part of British subjects
against the Sandwich Island Government.
Dated on board her Britannic Majesty's ship at Woahoo this 17th
day of February.
GEORGE PAULET,
Captain.
Salutations to Right Honorable Lord George Paulet, captain of Her
Britannic Majesty's ship Carysfort.
We have received your letter and the demands which accompanied,
and in reply would inform your lordship that we have commissioned
Sir George Simpson and William Richards as our ministers plenipotentiary and envoys extraordinary to the court of Great Britain,
with full powers to settle the difficulties which you have presented before us; to assure Her Majesty the Queen of our uninterrupted affection
and confer with her ministers as to the best means of cementing the
harmony between us.
Some of the demands which you have laid before us, are of a nature, calculated seriously to embarrass our feeble Government, by contraven



858                   tAWAtAN ISLANDIS.
ing the laws established for the benefit of all. But we shall comply
with your demands as it has never been our intention to insult Her
Majesty the Queen or injure any of her estimable subjects; but we
must do so under protest, and shall embrace the earliest opportunity
of representing our case more fully to her Britannic Majesty's Government through our ministry.
Trusting in the magnanimity of the sovereign of a great nation
whom we have been taught to respect and love, that we shall there be
justified.
Waiting your further order with sentiments of respect,
KAMEHAMEHA.
KEKAULUOHI.
I hereby certify the above to be a faithful translation.
G. P. JUDD,
Translatorfor the Government.
HER BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S SHIP CARYSPORT,
Woahoq, February 18, 1843.
SIR: I have had the honor to acknowledge Your Majesty's letter of
this day's date, wherein you intimate your intention of complying with
my demands, which I have considered my duty to make on Your
Majesty's Government, I appoint the hour of 2 o'clock this afternoon
for the interchange of salutes, and I shall expect that you will inform
me at what hour on Monday you will be prepared to receive myself
and Her Britannic Majesty's Representative.
I have the honor to be Your Majesty's most obedient humble servant,
GEORGE PAULET, Captain.
His Majesty TAMEHAMEHA III.
HONOLULU, OAHU, February 18,1843.
Salutations to Lord GeorgePaulet, captain of Her Britannic Majesty's
ship Carysfort.
I have received your communication and make known to you that I
will receive yourself and Her Britannic Majesty's representative; on
Monday, the 20th of February, at 11 o'clock a. m.
Yours respectfully,
KAMEHAMEHA III.
I hereby certify the above to be a faithful translation.
G.' P. JUDD,
Translatorfor the Government.
HER BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S SHIP CARYSFORT,
Woahoo, February 17, 1843.
SIR: I have the honor to notify you that Her Britannic Majesty's
ship Carysfort, under my command, will be prepared to make an immediate attack upon this town at 4 p. m. to-morrow (Saturday) in the
event of the demands now forwarded by me to the King of these islands
not being complied with by this time.
I have the honor to be, etc.,
GEORGE PAULET.
Captail.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


859


CAPTAIN LONO,
Commanding U. S. S. Boston, Honolulu:
Where are you, chiefs, people and commons from my ancestor, and
people from foreign lands!
Hear ye! I make known to you that I am in perplexity by reason of
difficulties into which I have been brought without cause; therefore, I
have given away the life of our land, hear ye! But my rule over you,
my people, and your privileges will continue, for I have hope that the
life of the land will be restored when my conduct is justified.
Done at Honolulu, Oahu, this twenty-fifth day of February, 1843.
KAMEHAMEHA III
KEKAULUOHI
Witness,
JOHN D. PAALUA.
I hereby certify the above to be a faithful translation.
G. P. JUDD,
Recorder and Translator for Government.
In consequence of the difficulties in which we find ourselves involved,
and our opinion of the impossibility of complying with the demands in
the manner in which they are made by Her Britannic Majesty's representative upon us, in reference to the claims of British subjects, we
do hereby cede the group of islands known as the Hawaiian (or Sandwich) Islands, unto the Right Honorable Lord George Paulet, captain
of her Britannic Majesty's ship of war Carysfort, representing Her
Majesty, Victoria, Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, from this date,
and for the time being: the said cession being made with the reservation that it is subject to any arrangements that may have been entered
into by the representatives appointed by us to treat with the Government of Her Britannac Majesty; and in the event that no agreement
has been executed previous to the date hereof subject to the decision of
Her Britannic Majesty's Government on conference with the said repreresentatives appointed by us; or in the event of our representatives
not being accessible, or not having been acknowledged, subject to the
decision which Her Britannic Majesty may pronounce on the receipt of
fill information from us, and from the Right Honorable Lord George
Paulet.
In confirmation of the above we hereby affix our names and seals
this twenty-fifth day of February, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and forty-three, at Honolulu, Oahu, Sandwich
Islands.
KAiMEHAMEHA III.
KEKAULUOHI.
Signed in the presence ofG. P. JUDD,
Recorder and Translator for the Government.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


A provisional cession of the Hawaiian or Sandwich Islands having
been made this day by Kamehameha III, King, and Kekauluohi, premier thereof, unto me, the Right Honorable Lord George Paulet, coammanding Her Britannic Majesty's ship Carysfort, on the part of Her
Britannic Majesty, Victoria, Queen of Great Britain and Ireland; subject to arrangements which may have been made or shall be made in
Great Britain with the Government of Her Britannic Majesty, I do
hereby proclaim,
First. That the British flag shall be hoisted on all the islands of the
group, and the natives thereof shall enjoy the protection and privileges
of British subjects.
Second. That the government thereof shall be executed, until the
receipt of communications from Great Britain, in the following manner,
namely: By the native King and chiefs and the officers employed by
them, so far as regards the native population, and by a commission consisting of King Kamehameha III, or a deputy appointed by him, the
Right Honorable Lord George Paulet; Duncan Forbes Mackay, esquire,
and Lieut. Frere, R. N., in all that concerns relations with other powers
(save and except the negotiations with the British Government), and
the arrangements among foreigners (others than natives of the Archipelago) resident on these islands.
Third. That the laws at present existing or which may be made at
the ensuing council of the king and chiefs (after being communicated.
to the commission) shall be in full force so far as natives are concerned;;
and shall form the basis of the administration of justice by the commission in matters between foreigners resident on these islands.
Fourth. In all that relates to the collection of the revenue, the
present officers shall be continued at the pleasure of the native King
and chiefs, their salaries for the current year being also determined by
them, and the archives of Goverment remaining in their hands; the
accounts are, however, subject to inspection by the commission heretofore named. The Government vessels shall be in like manner subject,
however, to their employment if required for Her Britannic Majesty's
service.
Fifth. That no sales, leases, or transfers of land shall take place by
the action of the commission appointed as aforesaid, nor from natives to
foreigners, during the period intervening between the 24th of this
month and the receipt of notification from Great Britain of the arrangements made there; they shall not be valid, nor shall they receive the
signatures of the King and premier.
Sixth. All the existing and bona fide engagements of the native King
and premier shall be executed and performed as if this cession had
never been made.
Given under my hand this 25th day of February, in the year of our
Lord 1843 at Honolulu, Oahu, Sandwich Islands.
GEORGE PAITLET,
Captain of H. B. M. S. Carysport.
Signed in the presence of
G. P. JUDD,
Recorder and Interpreter to the Government.
ALEXR. SIMPSON,
H.. MB.   Acting Consul.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


861


No. 23.
U. S. COMMERCIAL AGENCY,
Oahu, Sandwich Islands, March 11, 1843.
SIR: The document herewith inclosed has been received at this office
from His Majesty the King of these islands, with a request that it be
forwarded to the President of the United States by the earliest opportunity.
I have the honor to remain, sir, etc.,
WM. HOOPER,
Acting U. S. Commercial Agent.
Hon. DANIEL WEBSTER,
Secretary of State, Washington City.
[Inclosure in No. 23.-Translation.]
Kamehameha III, native King of the Sandwich Islands, to His Excellency
John Tyler, the President of the United States of America.
GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND: In trouble and difficulty we present for
consideration to the President the unfortunate situation in which we
and our Government are placed.
Demands upon us unsustained by the acknowledged laws of nations
and unfounded in justice were for the first time presented by Lord
George Paulet, captain of Her British Majesty's ship Carysfort, then
lying in the harbor of Honolulu, with a threat of coercive measures
in case of noncompliance within nineteen hours. Our. proposals for
discussion and negotiation through our principal adviser were declined
with rudeness, and we were compelled without a hearing to yield to
demands which we believed to be arbitrary and unjust as regards ourselves, oppressive and illegal as regards foreign residents.
We have been compelled to acknowledge an acting consul of Her Britannic Majesty against whom there were positive objections susceptible
of explicit proof, without the grounds of our refusal being heard or considered. The acknowledged consul of Her Britannic Majesty had suddenly and secretly withdrawn from these islands without soliciting an
interview or giving us any sort of notice of his intentions previous to
his departure. After his departure, we received notice that he had
delegated his consular functions to Alexander Simpson, who was a
known and declared enemy of our Government, who had openly insulted
the chief magistrate of this island and other high officers of our appointment, who had publicly threatened to involve us in difficulties, and
whose recognition as consular agent was protested against by two
British subjects who represented the chief commercial interests in these
islands.
Compliance has been compelled with demands, violating the obligations of contracts and contravening laws for the collection of debts,
which have been established for the general benefit in accordance with
the statutes of civilized nations, by compelling us to annul the decision
of juries after the cases had been dismissed, and to grant new trials
contrary to law, and by compelling us to remove attachments levied by
one British resident on the property of another in due course of law
and under the usual formalities.
Precluded from negotiation and unable to repel by force, we yielded
to these requisitions, under protest, of embracing the earliest opportunity of representing them more fully to Her Britannic Majesty.




862


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Compliance having been thus procured to the foregoing demands,
others were preferred by Her Britannic Majesty's acting consul (now
acknowledged) more unjust, exorbitant and arbitrary; claims for heavy
indemnities where no damage,was proven, and only alleged on frivolous pretexts, and demands for damages in a case still pending under
the previous protest to Her Britannic Majesty. We were called upon
to violate every principle of equity, by setting aside the decision of
juries in several cases without any just cause being pretended why new
trials should be granted; these demands were enforced at private interviews between ourselves, his lordship and Her Britannic Majesty's
acting consul. The subject was only verbally canvassed, written negotiations were positively refused, and even written statements and
proof and copies of the claims preferred were denied. The only alternative offered us were immediate resolve to violate the laws by acts
illegal and oppressive, immediate admission and payment of claims to
indemnity so loosely supported, or immediate hostilities.
Without force to resist hostilities, without resources to meet the
payment of the heavy indemnities demanded, and firmly resolved to
support law and justice, we adopted the only peaceful alternative left,
to throw ourselves upon the generosity of the British nation by a conditional cession of these islands to Her Britannic Majesty. To have
awaited hostilities would have been to expose to destruction the property and jeopardize the lives of a large number of foreign residents
who are American citizens; to have complied with the demands urged
would have been to sanction oppressive and illegal acts affecting the
rights and prospects of American citizens also, and an open violation
of the stipulations with the United States in 1826.
Placed in difficulties from which we could not extricate ourselves
with honor and justice, compelled to immediate decision, and threatened with immediate hostilities we have, with the advice and consent
of our chiefs, signed with a heavy hand and many tears the deed of
provisional cession and have permitted the British flag to be planted
in all our islands, but under the guns of a frigate and at the point of
the bayonet.
Relying on the magnanimity and firmness of the United States, we
appeal to the President to interpose the high influence of the United
States with the court of England to grant us an impartial hearing and
procure us justice, to induce Her British Majesty to withdraw from the
sovereignty of these islands and leave us as we have been-an independent government supported in our right.
We have labored to civilize and improve our islands; we have
adopted the laws of the United States and of Britain; we have appointed
upright and capable American citizens and British subjects to offices
of trust and responsibility, in order that their functions might be exercised with energy and fidelity; we have adopted all suggestions which
would tend to put the commercial intercourse of American citizens
with us upon the best footing; we have been gratified with the large
and increasing number of American residents. We confidently appeal
to the Americans on these islands engaged in mercantile and commercial pursuits to testify to the honesty of our intentions and our capabilities for self-government, and we acknowledge them to have been
the most consistent and efficient supporters of our Government.
We look to the United States with peculiar feelings of respect and
gratitude. To the benevolence and enterprise of that great people we
owe the introduction of the Christian religion, of civilization and laws




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  863
of commerce and agriculture, and the large and respectable number of
our foreign residents.
We ask of you to secure and preserve the great interests common to
us and you, and arrest the course of events so prejudicial to both; and
we shall neve~ cease to be grateful for your aid.
And we pray to the Almighty God to have your excellency, our great
and good friend, in his most holy keeping.
Written at Honolulu, Island of Oahu, Hawaiian (Sandwich) Islands,
this 10th day of March, anno Domini one thousand eight hundred and
forty three.
By your good friend,
KAMEHAMEHA III. [SEAL.]
Premier KEKAULJnOIII.     [SEAL.
No. 28.]                     U. S. COMMERCIAL AGENCY,
Sandwich Islands, August 15, 1843.
SIR: I have the honor to announce to you the arrival at this port, on
the 26th ultimo, of I. B. M. Frigate Dublin, from Valpao, and of the
restoration of the sovereignty of this group of islands to His Majesty
the King thereof by Rear Admiral Thomas.
It appears that the acts of Capt. Paulet were entirely unauthorized by
the British Government, or the commander of the British naval force
in the Pacific.
The U. S. Ship Constellation arrived at these islands some time prior
to the restoration of the Hawaiian flag by Admiral Thomas, and Com.
Kearny receiving official information from me of the transaction of
Capt. Paulet issued a protest, a copy of which is herewith inclosed.
The protest of the King against Lorc Paulet, A, and the declaration
of Admiral Thomas, Doc. 0, are herewith inclosed for the information
of the State Department.
The restoration of the Government of these islands to the rative
chiefs is as gratifying to the American residents here as it must be to
the Government of the United States.
With sentiments of the highest consideration, etc.
WM. HOOPER,
Acting U. S. Commercial Agent.
Hon. DANIEL WEBSTER,
Secretary of State, Washington.
Know all men that, according to private instructions given to our
deputy, he on the 10th of May, issued a protest on our behalf in the following words:
"Whereas the undersigned was, by commission dated February 27,
1843, appointed deputy for His Majesty Kamehameha III to the British
Commission for the Government of the Sandwich Islands, under the provisional cession thereof unto Her Most Gracious Majesty Victoria,
Queen of the United Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland;
" And whereas in the prosecution of business by the commissioners
many acts have been passed and consummated affecting the interests of
foreigners residing on the islands, and by acts which virtually abrogate
the bona fide obligations of the Government existing at the period of




864                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
the provisional cession, to which acts the said Kamehameha III did
refuse through me, his deputy;
" And whereas, by an order issued April 27, 1843, to the acting governor of Oahu, and by subsequent orders dated May 8, 1843, issued to all
the governors of these Sandwich Islands, the commissioners, to wit,
the Rt. Hon. Lord George Paulet, captain of H. B. MI ship Carysfort,
and Lieut. John Frere, R. N., did virtually abrogate one of the existing laws of these islands by forbidding the imprisonment of persons
found guilty of fornication, except in certain cases not specified in the
laws, as will appear more fully upon reference to said orders, violating
thereby the solemn compact entered into under the provisional cession;
" Now, therefore, be it known to all men that I, the said deputy for
the said King Kamehameha III, do by these presents enter this my
most solemn protest against the acts, especially those above recited, of
the said commissioners, which have not the signature and approbation
of me, the said deputy, as will appear more fully upon reference to the
records of said commission.
"And I do hereby most solemnly protest against the said Rt. Hon.
Lord George Paulet and Lieut. Frere, commissioners aforesaid, and all
others whom it may concern, holding them responsible for their violation of the solemn compact or treaty entered into on the 25th day of
February, 1843.
" G. P. JUDD,
"for the King.
" HONOLULU, OAHU, SANDWICH ISLANDS, May 10, 1843."
On the next day our deputy withdrew from the British commission
by the following document, acting in our place and stead:
"Whereas the undersigned deputy for the King Kamehameha III
did, on the 10th day of May, instant, enter his protest against certain
acts of the British commission for the Government of the Sandwich
Islands;
" And whereas the undersigned has been verbally informed this day
by the Rt. Hon. Lord George Paulet and Lieut. Frere that one of the
laws as made at the recent Council of the King and Chiefs, viz, ' A
law for the licensing of public auctioneers,' shall not go into operation;
4 And whereas it now appearing evident to the undersigned that
the terms of the compact or treaty entered into on the 25th February,
1843, will not in future be respected by the British commission;
"Therefore be it known to all men that I, the said deputy, do by
these presents resign my seat in the said commission, thereby withdrawing the said King Kamehameha III from all fiture responsibilities in the acts of the said commission.
" Done at Oahu Sandwich Islands, at the office of the British commission for the Government of the Sandwich Islands, this 11th day of
May, A. D 1843.
"G. P. JUDD,
"4Deputyfor the King."
We therefore publicly make known that we, Kamehameha III, the
King, fully approve and acknowledge the protest and withdrawal of
our deputy as our own, and declare that we will no more sit with the
British commissioners, or be responsible for any act of theirs which
may encroach on the rights of foreigners.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


865


The Rt. Hon. Lord George Paulet and his Lieutenant, John Frere, having enlisted soldiers under the title of " the Q ueen's Regiment"', maintain -
ing themn as a standing army out of funds appropriated by us for the
payment of our just debts, which expense we consider quite uncalled
for and useless; they having enforced their demand for the paymient
of the money by a threat of deposing from his trust an officer of the
treasury, although contrary to the orders of the King and premier to
him, made known to the British Commissioners;
By these oppressions, by the trial of natives for alleged offenses
against the native (Goverllment, cases which comle not properly under
their cognizan(e, and by their violating the la vs which, by the treaty,
were to have been held sacred until we hear from England; we are
oppressed and injured, and feel confident that all good men will sympathize with us in our present state of distress; and now we protest
in the face of all men against all such proceedings both towards ourselves and foreigners, subjects of other governments, on the part of
the lEt. Hon. Lord George Paulet, captain of IH. B. ship CarysJort,
and his lieutenanlt, John Frre r,. N., and take the world to witness
that they have broken faith with us.
LAHAINA MAUI, SANDWICH ISLANDS, June 24, 1843.
By me, (Signed) KAMIEHAMEHA III.
By me, (Signed) KEKAULUIOHI,
Premier.
His Majesty KAMEHAMEHA III,
King of the Sandwich Tslands:
In the name and on behalf of the people of the United States of
America and their Government, which the undersigned has the honor
to represent, and in order to explain clearly for the information of all
concerned is issued a protest.
Whereas a provisional cession of the Hawaiian or Sandwich Islands
was made by His lMajesty Kamnehameha III and Kekanluohi, premier
thereof, unto the Hon. George Paulet, commanding Her Britannic
Majesty's ship Carysfort (to wit) on the 25th day of February, 1843,
and whereas, the United States' interests and those of their citizens
resident on the aforesaid Hawaiian Islands are deeply involved in a
seizure of His Maajestyls Government under the circumstances; as well
as in the act of the aforesaid King and premier acceding thereto under
protest or otherwise, to affect the interests before cited: Now, therefore, be it known that I solemnly protest against every act and measure
in the premises; and do declare that from and after the day of said
cession until the termlination of the pending negotiations between His
Majesty's envoys and the Government of Her Britannic Majesty, I hold
His Majesty Kamehameha III and Capt. Lord George Paulet answerable for any and every act, by which a citizen of the United States
resident as aforesaid shall be restrained in his just and undisputed
rights and privileges, or who may suffer inconvenience or losses, or be
forced to submit to any additional charges onI imports or other revenue
matters, or exactions in regard to the administration of any municipal
laws whatever enacted by the " Commission" consisting of His Maqesty
King Kamehameha I1I, or his deputy of the aforesaid islands and the
S. Rcl). 227 — 55




866                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Right Hon. Lord George Paulet, Duncan Forbes Mackay, esq., and
Lieut. John Frere, R. N.
Given under my hand on board the U. S. Ship Constellation, at
anchor off Honolulu, Oahu, this 11th day of July, 1843.
LAWRENCE KE ARNEY,
Commander-in- Chief of the UT. S. Naval force in the East Indies.
HER BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S SHIP DUBLIN,
Off Honolulu, July 26, 1843.
SIR: It being my desire to obtain the honor of a personal interview
with His Majesty King Kamehameha IIl, for the purpose of conferring with His Majesty on the subject of the provisional cession of his
dominions, I have to request that you will be pleased to intimate my
wishes to His Majesty in order that he may appoint the time and place
where such interview may be held.
I hive the honor to be, sir, your most obedient humble servant,
RICHARD THOMAS,
Rear Admiral and Commander-in- Chief of H. B. M.
Ships and Vessels in the Pacific.
To KEKUANAOA,
Governor of Oahu.
[With Mr. Hooper's No. 28.]
DECLARATION.
Of Rear-Admiral Thomas, Commander in Chief of Her Britannic
Majesty's ship and vessels in the Pacific, in relation to the events which
transpired at the Sandwich Islands, and consequent upon the visit of
Her Britannic lMajesty's Ship Carysfort in February, 1843.
To KING KAMEHAMEHA III AND THE PRINCIPAL CHIEFS OF THE
SANDWICH ISLANDS: Immediately that the commander in chief was
made acquainted in Valparasio in June, 1843, of the provisional cession
of the Hawaiian Islands unto the Right Honorable Lord George Paulet,
as the then and there representative of Her Majesty, Queen Victoria,
he hastened to the spot to make himself fully acquainted with all the
circumstances and, if possible, the motives which led to such an unlooked for event.
His first duty on arrival was to seek a personal interview with His
Majesty Kamehameha III, and to ascertain whether these difficulties
in which he found himself involved, and the opinion which His Majesty
appeared to entertain of the impossibility of complying with certain
requisitions which had been made, were so utterly insurmountable as
to call upon him to renounce the sovereignty of these islands for the
time being, likewise whether the cession was a free unbiased and unsolicited act of sovereign power.
The rear-admiral having ascertained that the difficulties to which allusion is made in the deed of cession might be surmounted, having convinced His Majesty that he had not properly understood the principles
of justice and good faith which invariably guide the councils of Her
Majesty, the Queen of Great Britain, in all their deliberations, partie



HAW~WAIIAN;ISLANDS.


867


ularly respecting their relations with foreign powers, and that whenever
it becomes necessary to vindicate the rights of British subjects or redress their wrongs the government scrupulously respects those rights
which are vested in all nations in an equal degree, whether they be
powerful or weak, making it, therefore, a rule not to resort to force until every expedient for an amicable adjustment has failed, having, moreover, learned that His Majesty entertained the hope that his conduct
was capable of justification, and that such justification he thought
would restore to him the authority he had ceded under supposed difficulties, and having, moreover, assured His Majesty that whilst it
is the earnest desire of the Government of Great Britain to cultivate by every means a good understanding with every independent nation, and to prevent any of its subjects from injuring those
of other sovereigns, either in person or property, wherever they
may be located, and that when it can be avoided rather than
urge compliance with demands which are likely to embarrass a feeble
Government, its object is to foster and even assist by kind advice or
good offices such as may be disposed to seek its friendly interposition,
requiring in return only equal privileges for such British residents as
may have been granted to the subjects of the most favored nation.
Lastly, His Majesty has given his assent to new proposals submitted
to him for the amicable adjustment of the pending differences which
led to the temporary cession of his authority. The commander-in-chief
of Her Britannic Majesty's ships and vessels in the Pacific, for the
reasons herein stated and as the highest local representative of Her
Majesty Queen Victoria, Queen of the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Ireland, hereby declares and makes manifest that he does
not, accept of the provisional cession of the Hawaiian Islands, made
on the 25th day of February, 1843, but that he considers His Majesty
Kamehameha III the legitimate King of those islands, and he assures
His Majesty that the sentiments of his Sovereign towards him are those
of unvarying friendship and esteem, that Her Majesty sincerely desires
King Kamehameha to be treated as an independent sovereign, leaving
the administration of justice in his own hands, the faithful discharge
of which will promote his happiness and the prosperity of his do
minions.
Although it is the duty of every sovereign and his ministers andx
counselors to do all in their power to prevent any of their subjects
from injuring those of any other nation residing among them; nay
more, that he ought not to permit foreigners to settle in his territory
unless he engages to protect them as his own subjects, and to afford
them perfect security as far as regards himself; yet Great Britain will
not consider the public character of the legitimate sovereign of a state
but recently emerged from barbarism, under the fostering care of civilized nations, as at all implicated by the aggression of some of his subjects, provided the Government does not directly or indirectly sanction
any acts of partiality or injustice, either by conniving at whilst they
are planning or being executed or by allowing the perpetrators to remain unpunished.
If, unfortunately, a case should occur in which there is an evasion or
denial of justice on the part of the Government towards British subjects, the course to be pursued is clear, and it would then-be the duty
of the commander-in chief, in such case of real grievance which shall
remain unredressed, to obtain that which bad faith and injustice have
denied.
The commander-in-chief confidently hopes that this act of restora



"bI5-                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
tion to the free exercise of his sovereign authority will be received by
the King of the Sandwich Islands as a most powerful and convincing
proof; not only of the responsibility he is under to render immediate
reparation for real wrongs committed upon British subjects or their
property, but also of the importance which attaches to the maintenance
of those friendly and reciprocally advantageous relations which have
for so many years subsisted between the two nations; and he further
hopes that neither His Majesty nor his successors will ever forget that
to the illustrious circumnavigator Capt. Cook, as the first discoverer,
the inhabitants of the Sandwich Islands owe their admission into the
great family of civilized man, and fiom the lips of Vancouver (another
Englishman) Kamehameha I heard mention for the first time of the
true God, which ultimately led to the abrogation of a false worship,
idolatry, and human sacrifices, and by the well-directed energies, the
ceaseless perseverance of the American missionaries to the establishment of a religion pure and undefiled, accompanied by the advantages
of instruction and civilization, the which combined and duly cultivated
bring in their train security of life and property, social order, mental
and moral improvement, internal prosperity, and the respect as well as
good will of other nations more advanced in the knowledge of the true
faith and the science of good government.
Blessings and advantages of this nature the government of Great
Britain is desirous of increasing and promoting among the inhabitants
of the Sandwich Islands by every honorable and praiseworthy means
in its power, and thus to enlist the sympathies of the sovereign and
his ministers on the side of justice, which is the basis of all society
and the surest bond of all commerce.
Given on board Her Britannic Majesty's ship Dublin, at Honolulu,
island of Oahu, this thirty-first day of July, in the year of our Lord
one thousand eight hundred and forty-three.
RICOHARD THOMAS.
No. 1.]                      DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, 15th March, 1843.
SIR: The accompanying message of the President to Congress of
the 30th of December last, transmlitting a correspondence between
this Department and certain agents of the Sandwich Islands then in
this city, will acquaint you with the view which he entertains of the
relations between the United States and those islands, and with the
objects and motives of this Government for cultivating and strengthening those relations. Congress having complied with his suggestions
by providing for a Commissioner to reside at the islands, you have been
chosen for that purpose. A commission appointing you to the office
will be found among the papers which you will receive herewith, and
a letter from this Department addressed to that minister of the King
of the islands who may be charged with their foreign relations, accrediting you in your official character. The title selected for your mission
has reference in part to its purposes. It is not deemed expedient at
this juncture fully to recognize the independence of the islands or the
right of their Government to that equality of treatment and consideration which is due and usually allowed to those Governments to which
we send and from which we receive dip'omatic agents Of the ordinary
ranks. By this, however, it is not meant to intimate that the islands,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


869


so far as regards all other powers, are not entirely independent; on
the contrary, this is a fact respecting which no doubt is felt, and the
hope that through the agency of the Commissioner that independence
might be preserved, has probably, in a great degree, led to the compliance by Congress with the recommendation of the President.
It is obvious, from circumstances connected with their position, that
the interests of the United States require that no other power should
possess or colonize the Sandwich Islands, or exercise over their Government an influence which would lead to partial or exclusive favors in
matters of navigation or trade. One of your principal duties therefore,
will be to watch the movements of such agents of other Governments
as may visit the islands. You will endeavor to obtain the earliest intelligence respecting the objects of those visits, and if you should think
that, if accomplished, they would be derrimental to the interests of the
United States, you will make such representations to the authorities
of the islands as in your judgment would be most likely to further
them. You will also endeavor to impress upon those authorities the
necessity of abstaining from giving just cause of complaint to the Governments of those powers whose policy is to increase their possessions
and multiply their colonies abroad. This duty can best be performed
by the prompt and impartial administration of justice according to the
laws and customs of the islands, in such cases of difference as may
occur between their officers and citizens and the officers, citizens, or
subjects of other Governments.
You will give the Government of the Sandwich Islands distinctly
to understand that the Government of the United States in all its proceedings, and in setting on foot your mission, has not in any degree
been actuated by a desire or intention to secure to itself exclusive
privileges in matters of navigation or trade, or to prevent any or all
other commercial nations from an equal participation with ourselves in
the benefits of an intercourse with those islands. We seek no control
over their Government, nor any undue influence whatever. Our only
wish is that the integrity and independence of the Hawaiian territory
may be scrupulously maintained and that its Government should be
entirely impartial towards foreigners of every nation. In making resolute and stern resistance, therefore, to any claim of favor or exclusive
privilege by other powers, you will at all times frankly disavow any
desire that favors or exclusive privileges should be granted to the
United States, their ships, commerce, or citizens.
You will transmit to the Department full and exact information
respecting the trade of the United States and of other nations with the
islands. Any suggestions which may occur to you having in view any
improvement of the commerce of the United States with the islands
will be acceptable. Your attention is particularly requested to the
nature of the fiscal regulations in force there, to their effects upon foreign commerce generally, and to the policy of the Government in regard
to this subject. If those regulations should be frequently changed, or
if there should be cause to apprehend the imposition of discriminating
duties upon our navigation and trade, the expediency of negotiating a
treaty with that Government which would determine'for a series of years
the reciprocal rights and duties of the parties in regard to those subjects will be taken into consideration.
After you shall have resided long enough at the Sandwich Islands
to have made yomrself familiar with the state of public affairs there, and
shall have communicated to the Department the results of your observations, you may make a visit to the Society Islands for the purpose of




870                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
examining and reporting upon their condition and prospects. It is
advisable, however, that your absence from your post should not be
prolonged beyond the period absolutely necessary for that purpose.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
DANIEL WEBSTE]R.
GEORGE BROWN, Esq.,
Appointed Commissioner of the United States
for the Sandwich Islands.
[From Mr. Brown's dispatch, No. 5, of October 26, 1843.]
SIR: I arrived here on the 16th instant, and found here Commodore
Dallas, who arrived in the Erie a few days before me, also the Cyane,
Commander Stribling. Admiral Thomas, commanding the English
naval forces in the Pacific, was also here, having, as you must have
learned ere receiving this, restored the flag to the King of Hawaii.
Commodore Dallas having offered me the Cyane to carry me to
Lahaina, Maui, the residence of the King, for the purpose of presenting my credentials to the Government, I visited her yesterday and
was received with a salute of thirteen guns. This morning, on arriving on board, was informed that the admiral intended to dispatch the
corvette Hazard for Mazatlan on Saturday, and, as we are under way,
have no time to write as I could wish, being obliged to send this back
by the pilot. Everything, however, appears to be going on as we could
wish. The admiral appears to have done everything that could have
been required to satisfy the King. He appears to be a very fine man,
and the conduct of Lord George Paulet is a sore subject to him. The
most charitable construction I have heard put upon the conduct of
Lord George is that he was partially deranged.
Mr. Hooper, United States commercial agent, informs me that he
has sent to the State Department a full account of all that has happened previous to my arrival. The meagerness of this dispatch I hope
therefore will be excused. The English corvette Champion arrived
yesterday from Valparaiso, which is the occasion of the Hazard being
ordered to Mazatlan so soon, thereby giving me so little time to write.
On my return from Mani will write you fully of all my proceedings. It
affords me much pleasure to know that the President has availed himself of your talents and services in the State Department.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, your very obedient
servant,
GEo. BRowN.
Hon. ABEL P. UTSHuR,
Secretary of State, Washington.
[From Mr. Brown's dispatch No. 6, of November 4, 1843.]
HONOLULU, November 4, 1843.
SIR: I last had the honor of addressing you on the 26th ultimo from
on board the U. S. S. Cyane, on my passage from this place to Lahaina.
Not being informed until after the ship was under way that the English
admiral was about dispatching a vessel for Mexico, I had only time to




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


871


inform you of my arrival here, and of my being on my way to present
my credentials to the premier who was residing at Lahaina, Mani.
I arrived here from Tahiti in the brig Catharine on the 16th ultimo,
after a passage of 28 days, and found, much to my gratification, that
the English admiral, Thomas, had restored the flag to the King, and
placed the islands again under its native government. It willbe unnecessary for me to give you a history of the doings of Lord George Paulet
previous to the arrival of the admiral, or of the proceedings of the
latter, as I am informed by Mr. Hooper, our acting commercial agent
here, that he has written you fully on the subject, giving you every
information requisite. I will therefore only say that, from what-I have
so far learned, both the Government here and the American residents
are perfectly satisfied with what the admiral has done. There are
some questions and cases arising out of the usurpation of Lord George
which are not yet settled, but will have to wait for the arrival of the
British commissioner or for the action of the British Government, but
there appears no doubt that everything will be amicably and properly
arranged.
Learning on my arrival that the King was absent from his usual residence at Lahaina, on a visit to the island of Hawaii, and that he would
not return until the 27th, I remained here until the 26th, when I took
passage on board the Cyane, which ship had been placed at my disposal
by Commodore Dallas, for Lahaina. I arrived there on the 30th at 8
a. m., accompanied by Dr. Judd, the Government interpreter, and
wrote a note to the premier, informing her (him?) of my arrival, and requesting to know at what time it would be convenient for her to receive me. I received an answer that she would be ready at half past
twelve.
On leaving the ship I was saluted with thirteen guns, and on landing was received by a number of the high chiefs and conducted to the
house of Kekaumohi, the premier, whom, on introduction by Mr. Judd,
I addressed as follows:
I have the honor to present to your excellency my credentials as commissioner
from the Government of the United States to the King of Hawaii, and I beg to assure
your excellency that it will afford me nmuch pleasure in carrying out the instructions
of my Government to cultivate the friendship of the Hawaiian Government and to
deserve it by all the good offices in my power.
After the credentials were read the premier replied in the following
terms as interpreted to me:
I am happy to see you here as the representative of a nation to whom we owe so
much and whose friendship and good will we so highly value and that we shall
always endeavor to retain. Your credentials are highly satisfactory.
I was then asked whether I wished to be introduced to the King,
and on replying in the affimative, the premier handed me a letter of
introduction, observing that on account of lameness she could not accompany me. I was attended, as heretofore, by a number of the high
officers of Government, and on arriving at the house of the King found
him waiting for me dressed in regimentals and attended by the governor of Mani and his aides. On entering he came forward and took
me by the hand, requesting me to be seated. I handed him the premier's letter, which he read. I then rose and addressed him as follows,
which was translated by Mr. Judd:
Sin: Having been appointed by the President of the United States of America a
commissioner to reside in the dominions of Your Majesty, I have'taken the earliest
opportunity to pay you my respects. While my Government expects no exclusive
privileges, and has no desire or intention to prevent any or all other commercial na



872


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


tions from an equal participation in the benefits to be derived from an intercourse
with your islands, and seeks no control or undue influence whatever, it has a right
to expect that no partial or exclusive favors be granted to other nations. The wish
of my Governmentf is that the independence of the Hawaiian territory may be scrupulously mnaintaine(, and that its Government should be impartial towards foreigners of every nation.
Allow me to congratulate Your Majesty upon the interest taken in you and your
people by one of the most powerful and free nations of the earth, as evinced by the
Iunaimous vote of its representatives tha't a diplomaltic intercourse should be opened
witl you. It must be a matter of great satisfaction to Your Majesty to think that
while not a quarter of a century has elapsed since your country was in a state of
heathenism, such progress lhas been lmide in civilization and Christianity that you
are about to be admitted into the conmmunion of nations who for ages have had advantages which have made them powerful and happy.
Next to the gratitude due from you to the Almigh ty Disposer of Events, you owe
under Him, to those who, for the welfare of your people, left their friends and
country to teach them (you) the blessings of Christianity arnd the arts of civilizatioi,
a debt which can only be paid by the knowledge that their efforts have not been in
vain.
I assure Your Majesty that it will afford me great pleasure to be the means of uniting more closely the relations heretofore of the most friendly kind between the Government of the Hawaiian Archipelago and my own. und to further by everything in
my power a reciprocal feeling of friendship and good will.
To which His Majesty replied as follows, which was also translated
by Mr. Judd:
I am much gratified at being informed by the premier of your arrival, and am
happy to receive you as a representative of the United States of America, whose
Government is muach respected by me, and whose people have made great efforts to
promote civilization and Christianity aumong' my people.
I thank y6b for the kind sentiments you have expressed, and trust there will never
be any alienation between my Government and yours. You may assure your Government that I shall always consider the citizens of the United States as entitled to
equal privileges with those of the most favored nations.
Declaration of Great Britain and France relative to the independence oJ
the Sandwich Islands, London, Novenmber 28, 1843.
Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom          of Great Britain
and Ireland, and His Majesty the King of the French, taking into consideration the existence in the Sandwich Islands of a government
capable of providing for the regularity of its relations with foreign
nations, have thought it right to engage, reciprocally, to consider the
Sandwich Islands as an independent state, and never to take possession, either directly or under the title of protectorate, or under any
other form, of any part of the territory of which they are composed.
The undersigned, Her Majesty's principal seqretary of state for foreign affairs and the ambassador extraordinary of His Ma-jesty the
King of the French, at the court of London, being furnished with the
necessary powers, hereby declare in consequence that their said majesties take reciprocally that engagement.
In witness whereof the undersigned have signed the present declaration, and have affixed thereto the seal of their arms.
Done in duplicate at London, the 28th day of Novem)ber, in the year
of our Lord, 1843.
[L. S.]                                              AB)ERDEEN.
L. S.]                                                ST. AULAIRE.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


873


Convention of commerce, navigation, etc., between Great Britain and the
Sandwich Islands.*  Signed at Lahaina, February 12, 1844.t
The differences which existed between the governments of Great
Britain and of the Sandwich Islands having been happily settled, the
following articles of agreement have been mutually entered into between the King of the Sandwich Islands, on the one part, and William
Mliller, esq., Her Britannic Majesty's consul-general for the Sandwich
land other islands in the Pacific, in the name and on the behalf of Her
B:ritannic Majesty, on the other part, for the preservation of harmony,
tand the prevention of future misunderstanding between the two parties.
ARTICLE I. There shall be perpetual peace and amity between Her
MaIjesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland
and the King of the Sandwich Islands, their heirs and successors.
II. The subjects of Her Britannic Majesty shall be protected in an
efficient manner in their persons and properties by the King of the
Sandwich Islands, who shall cause them to enjoy impartially, in all
cases in which their interests are concerned, the same rights and privileges as natives, or as are enjoyed by any other foreigners.
III. No British subject accused of any crime whatever shall be judged
otherwise than by a jury composed of froeign residents, proposed by
tile British consul and accepted by the Government of the Sandwich
Islands.
IV. The protection of the King of the Sandwich Islands shall be extended to all British vessels, their officers, and crews. In case of shipwreck, the chiefs and inhabitants of the different parts of the Sandwich Islands shall succour them and secure them from plunder.
The salvage dues shall be regulated, in case of difficulties, by arbitrators freely chosen by both parties.
V. The desertion of seamen embarked on board of British vessels
shall be severely repressed by the local authorities, who shall employ
all the means at their disposal to arrest deserters; and all reasonable
expenses of capture shall be defrayed by the captains or owners of the
said vessels.
VI. British merchandise, or goods recognized as coming from the
British dominions, shall not be prohibited, nor shall they be subject to
an ilnport duty higher than 5 per cent ad valorem.
VII. No tonnage, import, or other duties shall be levied on British
vessels or goods, or on goods imported in British vessels, beyond what
are levied on the vessels or goods of the most favored lation.
VIII. The subjects of the King of the Sandwich Islands shall, in their
commercial and other relations with Great Britainl be treated on the
footing of the most favored nation.
Done at Lahaina, the 12th day of February, 1844.
L.. S] KAEItIAMI11JEIA III.
L. S.] KEKAULUOHI.
Signed in the presence of:
G. P. JuDD,
Secretary of Statefor Foreign Affairs.
ROBERT (. WYLLIE,
Secretary to Consul-General Miller.
Signed in English, and in the langua1ge of the Sandwich Islands.
t Annulled by Convention of March 26, 1846, Vol. xxxiv, p. 22




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


ADDITIONAL ARTICLE.
His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands being anxious to
suppress intemperance within his dominions, and with that view having taken measures to obtain the consent of the French Government to
the abrogation of Article VI of the treaty of July 17, 1839,* which admits the introduction of spirits and wine, on payment of a duty of 5
per cent; it is hereby further agreed, that if His Majesty the King of
the French should consent to the abrogation or to any alteration of the
said article, Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain will likewise
consent so to alter Article VI of the foregoing treaty as that it may
have precisely the same effect in what relates to intoxicating liquors;
and that this additional article shall be referred to the British Government for approval, to be afterward appended to the convention at present agreed to.
L. S.  WM. MILLER.
[L. s    i KAMEHAMEEHA III.
L S. |KEKAULUJOHL
CASE OF JOHN WILEY.
[Before the governor of Oahu, assisted by Hon. G. P. Judd and J. Ricord, esq., I.
H. M. attorney-general, at the Fort, September 4, 1844.]
John Wiley, plaintiff on appeal, vs. The Hawaiian Government.
This was an appeal from the judgment of the inferior judges of Honolulu. The present plaintiff in error had been charged before the court
below with the commission of a rape upon the body of  -, an Hawaiian girl, a subject of His Majesty; and proof having been adduced
to the satisfaction of the inferior judges, they condemned the present
plaintiff in error to pay the statute fine of $50. This fine the plaintiff
having paid, he appealed to the governor, and demanded a jury under
the Hawaiian statute law, complying therewith by depositing the sum
of $25, required by the statute to entitle him to a jury. The governor
having given the usual notice of drawing the jury of appeal, he proceeded on the day appointed to draw a mixed jury of half Hawaiian
subjects and half foreigners, required in such cases by the printed statute law. In the interval William Hooper, esq., claimed for his Government the right of selecting and proposing to the governor an entire
panel of foreign jurors, to try the accused for the crime charged against
him, which the governor declined on the ground that he was governed
in his administration of justice by the printed law of the land and that
there was no treaty extant between His Hawaiian Majesty and the
United States of America which authorized him to deviate from the
statute.
On the day of trial above named the plaintiff Wiley appeared by
his attorney, Richard Ford, and in person, and expressed his readiness
to proceed to trial, but before the jury were actually impaneled William Hooper, esq., United States commercial agent, appeared before
*VI. Les marchandises frangaises, oh reconnues 'Atre de provenance frangaise,
notamment les vins et les eaux-de-vie, ne pourront etre prohih6es ni payer un droit
d'entrde plus 61ev6 quo 5 pour cent ad valorem.




1 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


875


the court and made out and desired to have entered on its minutes the
following protest:
Before the court proceeds to the trial of Mr. Wiley, I beg to state that by a treaty
entered into between this Government and that of Great Britain, on the 12th February last, the subjects of the latter were secured in the privilege of being tried, when
charged with crime against the laws of this country, by a jury appointed by their
consul, that I claim, in virtue of the assurance given to Mr. Brown, the United
States commissioner, by His Majesty the King in October last, which secured to
citizens of the United States equal privileges with those of the most favored nation,
that Mr. Wiley, the defendant, is entitled to a jury appointed by me, as acting
United States consul.
The court, as at present constituted, I protest against, and request that it may be
entered on the records of the court.
WM. HOOPER,
Acting United States Consular Agent.
HONOLULU, September 4, 1844.
Upon which protest the court decided as follows:
The decision of this court upon the protest of William Hooper, esq., vice-commercial agent of the United States, now entered on the minutes, is, that there is a law
in the statute books of this Government, which Ohe accused is charged with having
violated, and that at the time of violating that statute there was and still is, also in
the statute book, a law regulating the drawing of juries in the Hawaiian Islands,
which is obligatory upon this court. This court knows of no treaty extant with the
United States that authorizes it, under the oaths of the judges, to depart from the
law concerning juries, and it can not conscientiously take cognizance of any diplomatic correspondence between the Secretary of State for foreign affairs and the
resident ministers of other powers; nor is this court authorized to look into treaties
with other powers for the purpose of according analogous privileges to a nation not
actually in treaty with His Hawaiian Majesty, especially when according them
would infract a statute law by which this court is clearly bound.
The plaintiff, John Wiley, is under the protection of this court, who are bopind to
give him the chances of the jury box, and not suffer a foreign consul to pick a jury
who might be selected to convict him.
Hereupon, before the jury were actually sworn, the United States
vice-commercial agent advised the plaintiff to withdraw his appeal,
which he accordingly did, and the court thereupon nonsuited the plaintiff and decided that his withdrawal was, in law, tantamount to an
affirmance of the judgment of the inferior judges, which had been
already satisfied, and they further adjudged the plaintiff to have forfeited the $25 deposited for drawing the jury of appeal. The court intimated that William Hooper, esq., was liable to the plaintiff in error
for having misguided him in a manner prejudicial to his private rights,
and left him to his remedy.
Mr. Calhoun to Mr. Brown.
No. 4.]                           DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, January 20, 1845.
SIR: Your dispatches to No. 16, inclusive, have been received. It is
to be regretted that a case like that of Mr. John Wiley, to which the
last principally relates, should have occurred so soon after the recognition of the Hawaiian Government by that of the United States. Your
course in regard to it is approved by the President, who concurs in the
views which you express. Notwithstanding the United States have no
treaty stipulation with the Government of the islands, they can not,
under the circumstances, consent that the privilege of being tried by a
jury of foreigners shall be withheld from our citizens while it is accorded




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


to the subjects of Great Britain and France. We have every reason to
expect our citizens shall have, in the dominibns of that Government, the
same privileges as the citizens or subjects of the most favored nation.
You will accordingly communicate these views to the minister for for.
eign affairs and repeat, in the name of the Government of the United
States, your firm protest against the proceedings of the Hawaiian authorities in regard to Mr. Wiley, assuring him in the strongest terms
that the United States will not submit to discriminaltion so uijust in
their nature and so unfriendly in spirit as respects their citizens, and
that the Government of the isllands will be held responsible for all
damages which may have been sustained in this case, or which may
hereafter be sustained by citizens of the United States under similar
circumstances.
The United States, if it be desired by the Hawaiian Government,
are willing to enter into treaty stipulations on the basis of those now
existing between it and Great Britain, and I herewith transmit to you
full powers to conclude such a convention. But it is to be understood
that the treaty is not to bar the claim for damages in the case of Mr.
Wiley (if any have been sustained), nor of any citizen or citizens of the
United States for injuries accruing prior to its adoption, should it be
made. I have further to say that if Great Britain or France should
hereafter consent, in cases involving the rights of their respective citizens, to a trial by jury de mediatate lingua, the United States would be
willing to make the same concession. But, whether there be or be not
treaty stipulations between us and the Islands, the United States can
never consent that their citizens should be put on any other footing
than those of the most favored nations.
I have the honor to be, with highest respect, sir, your obedient servant,
J. C. CALHOUN.
[Translation.1
Treaty ofpeace, amity, and commerce between France and the Sandwich
Islands, signed at Honollulu, March 26, 1846.
Time having shown the expediency of substituting a general treaty
for the various conventions mltually concluded heretofore by France
and the Sandwich Islands, the French and Hawaiian Governments
have mutually agreed upon the following articles, and have signed
them, after acknowledging and decreeing that all other treaties and
conventions now existing between the contracting parties, shall be
hereafter considered as void and of no effect.
ARTICLE 1. There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between
His Majesty the King of the French and the King of the Sandwich
Islands, and between their heirs and successors.
ART. 2. The subjects of His Majesty the King of the French, residing in the possessions of the King of the Sandwich Islands, shall enjoy, as to civil rights, and as regards their persons and their property,
the same protection as if they were native subjects, and the King of
the Sandwich Islands engages to grant them the same rights and privileges as those now granted, or which may be granted hereafter, to the
subjects of the most favored nation.
ART. 3. Any Frenchmean accused of any crime or offense shall be




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


877


tried only by a jury composed of native residents, or of foreigners proposed by the consul of France, and accepted by the Government of the
Sanld wich Islands.
ART. 4. The King of the Sandwich Islands will extend his protection to French vessels, their officers and crews. In case of shipwreck,
the chiefs and inhabitants of the various parts of the Sandwich Islands
must lend themn assistance and protect them front all pillage.
The salvage dues will be settled, in case of difficulty, by umpires appointed by both parties.
AIRT. 5. Desertion of sailors employed on board French vessels, will
be severely repressed by the local authorities, who must use every
means at their commanad to arrest the deserters. All expenses, within
just limits, incurred in their recapture, will be refunded by the captain
or owners of the said vessels.
ART. 6. French goods, or those recognized as coming from French
possessions, can not be prohibited nor subjected to a higher import
duty than five per cent ad valoremn. Wines, brandies, and other spirituous liquors are excepted, anld may be subjected to any just duties which
the Government of the Salndwich Islands may think proper to impose
upon them, but on colndition that such duty shall never be high enough
to become an absolute obstacle to the importation of the said articles.
ART. 7. Tonnage and import duties and all other duties imposed upon
Frenchl vessels, or upon merchandise imported in French vessels, must
not exceed the duties imposed upon the vessels or merchandise of the
most favored nation.
ART. 8. The subjects of the King of the Sandwich Islands will be
trea:ted upon the footing of the most favored nation in their commercial
or other relations writl France.
Made at Honolulu, March 26, 1846.
[L. S.]                               EM. PERRIN,
Consul of France,
Charged with a special mission to the ca dwiich Islands.
[L. S.]                               R. C. WYLLIE,
His Hawaiian Miajesty's MLinister of Foreign Ielations.
Mr. Buchanan to Mr. Ten Eyc7k, August 28, 1848.
[Extracts.]
Mr. Calhoun, in a note addressed to Messrs. Richards and Haalilio,
the IHawaiian commissiotlers, dated on the 6th July, 1844, informed them
that " the President regarded his message to Congress of the 31st December, 1842, the proceedings of the House of Rlepresentatives thereon,
and the appropriation made for the colnpensation of a commissioner of
the United States, who was subsequently appointed to reside in the islands, as a full recognition on the part of the United States of the independence of the HIawaiian Government." Besides, the letter of President Polk to the King which you bore with you, dated on the 10th Septelmber, 1845, treated him as an independent sovereign.
This Government, having thus pledged itself to accord to that of the
Hawaiian Islands the rights and privileges of a sovereign state, can
not in honor or justice demand from it anything which, under like circumstances, it would not demand from the most powerful nations. I




878


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


can discover nothing which would justify this Government in objecting
to the decisions of the Hawaiian courts in ordinary cases arising under
the municipal laws of the country or in dictating the policy which that
Government should pursue upon any domestic subject, and especially
that of the tenure of real estate by resident foreigners.
*      *        #       *        *       *       *
For these reasons it is my conviction that if, in a conciliatory spirit,
you would devote your efforts to acquire a just and honorable influence
over the Hawaiian authorities, you might accomplish the object. Such
a result would be highly advantageous to both countries. You might
thus by your counsel and advice render the Hawaiian Government as
well as the citizens of your own country important services. We ardently desire that the Hawaia an slands may maintain their independence. It would be highly injurious to our interests if, tempted by their
weakness, they should be seized by Great Britain or France; more especially so since our recent acquisitions from Mexico on the Pacific
Ocean.
Having been the first to welcome the Hawaiian Islands into the community of nations, it is our true policy, weak and feeble as they are, to
treat them with as much kindness and forbearance as may be consistent with the maintenance of our own just rights. Such is the opinion
of the President.
*       *        *     '          C       *       *
Mr. Ten Elyck to Mr. Buchanan.
No. 55.1             OFFICE UNITED STATES COMIISSTON,
Honolulu, September 3, 1849.
SIR:
Having waited until the 1st of August last, and the Savannah not
yet arriving, and a good opportunity offering to return, I left San Francisco at that time and reached this place on Saturday, the 25th ultimo,
in time to witness the landing of an armed force from the French menof-war in and off the harbor, who took possession of the fort and other
public buildings and property belonging to the Sandwich Islands Government in consequence of the Government having refused compliance
with certain demands made upon it by the French admiral and the
resident French consul. I have in my letter to Commander Jones, of
the 31st ultimo (copy of which is hereto annexed), given a brief history
of the proceedings of the French.
Mr. Turrill, our consul (with whom this Government has held official
correspondence since its resolutions of December last, suspending official intercourse with the U. S. Commissioner), has neglected to furnish
me with any documents or correspondence received by him in relation
to the difficulties between the French and the islands' Government,
although I have made a written request upon him therefor, " in order,"
as I stated to him, " that I might be enabled to determine whether the
dignity and honor of the Government I serve, her rights, or the rights




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


879


and interests of her citizens required any, and if any what, official action
at my hands, and also that I might be enabled understandingly to advise the State Department fully upon the matter." In consequence I
am unable to state to you the demands made by the French, the grounds
upon which they are based, the reasons for noncompliance on the part
of the islands' authorities, or to give any opinion upon the merits of the
controversy between the parties.
I am advised by Mr. Turrill that an expose of the whole difficulty
will be published in a few days by the authorities here, in pamphlet
form, when I will forward a copy. Mr. Turrill advises me, also, that he
intends forwarding manuscript copies of all the correspondence to your
Department.
I am waiting very anxiously the arrival of my successor, that I may
be relieved and get finally away from all connection with this Government. If ever a foreign representative has been neglected and abused
by the administration at Washington then have I been by Mr. Polk's,
and all simply because Mr. Buchanan had the manliness to sacrifice me
by censuring my official conduct (in laboring to follow out his instructions) in the vain hope of advancing his own political interests
with the American Board of Foreign Missions, and of securing himself
from the just charge of neglect and inattention to his public duties in
connection with this legation.
I hope, most certainly, to see Mr. Eames here in all this month. If
he does not reach here by the 1st October I shall feel that I am under
no obligation to remain longer, and shall leave the archives of the
legation in the hands of some trusty American resident, to be delivered
to my successor on his arrival.
During my absence from here nothing of any public interest had occurred up to the time of the arrival of the French admiral. Three or
four of our whale fleet have returned here from their hunting grounds
near the Japan and Northwest Coast. Those now here are bound home,
having met with good success. Within the next six weeks 100 or 200
whaleships will have arrived at the different ports of these islands for
recruits. The native population continues to disappear very rapidly.
It is estimated that 16,000 or 18,000 have died within the last ten or
eleven months, out of a population not exceeding 70,000.
I have the honor, etc.,
A. TEN EYCK.
SEPTEMBER 4, 1849.
P. S.-I was just on the point of closing this dispatch when I received a note from the French consul (copy of which is hereto annexed). Mr. Turril not having condescended to furnish me with a copy
of his correspondence with the French admiral, to which allusion is
made in the French consuls note, I can do no more than simply acknowledge the receipt of the French consulPs note, with tthe assurance
that a copy will be forwarded to the proper department of the Govern.
ment of the United States.
A. T. E.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. Ten Eyck to Commodore Jones.
[Inclosure in No. 55.]
OFFICE UNITED STATES COMMISSION,
Honolulu, August 31^ 1849.
SIR: On Saturday last, the 25th inst., I reached this place on my
return from California, just in time to witness the landing of a body of
armed men from the French fiigate the   rsuint a    tFrenche  rec
steamer Gassendi.
It seems that the Admiral de Tromedin had arrived here about the
18th instant from Callao, and the day after the steamer arrived from
Tahiti. Under the advice of MA. Dillon, the resident French consul, the
admliral requested an audience of the King for the purpose of discussing certain differences existing between the French consul and the
King's Government. This request the King, by the advice of his ministers, refused. The admiral then, as I understand it, made ten formal
demands in writing upon the King's Government and gave them three
days to consider and accede to them, advising the King that if they
were not complied with within that time he should land a force and
take possession of the fort and other Government property. The Government refused compliance with the admiral's demands, and accordingly, on Saturday last, at 3 p. m., he landed a force and took possession of the fort, the custom-house, and the Honolulu House (where the
ministers have their offices). He also took possession of the Government schooner, the Kamehameha, and all the small craft in port under
the Sandwich Islands flag. All this was done without the slightest
opposition being offered by the authorities, the Government, in fact,
having ordered that no resistance should be made to any proceedings
instituted or conducted by the French forces.
Thus matters continued until Wednesday last, when the French
guards were withdrawn from the custom-house and the Honolulu House,
and all the vessels seized, except the Government schooner, were released. During this day the marines in possession of the fort amused
themselves by destroying the powder, the large and small firearms,
and whatever property they could find, and towards evening finally
marched out and returned on board their vessels. While the French
forces were on shore a deputation from the Government visited the
admiral on board the steamer, but without any favorable result.
M. Dillon had only on Saturday placed his family on board the
steamer, and at 3 p. m. hauled down the flag of the consulate, and himself went on board the same vessel. This was the signal for the landing of the French forces.
The demands made by the admiral, the response of the Government,
and all the correspondence is, I understand, in process of publication;
as soon as I can procure a copy I will forward it. I understand frolm
Mr. Turrill, our consul, that this Government have furnished him
manuscript copies, which, with a protest sent by him to the admiral,
against his proceedings, he will forward you and the Secretary of State.
1M. Dillon and family leave for France in the admiral's ship early next
week, via San Francisco. I forward this by him. What the result of
this proceeding on the part of the French forces may be, or what effect
it may have upon the future political interests and independence of this
Government, is a matter of uncertainty.
I fear it will tend to hasten the consummation of the intrigues of Mr.
Wyllie, the King's minister of foreign relations, and General Miller,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


881


the English consul-general, by inducing the King, ere long, to place
himself under the protection of the English. Dr. Judd and the American missionaries will, I believe, counsel this course rather than permit
the King to submit to any exactions conflicting with his and their views
and policy. During all this proceeding, and while negotiations were
being attempted, the English consul-general was constantly consulted
and his advice generally followed by the Islands authorities.
Mr. Turrill having failed to put me in possession of the papers received by him from this Government, or of copies of his correspondence relating to these difficulties, although I had requested them from
him, I am unable to express any opinion upon the merits of the controversy between the French and the Sandwich Islands Government.
So far as the conduct of the French in destroying the Government
property in the fort is concerned, I do not hesitate to condemn it.
The Preble is still here. Capt. Glynn will, of course, report to you
the condition of his crew. It must be anything but encouraging, judging from what I have seen and hear of their sickness. The French
steamer will leave for Tahiti, taking the King's schooner in company, at
the same time that the frigate sails for San Francisco.
I have the honor, etc.,
A. TEN EYCK.
SEPTEMBER 4, 1849.
P. S.-I have opened this to say that the United States revenue brig
C. T. Lawzrence, Capt. Fraser, has just arrived, forty-five days from
Valparaiso.
A. T. E.
No. 30.]          CONSULATE OF THE UNITED STATES
FOR THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
Honolulu, September 4, 1849.
SIR: Rear-Admiral Tromelin arrived here on the 13th August, in the
frigate La Poursuivante. The French steamer Gassendi entered this
port on the day following.
The admiral, on his first arrival, evinced a most friendly disposition,
and it was for a while confidently believed that, notwithstanding the
embittered feelings of the consul of France, no hostile demonstrations
would be made. It was soon apparent, however, that the admiral had
placed himself under the control of the consul and would be merely an
instrument in his hands.
On the 22d, of last month demands were made upon this Government
jointly by the admiral and the consul. On the 25th this Government
sent answers to these demands, declining to comply with the same.
On the afternoon of that day troops were landed, the fort taken possession of, and a guard stationed around two public buildings. No
opposition whatever was made to the troops. The French held the
fort until the 30th, when they abandoned it, destroying everything connected therewith, and doing much damage to the governor's house and
the furniture in it.
During the time the fort was thus occupied by the French unavailing efforts were made, through the medium of commissioners, to effect
an amicable settlement of existing difficulties.
I herewith inclose a copy of the correspondence between Admiral
Tromelin and myself; also a copy of the proceedings between this GovS. Rep. 227-56




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


crnment and the admiral and consul, so far as they have been printed.
I also send a copy of a letter addressed to me by the minister of foreign
affairs, in relation to the mediation of the President of the United States,
and my answer to the same.
B. B. M. consul-general protested in strong terms against the proceedilngs of the admiral, and three consuls of the smaller powers also
remonstrated against the same. The course taken by the consuls no
doubt had a very beneficial effect. Supposing that you may receive a
communication upon that subject, I send herewith a copy of the correspondence between Mr. Ten Eyck and myself.
It has ever been the desire and aim of this Government, I beleive, to
observe faithfully all the provisions of the treaty with France, and they
have undoubtedly done so. Why, then, have these demands been made?
To one residing here, who has noticed passing events attentively for a
year or two past, this question is by no means difficult of solution.
Soon after his arrival in Honolulu, the consul of France set on foot certain political intrigues, the object of which was to eject from office one
of the King's ministers, for the purpose, as is confidently believed,
of providing a place for himself. Failing in these efforts he became
embittered against the King's advisers, and seemed determined to
gratify his feelings at the expense of this nation.
The assault made by the admiral upon this weak, this Christian nation, was unprovoked, and admits of no excuse. There is not one paliating circumstance attending it. When the facts and circumstances
connected therewith shall be fully known, the whole civilized world
will place upon it the mark of condemnation.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. TURRILL.
Hon. JOHN M. CLAYTON,
Secretary of State, Washington, D. 0.
[Translation.]
ADMIRAL'S FRIGATE OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC,
LA POURSUIVANTE,
Naval Station of the French Republic in the Pacific Ocean,
Honolulu, August 23, 1849.
MR. THE CONSUL: The Hawaiian Government, especially in latter
times, violated the treaty concluded between France and the Sandwich
Islands in a manner which requires a prompt and complete reparation,
which divers acts of which some French citizens have been the victims
render still indispensable.
I have taken, in concert with Mr. the consul of the French Republic
in the Sandwich Islands, all the measures compatible with the dignity
of France to obtain an amicable arrangement, but the obstinacy of the
Hawaiian Government appeared to wish to force me to make use of the
means at my disposal to oblige it to understand the voice of reason and
justice.
In this circumstance and agreeably to the conclusions of the ultimatum sent by me, in concert with Mr. the Consul Dillon, I have the honor
of advising you that the delay for the Hawaiian Government to Imake
its answer known will expire on August 25, instant, Saturday, at 3
p. m., after which delay, if the Government of His Majesty Kamehameha




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


883


III does not give me a complete satisfaction, it will only remain for me
to reclaim by force what I have demanded at first through the pacific
way of correspondence, and which I have not been able to obtain by
means of a conference, which has been refused to me.
In informing you of their disposition, Mr. the Consul, I ought to give
you here the assurance that the French Republic neither looks to an
occupation or a protectorate of the Hawaiian archipelago, but to a complete reparation. I shall give the necessary orders that, in the case of
hostilities taking place, the coTmmerce of American proprietors shall be
respected as ought to be that of a friendly nation.
I have the honor to invite you to make these dispositions known to
your fellow citizens, in order that they may take from this day the
lnecessary measures, on their part, to put themselves out of the risk of
all hazards that may result from the operations which I may have to
order against Honoullu.
I pray you to acknowledge the receipt of this notification.
Mr. the Admiral, commander-in-chief of the naval station of the
French Republic in the Pacific ocean.
LEGOARANT DE TROMELIN.
To Mr. the Consul of the United States of Am)erica in the Sandwich
Islands, at Honolulu.
UNITED STATES CONSULATE FOR THE FHAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
Honolulu, August 21, 1849.
SIR: I did myself the honor this morning of acknowledging the
receipt of yours of yesterday and in doing so I took occasion to remark
that I would reply to your communication as soon as I could procure
a correct translation of the same.
As far as I have been able to do so, I have commnunicated the contents of your letter to my countrymen, but I can not well advise them
what to do, as I am not made acquainted with the nature of the hostile
measures, if any, that are to be used. If the town is to be bombarded,
it will be necessary for them to remove their families and valuable
effects, to places of safety; but I do not wish to have them put to the
great expense and inconvenience of doing so unless the course you
mnay ultimately take shall render that necessary.
Since the receipt of your letter, I have examined with amuch care the
several demands which, in connection with the consul of France, you
have thought proper to make upon the Hawaiian Government, and1 I
have heretofore read attentively the voluminous correspondence of
France and this Government in relation to the claims upon which
those demands rest.
By tlhat correspondence I am informed that as early as last April a
large proportion of those claims, and I believe all that had then been
agitated, were, by a resolution of the Kinlg in council, referred for final
adjustment ' direct to the minister of foreign affairs of France," and,
although the fact be not material to perfect the case, I will add that it
aplpears from the same correspondence that the consul of France assenlted to that reference.
I am also advised from a source entitled to full credit that some
months ago-the exact time I do not recollect-the King appointed a
special commissioner to proceed to France for the express purpose of
effecting an amicable adjustment of those claims. This reference, beyond all question, removed the claims direct to France for settlement,




884


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


and placed them entirely beyond the jurisdiction of the consul or of any
other subordinate agent of the French Republic.
But, viewingthe case as disconnected with the reference, I beg leave
to remark that I have searched through the whole of that correspondence in vain to discover a single instance in which either the letter or
the spirit of the existing treaty has been violated by the Hawaiian
Government. If there be such an instance, the consul of France has
failed to point it out.
The demands which have been thus made upon this Government are,
in my judgement, in direct opposition to the plain provisions of the
treaty, and the enforcing them in the manner indicated would be a
palpable violation of the law of nations.
As the course you have advised me that circumstances may induce
you to pursue must of necessity seriously affect the great American interests connected with these islands, it becomes my imperative duty as
a representative of the United States to interpose my solemn protest
against it, which I now do, and I shall lose no time in communicating
to the President of the United States the facts and circumstances attending this case.
With the ardent hope that the pending difficulties may yet be amicably disposed of,
I have the honor to remain, sir, etc.,
J. TURRILL,
United States Consul.
LEGOARANT DE TROMELIN,
Rear-Admiral and Commander-in-Chief
of the Naval Forces of the Republic of France
in the Pacific Ocean.
[Translation.]
ADMIRAL'S FRIGATE OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC,
THE POURSUIVANTE,
Naval Station of the French Republic in the
Pacific Ocean, off Honolulu, the 25th August, 1849.
MR. THE CONSUL: In acknowledging receipt of your letter of yesterday's date, I have the honor of testifying to you the surprise which its
perusal has occasioned to me. I had not only not given you any communication of my demands on the Hawaiian Government, but further,
the policy of the American Government made it your duty to not interfere officially in our affairs with the administration of His Majesty
Kamehameha III, for you know as well as I that the United States of
America has made it to themselves a law of not mixing ever in the
affairs of other nations, and especially those of France, their ancient
and their most faithful ally.
I ought to advise you that I believe it to be my duty to communicate
your precited dispatch to the Government of the French Republic.
I renew to you, Mr. the Consul, the assurance of my very distinguished
consideration.
The rear admiral, commander-in-chief of the naval forces of the French
Republic in the Pacific Ocean,
LEGORANT DE TROMELIN.
To Mr. the Consul of the United States of America in the Sandwich Islands, Honolulu.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


885


UNITED STATES CONSULATE,
FOI THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
Honolulu, August 27, 1849.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of yours of the 25th
instant, a translation of which was not obtained in time to give it an
answer on Saturday, the day it bears date.
You are right in supposing it not to be the policy of the United
States to mix in the affairs of other nations. But when a case like the
one under consideration occurs, and I clearly see that the course iniliitary power is to take against this weak nation must greatly injure my
countrymen and seriously embarrass the extensive American commerce
connected with these islands, it becomes my duty so far to interfere offi
cially as to interpose my protest; and in doing so I doubt not my course
will meet the entire approbation of the President of the United States.
I have the honor to remain, sir, etc.,
J. TURRILL.
LEGORANT DE TROMELIN,
Rear-Admiral and Commander in Chief
of the Naval Forces of the French Republic
in the Pacific Ocean.
SEPARATE AND URGENT.]                   FOREIGN OFFICE,
August 25, 1849.
SIR: The King, my master, commands me to convey to you, for your
information, and that of your Government, the inclosed copies of the
peremptory demands made on the 22d instant by the admiral and the
consul of France, and of the replies to the same, which I have sent by
His Majesty's command.
It is not believed that any consequences can justly ensue endangering the lives and properties of American citizens, which His Majesty
will protect, so long as His Sovereign authority and the empire of his
laws are respected. When that period ceases, His Majesty's power to
protect will cease also, and it will be for you, as consul of the United
States, representing that Government, to act as you may consider to
be necessary.
It may be of importance for you to know that by command of the
King I addressed, on the 22d instant, by the James Monroe a request in His Majesty's name, through his special commissioner, James
Jackson Jarves, esquire, for the friendly mediation of his excellency
the President of the United States with the Government of France, in
regard to all demands made or that may be made upon the Government by the consul and admiral of the French Republic, and to obtain
this favor the King commands me to request your good offices.
With the highest respect, etc.,
I. C. WYLLIE.
JOEL TURRILL, Esq.,
United States Consul, etc.
P. S.-In case His Excellency the President of the United States
should be objected to as a mediator, or decline to act as such, a similar
note, with a similar intent, is now passed to H. B. M. consul-general.
The King engages to ratify and abide by the award of His Excellency




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


the President of the United States, or of the British Government, acting, either solel ly or joitly upon all points that may not be agreed upon
between the Frenclh Government and the Kings special commissioner.
James Jackson J-arves, esq.
R. C. W.
UNITED STATES CONSULATE,
lonolulu, August 95, 1819.
SInR I have the honor of acknowledging the receipt of your despatch
bearing even date herewith, inclosing copies "of the peremptory deimlands made on the 22d instant by the admiral and the consull of Franlce,
and of the replies to the same," and informinlg me that you had by comninLand of the King, on the 22d of this month, addressed a request in H is
Majesty's name, through his special commlissioller, James Jacksoi
Jarves, esq., for the friendly mediation of His Excellency the President of the United States with the Government of France, in regard
to all demands made or that may be made upon this Government by
the consul and admiral of the French Republic, and to obtain this favor
the King commllands you to request my " good offices." You also inform me that a, similar note has been addressed by you to 11. B. M. consul-general, soliciting the mediation of England, stating tlat the King
engages to ratify and abide by the award of the President of tile
United States or of the British Government, acting either solely or
jointly on all points that may not be agreed upon between the French
Government and the King's special commissioner. You m:ay assn'e
His Majesty the King, that I will cheerfully do arnythinin in  y pow-er
to aid in bringing about an anmicable a(justment of existing difficulties,
and for that purpose shall lose no time in sending to the President of
the United States a copy of your despatch, accompanied with such remarks as I may deem necessary.
I received a letter from Rear-Admiral Legoarant de Tromelin on the
24th instant, bearing date the 23d, in which he states that " the Hawaiian Government, especially in latter times, violated the treaty
conducted between France and the Sandwich Islands in a manner
which requires a prompt and complete reparation, which divers acts,
of which some French citizens have been the victims, render still indispensable."
And the admiral advised me, among other things, that unless the
Hawaiian Government should eomply with the ultimatum sent by hint
in concert with the consul of France, by 3 o'clock p. m. this day, that
force would be used.
Believing that the admiral had been misinformed in relation to the
violation of the treaty, and knowing that the use of force for the purpose and in the manner indicated by him would greatly injure Almerican commerce in the Pacific Ocean, I expressed in decided terms il mly
answer to the admiral's letter, which bears date of the 24th instant. tlhe
opinion that neither the letter nor spirit of the treaity had been violated by the Hawaiian Government, and I protested against the enforcing of the demands in the manner indicated by the admiral.
I shall lose no time in making the President of the United States
fully acquainted with the course I have taken in relation to thle proceedings of the admiral and thle consul of France.
I have the honor to be, etc.,
J. TURRILL.
His Excellency R. C. WYLLIE,
Minister of Foreign Relations, etc., Ilonolulu.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


8S87


A treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation, between the United
States of America and His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands.
concluded at Washington, 20th December, 1849-Ratified 4th February,
1850-Exchanged 24th August, 1850-Proclaimed 'th November, 1850.
Whereas a treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation, between
the United States of America and His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, was concluded and signed at Washington on the twentieth day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and forty-nine, the original of which treaty is, word for word,
as follows:
The United States of America and His Majesty the King of the
Hawaiian Islands, equllly animated with the desire of maintaining the
relations of good understanding which ha  hitherto so happily subsisted between their respective states, and consolidating the commercial intercourse between them, have agreed to enter into negotiations for
the conclusion of a treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation, for
which purpose they have appointed plenipotentiaries, that is to say:
The President of the United States of America, John M. Clayton, Secretary of State of the United States, and His Majesty the King of the
Hawaiian Islands, James Jackson Jarves, accredited as his special
commissioner to the Government of the United States, who, after having exchanged their full powers, found in good and due form, have
concluded and signed the following articles.
ARTICLE I.
There shall be perpetual peace and amity between the lUnited States
and the King of the Hawaiian Islands, his heirs and his successors.
ARTICLE II.
There shall be reciprocal liberty of commerce and navigation between
the United States of America and the Hawaiian Islands. No duty of
customs or other impost shall be charged upon any goods the produce
or manufacture of one country, upon importation from such country
into the other, other or higher than the duty or impost charged upon
goods of the same kind the produce or manufacture of or imported
from any other country; and the United States of America and His
Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands do hereby engage that the
subjects or citizens of any other. state shall not enjoy any favor, privilege, or immunity whatever, in matters of commerce and navigation,
which shall not also at the same time be extended to the subjects or
citizens of the other contracting party, gratuitously, if the concession
in favor of that other state shall have been gratuitous, and in return
for a compensation, as nearly as possible of proportionate value and
effect, to be adjusted by mutual agreement, if the concession shall have
been conditional.
ARTICLE III.
All articles the produce or manufacture of either country, which can
legally be imported into either country from the other, in ships of that
other country, and thence cominig, shall, when so imported, be subject
to the same duties and enjoy the same privileges, whether imported in
ships of the one country or in ships of the other; and, in like manner,




888                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
all goods which can legally be exported or reexported fiom either country to the other, in ships of that other country, shall, when so exported
or reexported, be subject to the same duties and be entitled to the same
privileges, drawbacks, bounties, and allowances, whether exported in
ships of the one country or in ships of the other; and all goods and
articles, of whatever description, not being of the produce or manufacture of the United States, which can be legally imported into the Sandwich Islands, shall, when so imported in vessels of the United States,
pay no other or higher duties, imposts, or charges than shall be payable
upon the like goods and articles when imported in the vessels of the
most favored nation, other than the nation of which the said goods and
articles are the produce or manufacture.
ARTICLE IV.
No duties of tonnage, harbor, light-houses, pilotage, quarantine, or
other similar duties, of whatever nature, or under whatever denominatlon, shall be imposed in either country upon the vessels of the other,
in respect of voyages between the United States of America and the
Hawaiian Islands, if laden, or in respect of any voyage, if in ballast,
which shall not be equally imposed in the like cases on national vessels.
ARTICLE V.
It is hereby declared that the stipulations of the present treaty are
not to be understood as applying to the navigation and carrying trade
between one port and another situated in the States of either contracting party, such navigation and trade being reserved exclusively to
national vessels.
ARTICLE VI.
Steam vessels of the United States, which may be employed by the
Government of the said States in the carrying of their public mails across
the Pacific Ocean, or from one port in that ocean to another, shall have
free access to the ports of the Sandwich Islands, with the privilege of
stopping therein to refit, to refresh, to land passengers and their baggage, and for the transaction of any business pertaining to the public
mail service of the United States, and shall be subject, in such ports,
to no duties of tonnage, harbor, light-houses, quarantine, or other similar duties, of whatever nature or under whatever denomination.
ARTICLE 'VI.
The whale ships of the United States shall have access to the ports
of Hilo, Kealakekua, and Hanalei, in the Sandwich Islands, for the
purposes of refitment and refreshment, as well as to the ports of Honolulu and Lahaina, which only are ports of entry for all merchant vessels; and in all the above-named ports they shall be permitted to trade
or barter their supplies of goods, excepting spirituous liquors, to the
amount of two hundred dollars ad valorem for each vessel, without paying any charge for tonnage or harbor dues of any description, or any
duties or imposts whatever upon the goods or articles so traded or bartered. They shall also be permitted, with the like exemption from all
charges for tonnage and harbor dues, further to trade or barter, with
the same exception as to spirituous liquors, to the additional amount of




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


889


one thousand dollars ad valorem for each vessel, paying upon the additional goods and articles so traded and bartered no other or higher
duties than are payable on like goods and articles when imported in the
vessels and by the citizens or subjects of the most favored foreign nation. They shall also be permitted to pass from port to port of the
Sandwich Islands for the purpose of procuring refreshments; but they
shall not discharge their seamen or land their passengers in the said
islands, except at Lahaina and Honolulu; and in all the ports named in
this article the whale ships of the United States shall enjoy, in all respects whatsoever, all the rights, privileges, and immunities which arenjoyed by, or shall be granted to, the whale ships of the most favoree
foreign nation. The like privilege of frequenting the three ports of the
Sandwich Islands above named in this article, not being ports of entry
for merchant vessels, is also guarantied to all the public armed vessels
of the United States. But nothing in this article shall be construed as
authorizing any vessel of the United States having on board any disease
usually regarded as requiring quarantine to enter, during the continuance of such disease on board, any port of the Sandwich Islands other
than Lahaina or Honolulu.
ARTICLE VIII.
The contracting parties engage, in regard to the personal privileges,
that the citizens of the United States of America shall enjoy in the dominions of His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, and the
subjects of his said Majesty in the United States of America, that they
shall have free and undoubted right to travel and to reside in the states
of the two high contracting parties, subject to the same precautions of
police which are practiced towards the subjects or citizens of the most
favored nations. They shall be entitled to occupy dwellings and warehouses, and to dispose of their personal property of every kind and description, by sale, gift, exchange, will, or in any other way whatever,
without the smallest hindrance or obstacle; and their heirs or representatives, being subjects or citizens of the other contracting party,
shall succeed in their personal goods, whether by testament or ab intestato; and may take possession thereof; either by themselves or by
others acting for them, and dispose of the same at will, paying to the
profit of the respective Governments such dues only as the inhabitants
of the country wherein the said goods are shall be subject to pay in
like cases. And, in case of the absence of the heir and representative, such care shall be taken of the said goods as would be taken
of the goods of a native of the same country in like case, until the
lawful owner may take measures for receiving them. And if a question should arise among several claimants as to which of them said
goods belong, the same shall be decided finally by the laws and judges
of the land wherein the said goods are. Where, on the decease of any
person holding real estate within the territories of one party, such real
estate would, by the laws of the land, descend on a citizen or subject
of the other, were he not disqualified by alienage, such citizen or subject shall be allowed a reasonable time to sell the same, and to withdraw the proceeds without molestation, and exempt from all duties of
detraction on the part of the Government of the respective states.
The citizens or subjects of the contracting parties shall not be obliged
to pay, under any pretence whatever, any taxes or impositions other
or greater than those which are paid, or may hereafter be paid, by the
subjects or citizens of the most favored nations, in the respective




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


states of the high contracting parties. They shall be exempt from all
military service, whether by land or by sea; from forced loans; and
from every extraordinary contribution not general and by law established. Their dwellings, warehouses, and all premises appertaning
thereto, destined for the purposes of commerce or residence, shall be
respected. No arbitrary search of or visit to their houses, and no arbi.
trary examination or inspection whatever of the books, papers, or accounts of their trade, shall be made; but such measures shall be executed only in conformity with the legal sentence of a competent tribunal; and each of the two contracting parties engages that the citizens or subjects of the other residing in their respective states shall
enjoy their property an d personal security in as full and ample manner
as their own citizens or subjects, or the subjects or citizens of the most
favored nation, but subject always to the laws and statutes of the two
countries, respectively.
ARTICLE IX.
The citizens and subjects of each of the two contracting parties shall
be free in the States of the other to manage their own affairs themselves, or to commit those afftairs to the management of any persons
whom they may alppoint as their broker, factor, or agent; nor shall the
citizens and subjects of the two contracting parties be restrained in
their choice of persons to act in such capacities; nor shall they be called
upon to pay any salary or remuneration to any person whom they shall
not choose to employ.
Absolute freedom shall be given in all cases to the buyer and seller
to bargain together and to fix the price of any goods or merchandise
imported into, or to be exported from, the States and dominions of the
two contracting parties, save and except generally such cases wherein
the laws and usages of the country may require the intervention of any
special agents in the States and dominions of the contracting parties.
But nothing contained in this or any other article of the present treaty
shall be construed to authorize the sale of spirituous liquors to the natives of the Sandwich Islands, further than such sale may be allowed by
the Hawaiin laws.
ARTICLE X.
Each of the two contracting parties may have, in the ports of the
other, consuls, vice-consuls, and commercial agents of their own appointment, who shall enjoy the same privileges and powers with those
of the most favored nations; but if any such consuls shall exercise commerce, they shall be subject to the same laws and usage to which the
private individuals of their nation are subject in the same place. The
said consuls, vice-consuls, and commercial agents are authorized to require the assistance of the local authorities for the search, arrest, detention, and imprisonment of the deserters from the ships of war and merchant vessels of their country. For this purpose they shall apply to
the competent tribunals, judges, and officers, and shall, in writing, demand the said deserters, proving, by the exhibition of the registers of
the vessels, the rolls of the crews, or by other official documents, that
such individuals formed part of the crews; and this reclamation being
thus substantiated, the surrel)der shall not be refused. Such deserters, when arrested, shall be placed at the disposal of the said consuls,
vice-consuls, or commercial agents, and may be confined in the public




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                       1
prisons, at the request and cost of those who shall claim them, in order
to be detained until the time when they shall be restored to the vessel
to which they belonged, or sent back to their own country by a vessel
of the same nation, or any other vessel whatsoever. The agents, owners, or masters of vessels on account of whom the deserters have been
apprehended, upon requisition of the local authorities, shall be required
to take or send away such deserters from the States and dominions of
the contracting parties, or give such security for their good conduct as
the law may require. But if not sent back nor reclaimed within six
months from the day of their arrest, or if all the expenses of such imprisonment are not defrayed by the party causing such arrest and
imprisonment, they shall be set at liberty, and shall not be again arrested for the same cause. However, if the deserters should be found
to have committed any crime or offence, their surrender may be delayed until the tribunal before which their case shall be depending
shall have pronounced its sentence, and such sentence shall have been
carried into eflect.
ARTICLE XI.
It is agreed that perfect and entire liberty of conscience shall be en
joyed by the citizens and subjects of both the contracting parties, in the
countries of the one and the other, without their being liable to be disturbed or molested on account of their religious belief. But nothing
contained in this article shall be construed to interfere with the exclusive right of the Hawaiian Government to regulate for itself the schools
which it may establish or support within its jurisdiction.
ARTICLE XII.
If any ships of war or other vessels be wrecked on the coasts of the
States or Territories of either of the contracting parties, such ships or
vessels, or any parts thereof, and all furniture and appurtenanrces belonging thereunto, and all goods and merchandise which shall be saved
therefrom, or the produce thereof, if sold, shall be faithfully restored
with the least possible delay to the proprietors, upon being claimed by
them or by their duly authorized factors; and, if there are no such
proprietors or factors on the spot, then the said goods and merchandise, or the proceeds thereof, as well as all the papers found on board
such wrecked ships or vessels, shall be delivered to the American or
Hawaliian consul or vice-consul in whose district the wreck may have
taken place; and such consul, vice-consul, proprietors, or factors, shall
pay only the expenses incurred in the preservation of the property,
together with the rate of salvage and expenses of quarantine which
would have been payable in the like case of a wreck of a national vessel; alnd the goods and merchandise saved from the wreck shall not be
subject to duties unless entered for consumption, it being understood
that in case of any legal claim upon such wreck, goods, or merchandise,
the same shall be referred for decision to the competent tribunals of
the country.
ARTICLE XIII.
The vessels of either of the two contracting parties which may be
forced by stress of weather or other cause into one of the ports of the
other shall be exempt from all duties of port or navigation paid for the
I




892                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
benefit of the State, if the motives which led to their seeking refuge be
real and evident, and if no cargo be discharged or taken on board, save
such as may relate to the subsistence of the crew, or be necessary for
the repair of the vessels, and if they do not stay in port beyond the
time necessary, keeping in view the cause which led to their seeking
refuge.
ARTICLE XIV.
The contracting parties mutually agree to surrender, upon official
requisition, to the authorities of each, all persons who, being charged
with the crimes of murder, piracy, arson, robbery, forgery, or the utterance of forged paper, committed within the jurisdiction of either, shall
be found within the territories of the other, provided that this shall
only be done upon such evidence of criminality as, according to the
laws of the place where the person so charged shall be found, would
justify his apprehension and commitment for trial if the crime had
there been committed; and the respective judges and other magistrates
of the two Governments shall have authority, upon complaint made
under oath, to issue a warrant for the apprehension of the person so
charged, that he may be brought before such judges or other magistrates, respectively, to the end that the evidence of criminality may be
heard and considered; and if, on such hearing, the evidence be deemed
sufficient to sustain the charge, it shall be the duty of the examining
judge or magistrate to certify the same to the proper executive authority, that a warrant may issue for the surrender of such fugitive. The
expense of such apprehension and delivery shall be borne and defrayed
by the party who makes the requisition and receives the fugitive.
ARTICLE XV.
So soon as steam or other mail packets under the flag of either of the
contracting parties shall have commenced running between their respective ports of entry, the contracting parties agree to receive at the
post-offices of those ports all mailable matter, and to forward it as
directed, the destination being to some regular post-office of either
country, charging thereupon the regular postal rates as established by
law in the territories of either party receiving said mailable matter, in
addition to the original postage of the office whence the mail was sent.
Mails for the United States shall be made up at regular intervals at
the Hawaiian post-office, and dispatched to ports of the United States,
the postmasters at which ports shall open the same, and forward the
inclosed matter as directed, crediting the Hawaiian Government with
their postage as established by law, and stamped upon each manuscript
or printed sheet.
All mailable matter destined for the Hawaiian Islands shall be received at the several post-offices in the United States and forwarded
to San Francisco, or other ports on the Pacific coast of the United
States, whence the postmasters shall dispatch it by the regular mail
packets to Honolulu, the Hawaiian Government agreeing on their part
to receive and collect for and credit the Post-Office Department of the
United States with the United States' rates charged thereupon. It
shall be optional to prepay the postage on letters in either country,
but postage on printed sheets and newspapers shall, in all cases, be
prepaid. The respective Post-Office Departments of the contracting




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


893


parties shall in their accounts, which are to be adjusted annually, be
credited with all dead letters returned.
ARTICLE XVI.
The present treaty shall be in force from the date of the exchange of
the ratifications, for the term of ten years, and further, until the end of
twelve months after either of the contracting parties shall have given
notice to the other of its intention to terminate the same, each of the
said contracting parties reserving to itself the right of giving such notice at the end of the said term of ten years or at any subsequent term.
Any citizen or subject of either party infringing the articles of this
treaty shall be held responsible for the same, and the harmony and
good correspondence between the two Governments shall not be interrupted thereby, each party engaging in no way to protect the offender
or sanction such violation.
ARTICLE XVII.
The present treaty shall be ratified by the President of the United
States of America, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate
of the said States, and by His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, by and with the advice of his privy council of state, and the ratification shall be exchanged at Honolulu within eighteen months from
the date of its signature, or sooner, if possible.
In witness whereof the respective plenipotentiaries have signed the
same in triplicate and have thereto affixed their seals.
Done at Washington, in the English language, the twentieth day of
December, in the year one thousand eight hundred and forty-nine.
JOHN M. CLAYTON,        [SEAL.]
JAMES JACKSON JARVES. [SEAL.]
And whereas the said treaty has been duly ratified on both parts and
the respective ratifications of the same were exchanged at Honolulu on
the 24th day of August last, by Charles Bunker, consul of the United
States at Lahaina, and R. C. Wyllie, minister of foreign relations of His
Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, on the part of their respective governments:
Now, therefore, be it known that I, Millard Fillmore, President of the
United States, have caused the said treaty to be made public, to the
end that the same, and every article and clause thereof, may be observed and fulfilled with good faith by the United States and the citizens thereof.
In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the city of Washington, this 9th day of November, in the
year of our Lord 1850, and of the Independence of the United States
the seventy-fifth.
L. S.e1                                 MILLARD FILLMORE.
My the President:
W. S. DERRICK,
Acting Secretary of State.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. G. P. Judd and Mr. James J. Jarves to Mir. Clayton.
WASIIINGTON, Xlal 30, 1850.
SIR: We have the honor to inclose for your perusal copies ot certain
documents relative to the late difficulties which have arisen between
the Governments of France and the Hawaiian Islalnds.
Nos. 17, 1S, and -19 relate to an application to the Governmellnt of Her
Britannic Majesty in order to obtain their good offices in the adjustment of the points at issue. Nos. 20 and 21 relate to a new treaty with
France.
From these you will perceive that the British Government have consented to use their good offices in favor of our Government. We are
instructed to request the friendly interposition of tle United States
towards a satisfactory settlement of the difficulties with France, and we
invite the cooperation of your excellency, particularly with reference
to the adoption by both England and France of treaties similar to that
negotiated by the United States. It is the earncest desire of His
Hawaiian Majesty that the United States be'omel party to al arralngement with those two powers to secure his neutrality in all wars and
provide for the settlement of any future difficulty which may arise between the Hawaiian Islands and either of the three powers by a reference to the other two.
Trusting that our communication may meet with a favorable consideration, we subscribe ourselves,
Your excellency's most obedient servants,
G. P. JUDD,
JAMES J. JARVES.
[Inclosures not found with note.]
Mr. Clayton to Mr. Judd and Mir. Jarves.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
WFashington, June 3 1850.
To Messrs. G. P. JUDD and JAMES J. JARVES,
Washtington:
GENTLEMEN: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
note of the 30th ultimo, with the accompanyilng documents, relative to
the difference between His Hawaiian Majesty's Governllment and the
Government of Fr'ance, growing out of certain proceedillgs of the late
consul-general of France and of the naval commrander of that Republic
at the Hawaiian Islands. Your note has been submitted to the President, who has directed me to state, in l eply, that as the United States
have strong motives both of sympathy and interest for desiring that
His Hawaiian Majesty's Government should be upon the most friendly
terms with all others and especially with those of powerful commuercial
States, he ardently hopes that the misunderstanding adverted to may
be adjusted to the mutual satisfaction of the parties, and will cheerfully do anything in his power, compatible with the cardinal policy of
this Government, to bring about that desirable result. An instruction
will accordingly be addressed to Mr. Rives, the United States minister
at Paris, directing him to employ his good offices, either separately or
in conjunction with the British minister, for the purpose of accommo



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


895


lating the dispute between His Hawaiian Majesty's Government and;hat of France.
The desire which you express in behalf of His Hawaiian Majesty that;he United States should become a party to an arralgerment with Great
Britain and France to secure 11iis Miajesty's- neutrality in all wars and
)rovide for the settlemelnt of any future difficulty which may arise be-;ween the Hawaiian Islands and either of the three poweis, by a reference to the other two, shall be takeln into respectful consideration.
I avail myself of the occasion, gentlemen, to offer to you the assurance
)f my very high regard.
JOHN M. CLAYTON.
Mir. Clayton to ]l&r. Rives.
To. 15.]                         DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, J1ly 5, 1850.
To WILLIAM C. RIVES, Esq., etc.:
SIR: I transmit a copy of a note and of the accompanying papers
iddressed to this Department, unlder date the 30th of Maly last, by
Messrs. G. P. Judd and James Jackson Jarves, accredited to this Gov3rmnent as special commissioners of His Hawaiian Majesty, requesting
bhe friendly interposition of the United States towards a satisfactory
settlement of the differences between the Hawaiian Government and
bhat of France. A copy of my answer, to the application is also
inclosed.
It certainly is very desirable that the relations between France and
the Hawaiian Islands should be of an amicable character. We desire
that those islands should maintain their independence. We believe
that their existing government is competent to discharge the duties of
a sovereign state, and that if any of its acts or ornissions with reference
to other governments, or to the citizens or subjects owing them allegiance, have been of questionable propriety, this should be imputed to
the inexperience of the Hawaiian functionaries, and to the difficulties
arising from the peculiarities of their position.
It undoubtedly behooves the governments of older and more powerful
states who hold official intercourse with the Hawaiian Government to
view with indulgence any delinquencies which they may commit clearly
resulting from the causes just intlicated. The occasion is not consi(lered
to call for an expression of an opinion by tills Departiment in regard to
the merits of the controversy between the French and the JHawaiian
authorities. The Department, howe er, will not hesitate to express
its belief that whatever may have been the convictions of tlhe French
officers as to the justice of their cause, the measures adopted to obtain
redress were unnecessarily harsh. It is holped that this will ultimately
be the conclusion of the French Government itself; and that, in tlat
event, it will make such amends to the Hawaiian Government as a great
and magnanimous nation can not fail to consider as due in such case to
a feeble and injured state.
The Department will be slow to believe that the French have any
intention to adopt, with reference to the Sandwich Islands, the same
policy which they have pursued in regard to Tahiti. If, however, in
your judgment it should be warranted by circumstances, you may take
a proper opportunity to intimate to tlhe minister for foreign affairs of




896


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


France that the situation of the Sandwich Islands, in respect to our
possessions on the Pacific and the bonds commercial and of other descriptions between them and the United States, are such that we could
never with indifference allow them to pass under the dominion or exclusive control of any other power. We do not ourselves covet sovereignty over them. We would be content that they should remain
under their present rulers, who, we believe, are disposed to be just and
impartial in their dealings with all nations.
The President is not prepared to comply with the request of Messrs.
Judd and Jarves, that the United States should become a party to an
arrangement with England and France to secure the neutrality of the
Hawaiian Government in all wars, and to provide for the adjustment
of any future misunderstanding between that Government and either
of the three by a reference to the other two. But although a formal
treaty for these purposes would be too little in consonance with our
usual policy to be entered into without great deliberation, our interests
involved in the independence of the Sandwich Islands are of sufficient
importance to require and warrant us in adopting other measures for
the purpose of restoring and preserving harmony between their Government and that of either England or France. The President consequently hopes for the best results from your zealous, yet prudent, endeavors toward a satisfactory accommodation of the dispute which is
the immediate occasion of this dispatch.
I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOIN M. CLAYTON.
Mr. W. C. Rives to Mr. Webster.
No. 49.]               LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Paris, September 12, 1850.
SIR: I omitted in my last dispatch to acknowledge the receipt of
dispatch No. 15 from the State Department, addressed to me by the late
Secretary of State, ancd which was not received here until I had left Paris
on my recent excursion. I shall in the exercise of the discretion it commits to me profit of the first occasion which may seem suitable and
proper to bring the views and considerations it suggests to the aid of
an amicable adjustment of the difficulties between the Sandwich Islands
and this Government, without intruding officiously or offensively in the
controversy between the parties. The minister of foreign affairs left
here ten or twelve days ago to accompany the President in his visit
to Cherbourg and some of the neighboring departments, and is not expected back for several days yet to come. I have therefore had no
opportunity of personal conmmunication with him since my return to
Paris.
*       #        *       S        *       *       -'p
I have the honor, etc,,
W. C. RIVES.
We, Kamehameha III, by the grace of God of the Hawaiian Islands,
King: By and with the advice of our kuhina nui and counsellors of
native chiefs, finding our relations with France so oppressive to my
Kingdom, so inconsistent with its rights as an independent State, and




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


897


so obstructive of all our endeavors to administer the government of
our islands with equal justice with all nations and equal independence
of all foreign control, and despairing of equity and justice from France,
hereby proclaim as our royal will and pleasure that all our islands and
all our rights as sovereign over them are from the date hereof placed
under the protection and safeguard of the United States of America
until some arrangements can be made to place our said relations with
France upon a footing compatible with my rights as an independent
sovereign under the laws of nations and compatible with my treaty engagements with other foreign nations; or, if such arrangements be
found impracticable, then is our wish and pleasure that the protection
aforesaid under the United States of America be perpetual.
And we further proclaim as aforesaid that from the date of publication hereof the flag of the United States of America shall be hoisted
above the national ensign on all our forts and places and vessels navigating with Hawaiian registers.
Done at our palace at Honolulu this 10th day of March, A. D. 1851,
and in the twenty-sixth year of our reign.
[L. S.j                                     KAMETIHAMEHA.
KEONI ANA.
lr. Severance to Mr. Webster.
UNITED STATES COMMISSION,
No. 6.]                              Honolulu, lMarch 11, 1851.
SIR: I wrote you yesterday and sent the letter by mail in a vessel
which sails on Wednesday, in relation to the negotiations with M.
Perrin, the French consul-general, and that there was little probability
of an amicable conclusion. What will follow we can not tell, but in
case of another hostile attack from the French, the King, with the approbation of his chiefs, and I believe nearly all the principal officers of
the Government, have it in contemplation to take down the Hawaiian
flag and run up that of the United States. They contemplate annexation to our Republic, and have already consulted me about it. They
would prefer a guaranty of protection from England and the United
States, and have consulted with Gen. Miller, the British consul-general
here. He gives them no satisfaction, having written to his Government on the same topic before and received no reply. He is bound by
the joint declaration of 1843, that Great Britain shall not take possession, either as a protectorate or otherwise.
There is considerable British interest here. Formerly the King and
chiefs put great reliance on the protection of England, which was
promised verbally to Liholiho, the immediate predecessor of the present
King, when he visited England with several of his chiefs. William IV
was then on the British throne, I believe; but since then they have
had a great deal of difficulty with Mr. Charlton, the British consul, and
some with Gen. Miller, the present consul. So they have also with my
predecessors, Brown and Ten Eyck; yet the American interest, missionary, mercantile, and otherwise, is altogether paramount.
The popular representative body recently elected by native votes is
for the most part composed of natives of the United States, and so is
the executive part of the Government, as well as the judiciary, at least
in the high courts. The other branch of the legislature is composed of
S. Rep. 227  57




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


a council of native chiefs, retaining so far their ancient privileges.
During the last year or two there has been a considerable immigration
from Sidney, but not an influential or desirable population. Threefourths, at least, of the business done here is by Americans, and they
already own much of the real estate. The sugar-planters are nearly all
Americans, and have a strong interest in annexation to the United
States, as in that event they will supply our Pacific coast with sugar
at an advantage of 30 per cent over all other sugars from the East
Indies or elsewhere. The subject of annexation is here often hinted at,
and sometimes freely discussed in private; but it is known only to a
very few that the King and his Government have the matter under
consideration. If the action of the French should precipitate a movement here, I shall be called on, perhaps, to protect the American flag.
I was indeed requested to go and see the King on Monday night, and
in the presence of the council to give him assurance of protection
should he raise the Anerican flag instead of his own; but I preferred
to keep away, so as to avoid all appearance of intrigue to bring about a
result which, however desirable, and as many believe ultimately inevitable, must still be attended with difficulties and embarrassments. It
was a week before this that I was applied to by the King to prevent
the sailing of the Vandalia, as was contemplated by Capt. Gardner. It
was his wish to go on Saturday last. The letters of the premier, minister of the interior, and vice-regent will be found on sheet annexed,
marked A.
To the letter of the regent I replied as on sheet marked B. I then
addressed a letter to Capt. Gardiner, after first having a free conference with him and with Mr. Allen, the American consul. The letter
is marked C. To this Capt. Gardiner replied as marked D.
Capt. Cosnier, commander of the Serieuse, appears to be a very
worthy man and takes no part in the controversy, as far as known. He
can not speak English. I can not yet believe Mr. Perrin will require
him to commence war or reprisals, or even blockade. I am, however, in
the highest degree anxious to have your instructions how far I may go
in protecting the American flag if it shall be raised here. There will
be no lack of volunteers to defend it on shore, and a host will soon rush
here from California to uphold the stars and stripes. But then if the
French should fire upon the town from the corvette, might not Capt.
Gardiner interpose to protect American property which is to be found
on both sides of every street in town, and all along the wharves'?
Under the circumstances I am strongly inclined to this opinion, but it
requires very serious reflection. I hope no outbreak may change the
present state of things till I can hear from you and know how far I can
be justified in calling upon a volunteer force or any of our vessels of
war to defend the American flag should it be raised here by the consent or desire of the existing Government.
The Serieuse may now go away without committing any act of hostility, but the difficulties are not settled. The French may return with
a larger force. They have more ships of war in the Pacific-one frigate
and a brig, I believe. The natives look upon them as enemies, and if
they come again on a like errand we shall be again appealed to for protection and the subject of annexation will come up again with added
force.
I hope the exigency will not arrive till after I have heard from you,
as I greatly fear my inclination may lead me to transcend my authority.
Meantime I shall endeavor to retain the confidence of the King, the
chiefs, and the cabinet. Of the latter, John Young, minister of the in



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


899


terior, is the son of an Englishman by a native woman. Mr. Wylie,
minister of foreign relations, is a Scotchman, liberal and learned. Dr.
Judd, minister of finance, is from New York; so is the chief justice,
W. L. Lee; and so is Mr. Bishop, the collector-general, who boards at
the same table with me. Mr. Bates, the attorney-general, is from
Michigan. Mr. Armstrong, minister of public instruction, is from
Pennsylvania; Judge Andrews is from Ohio. These Americans are
now Hawaiian subjects, but they retain their affection for their native
land.
WEDNESDAY, MIarch 12.
The King, his chiefs, and ministers, had a consultation at the palace
on Monday night, and again on Tuesday night. It was the desire of
the chiefs to appeal to Gen. Miller for British protection. This was
promised them verbally by William IV, when they were in England.
They have never forgotten it; but the general gave them no promises.
At the same time he cautioned them against transferring their authority to any other power, evidently meaning the United States. I find
he is beginning to be a little jealous of us. They say he complains of
the partiality of the Government to Americans. He breakfasted with M.
Perrin a few days ago, and though he declares the French demands preposterous, he still seems little disposed to do much to oppose them.
Perrin will doubtless inflame his jealousy of us as much as possible.
Already I hear through a French channel that Perrin has no fear of
England in this business. They both see that the natural tendency
of events will be to thoroughly Americanize the islands, a process
which will go on more rapidly when we get a steam communication
with San Francisco.
The tone of the California newspapers just received, too, will quicken
these jealousies and apprehensions, if they are felt. But what is most
important for you to know is that a paper has actually been drawn up
and executed transferring the sovereign authority of the Islands to the
United States with the design of having the flag of the United States
above the Hawaiian. This is only to be used in case of hostilities by
the French; otherwise to be a dead letter. I am not committed to this
proceeding by any writing, nor have I been present, but have my information from one who was presont. The most I have said in private
conversation is, that if the King cedes the islands to the United States
and puts up the American flag, I will do what I can to protect it for
the time being, until the pleasure of my Government shall be known.
Leaning upon us as they do, and sympathizing with them under aggravated wrongs and repeated insults, I could not tell them we should reject their proffered allegiance, and stand passive while they, with the
American flag in their hands, should be trampled under foot by the
French. If in this I have said too much, I am willing to be sacrificed
if I can be the means of bringing about ultimate favorable results.
The F(lmouth is expected here shortly, and I am in hopes that when
the news of difficulties here reaches Corn. McAuley he will come here
with the Raritan. There ought to be an American ship-of-war here most
of the time; its presence will have a salutary effect in preventing mischief. The English have had- none here for some time. The fear of
disturbances here operates injuriously upon our commerce, checks emigration hither, and retards the purchase of lands here by Americans.
You will get a pretty accurate view of these islands, their resources,
and their politics, from Mr. Jarves' History, latest edition. Corn.
Wilkes, and Cornom. Jones too, understood the matter very well.




900                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
When Capt. La Place was here, in 1839, the French consul was Jules
Dudoit; he has remained here, and is now a resident of the Island of
Kani. I am told on good authority that he says it was the intention
of La Place to seize and retain the islands, and that in demanding the
sum of $20,000, in default of which he would take possession, he had
no idea the King could raise the money, and was much disappointed
when he did so by borrowing it of the foreign residents. M. Dudoit
has now large interests here and entirely disapproves the present conduct of the French.
The Government here has long been harassed by the continued interference of foreign consuls. The English consuls have been as dictatorial as the French in some things, especially in the matter of land
claims. If an English subject had any sort of claim to a piece of land,
he was pretty sure to get through the interference of the consulwho
paid little respect to native courts. Property of great value in this
town was given to Mr. Charlton by a decision of the law advisers of
the British crown in London on a case made up by the consul. In fact,
the independence of the Islands has not been practically acknowledged.
The Government has been compelled to yield to every capricious demand which a British or French foreign resident chose to make, if he
could get his consul by any means to take up his case. He had only
to point to the guns of a ship of war, and the trembling Government,
conscious of its weakness, was forced to yield. The Government has
sought guarantees of protection but has not obtained them. Mutual
jealousy of each other, cooperating with more generous motives, dictated the joint declaration of 1843 by England and France; but this
does not secure the Islands from continued annoyance by the latter,
and hence the people here want a flag over them which will protect
them.
WEDNESDAY (2 o'clock p. m).
John Young, minister of the interior, and Dr. Gerret P. Judd, minister of finance, have just called on me at my office, and delivered to me
a paper, which, after allowing me to read, they sealed in my presence
and delivered to me to be kept among the archives of the legation. It
contains this indorsement upon the envelope in the native language,
which Dr. Judd translated to me as follows:
The King requests the Commissioner of the United States in case the flag of the
United States is raised above the Hawaiian, that he will open the inclosed and act
accordingly.
The paper thus sealed is a-cession of the sovereignty of the Islands
to the United States by proclamation of the King, to be held until
some arrangement satisfactory to all parties can be made consistent
with the treaty obligations already existing; and in case none such
can be made, then the transfer of sovereignty to be perpetual.
This, of course, requires the consent of the United States, which I
have not the authority to pledge, but I shall keep the paper and be
governed by circumstances. The most I can do is to accept the transfer provisionally and wait for the decision of my Government thereupon. The proclamation also authorizes vessels with Hawaiian registers to carry the flag of the United States.
Dr. Judd, in the presence of Mr. Young, assured me that the King
and his chosen and constitutional advisers were unanimous in agreeing
to the course they had taken.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


901


MARCH 16.
I uiderstand from Mr. Wyllie this morning, that M. Perrin has
returned to him the copy of my letter setting forth the claim of Ladd &
Co. for violation of the La Place treaty, deeming it to contain an offensive imputation on La, Place, and also the correspondence between Mr.
Bates and myself in relation to the treaty of 1846. You will have herewith copies of the correspondence so returned, and judge whether I have
transgressed the rules of diplomatic decorum.
In relation to the La Place treaty I have stated the literal truth. It
was extorted at the mouth of cannon, and the world ought to know it,
if it does not already. The official correspondence at the time demonstrates this, and M. Perrin can not deny it. Perhaps he takes this course
to evade a demand which he can not meet by argument, for he has himself admitted that the La Place treaty was in force from 1839 to 1846.
I learned last night from undoubted authority (an American resident
who has long been opposed to the Goverlnment here) that the few French
and English residents here are trying to get up another opposition
paper in place of one recently stopped for want of support. The proposed editor is an Englishman; the prospectus which has been privately circulated denounces the missionaries and the Government.
Funds will probably be raised and the paper started. You are aware
that many Americans who hate the missionaries for reasons you no
doubt understand and hate the Government for the salme and other
reasons have heretofore fallel into the opposition, but they have no
intention of playing into the hands of the British or French leaders,
and when the flag of the United States shall be raised every man of
them will rally under it. The restraining moral and religious influence
of the missionaries is odious to many here, and this is ilflamed by foreigners who see that these missionaries are all Americans, and con
versing as they do in the native language and mingling with the natives have a powerful influence over them. The same remark applies
to the officers of the Government. They are now all with us, and we
must keep them so. It has been otherwise.
I refer to the nature of the American opposition to the Government
here to let you see clearly what elements British or French influences
have to work upon. But these will be swept away in a moment when
the question lies between an American and some other foreign flag. It
must be remarked, too, that the number opposed to the laws for the
suppression of licentiousness and drunkenness is being constantly
diminished comparatively by the arrival of merchants, agriculturists,
and others with their families, giving a constantly improved tone to
society, which is now very good in Honolulu.
MONDAY, ifarch 17.
This is the King's birthday. Flags are displayed in all directions.
The King has a levee to-night.
The importers of foreign goods here may not like to substitute the
American tariff for the Hawaiian, but then there will be ample compensation in having free trade with our part of the continent, and 30 per
cent protection on. sugar. Even now there is a greater amount of goods
imported from the United States than from all the world beside. The
5 per cent will be saved on this. The natural markets of these islands
are along the Pacific American coast, while the imports will come from
all parts of the world, but being chiefly from the United States will
pay no duties.
It is believed to be a part of the design of the new paper to attempt to




902


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


control tie elections to tile legislative body. At the last election Dr.
Rooke, one of the successful candidates, an11 Enlolishmanaii:ald not a
Catholic, received every Catholic vote, the tickets for him being marked
with a cross. If there should be an attempt to unite the European and
Catholic interests in the elections, it will bring all the Americans to act
together and they will carry all the chiefs and nine-tenths of the native votes with them. We look to the legislative body to sanction and
confirm the action of the King and the chiefs. I hold it to be pretty
certain the native Government can not last long. The Killg's health
is precarious; he is not so temperate as he ought to be, and the prince,
heir apparent, is unfortunately getting into the same way. They are
now under good restraining influences, but they are often tempted by
wine and flattery to discard their Puritanical advisers and maintain
their royal prerogatives. It is almost a marvel that they have resisted
these seductions so well as they have; but they have some chiefs in
their council who are very wise and cautious men.
As to the importance of these islands to our commerce I need say
nothing to you. This town must be a great depot for coal for the
steamers to China and of supplies for the whaling fleet. But besides
this the islands have great agricultural capacities. I have before me
the first volume of the translations of the Hawaiian Agricultural Society, of which I have become a member. Among the papers is an
address of H. M. Whitney, who has long been a resident of the islands.
He estimates that there are 224,000 acres of sugar lands, and twice
that number of acres of tillable lands. Calculating sugar at 6 cents
per pound, he says the annual produce of the lands would be no less
than $27,000,000. He puts down the probable exports thus:
From the produce of soil. ---................................-........ $20, 250, 000
From  hides, tallow, and  beef.................................  1, 875, 000
Butter and cheese.....................................  1  000, 000
Total...............-............-.......................  23, 125, 000
This may be an extravag:lntl estimante, )but it is no lonlger doubtful
that the islands can produce a vast amount of sugar, coffee, and a great
variety of tropical fruits, precisely such as are wanted on our Pacific
coast, while an acre of swampy taso land will supply half a dozen
families of natives with food. 
I am happy to say that the Hawaiian Government has no public
debt, but has public lands, though perhaps the King and chiefs own
the greater part of the vacant lands in their individual rights. The
public funds have been very carefully managed, much better probably
than they would have been had the opposition prevailed upon the King
to discharge his ministers.
In the report of the minister of finance of 1850 I find the following
passage:
In reporting the state of the department of finance it is with extreme pleasure
that it can be said in brief to be out of debt, and that the revenue received has
been sufficient to meet the current exigencies of the Government and to admit the
expending of a considerable sum in permanent improvements for the general good.
Entire receipts..................................$................ $301, 576.61
Disbursements..................................................  179, 034.54
Balance in favor of treasury.....-..........................  122, 542. 07
The whole balance of assets in favor of the treasnlmy is $170,981.40,
but deducting the amount not deemed available the balance is $64,539.39.
Not many independent governments stand so well as this.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


903


There are some claims against the Government, but the greater
amount of them, if good against the Government, are good against
France, being damages for noilexecution of the Laplace treaty by
France, as set forth in my No. 7, March 3, to the Hawaiian minister of
foreign relations.
While thus out of debt and with money in the treasury, there is also
Government property to the value of several hundred thousand dollars,
which ought, I think, to be left to the territory when formed, as the
tariff of the United States would here produce more revenue than the
government of the islands would cost the United States. Leaving the
lands also to the island territorial or state Government would still be
a vast deal better bargain than we made with Texas in a financial point
of view.
MARCH 18.
A good deal of powder was burned yesterday in celebrating the
King's birthday. There were flags of all sorts, and in the evening the
palace was crowded by the representatives of all nations, except the
"Palani (French). So many white faces (and especially ladies) were
never seen there before. The number is rapidly increasing every year.
After the company departed the King's band came to my lodgings
and played " Hail Columbia." I know not if there was a special design.n it. The band is composed of Germans and natives.
The white population of the islands is increasing; the native is diminishing. The commerce with British possessions in New Zealand and
New Holland is increasing, as also with China and the East Indies, and
emigrants come from both quarters. We want the steam communication with San Francisco as quick as possible. Mr. Kingsbury, of New
York, is here trying to make arrangements to put two steamers on the
line from here to the coast and also to go from one island to another.
With these steamers and a telegraph from San Francisco to Washington we can communicate with you in about a week; so I hope you will
not object to a political connection on account of distance. Nor are we
so far from the centripetal force of our republic as to be in danger of
being thrown off in a tangent. We must not take the islands in virtue
of the 1 manifest destiny " principle, but can we not accept their voluntary offer? Who has a right to forbid the bans?
I ought, perhaps, to have stated before, though it may be known to
you, that there is no land tax. Foreigners are not taxed on their property. There is a poll tax or labor tax, but the revenues are mostly derived from customs, tonnage duties, licenses, harbor dues, stamps, etc.
But roads are much wanted, and the making of most of them will be
expensive, from the mountainous nature of the country.
THURSDAY, March 20.
From present appearances the plan of getting up an opposition paper
here in the British interest will fail. So many Americans belonging to
the old opposition have joined in the project they will be sure to control it. They have been put on their guard and will insist on having
an American editor. We can not yet let the American opposition into
our secret, lest it should get out. These Americans are in favor of
annexation, but they have no idea the cabinet they are opposing are
equally so, and they, in their hatred of the missionaries, have apparently not considered how powerful the latter may be in any question
between American and other foreign influence with the natives. The
Protestant missionaries are all Americans-all republicans. The Cath.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


olic missionaries have all their instructions from Rome and are all
Frenchmen-Jesuits, in part, if not wholly.
With an American editor for the opposition paper, we can prevent
him from doing any serious mischief. I have confided our secret to
Dr. Robert W. Wood, one of this old American opposition to the Government, but a very discreet and influential man, with whom I have
daily intercourse. He has two extensive sugar plantations and ardently desires annexation. He now goes into the support of the new
paper for the purpose of keeping it in American hands. If the British
interest insist on controlling it, the Americans will all drop it, and then
it will be powerless.
FRIDAY, March 21.
I hear to-day from members of the cabinet that the difficulties with
M. Perrin are in part settled, or waived, and in part referred to the
French Government at home, and that the Serieuse will soon go away,
leaving M. Perrin here. A few days ago he increased his demands.
Mr. Wyllie told him they were wholly inadmissible. He then intimated
that he should be compelled to enforce them. Mr. Wyllie told him in a
very significant manner that if he did so the King's independence
would be at an end. Mr. Dudoit had told him before that if he pushed
his demands too far, theislands would go into the possession of the United
States. Probably he had the same intimation from other quarters.
Mr. Wyllie's remark and manner confirmed these intimations, and it is
probably in consequence that he has since lowered his tone and evinced
a disposition to recede as fast as his dignity and French honor will
permit.
The duty on distilled spirits, in accordance with the recommendation
of the Hawaiian Chamber of Commerce (composed of merchants, chiefly
Americans), will be reduced to $2.50; but there will be no treaty stipulation about it. It satisfies M. Perrin for the present, though the effect
will be to diminish the importation of French brandy and increase the
importation of rum, gin, and whisky.
The question of indemnity to the Hawaiian Government for property
destroyed, the King's yacht carried off, and damages under the Laplace treaty, is to be referred to the French Government. I do not
see that M. Perrin gains anything whatever by his mission. When the
Serieuse goes away the Vandalia will go also, but I hope another Anerican ship-of-war will soon be here. The natives look to us now as their
friends and protectors, and they do not regard the matter as finally
settled, as indeed it is not. New demands may be made at any time
and perhaps a larger armament be sent to enforce them.
Now the question may arise, What shall I do with the King's cession
to the United States? Ought I to retain it if he asks for it? I think
I shall not give it up till I hear from you. We have a great interest in
the islands, and may as well hold the paper as security against a
cession to any other power. We should not enforce it against the will
of the King and his chiefs, but his health is precarious, and such are the
habits of his appointed successor there is no knowing whom he may
choose for his constitutional advisers. He may be weary of the moral
restraints imposed upon him now and throw himself into the arms of
some interest altogether hostile to us. In that event the paper I hold
may have its use. I want your instructions before any new difficulties
arise.
Capt. Gardiner, of the Vandalia, will take this letter and forward it
to you by some trusty hand.




HAWAIIAN r* IS;ANDS.


905


I dine with Gen. Miller, the British consul-general for the Pacific
islands, this afternoon, and may be able to pick up some information.
I now close this letter, but shall write further by the same conveyance. I have written this as altogether confidential.
With great respect, I have the honor, etc.,
LUTHER SEVERANCE.
Mr. Webster to Mr. Rives.
No. 28.]                       DEPARTMENT OF STATE.
Washington, Jtune 19, 1851.
WILLIAM C. RIVES, Esq., etc.:
SIR: In the dispatch from this Department (No. 15) of the 5th of
July last, you were instructed with reference to the application of
Messrs. G. P. Judd and James Jackson Jarves, special commissioners
of the Hawaiian Government, for the mediation of the Government of
the United States for the purpose of adjusting the differences between
that Government and the Government of France. In your dispatch
(No. 49) of the 12th of September, you stated that you would avail yourself of the first suitable occasion towards bringing about an amicable
adjustment of the controversy. It is believed, however, that you have
not since mentioned the subject.
It appears from the accompanying letters addressed to the Department and to the Rev. Rufus Anderson by Mr. Judd, from Panama, that
the French Government declined to accept the mediation of the Government of Great Britain, and dispatched an agent to the Sandwich
Islands, whom Mr. Judd met at Panama, waiting for the arrival of
an armed force from Callao, with which he intended to proceed to the
islands for hostile purposes. The public journals have since announced
that he had reached his destination and had entered upon a correspondence with the Hawaiian Government. This intelligence las given the
President much pain. It has also alarmed the American Board of Missions, whose corresponding secretary visited this city last autumn,
brought with him the letter from Mr. Judd to the Rev. Mr. Anderson
above referred to, and made application for vessels of war of the
United States to be sent to the islands for the protection of the persons
and property of the missionaries there.
Under these circumstances, if you should not already have made the
French Government acquainted with the interest we feel in the independence of the islands, you will lose no time in taking that course.
The proceedings of M. Dillon and the French admiral there in 1849,
so far as we are informed respecting them, seem, both in their origin
and in their nature, to have been incompatible with any just regard for
the Hawaiian Government as an independent state. They can not,
according to our impressions, be accounted for upon any other hypothesis than a determination on the part of those officers to humble and
annihilate that Government for refising to accede to demands which,
if granted, must have been at the expense of all self-respect and substantial sovereignty. The further enforcement of those demands which,
it appears, is the object of Mr. Perrin's mission, would be tantamount to
a subjugation of the islands to the dominion of France. A step like
this could not fail to be viewed by the Government and people of the
United States with a dissatisfaction which would tend seriously to




906                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
disturb our existing friendly relations with the French Goverment.
This is a result to be deplored. If, therefore, it should not be too late,
it is hoped that you will make such representations upon the subject to
the minister of foreign affairs of France as will induce that Government
to desist from measures incompatible with the sovereignty and independence of the Hawaiian Islands, and to make amends for the acts
which the French agents have already committed there in contravention of the law of nations and of the treaty between the Hawaiian
Government and France.
I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,
DANL. WEBSTER.
JOINT RESOLUTION.
Be it resolved by the nobles and representatives of the Hawaiian Islands
in legislative council assembled, That, in the sense of this house, the
demands of France are so clearly unjust and contrary to the laws of
nations and to treaty, and the course pursued by her so incompatible
with the existence of a regular independent government in these
islands; if France should persist in such a course it will be the duty of
the King to shield himself and his kingdom from insult and oppression by placing this kingdom under the protection of some friendly
state; aiid that should such emergency be so urgent as not to admit of
the legislative council being convened, it shall be left to His Majesty
by and with the advice of his privy council, under such emergency, to
consult the honor and safety of his kingdom, according to His Majesty's
best judgment; and that whatever he may do will be binding upon
the nation.
Passed both houses of the legislature June 21, 1851.
WM. L. LEE,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
KEONI ANA,
President of the House of Nobles.
Approved by the King, August 4, 1851.
KAMEIHAMEHA.
KEONI ANA.
Mr. Rives to Mr. Webster.
No. 95.1                                  VICHYI, July 8, 1851.
SIR: I received here three days ago your dispatch No. 28.
While Gen. de la Hitte was minister of foreign affairs I had several conversations with him respecting the unhappy differences which
had arisen between France and the Hawaiian Government. I availed
myself of those occasions to represent to him the deep interest which
the people and Government of the United States feel in the welfare and
independence of the Hawaiian Islands, and their earnest desire to see
the controversy then pending brought to an amicable conclusion, which
should be consistent alike with the magnanimity of France and the
claims of justice on both sides. Gen. de la Hitte always testified the
best dispositions on the subject, and I had reason to think that he was




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


907


far from approving in all things the conduct of the French agent in
1849. Since llis retiremll-lt fi-'omi the liilis;try tlere have ble'en such
frequent changes in the department of foreign affairs that I have had
no suitable opportunity of recurring to the subject in the brief periods
of official intercourse with the successive ministers who have temporarily occupied the department; nor indeed did I suppose from all that
has come to my knowledge that there was any serious danger of measures being pursued which might compromise the independence or overawe the freedom of action of the Hawaiian Government in regard to
the matters in dispute.
Since the receipt of your dispatch, I have felt it my duty to address
a communication to the minister of foreign aftairs, setting forth plainly
and frankly, but in a tone.not calculated to wound the pride or dignity
of the French Government, the views of the Government of the United
States as embodied iii your dispatch, the deep interest it feels in the
independence of the S:andwich Islands, and the danger that would consequently arise of an ilnterruption of the good understanding now happily existing between France and the United States, if me.tsures should
be pursued by her authority incompatible with a just respect of that
independence. rlo give the full effect you desire to these representations, it seemed to sle indispensable that they should be made in writing, for, besides the consideration that mere verbal communications
never have the weight and importance that are attached to written
ones, a strong additional reason is furnished by the changes of ministry
whliich so frequently occur here for placing the views of the Government of the United States on record, where they will pass under the
eyes of whatever ministers may successively be called to conduct the
department of foreign affairs.  A copy of the communication addressed to me by the minister of foreign affairs is herewith inclosed.
I shall return to Paris in a few days, and if anything of importance
should occur in my interview with the minister I will embrace the
earliest opportunity to communicate it to you.
I have the honor to be, etc.,
W. C. RIVES.
Mr. Webster to Mr. Severance.
No. 4.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, July 14, 1851.
LUTHER SEVERANCE, Esq.:
Sin: Your confidential communications, Nos. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, and 11,
have been duly received, submitted to the President, and by him considered.
They relate to a subject of great importance, not only to the Hawaiian Government and its citizens, but also to the United States.
The Government of the United States was the first to acknowledge
the national existence of the Hawaiian Government, and to treat with it
as an independent state. Its example was soon followed by several of
the Governments of Europe; and the United States, true to its treaty
obligations, has in no case interfered with the Hawaiian Government
for the purpose of opposing the course of its own independent conduct,
or of dictating to it any particular line of policy. In acknowledging the
independence of the islands, and of the Government established over




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


them, it was not seeking to promote any peculiar object of its own
What it did, and all that it did, was done openly in the face of day, in
entire good faith, and known to all nations. It declared its real purpose to be to favor the establishment of a government at a very important point in the Pacific Ocean, which should be able to maintain
such relations with the rest of the world, as are maintained between
civilized states.
From this purpose it has never swerved for a single moment, nor is
it inclined, without the pressure of some necessity, to depart from it
now, when events have occurred giving to the islands and to their
intercourse with the United States a new aspect and increased importance.
This Government still desires to see the nationality of the Hawaiian
Government maintained, its independent administration of public affairs respected, and its prosperity and reputation increased.
But while thus indisposed to exercise any sinister influence itself
over the counsels of I:Hawaii, or to overawe the proceedings of its Governument by the menace or the actual application of superior military
force, it expects to see other powerful nations act in the same spirit.
It is, therefore, with unfeigned regret that the President has read the
correspondence and become acquainted with the circumstances occurring between the Hawaiian Government and M. Perrin, the commissioner of France at Honolulu.
It is too plain to be denied or doubted that demands were made upon
the Hawaiian Government by the French commissioner wholly inconsistent with its character as an independent state, demands which
if submitted to in this case would be sure to be followed by other demands equally derogatory, not only from the same quarter, but probably also froin other states, and this could only end in rendering the
islands and their Government a prey to the stronger commercial nations
of the world.
It can not be expected that the Government of the United States
could look on a course of things leading to such a result with indifference.
The Hawaiian Islands are ten times nearer to the United States than
to any of the powers of Europe. Five-sixths of all their commercial
intercourse is with the United States, and these considerations, together with others of a more general character, have fixed the course
which the Government of the United States will pursue in regard to
them. The annunciation of this policy will not surprise the governments
of Europe, nor be thought to be unreasonable by the nations of the
civilized world, and that policy is that while the Government of the
United States, itself faithful to its original assurance, scrupulously
regards the independence of the Hawaiian Islands, it can never consent
to see those islands taken possession of by either of the great commnercial powers of Europe, nor can it consent that demands, manifestly
unjust and derogatory and inconsistent with a bona fide independence,
shall be enforced against that Government.
The substance of what is here said has already been intimated with
sufficient explicitness to the Government of France, and we have the
assurance of his excellency, M. Sartiges, minister of the Republic of
France near the United States, that that Government has no purpose
whatever of taking possession of the islands or of acting towards them
in any hostile or aggressive spirit.
A copy of this letter will be placed in the hands of the French minister here; another copy will be transmitted to Paris; and another copy




HAWSAIIAN ISL;ANIDS.


909


you will please to communicate to M. Perrin, the French commissioner,
upon the appearance of any disposition on his part or on the part of
any French naval commander in the Pacific Ocean to proceed to hostilities against the Government of Hawaii for the purpose of enforcing
the demands which have been made upon it on the part of France.
The Navy Department will receive instructions to place, and to keep,
the naval armament of the United States in the Pacific Ocean in such
a state of strength and preparation as shall be requisite for the preservation of the honor and dignity of the United States and the safety
of the Governlment of the Hawaiian Islands.
I have, etc.,
DANIEL WVEBSTEgE.
[Unnumbered.]
Mr. Webster to Mr. Severance.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, July 14, 1851.
SIR: I have written you a regular official dispatch, setting forth the
principles of policy which will be pursued by the administration here in
whatever respects the Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
I now write you a letter of private instructions, made necessary by
suggestions contained in your communications by Lieut. Johnson.
In the firt place, I have to say that the war-making power in this
Government rests entirely with Congress, and that the President can
authorize belligerent operations only in the cases expressly provided
for by the Constitution and the laws. By these no power is given to the
Executive to oppose an attack by one independent nation on the possessions of another. We are bound to regard both France and Hawaii
as independent states, and equally independent; and though the general policy of the Government might lead it to take part with either in
a controversy with the other, still, if this interference be an act of
hostile force, it is not within the constitutional power of the President,
and still less is it within the power of any subordinate agent of Government, civil or military. If the Serieuse had attacked Honolulu, and
thereupon the Vandalia had fired upon the Serieuse, this last act would
have been an act of violence against France not to be justified, and, in
fact, if not disavowed at Washington it would have been an act of
war. In these cases, where the power of Congress can not be exercised beforehand, all must be left to the redress which that body may
subsequently authorize. This you will constantly bear in mind. But,
at the same time, it is not necessary that you should enter into these
explanations with the French commissioner or the French naval commander.
In my official letter of this date I have spoken of what the United
States would do in certain contingencies. But in thus speaking of the
Government of the United States I do not mean the executive power,
but the Government in its general aggregate, and especially that branch
of the Government which possesses  the war-making power. This distinction you will carefully observe, and you will neither direct, request,




910                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
or encourage any naval officer of the United States in committing hostilities on French vessels of war.
Another leading topic in your communication is the proposed contingent surrender by the Government of the islands of their sovereignty
to the United States or their annexation to this country.
This is a very important question, and one which you will readily see
rises above any functions with which you are clarged. It may, indeed,
be very proper for you in this case, as well as in all others, to communicate to your Government whatever the Government to which you are
accredited desire to have so communicated; but it is very important
that on a question involving such deep interests, both domestic and
foreign, you should yourself altogether forbear expressing any opinion
whatever to the Hawaiian Government. You will see by my official
letter, which you are at liberty to communicate to that Government,
the disposition of the United States to maintain its independence;
beyond that you will not proceed. The act of contingent or conditional
surrender, which you mention in your letter as having been placed in
your hands, you will please to return to the Hawaiian Government.
In this case the Government of the United States acts upon principles
of general policy; it will protect its own.rights. It feels a deep interest
in the preservation of Hawaiian independence, and all questions beyond
this, should they arise, must be considered and settled hereby the competent authorities.
You inform us that many American citizens have gone to settle in
the islands; if so, they have ceased to be American citizens. The
Government of the United States must, of course, feel an interest in
them not extended to foreigners, but by the law of nations they have no
right further to delmand the protection of this Government. Whatever
aid or protection might under any circumstances be given them must
be given, not as a matter of right on their part, but in consistency with
the general policy and duty of the Government and its relations with
friendly powers.
You will therefore not encourage in them, nor indeed in any others,
any idea or expectation thalt the islands will become annexed to the
United States. All this, I repeat, willbe judged of hereafter, as circumstances and events may require, by the Government at Washington.
I do not suppose there is any immediate danger of any new menaces
from France; still less of any actual attack on the islands by her naval
armament. Nevertheless you will keep us constantly and accurately
informed of whatever transpires.
Your account of the prosperity of the islands and the fiscal condition
of its Government is interesting, and you can be hardly too full and
particular in such statements.
Mr. Allen is at present quite unwell at Boston. As soon as he is
able he will return to his post. Lieut. Johnson will take this dispatch
to Panama. If Mr. Allen's illness should continue for any length ol
time, which we hope may not be the case, Lieut. Johnson will be
directed to return witlout him.
I have the honor, etc.,
DANIEL WEBSTER.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


911


Mr. Rives to Mr. Webster.
No. 97.]                LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Paris, July 22, 1851.
SIR: I inclose herewith the copy of a letter I received a few days
ago at Vichy, from the minister of foreign affairs in answer to the one
I addressed to him on the 8th instant, in relation to the Sandwich
islands. You will observe that after expressing the painful surprise
my communication had caused him, he states that the information
which had been received in the United States respecting the pending
measures and intentions of the French Government towards those
islands, and on which your despatch No. 28 was founded, is erroneous;
which he has instructed Monsieur de Sartiges to rectify in his commnunications with you at Washington, while he awaits my return to Paris
to give me viva voce the same eclaircissemens here.
I waited upon the minister of foreign affairs as soon as I returned,
and after some moments of conversation on general topics he entered
upon the subject of our recent correspondence. He said that he had
been surprised and even pained at the apparent facility with which the
Government of the United States had given credence to the rumors
which had reached it respecting the supposed designs of France toward
the Sandwich Islands; that there was in truth no real foundation for
those rumors; that the French Government had ordered no hostile
demonstrations whatever to sustain M. Perrin's mission to coerce the
submission of the islands to its demands; that not having the advantage which both England and the United States possessed in the presence and controlling influence of natives of each of those countries in
the Hawaiian councils, it might sometimes find it necessary to employ
a more energetic tone of negotiation than either of those powers to obtain an equal treatment with them, but that the Government of the
United States might be assured that France would always respect the
independence of these islands, which she had a common interest with
other commercial nations in maintaining; and that nothing was more
remote from her wishes or intentions in any event than to subject
them to her dominion or to acquire territorial sovereignty over them.
I told Monsieur Baroche that I should have great pleasure in communicating to you these explicit and honorable declamrations on the part
of the French Government; and having already presented to him in
writing the views of the Government of the United States, as expressed
in your dispatch of the 19th ultimo, I did not think it necessary to add
anything further than to say that the rumors which he seemed to think
had met with too easy a credence at Washington, had come through a
semiofficial channel which it would have been difficult wholly to disregard.
I will take this occasion to remark that there seems to have been an
entire misconception on the part of Mr. Judd as to the nature of the
instructions received from the Department of State, in June, 1850,
respecting the controversy between France and the Hawaiian Government. In both of his letters, which accompanied your dispatch No.
28, he speaks of my being authorized to propose to the French Government the good offices of the United States for the adjustment of the
controversy. It will be seen, however, on reference to the instructions
addressed to me, that, without any proposal of the good offices of the
United States for settling the matters in dispute, I was to take a
"proper opportunity" in my intercourse with the minister of foreign
affairs, "if circumstances, in my judgment, should warrant it," to




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


intimate to him the deep interest which the United States have
in maintaining the independence of the Sandwich Islands, and to employ the other topics of persuasive consideration suggested in those
instructions " toward a satisfactory accommodation of the dispute;"
all of which was to be done with "prudence," and without entering
into the merits of the controversy between the French and Hawaiian
authorities, on which the Department of State did not consider " the
occasion as calling for the expression of an opinion."
My understanding of these instructions at the time was manifested
by my dispatch No. 49, acknowledging their receipt, to which you refer,
and in which I say:
I shall, in the exercise of the discretion they commit to me, profit of the first occasion which may seem suitable and proper to bring the views and considerations they
suggest to the aid of an amicable adjustment of the difficulties between the Sandwich Islands and this Government without intruding officially or offensively in the
controversy between the parties.
These instructions were accordingly fulfilled in my conversations
with Gen. de La Hitte, while he was minister of foreign affairs, as
stated in my dispatch No. 95, being persuaded that if anything further
were deemed necessary, I should receive instructions to that effect as
soon as the occasion arose to call for them. I was the more convinced
of the propriety of not going beyond the line of my original instructions, until it should plainly become my duty to do so, because I saw
evidences of an undue anxiety on the part of the British Government,
as represented here, to put us forward in an invidious and delicate
office which might compromise our friendly relations with France,
when that Government itself was particularly required and called upon
by the joint engagement entered into by France and England on the
28th November, 1843, for the mutual respect of the independence of
the Sandwich Islands, to take the iniative on the occasion, and also because I had every reason to believe from the declarations of Gen. de La
Hitte that there was no design on the part of the French Government
to menace or endanger their independence.
I have the honor, etc.,
W. C. RIVES.
Mr. Rives to Mr. Webster.
No. 109.]               LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Paris, October 30, 1851.
SIR: After disposing of the particular object of my call, Monsieur
Viel-Castel took occasion to remark to me in a friendly, but at the same
time very earnest, tone that the Government of the Republic had been
very much annoyed by the consequences, as it had been sensibly
wounded by the manner of the intervention of the Government of the
United States in their difficulties with the Sandwich Islands.
He said that since the communication you had addressed to the commissioner of the United States in the islands had been known there,
the Hawaiian authorities had refused absolutely to listen to any of the
demands of the French Government, and made no other reply to the
French consul than that if those demands were pressed they would
immediately put themselves under the protectorate of the United
States. He further oLsearved that all they asked or wished of the Ha



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


913


waiian Government was a fair and substantially equal treatment of
their commerce, navigation, and the religion of their citizens, relatively to that which the same interests of England and the United States
enjoyed; that the French Government had never had the slightest
intention of pursuing any measures toward the Sandwich Islands
inconsistent with a just respect of their independence; that after the
receipt of the letter I had addressed to the minister of foreign affairs
in July last, Monsieur de Sartiges had been instructed to give you the
fullest and most formal assurances to that effect; but if they had
known at the time, or could have anticipated, the course which was pursued by the Government of the United States in the matter, the dignity
of the French Government would not have permitted them, in such
circumstances, to give the frank and unreserved explanations which
had been authorized.
He spoke of the manner in which the interposition of the United
States had taken place as being unusual and wounding (blessante) to
the dignity of the French Government, referring, as I understood him,
to the circumstance of a communication on the subject being first addressed to the commissioner of the United States, and immediately
afterwards made known by a circular to all the members of the diplomatic corps at Washington. He said it so happened that the first
information of the proceeding reached them through the English legation here, which was very prompt to communicate it.  He alluded,
also, to the circumstance that the United States had been invited to
become a party to the convention concluded between France and England in 1843 for mutually respecting the independence of the Sandwich
Islands, but the invitation had been declined, a circumstance which,
he thought, should protect France from the suspicion of having improper designs upon the independence of the islands.
Mr. Viel-Castel concluded by saying that in the position in which
they were now placed by the proceedings of the Government of the
United States it was not possible they could ask of us our good offices
in bringing about an arrangement of their difficulties with the Sandwich Islands, but he trusted the United States itself would be prompted
by its own sense of justice and a feeling of common friendship for both
parties to use its influence with the Hawiian Government to extend an
equal treatment in the spirit of its treaty obligations to French interests with those of other nations.
I report to you without comment these observations of M. VielCastel, with as near a conforming to his own language as I have been
able to attain. You will best appreciate their bearing and importance
on the points which seemed most to touch the susceptibility of the
French Government. I made such observations to him in reply as,
without departing from the position taken by the Government of the
United States, seemed best calculated to exhibit it in a friendly and
conciliatory aspect. In this spirit (considering the preservation of the
ancient friendly relations between the two countries as a matter of the
highest importance to both, and, indeed, to all mankind) I have hitherto
endeavored to conduct my official intercourse with this Government,
and I am happy to say that I have always found it reciprocated in the
fullest measure by the public authorities here.
I have the honor, etc.,
W.C.. IvES.
S. Rep. 227  58




914


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. Marcy to Mr. Mason.
No. 3.]                     DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, December 16, 1853.
JOHN MASON, Esq., etc.:
SIR: Recent accounts from the Sandwich Islands represent that the
political affairs of the Hawaiian Government were in an unsettled state
and some changes of high official men had been made. The political
agitations were in a great measure composed at the date of the last
dispatches from our commissioner, but while they existed the question
of transferring the sovereignty of these islands to the United States
was much discussed. As it was to be expected, the representatives of
Great Britain and France at Honolulu were disturbed by the agitation
of this question and used all their influence to repress the rising sentiment of annexation to this country.
I have good reason for believing that both Great Britain and France
feel much solicitude in relation to the future destiny of the Sandwich
Islands and are very unwilling to see them become a territory of the
United States. Their respective ministers near this Government have
had several conferences with me on that subject inl which they appeared to be desirous of getting assurances that this Government
would take no measures to acquire the sovereignty of these islands or
accept it if voluntarily offered to the United States. Their language
to me leaves it doubtful in my mind how far Great Britain and France
intend to go in preventing such a transference of them to this country.
I am satisfied that these powers will do what they can short of a resort
to actual force to defeat that object. Their ministers, particularly the
minister of France, labored to impress me with the belief that such a
transfer would be forcibly resisted; but I do not believe that these
Governments would go to that extreme length unless there should be
something in the mnanner of acquiring the islands which would afford
a plausible pretense for such an interference.
The object in addressing you at present is to request you to look int(
this matter and ascertain, if possible, without making it a matter o:
direct discussion, what would probably be the course of France in cas(
of an attempt on the part of the United States to add these islands t(
our territorial possessions by negotiation or other peaceable means.
I do not think the present Hawaiian Government can long remain ii
the hands of the present rulers or under the control of the native inhab
itants of these islands, and both England and France are apprised o
our determination not to allow them to be owned by or to fall unde:
the protection of either of these powers or of any other Europeal
nation.
It seems to be inevitable that they must come under the control o
this Government, and it would be but reasonable and fair that these
powers should acquiesce in such a disposition of them, provided th,
transference was effected by fair means.
It has been intimated that Russia takes an interest in the destiny o
the Sandwich Islands, and even has an eye on them for herself. I d,
not doubt that she would prefer that they should remain as they ar
rather than see them under the control or in the possession of eithe
Great Britain, France, or, the United States, but it is scarcely probabl
that she would actively interfere in the matter. As to England an,
France, a different conclusion may be adopted. The views of th
French Government, and the part it would take in case the Unite,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


915


States should accept or acquire fairly the sovereignty of these islands I
hope you will be able to ascertain, and will apprise your Government
thereof.
I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,
W. L. MARCY.
TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:
I transmit to the Senate a report from the Secretary of State, with
accompanying papers, in answer to their resolution of the 2d instant.
FRA2N KLIN PIERCE.
WASHINGTON, Miarch 3, 1854.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:
The Secretary of State, to whom was referred the resolution of the
Senate of the 2d instant, requesting the President to communicate to
that body, if not incompatible with the public interest, " copies of all
correspondence between the Governments of the United States and
Great Britain in regard to the Sandwich Islands, including copies of
all communications between the Secretary of State and Mr. Fox, the
British minister, during the years 1843 and 1844, in regard to the independence of those islands, and especially of the letters of Mr. Fox to
Mr. Upshur of the 25th of June, 1843, and of Mr. Upshur to Mr. Fox of
the 5th of July, 1843; also a copy of any protest or other communication from the King of the Sandwich Islands to this Government in re
gard tothe seizure of those islands by Lord George Panlet, commander
of Her Britannic Majesty's ship Carysfort, and of any reply of this Government thereto," has the honor to lay before the President the papers
mentioned in the subjoined list.
Respectfully submitted.
W. L. MAARiY.
DEPARTMENT OF -STATE
Washington, February 15, 1854.
LIST OF ACCOMPANYING PAPEIJ3.
Mr. Everett to Mr. Webster, July 1, 1842, extract.
King Kamehamelha III to the President, March 10, 1843, copy.
Mr. Webster to Mr. Everett, Ma.rcl 23, 1843, copy.
Mr. Everett to Mr. Webster, March 28, 1843, extract.
Mr. Everett to Mr. Legare, June 1, 1843, extract.
Mr. Everett to Mr. Legare, June 3, 1843, copy.
Mr. Legare to Mr. Everett, June 13,1843, eXxtract,.
Mr. Everett to Mr. Legare, June 14, 1843, extract.
Mr. Fox to Mr. Upsbh r, June 25, 1843, copy.
Mr. Everett to Mr. Legare, July 1, 1843, extract.
Mr. Upshur to Mr. Flox, July 5, 1843, copy.
Mr. Everett to Mr. Upshlr, August 15, 1843, extract.
Mr. Everett to Mr. Upshur, Septtembel r 28, 1843, extract.
Mr. Everett to Mr. Ne1suo (with inclosure), April 24, 1814, cop'7,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. Everett to Mr. Webster.
[Extract.]
No. 16.]               LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
London, July 1, 1842.
DANIEL WEBSTER, Esq.,
Secretary of State:
SIR:
Mr. Brinsmade, the commercial agent of the United States to the
Sandwich Islands, lately arrived here. He is intrusted with letters
from the King of those islands to the sovereigns of Great Britain and
France, of purport similar to that of which he was the bearer to the
President. I introduced him to Mr. Addington, under secretary of
state, who appeared to take an interest in his errand.
I am, sir, with the highest respect, your obedient servant,
EDWARD EVERETT.
Kamehamehea III to the President.
Kamehameha III, native King of the Sandwich Islands, to his excellency John Tyler, the President of the United States of America:
GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND: In trouble and difficulty we present for
consideration to the President the unfortunate situation in which we
and our Government are placed.
Demands upon us unsustained by the acknowledged laws of nations
and unfounded injustice were for the first time presented by Lord
George Paulet, captain of H. B. MI. ship Carysfort, then lying in the
harbor of Honolulu, with a threat of coercive measures in case of noncompliance within nineteen hours. Our proposals for discussion and
negotiation through our principal adviser were declined with rudeness
and we were compelled without a hearing to yield to demands which
we believed to be arbitrary and unjust as regards ourselves, oppressive
and illegal as regards foreign residents.
We have been compelled to acknowledge an acting consul of Her
British Majesty against whom there were positive objections, susceptible of explicit proof, without the grounds of our refusal being heard or
considered. The acknowledged consul of Her British Majesty had
suddenly and secretly withdrawn from these islands without soliciting
an interview or giving us any sort of notice of his intentions previous
to his departure. After his departure we received notice that he had
delegated his consular functions to Alexander Simpson, who was a
known and declared enemy of our Government, who had openly insulted the chief magistrate of this island and other high officers of our
appointment, who had publicly threatened to involve us in difficulties,
and whose recognition as consular agent was protested against by
two British subjects who represented the chief commercial interests of
Great Britain in these islands.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Compliance has been compelled with demands violating the obligations of contracts and contravening laws for the collection of debts
which have been established for the general benefit in accordance with
the statutes of civilized nations, by compelling us to annul the decisions
of juries after the cases had been dismissed, and to grant new trials
contrary to law, and by compelling us to remove attachments levied
by one British resident upon the property of another in due course of
law and under the usual formalities.
Precluded from negotiation and unable to repel by force, we yielded
to these requisitions under protest of embracing the earliest opportunity of representing them more fully to Her Britannic Majesty.
Compliance having been thus procured to the foregoing demands,
others were successively preferred by Her Britannic Majesty's acting
consul (now acknowledged), more unjust, exorbitant, and arbitrary;
claims for heavy indemnities where no damage was proven and only
alleged on frivolous pretexts and demands for damages in a case still
pending under the previous protest to Her Britannic Majesty. We
were called upon to violate every principle of equity by setting aside
the decision of juries in several cases without any just cause being
pretended why new trials should be granted. These demands were
enforced at private interviews between ourselves,his lordship, and
Her Britannic Majesty's acting consul. The subject was only verbally
canvassed, written negotiations were positively refused, and even
written statements and proof and copies of the claims preferred were
denied. The only alternatives offered us were immediate resolve to
violate the laws by acts illegal and oppressive, immediate admission
and payment of claims to indemnity so loosely supported, or immediate
hostilities. Without force to resist hostilities, without resources to
meet the payment of the heavy indemnities demanded, and firmly
resolved to support law and justice, we adopted the only peaceful alternative left, to throw ourselves upon the generosity of the British
nation by a conditional cession of these islands to Her Britannic
Majesty. To have awaited hostilities would have been to expose to
destruction the property and jeopardize the lives of a large number of
foreign residents who are American citizens; to have complied with
the demands urged would have been to sanction oppressive and illegal
acts affecting the rights and prospects of American citizens also and
an open violation of the stipulations with the United States in 1826.
Placed in difficulties from which we could not extricate ourselves with
honor and justice, compelled to immediate decision, and threatened with
immediate hostilities, we have, with the advice and consent of our
chiefs, signed with a heavy heart and many tears the deed of provisional cession and have permitted the British flag to be planted in all
our islands, but under the guns of a frigate and at the point of the
bayonet.
Relying on the magnanimity and firmness of the United States, we
appeal to the President to interpose the high influence of the United
States with the Court of England to grant us an impartial hearing and
procure us justice, to induce Her Britannic Majesty to withdraw from
the sovereignty of these islands and leave us as we have been, an independent Government supported in our right.
We have labored to civilize and improve our islands, we have adopted
the laws of the United States and of Britain, we have appointed upright and capable American citizens and British subjects to offices of
trust and responsibility, in order that their functions might be exer



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


cised with energy and fidelity, we have adopted all suggestions which
would tend to put the commercial intercourse of Americanl citizens with
us upon the best footing. We have been gratified with the large and
increasing number of American residents. We confidently appeal to
the Americans on these islands engaged in mercantile and commercial
pursuits to testify to the honesty of our intentions and our capabilities
for self-government, and we acknowledge them to have been the most
consistent and efficient supporters of our Government.
We look to the United States with peculiar feelings of respect and
gratitude. To the benevolence and enterprise of that great people we
owe the introduction of the Christian religion, of civilization and laws,
of commerce and agriculture, and the large and respectable number of
our foreign residents.
We ask of you to secure and preserve the great interests common to
us and you, and arrest the course of events so prejudicial to both, and
we shall never cease to be grateful for your aid.
And we pray the Almighty God to have your excellency, our great
and good friend, in His most holy keeping.
Written at Honolulu, Island of Oahu, Iawaiian (Sandwich) Islands,
this tenth day of March, anno Domini one thousand eight hundred and
forty-three.
By your good friend,
[L. S.]                                      IEKAMEHA.
KEKAULURTI,
Premier.
Mr. Webster to Mr. Everett.
No. 34]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
WVashington, Mlarch 23, 1843.
EDWARD EVERETT, Esq., etc:
SIR: The course adopted by this Government in regard to the Sandwich Islands has for its sole object the preservation of the independence of those islands and the maintenance by their Government of an
entire impartiality in their intercourse with foreign states. The United
States desire to exercise no undue influence or control over the Government of the islands, nor to obtain from it any grant of exclusive
privileges whatever. This was solemnly declared in the President's
message to Congress, and it is declared also in the instructions given
to Mr. Brown, of which you will receive herewith a copy.
The President would exceedingly regret that suspicion of a sinister
purpose of any kind on the part of the United States should prevent
England and France from adopting the same pacific, just, and conservative course towards the Government and people of this remote, but interesting group of islands.
I am, sir, etc.,
DANL. WEBSTER.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


919


[Extract.]
Mr. Everett to Mr. Webster.
No. 34.]                              LONDON, March 28, 1843.
DANIEL WEBSTER, Esq.,
Secretary of State.
SIR:
*        *        *        *        *       #        *
Lord Aberdeen told me the other day that he had signified to the
French ambassador that England could not agree to any encroachment on the Sandwich Islands, and the Count de Ste. Aulaire replied
that none was contemplated. Lord Aberdeen added that this Government would distinctly recognize the independence of these islands and
presumed France would do the same. He hoped our missionaries
would abstain from all attempt to exercise political influence.
I am, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant,
EDWARD EVERETT.
Mlr. Everett to Mr. Legare.
[Extract.]
No. 40.]                                LONDON, June 1, 1843.
H. S. LEGARE, Esq.,
Secretary of State:
SIR:
*        *        *        *       #        *        *
The immediate object of my interview with Lord Aberdeen was to
make inquiry relative to a report contained in the papers of the week,
that the sovereignty of the Sandwich Islands had been ceded to the
Queen of Great Britain, and possession taken by Lord George Paulet,
of the ship of war Carysfort, the British officer commanding in those
seas. This report will no doubt have attracted your notice; and following so closely after the official recognition of the independence of
these islands by the United States and Great Britian herself is well
calculated to produce uneasiness and suprise, and in this light I spoke
of it to Lord Aberdeen.
He said they were entirely without information on the subject beyond
what the newspapers contained and had no other reason to believe in
the fact of the occupation. He could only say, at present, that if any
such thing had taken place it was entirely without authority or instructions, as I could easily infer from the recent official recognition of
the independence of the islands by Great Britain, which was made
known to me at the time. I observed to Lord Aberdeen that, of course,
if the islands had been thus without authority taken possession of, the
act would be immediately disavowed by Her Majesty's Government. He
said it might not be proper for him, in the absence of all information,
under an entire ignorance of what had been done, to pledge the Government to any course; but he was quite willing to say that the intelli



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


gence had produced no change in the opinions and feelings which led
him to advise the recognition, and that he still remained without the
least wish for any addition to their colonial possessions. He told me
they had several times declined to accept the sovereignty of different
groups of islands in the Pacific which had beed offered to them. If the
report was founded in truth, be thought the cession might have proceeded from apprehensions on the part of the government of the Sandwich Islands that the French were meditating also the occupation of
that group and that aversion to the French might have led themi, in
the absence of Mr. Richards, to wish to place themselves under British
protection. I told Lord Aberdeen that I had understood from a private source of information that the Hawaiian Commissioners at Washington had offered to place the islands under the protection of the
United States; that I could not vouch for the truth of the report, but
that if the offer were made it was certainly, as he was aware, d(eclined.
In reference to the reserve with which he had spoken of giving up
the islands, if possession as reported had been taken of them, Lord
Aberdeen said this reserve was only in mqjorem cautelam, in consideration of his total ignorance of the circumstances of the case, and not
because his opinions and feelings as to the expediency of the measure
were at all varied by the rumored fact of the occupation. On my remarking that in one version of the newspaper report the cession was
said to have been accepted by Lord George Panlet in full satisfaction
for demands of compensation for injuries sustained by British subjects
from the Government of the Sandwich Islands, he said he was not acquainted with any such demands and should be doubly unwilling to
sanction a cession made on that basis. Upon the whole, when I reflect
how distinctly and how recently this Government is pledged to the
United States, to France, and to the Sandwich Islands themselves to
recognize their independence I can not doubt that the act of the commander of the Carysfort will be readily disavowed.
I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,
EDlWARD EVERETT.
iMr. Everett to Mr. Legare.
No. 41.]                                 LONDON, June 3,1843.
H. S. LEGARE, Esq.,
Secretary of State:
SIR: At a late hour last evening I received a note from the Earl of
Aberdeen requesting an interview at noon this day, at which he
informed me that since he saw me last he had received a dispatch from
Mr. Doyle, the British charge d'Affaires at Mexico, dated April 24,
transmitting a printed and evidently authentic paper, in which the particulars of the provisional cession" of the Sandwich Islands to Great
Britain are set forth. Lord Aberdeen allowed me to read Mr. Doyle's
dispatch and the printed paper, and also read to me the dispatch
which hehad himself prepared to Mr. Fox on the subject, and the papers
accompanying it. As these documents will be communicated to you, I
do not know that there is anything left for me to say, Lord Aberdeen's oral communication being but a repetition and amplification of
the contents of his dispatch to Mr. Fox and his letter of last October




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


921


to the commissioners of the Sandwich Islands. He said the account
in the printed paper was aconfused and not very intelligible affair, and
his only reason for any reserve in expressing himself on the subject
arose trom the fact that Lord George Paulet was one of the most discreet and judicious officers of their navy, and could not, he thought,
have acted without better grounds than might be inferred from the
printed accounts.
It will perhaps be in my power, by the next steamer, to give you further information on the subject.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
EDWARD EVERETT.
Mr. Legare to Mr. Everett.
[Extract.]
No. 46.]                         DIEPARTMENT OF STATE,
1Washington, June 137 1843.
EDWARD EVERETT, Esq., etc.:
SIR:
*        *        *       *                 **       * 
It is well known that our settled policy is the strictest nonintervention in what does not immediately concern us that we accept governments de facto as governments de jure, and that above all we have no
wish to plant or to acquire colonies abroad. Yet there is something so
entirely peculiar in the relations between this little commonwealth and
ourselves that we might even feel justified, consistently with our own
principles, in interfering by force to prevent its falling into the hands
of one of the great powers of Europe. These relations spring out of the
local situation, the history, and the character and institutions of the
Hawaiian Islands, as well as out of the declarations formally made by
this Government during the course of the last session of Congress, to
which I beg leave to call your particular attention.
If the attempts now making by ourselves, as well as by other Christain powers to open the markets of China to a more general commerce be successful, there can be no doubt but that a great part of
that commerce will find its way over the Isthmus. In that event it
will be impossible to overrate the importance of the Hawaiian group
as a stage in the long voyage between Asia and America. But without anticipating events which, however, seem inevitable, and even approaching the actual demands of an immense navigation, make the
free use of those roadsteads and ports indispensable to us. I need not
remind you, who are in so peculiar manner related to that most important interest, commercial and political, that our great nursery of seamen, the whale fishery, has for years past made this cluster of islands
its rendezvous and resting place. It seems doubtful whether even the
undisputed possession of the Oregon Territory and the use of the Columbia River, or indeed anything short of the acquisition of California
(if that were possible), would be sufficient indemnity to us for the loss
of these harbors.
Independently, however, of these paramount considerations, it is
impossible that any enlightened American acquainted with what his
countrymen have done to make this people worthy of their mission,
which ought to be hospitality to the flags of all nations navigating that




922


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


ocean, can regard without lively sympathy their present unfortunate
situation. All accounts seem to concur in representing this tribe, especially its chiefs, as having been within the last twenty-five years
raised from a brutally savage state to a condition which may be fairly
called civilized. This is the work of Christianity, and it seems to me
a touching instance of the beneficent influence of the common religion
of all the Great Powers that it had thus prepared an asylum for them
all amidst the dangers of that vast ocean and concentrated it by its
own peaceful spirit to a perpetual neutrality. It was with this view
that we heartily concurred, so far as our good offices went, in promoting the objects of the mission sent to us last winter, one of the results
of which was the message of the President already referred to.
You are, therefore, requested to use your best endeavors to prevent
the consummation of any purpose of conquest that England may
possibly have conceived. France is interested in coiperating with us
to the same end. Unfortunately there are embarrassments in the way
of her doing so, at least of her doing so with all the effect that would
otherwise attend the intervention of so conspicuous a power in favor
of so great an interest of the whole Christian world. Still, her ministers may be moved to do something. You may, at least, if occasion
serve, sound their ambassador in London. Russia has also a special
interest in it, if she looks with any solicitude to her settlements on the
northwest coast. Might you not enlist her Government in the same
cause 
On the whole, however, the better opinion seems to be that what
Lord George Paulet has done will be disavowed.
*       *       x        *       *       *       *
I have the honor to be, with sincere respect, sir, your obedient humble servant,
H. S. LEGARE.
2fr. Everett to Mlr. Legard.
[Extract.]
No. 43.]                                LONDON, June 14, 1843.
SIR:
June 19.-In the Times of the 15th there was an editorial article of
considerable significance on the recent provisional cession of the Sandwich Islands to the British Crown. It wore the appearance at the
time of being semiofficial, and from its having remained for two or
three days uncontradicted in any quarter I am inclined to think that
it was at least founded on good information. Should this be the case
it may be considered as certain that the Government here have made
up their minds to disavow the cession, and to adhere to the recognition of the independence of the islands.
#      * ^    *      *       *      *      *      ~
I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,
EDWARD EVERETT.
H. S. LEGABR, Esq.,
Secretary of State.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


923


Mr. Fox to iMr. Upshtur.
WASHINGTON, June 25, 1843.
SIn: Her Majesty's Government, previously to the departure from
England to the last steam packet, had already received information,
though not officially, of the provisional occupation of the Sandwich
Islands, in the name of Great Britain, by the officer commanding Her
Majesty's ship Carysfort.
I am directed by the Earl of Aberdeen to state to you, for the information of the Government of the United States, that the occupation
of the Sandwich ISlands was an act entirely unauthorized by HIer Majesty's Government, and that with the least practicable delay due
inquiry will be made into the proceedings which led to it.
The British Government had already announced to certain commissioners, who arrived in Great Britain in March last on the part of
the King of the Sandwich Islands, that Her Majesty had determined to
recognize the independence of those islands under their present chief.
To that determination Her Majesty's Government intend to adhere.
At the same time, however, it is right that it should be understood that
the British Government equally intend to engage, and, if necessary,
to compel the chief of the Sandwich Islands to redress whatever acts
of injustice may have been committed against British subjects by that
chief or his ministers or agents, either arbitrarily or under the false
color of lawful proceedings.
Instructions which during the past year were addressed by Her
Majesty's Government to the British consul residing in the Sandwich
Islands and to the naval officers employed on the Pacific station, enjoined those officers to treat upon all occasions the native rulers of the
Sandwich Islands with forbearance and courtesy; and, while affording
due and efficient protection to aggrieved British subjects, to avoid interfering harshly or unnecessarily with the laws and customs of the
native Government.
It has been the desire of the British Government, in regulating the
intercourse of its public servants with the native authorities of the
Sandwich Islands, rather to strengthen those authorities, and to give
them a sense of their own independence by leaving the administration
of justice in their own hands, than to make them feel their dependence
upon foreign powers by the exercise of unnecessary interference. It
has not been the purpose of Her Majesty's Government to seek to establish a paramount influence in those islands for Great Britain at the
expense of that enjoyed by other powers. All that has appeared requisite to Her Majesty's Government has been that other powers should
not exercise there a greater influence than that possessed by Great
Britain.
I avail myself of this occasion to renew to you the assurance of my
distinguished consideration.
Il. S. Fox.




924                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Mr. Everett to MJr. Legare.
[Extract.]
No. 44.1                                 LONDON, July 1, 1843.
H. S. LEGARE, Esq.,
Secretary of State:
SIR:
*        *       *        *       * #      #    
With respect to the occupation of the Sandwich Islands, I have rea
son to think that the conduct of Lord George Paulet in coercing thei]
provisional cession to this Government has been formally disavowed
I am to see Lord Aberdeen this afternoon and hope to ascertain posi
tlvely whether this is the case' If I find that the cession is not and ii
not likely to be disavowed, I shall address a pointed remonstrance to thi
Government against the occupation and spare no pains to enlist in th,
same course the representatives of the other maritime powers. Mi
Marshall of Charlestown (Massachusetts) arrived here yesterday, wit]
authority from the King of the Sandwich Islands, as a joint commis
sioner with Mr. Richards. He is the bearer of dispatches from th
Government of the islands to that of Great Britain. He has been pre
ceded by Mr. Simpson, the deputy consul left in the islands by th
late British consul, Mr. Charlton. * * * Mr. Simpson came t.
London, a few days since, as bearer of Lord George Paulet's dispatche
to the admiralty.
*        *       *        *       *        *        *
I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,
EDWARD EVERETT.
Mr. Upshur to Mr. Fox.
DEPARTMIENT OF STATE,
Washington, July 5, 184c
HENRY S. Fox, Esq., etc.:
SIR: I have received the letter which you did me the honor t
address to me on the 25th ultimo, explanatory of the views of th
British Government respecting the Sandwich Islands, and stating, b
direction of Her Majesty's secretary of state for foreign affairs, fo
the information of this Government, that the recent occu)ation c
those islands in the name of Great Britain by the officer commandin
Her Majesty's ship Carysfort was an act entirely unauthorized by He
Majesty's Government, and that with the least practicable delay du
inquiry will be made into the proceedings which led to it.
I have lost no time in submitting your letter to the consideration c
the President of the United States, by whom I am directed to expres
to you the satisfaction which this prompt disavowal by Her Majesty
Government of the act in question has afforded him.
The United States take a deep interest in the condition of thos
islands-so important from their geographical position to America
citizens engaged in the fisheries and other lawful pursuits in the Nort
Pacific Ocean; and hence the President awaited with lively concer
the course which Her Majesty's Government should adopt with respec




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


925


to the occurrences referred to. He entertained a confident expectation, strengthened by his knowledge of the reception which had been
given in England to the commlissioners of the King of the Sandwich
Islands, and of the fact that Her Majesty's Government had determined to recognize the independence of those islands, that no undue
advantage would be taken by Great Britain of their peculiar political
condition, and he sees with a corresponding gratification that this expectation is now realized.
Seeking to establish no undue advantages in the Sandwich Islands
for citizens of the United States at the expense of other powers, the
President receives with much pleasure the assurance contained in Mr.
Fox's note that none such are sought four Great Britain. He can not
doubt that the recognition of the independence and sovereignty ol
those islands will be found altogether compatible with every just claim
of Great Britain, while it will best conduce to the interests of the
islands themselves and of all nations having intercourse with them.
I have the honor to renew to you, sir, on this occasion the assurance
of my distinguished consideration and respect.
A. P. UPSHIUR.
Mr. Everett to Mr. Upshur.
[Extract.]
No. 50.1                              LONDON, August 15, 1843,
A. P. UPSHRu, Esq,,
Secretary of State:
SIR:
*      *       #                *       *       *
I then took occasion to advert to the affairs of the Sandwich Islands.
The commissioners of the King of those Islands are here, Messrs.
Haalileo, Richards, and Marshall, and have presented a written statenlent of considerable length (as they inform me) to Lord Aberdeen,
containing the requisite explanations of the matters alleged against
them by way of complaint by the late British consul and others.
Lord Aberdeen told me there was a good deal worthy of consideration
in their statements, and that he did not apprehend much difficulty in
coming to a satisfactory settlement.
With respect to the acknowledgment of the independence of the
islands, the following seems to be the precise state of the case: The
English Government, following our example, acquainted Messrs.
Haalileo and Richards in April last that they were prepared to acknowledge their independence. Meantime Lord George Paulet, acting
without instructions, had taken provisional possession of the islands
by a treaty extorted from weakness of the native Government. Great
Britain feels herself pledged to adhere to the recognition of their independence and has invited France to follow her example. France has
agreed to do so as soon as Great Britain withdraws her occupation.
Great Britain, before giving up the occupation, means to do two
things; one, to obtain satisfaction to the matters of complaint above
alluded to, which I am inclined to think will not be attended with difficulty; the other, to come to some arrangement with France which will
prevent that power, at some subsequent period, from taking possession
of those islands, as they have lately done of the Marquesas,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS


In fact, the series of events which, however menancing for the moment, bids fair to result in the establishment of the independence of
the islands on a, firm basis, is one of the most fortunate, on the whole,
which could be imagined, and I can not but regard the recognition
of the United States as lhaving determined the character of all the
succeeding occurrences. As soon as I received, last winter, the instructions of the Department on the subject, I lost no opportunity of bringing it to the consideration of Lord Aberdeen, and the occupation of
the Marquesas by the French no doubt united with our recognition in
hastening the decision of this Government. There is now reason to
think that the occupation of the islands by Lord George Paulet was a
fortunate event, inasmuch as it prevented them from being taken possession of by a French squadron, which (it is said) was on its way for
that purpose. Had France got possession of the islands she would
certainly have retained them. Had intelligence been received here of
Lord George Paulet's occupation of them before her promise was given
to recognize them, England, I think, would not have given them up.
As it is, an understanding between the great European powers, amounting in effect, if not in form, to a guaranty of their independence, is
likely to take place. This is the only state of things with which the
United States could be content. As it will be brought about without
involving us in any compacts with other powers, and as I have already
said, mainly, as it seems to me, under the impulse of our examl)le, it
will, I think, be regarded by the President as an eminently satisfactory result.
#'       X        *        *       *        *        *
I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,
EDWARD EVERETT.
Mr. Everett to Mr. Upshur.
[Extract.]
No. 56.1                           LONDON, September 28, 1843.
A. P. UPsHuR, Esq.,
Secretary of State:
SIR:
*       *       *      *       *       *       *
I had a coversation last evening of a satisfactory character with Mr.
Richards, the commissioner of the Government of the Sandwich
Islands. He has nearly brought his business with this Government to
a close, and in a manner with which he appears to be content. You
are aware that various claims on the Government of the Sandwich
Islands on the part of the British subjects, and principally Mr. Charlton, the late consul, had long been pending, and that it was professedly
to enforce satisfaction for these claims that possession was taken of tlhe
islands by Lord George Paulet. I fear that most of the claims were
such as are too apt to be set up by the strong against the weak. The
Government at home (as I intimated in a former dispatch the opinion
they would do), though disclaiming the act of Lord George Paulet as
without instructions, determined to retain possession of the islands
till satisfaction was given in reference to the claims, and some kind of
an assurance procured from France that she would respect the independence of the islands.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


927


A question arose how the claims were to be adjudicated. I advised
Mr. Richards to offer to submit them to the decision of Lord Aberdeen
himself. I thought this course would preclude delay, which there
was some reason to fear might be desired here, and which would be
very dangerous in the extremely anomalous condition of things. I
doubted if the claims could be got before any tribunal independent of
the influence of this Government; and I felt confident, that more could
be obtained from the liberality of Lord Aberdeen when thus appealed
to than if the British Government were made to assume the position
of an opposing party. Mr. Richards fully concurred in this view, and
the result, on the whole, seems to have justified it. On five out of seven
points the decision is wholly in favor of the Government of the
islands; on the sixth substantially so; on the seventh much is left
dependent on the discernment and good faith of Gen. Miller, the new
consul-general; but Mr. Richards considers this point to be also settled
in their favor, and he has promptly accepted the whole decision. He
informs me that he has been uniformly treated at the foreign office with
courtesy and respect.
He has conferred freely with Mr. Addington, the under secretary
of state, on the delicate point of restoring possession of the islands to
the native Government, and has been promised that it shall be done
as soon as a satisfactory assurance is given byFrance; and he thinksjustly, in my opinion-that it is for the interest of the islands that
Great Britain should retain her possession till this assurance is given.
There is no fear that it will be long withheld.
I have the honor to be, with great respect,
Your obedient servant,
EDWARD EVERiETT.
Mr. Everett to Mr. Nelson.
No. 114.]                             LONDON, April 24, 1844.
JOHN NELSON, Esq.,
Secretary of State ad interim:
SIR: In the course of the past year I had frequent occasion to make
mention of the affairs of the Sandwich Islands and of the agency of
Messrs. Richards and Haalilio, who had been sent to the United States
and Europe as the representatives of the native Government. I have
now the satisfaction to communicate authentic information of the conclusion of a convention between the governments of Great Britain and
France, by which the independence of the Sandwich Islands is recognized, and the two powers stipulate that they will not take possession
of them, either directly or under the name of a protectorate. Messrs.
Richards and Haalilio have promised to give me a copy of this convention, which I hope they will do in season to be transmitted with this
dispatch, but as it has not been published by either Government, and
is of course communicated unofficially to me, I would suggest the propriety of receiving it for the present in confidence.
In their negotiations with this Government relative to the demands
and complaints of British subjects against the native Government which
led to the provisional occupation of the islands by Lord George Paulet,
and with the French Government in reference to the modification of
the treaty imposed by France on the islanders, of which treaty France
exacts the benefits for herself while she refuses to grant them to the




928                    HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
other party, Messrs. Richards and Haalilio have been partially successful. But I fear that in both cases the measure of justice done by these
powerful governments to this defenseless and feeble State is such and
such only, as the strong are too apt to render to the weak.
The step taken by the French Government in disavowing the act of
Admiral Dupetit-Thonars, who had without instructions converted the
protectorate established at Taiti into an assertion of absolute sovereignty, continues to be vehemently assailed by the opposition in France.
A large mass of papers on this subject was laid upon the table of the
Chamber of Deputies a few days since by Mr. Guizot, and will be found
in the Journal des Debats of the 20th instant. I do not find that they
place the conduct of the French admiral in a new light.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
EDWARD EVERETT.
Declaration.
Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland, and His Majesty the King of the French, taking into consideration the existence in the Sandwich Islands of a government capable
of providing for the regularity of its relations with foreign nations have
thought it right to engage reciprocally to consider the Sandwich Islands
as an independent State and never to take possession, either directly or
under the title of protectorate, or under any other form, of any part
of the territory of which they are composed.
The undersigned, Her Britannic Majesty's principal secretary of state
for foreign affairs, and the ambassador extraordinary of His Majesty
the King of the French, at the court of London, being furnished with
the necessary powers, hereby declare in consequence that their said
majesties take reciprocally that engagement.
In witness whereof the undersigned have signed the present declaration, and have affixed thereto the seals of their arms.
Done in duplicate at London, the 28th day of November, in the year
of our Lord 1843.'
ABERDEEN.       L. S.
ST. AULAIRE.    L. 
[Senate Ex. Dec. No. 45. Fifty-second Congress, second session.]
Message from the President of the United States, in response to Senate
resolution of February 4, 1893, relative to the draft of an uncompleted
treaty with Htawaii.
FEBRUARY 6, 1893.-Read, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and ordered to be printed.
To the Senate:
I transmit herewith, as desired by the resolution of the Senate of the
4th instant, a report from the Secretary of State of the 6th instant, with
its accompanying correspondence, in relation to the draft of an uncompleted treaty with Hawaii, made in 1854.
BENJ. HARRISON.
EX7ECUTIVE MANSION,
Washington, February 6, 1893.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


929


The PRESIDENT:
The Secretary of State, to whom was referred the resolution of the
Senate of the 4th instant requesting the President, "if in his opinion it
is not inconsistent with the public interests, to send to the Senate the
draft of a treaty, negotiated in 1854, but not completed, between the
plenipotentiaries of the United States and the Kingdom of Hawaii,
with the correspondence between the two Governments relating to said
negotiation," has the honor to transmit herewith a copy of the draft in
question, together with copies of the correspondence referred to.
Respectfully submitted.
JOHN W. FOSTER.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 6, 1893.
List of accompanying papers.
1. Mr. Marcy to Mr. Gregg, April 4, 1854, No. 6.
2. Mr. Gregg to Mr. Marcy, July 26, 1854, No. 48.
3. Mr. Gregg to Mr. Marcy, August 7, 1854, No. 51.
4. Mr. Gregg to Mr. Marcy, September 15, 1854, No. 52.
(Copy of the treaty draft accompanies Mr. Gregg's dispatch No. 52, of September
15, 1854, included here.)
5. Mr. Gregg to Mr. Marcy, October 2, 1854, No. 54.
6. Mr. Gregg to Mr. Marcy, December 19, 1854, No. 61.
7. Mr. Gregg to Mr. Marcy, December 29, 1854, No. 64.
8. Mr. Marcy to Mr. Gregg, January 31, 1855, No. 12.
Mr. Marcy to Mr. Gregg.
No. 6.]                             DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, April 4, 1854.
SIR: In your general instructions you were furnished with the views
of this Government in regard to any change in the political affairs of the
Sandwich Islands. The President was aware, when those instructions
were prepared, that the question of transferring the sovereignty of those
islands to the United States had been raised, and favorably received by
many influential individuals residing therein. It was foreseen that at
some period, not far distant, such a change would take place, and that
the Hawaiian Islands would come under the protectorate of or be transferred to some foreign power. You were informed that it was not the
policy of the United States to accelerate such a change; but if, in the
course of events, it became unavoidable, this Government would much
prefer to acquire the sovereignty of these islands for the United States,
rather than to see it transferred to any other power. If any foreign connection is to be formed, the geographical position of these islands indicates that it should be with us. Our commerce with them far exceeds
that of all other countries; our citizens are embarked in the most
important business concerns of that country, and some of them hold
important public positions. In view of the large American interests
there established and the intimate commercial relations existing at this
time it might well be regarded as the duty of this Government to prevent these islands from becoming the appendage of any other foreign
power.
8, Rep. 227 —59




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


It appears by your dispatches lately received at this Department
that the ruling authorities of the Hawaiian Government have become
convinced of their inability to sustain themselves any longer as an independent State, and are prepared to throw themselves upon our protection or to seek incorporation into our political system. Fears are
entertained by those who favor such a measure that if the United
States should manifest a disinclination to receive the proffered sovereignty of this country, the people would seek elsewhere a less desirable connection or be given over to anarchy.
The information contained in your last dispatch, No. 10, dated the
7th of February, renders it, highly probable that the ruling powers of
that Government will have presented to you, as our diplomatic agent,
an offer of the sovereignty of their country to the United States. The
President has deemed it proper that you should be furnished with instructions for the guidance of your conduct in such an emergency.
With this dispatch you will be furnished with a full power to treat with
the present authorities of the Hawaiian Government for the transfer
of the Sandwich Islands to the United States. This can only be done
by a convention or treaty, which will not be valid until it is ratified by
the Senate of the United States.
No intimation has ever been given to this Government as to the
terms or conditions which will be likely to be annexed to the tender of
the sovereignty. It is presumed, however, that something more than
a mere protectorate is contemplated. A protectorate tendered to and
accepted by the United States would not change the sovereignty of the
country. In that case this Government would take upon itself heavy
and responsible duties for which it could hardly expect compensating
advantages.
I understand that the measure proposed by the people, and that in
which the present rulers are disposed to concur, is "annexation" as
distinguished from protection; and that it is their intention that these
islands shall become a part of our Territories and be under the control
of this Government as fully as any other of its territorial possessions.
In any convention you may make it is expected that the rights to be
acquired by the United States should be clearly defined.
Should the sovereignty of these islands be transferred to the United
States, the present Government would, as a matter of course, be superseded, or, at least, be subjected to the Federal authority of this country.
It is reasonable to anticipate that the present rulers and chiefs would
expect that some provision would be made as compensation to them
for the surrender of their political position. This provision could not
be, as I conceive, any other than a pecuniary allowance. In this respect the United States would manifest toward them a liberal spirit.
Annuities to the amount of $100,000 to be distributed in such manner
as they would prefer might be secured to them in the treaty.
In the convention you may make you are authorized to provide in
the amplest manner for the security of individual property as held at
the time of the transfer of the sovereignty, but the reservation of political rights or privileges in behalf of individuals would be inconsistent with the political power which it is proposed to vest in the United
States.
If you should succeed in making a treaty transferring the islands to
the United States, it is advisable that it should receive the ratification
of the Hawaiian Government before it is sent here for the consideration
of the President and the Senate. You are directed to induce that Government to send n. one or more persons at the same time the treaty is




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   931
forwarded, clothed with full powers to assent to any modifications of it
which may here be made. In view of the great uncertainty as to the
terms by which the cession of the sovereignty of the islands may be
encumbered the carrying out of this suggestion is deemed to be of
great importance.
I have good reason to believe that some of the leading powers of
Europe would be very unwilling to see the Sandwich Islands oecome a
part of the United States, and, if an opportunity occurred, would endeavor to defeat any negotiation for that purpose. This consideration
and others, make it important that you should bring it to a close as
expeditiously as possible. The treaty should be here in time to be sub.
iitted to the Senate at its present session.
I am, etc.,
W. L. MAIRCY.
Mr. Gregg to Mr. Marcy.
No. 48.]               LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, July 26, 1854.
SIR: The Hawaiian cabinet has determined at length that it will
not do to allow much longer delay in bringing to a close arrangements
for annexation. On the 17tha meeting was held, at which Prince Alexander was present, when it was agreed that the minister of foreign
relations should immediately proceed, if possible, to arrange and sign
a treaty to be submitted to the King for ratification. Mr. Wyllie called
on me the next day, and we have since had several conferences, but
without as yet arriving at any definite result. The difficulty, I apprehend, is that more will be demanded, in the way of consideration, etc.,
than ought to be yielded. It is probable that by the next mail it will
be in my power to communicate something more definite than I am
now able to do. I have the assurance of Mr. Wyllie that, so far as he
is concerned, there shall be no occasion to complain of further procrastination, and I can not doubt that he is in earnest. Prince Alexander
is responsible for all past delay, and he will not hesitate to incur the
responsibility of still more, unless his mind is brought to the conviction
which everyone else entertains, that it is impossible for him ever to
wear a crown. He evidently sees that the existing Government is in
danger, and wishes to be in a condition to escape it when the crisis
comes, but hopes strongly that it may be averted, If a treaty is once
signed he will not oppose its ratification directly and openly, but strive
to postpone it to the last moment compatible with safety.
I am convinced that a revolution will soon take place if a treaty of
annexation is not concluded. The foreign residents, especially Americans, are becoming impatient under the present state of things, and
will not be disposed to endure much longer the feebleness and inefficiency of the Government. They have power enough in their hands, if
they act in concert, to do anything they wish, and in a single week
could subvert the throne and establish a republic upon its ruins.
A combined British and French squadron of seven vessels-three
English and four French-arrived here on the 17th from Callao, having
made the passage from Nukuhiva in fourteen days. Its appearance
created quite an excitement among all classes of people. On Sattuday
the English frigate Pique joined the fleet, making eight vessels, in all,




932                  HAWAIAN ISLANDS.
as follows: The frigates President and Pique, the sloop Amphitrite, and
the steamer Virago (British), under the command of Rear-Admiral
David Price; the frigates La Forte and L'BJuridice, the corvette L'Artemise, and the brig L'Obligado (French), commanded by Rear-Admiral
Febvrier des Pointes. On Tuesday they all sailed in a northwesterly
direction. I could not learn satisfactorily who was the commanding
officer of the entire squadron, as the English and French accounts
differed materially on that point, though I presume it can not be doubted
that Admiral Price is the official senior of Admiral des Pointes. It is
evident that no great harmony of feeling exists between the different
portions of the fleet, and I learn from pretty good authority that a separation will soon be deemed expedient.
On Friday the two admirals and their officers had an audience at
the palace which was marked by a circumstance that ought to be mentioned. After the usual courtesies, addresses, etc., were over, the
French admiral, on the suggestion of Mons. Perrin, said to the King,
through an interpreter, that he hoped there was no thought of alienating the sovereignty of the Kingdom, as such a thing would lead to
difficulty and perhaps war with England and France, which it would be
for the interest of His Majesty to avoid. The King made no reply
whatever.
*       *      *       * -             *      *
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
DAVID L. GREGG.
Mr. Gregg to Mr. Marcy.
No. 51.]              LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, August 7, 1854.
Sm: I am only able to write briefly by the mail which goes this
afternoon, being much debilitated by an attack of sickness from which
I am just convalescent.
*       *      *       *       *       *      *
The Government here rests on a volcano. Its subversion is within
the power of the foreign residents, and I am prepared to witness an
outbreak at any moment. The dissatisfaction with the present state
of things is daily increasing, and a crisis of some sort is inevitable.
On Tuesday evening last there was an intense alarm among the native population on account of the supposed presence of "filibusters."
The troops were called out and remained under arms all night. The
apprehension seems to have been excited by the discovery of a box of
pistols among some goods landed at the custom-house.
I have succeeded in arranging the terms of a treaty of annexation
with the minister of foreign relations, which meets the approval of the
Crown Prince and cabinet. But it is not yet signed, and I am unable
to give you any assurance that it will be immediately completed. The
pretense of delay is the supposed necessity of consulting the King,
which for sometime has been impossible on account of His Majesty's
illness.
The great difficulty I had to encounter was the inveterate prejudice
of the Hawaiian authorities against a territorial form of government,
which could not be overcome. Finding it impossible to provide otherwise, I finally consented to agree to the admission of the islands as a




HAW~AIIAN ISLANDS.


933


State, as soon as it could be done in conformity with the principles and
requirements of the Federal Constitution, leaving the existing laws, so
far as they are republican and consistent with such Constitution, in
full force and effect in the meantime.
There was' also much controversy as to the extent of consideration.
The Government absolutely refused to listen to anything short of annuities to the extent of $300,000, and I finally listened to the sine qua
non which they presented, with the understanding that it was solely
ad referendum.
I had intended to send you a copy of the treaty as agreed on, for information, but I have been altogether unequal to the task of making
it in time for the present mail.
I have notified the minister of foreign relations that there must be
a speedy diplomatical conclusion of our negotiations, and expressed the
view that any further delay will be inconsistent with the position of
the Government of the United States in the transaction.,He assents
to the propriety of my representations, and promises to spare no efforts
to bring about the signature of the treaty.
I may therefore express the hope that a final result will soon be attained. But I fear the occurrence of a state of things which will place
me in some embarrassment. There is reason to believe that upon the
ratification of the treaty there will be a desire and a necessity of an immediate transfer of the sovereignty of the islands to the United States
in order to guard 'against pressing danger. If such a crisis occurs I
shall deem myself justified in accepting a provisional transfer, subject
to the provisions of the treaty, or such arrangements as may be finally
made by the two parties. This, I have no doubt, would be decisive as
to the influences hereafter to prevail in the archipelago, whatever
might be the view of our Government as to the cession. A flood of
emigration would pour in from California the moment our flag was
raised, sufficient to put a check upon all future British and French pretensions.
Yesterday I had an-audience at the palace for the officers of the St.
Mary. The King was unable to be present, owing to his illness, but he
was represented by the Kuhina Nui, who always stands in his place
when he can not perform his functions.
The British consul-general has demanded a personal audience of the
King, to communicate to him certain views of his Government, which
will take place as soon as His Majesty is recovered.
I have, etc.,
DAVID L. GREGG.
Mr. Gregg to Mr. Marcy.
No. 52]                LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, September 15, 1854.
#        *        *        *        *        * '      * #
The negotiations for annexation are in the same condition as when
my dispatch (No. 51) of the 7th instant was written. On Saturday
last the cabinet had an audience of the King and laid before him a
copy of the treaty in the Hawaiian language, and through Mr. Armstrong, as interpreter, explained it in all its particulars. He expressed
himself satisfied, as I am advised, but stated that he wished to consult




934                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
particularly with a few of his chiefs before final action was taken. Unfortunately he has since been in such a state of infirmity as to be able
to consult with no one, and it is difficult to predict when his present fit
of illness will terminate.
I have insisted upon the immediate signature of the treaty, and Mr.
Wyllie admits that, according to diplomatic usage, there should be no
further delay. In my last dispatch I stated that I had notified him
that the negotiations must be at once concluded. I have since addressed him a letter to the same effect, setting forth strongly the reasons
which induced me to take this course. A copy of it is herewith inclosed for your information. Its representations I considered would
have an important bearing in bringing matters to an issue, and I still
think this will be the effect. I hope I did notgo further than the
President will be willing to approve. The peculiar circumstances
which exist seemed to demand a strong expression on my part, with
all the incidental references and suggestions which are employed. I
acted with regard to what I supposed to be the peculiar exigencies of
the-times, and it has been intimated to me that my course will probably
contribute to hasten matters to a conclusion.
I forward also a copy of the treaty, the terms of which were finally
settled between Mr. Wyllie and myself on the 19th ultimo. I have
already informed you of the utter impossibility of such provisions as I
desired in the second and eighth articles. As they stand they will be
regarded as ad referendum so far as the United States are concerned.
This, of course, was the only ground upon which I could place my
assent to them, especially the last. From the protocols, which are not
yet all in a condition to be copied for transmission, the true character
of the negotiation and its embarrassing circumstances will more fully
appear. I shall probably be able to send them by the next mail.
The provisions of the separate article were made a matter of positive
demand by the Hawaiian cabinet. I refused to incorporate them into
the body of the treaty, because they contemplate an object which, if
effected at all. must be brought about before any final ratification can
take place. The ratification of the treaty by this Government would
undoubtedly quell any disturbances that might arise from American
sources, but a conditional cession, as contemplated by such article,
would forever practically settle all questions as to future influence and
jurisdiction. The moment our flag was raised a flood of immigration
from California would pour in, sufficient, at least, to make the islands
thoroughly American and to secure an equitable and fair arrangement
if the terms of the present treaty are deemed unsatisfactory.
The return of Judge Lee from the island of Maui is expected in a
few days.. It was through his persuasions that the King made advances
for annexation, and his influence with the chiefs and native population
generally is greater than that of any man on the islands. I learn that
he objects to the second article of the treaty on the ground that he
does not think it provides explicitly enough for a State government.
In this respect I have gone to the utmost limit of what, in my judgment, the Constitution allows, and if his advice leads this Government
to exact impracticable conditions I shall, of course, be fully prepared
to reject them.
The British consul-general has advised this Government that he will
not, for the present, seek the audience which he formerly demanded, as
I advised you in my last dispatch.
The effect of the publications in the New York Daily Tribune of July
20 has been unfortunate here in giving to the British consul-general




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


935


weapons to fight against the United States. I regret very much that
any opportunity should have occurred at this juncture to confirm, in
the minds of the Hawaiians, the false impressions which are constantly
sought to be created in regard to our purposes and policy. If the present negotiations fall through 1 shall attribute it almost entirely to the
effect of such publications as that of the Tribune and other papers of
like character.
I have, etc.,
DAVID L. GREGG.
Treaty of annexation concluded between His 3Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands
and the United States of Anmerice
His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, being convinced that plans have
been, and still are, on foot hostile to his sovereignty and to the peace of his Kingdom, which His Majesty is without power to resist, and against which it is his imperative duty to provide, in order to prevent the evils of anarchy and to secure the
rights and prosperity of his subjects, and having in conscientious regard thereto, as
well as to the general interests of his Kingdom, present and future, sought to incorporate his Kingdom into the Union of the United States, as the means best calculated to attain these ends and perpetuate the blessings of freedom and equal rights
to himself, his chiefs, and his people; and the Government of the United States,
being actuated solely by the desire to add to their security and prosperity and to
meet the wishes of His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, and of his Government, have determined to accomplish by treaty objects so important to their mutual and permanent welfare,   m
For that purpose His Majesty Kamehaineha III, King of the Hawaiian Islands has
granted full powers and instructions to Robert Crichton Wyllie, esquire, his minister of foreign relations, his secretary at war and of the navy, member of his privy
council of state, member of the house of nobles, and chairmantof the commissioners
of his privy purse; and the President of the United States has invested with like
powers David Lawrence Gregg, esquire, commissioner of said States to the said
Kingdom; and the said plenipotentiaries, after exchanging their full powers, have
agreed to and concluded the following articles:
ARTICLE I.
His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, acting in conformity with the
power vested in him by the constitution of his Kingdom, and with the wishes of
his chiefs and people, and of the heads of every department of his Government,
cedes to the United States his Kingdom, with all its territories, to be held by them
in full sovereignty, subject only to the same constitutional provisions as the other
States of the American Union. This cession includes all public lots and squares,
Government lands, mines and minerals, salt lakes and springs, fish ponds, public
edifices, fortifications, barracks, forts, ports and harbors, reefs, docks, and magazines, arms, armaments and accouterments, public archives, and funds, claims,
debts, taxes and dues existing, available, and unpaid at the date of the exchange of
the ratifications of this treaty.
ARTICLE II.
The Kingdom of the Hawaiiah Islands shall be incorporated into the American
Union as a State, enjoying the same degree of sovereignty as other States, and admitted as such as soon as it can be done in consistency with the principles and requirements of the Federal Constitution, to all the rights, privileges, and immunities
of a State as aforesaid, on a perfect equality with the other States of the Union.
ARTICLE III.
His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, his chiefs and subjects of every
class, shall continue in the enjoyment of all their existing personal and private
tits-civil, political, and religious-to the utmost extent that is possible under
te Federal Constitution, and shall possess and forever enjoy all the rights and
privileges of citizens of the United States, on terms of perfect equality, in all respects, with other American citizens.




936                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
ARTICLE IV.
The decisions of the board of land commissioners made and not appealed frotm
at the date of the final ratification of this treaty, shall be and remain forever valid
and undisturbed, and all titles to real estate which are now, or shall have then been
declared valid under the laws of the Hawaiian Kingdom, shall be held to be equally
valid by the United States, and measures shall be adopted by the United States for
the speedy and final adjudication of all unsettled claims to land in conformity with
the laws and usages under which they may have originated.
ARTICLE V.
All engagements of whatever kind, affecting the rights of corporations or individuals, validly contracted, and lawfully incumbent upon the King's Government
or the Hawaiian nation to pay rnd discharge, shall be respected and fulfilled in as
prompt, full, and complete a manner as they would have been respected and fulfilled
had no change of sovereignty taken place.
ARTICLE VI.
The public lands hereby ceded shall be subject to the laws regulating the public
lands in other parts of the United States, liable, however, to such alterations and
changes as Congress may from time to time enact. The grants of land for the pro.
motion of education heretofore made by the Government of the King of the Hawaiian
Islands shall be confirmed by the United States, which in addition thereto, shall
grant and set apart for the purposes of common schools, seminaries of learning, and
universities so much of the public lands and of the proceeds thereof as may be equal
proportionally to the grants for such purposes in any of the States of the Union.
ARTICLE VII.
The laws of the Hawaiian Kingdom, so far as they are compatible with republican
institutions and conformable to the Constitution of the United States, shall be and
remain in full force and effect until modified, changed, or repealed by the legislative
authority of the State contemplated by this treaty.
ARTICLE VIII.
In consideration of the cession made by this treaty, and in compensation to all
who may suffer or incur loss consequent thereon, the United States shall pay the
aggregate sum of three hundred thousand dollars ($300,000) as annuities to the King,
the Queen, the crown prince, those standing next in succession to the throne, the
chiefs, and all other persons whom the King may wish to compensate or reward, to
be apportioned as may be determined by His Majesty the King, and his privy council
of state, which amounts to be apportioned as aforesaid, shall be paid ratably without deduction or offset on any ground or in any shape whatever, to the parties severally named in such apportionment, at Honolulu, on the first day of July of each successive year so long as they may live. It is, however, expressly agreed upon that
on the demise of His present Majesty the annuity of the immediate heir to the
throne shall then be increased to the same amount before allowed and paid to the
King himself.
As a further consideration for the cession herein made, and in order to place within
the reach of the inhabitants of the Hawaiian Islands the means of education, present
and future, so as to enable them the more perfectly to enjoy and discharge the rights
and duties consequent upon a change from monarchical to republican institutions,
the United States agree to set apart and pay over for the term of ten years the sum
of seventy-five thousand dollars per annum, one-third of which shall be applied to
constitute the principal of a fund for the benefit of a college or university, or colleges
or universities, as the case may be, and the balance for the support of common schools,
to be invested, secured, or applied as may be determined by the legislative authority
of the Hawaiian Islands, when admitted as a State into the Union, as aforesaid.
ARTICLE IX.
Immediately after the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty the President of
the United States shall appoint a commissioner, who shall receive in due form, in the
name of the United States, the transfer of the sovereignty and territories of the
Hawaiian Islands; also all public property, archives, and other things hereinbefore
stipulated to be conveyed, and who shall exercise all executive authority in said
islands necessary to the preservation of peace and order, and to the proper execution




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


937,f tfie laws, until the State contemplated in this treaty can be duly'organized and
idmitted as such State; and until the arrival of such commissioner, all departments
)f His Majesty's Government shall continue as now constituted.
ARTICLE X.
This treaty shall be ratified by the respective high contracting parties, and the
ratifications exchanged at the city of Honolulu within eight months from the date
hereof, or sooner, if possible, but it is agreed that this period may be extended by
mutual consent of the two parties.
In witness whereof, we, the undersigned, plenipotentiaries of His Majesty the
King of the Hawaiian Islands and of the United States of America, have signed
three originals of this treaty of annexation in Hawaiian and three in English, and
have thereunto affixed our respective official seals.
Done at Honolulu this --   day of -, in the year of our Lord one thousand
eight hundred and fifty-four.
SEPARATE AND SECRET ARTICLE.
Whereas it is desirable to guard against the exigencies declared in the preamble
to the foregoing treaty, and to secure the King of the Hawaiian Islands, his chiefs
and all who reside under his jurisdiction from the dangers therein referred to and
expressed, it is hereby provided and expressly agreed that at any time before the
final exchange of the ratifications of said treaty, if the same shall be duly ratified on
the part of His Majesty the King and satisfactory notice thereof given to the commissioner of the United States, it shall be competent for His Majesty, by proclamation, to declare his islands annexed to the American Union, subject to the provisions of such treaty as negotiated; and the commissioner of the United States, for
the time being, shall receive and accept the transfer of the jurisdiction of the said
islands, in the name of the United States, and protect and defend them by the armed
forces of the United States, as a part of the American Union, holding the same for
and in behalf of his Government and exercising the jurisdiction provided for in
said treaty, with the understanding, however, that in case the said treaty is not
finally ratified, or other arrangement made by the free consent and to the mutual
satisfaction of the contracting parties, the sovereignty of the islands shall immediately revert, without prejudice, to His Majesty, or his immediate heir, in the
same conditions as before the transfer thereof; and it is further understood and
agreed that this article shall be as binding for all the ends and purposes herein expressed as if it formed a part of the foregoing treaty.
Mr. Gregg to Mr. Marcy.
No. 54.]                   LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, October 2, 1854.
SIR: In my dispatch of the 7th ultimo (No. 41) I mentioned that the
British consul-general had demanded an audience of the King for the
purpose of communicating to him certain views of his Government.
It was first appointed for the 6th ultimo, the same day as that fixed for
the audience to the officers of the St. Mary, but the King being unable
on account of illness to attend it was then postponed. Subsequently,
however, although Gen. Miller at first declined, an arrangement was
made to receive him on the 18th, when he made an extemporaneous
speech of an hour and a quarter against annexation to the United
States and in dispraise of our country, her Government, and people.
The substance of his remarks has been stated to me by those who
heard them. He deprecated annexation to the United States and represented it to be one of the worst evils which could befall the Hawaiian
race, denouncing our institutions as corrupting in their tendency and
wholly unequal to protect in security the enjoyment of life and property. As an illustration, he referred to California and described numerous disorders, which he alleged had prevailed there, in the strongest




938                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
terms, predicting that the introduction of American rule in these
islands would be the signal for the commelcement of a similar state of
things, in which the rights of the natives would be altogether lost sight
of and sacrificed. He read at length the articles in the New York
Tribune of July 20 and the Herald of a previous date, on the subject
of annexation, to show that the designs of our Government were hostile
to Hawaiian interests and ought to be regarded in no friendly light.
These papers, he insisted, were fair and honest, rising above the corrupting tendency of republican institutions, and entitled to great
weight in forming an opinion of the policy of the American nation. He
complained of the course of the minister of foreign relations, charging
him with a want of openness and candor and stating that he was too
much disposed to publish matters which ought to be kept secret. As an
instance, he referred to the joint protest of himself and Mons. Perrin,
last year, which, he said, had been unnecessarily communicated to Mr.
Severance, who had made a long rigamarole of a reply, and that his
rejoinder to that reply had been suppressed.
I have the best reason in the world for believing that in this respect
Gen. Miller's memory was at fault, as he pever made any rejoinder
whatever. He also entered into an argument to refute what I took
occasion to say on the 4th of July relative to the merits of colonial
government and the law of primogeniture, praising the latter as a
beneficent institution which gave England a class of gentlemen and
statesmen not to be surpassed in the world. When he had concluded
the King replied as follows:
I have heard what you have said to me in the name of your Government. I am
not sure that I have clearly understood it all, but I shall consider it so far as I may
be able to recollect it. I would prefer that in all matters which relate to my sovereignty, in which my chiefs and people have a deep interest, communications
should be made in writing so as to prevent misunderstandings and mistakes either
by me or them.
The speech of Gen. Miller as I have heard accounts of it from authentic sources, was an outrage upon all propriety and insulting to the
United States. An accurate statement of what transpired at the audience was drawn up, as I have reason to believe, by the minister of
foreign relations and submitted to Gen. Miller for revision. He promised to write out the substance of his remarks, but as yet has not done
so. I have assurances that a copy will be communicated to me at the
earliest practicable moment. Had not the audience been what is
termed private I should have requested officially an account of what
took place, and shall yet find some just reason for doing so if it is not
received as I anticipate through the dictates of a just and proper
courtesy, which the minister of foreign relations has on every occasion
heretofore been willing to extend.
On Thursday last (September 28) the officers of the Portsmouth and
St. Mary had a royal audience by special invitation from the King.
The invitation was conveyed to me on the preceding day through the
minister of foreign relations. The whole affair may be regarded as exceedingly complimentary. Such a thing as an invitation for an occasion of this kind was never before known here. Capt. Dornin is a
great favorite among all classes of the Hawaiian people, commanding
universal respect and confidence. It is perhaps to this fact, as much
as to anything else, that the extraordinary courtesy of the occasion
may be attributed. But it may be said undoubtedly in addition that
the Hawaiian authorities are especially desirous of cultivating friendly
relations with the United States, and look forward to the time when




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


939


their country may constitute an integral portion of the great North
American Republic.
Since my dispatch of the 15th ultimo there has been no progress in
regard to the treaty of annexation. The crown prince is absent on the
island of Hawaii, but he has been sent for and his return is daily expected. This step resulted from my letter to the minister of foreign
relations of the date of September 12, a copy of which I have already
transmitted for your information. I inclose herewith an acknowledgment of its receipt, from which you will perceive the cause of any recent
delay that has occurred.
I now feel some confidence that immediately upon the arrival of the
prince the treaty will be signed and ratified. The King is unwilling
to have any action taken in his absence, but at the same time anxious
to bring matters to a speedy conclusion. Liholiho has already given
his formal assent to the negotiations so far, by countersigning with the
ministers the protocols and also the draft of the treaty, a copy of which
I have sent you. Present appearances indicate that the period of procrastination is nearly at an end, and I indulge the expectation of being
able to send home a treaty of annexation in time for the commencement
of the next session of Congress.
I have, etc.,
DAVID L. GREGG.
Mr. Gregg to Mr. Marcy.
No. 61.]               LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
$ Honolulu, December 19, 1854.
SIR: The King of the Hawaiian Islands, Kamehameha III, died on
Friday last, the 15th instant, after an illness of about two weeks. He
was born on the 17th of March, 1813, being in his forty-second year.
By his subjects he was universally beloved, and among them the manifestations of grief are universal and striking. With scarcely an exception the resident foreigners respected him and confided in his justice
and generosity. His partiality to Americans has always been strong,
and it will be universally conceded that by his decease they have lost
a faithful and honorable friend.
As soon as his death was known, minute guns were fired from the
fort on shore and by all the vessels of war in the harbor.
On the same day the accession of the Prince Royal Alexander Liholiho to the throne, under the style of Kamehameha IV, was proclaimed
and received universal acquiescence. The young monarch will be 21
years of age on the 9th of February next. By the Hawaiian laws the
age of majority for males is fixed at twenty, so that he becomes at once
ruler defacto of the Kingdom.
But few young men of his years have more ability or intelligence.
His general education is good and for sometime past he has been accustomed to take part in the management of public affairs. A few
years since, with his older brother, he visited the United States and
Europe, and evidently derived much profit from the opportunity thus
placed within his reach. His manners and habits are plain and simple,
in consistency with the American education he has received.




940                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 
The cabinet ministers and members of the privy council placed their
offices at the disposal of the new sovereign yesterday, but he desired
them to remain for the present in the discharge of their several functions.
The King's confidential and most influential adviser is the Hon.
William L. Lee, chief justice of the supreme court, a thorough American and a man of undoubted integrity. On the 2d instant he resigned
his office on account of ill health, but his resignation was not then accepted, and the present King absolutely refuses to allow him to quit
his position, promising to have such an arrangement made as will relieve
him of his most burdensome duties.
*      *       *      *        *       # *
The salute at sunrise on the 16th, referred to in my letter to the
minister of the 18th, was participated in by the St. Mary, but not by
the English and French ships in port, probably for the reason that
they were not prepared to follow the Hawaiian and American salutes.
"The royal salute of etiquette" appears to have been arranged for the
purpose of giving them an opportunity of making up for the omission
of the morning.
I have, etc.,
DAVID L. GREGG.
Mr. Gregg to Mr. Marcy.
No. 64.]               LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, December 29, 1854.
SIR: *   *    *    From information which has recently come to
my knowledge, I am inclined to entertain the opinion that the present
head of the government will be disposed to preserve, if possible, the
separate independence of the Hawaiian Islands. I anticipate, therefore, a notification, as soon as affairs are somewhat settled, to the effect
that the negotiations for annexation to the United States are no longer
to be entertained. This is rather a matter of inference than of positive
certainty; but my own mind is convinced that the anticipations I entertained will prove to be well founded.
I think it also probable that efforts will be made to secure the protection of the existing sovereignty by the United States, France, and
Great Britain. That foreign protection of some kind will be sought, I
regard as almost a certainty. I should be glad to receive instructions
to guide my conduct in the event of any such question being brought
up for consideration.
The ministers who will doubtless be reappointed are men of honesty
and integrity, but my observation leads me to conclude that in their
estimation the retention of office is a paramount consideration. Their
great fault is weakness and not perversity of purpose. Besides their
views are all against the present administration of the United States,
and it is not at all unlikely that they conceive it to be fair and just to
pursue every legitimate course to play advisedly into the hands of those
who desire political changes. These remarks are especially to be applied to the American elements of the Hawaiian Government.
I have, etc.,
DAVID L. GRaGG.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   941
Mr. Marcy to Mr. Gregg.
No. 12.]                      DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, January 31, 1855.
SIR: The policy of the United States in relation to the future of the
Sandwich Islands is presented in the instructions heretofore given to
you. That policy is not to accelerate or urge on any important change
in the government of that country, but if it has or should become so
far enfeebled that it can not be continued, and the sovereignty of the
islands must be transferred to another power, then a state of things
will exist in which it will be proper for the United States to have a regard to the future condition of that country.
If the Hawaiian Government and people become convinced of the
necessity of such a change, it' is probable that they will, if left to their
free choice,look to the United States as the country to which they
would wish to be united. To a proper arrrangement of this kind this
Government certainly has no objection.
My dispatch of the 4th of April last has reference to such a contingency which it was then supposed was about to happen. In case a
transfer of the islands was proffered to the United States, you were
directed to enter into negotiations as to the terms of it and conclude a
treaty on that subject. The outlines of such a treaty were contained
in that dispatch.
You have apprised the Department that as soon as negotiations were
opened you perceived that stipulations different from those indicated
in your instructions were insisted on, and you very properly notified
the Hawaiian authorities that you could only entertain them as matters
to be referred to your Government for its approval or rejection.
The draft of a treaty you have forwarded to the Department has
been considered by the President, and he directs me to say that he can
not approve of some of the articles. If ratified in its present shape
at Honolulu and sent hither, he would not probably submit it to the
Senate. There are in his mind strong objections to the immediate incorporation of the islands in their present condition into the Union as
an independent State. It was expected that the Hawaiian Government
would be willing to offer the islands to the United States as a territory,
and to leave the question in relation to their becoming a State to the
determination of this Government, unembarrassed by stipulations on
that point. The interests of both parties would seem to indicate this
as the wisest course. A treaty which would embarrass the United
States in their action on this question would therefore be objectionable.
There are other objections to the draft which you have sent to the
Department, though less formidable than that which the second article
presents. The amount to be paid as annuities, etc., according to the
draft, is much larger than was contemplated.
I think it would be proper that you should inform the Hawaiian Government that the United States would not be likely to approve of a
treaty differing in important particulars from the terms contained in
the dispatch of the 4th of April.
This Government will receive the transfer of the sovereignty of the
Sandwich Islands with all proper provisions relative to the existing
rights and interests of the people thereof, such as are usual and appropriate to territorial sovereignty. It will be the object of the United
States, if clothed with the sovereignty of that country, to promote its
growth and prosperity. This consideration alone ought to be a suffi



942                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
cient assurance to the people that their rights and interests will be
duly respected and cherished by this Government,
In presenting objections to the draft of the treaty which you have
sent to this Department, the President desires me to assure you that
he takes no exception whatever to your course in this difficult and embarrassing negotiation, but, on the contrary, it is highly approved.
Your efforts have been properly directed and your ability is appreciated and commended. It gives me pleasure to concur in and communicate the President's approbation of your conduct.
I am, etc.,
W. L. MARCY.
Mr. McBride to Mr. Seward.
No. 9.]                    UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, October 9, 1863.
SIR: Notwithstanding the subject is a delicate one, yet regarding
it as a duty to my Government to transmit information concerning the
policy and views of that to which I am accredited, I ask your undivided
attention to a few facts in reference to this Government, and some
things connected with it.
First. The King is strongly predisposed in favor of the British in
preference to Americans, or those of any other nationality. English
policy, English etiquette, and English grandeur seem to captivate
and control him. His familiar associates are Englishmen, and where an
office becomes vacated by death, resignation, or otherwise, it is filled by
the appointment of an Englishman. In a word, English diplomacy
here has been so adroit and sagacious as to win the esteem and confidence of His Majesty and the royal family, while American diplomacy
has been a complete failure in this respect.
It is plainly to be seen that the British Government places a high
estimate on the future value of these islands, believing, no doubt, that
the Pacific and other railroads will be built, and that these islands will
become very important as a "half-way house" between Europe and
America on one side and China and Japan on the other, and also in
their capacity for growing the sugar cane, coffee, rice, and cotton, which,
no doubt, will be very great when fairly and fully developed. The salubrity and peculiar pleasantness of the climate must also add much to
the intrinsic worth and importance of this country.
Secondly. The King's health is poor, being afflicted with asthma
andother chronic affections, and therefore it is not at all probable that
he will live many years, and, like other valetudinarians, his death would
not surprise his acquaintances at any time. The English influences
which are thrown around the King in the persons of English school
teachers recently imported, and a number of English clergymen sent
here by Her Britannic Majesty at the request of the King, and he nota pious man, and the filling of vacant offices by Englishmen, on the
whole, being considered, is shrewdly suspected of being a political affair
under the garb of religion and intended at least to supersede Americans holding office under His Majesty's Government, American school
teachers, and American clergymen, many of whom have already been
turned out; in other words, an endeavor to thoroughly Anglicize this
place and prepare it for a British regency.




I HAWABIIANN ISLAN~iDS*


943 1~


Thirdly. The native population is decreasing so rapidly as to produce
the general, if not the universal, belief that within a short period, say
from twenty to forty years, there will not be enough of them remaining
to perpetuate this Government. This being the case, these islands
must, of necessity, pass into other hands and their destiny be controlled
by other people. The question then is, to what nation shall they belong, and to whom ought they belong, the English or the Americans?
They are the only competitors.
Fourthly. An Englishman a little over a year ago loaned this Government $90,000 for ten years at 10 per cent per annum, interest to be paid annually. This Government, in all probability,
will not be able to pay more than the interest, if that, and will
be more likely to hypothecate lands to Englishmen or to the English Government for more money. Such an event would be a sufficient
excuse for Great Britain (Napoleon-like) to take and hold these islands
as an indemnity, and everybody knows what the result would be. The
payment of this debt by the United States, and, if need be, the loan of
half a million more, together with presents both ornamental and useful
to their majesties and to the heir apparent, cautiously and wisely bestowed, might be the means of giving Americans the vantage ground
in point of court influence and other interests which may come up in
the future.
I beg leave to further say that American interests greatly predominate here over all others combined, and not less than four-fifths of the
commerce connected with these islands is American. The merchants,
traders, dealers of all kinds, and planters are principally Americans.
The English have no commerce here worthy of the name and but one or
two retail stores; the Germans about the same amount of business as
the English. Many American merchants here are doing quite a large
business, and would extend their business still more but for the danger
of British rule over this group, which, if it should become the dominant
or governing power, American interests would be crushed out with
eagerness and dispatch. Such is the universal belief of all American
citizens with whom I have conversed, and such is my own opinion. It
would be a flagrant injustice to American citizens, after they have
labored for the good of these islands for the last forty years, after they
have brought these people out of barbarism and taught them civilization, science, and religion; in a word made them an intelligent and
Christian nation, and have done all that has been done in the development of the resources of the country, and given it a world-wide popularity, to be either driven out or so treated and harassed as to make
it necessary for their interests to sacrifice their property and leave,
which is believed would be the case provided the English obtain greater
influence with the King than they now have; which influence it is the
desire of Americans here and for the interests of the American Government'to avert. Some merchants and planters are contracting their
business, so that they may not suffer so heavy a loss in the event of
the change which seems probable at no very distant day.
I am also informed that the British Government since the commencement of the rebellion in the United States sent a deputation to examine and report on the cotton-growing capacity of this group, and the
report is said to be remarkably favorable. This may aid in explaining
the lively interest which Her British Majesty's Government takes in this
Government and the final disposition of these islands so far as conduct is a faithful index to design. The cotton-growing capacity of
these islands has been sufficiently tested to demonstrate it as a fact




944                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
that it is not at all inferior to Alabama, Georgia, or Mississippi, either as
to quality or quantity per acre. There is some cotton now growing in
the suburbs of this city as rich and luxuriant a growth as I ever saw
in the Southern States. The capacity of these islands for growing sugar
cane is of world-wide celebrity and is known to be not inferior to that
of any other country. All the sugar plantations of any note on these
islands, with the exception of two or three, belong to Americans. Coffee grows here well and it is believed that with proper care and skill
it might become equal to those more celebrated coffee-growing countries. A great deal is now raised here, although for the last few years
there has been in some localities what is here called the blight on the
tree. This soil grows rice of an excellent quality in great abundance.
Indian corn grows well here and yields from 20 to 40 bushels per acre4
Garden vegetables also grow well here.
This group of islands under the control of our Government, in my
judgment would be far more valuable than the ownership of both
Cuba and the Bahama Islands. All of which is respectfully submitted.
I have the honor, etc.,
JAMES McBRIDE.
Message of the President of the United States, communicating, in answer to
a resolution of the Senate of the 4th instant, a report of the Secretary of
State, relative to a proposed reciprocity treaty between the United States
and Sandwich Islands.
FEBRUARY 8, 1864.-Read, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and ordered to be print6d.
To the Senate of the United States:
In answer to the resolution of yesterday on the subject of a reciprocity treaty with the Sandwich Islands, I transmit a report from the
Secretary of State, to whom the resolution was referred.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
WASHINGTON, February 5, 1864.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 5, 1864.
The Secretary of State, to whom has been referred the Senate's resolution of yesterday, requesting the President, "if not incompatible
with the public interests, to communicate to the Senate any recent correspondence at the Department of State relative to a proposed reciprocity treaty between the United States and the Sandwich Islands," has
the honor to report that application has been made for a revival of a
similar treaty which was negotiated here during the administration of
President Pierce, but which was not approved by the Senate. After
due consideration, however, especially in connection with the probable
effect of such a measure on the public revenue at this juncture, it has
not been deemed advisable further to entertain the subject. It is not
deemed expedient at present to communicate the correspondence called
for by the resolution.
Respectfully submitted.
WILLIAM E. SEWARD.
The PRESIDENT.




I  I  HAWFAIIAN   ISLAINDS.


945


Mr. Seward to Mr. McBride.
No. 10.]                      DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, January 14, 1864.
JAMES McBRIDE, Esq., etc.:
SIR: Your dispatch No. 9, of October 9, 1863, has been received.
The subject of which it treats, viz, the policy of Great Britain in the
Sandwich Islands-the efforts made by its officials there to shape and
control the future destinies of these islands-and the measures which
you indicate, with the view of counteracting these influences, are all
deemed of much importance and they will receive the consideration to
which they are justly entitled.
I am, etc.,
WILLIAM H. SEWARD.
Ur. McBride to Mr. Seward.
No. 37.]                      UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, September 16, 1864.
SIR: As the United States Government is now paying rent for a
piece of ground for a naval depot, and as a permanent depot here will
be vastly more important to our Government in the future than it has
been in time past, from the increased necessity for naval defense, owing
to the States and Territories on the Pacific Slope, the number of American whale ships floating in various parts of the Pacific, the increased
and increasing commerce with these islands, and last, though not least,
the immense commerce which we have the right to anticipate between
the United States, China, and Japan, I hope itwill be considered proper
in me to suggest that, if a reciprocity treaty should at any time be
made with this Government, a fee simple to a piece of land at this
port, sufficient for a wharf and buildings for a naval depot and also
for a dry dock, should be made one of the conditions of said treaty, as
the principal advantage accruing from such a treaty will be to this
Government, as shown in my dispatch of yesterday.
I have the honor to be, etc.,
JAMES MlcBRIDE.
M2r. McCook to Mr. Seward.
No. 6.]               LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, September 3, 1866.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your dispatch
No. 3, inclosing the opinion of the Attorney-General in the matter of
the American ships Josephine and Blue Jacket.
I regard it as a cause for congratulation that the Government has
arrived at the conclusion indicated by the opinions of the AttorneyGeneral, for the Hawaiian courts have in the past certainly shown a
disposition to unnecessarily annoy American shipmasters, and the Hawaiian Government has invariably refused to redress their grievances.
In examining the correspondence of my predecessors I observe that
S. Rep. 227 -60




946                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
each one has seen proper to communicate to the State Department his
views in relation to the Government and people of these islands. Although I suppose you are already thoroughly informed, yet I desire to
call your attention to some points upon which I very materially differ
from the ideas expressed by my predecessors.
Before my arrival here I was led to believe that this Government dis
played a marked hostility towards the Government and citizens of the
United States. The State Department has probably been led into
the same error. I am perfectly satisfied that no such feeling does exist.
Many of the American residents have rendered themselves obnoxious to
the King and his cabinet by personal abuse of the ministers and unwarranted interference in the political affairs of the Kingdom. The natural result of this has been dislike, freely expressed, on both sides. As
the feeling is apparently of an entirely personal character, I can see no
reason why it should affect myrelations ortherelationsof myGover.nment
with His Majesty andhis ministers. Another class of Americans, the missionaries, have controlled the political affairs of the country since 1820.
They are dissatisfied because within the last few years they have lost
their hold upon the Government and its offices. The first class of Anericans are generally disappointed adventurers, the second class are religionists, who, having once exercised supreme power in church and
state, feel all the bitterness of disappointment at seeing their political
power pass into other hands, and knowing that the native population
is beginning to listen to a religion preached from other pulpits than
their own. The American missionaries have undoul)tedly labored faithfully; but it is their own fault if, after forty years' experience as keepers of the conscience to the natives and their princes, they permit themselves to be driven from the field by an adroit English priest, whose
church is a mere political machine, and who possesses apparently
neither the intelligence nor the virtue of his more experienced and Puritanical brother missionaries.
So far as I can see, the influence of the American Government is all
that it has ever been. The influence of American individuals has been
lost through their own want of tact and harmony.
There is still another class-the planters of the country. They are
nearly all Americans, both in nationality and in sympathy; they are
the better class of the residents of the islands, possess its substantial
wealth, control its resources, and annually ship 20,0(10,000 pounds of
sugar to the Pacific coast of the United States. Their pecuniary interests, their political sympathies, their business relations, and theirpersonal attachments are all with the United States and its citizens.
The health of the present King is most precarious. When he dies
the race of Hawaiian kings dies with him, and I feel confident that he
will not name a successor. His Majesty is superstitious and to a great
degree under the influence of a native sorceress, who has predicted
that he will die as soon as he names a successor. He has faith in her
prophecy and acts accordingly. I mention this fact in order that you
may more properly appreciate the enlightened influences which sometimes control His Majesty's important political measures.
The fact as I state it is undoubted, and in the event that no successor
to the throne is appointed the Government of the United States may
be called upon to arbitrate the future of this country. For this reason I have felt it my duty to remind you of the condition of affairs
here and to call your attention to the value of American interests
which do now, and always must, center in these islands.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   947
They are the resting place, supply depot, and reshipping point of all
our American whaling fleet.
They are the sources from which the Pacific States receive all the
sugars they consume.
The greater part of the agricultural, commercial, and moneyed interests of the islands are in the hands of American citizens.
All vessels bound from our Pacific coast to China pass close to these
shores.
Geographically these islands occupy the same important relative position towards the Pacific that the Bermudas do towards the Atlantic
coast of the United States, a position which makes them important to
the English, convenient to the French, and, in the event of war with
either of those powers, absolutely necessary to the United States.
Destitute of both army and navy, the Hawaiian Government is without
the power to resist aggression, to compel belligerents to respect the
neutrality of her ports. Equally destitute of financial resources, they
are without the means of indemnifying those who may suffer through
their weakness.
The spirit of this whole people is heartily republican and thoroughly
American. The King, his half dozen half-civilized nobles, as many
cabinet ministers, and the Lord Bishop of Honolulu (Staley) constitute
the entire aristocratic element of the country, either in fact or in feeling.
And when this dynasty ends, as end it will probably within the next
year, I am sure that if the American Government indicates the slightest
desire to test in these islands the last Napoleonic conception in the way
of territorial extension you will find the people here with great unanimity "demanding by votes, freely expressed, annexation to" the United
States.
I have the honor, etc.,
EDWARD MCCOOK,
United States Minister Resident.
[Private.-For the Secretary alone.]
SAN FRANCISCO, June 7, 1867.
Hon. W. H. SEWARD,
Washington, D. 0.:
SIR: I sail to-morrow for Honolulu and desire before leaving to ask
you to order me to report in Washington about the time the Hawaiian
treaty comes before the Senate for ratification or grant me a leave of
absence for that purpose. I will then have in my possession every fact
which might influence the favorable consideration of Congress; and it
it is unnecessary for me to say how deep an interest I feel in the successful conclusion of the matter with which you intrusted me.
Should the treaty be ratified, I will feel that I have possibly accomplished all I can accomplish in my present position, and will probably
wish to return to my home in Colorado, unless you should favor the
absolute acquisition of the Hawaiian Islands, in which event 1 would
like to conduct the negotiations. I think their sovereignty could be
purchased from the present King, and feel sure that the people of the
United States would receive such a purchase with universal acclamation. Will you permit meto suggest that you sound Mr. Harris on the
subject i




948                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
I hope you will send me the leave of absence or orders I have asked
for; I know it seems like taxing your indulgence too far to ask this favor so soon after receiving a similar one at your hands; but I certainly
have no wish to make the long winter voyage from Honolulu to New
York as a pleasure trip, and my only reason for wishing to visit the
United States this winter is that I believe it will materially advance
the interests of the public service, and I feel sure you will be perfectly
satisfied with the result should you permit me to come.
I have, etc.,
EDWARD M. MCCOOK.
Mfr. Seward to Mr. lMcCook.
[Confidential.]
No. 33.]                         DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, July 13, 1867.
Mr. McCooK,
Honolulu:
SIR: Your private note written on the 27th of June, on the eve of
your departure from San Francisco for Honolulu, has just been received.
You have leave to come to this place at the next meeting of Congress,
which will probably take place in November.
You are at liberty to sound the proper authority on the large subject
mentioned in your note and ascertain probable conditions. You may
confidentially receive overtures and communicate the same to me.
I will act upon your suggestion in that relation in regard to a party
now here.
I am, etc.,
WILLIAM H. SEWARD.
Mr. MeCook to Mr. Seward.
No. 31.]               LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, August 5, 1867.
Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD,
Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.:
SIR: Since my dispatch No. 30 I have had several interviews with
His Majesty the King, in one of which I called his attention to the
remark made by his minister of foreign affairs relative to His Majesty
leaving his capital because of the presence of the U. S. S. Lackawanna
here (Mr. De Varigny, the minister of foreign affairs, was present),
and the King disavowed any such motive and informed me that he had
left this island simply to superintend the labor on some one of his plantations. The whole subject was dismissed by my calling His Majesty's
attention to the fact that there had been nothing in the past acts or
present attitude of my Government toward this Kingdom which should
make the presence of an American man-of-war in these waters the
source of suspicion, and that I.regarded it as peculiarly unfortunate
that these suspicions should be expressed at this particular time, when
the Government of the United States was endeavoring, by the negotia



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                     949
tion of a reciprocity treaty and by every other assurance in their power,
to show their friendship for the King and people of these islands.
On the 25th of July His Majesty again sent for me to meet him in
council. Telegrams from Washington, published in the California
papers, had reached here, disclosing the fact that a treaty of reciprocity had been concluded between the two countries and made public in
the United States. His Majesty stated to me that he would like to discuss its provisions with me, but did not deem it consistent with his
dignity, etc., to enter into any such discussion while the Lackawanna
remained here. I will do His Majesty the justice to say that I do not
believe this idea was an original one, but was suggested to and forced
upon him by his ministers, they hoping that the. Lackawanna could not
or would not leave, and that this might prove an insuperable obstacle
to the ratification of the treaty. I requested that this determination of
his might be conveyed to me in writing, and on the same day I received
a communication from the minister of foreign affairs, a copy of which I
inclose.
The Lackawanna sailed from these waters on the 30th of July, in
compliance with orders from the Navy Department, to take formal possession of and survey Middlebrook Island, and this obstacle being removed His Majesty again sent for me, approved the treaty in council,
and issued a proclamation convoking an extraordinary session of the
legislative assembly on the 2d of September, "for the purpose of considering such legislation as may be rendered necessary by the proposed
convention of reciprocity with the Government of the United States."
A copy of this proclamation is herewith transmitted.
I think that the King heartily and earnestly favors this treaty, and
I think that some, probably the majority, of his ministers just as heartily and earnestly oppose it; because they know it will prove destructive
to all other foreign influence and make American influence dominant
on these islands. I was present by invitation of His Majesty at four
of his cabinet meetings and on each occasion he seemed disposed to
act promptly and favorably, while his councilors yielded, I thought, a
reluctant and sullen assent to a measure which they alone, of all this
little Kingdom, look upon with disfavor. I have heard some of the
most intelligent and influential men of the islands express the opinion
that should this treaty be ratified by the United States and go into
effect, abrogation would be revolution; and after its benefits are once
felt this people will always demand reciprocity or annexation.
I have the honor to be, sir, your very obedient servant,
EDWARD M. McCooK.
[Inclosure in No. 31.]
Mr. De Varigny to Mr. McCook.
HONOLULU, Julty 25, 18G-.
SIR: Pursuant to the request expressed by your excellency during your interview
of to-day with His Majesty, I have the honor to transmit to you the desire expressed
b>y the King.
Before entering into the consideration of the treaty of reciprocity, His Majesty and
Iis Government desire your excellency to use your influence in securing the departure
'rom this Kingdom of the Lackawanna for the reasons explained to you during the
aforesaid interview.
Hoping for a favorable result of this request, I avail myself of this opportunity to
renew to you the assurances of the high respect and distinguished consideration with
which I remain,
Your excellency's very obedient humble servant,
C. DE VARIGNY.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mri. McCook to Mr. Seward.
No. 32.]               LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu. August 5, 1867.
SIR: I have the honor to inclose you the copy of a communication
addressed by me to Gen. Van Valkenburgh, United States minister
resident at Yedo, Japan.
The note explains itself; and as I deemed it essential to the interests of the public service that it should be written and forwarded
promptly, I hope its contents will meet with your entire approval.
I have the honor to be, etc.,
EDWARD M. McCooK.
[Inclosure in No. 32.]
'2Sr. Me Cook to Gen. Van Valkenburgh.
UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, August 3, 1867.
DEAR SIR: An envoy of the Hawaiian Government sails for Japan
to-day for the purpose of endeavoring to negotiate a treaty with Japan
which will admit the sugars and other products of that kingdom on
an equality with the products of the United States, England, etc. I
should think it would be your policy to oppose the consummation of
such a treaty by every means in your power. The Pacific States of the
United States are almost entirely dependent upon these Hawaiian
Islands for their supply of sugars, and the planters here depend on the
Pacific States just as entirely for a market. This circumstance has
been instrumental in maintaining American influence here, although
all the sympathies of the Government are probably English; and so
soon as they can find another market which will render them independent of the United States, our political and commercial influence on
the islands will be lost.
You have been here and understand how important in every respect
these islands are to our country; and the fact that a treaty of reciprocity has just been concluded with them shows conclusively that the
President and Secretary of State fully realize this importance, and are
anxious by securing all their trade to make American influence paramount. Should they secure this treaty with Japan, and thus find another and possibly better market for their sugars, etc., it will in effect
defeat the objects of the treaty just concluded, by diverting the trade
we wish to secure into another channel, and enable the planters and
merchants of these islands to sell their sugars to Japan, and with the
proceeds buy their goods, as they now do, in an English market, instead of an American one, as they Would naturally if their trade were
exclusively with the United States.
At any rate I believe that after so largely subsidizing a line of steamers to secure the trade of China and Japan, we ought to secure all of it
if we can; and if the Japanese want sugars raised in this part of the
Pacific let them buy them through the merchants of San Francisco, or
some of our other Pacific ports. This seems like a small affair, but I
think our new trade growing up with China and Japan should be jealously watched and fostered, and all other countries hindered if possible
from injuriously interfering with it in any way.




HAWAIMTATA I~SLANDS.


951


I hope you will concur with me in the view I have taken of this matter, and throw every obstacle you can in the way of the success of
Capt. Waterman, the Hawaiian envoy, and request Gen. Stahl and
our other consuls to do the same.
I have forwarded a copy of this letter to the honorable Secretary of
State, hoping that he will approve my opinions and communicate with
you at once.
I have the honor to be, etc.,
EDWARD M. McCooK,
Minister Resident.
Mr. Seward to Mr. McCook.
[Confidential.]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, September 12, 1867.
EDWARD M. MCCOOK, Esq., etc.:
SIR: Circumstances have transpired here which induce a belief that
a strong interest, based upon a desire for annexation of the Sandwich
Islands, will be active in opposing a ratification of the reciprocity treaty.
It will be argued that the reciprocity will tend to hinder and defeat an
early annexation, to which the people of the Sandwich Islands are supposed to be now strongly inclined. Under these circumstances, I have,
first, to advise that you remain at Honolulu instead of coming to the
United States, as you have before proposed.
Second. You will be governed in all your proceedings by a proper
respect and courtesy to the Government and people of the Sandwich
Islands; but it is proper that you should know, for your own information, that a lawful and peaceful annexation of the islands to the United
States, with the consent of the people of the Sandwich Islands, is
deemed desirable by this Government; and that if the policy of annexation should really conflict with the policy of reciprocity, annexation is
in every case to be preferred.
The bearer of this communication will remain for the present at
Honolulu, and will conform himself in his proceedings there to your
advice, cooperating with you confidentially; and you will exercise your
own discretion how far it may be necessary and when to instruct him
in any of the matters contained in this dispatch.
I am, etc.,
WILLIAM H. SEWARD.
Mr. Seward to Mr. McCoolk.
No. 36.]                       DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, October 5, 1867.
Mr. McCooK, etc.:
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your dispatch
of the 5th of August, No. 31. The President is gratified with the information that His Majesty the King of the Sandwich Islands approves
of the reciprocity treaty, and that he took measures to call an extra



952                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
ordinary session of the legislature for the purpose of a formal ratifica.
tion. Since the receipt of your dispatch we have received a report by
the telegraph from San Francisco that the treaty has been finally and
fully ratified by the Hawaiian Government.
I refrain altogether from treating upon the subject of the irritation
which has been manifested at Honolulu in connection with the visit
of the Lackawanna at that port. No conceivable good could result
from engaging in diplomatic debate upon that subject.
I am, etc.,
WILLIAM H. SEWARD.
2Ur. Seward to Mr. Spalding.
[Confidential.]
No. 42.]                        DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, July 5, 1868.
Z. S. SPALDING, Esq., etc.:
SnB: Your letter of the 14th of April has been received and carefully
read. The information which you give of the excitement which is prevailing in Honolulu in regard to the annexation of the Sandwich Islands
is very interesting. You suggest a system of proceeding here with
reference to that object which could not possibly, at the present time,
obtain the sanction of any department of this Government.
Without going into an explanation of the causes for the condition of
national sentiment which temporarily exists, it is enough to say that the
public attention sensibly continues to be fastened upon the domestic
questions which have grown out of the late civil war. The public mind
refuses to dismiss these questions even so far as to entertain the higher
but more remote questions of national extension and aggrandizement.
The periodical Presidential and Congressional elections are approaching. Each of the political parties seems to suppose that economy and
retrenchment will be prevailing considerations in that election and the
leaders of each party therefore seem to shrink from every suggestion
which may involve any new national enterprise, and especially any foreign one. How long sentiments of this sort may control the proceedings of the Government is uncertain, but, in the meantime, it will be
well for you not to allow extravagant expectations of sympathy between the United States and the friends of annexation in the islands
to influence your own conduct. You will continue, however, to write
me upon the subject freely as you have hitherto done.
I am, etc.,
WILLIAM H. SEWARD.
No. 54.]                LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
At Honolulu, August 14, 1868.
Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD,
Secretary of State, Washington, D. 0.:
SI: I have the honor to forward herewith a copy of a communication addressed by me to the Hawaiian minister of foreign affairs on the




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


953


29th ultimo. At the same time I inclosed him a copy of the resolution
of the Congress of the United States which accompanied your circular
of January 17, 1867, relative to the coolie trade.
I deemed this action called for on my part from the fact that during
my absence a cargo of Japanese coolies arrived at this port on the
British ship Scioto, and were distributed among the planters and other
parties on the islands under a system of contracts holding them to
labor for the term of three years. I know nothing of the circumstances
under which these people left Japan, but supposed you are fully advised
in the premises through Mr. Vanvalkenburg.
I have been informed -that it is in contemplation to send an expedition to the South Sea Islands under the auspices of the Hawaiian Government, or the Hawaiian board of immigration, for the purpose of
procuring laborers (coolies) from there. Should this really have been
the design, I hope the communication I have already addressed to His
Majesty's Government may lead them to abandon their purpose. If
any such attempt is persisted in 1 will deem it my duty to protest most
emphatically against it, unless otherwise directed by you.
As these South Sea Islanders are without an organized government
and unable to protect themselves, any attempt to take them by force
or fraud from their own country and reduce them to a state of temporary servitude here would, it seems to me, justify such active interference on the part of the Government of the United States as might be
necessary to prevent the inauguration of a traffic more odious than the
cooly trade of China.
I have the honor to be, your very obedient servant,
EDWARD M. MoCooK.
No. 41.]              LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, July 29, 1868.
SIR: I have the honor to inclose you a copy of a resolution on the
subject of the cooly trade, which has unanimously passed both Houses
of the Congress of the United States.
It is believed that in this matter the resolution referred to correctly indicates the moral sentiment of the country I have the honor to represent; consequently I transmit the inclosed copy for the information
of your Government, believing that His Majesty, actuated by those
sentiments of humanity for which he has always been so eminently
distinguished, will cordially cooperate with the Government of the
United States in its endeavor to discountenance and discourage a
traffic so repulsive that it meets with the reprobation of the civilized
world.
With sentiments of the highest consideration and regard, I have the
honor to be,
Your very obedient servant,
EDWARD M. McCooK.
His Excellency STEPHEN H. PHTLLIPS,
H. H. ZM. M inister of Foreign Affairs, etc.




HAWAIIA ISLANDS.


[From the annual message of President Johnson to the Fortieth Congress, Decembet
9, 1868.]
I am aware that upon the question of further extending our possessions it is apprehended by some that our political system can not successfully be applied to an area more extended than our continent; but
the conviction is rapidly gaining ground in the American mind that,
with the increased facilities for intercommunication between all portions
of the earth, the principles of free government, as embraced in our
Constitution, if faithfully maintained and carried out, would prove of
sufficient strength and breadth to comprehend within their sphere and
influence the civilized nations of the world.
The attention of the Senate and of Congress is again respectfully invited to the treaty for the establishment of commercial reciprocity with
the Hawaiian Kingdom, entered into last year, and already ratified by
that Government. The attitude of the United States towards these
islands is not very different from that in which they stand towards
the West Indies. It is known and felt by the Hawaiian Government
and people that their Government and institutions are feeble and precarious; that the United States, being so near a neighbor, would be
unwilling to see the islands pass under foreign control. Their prosperity is continually disturbed by expectations and alarms of unfriendly
political proceedings, as well from the United States as from other foreign powers. A reciprocity treaty, while it could not materially diminish the revenues of the United States, would be a guaranty of the good
will and forbearance of all nations until the people of the islands shall
of themselves, at no distant day, voluntarily apply for admission into
the Union.
HONOLULU, April 14,1869.
DEAR FATfHER: The bark Comet sails to-day for San Francisco,
and even though I have little to make a letter interesting, I will venture a few lines.
Our latest advices, by the Idaho, seemed to convey the idea that the
reciprocity treaty was beyond hope, and the effect is beginning to be
generally felt and seen. Men who have kept silent for months, guarding their words and actions, have openly expressed themselves of late
as being in favor of annexation, and begun to talk of forming an organization or party with that end in view.
What they want is to know that they will be backed up by the
United States and its representatives here in all proper measures
taken by them to secure a change in the political sentiment of the
islands and their annexation at the earliest possible period.
This means not necessarily a war on the part of the United States,
but a feeling that they are supported by our Government and its officials, even to the continued presence of a man-of-war, if necessary, and
intervention should this Government attempt to stop free speech and a
free press or put down an American simply because he is an American
and expresses himself favorably towards the United States.
Americans whose opinions are entitled to respect claim that they
have never had from the Government of the United States that countenance and support that England and France have always extended
to their subjects here. They say (and I am disposed to think with some
justice) that while an Englishman or Frenchman, even though holding
an office under this Government, never forgets his country, Americans
have been brought up and become more thoroughly Hawaiian than the'




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   955
natives themselves. I know this to be true in regard to some Americans at present holding office under this Government, and from the
records of some of our ministers, as well as their subsequent careers,
I am satisfied there has been ground for complaint. No doubt the
American party has committed mistakes. They had the power, and
ought to have fought rather than lose it. But coming from the missionary stock, it was contrary to their principles and feelings to resort to
blows. Besides, some of their best material was drawn off by means
of royal favor and the honors and emoluments of office. The I dollar"
is as powerful here as in more enlightened countries, and Americans
as apt to forget all else in the accumulation of riches.
I told you I had no hope for annexation while there was a chance for
"reciprocity." Events do not change my opinion. On the contrary,
I feel that the desire for annexation is stronger to-day than it has been
at any time since my arrival on the islands, simply because the prospects for the treaty are felt to be almost hopeless, and the planters must
have relief by annexation.
I have already given you my opinion as to what the missionary or
American party would do if left to themselves-absolutely nothing.
In a short time they would be bound hand and foot and powerless to
resist the machination of the English and French. They are like raw
troops. Unless they can feel that they are supported by the "veteran
hand" of the United States they will run at the first flash of powder or
sight of blood. But shove them into the front rank and let them feel
that they are safe and they will make as much noise as anybody.
It is time to decide upon the plan of action. If we want these islands
immediately, I have no doubt the Lackawanna embroglio will furnish
the pretext for taking them a laEngland or France. If no other good
has been accomplished by the Lackawanna, she has served to " draw
out" the ministers into strong expressions against her and our Government, and by her presence has kept up the fire of opposition in the
hearts of Americans and left it easy for our Government to shape its
future policy. If the United States should take possession to-morrow,
on the ground that this Government has failed to respect American interests and shown its inability to maintain its position as an independent government, I think it would hardly raise a single remonstrance,
either here or abroad.' The feeling of foreigners seems generally to be
that of astonishment to see the United States "put up" with so much
from this little Kingdom.
But if the Government is in no particular hurry about the acquisition
of the islands, and desires to accomplish its ends with as little display
of force or expenditure of money as possible, it might be well to give
the annexation party a chance to see what they can do. Two years will
accomplish the change if it can be done at all. To my mind there is a
better chance for an annexation party right now than there has been
since the idea of reciprocity was first started. The "Hawaiian Club,"
of Boston, write that the treaty is undoubtedly dead, and that although
they never favored annexation heretofore, they do so now. They also
say that the failure of the treaty is owing to the action of the ministers
of this Government, Dr. Hutchinson and M. de Varigny, news which
has raised a great deal of ill-feeling toward this Government and increased the desire for connection with the United States. I take good
care not to contradict the opinion. The truth is that so long as there
was a chance for receiving the benefits of free trade with the United
States and escaping taxation men who had capital invested here were
generally opposed to annexation.




956                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
The missionaries, I think, always opposed it, on the ground that the
nations would suffer by the change. But just now all classes, except
office-holders, are down on this Government, and reciprocity having
failed them, are ready for anything that will give them a change. But
here let me reiterate my opinion that our Government must be prepared to uphold such a party with more favor and stronger aid than
has ever been given before, and be ready, in case of necessity, to assume the whole work and finish it with one stroke. That is to say, we
should show to this Government that Americans and their interest must
be respected and the United States regarded equally with the "most
favored nations," and let our friends see that we will indorse them in
all lawful actions and receive them under the Stars and Stripes whenever application is nmide in the proper manner.
I still hold that little or nothing can be accomplished at the present
time by ' voluntary " action on the part of the natives or foreigners, in
the way of changing the political status of the islands or overthrowing
the present Government. What may be done in time, by educating the
people up to the issue, especially where the greater part of the capital
of the islands is at stake, is another question. There are many good
men who will come out boldly for annexation and strain every nerve
for its success if they can be satisfied that the United States will help
them through. But they are not willing to throw away the good they
have for the uncertainty of something better. The present King has
already shown, by his abrogation of the old constitution and forcing
upon the people an instrument of his own creation, that he will stop at
nothing within his power. Foreign intervention infavor of annexation
must of course come from the United States. Will it come? If so, the
party can be organized.
The present attitude of this Government towards the United States
and the patience with which we have borne its slights is " a thorn in
our sides." Englishmen ridicule us, while they secretly " chuckle"
over what they consider our loss of influence. I am as willing to "stoop
to conquer " as anyone, and am willing to wait for our laugh until we
shall have won. But, with every American on these islands, I hope
our Government will either give up all idea of ever coming into possession of this country or else take measures to secure it. That we have
been outgeneraled in the past is very clear. The reciprocity treaty
just as completely tied Minister McCook's hands as did the Hawaiian
minister of foreign relations bind our commissioner, Mr. Gregg, by
gettinghimin his debt. The ministersof this Government neverwaiited
"reciprocity" or any other connection with the United States, but
they entertained the subject to quiet the demand for annexation, intending to kill it in the end. They have either bamboozled or bought
up our representatives before Gen. McCook, and he they allowed to
run wild on reciprocity.
If Gen. McCook comes back here with definite instructions from
Washington to inaugurate and carry out any set policy, he will undoubtedly fulfill his instructions. But if he returns with no other
orders but to " cultivate friendly relations," and is allowed to do that
after his own fashion, you need not look for annexation. The American
party here is composed of men mostly from the New England States.
That they are generally " radical " follows as a matter of course. No
representative of the United States. not even Gen. McCook, has ever
been in communication with them enough to lead them. What Gen.
McOook's interest in reciprocity was, I need not say; but everything




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   957
else had to give way to that one idea, and Americans who did not favor
it were " d - d Republican Yankees."
My present position is far from enviable. I keep as clear of diplomatic questions as possible, and, of tourse, while the present state of
affairs remains unchanged I keep my lips closed, and while hearing all
sides give approval to none. I have been particularly careful not to
commit myself. Whenever the future policy of our Government in
relation to these islands is decided upon, if I am kept here in any
position enabling me take part I can do so without undoing a single act.
I send you a newspaper, by this mail, giving account, as far as heard
from, of the late earthquakes and volcanic eruptions on the island of
Hawaii. All accounts agree that the present has been the most serious
convulsion ever experienced.
His Majesty, accompanied by his commissioner and others, left yesterday on the steamer Kilauea to visit the scene. I was invited to accompany them, but on account of the absence of Gen. McCook, and
having several vessels in port, was obliged to decline the invitation.
It is reported that His Majesty goes to Hawaii to make an offering to
Pele (the goddess of volcanoes) to appease her wrath! He is certainly
superstitious enough to do so, and the fact that his native sorceress
bore him company would seem to confirm the story. The natives say
that some high chief is about to die, and that that is the cause of the
present volcanic convulsions. It is further said that the King fears
he is the condemned chief, and hence his visit to Hawaii to make his
offering to the enraged goddess.
The Lackawanna is still in port, Capt. Reynolds thinking the action
of this Government, in refusing to allow his men to have liberty on
shore at Hilo, sufficient reason for not returning there. He knows his
presence here is an eyesore to them, and as they and he are at swords
points he proposes to remain in their sight as long as he can. I have
been assured by one of His Majesty's ministers that this Government
has no fault to find with the United States or any man-of-war, but
that they object to Capt. Reynolds personally. I give you this information for what it is worth. My own opinion is that both parties are
in the wrong.
The legislature opens on Saturday next, notwithstanding the absence of the King. The King's father will deliver the opening speech
in native, and the chief justice, Judge Allen, will deliver the same in
English. There may be some interesting matters before the legislature during the session, but the main point will be to see how far the
present ministry can control it. There will be an effort made to separate the two houses, which, if successful, will be one point for the opposition.
I look for Gen. McCook on the Idaho, due May 4, and will write fully
by her return.
With much love, your affectionate son,
Z. S. SPAULDING.
Notes of conversations, Saturday, September 14, 1869.
Called on Mr. DeVarigny, the minister of foreign relations, about
9:30 a. m., and after some conversation concerning the reciprocity
treaty, Mr. DeV. asked me when I expected the Lackawanna to return.
I replied that I had no definite idea as to the time.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. DEV. I do not wish to see the Lackawanna- back here. I hope
when she does return she will have orders to leave immediately.
McC. For what reason?
DEV. The commander of the tackawanra, Capt. Reynolds, is personally obnoxious to this Government.
McC. Why 
DEV. Because when a resident of these islands his political sentiments were displeasing to His Majesty and his ministry.
McC. What were those political sentiments?
DEV. I can not tell; they were very obnoxious.
McC. Do you wish to establish the principle that, before any American man-of-war can touch these islands, you have the right to designate who shall command her, and what his political principles shall be 
Mr. DEV. We have the same rights with regard to a man-of-war
which we would have in relation to a diplomatic agent-the principle
is precisely the same, and we have the right to refuse to receive the
one or permit the other to remain in our ports; and if the Lackawanna
returns to stop here, we will order her peremptorily to leave; we will
send her away for the reasons I have mentioned about Capt. Reynolds,
and for other and more serious reasons-this is our right and we are
determined to exercise it. 
McC. I decline discussing this matter any further at present. Your
mind appears to be made up, and you saw proper to refer the whole
matter directly to the Secretary of State of the United States, without making your communication through the legation, and Mr. Seward
will no doubt take such action as will be just and proper and I hope
satisfactory to you. I would suggest, however. at this time, if your
Government really desires the ratification of the reciprocity treaty, it
would probably be highly impolitic and imprudent to order away from
your waters any man-of-war belonging to the United States, just at the
time when my Government is endeavoring by the most substantial
proof in their power to show their friendship for the Hawaiian Government.
About 10:30 a. m. I called on His Majesty and stated that I desired
to talk with him unofficially. I repeated the conversation between Mr.
De Varigny and myself and suggested that, as I intended going to
Washington sometime during this fall or winter, it would probably be
better to take no action in the premises, even should the Lackawanna
remain, until he heard from me. On my arrival in Washington I would
lay the whole matter before the Secretary of State and call his attention to the objections of the Hawaiian Government to the presence of
the Lackawanna here. His Majesty replied that this had better be understood before I left. I called his attention to the dispatch of the
Secretary of State, No. 31, containing renewed assurances of the desire
of the United States to maintain just and amicable relations with the
King of the Hawaiian Islands, and also to all my past assurances that
the Lackawanna was here on a friendly mission and for no unusual purpose. I thought that after all these assurances of friendship from all
the representatives of my Government he ought to be satisfied as to
their feelings. The past conduct of the United States toward the Government of these islands should be the best assurance that his sovereignty would always be respected in the future as it had been in the
past.
His Majesty spoke of newspaper articles in the press of the United
States, advocating the annexation or acquisition of those islands. I
said that the newspapers of a country did not always represent the




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  959
sentiments of the government. Editors in the United States were in
the habit of publishing pretty much what they pleased, without consulting the wishes of any person. The articles His Majesty referred to
had, undoubtedly, originated here in Honolulu. They displayed a local
knowledge of persons and things which no resident of the United
States would possess. As for acquisition, the United States had never
yet acquired a foot of territory by conquest. The additions to her
boundaries had all been made like that of Russian America, by purchase, and, although I did not speak by authority, yet I had no doubt
but that my Government would pay a liberal compensation for the cession of any of these islands or all of them. The growing trade of the
United States on the Pacific made it almost necessary that we should
have some good naval depot between the Pacific coast and China.
His Majesty answered that he did not believe that his people would
ever permit him to cede any of the four larger islands of the group. I
said that money was a great power, particularly with a needy population, and with a very small portion of the amount he might receive for
such a cession he would probably be able to direct the sentiments of
his people in any channel he desired. He replied that Honolulu and
Hilo were the only two good ports on the islands; that Hilo might be
made an excellent harbor by spending some money for a breakwater,
but it was on one of the largest islands, and he did not see, on the
whole, how he could sell part of an island or the best port in it; he also
said that it would not be their policy to part with any of the larger
islands. It might not be objectionable to part with one of the smaller
ones, but one of them could be of no value to the United States, because
they had no harbors at all.
I thanked His Majesty for the interview, and requested that he
would not mention the subject of our conversation to his ministry or
any person else, as it would only produce unnecessary and undesirable
comment. He replied that it would not be mentioned by him to any
person.
From the manner of the King during the whole interview, I was led
to believe that the subject of our conversation was not an unfamiliar
one.
No. 189.]  LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
Honolulu, February 7, 1873.
Hon. HAMILTON FISH,
Secretary of State,
Washington, D. C.:
SIR: The new Government here seems well established and in working order, appointments to fill its offices having given general satisfaction to our resident countrymen.
The English and German portion of the community, however, complain that their respective nationalities have not been duly considered
in the composition of this "cosmopolitan government."
A strong movement is afoot to induce King Lunalilo to visit Washington and endeavor to form a reciprocity treaty with the United States,
failing to obtain which it is hoped the occasion will be availed of for
entering into negotiations for the annexation of these islands to the
United States.
I respectfully suggest that proper instructions and arrangements be




960                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
made by United States Government for the conveyance of and treatment of His Majesty as the guest of the nation.
It is proper that I inform you of a remark made to me within a few
days past by Capt. Cator, of H. B. M. S. Scout, to the effect that, in
view of recent events here, his opinion was that England, France, and
the United States should take possession of these islands under joint
occupancy. I replied that I thought the United States Government
would not consent to be a party to any such project.
1 am, sir, etc.,
HENRY A. PEIRCE.
P. S.-I inclose three copies of the Hawaiian custom-house statistics for the year 1872.
No. 190.]              LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, February 10, 1873.
Hon. HAMILTON FISH,
Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.
SIR: The subject now uppermost in the thoughts of Hawaiian officials, planters, and merchants relates to the measures needed to be
taken to stop the decline of the Kingdom in its population, revenue,
agricultural productions, and commerce. The panacea for the cure of
these evils, in their opinion, is to be had by efecting a reciprocity
treaty with the United States. This notwithstanding repeated failures heretofore in similar attempts to obtain one. Success therein is
now hoped for by offering to the United States a quid pro quo, the
cession of the sovereignty and proprietorship of the spacious, landlocked, easily defended harbor or estuary known as Ewa or Pearl River,
in this island, 10 miles distant from Honolulu, anld also to include the
territory surrounding it, say 10 miles square in all.
There is a bar at the entrance of the harbor having on it 12 feet of
water at low tide, but the depth can be increased to any reasonable extent without great expense.
The harbor is sufficiently spacious for several hundred ships to ride
in safety. Inclosed herewith is extract from the P. Commercial Advertiser, newspaper, of date 8th inst., entitled "Reciprocity," that develops the views of those urging this project.
My opinion in regard to probable success of the measure named
having been solicited by several persons high in authority, but in an
unofficial manner, I have said in reply that in my judgment the United
States Government would object to acquiring sovereignty over a part
only of this island. That the consideration offered by the Hawaiian
Government for a reciprocity treaty with the United States is certainly a very generous one, inasmuch as my Government.now derives
in imports from these islands, in customs revenue, only about $370,000
per annum. Nevertheless, as the proposed measure or treaty would
allow the Hawaiian Government to continue to maintain its sovereignty
over the other portion of the island of Oahu not occupied by the
United States, therefore the latter would not, probably, seriously entertain the proposition in the shape presented. Since this conversation occurred I have consulted on the subject-matter with Rear-Admiral Pennack, who is of the opinion that the United States Govern.
ment should accept the proposition of the harbor of Pearl River, even




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


961


under the terms and conditions as foreshadowed by the Hawaiian Government officials.
I am expecting to receive ere long some definite proposals in regard
to the subject-matter.
The native newspaper, " Kuokoa," opposes the suggestion mooted
here in regard to King Lunaleho visiting Washington for the purpose
of effecting a treaty, and some of the cabinet also oppose it, on account of the King's want of self-restraint in the use of intoxicating
liquors.
I am, etc.,
HENRY A. PEIRCE.
P. S.-Mail steamer Nevada, left on the 27th ultimo for San Francisco,
returned on the 6th instant to recoal-sailed on 7th instant; vessel
leaked badly, with machinery and boilers in bad condition. Delay in
receipt by you of my dispatches (No. 179 to 189) by that vessel is to be
regretted.
Yours, etc.,
HENRY A. PEIRCE.
No. 191.]  LEGATION OF THE UNiTED STATES OF AMERICA,
Honolulu, February 17, 1873.
Hon. HAMILTON FISH,
Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.:
SIR: Annexation of these islands to the United States and a reciprocity treaty between the two countries are the two important topics
of conversation and warm discussion among Government officials and
foreign residents.
A large majority of the latter favor the first-named project, while
the former advocate reciprocity. All are convinced, however, that
some measure should be taken by the Hawaiian Government to effectually stay the decline in the prosperity of the country, evidenced in
decreasing exports, revenue, population, whale fishery, and an increasing public debt.
Annexation of the islands to the United States will never, in my
opinion, be adopted or presented as a Government measure, however
much the people as a whole may desire it. The glitter of the crown,
love of power, and emoluments of office have too many attractions to
prevent it. Should the great interests of the country, however, demand
that "annexation" shall be attempted, the planters, merchants, and
foreigners generally will induce the people to overthrow the Government, establish a republic, and then ask the United States for admittance into its Union. My opinion has recently been frequently asked
in regard to probable success of the two measures proposed. I have
said that if annexation or a reciprocity treaty is proposed on the part
of Hawaii to the United States, that the subject will, in either case, be
profoundly considered and decided upon. But in view of former nonsuccess in attempts to secure reciprocity with the United States, and
the complications that might inure to both nations if cession of the
harbor of Pearl River were to be accepted by the United States as proposed in the present instance, I thought the proffer of the cession pure
and simple of the whole archipelago would have the better chance
for success as compared with reciprocity under the conditions now
suggested.
S. Rep. 227 —61




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Those favoring the former measure think it can be carried if the
King's consent thereto is first obtained (and endeavors will be made
to that end), provided the United States will. for and in consideration
of said cession, pension off His Majesty and all the chiefs of royal blood
with the aggregate sum per annum of $125,000, and pay off the Hawaiian national debt, now amounting to about $250,000, and bestow
upon the cause and for the benefit of education, public schools, and the
nation's hospitals (three of latter in number) the proprietorship and
revenues of the crown and public lands. The value of said lands is at
present estimated at about $1,000,000. It includes, however, the public buildings, waterworks, wharf property, fish ponds, etc. The income of the crown lands, now inuring to the sovereign, amounts to
about $25,000 per annum. The public, or Government, waterworks, give
about $15,000 per annum, wharf property about the same, notwithstanding the free use of them granted to steamship lines.
Many persons are lukewarm on the subject of annexation to the
United States solely for the reason that they fear repulse by the United
States Government. I think the latter should declare its policy and
objects in regard to this important subject. This nation is bewildered
and suffering to some degree, not knowing how to shape its own policy
in connection with its hopes and expectations in regard to the United
States.
I inclose herewith an extract from the Commercial Advertiser of
the 15th inst., headed "Annexation," considered here as intended to
be a feeler on the subject.
With great, etc.,
HENRY A. PEIRCE.
P. S.-Your dispatches Nos. 78 and 79 are received. Should the
King Lunalilo conclude to visit Washington, his departure will not
take place before October next.
SAN FRANCISCO, CAL., Miay 8, 1873.
Hon. WM. W. BELKNAP,
Secretary of War, Washington, D. C.:
SIR: In compliance with your confidential instructions of the 24th
June, 1872, we have the honor to state that we have visited the Sandwich Islands and ascertained the defensive capabilities of their different ports, examined into their commercial facilities, and collected all
the information in our power on other subjects in reference to which we
ought to be informed in the event of a war with a powerful maritime
nation, and we have now the honor to submit the following
REPORT:
We left this city on the 30th of December, 1872, on board the U. S.
S. California, the flagship of Rear-Admiral Pennock, U. S. Navy, and
arrived at Honolulu January 15,1873. Admiral Pennock had received
instructions from our Government to proceed to the Sandwich Islands
in his flagship and bring to the United States the late King Kamehameha VI.
A few days before sailing, however, the news of the death of the
king was received in San Francisco.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


963


When we arrived at Honolulu we found a new King, Lunalilo, had
been elected by an almost unanimous vote of the people. He had been
inaugurated, and his Government was established in an orderly manner. At an audience with the King and his ministers, Admiral Pennock made known his instructions from the Secretary of the Navy, to
offer a passage to the late King to the United States.
We were present at this interview and the announcement of the generous intentions of the Government of the United States toward the
late King appeared to establish, at once, the best relations between
the new King and Admiral Pennock, as also between the members of
his Government and ourselves.
This was fortunate, as it gave us all desirable facilities for accomplishing the objects of our visit; enabled us to converse frankly with
the King and his ministers upon the subject and to ascertain their feelings and wishes concerning it, as well as their general policy toward
the United States. We ascertained from the officers of the U. S. Navy,
from maps, and from seafaring men that Honolulu is the only good
commercial harbor in the whole group of the Sandwich Islands.
There are many other so-called harbors, or places for anchorage, but
they are mostly open roadsteads affording shelter only from certain
winds, and they are all entirely incapable of being defended by shore
batteries. Even the harbor of Honolulu itself can not be defended
from the shore. It is a small harbor lying seaward from the land and
only protected from the sea by outlying coral reefs.
An enemy could take up his position outside of the entrance to the
harbor and command the entire anchorage, as well as the town of Honolulu itself. This harbor would therefore be of no use to us as a harbor of refuge in a war with a powerful maritime nation.
With one exception there is no harbor on the islands that can be
made to satisfy all the conditions necessary for a harbor of refuge in
time of war. This is the harbor of Ewa or Pearl River situated on the
Island of Oahu, about 7 miles west of Honolulu.
Pearl River is a fine sheet of deep water extending inland about 6
miles from its mouth, where it could be completely defended by shore
batteries. The depth of water after passing the bar is ample for any
vessel.
Pearl River is not a true river; it partakes more of the character of
an estuary. It is divided into three portions called " locks "-the east
lock, the middle lock, and the west lock, the three together affording
some 30 miles of water front, with deep water in the channels. Of these
locks the east lock is the best, having the most room, the deepest water,
and presenting the greatest facilities for shore improvements. In the
middle of this lock there is an island called "Rabbit Island," having
deep water close to its shores and fine anchorage all around it. This
island is a level coral island, rising only a few feet above high-water
level. It is destitute of fresh water, but there is a great abundance of
good water on the adjacent shores, which could be carried to the island
at small expense.
From our examinations we are of the opinion that this island and the
adjacent shore to the north and west of it afford the most advantageous
location for a naval depot of supplies and equipment in all these waters.
But there is not sufficient water at present for heavy vessels to enter
this Pearl River harbor. At the entrance to the harbor is a coral reef
some 250 to 300 yards in width, with a depth of water of only 2 to 3
fathoms on the reef at low water. This reef appears to extend around
the island, being broken only at the entrance to Honolulu Harbor, and




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


in fact we are informed that a platform of coral reefs fringe most of the
shores of all the islands of the Hawaiian group, broken only in few places.
This coral found at the entrance to Pearl River is dead; " that is, it is
not growing, and the reef is therefore not increasing in size. This ridge
of coral forms a barrier or bar across the entrance to this harbor about
300 yards wide, measuring perpendicularly to the shore. It is comparatively level on the top, from 2 to 3 fathoms of water over it at low tide.
Its sides are vertical, or nearly so, the depth of water increasing in a
few feet to 4 or 5 fathoms. The outer, or sea side, then is found to be
steeper than the inner, or shore side. At the distance of half a mile outside of the reef there is a depth of 15 fathoms, while at the same distance
inside the reef the depth is only 8 fathoms.
If this coral barrier were removed Pearl River Harbor would seem
to have all or nearly all the necessary properties to enable it to be converted into a good harbor of refuge. It could be completely defended
by inexpensive batteries on either or both shores, firing across a narrow channel of entrance. Its waters are deep enough for the largest
vessels of war, and its " locks," particularly around Rabbit Island, are
spacious enough for a large number of vessels to ride at anchor in perfect security against all storms. Its shores are suitable for building
proper establishments for sheltering the necessary supplies for a naval
establishment, such as magazines of ammunition, provisions, coral,
spars, rigging, etc., while the island of Oahu, upon which it is situated,
could furnish fresh provisions, meats, fruits, and vegetables in large
quantities.
Such being the properties of this harbor, and it being the only one
on these islands possessing all the requisites, except depth of water on
the bar, the question arises, can the coral reef at its entrance be removed? If so, at what cost? And again, if it be removed would the
channel fill up, or would it remain open under the influence of natural
causes?
A correct answer to these questions in detail can not be given without a survey of the entrance to this harbor. Under the supposition
that full information on this subject would become necessary, in case
negotiations were entered upon looking to the cession of Pearl River
Harbor to the United States, we informally requested Admiral Pennock
to include a detailed survey of the entrance to this harbor in his examinations and surveys of the harbors of these islands. The Admiral
promised to have such surveys made; when it is received, a detailed
estimate of the cost of removing the coral barrier can be made. We
will state however that Lieut. Col. Alexander crossed this bar several
times while we were at Honolulu. He did not undertake a survey, but
he took soundings on and around the reef, and examined its character
and outline. He found the reef composed mostly of coral in situ, covered over in small patches for a few inches in depth with coral sand,
being fragments of coral and coral rock thrown upon the reef and
ground to pieces under the action of the waves and tidal currents. It
is his opinion that an entrance could easily be cut through this coral
reef by surface blasting and that the fine d6bris would be washed seaward under the influence of the currents, while the larger masses could
be removed by dredging or by divers, the islands furnishing many
men skilled in such business.
He further gives it as his opinion, founded on the examinations he
was able to make, that the amount of coral to be removed to open a
channel 200 yards in width, with a depth of 26 feet of water at low tide,
would be about 250,000 cubic yards, and that it could be removed fox




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


965


$1 per cubic yard, or for a sum of about $250,000. It should be observed, however, that this is only an approximate estimate of the cost
of this work. Detailed estimates could only be made after accurate
surveys and thorough investigation made for this special purpose.
As the entrance to Honolulu harbor shows no tendency to fill up,
and as the entrance to Pearl River, if opened, will be almost exactly
like that of Honolulu, we see no reason at present to fear a filling up
on the bar after a passage through the coral reef at its mouth shall
have been secured. Upon this point, however, it will be safe to withhold opinions until the character of the bottom just outside the coral
reef is accurately ascertained.
If the survey and examination should show a large quantity of coral
sand there, and if the resulting currents of the ebb tide do not remove
it, it is possible that some of this sand might accumulate in the channel of entrance during storms from seaward.
In case it should become the policy of the Government of the United
States to obtain the possession of this harbor for naval purposes, jurisdiction over all the waters of Pearl River with the adjacent shores to
the distance of 4 miles from any anchorage should be ceded to the
United States by the Hawaiian Government.
This would be necessary in order to enable the Government to defend its depots and anchorages in time of war by works located on its
own territory. Such a cession of jurisdiction would embrace a parallelogram of about 10 by 12 miles.
It would not be necessary, however, for the Government of the
United States to own all this land. On, the contrary, Rabbit Island
and a few thousand acres of the shore to the northward and westward
of it, the limits of which could be determined after careful survey, with
sufficient land on either side of the entrance of the harbor for fortification purposes, equal in area to about 1 square mile on either side,
would be all the land which it would be necessary for the Government
to own. All the rest of the land which might be embraced in any
cession of jurisdiction could remain in the hands of the present owners.
We remark that the Hawaiian Government is now having a survey
made of Pearl River and the vicinity. This survey will show the
nature of the country and the ownership of all abutting lands. When
it is completed it will enable us to define distinctly the boundaries of
the district over which jurisdiction should be ceded, in case our Government wishes to acquire possession of that harbor. We can then
also designate what land the Government would require for naval purposes and for fortifications at the entrance of the harbor.
From what we could learn of the feelings of the Hawaiian Government on this subject, we believe it would be possible for the United
States to obtain such a cession of jurisdiction and of land as we have
indicated should it become the policy of the Government to establish a
naval depot'in these islands.
The cession of Pearl River and of so much of the surrounding district as might be necessary for its defense, and the title to all the positions which would be occupied by the Government either for naval or
military purposes, would probably be freely given by the Government
of these islands as a quid pro quo for a reciprocity treaty.
We remark in this connection that sugar is the principal product of
these islands, and that it is mostly exported to the Pacific coast of the
United States.
The great object of the Hawaiian Government in seeking a reciprocity
treaty with the United States has been, and will probably continue to




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


be, to relieve its sugar-planters from the operation of our tariff on that
article.
The cession of Pearl River could probably be obtained by the United
States in consideration of the repeal of the duty on Sandwich Island
sugar. Indeed, the sugar-planter sare so anxious for a reciprocity
treaty, or so anxious rather for free trade in sugar with the United
States, that many of them  openly proclaim themselves in favor of
annexation of these islands to the United States.
The members of the present Government of the Hawaiian Islands
seem fully alive to the necessity of relieving their principal industry
from the heavy burden under which it now suffers, and no other mode
of relief seems possible but annexation or reciprocity.
Neither the Government nor the native people of the islands are, it
is believed, prepared to consider the question of annexation at the present time, even if the United States desired to propose it, but the cession
of Pearl River harbor as an equivalent for free trade is freely discussed
and favorably considered by the Government and people.
It is to be observed that if the United States are ever to have a harbor of refuge and naval station in the Hawaiian Islands in the event of
war, the harbor must be prepared in advance by the removal of the
Pearl River bar.
When war has begun it will be too late to make this harbor available,
and there is no other suitable harbor on these islands.
We have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. M. SCHOFIELD,
Major-General U. S. Army.
B. S. ALEXANDER,
Lieutenant- Colonel Engineers, Brevet Brigadier-General U. S. Army.
No. 241.]  LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
Honolulu, February 11, 1874.
Hon. HAMILTON FISH,
Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.:
SIR: A telegram addressed to you by this legation, under date of February 7th instant, informed you of the decease of King Lunalilo on the
3d instant, and that in consequence of his not having nominated a
successor for the throne, the legislative assembly was called to convene
on the 12th instant for the purpose of choosing a new sovereign. Inclosed herewith is a portion of the Hawaiian Gazette of this date, which
gives the official correspondence between this Government and the representatives of foreign countries in regard to Lunalilo's death. It also
contains an obituary notice, entitled "Our Late King," and.some other
interesting matter pertaining to the same general subject. I also forward herewith some specimens of the political placards and broadsides
with which thetown has been inundated during the past few days; and
which have tended to excite the popular mind to fever heat in regard
to the succession to the throne.
Thinking it to be a prudent measure to be prepared against any violation of the public peace that may take place to-morrow-on the
occasion of the election of a new sovereign-I have verbally requested
Commander Belknap, commanding the U. S. S. Tuscarora and senior
naval officer present, the U. S. S. Portsmouth, Command&r Skerritt,
being also in this port, to be prepared to land an armed force, in case it




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


967 '


were required for the preservation of the peace and protection of life and
property. I also addressed to him a note suggested by the Hawaiian
minister of foreign affairs, recommending that the crews of the two
vessels should be kept on board on the day of the national election,
and for the reasons therein named. Copy of said note, together with
Commander Belknap's reply, is herewith inclosed, marked No. 3.
Mr. Wodehouse, British commander, just now called at the legation,
and proposed that in case it became necessary to land an armed force
from the vessels of war in port, that those belonging to H. B. M. ship
Tendos and the United States vessels should be required to act in concert and unitedly for the preservation of good order and protection of
life and property while occupying the town of Honolulu.
In reply I informed Mr. Wodehouse that in the contingency named
the American forces, if landed, would act by request of the Hawaiian
uthorities, and for the sole purposes he named; that I felt unwilling
to trammel myself with pledges and understandings, as events might
possibly arise requiring of me independent action and no time given
me to consult with him. Therefore I felt compelled to decline his proposition.
To all this Mr. Wodehouse said, "very well."
I am, etc.,
HENRY A. PIERCE.
No. 243.]   LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
Honolulu, February 17, 1874.
Hon. HAMILTON FISH,
Secretary of State, Washington, D..:
SIR: I have now the honor to make report of what has transpired here
on and since the 12th instant. On that day the legislative assembly elected the high chief, Hon. David Kalakaua, King of these
islands; 39 votes were cast for him and 6 for Queen Emma, relict of
Kamehameha IV. On the 13th instant he was installed as sovereign,
under the name of "'Kalakaua" (the word signifying "the day of battle") in presence of all the officers of Government, the members of the
diplomatic and consular corps, naval officers, and many other spectators.
On the announcement by the president of the assembly from the balcony of the court-house at 3 p. m. of 12th instant that Kalakaua was
elected King, the populace received it with jeers and contempt.
The members of a committee that had been appointed by the assembly to wait upon Kalakaua and inform him of his election, as soon
as they emerged from the building, were set upon and beaten by a mob.
The majority of the committee were compelled to return to it, in a
wounded and sad condition. The rioters thereupon assaulted the courthouse, broke its windows and sashes, forced in the rear doors, and
effected an entrance to the rooms. The offices of the attorney-general,
of Judge Hartwell and others, were sacked and gutted, and all their
books and valuable papers thrown into the street and destroyed. They
visited the room of the assembly, broke and destroyed the furniture,
and assaulted such of the obnoxious members as they found within the
building, viz, 10 or 12 persons in all. Some of these, severely injured and senseless, were carried off by friends, the others escaped.
The crowd outside continued to increase, and became more threatening




'968


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.Xl~l~PiDB


and menacing. Cries were heard to " fire the town." About 40 policemen, selected for the purpose, were on duty during the day; but when
required to make arrests of rioters, took off their badges of office and
disappeared among the crowd. The volunteer companies of the militia
were not called out to assist in maintaining order, for the reason as I
was told, that they could not be depended upon, being divided in political opinions.
It was at this condition or aspect of affairs that I received requests
from the King elect and Minister Bishop and Governor Dominis to
cause an armed force to be landed from the United States vessels of
war Tuscarora and Portsmouth, then in port. To Commander Belknap,
of the Tzscarora, as being the senior United States naval officer present and eyewitness with myself of all the events of the day, I immediately made the request, in conformity with the solicitations of the
authorities above named. Within the space of ten minutes' time 150
men and officers, under the respective commands of Commander Belknap and Commander Skerrett, were landed from their vessels, and
arrived at the court-house and took possession of the building and
square of ground surrounding the same. The greater part of the mob
instantly dispersed. Some few of the ringleaders who remained were
arrested on the spot by deputy sheriffs, assisted by our officers and
men.
The armed force of 70 men that were landed from the British corvette Tenedos did not reach the court-house grounds until sometime
after our forces had taken possession of the place. I am confident in
belief that no request was originally made by the native authorities for
the assistance of the English armed force. The executive officer and
captain of marines of the Tenedos, in the absence of Capt. Ray, took
the responsibility of landing them without orders; and they received
the censure of Capt. Ray for same.
The matter has, however, been accepted and sanctioned by the Hawaiian authorities, and a letter, antedated, sent to the British commissioner making a request for assistance.
The United States forces have, since the 12th instant p. m., guarded
the court-house, armory, treasury, prison, and station-house. The
British force, after dispersing the crowd of natives that were assembled on the grounds of Queen Emma, and on making there a few arrests of ringleaders, then marched to occupy the barracks and to guard
the palace and its grounds. There they have remained since the 12th
instant.
On the night of the 12th instant some two or three shots were discharged upon the American guard at the court-house and returned by
the latter. No one received damage therefrom. The town has been in
a condition of peace and good order ever since then. Fifty-three rioters
are in prison awaiting trial. Inclosed herewith are the followingpapers.
Extracts from the I. Commercial Advertiser of February 14,1874,
giving accounts of the doings of the assembly on-the 12th instant, the
particulars of the riot, with other interesting articles contained therein.
Copy of resolutions unanimously passed by the assembly on the 14th
instant, tendering their thanks to the representatives of foreign powers and to the officers and crews of the war vessels in port for generous assistance given in preserving the peace and order of the Kingdom on the 12th day of February, 1874.
Printed copy of resolutions adopted by the foreign consular corps
appointing the consuls for the German Empire and for France a committee to call upon the representatives of the United States and Great




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


969


Britain, and to convey to them the sincere thanks of the foreign consuls for the promptness and impartiality with which the ships of war
in port assisted the local authorities in putting an end to the disturb.
ance on the 12th instant, and praising the conduct of officers and men.
Copy of a circular of date February 13, 1874, addressed to the legation from the Hawaiian department for foreign affairs, informing of
the election of David Kalakaua, King of the Hawaiian Islands. Same
to the same, of date February 14, 1874, informing that His Majesty the
King had appointed, by the consent of the nobles, under the twentysecond article of the constitution, his brother, his royal highness Prince
William Litt Leleiohoku, to be his successor tc the throne after His
Majesty's decease.
Photographic likeness of King Kalakaua, and a biographical notice
of him. Born November 16, 1836; educated at royal school then in
charge of American missionaries; married December 19, 1863. Has
wife and several children living, neither of whom are in the line of the
succession to the throne.
Copies addressed by the legation to Commander Belknap, senior
officer present, commanding the U. S. S. Tuscarora off Honolulu. One
dated February 10, 1874, recommending the retention on board on the
12th instant (the day of election for King) the crews of the Tuscarora and
Portsmouth. Another dated February 16, 1874, conveying my grateful
acknowledgments and thanks to him and Commander Skerrett for
valuable, discreet, and efficient services performed by the United States
forces on the occasion of the riot in this town on the 12th instant, and
for their subsequent services. In this connection, I beg leave further
to say that the legation and all American citizens here are under deep
obligations to Commanders Belknap and Skerrett, their officers and enlisted men and marines, composing the forces that were landed on the
12th instant, for suppressing the riot of that day and for services rendered since in guarding the public buildings and preserving order.
The disposition and handling of the force were admirable, and I observe that officers and men were disposed to use no more violence while
suppressing the disturbance than was absolutely necessary to effect
the object, and their conduct is deserving of commendation for that as
well as in other respects.
At midnight of the 12th instant I received a note signed by King
Kalakaua, requesting my presence at the palace at 7 o'clock the ensuing morning. On arrival there I found present His Majesty, Mr. Bishop,
minister of foreign affairs, Mr. Wodehouse, British commissioner, and
Mr. Ballieu, French commissioner.
Mr. Bishop stated that the object of the meeting was to ascertain
whether the representatives of the United States, Great Britain, and
France then present, respectively, recognized Kalakaua as sovereign
of the Hawaiian Kingdom. Each of said representatives replied in the
affirmative.
Mr. Bishop then informed us that the King would be sworn into office
and inaugurated on that day at li o'clock a. m., and he desired our
presence on the occasion. The ceremony being hastened as to time, on
account of the critical condition of affairs, the installation took place
as arranged.
At the request of Mr. Bishop, Mr. Wodehouse, and Mr. Ballien, I
called the same morning on Queen Emma, and by authority of my colleagues and in my own capacity as minister resident of the United
States, as well as her friend, said to her that each member of the diplomatic corps had acknowledged David Kalakaua as the King of the




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Hawaiian Islands and should hereafter recognize him as such, and we
advised her to do the same, for the interests of herself and people and
for the preservation of the peace of the Kingdom; that any further opposition to the declared will of the assembly, in regard to the succession
to the throne, might result in serious difficulty to her and her supporters;
that we recommended her to accept the fact of the legality of Kalakaua's election as King, and to urge her people to likewise do the same,
and not to commit any more acts of violence or disorder. Queen Emma
listened to my remarks and advice with great attention and respect.
The same day, in the afternoon, she publicly addressed her people
and gave them the counsel I had indicated, and also sent a message to
the King that she acknowledged him as sovereign of the realm and
that her people would do the same. The following morning the King
called in person on her, was favorably received, and amicable relations
now exist between them and the peace of the kingdom seems restored.
There is a lamentable want of physical strength in the Government
to protect itself and foreign residents. The late riot was a natural outgrowth of the mutiny at the barracks last August and the impunity
with which the offenders were let off. The weakness of the Government will probably increase, as the military and police force can not be
relied on to support the law or to arrest its violation.
Wefe it not for the serious condition of things emanating from the
above-named facts one would be amusingly reminded by the Hawaiian
court and Government, their parade paraphernalia, etiquette, and diminutiveness of the nation and absence of strength, of the court and
government of Offenbach's Grand Duchess of Geralstine.
Hereafter a United States vessel of war should always be stationed
at these islands under a system of reliefs. A time may arrive when
the United States Government will find it necessary for the interests
of our nation and its resident citizens here to take possession of this
country by military occupation.
I am, sir, etc.,
HENRY A. PIERCE.
No. 245.]  LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERTCA,
Honolulu, February 20, 1874.
Hon. HAMILTON FISH,
Secretary of State:
SIR: Herewith inclosed is copy of the correspondence relating to
the withdrawal of the United States armed force from this city. The
event took place this morning at 6 o'clock, after a stay on shore of
nearly eight days. The conduct of the officers and men during the
whole period has been of a character entirely unexceptionable and deserving of commendation.
The British force landedfrom the Tenedos, about 70 men and officers,
return on board this forenoon.
Since order was restored the King has daily invited two or three of
the officers in charge of our force to (line with him; and all, both officers and men, express satisfaction with their treatment while on shore.
Very respectfully,
tEHENRY A. PIERCE.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. Green to Mr. Pierce.
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Honolulu, February 21, 1874.
SIR: I am commanded by His Majesty the King to thank you in his
name and in that of His Majesty's Government, and through you
Commander Belknap and Commander Skerrett, of the U. S. S. Tuscarora and Portsmouth, for the prompt and efficient aid rendered to the
local authorities in suppressing the riot in this city on the 12th instant.
The events of that day, unfortunate as they may have been, served
to exhibit the feelings of friendship which exist between the two countries and the certainty with which this Government may rely in cases
of emergency upon the cordial and disinterested cooperation of the
representatives and ships of the United States, as well as those of Her
Britannic Majesty.
I have the honor to be, with great respect and high consideration,
your excellency's, etc.,
W. L. GREEN.
His Excellency HENRY A. PIERCE,
Minister Resident of the United States.
Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish.
[Extract.]
No. 291.]               LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, October 12, 1874.
Hon. HAMILTON FISH,
Secretary of State, TWashington D. C.:
SIR:
The English and French commissioners here inform me that they
are opposed to the act of King Kalakaua's departure out of his Kingdom, on account of its present political condition. I am, however, of
the belief that they are not actuated therein by a real regard for the
welfare of this nation, but by a desire to throw obstacles in the way of
and prevent if possible closer relations taking place between Hawaii
and the United States.
It is not thought probable that the King will extend his tour from the
United States to England and France. It is reported that his finances
are in a low condition.
Inclosed herewith are two articles, extracted from the Friend newspaper, on the subject of reciprocity with the United States and advocating the same.
In view of the best interests of the United States in their relations
with these islands, I take the liberty to express the hope that a liberal
commercial treaty may soon be inaugurated by the two countries,
feeling confident that such act would result to the equal benefit of both
nations in a pecuniary sense, and moreover be the means of binding
this archipelago to the United States by the chains of self-interest,
never to be severed.
I am, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant,
HENRY A. PIERCE.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS-COMMERCIAL RECIPROCITY.
Convention between the United States of America and His Mlfajesty the
King of the Hawaiian Islands.
COMMERCIAL RECIPROCITY.
Concluded January 30, 1875.
Ratification advised by Senate March 18, 1875.
Ratified by President May 31, 1875.
Ratified by King April 17, 1875.
Ratifications exchanged at Washington June 3, 1875.
Proclaimed June 3, 1875.
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
A PROCLAMATION.
Whereas a convention between the United States of America and
His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, on the subject of commercial reciprocity, was concluded and signed by their respective
plenipotentiaries, at the city of Washington, on the thirtieth day of
January, one thousand eight hundred and seventy-five, which convention, as amended by the contracting parties, is word for word as
follows:
The United States of America and His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, equally animated by the desire to strengthen and perpetuate the friendly relations which have heretofore uniformly existed
between them, and to consolidate their commercial intercourse, have
resolved to enter into a convention for commercial reciprocity. For
this purpose the President of the United States has conferred full powers on Hamilton Fish, Secretary of State; and His Majesty the King of
the Hawaiian Islands has conferred like powers on Honorable Elisha
H. Allen, chief justice of the supreme court, chancellor of the Kingdom, member of the privy council of state, His Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the United States of
America, and Honorable Henry A. P. Carter, member of the privy
council of state, His Majesty's special commissioner to the United
States of America.
And the said plenipotentiaries, after having exchanged their full
powers, which were found to be in due form, have agreed to the following articles:
ARTICLE I.
For and in consideration of the rights and privileges granted by His
Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands in the next succeeding article of this convention, and as an equivalent therefor, the United
States of America hereby agree to admit all the articles named in the
following schedule, the same being the growth and manufacture or
produce of the Hawaiian Islands, into all the ports of the United
States free of duty.
SCHEDULE.
Arrowroot; castor oil; bananas, nuts, vegetables, dried and undried,
preserved and unpreserved; hides and skins undressed; rice; pulu;
seeds, plants, shrubs or trees; muscovado, brown, and all other unre



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


973


fined sugar, meaning hereby the grades of sugar heretofore commonly
imported from the Hawaiian Islands and now known in the markets of
San Francisco and Portland as "Sandwich Island sugar;" syrups of
sugar-cane, melado, and molasses; tallow.
ARTICLE II.
For and in consideration of the rights and privileges granted by the
United States of America in the preceding article of this convention,
and as an equivalent therefor, His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian
Islands hereby agrees to admit all the articles named in the following
schedule, the same being the growth, manufacture, or produce of the
United States of America, into all the ports of the Hawaiian Islands
free ot duty.
SCHEDULE.
Agricultural implements; animals; beef, bacon, pork, ham, and all
fresh, smoked, or preserved meats; boots and shoes; grain, flour, meal,
and bran, bread and breadstuffs, of all kinds; bricks, lime, and cement;
butter, cheese, lard, tallow; bullion; coal; cordage, naval stores, including tar, pitch, resin, turpentine, raw and rectified; copper and composition sheathing; nails and bolts; cotton and manufactures of cotton,
bleached and unbleached, and whether or not colored, stained, painted,
or printed; eggs; fish and oysters, and all other creatures living in the
water, and the products thereof; fruits, nuts, and vegetables, green,
dried or undried, preserved or unpreserved; hardware; hides, furs,
skins and pelts, dressed or undressed; hoop iron and rivets, nails,
spikes and bolts, tacks, brads or sprigs; ice; iron and steel, and manufactures thereof; leather; lumber and timber of all kinds, round, hewed,
sawed, and unmanufactured, in whole or in part; doors, sashes, and
blinds; machinery of all kinds, engines and parts thereof; oats and
hay; paper, stationery, and books, and all manufactures of paper or
of paper and wood; petroleum and all oils for lubricating or illuminating purposes; plants, shrubs, trees, and seeds; rice; sugar, refined or
unrefined; salt; soap; shooks, staves, and headings; wool and manufactures of wool, other than ready-made clothing; wagons and carts
for the purposes of agriculture or of drayage; wood and manufactures
of wood, or of wood and metal, except furniture, either upholstered or
carved, and carriages; textile manufactures, made of a combination of
wool, cotton, silk, or linen, or of any two or more of them, other than
when ready-made clothing; harness and all manufactures of leather;
starch; and tobacco, whether in leaf or manufactured.
ARTICLE III.
The evidence that articles proposed to be admitted into the ports of
the United States of America, or the ports of the Hawaiian Islands, free
of duty, under the first and second articles of this convention, are the
growth, mn:l;llfac.tre, or produce of the iUnited States of America or
of the Hawaiian Islands, respectively, shall be established under such
rules and regulations and conditions for the protection of the revenue
as the two Governments may from time to time respectively prescribe.




974


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


ARTICLE IV.
No export duty or charges shall be imposed in the Hawaiian Islands;
or in the United States, upon any of the articles proposed to be admitted into the ports of the United States or the ports of the Hawaiian
Islands free of duty under the first and second articles of this convention. It is agreed, on the part of His Hawaiian Majesty, that, so long
as this treaty shall remain in force, he will not lease or otherwise dispose of or create any lien upon any port, harbor, or other territory in
his dominions, or grant any special privilege or rights of use therein,
to any other power, state, or government, nor make any treaty by
which any other nation shall obtain the same privileges, relative to the
admission of any articles free of duty, hereby secured to the United
States.
ARTICLE V.
The present convention shall take effect as soon as it shall have been
approved and proclaimed by His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian
Islands, and shall have been ratified and duly proclaimed on the part of
the Government of the United States, but not until a law to carry it
into operation shall have been passed by the Congress of the United
States of America. Such assent having been given, and the ratifications of the convention having been exchanged as provided in Article
VI, the convention shall remain in force for seven years from the date
at which it may come into operation; and further, until the expiration
of twelve months after either of the high contracting parties shall give
notice to the other of its wish to terminate the same, each of the high
contracting parties being at liberty to give such notice to the other at
the end of the said term of seven years, or at any time thereafter.
ARTICLE VI.
The present convention shall be duly ratified, and the ratifications
exchanged at Washington City, within eighteen months from the date
hereof, or earlier if possible.
In faith whereof the respective plenipotentiaries of the high contract.
ing parties have signed this present convention, and have affixed thereto
their respective seals.
Done in duplicate, at Washington, the thirtieth day of January, in
the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and seventy-five.
SEAL.1                               HAMILTON FISH.
SEAL.1                               ELISHA H. ALLEN.
SEAL.                                HENRY A. P. CARTER.
And whereas the said convention, as amended, has been duly ratified
on both parts, and the respective ratifications were exchanged in this
city on this day:
Now, therefore, be it known that I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of
the United States of America, have caused the said convention to be
made public, to the end that the same, and every clause and article
thereof, may be observed and fulfilled with good faith by the United
States and the citizens thereof.
In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed.




HAWAIIAN ISL&NDS.


975


Done at the city of Washington this third day of June, in the year of
our Lord one thousand eight hundred and seventy-five,
[SEAL.] and of the Independence of the United States the ninetyninth.
U.S. GRANT.
By the President:
HAMIITON FISH,
Secretary of State.
1876.
Protocol of a conference between the Acting Secretary of State of the
United States and the envoy extraordinary and mintster plenipotentiary
of His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, held at Washington
on the ninth day of September, 1876.
Whereas it is provided by Article v of the convention between the
United States of America and His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian
Islands concerning commercial reciprocity, signed at Washington on the
30th day of January, 1875, as follows:
"Article V. The present convention shall take effect as soon as it shall
have been approved and proclaimed by His Majesty the King of the
Hawaiian Islands, and shall have been ratified and duly proclaimed on
the part of the Government of the United States, but not until the law
to carry it into operation shall have been passed by the Congress of the
United States of Atmerica, such assent having been given, and the ratifications of the convention having been exchanged as provided in Article
vi, the convention shall remain in force for seven years from the date
at which it may come into operation; and further, until the expiration
of twelve months after either of the high contracting parties shall give
notice to the other of its wish to terminate the same, each of the high
contracting parties being at liberty to give such notice to the other at
the end of the said term of seven years, or at any time thereafter."
And whereas the said convention has been approved and proclaimed
by His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands and has been ratified
and duly proclaimed on the part of the Government of the United States;
And whereas an act was passed by the Senate and House of Repre
sentatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled entitled "An act to carry into effect a convention between the United States
of America and His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, signed
on the thirtieth day of January, eighteen hundred and seventy-five,?7
which was approved on the 15th day of August in the year. 1876;
And whereas an act was passed by the Legislative Assembly of the
Hawaiian Islands entitled "An act to carry into effect a Convention
between His Majesty the King and the United States of America,
signed at Washington on the 30th day of January, 1875," which was
duly approved on the 18th day of July, in the year t876;
And whereas the ratifications of the said Convention have been exchanged as provided in Article VI.
The undersigned, William Hunter, Acting Secretary of State of the
United States of America, and the Honorable Elisha H. Allen, Chief
justice of the Supreme Court, Chancellor of the Kingdom, Member of
the Privy Council of State, and His Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and




976


9HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States of America, duly author
ized foi this purpose by their respective Governments, have met to.
gether at Washington, and having found the said convention has been
approved and proclaimed by His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands and has been ratified and duly proclaimed on the part of the Government of the United States, and that the laws required to carry the
said Treaty into operation have been passed by the Congress of the
United States of America on the one part and by the Legislative Assembly of the Hawaiian Islands on the other, hereby declare that the Convention aforesaid concluded between the United States of America and
His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands on the 30th day of January, 1875, will take effect on the date hereof.
In witness whereof the undersigned have signed this protocol and
have hereunto affixed their seals.
Done in duplicate, at Washington, this ninth day of September, one
thousand eight hundred and seventy-six.
SEAL.]                                W. HUNTER.
SEAL.]                                ELISHA H. ALLEN.
Mr. Evarts to Mr. Comly.
No. 81.]                         DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, November 13, 1880.
SIR: Your No. 117 of the 5th of July last, in reference to the appeal
of the Hawaiian Evangelical Association for the moral influence of this
Government to support the enforcement of the prohibitory liquor ordinance of Chief Lebon of the Ralik Islands, has had favorable consideration. The wise enactment of that chief requires no argument to justify
the earnest support of all governments having intercourse with the
islands, and this Government in particular is desirous of seeing its complete and impartial enforcement, inasmuch as one of the reported offenders is unfortunately said to be an American citizen. In view of the
absence of a national representative in the Ralik group, and considering also the alleged coparceny of the German consular officer in the
traffic which it is so properly sought to restrain, it has been thought that
a double result might be reached by informing the German Government of our adhesion to Chief Lebon's edict, and requesting its good
offices, through the agency at Jaluit and the superior consulate at Apia,
to aid in the impartial and complete enforcement of the law.
While considerations of trade would hardly serve alone to warrant
the establishment of a consular station of the United States in the
Raliks, it is thought that the moral benefit which would flow from our
proper representation in that quarter would justify the steps, if a proper
person could be found to accept the position of consular agent under
the consulate at Apia. It is regarded as best that the office should
pertain to the Samoan scheme for more harmonious correlation with the
British and German systems of consular supervision in the Pacific.
Your own good offices in the direction of making such an appointment are desired, to the extent of inquiring of the Rev. Mr. Bingham,
who addressed you on the talik question, whether he knows of any
capable American citizen in the Raliks who would accept the post
without salary. Possibly the Mr. J. L. Young who wrote to Mr. Bmlgham from Jaluit, would be a suitable person, and if he should prove to




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


977


be a resident missionary at that place, no better recommendation would
be desired.
Mr. Dawson, the consul at Apia, has been instructed in the sense of
this dispatch.
I am, etc.,
WM. M. EVARTS.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Comly.
[Confidential.]
DEPARTMENT OP STATE,
Washington, December 1, 1881.
JAMES M. COMLY, Esq., Honolulu:
SIR: In my formal instruction of this date I have reviewed the general question of the relationship between the United States and the
Hawaiian Islands, and the position of the latter, both as an integral part
of the American system and as the key to the commerce of the North
Pacific. As that instruction was written for communication to the
Hawaiian secretary of state, I touched but lightly on the essential question of the gradual and seemingly inevitable decadence and extinction
of the native race and its replacement by another, to which the powers
of Government would necessarily descend.
A single glance at the census returns of Hawaii for half a generation
past exhibits this alarming diminution of the indigenous element,
amounting to 1~ per cent per annum of the population. Meanwhile
the industrial and productive development of Hawaii is on the increase,
and the native classes, never sufficiently numerous to develop the full
resources of the islands, have been supplemented by an adventitious
labor element, from China mainly, until the rice and sugar fields are
largely tilled by aliens. The worst of this state of things is that it
must inevitably keep on in increasing ratio, the native classes growing
smaller, the insular production larger, and the immigration to supply
the want of labor greater every year.
I have shown in a previous instruction how entirely Hawaii is a part
of the productive and commercial system of the American States. So
far as the staple growths and imports of the islands go, the reciprocity
treaty makes them practically members of an American zollverein, an
outlying district of the State of California. So far as political structure
and independence of action are concerned, Hawaii is as remote from
our control as China. This contradiction is only explicable by assuming what is the fact, that thirty years ago, having the choice between
material annexation and commercial assimilation of the islands, the
United States chose the less responsible alternative. The soundness of
the choice, however, entirely depends on the perpetuity of the rule of
the native race as an independent government, and that imperiled, the
whole framework of our relations to Hawaii is changed, if not destroyed.
The decline of the native Hawaiian element in the presence of newer
and sturdier growths must be accepted as an inevitable fact, in view of
the teachings of ethnological history. And as retrogression in the
development of the Islands can not be admitted without serious detriment to American interests in the North Pacific, the problem of a replenishment of the vital forces of Hawaii presents itself for intelligent
solution in an American sense-not in an Asiatic or a British sense.
There is little doubt that were the Hawaiian Islands, by annexation
S. Rep. 227 ---62




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


or district protection, a part of the territory of the Union, their fertile
resources for the growth of rice and sugar would not only be controlled
by American capital, but so profitable a field of labor would attract
intelligent workers thither from the United States.
A purely American form of colonization in such a case would meet
all the phases of the problem. Within our borders could be found the
capital, the intelligence, the activity, and the necessary labor trained
in the rice swamps and cane fields of the Southern States, and it may
be well to consider how, even in the chosen alternative of maintaining
Hawaiian independence, these prosperous elements could be induced
to go from our shores to the islands, not like the coolies, practically
enslaved, not as human machines, but as thinking, intelligent, working
factors in the advancement of the material interests of the islands.
I desire, therefore, that you will give this subject due attention. An
examination and report will be valuable if showing the proportion of
occupied rice and sugar lands to the unoccupied and undeveloped territory, the capacities of production, the peculiarities of climate, the
wages of labor, and the cost of living. It will also be well for you in
conversation with the leading men of Hawaii to turn their thoughts
discreetly in the direction of inviting American colonization there. A
Hawaiian homestead act for the benefit of actual American settlers,
with remission of taxation during the time necessary to establish new
plantations on a paying basis, might be in turn supplemented in the
United States by voluntarily organized emigration schemes and cooperative aid to bona fide settlers. Throughout the continent, north
and south, wherever a foothold is found for American enterprise, it is
quickly occupied, and this spirit of adventure, which seeks its outlet in
the mines of South America and the railroads of Mexico, would not be
slow to avail itself of openings for assured and profitable enterprise
even in mid-ocean.
Commending this aspect of the subject to your earnest and immediate
attention,
I am, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.
HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Stupplementary convention between the United States of America and
His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, to limit the duration of
the convention respecting commercial reciprocity concluded January 30,
1875.
Concluded December 6, 1884; ratification advised by Senate January
20, 1887; ratified by President November 7, 1887; ratified by King October 20, 1887; ratifications exchanged at Washington November 9, 1887;
proclaimed November 9, 1887.
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
A PROCLAMATION.
Whereas a convention between the United States of America and
the Kingdom of the.Hawaiian Islands, for the purpose of definitely
limiting the duration of the convention concerning commercial reciprocity concluded between the same high contracting parties on the




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


979


thirtieth day of January, 1875, was concluded and signed by their respective plenipotentiaries at the city of Washington, on the sixth day
of December, in the year of our Lord 1884, which convention, as
amended by the Senate of the United States and being in the English
language, is word for word as follows:
Supplementary convention to limit the duration of the convention
respecting commercial reciprocity between the United States of America
and the Hawaiian Kingdom, concluded January 30, 1875.
Whereas a convention was concluded between the United States
of America and His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, on
the thirtieth day of January, 1875, concerning commercial reciprocity,
which by the fifth article thereof was to continue in force for seven
years from the date after it was to come into operation, and further,
until the expiration of twelve months after either of the high contracting parties should give notice to the other of its wish to terminate the same; and
Whereas the high contracting parties consider that the increase
and consolidation of their mutual commercial interests would be better
promoted by the definite limitation of the duration of the said convention:
Therefore, the President of the United States of America and His
Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands have appointed:
The President of the United States of America, Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, Secretary of State; and
His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, Henry A. P. Carter,
accredited to the Government of the United States, as His Majesty's
envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary;
Who, having exchanged their respective powers, which were found
sufficient and in due form, have agreed upon the following articles:
ARTICLE I.
The high contracting parties agree, that the time fixed for the duration of the said convention, shall be definitely extended for a term of
seven years from the date of the exchange of ratifications hereof, and
further, until the expiration of twelve months after either of the high
contracting parties shall give notice to the other of its wish to terminate the same, each of the high contracting parties being at liberty to
give such notice to the other at the end of the said term of seven years
or at any time thereafter.
ARTICLE II.
His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands grants to the Government of the United States the exclusive right to enter the harbor
of Pearl River, in the island of Oahu, and to establish and maintain
there a coaling and repair station for the use of vessels of the United
States, and to that end the United States may improve the entrance
to said harbor and do all other things needful to the purpose aforesaid.
ARTICLE III.
The present convention shall be ratified and the ratifications exchanged at Washington as soon as possible.
In witness whereof the respective plenipotentiaries have signed the




MAWAITAN ISLANDS.


present convention in duplicate, and have hereunto affixed their respective seals.
Done at the city of Washington the 6th day of December, in the
year of our Lord 1884.
FREDK. T. FRELINGHUYSEN. L. 
HENRY A. P. CARTER.         L. S.
And whereas the said convention, as amended, has been duly ratified on both parts, and the respective ratifications of the same have
been exchanged.
Now, therefore, be it known that I, Grover Cleveland, President of
the United States of America, have caused the said convention to be
made public to the end that the same and every article and clause
thereof, as amended, may be observed and fulfilled with good faith
by the United States and the citizens thereof.
In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the city of Washington this ninth day of November, in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eighty-seven, and of
the Independence of the United States the one hundred and
[SEAL.] twelfth.
GROVER CLEVELAND.
By the President:
T. F. BAYARD,
Secretary oJ State.
Parcels Post Convention between the United States of America and the
Hawaiian Kingdom.
For the purpose of making better postal arrangements between the
United States of America and the Hawaiian Kingdom, the undersigned, Don M. Dickinson, Postmaster-General of the United States
of America, and H. A. P. Carter, envoy extraordinary and minister
plenipotentiary of the Hawaiian Kingdom at Washington, by virtue
of authority vested in them by law, have agreed upon the following
articles for the establishment of a parcels post system of exchanges
between the two countries.
ARTICLE I.
The provisions of this convention relate only to parcels of mail matter
to be exchanged by the system herein provided for, and do not affect
the arrangements now existing under the Universal Postal Union Convention, which will continue as heretofore; and all the agreements
hereinafter contained apply exclusively to mails exchanged under these
articles, directly between. the office of San Francisco, in the State of
California, and such other offices within the United States as may be
hereafter designated by the Postmaster-General of the United States,
and the office of Honolulu, in the island of Oahu, and such other offices
within the Hawaiian Islands as maybe hereafter designatedby thepostmaster-general of the Hawaiian Kingdom; such matter to be admitted
to the mails under these articles as shall be sent through such exchange
offices from any place in either country to any place in the other.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                    981
ARTICLE II.
1. There shall be admitted to the mails exchanged under this convention, articles of merchandise and mail matter, except letters, post
cards, and written matter, of all kinds, that are admitted under any
conditions to the domestic mails of the country of origin, except that
no packet must exceed 5 kilograms or 11 pounds in weight, nor the
following dimensions: Greatest length, three feet six inches; greatest
length and girth combined, six feet; and must be so wrapped or inclosed as to permit their contents to be easily examined by postmasters and customs officers; and except that the following articles are
prohibited:
Publications which violate the copyright laws of the country of destination; poisons, and explosive or inflammable substances; fatty
substances, liquids, and those which easily liquefy, confections and
pastes; live or dead animals, except dead insects and reptiles when
thoroughly dried; fruits and vegetables, and substances which exhale
a bad odor; lottery tickets, lottery advertisements, or lottery circulars;
all obscene or immoral articles; articles which may in any way damage
or destroy the mails, or injure the persons handling them; also opium.
2. All admissible articles of merchandise mailed in one country for
the other, or received in one country from the other, shall be free from
any detention or inspection whatever, except such as is required for
collection of customs duties, and shall be forwarded by the most speedy
means to their destination, being subject in their transmission to the
laws and regulations of each country respectively.
ARTICLE III.
1. A letter or communication of the nature of personal correspondence must not accompany, be written on, or enclosed with any parcel.
2. If such be found, the letter will be placed in the mails if separable,
and if inseparably attached, the whole package will be rejected. If,
however, any such should inadvertently be forwarded, the country of
destination will collect double rates of postage according to the Universal Postal Union Convention.
3. No parcel may contain parcels intended for delivery at an address
other than the one borne by the parcel itself. If such enclosed parcels
be detected, they must be sent forward singly, charged with new and
distinct parcel post rates.
ARTICLE IV.
1. The following rates of postage shall in all cases be required to be
fully prepaid with postage stamps of the country of origin, viz:
2. For a parcel not exceeding four hundred and sixty grams or one
pound in weight, twelve cents; and for each additional four hundred
and sixty grams or one pound, or fraction thereof, twelve cents.
3. The packages shall be promptly delivered to addresses at the postoffices of address in the country of destination, firee of charge for postage; but the country of destination may at its option, levy and collect
from the addressee for interior service and delivery a charge not exceeding five cents on each single parcel of whatever weight; and if the
weight exceeds four hundred and sixty grams or one pound, a charge
equal to one cent for each one hundred and fifteen grams or four ounces,
Of weight, or fraction thereof.




982


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


ARTICLE V.
1. The sender will, at the time of mailing the package, receive a receipt of mailing from the post-office where the package is mailed on a
form like Model I annexed hereto.
2. The sender of a package may have the same registered by paying
the registration fee required for registered articles in the country of
origin.
3. An acknowledgment of the delivery of a registered article shall
be retured to the sender when requested, but either country may require of the sender prepayment of a fee therefor not exceeding five
cents.
4. The addressees of registered articles shall be advised of the arrival of a package addressed to them, by a notice from the post office of
destination.
ARTICLE VI.
1. The sender of each package shall make a customs declaration,
pasted upon or attached to the package, upon a special form provided
for the purpose (see Model 2 annexed hereto) giving a general description of the parcel, an accurate statement of the contents and value,
date of mailing, and the sender's signature and place of residence, and
place of address.
2. The packages in question shall be subject in the country of destination to all customs duties and all customs regulations in force in that
country for the protection of its customs revenues; and the customs
duties properly chargeable thereon shall be collected on delivery, in
accordance with the customs regulations of the country of destination.
ARTICLE VII.
Each country shall retain to its own use the whole of the postages,
registration, and delivery fees it collects on said packages; consequently, this convention will give rise to no separate accounts between
the two countries.
ARTICLE VIII.
1. The packages shall be considered as a component part of the mails
exchanged direct between the United States of America and the
Hawaiian Kingdom, to be despatched by the country of origin to the
other at its cost and by such means as it provides, in boxes prepared
expressly for the purpose, or ordinary mail sacks, to be marked " Parcels post," and to be securely sealed with wax or otherwise, as may be
mutually provided by regulations hereunder.
2. Each country shall return to the despatching office by next mail
all bags, boxes, or sacks used in the exchange of parcels.
3. Although articles admitted under this convention will be transmitted as aforesaid between the exchange offices, they should be so
carefully packed as to be safely transmitted in the open mails of either
country, both in going to the exchange office in the country of origin
and to the office of address in the country of destination.
4. Each despatch of a parcel post mail must be accompanied by a
descriptive list in duplicate of all the packages sent, showing distinctly the list number of each parcel, the name of the sender, the




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   983
name of the addressee, with address of destination, and must be enclosed in one of the boxes or sacks of such despatch under the form
of Model 3, annexed hereto.
ARTICLE IX.
Exchanges of mails under this convention from any place in either
country to any place in the other shall be effected through the postoffices of both countries already designated as exchange post-offices,
or through such others as may be hereafter agreed upon, under such
regulations relative to the details of the exchanges, as may be mutually
determined to be essential to the security and expedition of the mails
and the protection of the customis revenues.
ARTICLE X.
1. As soon as the mail shall have reached the exchange office of
destination that office shall check the contents of the mails.
2. In the event of the parcel bill not having been received a substitute should at once be prepared.
3. Any errors in the entries on the parcel bill which may be discovered shall, after verification by a second officer, be corrected and
noted for report to the despatching office on a form, "verification
certificate," which shall be sent in the special envelope.
4. If a parcel advised on the bill be not received, after the non-receipt
has been verified by a second officer, the entry on the bill should be
canceled and the fact reported at once.
5. Should a parcel be received in a damaged or imperfect condition
full particulars shall be reported on the same form.
6. If no verification certificate or note of error be received a parcel
mail shall be considered as duly delivered, having been found on examination correct in all respects.
ARTICLE XI.
If a package can not be delivered as addressed, or is refused, the
sender will be communicated with through the central administration
of the office of destination as to the manner in which he desires the
package to be disposed of, and if no reply is received from him within
a period of three months from the date of the notice, the package may
be sold for the benefit of whom it may concern.
An order for redirection or reforwarding must be accompanied by the
amount due for postage necessary for the return of the article to the
office of origin, at the ordinary parcel rates.
When the contents of a parcel which can not be delivered are liable
to deterioration or corruption, they may be destroyed at once, if necessary, or if expedient, sold, without previous notice or judicial formality,
for the benefit of the right person, the particulars of each sale being
noticed by one post-office to the other.
ARTICLE XII.
The Post-Office Department of either of the contracting countries
will not be responsible for the loss or damage of any package, and no
indemnity can consequently be claimed by the sender or addressee in
either country.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


ARTICLE XIII.
The Postmaster-General of the United States of America and the
postmaster-general of the Hawaiian Kingdom shall have authority to
jointly make such further regulations of order and detail as may be
found necessary to carry out the present convention from time to time;
and may by agreement prescribe conditions for the admission to the
mails of any of the articles prohibited by Article I of this convention
ARTICLE XIV.
This Convention shall be ratified by the contracting countries in
accordance with their respective laws, and its ratifications shall be exchanged at the City of W ashington as early as possible. Once ratified,
and its ratifications exchanged, it shall take effect, and operations
thereunder shall begin on the 1st day of March, 1889, and shall continue in force until terminated by mutual agreement, but may be
annulled at the desire of either Department upon six months previous
notice given to the other.
Done in duplicate, and signed at Washington the 19th day of December, one thousand eight hundred and eighty-eight.
[SEAL.]                            DON M. DICKINSON,
Postmaster- General of the United States of America.
[SEAL.]                            H. A. P. CARTER,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary
of the Hawaiian Kingdom.
The foregoing Parcels Post Convention between the United States
of America and the Hawaiian Kingdom has been negotiated and
concluded with my advice and consent, and is hereby approved and
ratified.
In testimony whereof I have caused the Great Seal of the United
States to be hereunto affixed.
fSEAL.]                              GROVEI CLEVELAND.
By the President:
T. F. BAYARD,
Secretary of State.
WASHINGTON, D. C., January 29, 1889.
The foregoing Parcels Post Convention between the Hawaiian
Kingdom and the United States of America has been negotiated and
concluded with my advice and consent, and is hereby approved and
ratified.
In testimony whereof I have caused the Great Seal of the Hawaiian
Kingdom to be hereunto affixed.
[SEAL.]                                  KALAKAUA, REX.
By the King:
JONA. AUSTIN,
Minister of Foreign Affairr.
HONOLULU, January 10, 1889.




ItAWAIIAN      IS1LANtS.                              98P
FORM No. 1.'
Parcel post.
A parcel addressed as under has been posted here this day.
Office
Tflis certificate is given to informi the sender of the posting of a parcel, and does not indicate
that any liability in respect of snch parcel attaches, to the Postmaster-General.


F ORm No. 2.
Parcel post betwceen the United States and.Hawaii.
Date.                                                                    Place to which
FORIM OF CUSTOMS DECLAaATION.                   the parcel is
Stamp.                                                                     addressed.
[De~scription  of-                                              ____     ___   _-_____
larcel: [State                                                                    Total
whether box,                     Contents.                     Value.  Per cent. enstoms,
basket, bag,                                                                    charges.
etc.]






Total.


$


$


______________________~              ~~~ I ___          I_
Date of posting-........... 18..; signature and address of sender f........... 
r-4DIFFor use of post-offilce only, and to be filled up at the office of exchange.............
r-arcel Bill No....... N o. of rates prepaid........  ntry No.......




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS
FoRM No. 3.


Date stamp of
Date stamp of
the Unlted         Parcels from the United States for Hawaii.           the Hawaiian
States postoffice.                                                                post-office.
office.
Parcel Bill No......., dated........ 18..; by "S. S......."
* Sheet No.....
Origin of parcel.        Name of addressee.    Address of parcel.        Remarks.
When more than one sheet is required for the entry of the parcels sent by the mail, it will be
sufficient if the undermentioned particulars are entered on the last sheet of the parcel bill.
lbs.
*Total number of parcels sent by the mail   * Total weight of mail....................
to Hawaii...-.......-...........
* Number of boxes or other receptacles      *Deduct weight of receptacles.............-.
forming the mail....................


Signature of dispatching officer at the United
States post-office................


Net weight of parcels..t................


Signature of receiving officer at Hawaiian post-offiee.


Mr. Merrill to Mr. Blaine.
No. 255.]               LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, August 1, 1889.
SrM: I have the honor to inclose a very full account, from the
' Bulletin" of Honolulu, of an attempt made on the 30th ultimo, by
about 100 half-castes and natives, under the leadership of Robert W.
Wilcox and Robert Boyd, two half-caste Hawaiians, to overthrow the
present Government of Hawaii and depose the King.
This is supposed to be their purpose, although their exact intention
is not yet fully known.
About 6 o'clock a. m. a message from the King informed me that an
armed party, led by Mr. Wilcox, was in possession of the palace




HAWAIIAN ISLADS.                   987
grounds, and soon thereafter it was learned that insurgents were in
charge of the building containing the Government offices.
As soon as possible I had communication with Commander Woodward of the U. S. S. Adams, and at once all necessary preparations
were made to land a force, if found necessary for protection of the
people and property interests.
Soon thereafter I met His Majesty's minister of foreign affairs, who
informed me that a cabinet council would be held forthwith.
Soon after the news of the affair became generally known, the British,
Portuguese, and French commissioners called at the legation, and while
comparing information regarding the situation, Mr. Damon, the newly
appointed minister of finance, arrived and stated that it was the desire of His Majesty's ministers to meet the foreign representatives at
once. It was deemed advisable to comply with this request without
delay. On meeting the ministers they stated that they desired to fully
inform us of their contemplated action in the present emergency, and
that they had determined to occupy the tops of the buildings commanding a view of the palace grounds, with sharpshooters, for the purpose
of preventing the use of the cannon which were known to be in the possession of the insurgents inside the walls inclosing the palace grounds,
gradually surround and finally dislodge them with other forces.
After learning the intention of the Government to operate at once
with an armed force, I suggested the propriety of Mr. Damon, one of
the members of the cabinet who speaks the native language, endeavoring to communicate with Mr. Wilcox, the leader of the insurgents,
and ascertain, if possible, the cause of his action and what his demands
were, if any; then if Mr. Damon failed, that the representatives of foreign powers endeavor to obtain an interview with Wilcox, and by their
good offices effect a peaceful settlement if possible.
This was cordially agreed to by all and the representatives withdrew
with the understanding that Mr. Damon would inform us of the result
of his mission. In about one-half hour Mr. Damon reported to me at
the legation that Mr. Wilcox refused to receive any communication
from him whatever, and that while he was seeking to communicate with
him firing commenced; he deemed it not only imprudent, but suicidal
for anyone to attempt to approach the palace grounds on a peace
mission.
At this juncture, as the report of small arms and cannon came from
the palace grounds and immediate vicinity quite rapidly, and as many
with alarm were coming to the legation, I at once requested Commander Woodward to send to the legation a body of marines, which
request he promptly complied with.
The appearance of the marines on the streets and at the legation
had a very favorable effect on the populace. Soon the report of the
large guns ceased by reason of the inability of the insurgents to operate them in the presence of the fire of the sharpshooters on the tops
of the surrounding buildings.
The " bungalow " mentioned in the newspaper account and into which
the insurgents retreated is a frame building situated in the corner of
the palace grounds sometimes used by the King as a dwelling and for
offices.
The palace square comprises about 4 acres, situate two blocks
from the central business part of the city, and is entirely inclosed by
a concrete wall about 8 feet high, while the King's palace is situated
in the center of the square.




RAWAIIA11; 113LANDA.


In the afternoon, and as soon as I ascertained from one of the cabinet
ministers that an attempt would be made to dislodge the insurgents
from the " bungalow" before dark by the use of dynamite, and as there
were large crowds of people congregated on the streets, I deemed it
advisable to ask for the landing of the remainder of the forces from the
Adams before dark as a precautionary measure in the event any assistance to preserve order might be required, and to be immediately
available in the event a conflagration should start. In this matter
Commander Woodward fully agreed, and by permission of the minister
of foreign affairs the forces landed about 5 o'clock p. m. Early the
following morning all the men belonging to the Adams returned to the
ship.
The members of the cabinet and many prominent residents expressed
much commendation of the prompt landing of the men, and remarked
upon the very salutary effect their presence seemed to have among the
people on the streets.
The U. S. S. Adams was the only naval vessel in port. The British
ship Espiegle recently left under sealed orders on a cruise south.
This disturbance at this time was wholly unexpected by the Government officials as well as nearly every permanent resident.
Although for several weeks it was known that Wilcox was endeavoring to draw around him as many disappointed native political aspirants as possible, yet it was recently ascertained on what seemed very
reliable authority that no overt acts would be committed prior to the
next general election in February, when it was thought the present
ministers would be defeated at the polls.
However, the success of the Government in subduing the insurgents,
it is thought, will draw some to its support, and the general feeling is
that the Government will be strengthened by the result of the conflict.
Immediately after the surrender of the insurgents the city was quiet
and still remains so, while business is being transacted as usual. As
to the exact number of the insurgents it is difficult now to determine,
as some deserted in the early morning. About 80 prisoners were secured.
No serious casualties occurred except to the insurgents.
In order that you may be promptly informed of the principal facts a
week in advance of the regular mail, I will forward by the steamer
leaving here to-morrow a telegram, to be wired from San Francisco, of
which the following is a copy:
On July 30 unsuccessful attempt by about one hundred half-castes and natives
to overthrow Government and depose King. Insurrection suppressed by Hawaiian
Government without foreign aid. Six insurgents killed, 12 wounded. Order restored same day. Men from U. S. S. Adams landed by permission, to protect lives
and property if found necessary; afterwards returned to ship.
Before sealing this dispatch I shall inclose clippings from newspapers giving latest intelligence, but will be unable to properly paste
and arrange them.
Trusting my action may merit the approval of the Department,
I have the honor, etc.,
GEO. W. MERRILL.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


989


Mir. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
No. 46.]                        UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, February 8, 1892.
SIR: The semiannual election of members of the Hawaiian legislature took place February 3, after several weeks of exciting canvass.
The principal issue on the part of the business men and more conservative and responsible citizens was in respect of treaty relations with
the United States. These supporters of the proposed new treaty which
they believe has been negotiated at Washington had the approval of
the principal Government officials, though the cabinet is far from being
vigorous and influential. The opposition, or Liberals, as they term
themselves, composed mostly of the irresponsible white voters, halfcastes, and of a large majority of the native Hawaiians, pushed their
canvass on three lines-a new constitution, opposition to the present
cabinet, and hostility to the proposed treaty, though it finally hedged
and disclaimed more or less in regard to the last.
These so-called Liberals were led by Wilcox, the half-caste who was
at the head of the revolutionary outbreak in July, 1887, and by C. W.
Ashford, the Canadian member of the cabinet, who betrayed and deserted his associates when Minister Carter was trying to negotiate a
new treaty in 1889. This Ashford has some ability, any amount of
audacity, and is utterly without scruples, and has done his utmost to
influence the prejudices and passions of the native Hawaiians. Both
he and Wilcox secured their election as representatives from this
island. The legislature is composed of 48 members, one-half being
nobles elected by property holding or income voters. The Conservatives and friends of the treaty have secured most all of the nobles and
enough of the representatives to give them a decisive majority, sufficient, it is thought, to secure the approval of the treaty, even with the
Pearl Harbor grant in perpetuity. Not improbably there may be a
change of cabinet when the legislature assembles in May.
There are increasing indications that the annexation sentiment is
growing among the business men as well as with the less responsible
of the foreign and native population of the islands. The present political situation is feverish, and I see no prospect of its being permanently otherwise until these islands become a part of the American
Union or a possession of Great Britain. The intelligent and responsible men here, unaided by outside support, are too few in numbers to
control in political affairs and to secure good government. There are
indications that even the "Liberals," just beaten at the election, though
composed of a majority of the popular vote, are about to declare for
annexation, at least their leaders, their chief newspaper having already
published editorials to this effect. At a future time, after the proposed
treaty shall have been ratified, I shall deem it my official duty to give
a more elaborate statement of facts and reasons why a "new departure" by the United States as to Hawaii is rapidly becoming a necessity, that a " protectorate" is impracticable, and that annexation must
be the future remedy, or else Great Britain will be furnished with circumstances and opportunity to get a hold on these islands which will
cause future serious embarrassment to the United States.
At this time there seems to be no immediate prospect of its being
safe to have the harbor Qf Honolulu left without an American vessel of
war. Last week a British gunboat arrived here, and it is said will re.
main here for an indefinite period.
I am, sira etc.,                        JOHN L. STEVENS.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. Sterens to Mr. Blaie.
No. 48.]                        UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, March 8, 1892.
SIR: In view of possible contingencies in these islands, I ask for the
instructions of the Department of State on the following, viz:
If the Government here should be surprised and overturned by an
orderly and peaceful revolutionary movement, largely of native Hawaiians and a provisional or republican government organized and
proclaimed, would the United States minister and naval commander
here be justified in responding affirmatively to the call of the members of
the removed Government to restore them to power or replace them in
possession of the Government buildings 1 Or should the United States
minister and naval commander confine themselves exclusively to the
preservation of American property, the protection of American citizens, and the prevention of anarchy? Should a revolutionary attempt
of the character indicated be made, there are strong reasons to presume that it would begin with the seizure of the police station, with
its arms and ammunition, and this accomplished, the Royal Palace and
the Government building, containing the cabinet offices and archives,
would very soon be captured, the latter building being situated about
one-third of a mile from the police station. In such contingencies
would it be justifiable to use the United States forces here to restore
the Government buildings to the possession of the displaced officials T
Ordinarily in like circumstances the rule seems to be to limit the landing and movement of the United States force in foreign waters and
dominion exclusively to the protection of the United States legation,
and of the lives and property of American citizens. But as the relations of the United States to Hawaii are exceptional, and in former
years the United States officials here took somewhat exceptional action
in circumstances of disorder, I desire to know how far the present minister and naval commander may deviate from established international
rules and precedents in the contingencies indicated in the first part of
this dispatch.
I have information which I deem reliable that there is an organizedrevolutionary party on the islands, composed largely of native Hawaiians and
a considerable number of whites and half whites, led chiefly by individuals of the latter two classes. This party is hostile to the Queen and to her
chief confidants,. especially opposed to the coming to the throne of the
half-English heir apparent, now being educated in England, and means
to gain its object either by forcing the Queen to select her cabinet from
its own members, or else to overthrow the monarchy and establish a
republic with the ultimate view of annexation to the United States of
the whole islands. A portion of this party mean only the former, and
the other portion intend the latter. Failing to accomplish the former,
the most of the party would seek the latter alternative. I have little
doubt the revolutionary attempt would have been made ere this but
for the presence here of the United States ship of-war. I still incline
to the opinion that the revolutionary attempt will not be made so long
as there is a United States force in the harbor of Honolulu, but it
would be rash to assume or assert this positively. Therefore I deem it my
official duty to ask for instructions in view of possible contingencies.
I may add that the annexation sentiment, is increasing, quite as
much among the white residents and native Hawaiians, and other
workingmen who own no sugar stock, as with the sugar planters.
I am, sir, etc.,
JOHN S. STEVENS.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  991
Admiral Brown to the Secretary of the Navy.
Copy No. 275.]  UNITED STATES CRUISER SAN FRANCISCO,
FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
San Francisco, Cal., September 6, 1892.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
SIR: At the time this ship sailed from Honolulu, on the 27th ultimo,
everything was extremely quiet.
There is a strong sentiment existing in Hawaii, among the native
Hawaiians as well as among the Americans and Germans, in favor of
a change in the form of government, looking toward the ultimate annexation of the islands to the United States.
This subject of annexation has been freely discussed by individuals
for a long time, but until very recently there has been no combined
concert of action. There now exists in Honolulu an organization comprising the most prominent annexationists, which has for its object the
formulation of some plan by which a change of government can be
affected quietly, and with the consent and cooperation of the Queen
and the members of her cabinet and staff.
It is thought that the Queen will consent to abdicate in favor of a
republican form of government if she can be assured that a suitable
provision will be made for her in the way of a permanent pecuniary
settlement.
The organization I refer to will not countenance anything of a revolutionary character in the way of force, but expects to be aided by the
majority of the Hawaiians who now favor annexation without having
any ideas of how such an event can be reached.
A change in the present cabinet will certainly be made before the
present legislature adjourns. There is trouble in obtaining a new cabinet, because the reform parties can not agree on the men to go into the
different positions. The liberal party is in the majority, and will not be
allowed to* have any voice in the question of the new ministry.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
GEO. BROWN,
Rear-Admiral U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
[Confidential.]
NO. 65.]                      UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, September 14, 1892.
SIR: In my dispatch, No. 64, of September 9, I expressed the hope
that I would be able to send the information by this mail that a new
Hawaiian cabinet had been formed to take the place of the one so emphatically voted out by the legislature, but the deadlock between the
Queen and the legislature continues. She has announced a new cabinet, but it is so unsatisfactory to the legislative majority and the business men of the islands that it will undoubtedly be rejected to-day;
but the vote will not be taken in time to send the information of the
fact by this mail, which closes at 11 a. m. The Tahitian half-caste fa



9   / w             HAWIIAN ISLANDS.
vorite of the Queen, the marshal of the little kingdom, and his band
of adventurers, still dominate the palace and defy the responsible men
of the legislature and the islands. An associate of the half caste favorite is an American renegade by the name of Whaley, a disgraced
and expelled San Francisco custom-house official, now at the head of
the "opium ring," and one of the supposed owners of the Halcyon, the
notorious smuggling schooner which flits between these islands and
British Columbia. This man Whaley has more brain than the Tahitian
favorite.
The better portion of the English residents are in substantial accord
with the principal Americans in support of the legislature, and the
chief German commercial houses and influential German residents are
in full agreement with the Americans; but more or less of the English
are so jealous of the strong American sentiment in the legislature that
they support the Queen and the Tahitian favorite openly or covertly.
The native Hawaiians, composing half of the legislature, are about
equally divided. The unscrupulous adventurers of different nationalities-Americans, English, and Germans, without character, and most
of them without property-are with the half-caste Tahitian favorite
and the Queen. A majority of the legislature and the best citizens of
the islands are exercising remarkable forbearance and self-control.
It is proper for me to say that just at this time Mr. Mott Smith, the
present minister at Washington, is likely to be misinformed as to the
real condition of things, for the rejected minister of foreign affairs, a
native Hawaiian, of the Queen's supporters, still occupies the foreign
office, and the American deputy would hardly dare to send any advices to Minister Smith not indorsed by the acting head of the department.
The U. S. S. Boston is in the harbor, and Capt. Wiltse will cooperate
with me in exercising careful circumspection. In about twelve days
from this I can send another dispatch.
I am, sir, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Capt. Wiltse to the Secretary of the Navy.
U. S. S. BOSTON (SECOND RATE),
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, October 12, 1892.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.:
SIR: I have the honor to report that on the 14th of September the
introduction in the Hawaiian legislature of a want of confidence resolution in the new ministry resulted in a vote of 24 to 21 in favor of
the resolution.
The opposition claimed that the resolution had passed, but the ministry declared it required a vote of 25 to pass, and the chair sustained
them. As the question hinged on an interpretation of the constitution,
the matter was referred to the supreme court, which decided in favor
of the ministry.
On October 4 an election was held to fill the vacant seats of twc
members. The ministerial party raised the cry of anti-annexation and
were ardently supported by the British and other foreigners. Un
warranted attacks were made (in my opinion for political purposes) up




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


993


on the United States representatives by anonymous writers in the
official organ of the Government. The election resulted in a victory
for the ministry.
The British representatives manifest the most unusual interest, publicly, in all political proceedings. The action of the ministry, with
possibly one exception, and of the English element, is plainly in opposition to the United States.
There is a large and growing sentiment, particularly among the
planters, in favor of annexation to the United States, but I am informed that the leaders do not think an opportune moment will arrive
for some time to come. However, everything seems to point toward
an eventual request for annexation.
The political situation at present is more quiet and will probably remain so until another resolution of want of confidence is passed, which
is not likely in the immediate future.
The financial question is the most important question to be met by
the ministry.
Very respectfully,
G. C. WILTSE,
Captain, Commanding.
Capt. Wiltse to the Secretary of the Navy.
U. S. S. BOSTON (SECOND RATE),
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, October 20, 1892.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.:
SIR: I have the honor to report that, since my last letter, on Monday,
October 17, a want of confidence resolution was unexpectedly introduced and passed by a vote of 31 to 15, forcing the ministry to resign.
The political situation is still unsettled.
It is thought that the names of the new cabinet will be sent to the
legislature by Monday next, October 24. If the new ministry is acceptable to the majority, legislation will be resumed and affairs become
more settled. If, however, the Queen persists in consulting only her
own inclination, regardless of the wishes of the opposition, which is a
large majority, it is difficult to predict what will be the outcome.
I inclose a paper giving an account of the proceedings, etc., when
the want of confidence resolution was introduced.
Very respectfully,
G. C. WILTSE,
Captain, Commanding.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
[Confidential.]
No. 72.]                       UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, October 31, 1892.
SIR: In dispatch 71 of October 19 I gave account of the rejection
of the new cabinet appointed by the Queen in defiance of a previously
expressed majority of the legislature.  The deadlock continues.
Though two weeks have elapsed since the decisive action of the legis.
S. Rep. 227   63




994                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
lature no ministers have been designated to fill the vacancies. The
Tahitian favorite and the Queen still refuse to take the legislative
majority and the leading business men of the islands into their confidence. The palace is still thronged and surrounded by the worst
elements, and the responsible citizens feel that they are not welcomed
as advisors. The Queen and the Tahitian have made several new
ministerial slates with one responsible man and three of the other kind;
but no responsible man, so far, can be found who will go into the
cabinet with the three whom only a minority of the legislature will
accept.
Thus there is here, on a small scale, the old historic issue between
autocracy and parliamentary responsibility. The foreign adventurers
and renegades stand by the Tahitian favorite because he is the instrument which they can use, and he adheres to them because he needs
their support. In the meantime the legislature is unable to do business and has been in session only a few hours for several weeks. If
that body holds firm, the Queen will have to yield, and a responsible
minority would probably be the result. The ultra-English influence is
strongly with the half English Tahitian favorite and the Queen, for the
one reason only, that the success of the legislative majority would be
the appointment of a cabinet strongly American in sympathy and purpose. There are strong reasons for the belief that were it not for the
presence of the American naval force in the harbor the Tahitian marshal and his gang would induce the Queen to attempt a coup d'etat by
proclaiming a new constitution, taking from the legislature the power
to reject ministerial appointments.
The recent arrival here from England of T. H. Davies, the head of a
strong English house in Honolulu, formerly a resident here for many
years, has served to intensify the ultra-English feeling and to strengthen
the American sentiment. This T. H. Davies having made himself rich
under the sugar provisions of the reciprocity treaty, now resides in
England and has a kind of supervisory care of the half-white Hawaiian
crown princess, for several years and still at school in England. When
a resident here at the time the Pearl Harbor provision was pending,
Davies strongly opposed that provision. He comes now with revived
zeal against the Pearl Harbor concession. It is not thought that he
has any encouragement to this course from the home Government of
England, but that his course is his own, and that his zeal is increased by
the Canadian Pacific Railroad managers, of whom Davies is the agent.
The desperate efforts of that road to save itself embrace the scheme of
a cable, and Pacific steamer lines to Australia and China, including the
design of antagonizing the interests of the United States in these
islands. This involves the plan of controlling the Hawaiian monarchy
through the present Queen and her favorite, and especially by the having in hand the crown princess, the general belief being that the
present Queen will not live many years. Davies, who has this supervising care of the crown princess in England, is a tory. Of course
these facts, so apparent to intelligent observers here, are telling on all
friends of the United States.
The other of the two principal English commercial houses here,
older and nearly as wealthy as those of Davies & Co., is thoroughly
Americanized and stands firmly against the efforts of T. H. Davies,
and is for the United States on every issue. This house owns several
hundreds of thousands (of dollars worth?) of property in Iowa, and
California, its head being father-in-law of Gen, Dimond, the head of
the United States mint in San Francisco,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   995
Perhaps it is well to state that it is the rumor here that the last rejected cabinet, only holding their places until others are appointed,
have sent a dispatch to Washington asking the recall of Consul-General Severance. I do not credit this rumor. But influential parties
have called at this legation who say that if any such step has been
taken by this rejected cabinet, the American merchants and business
men, as well as other leading citizens, will send a strong memorial to
the Department of State against any such action of a dead ministry.
I have not encouraged any such action in our behalf, believing it to be
unnecessary. So far I am supported here by all the responsible Americans and others to a degree more than I had the right to expect. This
so much the more impresses on me the necessity of prudence as well
as of firmness. To keep the Department of State well informed as to
affairs here, I deem it well to give these particulars.
I am, sir, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
[Later.]
NOVEMBER 1, 1892.
Names of the new cabinet sent to the legislature this morning.
Resolution of "want of confidence" passed in one house, and thirty
minutes after the names of the new ministry were read, and only 13
votes out of 48 members of whom the legislature is composed were in
their favor. The strongest objections are to the minister of foreign
affairs and to the minister of finance-Joseph Mamohi and William H.
Cornwell-both of them unqualified and very unacceptable to the more
responsible men of all nationalities. As they will assume to hold their
places until their successors shall have been appointed, they may attempt to do some strange things. As Cornwell, for some reason, is
hostile to the American minister and to the consul-general, would not
be surprised should he induce his associates to ask for our recall.
Possibly they may hold their places one week, as the legislature has
adjourned for six days to allow the Queen time to select their successors.
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Capt. Wiltse to the Secretary of the Navy.
U. S. S. BOSTON (SECOND RATE),
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, November 1, 1892.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.:
SIR: Respecting the state of political affairs in the Hawaiian Kingdom, I have the honor to report that, after much delay, a cabinet was
sent to the legislature to-day and was immediately voted out by a vote
of 26 to 13.
The legislature then adjourned until November 7, having yesterday
refused to pass appropriation bills for the running expenses of the Government. Meanwhile the salaries of all officials are overdue and must.




996                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
remain unpaid until the legislature appropriates the money according
to law.
The Queen persists in refusing to appoint a cabinet in conformity
with the wishes of the majority, and it is possible that her obstinacy
may precipitate a crisis.
Very respectfully,
G. C. WILTSE,
Captain, U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. S. Boston.
Capt. Wiltse to the Secretary of the Navy.
U. S. S. BOSTON (SECOND RATE),
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, November 9, 1892.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.:
SIR: I have the honor to report that the danger of a political crisis
in the Hawaiian Kingdom seems to have passed.
The Queen has appointed a cabinet, after much pressure had been
brought to bear, that is strong financially and favorable to American
interests. The new ministry will probably be supported by the legislature, although much opposition has been aroused among the native
members because they are not represented. It is doubtful, however, if
the natives can secure enough votes to vote the cabinet out, though
they would do so if possible.
I am informed, from reliable sources, that the Queen had been
strongly advised to dissolve the legislature and order a new election,
which would have been unconstitutional, and which would probably
have caused a revolution; but she was deterred by the presence of
United States vessels of war.
I inclose paper containing editorials on the situation.
Very respectfully,
G. 0. WILTSE,
Captain, Commanding U. S. S. Boston.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
[Confidential.]
No. 74.]                       UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, November 20, 1892.
SIR: Fidelity to the trust imposed on me by the President, the Department of State, and the Senate, requires that I should make a careful and full statement of the financial, agricultural, social, and political
condition of these islands. An intelligent and impartial examination
of the facts can hardly fail to lead to the conclusion that the relations
and policy of the United States toward Hawaii will soon demand
some change, if not the adoption of decisive measures, with the aim
to secure American interests and future supremacy by encouraging
Hawaiian development and aiding to promote responsible government
in these islands. It is unnecessary for me to allude to the deep interest and the settled policy of the United States Government in re



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


997


spect of these islands, from the official days of John Quincy Adams
and of Daniel Webster to the present time. In all that period, we
have avowed the superiority of our interests to those of all other
nations, and have always refused to embarrass our freedom of action
by any alliance or arrangement with other powers as to the ultimate
possession and government of the islands. Before stating the present
political condition of the little kingdom, it is well to review the substantial data as to its area, its resources, its financial and business
condition, its capabilities of material development, its population, the
status of its landed property, its government, revenues, and expenditures, etc.
PHYSICAL DIMENSIONS.
The total area of the kingdom is about 6,000 square miles. Not including several small islands of little importance, the chief value of the
land area is in the six islands of Oahu, Kauai, Maui, Molokai, Lanai,
and Hawaii, the last named being nearly the size of all the rest of the
group. The plains, valleys, and lowlands are fertile, while the highlands are adapted to the raising of extensive herds of cattle, horses,
and sheep. The arable lands are adapted to the production of sugar,
coffee, rice, bananas, oranges, lemons, pineapples, grapes and maize.
Of the arable lands only such as are fitted for the production of sugar
and rice have been much brought into use. The coffee raised is of
superior quality, and finds ready market for home consumption and in
San Francisco. There is no doubt that this product can be greatly
extended. This opinion is sustained by the examination of experts
and has been verified by successful results in coffee-raising, to which
there is now being given special attention.
The banana culture can be greatly extended, and the opportunities
for the production of oranges are large and promising. Ripening at a
time in the year different from those of southern California, the,
Hawaiian oranges can find a ready market in San Francisco, and especially in' the cities of Oregon and Washington, where the islands
procure most of their lumber for buildings and fences, and from which
they procure coal, the consumption of which will necessarily increase
for use in the sugar mills and the supply of steamers. For a quarter
of a century the profits of sugar-raising have tended to divert capital
and enterprise almost exclusively to the cane culture, to the neglect of
the other industries and interests of the islands. Good government
and the building of necessary roads and bridges, the Government assumption of the "1 crown lands,"7 and the conversion of them into small
homesteads for raising the crops already specified, would speedily
stimulate general prosperity and increase the American and European
families and freeholders, and aid to constitute a large number of responsible voters, thus giving stability to legislation and government.
There are nearly 900,000 acres of "'crown lands," and these,
in the main, are among the most valuable of the islands. The rent
paid for them goes to the Sovereign, and the amount of the income
received is no doubt much less than it would be if these lands were
owned and managed by private individuals. There have long been
more or less abuses in the leasing of these lands, and it is well understood that the leases have been prolific sources of political favoritism
and corruption. Well handled and sold at fitting opportunities, the
proceeds of the crown lands would pay the national debt, provide adequate pensions for the two or three royalties, in case monarchy should




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


be abolished, and yet leave a balance of considerable amount for a permanent school fund.
COMMERCIAL AND NAVAL IMPORTANCE OF THE ISLANDS.
The value of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States for commercial and naval purposes has been well understood by American statesmen for more than half a century. The examination of the Hawaiian harbors and a careful consideration of their capabilities of defense, twenty
years since, by Gen. Scofield and naval officers, whose opinions are on
record in the Washington departments, plainly indicate how important
these islands and harbors are to the future American commerce of the
Pacific. Even to a nonexpert the great value and the easy defensibility of the harbors of Pearl City and of Honolulu are unmistakably
obvious. Only six miles from each other, with narrow entrances backed
by a continuous wall of mountains, each terminus of this natural barrier reaching to the sea, at relatively small expense these harbors can be
impregnably fortified against all attack by sea and land. The harbor
of Honolulu can now be entered by ships drawing 30 feet of water. But
Pearl Harbor is larger and much preferable for naval purposes. It is
only necessary to deepen the entrance by removing the bar of coral
formation. This coral obstruction can be removed with comparative
ease, and the expense would not be large. Opinions of practical men
here, who have had to do with these coral formations, as well as my
personal observation, go to show how readily it can be removed by
modern explosives and the improved mechanical agencies.
With a large island between it and the sea, a capacious, safe, and
beautiful harbor is secured for American commercial and military
marine just where the future greatness and the necessities of the United
States imperatively require. Only those who have carefully examined
the vast resources of the American Pacific States, and considered that
nearly two-fifths of the immense area of the United States, through the
transcontinental railways and by rivers and sounds, outlet on the Pacific, and have studied the data surely pointing to the vast future commerce of this western world, can adequately appreciate the importance
of these harbors to the American nation, and the necessity of securing
them against foreign rivals. If we neglect them the present occupants
must suffer, and their necessities will force them in directions unfriendly
to American interests. Circumstances are pressing, and no time should
be lost in looking at the facts as they really exist. The strong inclination of several European powers to gain possession of all the islands in
the Pacific, except such as are expressly protected by the United States,
is plainly shown by what has taken place in recent years.
The seizure of Gilbert, Johnson, and other islands, in the past few
months, and what recently transpired in regard to Samoa, emphatically
show that England certainly has not moderated her policy in the indicated regard, to which course the Canadian Government is undoubtedly
the inspiring cause. The enormous cost of the Canadian Pacific Railway impels its managers to make the most desperate efforts to secure
freight and passengers, and hence its aggressive plans to secure Pacific
commerce and to gain political and commercial influence in these islands.
The scheme of a British cable from Vancouver via Honolulu, as well as
to Japan and China, and of establishing commercial and mail lines of
steamers on the same routes, is not an idle dream. Powerful agencies
are already working to these ends, and to effectively safeguard American interests on the Pacific and in these islands there is no time for




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


999


hesitation and delay. If the United States Government does not very
promptly provide for laying a cable from San Francisco or San Diego
to Honolulu or Hilo, it may be regarded as certain that a cable will be
laid by British capital and be controlled by British managers. Pearl
Harbor for a coaling station and an American cable between California
and Hawaii are of immediate importance to American commercial and 
naval interests and to the maintenance of American influence on these
islands.
THE GOVERNMENT OF THE ISLANDS.
A question of vital importance to Hawaii and of American interest
in and care for its future is that of its government. There has been in
the last twenty years a great change in the political status of things
here. Formerly the facts and circumstances appertaining to government on these islands were essentially different from what they are today. Then the population was chiefly native Hawaiian. The natives
had long lived under a kind of feudal system, with rigid laws and customs, which gave to the numerous chiefs and the King absolute despotic
power. The wisdom and the religious zeal of the Christian missionaries enabled them to acquire and exercise a strong influence for good
over the chiefs and King as well. Thus a system of government and
laws were established which were a great improvement on the former
condition of things. The general good character of the men who effectively aided the Hawaiian monarch to carry on the Government for
years secured fairly successful administration of law and the maintenance of public order at limited cost, the public revenues being small.
But the numerous Hawaiian chiefs are in their graves. Their families
are extinct. The original native Hawaiians are now so decimated as
to number less than two-fifths of the population of the islands.
The coming to the throne of the late King Kalakaua in 1873 was by
legislative election, and but for the presence in the harbor and on shore
of American marines and sailors, of the United States vessels of war, he
would have failed to secure his crown against a determined mob in the
interest- of another aspirant. The great prosperity of the islands under
the reciprocity treaty, stimulating the production of sugar, leading to
a large American, European, and Asiatic immigration, caused a large
increase of the Government revenues. This prosperous state of things
also soon resulted in a large increase of the Government expenditures,
in the addition of new offices, a large augmentation of salaries, thus
stimulating the desire for official places and patronage, exciting the
greed of adventurous and too often unworthy political partisans. Easy
going, unused to and incapable of safe and economical administration,
the King, Kalakaua, too often, in his seventeen years of reign, fell into
the hands of unscrupulous associates and advisers. The Government
expenditures soon reached figures much above what the area and population of the little kingdom justified. But so long as the great profits
of sugar-raising under the American tariff flowed into the islands, the
excessive Government expenses could be paid without the principal
taxpayers very sensibly realizing the burden.
The adoption of a new constitution in 1887, taking from the King
much of his former power and establishing legislative and ministerial
responsibility, effected a beneficial change. But the great reduction of
the profits of sugar-raising, rendering some of the plantations nearly
worthless, and greatly lessening the income and market value of the
others, has brought a condition of affairs which compels all the reflect



1000                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
ing and responsible citizens to see that the present expenses of the
Government are much beyond what the islands can pay and much
higher than wise legislation and proper economic administration require. But the difficulty of getting out of the old grooves, of scaling.
down salaries, and abolishing useless offices is hard to overcome.
Nearly one-half of the population of the country have no voice in political affairs, unless exerted through corruption and bribery. The voting
population is made up of several nationalities-Hawaiian, Portuguese,
American, English, German, and others, the more intelligent and responsible of these generally acting together sufficiently to exercise a
beneficial influence on legislation and administration. But the palace
patronage and influence are still considerable, costing the country more
than it is able to pay and returning to the country no positive advantages.
Directly and indirectly, the palace probably costs the little kingdom
$150,000 per year. A governor, at $5,000 a year, acting in harmony
with the responsible men of the legislature, would be far better for
the islands than the present monarchical Government. In truth, the
monarchy here is an absurd anachronism. It has nothing on which it
logically or legitimately stands. The feudal basis on which it once
stood no longer existing, the monarchy now is only an impedient to
good government-an obstruction to the prosperity and progress of the
islands. Incapable of comprehending the principles of constitutional
government, more likely to take the advice of unworthy counsel than
of the more competent, the reigning Sovereign insists in dealing with
what properly belongs to the legislature and to the ministers. Thus
the palace is constantly open to superficial and irresponsible courtiers
and to unprincipled adventurers of different nationalities. Instead of
exercising a salutary influence on public affairs it is the center of maladministration and of the most vicious kind of politics. It is now,
and it has been for the last twenty years, and is always likely to be, a
fruitful source of public demoralization.
It may be asked why do not the people of the islands at once reform
this state of things? There is a considerable number of intelligent,
energetic, and excellent citizens, of the different nationalities, in possession of the elective franchise.  They are largely Americanized in
their opinions and manners. They are sympathetic with American
institutions. This is so of the Portuguese, the Germans, more or less
of the English, and of the native Hawaiians and half-whites, as well as
of the most of those of American parentage. But these unaided and
alone can not well make the necessary changes in the existing condition
of things. As a crown colony of Great Britian, or a Territory of the
United States, the government modifications could be made readily, and
good administration of the laws secured. Destiny and the vast future
interests of the United States in the Pacific clearly indicate who, at no
distant day, must be responsible for the government of these islands.
Under a territorial government they could be as easily governed as any
of the existing Territories of the United States.
The men qualified are here to carry on good government, provided
they have the support of the Government of the United States. Why
not postpone American possession? Would it not be just as well for
the United States to take the islands twenty-five years hence? Facts
and obvious probabilities will answer both of these interrogations.
Hawaii has reached the parting of the ways. She must now take the
road which leads to Asia, or the other, which outlets her in America,
gives her an American civilization and binds her to the care of American




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1001
destiny. The nonaction of the American Government here in thirty
years will make of Hawaii a Singapore, or a Hongkong, which could
be governed as a British colony, but would be unfit to be an American
Territory or an American State under our constitutional system. If the
American flag floats here at no distant day, the Asiatic tendencies can
be arrested and controlled without retarding the material development
of the islands, but surely advancing their prosperity by diversifying
and expanding the industries, building roads and bridges, opening the
public lands to small farmers from Europe and the United States, thus
increasing the responsible voting population, and constituting a solid
basis for American methods of government.
Two-fifths of the people now here are Chinese and Japanese. If the
present state of things is allowed to go on the Asiatics will soon largely
preponderate, for the native Hawaiians are now decreasing at the rate
of nearly one thousand per year. At the present prices of sugar, and
at the prices likely to hold in the future, sugar-raising on these islands
can be continued only by the cheapest possible labor-that of the
Japanese, the Chinese, and the Indian coolies. Americanize the islands, assume control of the " crown lands," dispose of them in small
lots for actual settlers and freeholders for the raising of coffee, oranges,
lemons, bananas, pineapples, and grapes, and the result soon will be to
give permanent preponderance to a population and a civilization which
will make the islands like southern California, and at no distant period
convert them into gardens and sanitariums, as well as supply stations
for American commerce, thus bringing everything here into harmony
with American life and prosperity. To postpone American action
many years is only to add to present unfavorable tendencies and to
make future possession more difficult.
It is proper to consider the following facts: The present Sovereign
is not expected to live many years. The princess heir apparent has
always been, and is likely always to be, under English influence. Her
father is British in blood and prejudices, firmly intrenched here as collector of customs, an important and influential office. She has been
for some years and still is in England; her patron there who has a
kind of guardianship of her, T. H. Davies, is a Tory Englishman, who
lived here many years, who still owns large property in the islands,
and is a resolute and persistent opponent of American predominance,
bitterly denouncing even the American acquisition of Pearl Harbor.
Mr. Wodehouse, the English minister, has long resided here; his eldest
son is married to a half-caste sister of the Crown Princess, another son
is in the Honolulu post-office, and a daughter also is married to a resident of one of the islands. The death of the present Queen, therefore,
would virtually place an English princess on the Hawaiian throne,
and put in the hands of the ultra-English the patronage and influence
of the palace.
In the existing state of things, with non-American intervention,
these palace influences, skillfully handled, are nearly equal, frequently
superior, to the power of the legislature. Add to this palace power,
in British hands, the influence of an adventurous, impecunious, and
irresponsible mob of "hoodlums" and there results a state of things
which would put it in the power of Canadian and ultra-British schemers, with a subsidy fund of $50,000, to secure control of the legislature,
and by prompt and vigorous action secure Canadian and British franchises, privileges, and rights entirely legal, to get rid of which would
cause embarrassment and expense to the United States and her allies
here. As is well known to the Department of State, Secretary Marcy,




1002                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
with the approval of President Pierce and Cabinet, authorized the negotiation of a treaty for making these islands a Territory of the United
States. Commissioner Gregg was authorized to facilitate the negotiation by the promise to pay $100,000 for pensions to the King, chiefs,
and other official persons, on condition that the sovereignty and property of the islands should be transferred to the United States.
Commissioner Gregg exceeded his instructions by stipulating to pay,
in all, three times the sum which Secretary Marcy named in his instructions. These terms were deemed onerous and unacceptable by the
Washington Department of State, and consequently the treaty was
dropped, after all negotiations had been completed, the King finally
being induced by his Scotch minister of foreign affairs not to sign it,
though the King and cabinet had previously given their support to
the spirit and terms of the negotiations and the conclusions reached.
The embarrassments and objections that then existed as to the number
of the royal princes and chiefs, the small number of the American population, the want of ready conmunication with the United States, and
distance from Washington, now no longer stand in the way of making
Hawaii a well governed and prosperous United States Territory. The
reasons for annexation in 1854 were certainly much less adequate and
pressing than they are now.
THE EXISITING BUSINESS STATUS.
It is well to consider the existing state of things here resulting from
the change in the United States sugar tariff. Only personal observation and a careful investigation of the facts can give an adequate idea
of the severe blow sugar raised here has received. The production of
sugar being the main business of the islands, the great reduction of
the market price has effected powerfully the entire affairs and condition of the islands. I think it underestimatingthe truth to express the
opinion that the loss to the owners of the sugar plantations and mills,
etc., and the consequent depreciation of other property by the passage
of the McKinley bill, wise and beneficial as that measure is proving to
be for the vast interests of the United States, has not been less than
$12,000,000, a large portion of this loss falling on Americans residing
here and in California. Unless some positive measures of relief be
granted, the depreciation of sugar property here will continue to go
on. Wise, bold action of the United States will rescue the property
holders from great loss, give the islands a government which will put
an end +o a worse than useless expenditure of a large proportion of
the revenues of the country, using them for the building of roads and
bridges, thus helping to develop the natural resources of the islands,
aiding to diversity the industries, and to increase the number of the
responsible citizens.
WHAT SHOULD BE DONE?
One of two courses seem to me absolutely necessary to be followed,
either bold and vigorous measures for annexation or a "customs
union," an ocean cable from the Californian coast to Honolulu, Pearl
Harbor perpetually ceded to the United States, with an implied but
not necessarily stipulated American protectorate over the islands. I
believe the former to be the better, that which will prove much the
more advantageous to the islands, and the cheapest and least embarrassing in the end for the United States. If it was wise for the United




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1003


States, through Secretary Marcy, thirty-eight years ago, to offer to
expend $100,000 to secure a treaty of annexation, it certainly can not
be chimerieal or unwise to expend $100,000 to secure annexation in
the near future. To-day the United States has five times the wealth
she possessed in 1854, and the reasons now existing for annexation are
much stronger than they were then. I can not refrain from expressing
the opinion with emphasis that the golden hour is near at hand. A
perpetual customs union and the acquisition of Pearl Harbor, with an
implied protectorate, must be regarded as the only allowable alternative. This would require the continual presence in the harbor of
Honolulu of a United States vessel of war and the constant watchfulness of the United States minister while the present bungling, unsettled, and expensive political rule would go on, retarding the development of the islands, leaving at the end of twenty-five years more
embarrassment to annexation than exists to-day, the property far less
valuable, and the population less American than they would be if annexation were soon realized.
It may be said that annexation would involve the obligation of paying to the Hawaiian sugar-producers the same rate of bounties now
paid to American producers, thus imposing too heavy a demand on the
United States Treasury. It is a sufficient answer to this question to
say that it could be specifically provided in the terms of annexation
that the United States Government should pay 6 mills per pound$12 per ton-to the Hawaiian sugar-raisers, and this only so long as
the present sugar-bounty system of the United States shall be maintained. Careful inquiry and investigation bring me to the conclusion
that this small bounty would tide the Hawaiian sugar-planters over
their present alarming condition and save the islands from general
business depletion and financial disaster. Could justice to American
interests in the islands and care for their future welfare do less than
this?
To give Hawaii a highly favorable treaty while she remains outside
the American Union would necessarily give the same advantages' to
hostile foreigners, those who would continue to antagonize our commercial and political interests here, as well as those of American blood
and sympathies. It is a well authenticated fact that the American
sentiment here in 1890, the last year of the great prosperity under the
sugar provisions of the reciprocity treaty, was much less manifest than
before the treaty had gone into effect, and less pronounced than when
Secretary Marcy authorized the negotiation of the annexation treaty in
1854. It is equally true that the desire here at this time for annexation is much stronger than in 1889. Besides, so long as the islands retain their own independent government there remains the possibility
that England or the Canadian Dominion might secure one of the Hawaiian harbors for a coaling station. Annexation excludes all dangers
of this kind.
Which of the two lines of policy and action shall be adopted our
statesmen and our Government must decide. Certain it is that the
interests of the United States and the welfare of these islands will not
permit the continuance of the existing state and tendency of things.
Having for so many years extended a helping hand to the islands and
encouraging the American residents and their friends at home to the
extent we have, we can not refrain now from aiding them with vigorous measures, without injury to ourselves and those of our " kith and
kin," and without neglecting American opportunities that never
seemed so obvious and pressing as they do now. I have no doubt that




1004                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
the more thoroughly the bed rock and controlling facts touching the
Hawaiian problem are understood by our Government and by the
American public, the more readily they will be inclined to approve the
views I have expressed so inadequately in this communication.
T am, sir, your obedient servant,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Hon. JOHN W. FOSTER,
Secretary of State.




Senate Ex. Doc. No. 76, Fifty-second Congress, second session.


MESSAGE
FROM THE
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
TRANSMITTLNG
A treaty of annexation concluded on the 14th day of February, 1893,
between the United States and the Provisional Government of the
Ba'waiian Islands.
FEBRUARY 15, 1893.-Read; treaty read the first time, referred to the Committee on
Foreign Relations, and, together with the message and accompanying papers,
ordered to be printed in confidence for the use of the Senate.
FEBRUARY 17, 1893. —Injunction of secrecy removed and ordered to be printed.
To the Senate:
I transmit herewith, with a view to its ratification, a treaty of annexation concluded on the 14th day of February, 1893, between Hon.
John W. Foster, Secretary of State, who was duly empowered to act
in that behalf on the part of the United States, and Lorrin A. Thurston, W. R. Castle, W. C. Wilder, C. L. Carter, and Joseph Marsden,
the commissioners on the part of the Provisional Government of the
Hawaiian Islands.
The treaty, it will be observed, does not attempt to deal in detail with
the questions that grow out of the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to
the United States. The commissioners representing the Hawaiian
Government have consented to leave to the future and to the just and
benevolent purposes of the United States the adjustment of all such
questions.
I do not deem it necessary to discuss at any length the conditions
which have resulted in this decisive action.
It has been the policy of the administration not only to respect, but
to encourage the continuance of an independent government in the
Hawaiian Islands so long as it afforded suitable guarantees for the protection of life and property and maintained a stability and strength
that gave adequate security against the domination of any other power.
The moral support of this Government has continually manifested itself
in the most friendly diplomatic relations, and in many acts of courtesy
to the Hawaiian rulers.
The overthrow of the monarchy was not in any way promoted by this
Government, but had its origin in what seems to have been a reactionary and revolutionary policy on the part of Queen Liliuokalani, which
put in serious peril not only the large and preponderating interests of
1005




1006


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


the United States in the islands, but all foreign interests, and indeed
the decent administration of civil affairs and the peace of the islands.
It is quite evident that the monarchy had become effete and the
Queen's government so weak and inadequate as to be the prey of designing and unscrupulous persons. The restoration of Queen Liliuokalani to her throne is undesirable, if not impossible, and unless actively
supported by the United States would be accompanied by serious disaster and the disorganization of all business interests. The influence
and interest of the United States in the islands must be increased and
not diminished.
Only two courses are now open; one the establishment of a protectorate by the United States, and the other, annexation full and complete. I think the latter course, which has been adopted in the treaty,
will be highly promotive of the best interests of the Hawaiian people,
and is the only one that will adequately secure the interests of the
United States. These interests are not wholly selfish. It is essential
that none of the other great powers shall secure these islands. Such
a possession would not consist with our safety and with the peace of
the world.
This view of the situation is so apparent and conclusive that no protest has been heard from any government against proceedings looking
to annexation. Every foreign representative at Honolulu promptly
acknowledged the provisional government, and I think there is a general concurrence in the opinion that the deposed queen ought not to be
restored. Prompt action upon this treaty is very desirable.
If it meets the approval of the Senate peace and good order will be
secured in the islands under existing laws until such time as Congress
can provide by legislation a permanent form of government for the
islands. This legislation should be, and I do not doubt will be, not
only just to the natives and all other residents and citizens of the
islands, but should be characterized by great liberality and a high
regard to the rights of all the people and of all foreigners domiciled
there.
The correspondence which accompanies the treaty will put the Senate
in possession of all the facts known to the Executive.
BENJ. HARRISON.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
February 15, 1893.
The PRESIDENT:
The undersigned, Secretary of State, has the honor to lay before the
President, with a view to obtaining the advice and consent of the Senate thereto, should such a course be in the judgment of the President
for the public interest, a treaty, signed at Washington on the 14th day
of February, instant, by the undersigned and the accredited commissiouers of the existing provisional government of the Hawaiian Islands,
in representation of their respective Governments, for the full and absolute cession of the said islands and all their dependencies to the
United States forever, with provision for the temporary government of
those islands, under the sovereign authority of the United States, until
Congress shall otherwise enact.
With this treaty the undersigned submits to the President copies of
the correspondence recently exchanged, showing the course of events
in the Hawaiiain Islands-as respects the overthrow of the lat monarch



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1007


ical form of government, the creation of a provisional government thereof
in the name of the Hawaiian people, the recognition of the same by
the representatives there of the United States and of all other powers,
the dispatch of a commission to this capital to negotiate for a union of
the Government of the Hawaiian Islands with the Government of the
United States, and the outcome of those negotiations in the treaty
herewith submitted.
The change of government in the Hawaiian Islands, thus chronicled,
was entirely unexpected so far as this Government was concerned. It
is true that for some months past the Hawaiian press and the advices
received from the diplomatic and consular representatives at Honolulu
indicated political uncertainty, party intrigues, and legislative opposition, but not more so than at many times in the past history of the
islands, and certainly not suggestive of an overthrow of the monarchy
through popular resistance to the unconstitutional acts of the late
sovereign. At no time had Mr. Stevens been instructed with regard to
his course in the event of a revolutionary uprising. The well-established policy of this Government, maintained on many occasions from
its earliest establishment, to hold relations with any de facto government in possession of the effective power of the State and having the
acquiescence of the governed, being ample to meet unforeseen contingencies, no instructions in this specific sense were indeed necessary;
and the minister, without explicit instructions, was expected and constrained to use his best judgment, in accordance with fundamental
precedent, as the emergency should arise.
The change was in fact abrupt and unlooked-for by the United States
ministeror the naval commander. At amomentofapparenttranquillity,
when the political excitement and controversy of the immediately preceding three months had been to all appearances definitely allayed, and
when, as appears from dispatches from the minister and from the
commanding officer of the Boston, a settlement of differences seemed to
have been reached, Minister Stevens quitted the capital for a brief
excursion of ten days to a neighboring island, on the Boston, the only
naval vessel of the United States at the islands. On returning to Honolulu on January 14 the crisis was found to be in full vigor and to
have already reached proportions which made inevitable either the
success of Queen Liliuokalani's attempt to subvert the constitution by
force or the downfall of the monarchy.
On Saturday, the 14th of January, the capital was wholly controlled
by the royal troops, including a large additional force of over 500
armed men not authorized by Hawaiian law. On the same day the first
call to arms in opposition to the Queen was issued, and the citizens' committee of safety was developed. During the 14th, 15th,
and most of the 16th, the two parties confronited each other in angry
lostility, with every indication of an armed conflict at any moment. It
was not until late in the afternoon of Monday, the 16th, after request
tor protection had been made by many citizens of the United States
resi(ling in Honolulu, that a force of marines was landed from the
Boston, by direction of the minister, and in conformity with the standing
inlstructions which for many years have authorized the naval forces of
the United States to cooperate with the minister for the protection of
the lives and property of American citizens in case of imminent disorder.
T1ue marines, when landed, took no part whatever toward influencing
the course of events. Their presence was wholly precautionary, and
only such disposition was made of them as was calculated to subserve
the particular end in view, They were distributed thut night between




1 UUZ                HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
the legation and the consulate, where they occupied inner courts and
a private hall rented for their accommodation. Beyond a sentry at the
door of each post, and the occasional appearance of an officer passing
from one post to another, no demonstration whatever was made by the
landed forces, nor was the uniform of the United States visible upon
the streets. They thus remained, isolated and inconspicuous, until after
the success of the Provisional Government and the organization of an
adequate protective force thereunder.
At the time the Provisional Government took possession of the Government buildings, no troops or officers of the United States were
present or took any part whatever in the proceedings. No public
recognition was accorded to the Provisional Government by the United
States minister until after the Queen's abdication and when they were
in effective possession of the Government buildings, the archives, the
treasury, the barracks, the police station, and all the potential machinery of the Government.
Then, and not until then, when the Provisional Government had obtained full defacto control, was the new order of things recognized by
the United States minister, whose formal letter of recognition was
promptly followed by like action on the part of the representatives of
all foreign governments resident on the Hawaiian Islands. There is
not the slightest indication at any time prior to such formal recognition in full accord with the long-established rule and invariable precedents of this Government, did the United States minister take any
part in promoting the change, either by intimidating the Queen or by
giving assurance of support to the organizers of the Provisional Government.
The immediate cause of the change is clearly seen to have been the
unconstitutional and intemperate acts of the Queen herself, in attempting to coerce her responsible ministers and to annul the existing constitution and replace it arbitrarily by another of her own choice.
The Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands is, by all usual
and proper tests, in the sole and supreme possession of power and in
control of all the resources of the Hawaiian nation, not only through
the Queen's formal submission, but through its possession of all the
armed forces, arms and ammunitions, public offices, and administration of law, unopposed by any adherents of the late Government.
On the first instant, subsequently to the departure of the Hawaiian
special commissioners, the United States minister at Honolulu, at the
request of the Provisional Government, placed the Hawaiian Government under the protection of the United States to insure the security
of life and property during the pending negotiations at Washington
and without interfering with the administration of public affairs by
the said Government. An instruction has been sent to the minister,
commending his action in so far as it lay within the purview of standing instructions to the legation and to the naval commanders of the
United States in Hawaiian waters, and tended to cooperate with the
administration of affairs by the Provisional Government, but disavowing any steps in excess of such instructions whereby the authority and
power of the United States might appear to have been asserted to the
impairment of the independent sovereignty of the Hawaiian Government by the assumption of a formal protectorate.
In this condition of things, the five commissioners named by the
Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands reached Washington
on the 3d instant, bearing authentic letters from the Hawaiian Government accrediting them to the President, and conferring upon them full




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1009


powers to negotiate for the union of the Hawaiian Islands to the
Unit ed States.
On the 4th instant the commissioners were accorded an interview
with the undersigned, at the request of the regularly accredited
Hawaiian minister, Mr. J. Mott Smith, and submitted their credentials,
accompanied by a statement of events leading up to and connected
with the overthrow of the monarchy and the establishment of the Provisional Government. At a second conference on the same day the
commissioners submitted to the undersigned the proposition of the
Provisional Government, containing the terms upon which that Government desired the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the United
States. A copy of this proposition is inclosed. Frequent conferences
have since been held at the Department of State, and all questions
connected with the subject have been carefully examined and discussed, until a concurrence of views on the part of the negotiating
parties was reached on the 14th instant.
In drafting and agreeing upon the treaty now transmitted, the undersigned lhas sought, under your direction, to effect thereby the annexation
of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States with as few conditions as
possible and with a full reservation to Congress of its legislative prerogatives. An examination of the provisions of this treaty will show
that to Congress is reserved the determination of all questions affecting
the form of government of the annexed territory, the citizenship and
elective franchise of its inhabitants, the manner and terms under which
the revenue and navigation laws of the United States are to be extended
thereto, and all other questions relating to the economic and political
status of the islands. As there is no provision in the existing legislation of Congress whereby the Executive power can provide an organized form of government for new territory annexed to the Union, or
extend over it the laws of the United States and cause the same to be
executed, it was deemed necessary to continue the existing government
and laws of the Hawaiian Islands until Congress should have an opportunity to legislate on the subject; but a provision has been inserted
in the treaty for the exercise by the Executive of the United States of
a veto power upon the acts of that government during the interregnum.
The temporary maintenance of the existing political institutions of the
islands seems the more appropriate in view of the fact that the Hawaiian constitution, of which a copy is inclosed herewith, and the Hawaiian laws are based upon principles similar to those contained in our own
organic law and the principles of the common law.
It is to be noted that, according to a recognized principle of international law, the obligations of treaties, even when some of their stipulations are in terms perpetual, expire in case either of the contracting
parties loses its existence as an independent state. The foreign treaties
of the Hawaiian Islands therefore terminate, upon annexation, with
the competence of the government thereof to hold diplomatic relations.
An examination of these treaties shows, however, that they contain no
stipulations which would embarrass either the Hawaiian Islands or the
United States by their termination.
Accompanying the treaty are tables giving full details as to the area
of the territory annexed, the public debt, the public lands, the annual
allowances to and revenue of the late royal household, and statistics as
to the population, revenues, commerce, and other economic matters relating to the islands.
It is gratifying to be able to state that pending the negotiations leading up to the treaty herewith submitted the undersigned has received
S. Rep. 227 —64




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


such assurances from the representatives of the leading powers of the
world and from our own ministers abroad as leads to the conviction
that the incorporation of the Hawaiian Islands into our Union will be
regarded by these powers with satisfaction or ready acquiescence.
Respectfully submitted.
JOHN W. FOSTER.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 15, 1893.
1    The United States of America and the Provisional Government
2 of the Hawaiian Islands, in view of the natural dependence of
3 those Islands upon the United States, of their geographical prox4 imity thereto, of the intimate part taken by citizens of the United
5 States in there implanting the seeds of Christian civilization, of the
6 long continuance of their exclusive reciprocal commercial relations
7 whereby their mutual interests have been developed, and the pre8 ponderant and paramount share thus acquired by the United
9 States and their citizens in the productions, industries and trade
10 of the said Islands, and especially in view of the desire expressed
11 by the said Government of the Hawaiian Islands that those Islands
12 shall be incorporated into the United States as an integral part
13 thereof and under their sovereignty, in order to provide for and
14 assure the security and prosperity of the said Islands, the High
15 Contracting Parties have determined to accomplish by treaty an
16 object so important to their mutual and permanent welfare.
17    To this end, the High Contracting Parties have conferred full
18 power and authority upon their respectively appointed Plenipoten19 tiaries, to wit:
20   The President of the United States of America, John W. Foster,
21 Secretary of State of the United States; and
22    The President of the Executive and Advisory Councils of the
23 Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, Lorrin A. Thurs24 ton, William R. Castle, William C. Wilder, Charles L. Carter, and
25 Joseph Marsden;
26   And the said Plenipotentiaries, after having communicated to
27 each other their respective full powers, found in good and due form,
28 have agreed upon and concluded the following articles:
1                        ARTICLE I.
2    The Government of the Hawaiian Islands hereby cedes, from the
3 date of the exchange of the ratifications of this Treaty, absolutely




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1011
4 and without reserve to the United States forever all rights of sov5 ereignty of whatsover kind in and over the Hawaiian Islands and
6 their dependencies, renouncing in favor of the United States every
7 sovereign right of which as an independent nation it is now pos.
8 sessed; anld henceforth said Hawaiian Islands and every island
9 and key thereunto appertaining and each and every portion thereot
10 shall become and be an integral part of the territory of the United
11 States.
1                       ARTICLE II.
2    The Government of the Hawaiian Islands also cedes and transfers
3 to the United States the absolute fee and ownership of all public,
4 government or crown lands, public buildings or edifices, ports,
5 harbors, fortifications, military or naval equipments and all other
6 public property of every kind and description belonging to the
7 Government of the Hawaiian Islands, together with every right
8 and appurtenance thereunto appertaining. The existing laws of
9 the United States relative to public lands shall not apply to such
10 lands in the Hawaiian Islands, but the Congress of the United
11 States shall enact special laws for their management and disposi12 tion: Provided, that all revenue from or proceeds of the same, ex13 cept as regards such part thereof as may be used or occupied for
14 the civil, military or naval purposes of the United States or may
15 be assigned to the use of the local Government, shall be used solely
16 for the benefit of the inhabitants of the Hawaiian Islands for
17 educational and other public purposes.
1                      ARTICLE III.
2    Until Congress shall otherwise provide, the existing Govern3 ment and laws of the Hawaiian Islands are hereby continued, sub4 ject to the paramount authority of the United States. The Presi5 dent, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall ap6 point a Commissioner to reside in said Islands who shall have the
7 power to veto any act of said Government, and an act disapproved
8 by him shall thereupon be void and of no effect unless approved
9 by the President.
10   Congress shall, within one year from the exchange of the rati11 fications of this Treaty, enact the necessary legislation to extend
12 to the Hawaiian Islands the laws of the United States respecting
13 duties upon imports, the internal revenue? commerce and naviga,




1012                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
14 tion; but until Congress shall otherwise provide, the existing com15 mercial relations of the Hawaiian Islands both with the United
16 States and foreign countries shall continue as regards the commerce
17 of said Islands with the rest of the United States and with foreign
18 countries, but this shall not be construed as giving to said Islands
19 the power to enter into any new stipulation or agreement whatso20 ever or to have diplomatic intercourse with any foreign Govern21 ment. The Consular representatives of foreign powers now resi22 dent in the Hawaiian Islands shall be permitted to continue in the
23 exercise of their consular functions until they can receive their
24 exequaturs from the Government of the United States.
1                       ARTICLE IV.
2    The further immigration of Chinese laborers into the Hawaiian
3 Islands is hereby prohibited until Congress shall otherwise pro4 vide. Furthermore, Chinese persons of the classes now or here5 after excluded by law from entering the United States will not be
6 permitted to come from the Hawaiian Islands to other parts of the
7 United States, and if so coming shall be subject to the same pen8 alties as if entering from a foreign country.
1                       ARTICLE V.
2    The public debtof the Hawaiian Islands, lawfully existing at the
3 date of the exchange of the ratifications of this Treaty, including
4 the amounts due to depositors in the Hawaiian Postal Savings
5 Banks, is hereby assumed by the Government of the United
6 States; but the liability of the United States in this regard shall
7 in no case exceed three and one quarter millions of dollars. So
8 long, however, as the existing Government and the present com9 mercial relations of the Hawaiian Islands are continued, as here10 in before provided, said Government shall continue to pay the
11 interest on said debt.
1                       ARTICLE VI
2      The Government of the United States agrees to pay to Liliuo3 kalani, the late Queen, within one year from the date of the ex4 change of the ratifications of this Treaty the sum of twenty thousand
5 dollars, and annually thereafter a like sum of twenty thousand
6 dollars during the term of her natural life, provided she in good




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1013


7 faith submits to the authority of the Government of the United
8 States and the local Government of the Islands.
9     And the Government of the United States further agrees to
10 pay to the Princess Kaiulani within one year from the date of the
11 exchange of the ratifications of this treaty the gross sum of one
12 hundred and fifty thousand dollars, provided she in good faith
13 submits to the authority of the Government of the United States
14 and the local Government of the Islands.
1                      ARTICLE VII.
2   The present Treaty shall be ratified by the President of the United
3 States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, on the
4 one part, and by the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian
5 Islands on the other, and the ratifications thereof shall be ex6 changed at Honolulu as soon as possible. Such exchange shall be
7 made on the part of the United States by the Commissioner here8 inbefore provided for, and it shall operate as a complete and final
9 conveyance to the United States of all the rights of sovereignty
10 and property herein ceded to them. Within one month after such
11 exchange of ratifications the Provisional Government shall furnish
12 said Commissioner with a full and complete schedule of all the
13 public property herein ceded and transferred.
14   In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed
15 the above articles and have hereunto affixed their seals.
16   Done in duplicate at the city of Washington this fourteenth day
17 of February, one thousand eight hundred and ninety-three.
18                             JOHN W. FOSTER,      [SEAL]
19                             LORRIN A. THIURSTON, [SEAL]
20                              WILLIAM R. CASTLE, [SEAL]
21                              WILLIAM C. WILDER, [SEAL]
22                              CHARLES L. CARTER, [SEAL]
23                             JOSEPH MARSDEN.      [SEAL]




1014


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


List of accompanying documents.
No. 1. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster (telegram), January 18,1893.
No. 2. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, January 18, 1893.
No. 3. Mr. Dole to Mr. Foster, January 18, 1893.
No. 4. Ex-Queen Liliuokalani to the President, January 18, 1893.
No. 5. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, January 19, 1893.
No. 6. Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens (telegram). January 28, 1893.
No. 7. Mr. Tracy to Mr. Foster, January 28, 1893.
No. 8. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster (telegram), February 1, 1893.
No. 9. Mr. Smith to Mr. Foster, February 3, 1893.
No. 10. Mr. Tracy to Mr. Foster, February 3, 1893.
No. 11. The Hawaiian special commissioners to Mr. Foster, February 3, 1893.
No. 12. Credential letters of the Hawaiian special commissioners, exhibited Febl
ruary 4, 1893.
No. 13. Commissions of the Hawaiian special commissioners, exhibited February
4, 1893.
No. 14. The Hawaiian special commissioners to Mr. Foster, February 4, 1893.
No. 15. The Hawaiian special commissioners to Mr. Foster, February 11, 1893.
No. 16. Mr. Carter to Mr. Foster, February 11, 1893.
No. 17. Mr. Tracy to Mr. Foster, February 11, 1893.
No. 18. Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens, February 11, 1893.
No. 19. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, February 1, received February 14, 1893.
No. 20. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, February 1, received February 14, 1893.
No. 21. Constitution of the Hawaiian Islands.
No. 22. Statistical tabulated statements pertaining to the Hawaiian Islands.
A. Population in 1878, 1884, and 1890; voters in 1890.
B. Property, real and personal.
C. Schools: Number, attendance, and nationality of teachers.
D. Public debt, as of March 31, 1892.
E. Sugar plantations, value, area, ownership, wages.
F. Taxation, internal, proceeds Qf, and per capita in 1882, 1884, 1886, 1888,
1890, and 1891.
G. Revenues and expenditures, biennial periods from 1878-'80 to 1890-'92.
H. Receipts, expenditures, cash balances, and public debt in 1880, 1882, 1884,
1886, 1888, and 1892.
I. Imports, detailed statement of. from 1883 to 1892; values.
J. Exports, detailed statement of, from 1882 to 1891; quantities and values.
K. Imports and exports, by countries, from 1884 to 1891.
L. Imports and exports, and customs receipts, annual value of, from 1882 to 1891.
M. Navigation, nationality of vessels engaged in the foreign trade with the
Hawaiian Islands from 1882 to 1891.
No. 1.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Poster.
[Telegram.]
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, H. I., January 18, 1893.
Via San Francisco, January 28.     (Received January 28.)
Events in Hawaii in the past few days have moved rapidly.         An entire overthrow of the Hawaiian monarchy and the establishment of a
Provisional Government in the interest of the whole people of the
islands without the sacrifice of a single, life. The new government is
in full possession of the islands and was promptly recognized by all
the diplomatic representatives.    The four men of whom it is composed
are of high character, one of whom resigned his position as one of the
supreme judges to assume the place.         Full dispatches by the mail
leaving Honolulu to-day by special steamer.
STEVENS,
United States Minister.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1015


No. 2.
Mr. Stevens to Mlr. Foster.
No. 79.]                       UNITED STATES LEGATION,
HonoZulu, January 18, 1893. (Received February 3.)
SIR: In my 73 of November 8 I gave full information of the surrender of the Queen to the wishes of the legislature by the formation
of a ministry composed of men of intelligence and wealth possessing
the entire confidence of the business men and the more responsible citizens of the country. But this surrender of the Queen and of those
surrounding her was only seeming. As soon as the principal appropriations had been voted and the legislative work was nearly concluded,
several of the best members having already left for their homes, a remarkable conspiracy was revealed.
The undersigned, for the first time since he has been at the head of
this legation, January 4 took passage for Hilo and the volcano on the
U. S. S. Boston for the benefit of the health of himself and of his
daughter, it being also desirable that the town of the second importance in the islands should have this attention at the time the Boston
was making a visit to Hawaii, the chief island in the group. Beyond
all doubt, immediately after the Boston and myself had left Honolulu
the unscrupulous adventurers around the Queen improved the opportunity to push through the legislature an astounding lottery franchise
with the obvious intent to sell it out to the Louisiana lottery men.
This was worked by some of the same parties supposed to be of the
powerful opium ring whose four points of operation are Vancouver,
San Francisco, Honolulu, and Hongkong. They distributed the lottery stock among the native members of the legislature in large figures.
Notwithstanding the strong opposition of all the best people of the
islands, including whites and natives, and the emphatic opposition of
the chamber of commerce, the Queen and her palace favorite gave their
warmest support to the lottery bill and signed it at once. She was to
be immediately compensated by being allowed to proclaim a new constitution, restoring to the Crown the old despotic prerogatives in direct
violation of the existing constitution, which provides for the only mode
of change, which is by the action of successive legislatures.
Returning on the Boston from our Hilo trip on the 14th instant, we
found the legislature was to be prorogued at 12 a. m., one-half hour
after my arrival at the legation. The prorogation completed, members
of the legislature, diplomatic corps, judges of the supreme court,
and other officials went to the palace by invitation. In the meantime
it began to be known in public circles the Queen's intention to proclaim
the revolutionary constitution. This resulted in raising an excitement
which alarmed her confidants and caused some of them to draw back.
This consumed time, so that she could not secure the signatures of her
new cabinet as she had expected. In the meantime the diplomatic
corps grew weary and left the palace, realizing that the invitation to
be present was a trick.
As I had just returned, weary from my voyage, I had not received
the invitation, the chamberlain knowing I was absent when he invited
the English, Portuguese, French, and Japanese diplomatic representatives the day before. In the short meanwhile I had suspicioned the
trick. Finally, the Queen appeared in the throne room, before the
supreme judges and other officials, in an extreme passion of anger, and
avowed her purpose to postpone her revolutionary constitution for a




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


brief period, and then went upon the balcony and spoke with great
passion in the same strain to those around the palace, principally her
retainers and the royal guard, her determination to proclaim her constitution at another time. What I have described as to the lottery
legislation, the forcing out of the responsible cabinet of November 8
and appointing the lottery cabinet, two of whom had been voted out of
the ministry during the legislative session by a two-thirds vote for the
best of reasons. It was the lottery bribe and the autocratic design of
the Queen that quickly precipitated events.
A mass meeting of the citizens was called to meet on Monday, the
16th, at 2 p. m., which assembled in the largest hall in the city. Short
as was the notice, over 1,300 of the principal citizens of Honolulu and from other islands, who happened to be in the city, were
in attendance. This meeting included merchants, bankers, professional men, the principal business men, and the mechanics, the chief
German and some of the leading English merchants and other nationalities, as well as American residents. It is said such an assemblage
was never before equaled in Honolulu. Intelligent American visitors
here say that such a public meeting would do credit to a meeting of a
similar class of citizens in our best American cities.
The assemblage was a unit in feeling and purpose. The speeches and
resolutions are on the printed slips I herewith inclose. This remarkable uprising of the best citizens, including nearlyall of the chief property holders, the Tahitian marshal and palace favorite did not dare attempt to suppress. A committee of public safety was at once created
to meet the emergency and to prevent anarchy and riot. It was
fortunate that the Boston was in the harbor. The committee on public
safety called on me for aid. I promptly addressed to the commander
of the Boston, Capt. G. S. Wiltse, the following note:
UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, January 16, 1893.
SIR: In view of the existing critical circumstances in Honolulu, including an inadequate legal force, I request you to land marines and sailors from the ship under
your command for the protection of the United States legation and United States
consulate, and to secure the safety of American life and property.
Very truly, yours,
JOHN L. STEVENS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States.
Capt. G. C. WILTSE,
Commander U. S. S. Boston.
A copy of the call of the committee of public safety for aid is inclosed.
Promptly the men from the Boston were landed. Detachments were
placed around the legation and the consulate, the principal members
having marched to a central hall for shelter and headquarters; the
night being at hand, the public anxiety being especially strong as to
what might be done by irresponsible persons in the night, the landing
of the men of the Boston so promptly gave immediate relief to the public
anxiety.
As soon as practicable a Provisional Government was constituted,
composed of four highly respectable men, with Judge Dole at the head,
he having resigned his place on the supreme bench to assume this responsibility. He was born in Honolulu, of American parentage, educated here and in the United States, and is of the highest reputation
among all citizens, both natives and whites. P. C. Jones is a native of
Boston, Mass., wealthy, possessing property interests in the islands.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


and a resident here for many years. The other two members are of
the highest respectability.  The committee of public safety forthwith
took possession of the Government buildings, archives, and treasury,
and installed the Provisional Government at the heads of the respective
departments. This being an accomplished fact, I promptly recognized
the Provisional Government as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands. The English minister, the Portuguese charge d'affaires,
the French and the Japanese commissioners promptly did the same;
these, with myself, being the only members of the diplomatic corps residing here.
All is quiet here now.    Without the sacrifice of a single life this
change of government has been accomplished.       Language can hardly
express the enthusiasm and the profound feeling of relief at this peaceful and salutary change of government. The underlying cause of this
profound feeling among the citizens is the hope that the United States
Government will allow these islands to pass to American control and
become American soil. A commission of citizens, duly accredited, will
go by the steamer that takes this dispatch to Washington, to state the
wishes of the Provisional Government and of the responsible people of
the islands, and to give a complete account of the existing state of
things here.
It is proper that I should add, that the presence of the Boston here
has been of the highest importance, and the behavior of officers and
men has been admirable. Capt. Wiltse has exercised prudence and
great firmness, while he and the undersigned have recognized only
accomplished facts and have not allowed the use of the United States
force for any but the most conservative reasons
I am, sir,
JoHN L. STEVENS.
Written copy by future mail.
S.
[Inclosure 1 in No. 79.]
PROCLAMATION.
In its earlier history Hawaii possessed a constitutional government honestly and
economically administered in the public interest.
The Crown called to its assistance as advisers able, honest, and conservative men,
whose integrity was unquestioned even by their political opponents.
The stability of the Government was assured, armed resistance and revolution unthought of, popular rights were respected, and the privileges of the subject from
time to time increased and the prerogatives of the sovereign diminished by the voluntary acts of the successive Kings.
With very few exceptions this state of affairs continued until the expiration of
the first few years of the reign of His late Majesty Kalakaua. At this time a change
was discernible in the spirit animating the Chief Executive and in the influences surrounding the throne. A steadily increasing disposition was manifested on the part
of the King to extend the royal prerogatives; to favor adventurers and persons of
no character or standing in the community; to encroach upon the rights and privileges of the people by steadily increasing corruption of electors, and by means of
the power and influence of officeholders and other corrupt means to illegitimately
influence the elections, resulting in the final absolute control of not only the executive and legislative, but to a certain extent the judicial departments of the Government in the interests of absolutism.
This finally resulted in the revulsion of feeling and popular uprising of 1887,
which wrested from the King a large portion of his ill-gotten powers.
The leaders of this movement were not seeking personal aggrandizement, political
power, or the suppression of the native Government. If this had been their object
it could easily have been accomplished, for they had the absolute control of the
situation.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Their object was to secure responsible Government through a representative cabinet, supported by and responsible to the people's elected representatives. A clause
to this effect was inserted in the constitution, and subsequently enacted by law by
the legislature, specifically covering the ground that in all matters concerning the
state the sovereign was to act by and with the advice of the cabinet, and only by
and with such advice.
The King willingly agreed to such proposition, expressed regret for the past, and
volunteered promises for the future.
Almost from the date of such agreement and promises up to the time of his death,
the history of the Government has been a continual struggle between the King on
the one hand and the cabinet and legislature on the other, the former constantly
endeavoring by every available form of influence and evasion to ignore his promises
and agreements and regain his lost powers.
This conflict upon several occasions came to a crisis, followed each time by submission on the part of His Majesty, by renewed expressions of regret and promises to
abide by the constitutional and legal restrictions in the future. In each instance
such promise was kept until a further opportunity presented itself, when the conflict
was renewed in defiance and regardless of all previous pledges.
Upon the accession of Her Majesty Liliuokalani, for a brief period the hope prevailed that new policy would be adopted. This hope was soon blasted by her immediately entering into conflict with the existing cabinet, who held office with the
approval of a large majority of the legislature, resulting in the triumph of the
Queen and the removal of the cabinet. The appointment of a new cabinet sub-, servient to her wishes and their continuance in office until a recent date gave no
opportunity for further indication of the policy which would be pursued by Her
Majesty until the opening of the legislature in May of 1892,
The recent history of that session has shown a stubborn determination on the part
of Her Majesty to follow the tactics of her late brother and in all possible ways to
secure an extension of the royal prerogatives and an abridgment of popular rights.
During the latter part of the session the legislature was replete with corruptiona
bribery and other illegitimate influences were openly utilized to secure the desired
end, resulting in the final complete overthrow of all opposition and the inauguration
of a cabinet arbitrarily selected by Her Majesty in complete defiance of constitutional principles and popular representation.
Notwithstanding such result the defeated party peacefully submitted to the situation.
Not content with her victory Her Majesty proceeded on the last day of the session
to arbitrarily arrogate to herself the right to promulgate a new constitution, which
proposed, among other things, to disfranchise over one-fourth of the voters and the
owners of nine-tenths of the private property of the Kingdom, to abolish the elected
upper house of the legislature and to substitute in place thereof an appointive one,
to be appointed by the Sovereign.
The detailed history of this attempt and the succeeding events in connection
therewith is given in the report of the committee of public safety to the citizens of
Honolulu and the resolution adopted at the mass meeting held on the 16th instant,
the correctness of which report and the propriety of which resolution is hereby
specifically affirmed.
The constitutional evolution indicated has slowly and steadily, though reluctantly and regretfully, convinced an overwhelming majority of the conservative and
responsible members of the community that independent, constitutional, representative, and responsible government, able to protect itself from revolutionary uprisings
and royal aggression, is no longer possible in Hawaii under the existing system of
government.
Five uprisings or conspiracies against the Government have occurred within five
years and seven months. It is firmly believed that the culminating revolutionary
attempt of last Saturday will, unless radical measures are taken, wreck our already
damaged credit abroad and precipitate to final ruin our already overstrained financial condition; and the guaranties of protection to life, liberty, and property will
steadily decrease and the political situation rapidly grow worse.
In this belief, and also in the firm belief that the action hereby taken is and will
be for the best personal, political, and property interests of every citizen of the
landWe, citizens and residents of the Hawaiian Islands, organized and acting for the
public safety and the common good, hereby proclaim as follows:
(1) The Hawaiian monarchical system of Government is hereby abrogated.
(2) A provision1al government for the control and management of public affairs
and the protection of the public peace is hereby established, to exist until terms of
union with the United States of America have been negotiated and agreed upon.
(3) Such provisional government shall consist of an executive council of four
members, who are hereby declared to be Sanford B. Dole, James A. King, Peter C.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1019
Jones, William 0. Smith, who shall administer the executive departments of the
Government, the first named acting as president and chairman of such council and
administering the department of foreign affairs, and the others severally administering the departments of interior, finance, and attorney-general, respectively, in the
order in which they are above enumerated, according to existing Hawaiian law as
far as may be consistent with this proclamation; and also of an advisory council,
which shall consist of fourteen members, who are hereby declared to be S. M. Damjon, L. A. Thurston, J. Emmeluth, J. H. McCandlass, F. W. McChesney, W. R.
Castle, W. C. Wilder, A. Brown, J. F. Morgan, H. Waterhobse, E. D. Tenney, F.
Wilhelm, W. G. Ashley, C. Bolte. Such advisory council shall also have general
legislative authority.
Such executive and advisory council shall, acting jointly, have power to remove
any member of either council and to fill such or any other vacancy.
(4) All officers under the existing Government are hereby requested to continue to
exercise their functions and perform the duties of their respective offices, with the
exception of the following-named persons: Queen Liliiokalani; Charles B. Wilson,
marshal; Samuel Parker, minister of foreign affairs; W. H. Cornwell, minister of
tinance; John F. Colburn, minister of the interior; Arthur P. Peterson, attorneygeneral; who are hereby removed from office.
(5) All Hawaiian laws and constitutional principles not inconsistent herewith
shall continue in force until further order of the executive and advisory councils.
HENRY E. COOPER.
ANDREW BROWN.
J. A. MCCANDLESS.
THEODORE F. LANSING.
JOHN EMMELUTH.
C. BOLTE.
ED. SUHR.
HENRY WATERHOUSE.
W. C. WILDER.
F. W. MCCHESNEY.
WILLIAM 0. SMITH.
(Inclosure 2 in No. 79.]
IIONOLULU, ITAWAIIAN ISLANDS, January 17, 1893.
SIR: The undersigned, members of the executive and advisory councils of the
Provisional Government this day established in Hawaii, hereby state to you that
for the reasons set forth in the proclamation this day issued, a copy of which is
herewith inclosed for your consideration, the Hawaiian monarchy has been abrogated and a Provisional Government established in accordance with the said abovementioned proclamation.
Such Provisional Government has been proclaimed, is now in possession of the
Government departmental buildings, the archives, and the treasury, and is in control of the city. We hereby request that you will, on behalf of the United States
of America, recognize it as the existing de facto Government of the Hawaiian
Islands and afford to it the moral support of your Government, and. if necessary,
the support of American troops to assist in preserving the public peace.
We have the honor to remain your obedient servants,
SANFORD B. DOLE.
J. A. KING.
P. C. JONES.
WILLIAM 0. SMITH.
S. M. DAWSON.
JOHN EMMELUTH.
F. W. MCCHESNEY.
W. C. WILDER.
J. A. MCCANDLESS.
ANDREW BROWN.
JAS. F. MORGAN.
HENRY WATERHOUSE,
E. D. TENNEY.
F. J. WILHELM.
W. G. ASHLEY.
C. BOLTE.
His Excellency JorN L. STEVENS,
United States Minister Resident.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


[Inclosure 3 in No. 79.]
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, January 17, 1893.
PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF TIlE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
[Order No. 1.]
All persons favorable to the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands are
hereby requestedto forthwith report to the Government at the Government buildings
and to furnish to the Government such arms and ammunition as they may have in
their possession or control as soon as possible, in order that efficient and complete
protection of life and property and the public peace may immediately and efficiently
be put in operation.
SANFORD B. DOLE,
J. A. KING,
P. C. JONES,
WILLIAM O. SMITH,
Executive Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
JOHN EMMELUTH,
ANDREW BROWN,
C. BOLTE,
JAMES F. MORGAN,
HENRY WATERHOUSE,
S. M. DAMON,
W. G. ASHLEY,
E. D. TENNY,
F. W. MCCHESNEY,
W. C. WILDER,
Advisory Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
[Inclosure 4 in No. 79.]
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, January 17, 1893. (Issued 6 p. m.)
PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
[Order No. 2.]
It is hereby ordered and decreed that until further ordered, the right of the writ
of habeas corpus is hereby suspended and martial law is hereby declared to exist
throughout the island of Oahu.
SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Affairs,
J. A. KING,
Minister of the Interior,
P. C. JONES,
Minister of Finance,
WILLIAM O. SMITH,
A ttorney- General,
Executive Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
[Inclosure 5 in No. 79.]
[Daily Pacific Commercial Advertiser, January 17, 1893.]
MASS MEETING-CITIZENS DETERMINED TO RESIST AGGRESSION-AN ENTHUSIASTIC
GATHERING AT THE RIFLES' ARMORY PROTESTS AGAINST THE REVOLUTIONARY
ATTITUDE OF TEIE   QUEEN-RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED AND THE COMMITTEE OF
PUBLIC SAFETY AUTHORIZED TO TAKE FURTHER STEPS.
At 2 p. m. yesterday the Hlonolul Rifles' armory was the scene of one of the largest
and most enthusiastic mass meetings ever held in Honolulu. It was called by the
committee of public safety for the purpose of protesting against the revolutionary
aggressions of the Queen. At 1:30 citizens began to assemble, and before 2 o'clock




I-AWAITAN ISLANDS.


the large building was crowded to its utmost capacity, 1,260 being present, by actual
count, while many others came later. Every class in the community was fully represented, mechanics, merchants, professional men, and artisans of every kind being
present in full force. The meeting was intensely enthusiastic, being animated by a
common purpose and feeling, and most of the speakers were applauded to the echo.
llon. W. C. Wilder, of the committee of safety, was the chairman.
Mr. WILDER said: Fellow citizens, I have been requested to act as chairman of the
meeting. Were it a common occurrence, I should consider it an honor, but to-day,
we are not here to do honor to anybody. I accept the chairmanship of this meeting
as a duty. [Applause.] We meet here to-day as men-Iiot as any party, faction, or
creed, but as men who are bound to see good government. It is well known to you
all what took place at the palace last Saturday. I need not tell you the object of this
meeting, and no such meeting has been held since 1887. There is the same reason
now as then. An impromptu meeeing of citizens was called Saturday to take measures for the public safety. The report of the committee will be read to you. We do
not meet as revolutionists, but as peaceful citizens who have the right to meet and
state their grievances. [Loud applause.] We will maintain our rights and have
courage to maintain them. [Universal cheers.]
Noble Thurston being introduced by the chairman read the report of the committee of safety.
"REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF SAFETY.
"t To tlhe citizens of Honolulu:
" On the morning of last Saturday, the 14th instant, the city was startled by the in
formation that Her Majesty Queen Lilitokalani had announced her intention to
arbitrarily promulgate a new constitution, and that three of the newly appointed
cabinet ministers had, or were about to, resign in consequence thereof.
"Immediately after the prorogation of the legislature at noon the Queen, accompanied, by her orders, by the cabinet, retired to the palace; the entire military force
of the Government was drawn up in line in front of the building, and remained
there until dark, andl a crowd of several hundred native sympathizers with the newconstitution project gathered in the throne room and about the palace. The Queen
then retired with the cabinet, informed them that she had a new constitution ready,
that she intended to promulgate it and proposed to do so then and there, and demanded that they countersign her signature.
"She turned a deaf ear to their statements and protests that the proposed action
would inevitably cause the streets of Honolulu to run red with blood, and threatened that unless they complied with her demand she would herself immediately go
out upon the steps of the palace and announce to the assembled crowd that the
reason she did not give them the new constitution was because the ministers would
not let her. Three of the ministers, fearing miob violence, immediately withdrew
and returned to the Government building. They were immediately summoned back
to the palace, but refused to go on the ground that there was no guaranty of their
personal safety.
"The only forces under the control of the Government are the household guards
and the police. The former are nominally under the control of the minister of
foreign affairs and actually under the control of their immediate commander, Maj.
Nowlein, a personal adherent of the Queen.
"The police are under the control of Marshal Wilson, the open and avowed royal
favorite. Although the marshal is nominally under the control of the attorneygeineral, Her Majesty recently announced in a public speech that she would not allow
him to be removed. Although the marshal now states that he is opposed to the
Queen's proposition, he also states that if the final issue arises between the Queen
and the cabinet and people he will support the Queen.
"The cabinet was absolutely powerless and appealed to citizens for support.
"Later they reluctantly returned to the palace, by request of the Queen, and for
nearly two hours she again endeavored to force them to acquiesce in her desire, and
upon their final refusal announced in a public speech in the throne room and again
from the upper gallery of the palace that she desired to issue the constitution, but
was prevented from doing so by her ministers and would issue it in a few days.
"The citizens responded to the appeal of the cabinet to resist the revolutionary
attempt of the Queen, by gathering at the office of William 0. Smith.
"Late in the afternoon it was felt that bloodshed and riot were imminent; that
the community could expect no protection from the legal authorities; that, on the
contrary, they would undoubtedly be made the instruments of royal aggression.
An impromptu meeting of citizens was held, which was attended by the attorneygeneral, and which was addressed, among others, by the minister of the interior,
J. F. Colburn, who stated to the meeting substantially the foregoing facts.
"The meeting unanimously passed a resolution that the public welfare required




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


the appointment of a committee of public safety of thirteen, to consider the situation and devise ways and means for the maintenance of the public peace and the
protection of life and property.
" Such a committee was forthwith appointed and has followed its instructions.
"The first step which the committee consider necessary is to secure openly, publicly, and peaceably, through the medium of a mass meeting of citizens, a condemnation of the proceedings of the party of revolution and disorder and a confirmation from such larger meeting of the authority now vested in the committee.
f" For such purpose the committee hereby recommends the adoption of the following resolution:
" RESOLUTION.
"1. Whereas Her Majesty Liliuokalani, acting in conjunction with certain other
persons, has illegally and unconstitutionally and against the advice and consent of
the lawful executive officers of the Government, attempted to abrogate the existing
constitution and proclaim a new one in subversion of the rights of the people;
"2. And whereas such attempt has been accompanied by threats of violence and
bloodshed and a display of armed force, and such attempt and acts and threats are
revolutionary and treasonable in character;
" 3. And whereas Her Majesty's cabinet have informed her that such contemplated
action was unlawful and would lead to bloodshed and riot and have implored and
demanded of her to desist from and renounce such proposed action;
"4. And whereas such advice has been in vain, and Her Majesty has in a public
speech announced that she was desirous and ready to promulgate such constitution,
the same being now ready for such purpose, and that the only reason why it was not
now promulgated was because she had met with unexpected obstacles and that a fitting opportunity in the future must be awaited for the consummation of such object,
which would be within a few days;
"5. And whereas at a public meeting of citizens held in Honolulu on the 14th day
of January instant a committee of thirteen to be known as the ' committee of public
safety' was appointed to consider the situation and to devise ways and means for the
maintenance of the public peace and safety and the preservation of life and property;
" 6. And whereas such committee has recommended the calling of this mass meeting of citizens to protest against and condemn such action and has this day presented a report to such meeting denouncing the action of the Queen and her supporters as being unlawful, unwarranted, in derogation of the rights of the people,
endangering the peace of the community, and tending to excite riot and cause the
loss of life and destruction of property:
"Now, therefore, we, the citizens of Honolulu of all nationalities and regardless
of political party affiliations, do hereby condemn and denounce the action of the
Queen and her supporters;
"And we do hereby ratify the apointment and indorse the action taken and report made by the said committee of safety; and we do hereby further empower such
committee to further consider the situation and further devise such ways and means
as may be necessary to secure the permanent maintenance of law and order and the
protection of life, liberty, and property in Hawaii."
Mr. THURSTON said: Mr. Chairman: Hawaii is a wonderful country. We are divided into parties and nationalities and factions, but there are moments when we
are united and move shoulder to shoulder, moved by one common desire for the public good. Three times during the past twelve years this has happened-in 1880, 1887
and to-day. They say it is ended, it is done, there is nothing to consider. Is it so?
[Calls of no! no!] I say, gentlemen, that now and here is the time to act. [Loud
cheers.] The Queen says she won't do it again. [Cries of humbug.] Fellow-citizens, have you any memories? Hasn't she once before promised-sworn solemnly
before Almighty God to maintain this constitution? What is her word worth?
[Calls of nothing! nothing!] It is an old saying that a royal promise is made to be
broken. Fellow-citizens, remember it. We have not sought this situation. Last
Saturday the sun rose on a peaceful and smiling city; to-day it is otherwise.
Whose fault is it? Queen Liliuokalani's. It is not her fault that the streets have
not run red with blood. She has printed a proclamation and at the same time, perhaps sent out by the same carriers, her organ prints an extra with her speech with
bitterer language than in the Advertiser. She wants us to sleep on a slumbering
volcano which will one morning spew out blood and destroy us all. The Constitution gives us the right to assemble peacefully and express our grievances. We are
here doing that to-day without arms. The man who has not the spirit to rise after
the menaces to our liberties has no right to keep them. Has the tropic sun cooled
and thinned our blood, or have we flowing in our veins the warm, rich blood which
loves liberty and dies for it? I move the adoption of the resolution,
[Tumultuous applause.]




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1023
Mr. H. F. GLADE. The Queen has done an unlawful thing in ignoring the constitution which she had sworn to uphold. We most decidedly protest against such
revolutionary proceeding, and we should do all we possibly can to prevent her from
repeating actions which result in disorder and riot. We now have a promise from
the Queen that proceedings as we experienced on Saturday shall not occur again;
but we should have such assurances and guaranties for this promise that will really
satisfy us and convince us of the faith and earnestness of the promise given, of which
we now have no assurance. What such guaranties and assurances ought to be I
can not at this moment say or recommend. This should be referred to the committee
of safety for their careful consideration. I second the motion.
Mr. Young, in addressing the meeting, spoke as follows:
Mr. Chairman and fellow-citizens: In June, 1887, I stood on this same platform and
addressed an audience almost as large as the one now before me. At that time we
had met to consider a resolution that looked toward a new constitution, which proposed constitution was considered the most effectual method of removing some flagrant abuses in governmental affairs, practiced by the King and his cabinets. The
constitution was promulgated. To-day we have met to consider the action of Her
Majesty in attempting to set aside the constitution we all worked so hard to have
promulgated, in the lost interests of the sovereign and the people at large, as well
as for the redemption of the credit of the Kingdom abroad. It has long been reported that at some favorable opportunity the Queen would spring a new constitution upon the people and place matters even more in the hands of the sovereign
than they were before the revolution of 1887. Some did not believe the rumors, but
the actions of the Queen in the last few dayshave convinced the most skeptical that
the rumors were well founded and that she had been pregnant with this unborn
constitution for a long time; but it could not be born till under the propitious star.
In trying to promulgate this long-promised constitution the Queen has therefore
premeditately committed a breach of faith with one portion of her subjects in order
to satisfy the clamors of a faction of natives urged by the influence of a mischievous
element of foreigners who mean no good to the Queen or the people, bat simply for
the purpose of providing avenues for carrying out more perfectly the smuggling of
opium and diverting the contents of the treasury into their own pockets. A byauthority circular has now been handed around setting forth that the Queen and
her cabinet had decidednot to press the promullgation of a new constitution; but can we
depend on this promise of Her Majesty I Is this promise any more binding upon her
than the oath she took before Almighty God to support and maintain the present
constitution? Has not the Queen resorted to very questionable methods in an underhanded way to remove what, to the people, was one of the most acceptable cabinets ever commissioned by any sovereign in this Kingdom, in order that four other
ministers might be appointed that would carry out her behest, treasonable or otherwise, as might be most conveniently within their scope?
I say, have we any reasonable assurance that the Queen and her ministers have
abandoned finally the new constitution promulgation scheme? [Roars of "No" from
the audience.] My fellow citizens, while the Queen and her cabinet continue to
trifle with and play fast and loose with the affairs of state there can be no feeling
of security for foreign families residing within these domains. There can be no
business prosperity here at home, and our credit abroad must be of the flimsiest and
most uncertain nature. And you, business men, who are toiling honestly for your
bread and butter, will have to put up with thin bread and much thinner butter if
this farcical work is continued. In order that matters may be set to rights again,
and that honest, stable, and honorable government may be maintained in Hawaii,
I support the resolution and trust that it will be passed unanimously by this meeting.
Mr. C. BOLTE. Since the resolution which was read here has been written things
have changed. On Saturday the Queen promised the native people that she would
give them a new constitution under all circumstances; she did not say exactly when,
but as soon as possible. This morning a proclamation was issued, in which she says
that her attempt to promulgate a new constitution last Saturday was made under
stress of her native subjects, but that she will not do it again. An attempt to change
the fundamental law of the land is a very serious matter, a matter that requires a
good deal of consideration, and I am well convinced that this matter has been
weighed and considered for more than a day by the Queen, and that there was no
acting on the spur of the moment under the stress of her native subjects about it.
It was her well premeditated conclusion that she wouldchange the constitution so
as to suit herself, on the day of prorogation of the legislature. Many people knew
this several days ago, but there have been so many rumors about all sorts of things
that not very much attention was paid to it; it was expected that she might change
her mind before that day would come. But she did not change her mind as soon as
that; she told the native people that she was ready to give them a new constitution
right then and there, but that she could not do it because her ministers would not




1024                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
let her. Now she has changed her mind; she makes a sort of excuse for what she
did, and says she will never do it again.
It seems to me that the question that your committee has to ask now, and which
is for you gentlemen here in the meeting to decide is this: Are you satisfied with the
assurance given in to-day's proclamation signed by the Queen and the four ministers,
and will you consider this matter ended, or do you desire greater and stronger guarantees for the safety and preservation of your life and liberty and property  I am
one of the citizens' committee of public safety; my views on the situation are expressed in the resolutions which have just been read, and I trust you will show that
you are of the same mind as the committee by adopting these resolutions.
Hon. H. P. BALDWIN. I feel, with the rest of you, that the actions of the Queen
have put the country in a very critical situation. Before this revolutionary act of
Her Majesty we were getting along. A ministry had been appointed which would
probably have been able to pull us through. The McKinley bill had put the whole
country into a critical situation. We were working up new industries. Mr. Dillingham was trying to build a railroad around this island. The Queen seems to
have blinded herself to all these things. She has followed a whim of her own-a
whim of an irresponsible body of Hawaiians-and tried to establish a new constitution. We must stop this; but we must not go beyond constitutional means. I
favor this resolution, but think the committee should act within the constitution.
There is no question that the Queen has done a revolutionary act; there is no doubt
about that. The Queen's proclamation has not inspired confidence; but shall we
not teach her to act within the constitution  [Loud calls of "No."] Well, gentlemen, I am ready to act when the time comes.
J. EMMELUTH wished to say a few words on the situation. He had heard the
Queen's speech at the palace, and noted the expression of her face. It was fiendish.
When the petitioners filed out he reflected on the fact that thirty men could paralyze
the business of the community for twenty-four hours. It was not they that did it,
but the schemers behind them, and perhaps a woman, too. It was not the Hawaiians
that wanted the new constitution; not those who worked. This was the third time
that he had shut his doors, let his men go, and came up to this building. It would
be the last time. If we let this time go by we would deserve all we would get. An
opportunity came once in every lifetime. It had come to us, and if we finished as
we should, a repetition of last Saturday would never occur in this country again.
[Applause.] We must stand shoulder to shoulder. There was but one course to
pursue, and we would all see it. The manifesto of this morning was bosh. "I won't
do it any more; but give me a chance and I'll do it again." If the Queen had succeeded last Saturday, myself and you would have been robbed of the privileges
without which no white man can live in this community. " Fear not, be not afraid,"
was written in my Bible by my mother twenty-five years ago. Gentlemen, I have
done. As far as the Hawaiians are concerned, all have an aloha for them, and we
wish to have laws enabling us to live peaceably together.
R. J. GREENE. Fellow citizens, among the many things I never could do was to
make an impromptu speech. I have tried it over and over again and never succeeded
but once, and that was after five weeks' preparation. Our patience has been exhausted. We all agree about the case. The question is, the remedy. John Greene,
of Rhode Island, entered the war of the Revolution and served throughout. His
son, my father, served through the war of 1812, until that little matter was settled.
In 1862 John Greene, my father, stood before a meeting like this, and said he had
four sons in the war, of whom I was the youngest, and would serve himself if he was
not too old. This experience has biased my judgment as to some matters of civil
government. It is too late to throw obstacles across the path of its progress here.
I have adopted this flag and am loyal to it, but I am not willing to go one step back
in the matter of civil liberty, and I will give the last drop of Rhode Island blood in
my veins to go forward, and not back. [Cheers.]
Chairman Wilder read the latter part of the resolution.
It was passed by a unanimous standing vote, without a dissenting voice, and
amid tremendous cheers, after which the meeting broke up.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1025
[Inclosure 6 in No. 79.]
[Daily Pacific Commercial Advertiser, January 18, 1893.]
THE NEW ERA-THE REVOLUTION TERMINATED BY THE ESTABLISHING OF A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT-CITIZENS RISE AND SEIZE THE GOVERNMENT BUILDINGTHE MONARCHY ABROGATED-ENTHUSIASTIC VOLUNTEERS RALLY ROUND THE NEW
GOVERNMENT-THE LATE QUEEN AND CABINET YIELD AND LEAVE THE TOWN UNDER THE QUIET PROTECTION OF ITS OWN CITIZENS-FULL TEXT OF THE PROCLAMATION AND ORDERS.
All day yesterday the community were in a state of expectancy, looking to the
committee of public safety to do something to end the state of tension, and to secure the rights of all citizens against enroachment once and for all. The committee
in the meantime was not idle, but was incessantly occupied completing its organization and perfecting the final arrangements necessary to the proclamation of the
ProvisionalGovernment and its protectionby an armed force. Atabout 2:30o'clock
an attempt was made by three native policemen to arrest the progress of a wagon
which was being driven up Fort street, by Mr. Benner and Mr. Good. Those in
charge of the wagon resisted the attempt of the officers to arrest its course. One of
the officers making a motion to draw a revolver, Mr. Good drew his own, and calling attention to the fact that he was justified in shooting, he fired, seeking, however, to avoid the infliction of a dangerous wound. The wagon pursued its way,
followed by a policeman in a hack. This episode precipitated the movement.
Citizens hurried to the Beretania street armory, where they were formed into companies and marched to the Government building.
In the meantime the committee of public safety, accompanied by members of the
government about to be formed, proceeded to the Government building. They were
entirely unarmed. Arrived at the Government building the committee inquired for
the cabinet, but the ministers were not to be found. They then demanded and received of Mr. Hassinger the possession of the building. The party now proceeded
to the front steps and, in the presence of a rapidly increasing crowd, the following
proclamation was read:
Before the reading of the proclamation was completed the volunteers from the
Rifles' armory began to assemble in force. The grounds of Aliiolani Hale were cleared
and a guard set at all the gates.
The following orders were then promptly issued by the Provisional Government:
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
January 17, 1893.
PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
[Order lNo. 1.]
All persons favorable to the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands are
hereby requested to forwith report to the Government at the Government building
and to furnish the Government such arms and ammunition as they may have in their
possession or control as soon as possible, in order that efficient and complete protection of life and property and the public peace may be immediately and efficiently
put into operation.
SANFORD B. DOLE,
J. A. KING,
P. C. JONES,
WILLIAM O. SMITH,
Executive Council of the Provieional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
JOHN EMMELUTH,
ANDREW BROWN,
C. BOLTE,
JAMES F. MORGAN,
HENRY WATERHOUSE,
S. M. DAMON,
W. G. ASHLEY,
E. D. TENNY,
F. W. MCCHESNEY,
W. C. WILDER,
J. A. MCCANDLESS,
W. R. CASTLE,
LORRINA A. THURSTON,
F. J. WILHELM,
Advlsory Councit of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
S. Rep. 227 -65




1026                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, January 17, 1893.
PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 3F THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
[Order No. 2.]
It is hereby ordered and decreed that until further ordered the right of the writ
of habeas corpus is hereby suspended, and marshal law is hereby declared to exist
throughout the island of Oahu.
SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Affairs,
J. A. KING,
Minister of the Interior,
icr~~~*      ~P. C. JONES,
Minister of Finance,
WILLIAM O. SMITH,
Attorney-General,
Executive Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
The Provisional Government sent for the Lute ministers, who were at the police
station. Two of them came, and finally all four repaired to the headquarters of the
new government, where formal demand was made upon them for the possession of
the police station. The exministers asked for time to deliberate upon this demand.
They went to the palace in company with Hon. Samuel M. Damon, and held a consultation with Liliuokalani. The result was a compromise proposition, which was
rejected by the Provisional Government. After further consultation the following
protest was noted:
I, Liliuoakalani, by the grace of God and under the constitution of the Hawaiian
Kingdom, Queen, do hereby solemnly protest against any and all acts done against myself and the Constitutional Government of the Hawaiian Kingdom by certain persons
claiming to have established a Provisional Government of and for this Kingdom.
That I yield to the superior force of the United States of America, whose minister plenipotentiary, his excellency John L. Stevens, has caused United States troops
to be landed at Honolulu and declared that he would-support the said Provisional
Government.
Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces and perhaps the loss of life, I do, under
this protest, and impelled by said force, yield my authority until such time as the
Government of the United States shall, upon the facts being presented to it, undo
the action of its representative and reinstate me in the authority which I claim as
the constitutional Sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands.
Done at Honolula this 17th day of January, A. D. 1893.
LILIUOKALANI, R.
SAMUEL PARKER,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
WM. H. CORNWALL,
Minister of Finance.
JNO. F. COLBURN,
Minister of the Interior.
A. P. PETERSON,
Attorney-General.
S. B. DOLE, Esq., and others,
Composing the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
(Indorsed:) Received by the hands of the late cabinet this 17th day of January,
A. D. 1893. (Signed) Sanford B. Dole, chairman of the executive council of Provisional Government.
The late Queen and cabinet accordingly yielded unconditionally, and the police
station was turned over to Commander Soper and Capt. Ziegler with forty men
from Company A. Mr. Wilson made a short address to the police force assembled in
the station, telling them that resistance was no longer feasible.
The Provisional Government sent notifications of the situation to the representatives of foreign powers. The following answer to the request for recognition was
received from his excellency John L. Stevens:
"A Provisional Government having been duly constituted in the place of the recent
Government of Queen Liliuokalani, and said Provisional Government being in full
possession of the Government building, the archives, and the treasury, and in control
of the capital of the Hawaiian Islands, I hereby recognize said Provisional Government as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
" JOHN L. STEVENS,
Envoy Extraordinary and MinisterPlenipotentiary of the United States.
At latest advices the Provisional Government was in complete possession of the
city, and the only Government possessing, exercising, or claiming any authority or
power whatsoever.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   1027
No. 3.
Mr. Dole to Mr. Foster.
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 18, 1893.
(Received February 3.)
SIR: I have the honor to inform you that, as president of the execu.
tive and advisory council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, I have this day commissioned and appointed the following gentlemen as special commissioners from this Government to
that of the United States of America, viz, Hon. L. A. Thurston, W. I.
Castle, esq., Hon. W. C. Wilder, Charles L. Carter, esq., Hon. Joseph
Marsden, accrediting them to his excellency the President of the United
States.
A copy of their credentials will be found inclosed.
Expressing the hope that these gentlemen will prove acceptable to
the United States as the representatives of this Government, and that
you will extend them all proper assistance in furtherance of their
mission,
With sentiments of the highest esteem and respect,
I have, etc.,
SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
(Inclosures:) Copies of the credential letters of the five commissioners. For text
see Credentials of Mr. Lorrin A. Thurston, printed as paper No. 13, post.
No. 4.
Ex-Queen Liliuokalani to the President.
(Received February 3, 1893.)
His Excellency BENJAMIN HARRISON,
* President of the United States:
MY GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND: It is with deep regret that I address
you on this occasion. Some of my subjects, aided by aliens, have renounced their loyalty and revolted against the constitutional government of my Kingdom. They have attempted to depose me and to establish a provisional government, in direct conflict with the organic
law of this Kingdom. Upon receiving incontestable proof that his
excellency the minister plenipotentiary of the United States, aided
and abetted their unlawful movements and caused United States
troops to be landed for that purpose, I submitted to force, believing
that he would not have acted in that manner unless by the authority
of the Government which he represents.
This action on my part was prompted by three reasons: The futility
of a conflict with the United States; the desire to avoid violence,
bloodshed, and the destruction of life and property, and the certainty
which I feel that you and your Government will right whatever wrongs
may have been inflicted upon us in the premises.
In due time a statement of the true facts relating this matter will be
laid before you, and I live in the hope that you will judge uprightly
and justly between myself and my enemies.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


This appeal is not made for myself personally, but for my people rho
have hitherto always enjoyed the friendship and protection of the
United States.
My opponents have taken the only vessel which could be obtained
here for the purpose, and hearing of their intention to send a delegation of their number to present their side of this conflict before you, I
requested the favor of sending by the same vessel an envoy to you, to
lay before you my statement, as the facts appear to myself and my
loyal subjects.
This request has been refused and I now ask you that in justice to
myself and to my people that no steps be taken by the Government of
the United States until my cause can be heard by you.
I shall be able to dispatch an envoy about the 2d day of February,
as that will be the first available opportunity hence, and he will reach
you with every possible haste that there may be no delay in the settlement of this matter.
I pray you, therefore, my good friend, that you will not allow any conclusions to be reached by you until my envoy arrives.
I beg to assure you of the continuance of my highest consideration.
LILIUOKALANI, R.
HONOLULU, January 18, 1893.
No.5.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
No. 80.]                      UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, January 19, 1893. (Received February 3.)
SIR: The Provisional Government of Hawaii, by special steamer,
send a commission to Washington with full powers to negotiate with
the Government of the United States. It is composed of six representative men of the highest respectability. Hon. William C. Wilder is the
president and chief manager of the Interisland Steamship Company,
running steamers among the islands, and he has large property interests in Honolulu. Hon. C. M. [surname omitted] is a leading lumber
merchant, doing business with Puget Sound and Oregon, born here of
the best American stock, Hon. L. A. Thurston is one of the most, if
not the most talented and influential man on the islands, and is of the
highest respectability. He and his father were born on the islands, of
Connecticut parentage. Though a young man, he was the leading
member of the reform cabinet from July, 1887, to 1890.
Hon. William H. Castle is a lawyer of eminence, born on the islands,
of western New York parentage, his father still living here at the age
of 84, having resided in Honolulu nearly half a century, and for many
years exercised a large influence here. Mr. Charles P. Carter is the
son of the recent Hawaiian minister at Washington, Hon. H1. P. Carter,
and is an accomplished and most reliable gentleman, American to the
core, and has a Michigan wife. Hon. Mr. Marsden is of English birth,
is a prominent business man and a noble in the legislature.
These six commissioners represent a large preponderating proportion
of the property holders and commercial interests of these islands. They
are backed by the influences which will enable them to fully carry out
their agreements with the United States Government.
I am, sir, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                      1029
No. 6.
[Telegram.]
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, January 28, 1893.
Your dispatch, telegraphed from San Francisco, announcing revolution and establishment of a Provisional Government was received today. Your course in recognizing an unopposed de facto government
appears to have been discreet and in accordance with the facts. The
rule of this Government has uniformly been to recognize and enter into
relation with any actual government in full possession of effective power
with the assent of the people. You will continue to recognize the new
Government under such conditions. It is trusted that the change, besides conducing to the tranquillity and welfare of the Hawaiian Islands, will tend to draw closer the intimate ties of amity and common
interests which so conspicuously and necessarily link them to the
United States. You will keep in constant communication with the
commander of the United States naval force at Honolulu, with a view
to acting if need be for the protection of the interests and property of
American citizens and aiding in the preservation of good order under
the changed condition reported.
JOHi  W. FOSTER.
No. 7.
Mr. Tracy to Mr. Foster.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, January 28, 1893. (Received January 28.)
SIR: I have the honor to inclose for your information a copy of a
dispatch received this date from Capt. G. C. Wiltse, commandingi officer
U. S. S. Boston.
I have, etc.,
B. F. TRACY,
Secretary of the Navy.
[Inclosure.]
Capt. Wiltse to Mr. Tracy.
IONOLULU, January 18, 1893. (Via San Francisco, January 28.)
The cabinet was voted out on January 12; another was appointed on January 14,
on which date the Queen prorogued the legislature and attempted to proclaim new
constitution. At 2 p. m. on January 16 the citizens met and organized a committee
of safety. At 4:30 p. m. landed force in accordance with the request of the United
States minister plenipotentiary.
Tuesday (17th) afternoon the Provisional Government was established; the Queen
dethroned. The revolution was accomplished without loss of llfh. Everything is
quiet. Commission appointed so as to negotiate terms of annexation to the United
States Government.
WILTSE.




1030                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
No. 8.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
[Telegram.]
HONOLULU, February 1, 1893.
(Via San Francisco, Feb. 9,1893. Received Feb. 9, 4:30 p. m.)
Provisional Government of Hawaii gaining power and respect. Everything is quiet. Annexation sentiment is increasing. Dead monlarchy
and opposition to annexation is supported chiefly by lottery and opium
ring. Today at 9 a. m., in accordance with the request of Provisional
Government of Hawaii, I have placed Government of Hawaii under the
United States protection during negotiations, not interfering with the
execution of public affairs. Have mailed important dispatches. -Have
sent duplicate copies of dispatches, It is advisable that Commodore
Skcrrett proceed at once to Honolulu, Sandwich Islands, with one or
more United States ships as precautionary measures.
STEVENS.
No. 9.
Mr. Smith to Mr. Foster.
HAWAIIAN LEGATION,
Washington, February 3, 1893. (Received February 3.)
SIR: I beg to submit to you (copy of) official dispatch of the Provisional Government of Hawaii, received by me yesterday.
It announces the sending of five commissioners, Hon. L. A. Thurston,
W. R. Castle, esq., Hon. W. C. Wilder, C. L. Carter, esq., Hon. Joseph
Marsden, to treat with the Government of the United States.
These gentlemen will arrive in Washington this day, and with your
consent, I shall be glad to present them to you to-morrow, at the State
Department.
Renewing assurance of my highest consideration,
J. MOTT SMITH.
[Inclosure 1.]
Mr. Dole to Mr. Smith.
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 18, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to inform your excellency that by public proclamation made
on the 17th instant, from the Government building, in all formal style, the Hawaiian
monarchy was abrogated and a Provisional Government over the Hawaiian Islands
established, as is duly set forth in the copy of the proclamation handed to your excelleIncy herewith.
It having been found necessary to dispatch a commission of five gentlemen to
Washington for the purpose of carrying out the'provisions expressed in such proclamation, I have this day, by and with the advice and consent of the executive
and advisory councils of the Provisional Government, appointed and commissioned
the following-named gentlemen as such commissioners: Hon. L A. Thurston, W. R.
Castle, esq., Hon. W. C. Wilder, C. L.. Carter, esq., Hon. Joseph Marsden, who have
beer) presented with the proper credentials to the President of the United States
and the Secretary of State.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1031
I would therefore request your excellency to render all possible aid and assistance
in your power to the furthering of their mission, the success of which the Provisional Government earnestly desires to consummate.
With the highest respect and consideration,
I have the honor, etc.,                 SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
[Inolosure 2.]
[Proclamation of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, January
17, 1893, printed ante as inclosure with Mr. Stevens's No. 79 of January 18, 1893.]
No. 10.
Mr. Tracy to Mr. Foster.
NAVY DEPARTMENT
Washington, February 3, 1893. (Received February 3.)
SIR: I have the honor to transmit herewith a copy of a communica.
tion received this day from Capt. G. C. Wiltse, U. S. Navy, commanding the U. S. S. Boston, relating to Hawaiian affairs.
I have the honor, etc.,
B. F. TRACY,
Secretary of the Navy.
[Inclosure.]
Capt. Wiltse to Mr. Tracy.
U. S. S. BOSTON, SECOND RATE,
Honolulu, Hawuaiian Islands, January 18, 189S.
SIR: I have the honor to take the following report concerning the condition of
political affairs in the Hawaiian Islands:
As stated in my communication of January 4, 1893, the Boston sailed from this
port for Hilo, Hawaii, with the United States minister on board
During the absence of the ship from this port, on January 12, the cabinet was
voted out of office by a vote of 25 to 16. Another cabinet was appointed on
January 14.
On the morning of January 14 the Boston arrived in this port from Lahina, Maui,
and came to anchor. At noon on the same day the legislature was prorogued by
the Queen, and it was rumored that the Queen intended proclaiming a new constitution. This, however, was not done. On Monday, January 16, there was a large
and enthusiastic mass meeting, composed of the representative men of Honolulu,
held in the largest hall in the city, at 2 p. m. On the same day I received from the
United States minister a request to land the sailors and marines of the Boston to
protect the United States legation, consulate, and the lives and property of American citizens.
At 4:30 p. m., January 16, I landed the ship's battalion under command of Lieut.
Commander William T. Swinburne.
One detachment of marines was placed at the legation and one at the consulate,
while the main body of men, with two pieces of artillery, were quartered in a hall
of central location near the Government building.
On Tuesday, January 17, a provisional government was established and the Queen
dethroned.
The Provisional Government took possession of the Government buildings, the
archives, and the treasury, the Queen acquiescing under protest. The Provisional
(overnment was recognized as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands by
the United States minister.




1032                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
The revolution has been accomplished without the loss of a single life, and today, January 18, the Provisional Government has possession and control of the city.
which is under martial law.
I am informed that commissioners will leave to-morrow for Washington fully
accredited for purposes of negotiation to permit these islands to come under the
control of the United States.
Very respectfully,
G. C. WILTSE,
Captain, U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. S. Boston.
No. 11.
The Hawaiian special commisstoners to Mr. Foster.
WASHINGTON, February 3, 1893.
SIR: We have the honor to hereby inform you that by order of his
excellency Sanford B. Dole. president and minister of foreign affairs
of the executive council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian
Islands and of the executive council of such Governmentl Messrs. L.
A. Thurston, W. C. Wilder, W. R. Castle, J. Marsden, and C. L.
Carter have been constituted and appointed special commissioners
to the President of the United States, with instructions to proceed
forthwith to Washington and there to represent to the President and
Government of the United States of America the facts leading up to
and concerning the establishment of the Provisional Government of
the Hawaiian Islands, and to request from such Government of the
United States of America that the acknowledgment and recognition
of such Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands heretofore
given to such Provisional Government by his excellency John L. Stevens, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United
States of America at Hawaii, may be confirmed by the President and
Government of the United States of America.
And also the said commissioners are instructed and fully authorized
and empowered bythe said Provisional Government to negotiate a treaty
between the said Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands and
the Government of the United States of America, by the terms of which
full and complete political union may be secured between the United
States of America and the Hawaiian Islands.
In accordance with such instructions we hereby present for your
consideration a brief statement of the principal facts leading up to and
concerning the establishment of the Provisional Government of the
Hawaiian Islands, as follows:
On Saturday, the 14th of January, ultimo, Her Majesty Liliuokalani.,
Queen of the Hawaiian Kingdom, attempted with force to abrogate
the existing constitution of the Hawaiian Kingdom and promulgate a
new constitution. Such attempt was resisted by her cabinet, whom
she threatened with violence. She finally desisted from her attempt
to immediately promulgate the proposed constitution, announcing in
two public speeches, however, that she had not abandoned such project, but would carry the same into effect " within a few days."
All of the military and police forces of the Kingdom being directly
under the control of the personal adherents of the Queen, the cabinet
appealed to citizens for protection and support against the proposed
aggression. The citizens rallied in opposition to the project of the
Queen, and at a public meeting appointed a committee of public safety,




TTAWATIAN TSLANDS.                 1033
of thirteen members, to consider the situation and devise ways and
means for the maintenance of the public peace and the protection of
life and property.
After considering the situation, such committee called a public meeting of citizens on Monday, the 16th of said January. Such meeting
was duly held, to the number of about fifteen hundred of the leading
citizens. A report by such committee was submitted to such meeting,
recommending the adoption of certain resolutions. Such resolutions
were unanimously adopted. A copy of such report and resolutions,
marked Inclosure A, is herewith submitted.
A few hours before such meeting a proclamation was issued by the
Queen and cabinet, a copy of which is inclosed herewith and marked
Inclosure B.
On the afternoon of the same day, the Queen then having about four
hundred men under arms and the people being in open preparation for
dethroning her, with every indication of a conflict, the United States
troops landed and a guard was stationed at the American consulate
and legation and the remainder were quartered in a public hall hired
for that purpose.
They neither then nor at any time since have taken any part either
for or against the Queen or the Provisional Government.
After full consideration by the said committee and consultation with
leading citizens of all nationalities, it was the unanimous opinion of
such committee and citizens that the statements of fact in such proclamLation did not detract from the necessity for action, and the undertakiing
therein contained was deemed unreliable; and for the reasons briefly
set forth in such above-mentioned report of the committee of safety
and resolutions, and also in the proclamation hereunder referred to,
there was no longer any possibility of efficiently and permanently maintaining the public peace and the protection of life, liberty, and property
in 1awaii under the existing system of government, and that the only
method of maintaining such permanent peace and security was by securing the assistance and support of the Government of the United
States, or some other foreign power possessed of sufficient force to
prevent the future possibility of revolution or despotic assumption of
power in derogation of the rights of the people.
In accordance with such conclusion, such committee, representing
almost the entire property and intelligence of the Hawaiian Islands, on
the 17th day of said January issued a proclamation abrogating the
monarchy, deposing Queen Liliuokalani, and establishing a Provisional
Government, "to exist until terms of union with the United States of
America have been negotiated and agreed upon," a copy of which proc
lamation, marked Inclosure C, is submitted herewith.
Immediately after such proclamation such Provisional Government
took possession of the city of Honolulu, including the Government
buildings, the archives and the treasury, and within a few hours thereafter received surrender of all the military and police forces, thereby
coming into full possession of the Kingdom.
Immediately after such possession had been obtained notification
thereof was given to the representatives of all foreign countries represented at Honolulu, accompanied by the request that such representatives extend to said Provisional Government their recognition.
In reply to such request the represent ative of the United States of
America accorded such recognition upon the same day that it was re,
quested, to wit, the 17th of said January, and on the following day
recognition of such Provisional Government was made by the repre.




1034


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


sentatives of Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy, Russia, Spain, Norway
and Sweden, The Netherlands, Denmark, Belgium, Mexico, Chile, Peru,
and China; and on the following day, to wit, the 19th of said January,
recognition of suoh Provisional Government was extended by the representatives of France and Portugal. Copies of the acknowledgments
of the said representatives of foreign Governments, with the exception
of those of the representatives of Portugal and France, which were
received too late to obtain copies thereof, are inclosed herewith, marked
Inclosure D.
In further pursuance of such instructions we hereby request that
the acknowledgment and recognition of the Provisional Government of
the Hawaiian Islands by the representative of the United States of
America at Hawaii may be confirmed by the Government of the
United States of America.
And also in further pursuance of such instructions we herewith
present a communication from the said executive council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands to Benjamin Harrison,
President of the United States of America, informing him of the
appointment of the above-named L. A. Thurston, W. C. Wilder, W.
R. Castle, J. Marsden, and C. L. Carter as special commissioners with
full power and authority to negotiate and agree upon the terms of a
union of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands and the
Government of the United States of America, the original of which is
inclosed herewith and marked Inclosure E.
The commissions of the said above-named gentlemen, as such special
commissioners for the purpose aforesaid, are also inclosed herewith for
inspection, and marked Inclosure F.
In further pursuance of such instructions, we also hereby request that
a treaty may be concluded between the Government of the United
States of America and the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian
Islands, by the terms of which full and complete political union may
be secured between the United States of America and tile Hawaiian
Islands, and for that purpose we hereby request that negotiations may
be opened between the representatives of the Government of the United
States of America and the said special commissioners on behalf of the
Provisional Government.
In further pursuance of such instructions, we also herewith submit a
copy of a protest made by her ex-majesty Queen Liliuokalani against
the action of the said Provisional Government, which is marked Inclosure G.
We have the honor, etc.,
L. A. THURSTON,
W. C. WILDER,
WM. R. CASTLE,
J. MARSDEN,
CHARLES L. CARTER,
Special Commissioners of the Provisional Government
of the Hawaiian Islands.,
[Inclosure A.]
IREPORT OF TIlE COMMITTEE OF SAFETY.
To the citizens of Honolutlu:
On the morning of last Saturday, the 14th instant, the city was startled by the information that Her Majesty, Queen Liliuokalani, had announced her intention to ar



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1035
bitrarily promulgate a now constitution, and that three of the newly appointed
cabinet ministers had, or were about to, resign in consequence thereof.
Immediately after the prorogation of the legislature, at noon, the Queen, accompanied by her orders by the cabinet retired to the palace; the entire military force of
the Government was drawn up in line in front of the building, and remained there until dark, and a crowd of several hundred natives, sympathizers with the constitution
project, gathered in the throne room and about the palace. The Queen then retired
with the cabinet; informed them that she had a new constitution ready; that she intended to promulgate it and proposed to do so then and there, and demanded that
they countersign her signature.
She turned a deaf ear to their statements and protests, that the proposed action
would inevitably cause the streets of Honolulu to run red with blood, and threatened that unless they complied with her demand she would herself immediately
go out upon the steps of the palace and announce to the assembled crowd that the
reason she did not give them the new constitution was because the ministers would
not let her. Three of the ministers, fearing mob violence, immediately withdrew
and returned to the Government building. They were immediately summoned back
to the palace but refused to go, on the ground that there was no guaranty of their
personal safety.
The only forces under the control of the Government are the household guards
and the police. The former are nominally under the control of the minister of foreign
affairs, and actually under their immediate commander, Maj. Nowlein, a personal
adherent of the Queen.
The police are under the control of Marshal Wilson, the open and avowed royal
favorite. Although the marshal is nominally under the control of the attorneygeneral, Her Majesty recently announced in a public speech that she would not
allow him to be removed. Although the marshal now states that he is opposed to
the Queen's proposition, he also states that if the final issue arises between the
Queen and the cabinet and the people he will support the Queen.
The cabinet was absolutely powerless and appealed to citizens for support.
Later they reluctantly returned to the palace, by request of the Queen, and for
nearly two hours she endeavored to force them to acquiesce in her desire, and upon
their final refusal announced in a public speech in the throne room and again from
the upper gallery of the palace that she desired to issue the constitution but was
prevented from doing so by her ministers and would issue it in a few days.
The citizens responded to the appeal of the cabinet to resist the revolutionary attempt of the Queen by gathering at the office of William O. Smith.
Later in the afternoon it was felt that bloodshed and riot were imminent; that the
community could expect no protection from the legal authorities; that on the contrary they would undoubtedly be made the instruments of royal aggression. An impromptu meeting of citizens was held, which was attended by the attorney-general,
and which was addressed, among others, by the minister of the interior, J. F. Calburn, who stated to the meeting substantially the foregoing facts.
The meeting unanimously passed a resolution that the public welfare required the
appointment of a committee of public safety of thirteen, to consider the situation
and devise ways and means for the maintenance of the public peace and the protection of life and property.
Such committee was forthwith appointed and has followed its instructions.
The first step which the committee consider necessary is to secure openly, publicly,
and peaceably through the medium of a mass meeting of citizens a condemnation of
the proceeding of the party of revolution and disorder and a confirmation from such
larger meeting of the authority now vested in the committee.
For such purpose the committee hereby recommends the adoption of the following resolution:
RESOLUTION.
(1) Whereas Her Majesty Lilinokalani, acting in conjunction with certain other
persons, has illegally and unconstitutionally, and against the advice and consent of
the lawful executive officers of the Government, attempted to abrogate the existing
constitution and proclaim a new one in subversion of the rights of the people;
(2) And whereas such attempt has been accompanied by threats of violence and
bloodshed and a display of armed force; and such attempt and acts and threats are
revolutionary and treasonable in character;
(3) And whereas Her Majesty's cabinet have informed her that such contemplated
action was unlawful and would lead to bloodshed and riot, and have implored and
demanded of her to desist from and renounce such proposed action;
(4) And whereas such advice has been in vain, and Her Majesty has in a public
speech announced that she was desirous and ready to promulgate such constitution,
the same being now ready for such purpose, and that the only reason why it was not




1036                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
promulgated was because she had met with unexpected obstacles, and that a fitting
opportunity in the future must be awaited for the consummation ofsuch object, which
would be within a few days;
(5) And whereas at a public meeting of citizens held in Honolulu on the 14th day
of January instant a committee of thirteen to be known as the " Committee of Public
Safety" was appointed to consider the situation and devise ways and means to consider
the situation of the public peace and safety and the preservation of life and property;
(6) And whereas such committee has recommended the calling of this mass
meeting of citizens to protest against and condemn such action, and has this day
presented a report to such meeting denouncing the action of the Queen and her supporters as being unlawful, unwarranted, in derogation of the rights of the people,
endangering the peace of the community, and tending to excite riot, and cause the
loss of life and destruction of property.
Now, therefore, we, the citizens of Honolulu, of all nationalities, and regardless of
political party affiliations, do hereby condemn and denounce the action of the Queen
and her supporters.
And we do hereby i atify the appointment and indorse the action and report made
by the said committee of safety, and we do hereby further empower such committee
to further consider the situation, and further devise such ways and means as may be
necessary to secure the permanent maintenance of law and order and the protection
of life, liberty, and property in Hawaii.
[Inclosnre B.]
BY AUTHORITY.
Her MaJesty's ministers desire to express their appreciation for the quiet and order
which has prevailed in this community since the events of Saturday, and are authorized to say that the position taken by Her Majesty in regard to the promulgation of
a new constitution, was under stress of her native subjects.
Authority is given for the assurance that any changes desired in the fundamental
law of the land will be sought only by methods provided in the constitution itself.
Her Majesty's ministers request all citizens to accept the assurance of Her Majesty
in the same spirit which it is given.
LILIUKALANI.
SAMUEL PARKER,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
W. H. CORNWELL,
Minister of Finance.
JOHN F. COLBURN,
Minister of kte Interior.
A. P. PETERSON,
Attorney- General.
IOLANI PALACE, January 16, 1893.
[Inclosnre C.]
[Proclamation of Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, January 1T,
1893. Printed ante as inclosure with Mr. Stevens's No. 79 of January 18, 1893.]
[Inclosure D.]
UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, Hawaiian lslands, January 17, 1893.
A Provisional Government having been duly constituted in the place of the recent
Government of Queen Liliukalani, and said Provisional Government teing in full
possession of the Government buildings, the archives, and the treasury, and in control of the capital of the Hawaiian Islands, I hereby recognize said Provisional Government as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
JOHN L. STEVENS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1037
IMPERIAL GERMAN CONSULATE, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
Honolulu, January 18, 1893.
GENTLEMEN: I have the honor to own receipt of your esteemed favor of yesterday's
date, and hereby take much pleasure to recognize and acknowledge, on behalf of the
Government of Germany, the present Government of the Hawaiian Islands, and that
I shall do all in my power to farther and support the same.
I have the honor to remain, gentlemen, your most obedient servant,
H. F. GLADE,
Imperial German Consul.
Messrs. SANFORD B. DOLE, J. A. KING, P. C. JONES, and WILLIAM 0. SMITH,
Executive Council of the Provisional Government in Hawaii.
AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN CONSULATE, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
Honolulu, January 18, 1893.
GENTLEMEN: I have the honor to own receipt of your esteemed favor of yesterday's date, and hereby take much pleasure to recognize and acknowledge, on behalf
of the Austro-Hungarian Government. the present Government of the Hawaiian
Islands, and that I shall do all in my power to further and support the same.
I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your most obedient servant,
H. F. GLADE,
Austro-Hungarian Consul.
Messrs. SANFORD B. DOLE, J. A. KING, P. C. JONES, and WILLIAM 0. SMITH,
Executive Council of the Provisional Government in Hawaii.
HONOLULU, January 18, 1893.
GENTLEMEN: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication
of yesterday's date, together with a copy of the proclamation issued yesterday,
whereby you inform me that for reasons set forth the Hawaiian monarchy has been
abrogated and a Provisional Government established, the same being now in possession of the Government departmental buildings, the archives, and the treasury, and
whereby you request me to recognize the said Provisional Government on behalf of
the Government of Italy as the existing de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands
and to afford to it the moral support of my Government.
In response I have the honor to say that I comply with the above request and
recognize the said Provisional Government as far as my authority as consul for Italy
may permit me to act for and on behalf of His Italian Majesty's Government in the
premises.
I have the honor to be, gentlemen, you very obedient servant,
F. A. SCHAEFER,
Consul for Italy.
Hon. SANFORD B. DOLE, J. A. KING, P. C. JONES, and W. 0. SMITII.
Executive Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
VICE-CONSULATE OF RUSSIA,
Honolulu, January 18,1893.
SIRS: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of 17th
instant, and in reply beg to inform you that I take the pleasure to recognize the
Provisional Government of Hawaii, as defined in the proclamation inclosed ls your
letter on behalf of the Government of Russia, and I shall afford to it my moral support
as representative of the country last named.
I have the honor to be, sirs, your most obedient servant,
J. F. HACKFELD,
Acting Vice-Consul.
Messrs. SANFORD B. DOLE, J. A. KING, P. C. JONES, and WILLIAM O. SMITH,
Executive Counoil of the Provisional Government of Hawaii, Honolulu.




1038                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
IHONOLULU, January 18, 1893.
GENTLEMEN: I have the honor to own the receipt of your communication of yesterday's date, together with a copy of the pioclamation issued yesterday, infornring
me that for reasons set forth the Hawaiian monarchy has been abrogated and a provisional government established, and requesting me to recognize the said Provisional
Government, on behalf of the Spanish Government, as the existing de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands, and to afford to it the moral support of my Government.
In response I have the honor to say that I comply with the above request and
recognize the said Provisional Government as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands within the scope of my authority.
I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your obedient servant,
H. RENJES,
Vice-Consul for Spain.
Hone. SANFORD B. DOLE, J. A. KING, P. C. JONES, and W. O. SMITH,
Executive Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
KONGL. SWENSTA OCH WORSTA KONFULATET,
Honolulu, January 18, 1893.
GENTLEMEN: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your excellencies'
communication of January 17, informing me that the Hawaiian monarchy has been
abrogated and that a provisional government has been established in Hawaii for
reasons set forth in a proclamation, of which you sent me a copy; also that such
provisional government has been proclaimed, is now in possession of the Government
departmental buildings, the archives, and the treasury, and is in control of the city.
In reply to your request to recognize the Provisional Government and afford it the
moral support of my Government, I beg to say that I do recognize it as the existing
de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands, and that I shall report to my Government immediately.
Your excellencies' most obedient servant,
H. W. SCHMIDT,
Consul.
CONSULATE OF THE NETHERLANDS,
Honolulu, January 18, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the communication of the
executive council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, announcing the abrogation of the Hawaiian monarchy; of your possession of the Government departmental buildings, the archives, and the treasury, as well as being in
control of the city.
Added to the above is your request for the official recognition of the existing de
facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands on behalf of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, which I have the honor to represent, and to give you the moral support of
my Government.
In reply I take pleasure in assuring the gentlemen of the executive council that
I cordially extend to them full assent to their claim for recognition, and of my
intention to add such moral support as may come within the scope of my consular
authority.
I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your very obedient servant,
JOHN H. PATY,
Consul for The Netherlands.
Messrs. S. B. DOLE, J. A. KING, P. C. JONES, and W. O. SMITH,
Executive Council, Hawaiian Provisional Government, eto.
ROYAL DANISH CONSULATE,
Honolulu, January 18, 1893.
SIRS: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of yesterday's date, inclosing a copy of proclamation issued last evening, informing me
that for reasons set forth in said proclamation the Hawaiian monarchy has been abrogated and a provisional government established, which is now in possession of the
Government departmental buildings, the archives, and the treasury, and request



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1039
ing me, on hehalf of the Government of Denmark, to recognize said Provisional Government as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands, and to accord to it the
moral support of my Government.
In reply I have the honor to state that I hereby comply with the above request,
recognize the said Provisional Government as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands, to the extent that my authority will allow me to act, pending a reply
from my Government.
I have the honor to be, sirs, yours, most obediently,
E. C. MACFARLANE,
Acting Vice-Consul for Denmark.
Messrs. SANFORD B. DOLE, J. A. KING, P. C. JONES, and WILLIAM 0. SMITH,
Executive Council of Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
CONSULATE OF BELGIUM, January 18, 1893.
SIRS: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of the
17th instant, and in reply beg to inform you that I take pleasure to recognize the
Provisional Government of Hawaii, as defined in the proclamation inclosed in your
letter, in behalf of the Government of Belgium, and I shall afford to it my moral
support as representative of the country last named.
I have the honor to be, sirs, your most obedient servant,
J. F. HACKFELD,
Consul.
Messrs. SANFORD B. DOLE, J. A. KING, P. C. JONES, and WILIIAM O. SMITH,
Executive Council of the Provisional Government of Hawaii, Honolulu.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, January 18, 1893.
GENTLEMEN: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication
of yesterday's date, together with a copy of the proclamation issued yesterday, informing me that for reasons set forth the Hawaiian monarchy has been abrogated
and a provisional government established, and requesting me to recognize the said
Provisional Government on behalf of the Mexican Government as the existing de
facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands, and to afford to it the moral support of
my Government.
In answer I have the honor to state that I comply with the above request and
recognize the said Provisional Government as the defacto Government of thel awaiian
Islands, within t e scope of my authority.
I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your obedient servant,
H. RENJES,
Consul for Mexico.
Hons. SANFORD B. DOLE, J. A. KING, P. C. JONES, and W. O. SMITH,
Executive Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
CONSULATE OF CHILE,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 18, 1893.
GENTLEMEN: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication
of yesterday's date, together with a copy of the proclamation issued yesterday,
whereby I am informed that for reasons set forth the Hawaiian monarchy has been
abrogated and a Provisional Government established, the same being now in possession of the Government departmental buildings, the archives, and the treasury, and
whereby you request me to recognize the said Provisional Government as the existing
de facto Government on behalf of the Government of Chile and afford to it the moral
support of my Government.
In response I have the 'honor to say that I comply with the above request and
recognize the said Provisional Government as the defacto Government of the Hawaiian
Islands so far as my authority as consul of Chile may permit me to act for and on
behalf of the Government of the Republic of Chile in the premises.
I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your obedient servant,
HI. A. SCHAEFER,
Consul for Chile.
Hons. SANFORD B. DOLE, J. A. KING, P. C. JONES, and W. O. SMITH,
Executive Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.




1040                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
OFFICE OF THE PERUVIAN CONSULATE,
Honolulu, January 18, 1893.
GENTLEMEN: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your valued comr
munication of the 17th instant, inclosing a copy of the proclamation then issued,
wherein it is set forth that the Hawaiian monarchy has been abrogated and a Provisional Government established.
You request me to recognize said Government, on the behalf of the Government of
Peru, as the existing de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands, and to afford it
the moral support of my Government.
I have the honor to state in reply that I take pleasure in complying with your request, and I hereby recognize the said Government as the de facto Government of the
Hawaiian Islands in so far as my authority in the premises will permit.
I have the honor to remain, gentlemen, your most obedient servant,
BRUCE CARTWRIGHT,
Consul for Peru.
Hons. SANFORD B. DOLE, J. A. KING, P. C. JONES, and WILLIAM 0. SMITH,
tembers of the Executive Council of the Provisional Government
of the Hawaiian Islands.
CHINESE COMMERCIAL AGENCY,
Honolulu, January 19, 1893.
GFNTL.EMEN: We have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your circular letter of the 17th instant, covering a copy of the proclamation issued yesterday whereby
you inform us that the Hawaiian monarchy has been abrogated and a Provisional
Government established, the latter being now in possession of the Government departmental buildings, the archives, and the treasury, and whereby you request us
to recognize the said Provisional Government on behalf of the Government of the
Empire of China as the existing defacto Government of the Hawaiian Islands, and
to afford to it the moral support of our Government.
In answer we have the honor to say that we comply with your request and recognize the said Provisional Government as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands so far as our authority as commercial agents of China may allow us to act
for and on behalf of His Imperial Majesty's Government in this matter.
We have the honor to be, gentlemen, your most obedient servants,
Goo KIM,
Chinese Commercial Agent.
WONG KWAI,
Assistant Chinese Commercial Agent.
Hons. SANFORD B. DOLE, J. A. KING, P. C. JONES, and WILLIAM 0. SMITH,
Executive Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
[Inclosure E.1
[Credential letters of the Hawaiian Commissioners. Printed post as paper No. 12.]
[Inclosure F.1
[Commissions of the Hawaiian commissioners. Printed post as paper No. 13.]
[Inclosure G.]
PROTEST OF QUEEN LILIUOKALANI.
I, Liliuokalani, by the grace of God and under the constitution of the Hawaiian Kingdom, Queen, do hereby solemnly protest against any and all acts done
against myself and the constitutional government of the Hawaiian Kingdom by certain persons claiming to have established a Provisional Government of and for this
Kingdom.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                      1041
That I yield to the superior force of the United States of America, whose minister
plenipotentiary, his excellency John L. Stevens, has caused United States troops
to be landed at Honolulu and declared that he would support the said Provisional
Government.
Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces, and perhaps the loss of life, I do under this protest and impelled by said force yield my authority until such time as the
Government of the United States shall, upon the facts being presented to it, undo
the action of its representative and reinstate me in the authority which I claim as
the constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands.
Done at Honolulu the 17th day of January A. D., 1893.
LILIUOKALANI R.
SAMUEL PARKER,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
WM. H. CROMWELL,
Minister of Finance.
JNO. F. COLBURN,
Minister of the Interior.
A. P. PETERSON,
Attorney- General.
S. B. DOLE, esq., and others,
Composing the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
(Indorsed:) Received by the hands of the late cabinet this 17th day of January,
A. D. 1893. Sanford B. Dole, chairman of executive council of Provisional Government.
No. 12.
Credential letters of the Hawaiian Commissioners, exhibited to the Secretary of State February 4, 1893.
Sanford B. Dole, president of the executive and advisory councils ot
the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, to His Excellency Benjamin Harrison, President of the United States of America.
GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND: Reposing special trust in the wisdom,
integrity, and ability of the Hon. Lorrin A. Thurston, one of our distinguished citizens, we have appointed and do hereby constitute and
appoint him to be a Special Commissioner of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, with full power and authority to confer
with your excellency, or your successors in office, or with any properly
constituted and appointed persons and authorities of the United States
Government, to negotiate and agree upon the terms of a union of the
Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands and the Government
of the United States of America, or to negotiate the terms upon which
such union may be made.
He is well informed of the relative interests of the two countries, and
of our earnest desire to further strengthen and cement the bonds that
now exist between us, and from a knowledge of his fidelity, probity, and
good conduct, we have entire confidence that he will render himself
acceptable to your excellency and to the authorities of the United States
Government by his constant endeavors to advance measures for the
mutual benefit of both countries.
We therefore desire that your excellency will receive him favorably,
and give full credence to what he mav say as the " Commissioner of the
Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, and, most of all,
when he shall assure your excellency of the earnest wish and desire of
our Provisional Government for closer and more intimate relations than
those now existing and of our abiding faith in the continued friendship
of the great nation over which your excellency so ably presides.
S. Rep. 227 —66




1042                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
We pray God to' have your excellency ever in His safe and holy
keeping.
Written at the Government house, at Honolulu, this eighteenth day
of January, in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and ninety-three.
SANFORD B. DOLE,
President of the hDxecutive and Advisory Councils of the
Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
By the President:
J. A. KING,
Minister of the Interior,
P. C. JONES,
Minister of Finance,
WILLIAM 0. SMITH,
Attorney- General,
Executive Council of the Provisional Government
of the Hawaiian Islands.
(Similar letters of credence were delivered by the other Commissioners, Messrs. W. C. Wilder, William R. Castle, C. L. Carter, and Joseph
Marsden.)
No. 13.
Commissions of the Hawaiian special commissioners, exhibited to the Secretary of State February 3, 1893.
Sanford B. Dole, president of the executive and advisory councils of
the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, to Hon. Lorrin
A. Thurston, greeting:
Know ye, that we, the executive council of the Provisional Government, reposing special trust and confidence in your wisdom, integrity,
and fidelity, have constituted and appointed you, and do by these presents hereby constitute and appoint you a special commissioner to the
President of the United States to negotiate with him, or another or
others who may be appointed by him, certain matters detailed to you
in your letter of instructions issued to you by said council, and to faithfully discharge and perform all the duties pertaining to said office
under said instructions; and all persons are hereby commanded to respect this, your authority.
In witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands and the seal of
the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, in Honolulu,
this eighteenth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and
ninety-three.
[SEAL.]                            * SANFORD B. DOLE,
President.
By the President:
J. A. KING,
Minister of the Interior,
P. C. JONES,
Minister of Finance,
WILLIAM 0. SMITH,
Attorney- General,
Executive Council of the Provisional
~  Government of the fHawaiian Islands.
(The text of the commissions of Messrs. Castle, Wilder, Carter, and
Marsden read the same, mutatio nominis.)




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


No. 14.
The Hawaiian special commissioners to Mr. Foster.
WASHINGTON, D. C., February 4, 1893. (Received February 4.)
SIR: In accordance with the statement this day made by you to us
that, by order of the President, you had confirmed the recognition of
the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands already extended
to such Provisional Government by his excellency John L. Stevens,
envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States
of America at Hawaii; and in accordance with your further statement,
then made, that you accepted the credentials presented by us as special
commissioners from the said Provisional Government to the Government
of the United States of America for the purpose of negotiating a treaty
between the said two governments by the terms of which full and complete political union may be secured between the United States of
America and the Hawaiian Islands, and that you are now prepared to
receive from us as such commissioners proposals in connection with the
formation of such treaty for your consideration, we have the honor to
state that, although we are invested by our Government with full discretionary power as to the terms of such treaty, subject to its final ratification, it is the desire of our Government that certain terms and conditions shall be incorporated in such treaty, and we hereby submit to
you a general outline of such terms and conditions, viz:
(1) That such treaty may secure full, complete, and perpetual
political union between the United States of America and the Hawaiian
Islands.
(2) That the form of local government to be established in the
Hawaiian Islands shall be substantially the form now existing in Territories of the United States, with such modifications, restrictions, and
changes therein as the exigencies of the existing circumstances may
require and as may be hereafter agreed upon.
(3) That all appointments to office in the Hawaiian Islands shall
be made from among persons who have lived in said islands for a term
of not less than five years.
(4) That the payment of the Hawaiian national debt, including
the amounts due by the Government to depositors in the Hawaiian
Postal Savings Bank shall be assumed by the Government of the United
States of America.
(5) That the lands located at the said Hawaiian Islands heretofore
known as government lands and crown lands and all other government
property, and all the proceeds thereof and receipts therefrom shall
continue to be the property of the local government of the said islands,
under whatever form it may be established, and all the proceeds thereof
devoted to the purposes and uses of such local government.
(6) That within a given period, say one year, or such other period as
may be mutually agreed upon, the Government of the United States of
America shall lay and thereafter maintain a telegraphic cable between
the Pacific coast of the said United States of America and the Hawaiian
Islands.
(7) That the United States Government shall, so soon as is reasonably practicable, open the entrance to Pearl Harbor and establish a
coaling and naval station adjacent thereto.
(8) That articles, the produce or manufacture of the Hawaiian Islands,
shall in all respects be treated and considered as produces of the United
States.




1044


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


(9) That the United States laws now or hereafter to be enforced in
the United States of America shall not be taken to prohibit at any
time the introduction into the Hawaiian Islands of laborers who may
be introduced exclusively for the purpose of agricultural labor and
domestic service, and who by appropriate legislation shall be confined
to such employment and to the Hawaiian Islands.
(10) That contracts for labor under the Hawaiian labor-contract laws
now existing, or which shall be entered into prior to the promulgation
of notice of the final ratification of such treaty, shall not be abrogated,
but shall continue in force to the end of the several terms thereof.
That with the exception of such labor contracts no labor contracts
shall hereafter be penally enforcible.
(11) That all laws and the system of criminal and civil jurisprudence
in force at the Hawaiian Islands at the date of the ratification of such
treaty, which are not specifically abrogated or modified by the terms
of such treaty, or which are not inconsistent with the Constitution of
the United States, shall remain in force until the same are regularly
repealed by the appropriate authority.
(12) That appropriate financial provision be made for the support
of the ex-Queen Liliuokalani and the ex-heir presumptive Kaiuloni as
long as they shall in good faith submit to the authority and abide by
the laws of the government established by virtue of this treaty.
We have, etc.,
L. A. THURSTON,
W. C. WILDER,
J. MARSDEN,
WVx. R. CASTLE,
CHARLES L. CARTER,
Special Commissioners of the Provisional Government
of the Hawaiian Islands.
No. 15.
The Commissioners of the Hawaiian Provisional Government to Mr.
Foster.
WASHINGTON, D. C., February 11, 1893. (Rec'd Feb. 11.)
SIR: The ex-Queen of Hawaii, Liliuokalani, having sent to the President of the United States a protest against the action of the Hawaiian
Provisional Government, we beg to make a brief reply to the statements contained in such protest.
The protest sets forth as the two main grounds of complaint the fact
that certain of her subjects had revolted against her, aided by United
States troops, and, secondly, that the Provisional Government had chartered the only available steamer at Honolulu, upon which they had
sent commissioners to Washington and had refused to allow a representative from the Queen to come forward by the same steamer.
Before replying to these two statements we call attention to the fact
that the protest entirely suppresses the fact that the Queen herself had
been guilty of an illegal act; that she had herself initiated violence,
and that the action taken by the subjects who had, as she says, revolted
against her was in resistance to her own attempted subversion of the
constitution and laws of the land. As the fact that she did make such




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


an attempt with threats against her legal advisers, and with a show
and preparation, is not denied by the Queen or anyone on her behalf,
we submit that the omission of any reference to such undoubted facts,
so radically essential to a proper understanding of the matter, properly
tends to throw discredit upon the Queen's statements.
In reply to the charge that United States troops assisted in the overthrow of the monarchy, we deny the statement most emphatically.
A brief recital of the facts, without argument on our part, is amply
sufficient to show the incorrectness of the charge made.
Such facts are briefly these:
First. At the time of the initiation of the trouble by the attempt of
the Queen to submit the constitution and promulgate a new one, the
American minister and the American ship-of-war Boston were both absent from Honolulu and had been for ten days previously thereto.
Second. The first exhibition of force was made by the Queen on Saturday, the 14th of January, by the public parading of the entire military force, armed with repeating rifles and carrying a full supply of ball
cartridges. The members of the police department were also armed.
In addition thereto there were located at the palace and barracks and
the police station an additional body of armed men to the number of
540 according to their own statement. This additional body of armed
men was not authorized by law and was assembled contrary to a
specific law of the Kingdom.
Third. The first call to arms in opposition to the Queen was issued
by the cabitet on the afternoon of January 14.
Fourth. Although on Saturday, the 14th, Sunday, the 15th, and
Monday, the 16th, the most intense feelings of hostility were publicly
manifested between the adherents of the Queen on the one hand and
the promoters of the movement for the establishment of a Provisional
Government on the other, with every indication of an armed conflict
which might be precipitated at any moment, it was not until 5 o'clock
on Monday afternoon, the 16th of January, after the request had been
made to the American minister by many American citizens, that the
United States troops were landed.
Fifth. Upon landing, a guard was posted at the American consulate
and legation, and the remainder of the troops were quartered that
night in a public hall hired for that purpose. Up to the time the commissioners left Honolulu at 9 o'clock on the morning of the 19th of
January, all of the American troops had remained upon the premlises
where they were respectively located. No demonstration was made by
the troops in any manner whatever. The uniform of the United State'
was not seen upon the streets, except upon the persons of the individual officers passing between the points at which troops were located
in the execution of their own business.
Sixth. At the time the Provisional Government took possession of the
Government buildings, no American troops or officers were present or
took part in such proceedings in any manner whatever. No public
recognition was accorded the Provisional Government by the American
minister until they were in possession of the Government buildings,
the archives, and the treasury, supported by several hundred armed
men, and after the abdication by the Queen and the surrender to the
Provisional Government of her forces.
It is submitted that the foregoing statement of facts amply meets
the charge made by the Queen that American troops coerced her action
in abdication.
In reply to the second statement of the Queen, that the Provisional




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Government took the only vessel available to go to San Francisco and
refused to allow her representative to come to San Francisco thereon,
we beg to state that the charge is entirely incorrect.
As a matter of fact, the Inter Island fleet of steamers consists of
twenty vessels, all of which, with two exceptions, were built abroad
and navigated to the islands. Of such vessels at least ten are as fully
capable of making the trip to San Francisco as was the vessel chartered
and dispatched by the Provisional Government.
As the Provisional Government had allowed a mail to be sent by the
chartered steamer, they did not consider that there was any reason for
financially assisting the Queen in forwarding to Washington an agent
hostile to the Government and its objects. So far as is known to the
commissioners, there is no reason why the Queen should not have
chartered a steamer at Honolulu and forwarded an agent to San Francisco thereon if she had desired so to do. Certainly there was nothing
done by the Provisional Government to prevent her doing so.
With assurances of the highest consideration, etc.,
L. A. THURSTON,
W. C. WILDER,
WM. N. CASTLE,
J. MARSDEN,
CHARLES L. CARTER,
Commissioners of the Hawaiian Provisional Government.
No. 16.
Mr. Carter to Mr. Foster.
WASHINGTON, D. 0.,
February 11, 1893. (Received February 11, 1893.)
SIR: In response to your request for information on the subjects of
the resources of the ex-Queen and the Princess Kauilani, the public
lands, and the islands and dependencies of the Hawaiians, the inclosed
statements have been prepared from   such sources of information as
were available to the commission, and are submitted for the use of your
pepartment.
With assurance of esteem, I am, etc.,
CHARLES L. CARTER.
[Inclosure 1.]
RSEOURCES OF THE QUEEN AND PRINCESS KAITLAIM.
The Queen.-The private recourses of the ex-Queen are not definitely knowin,
further than that she has some valuable lands, productive and unproductive, and that she was the sole devisee of her late husband, John O.
Dominis, whose estate was appraised at $20,000 in the probate court;
probably her private income is in the neighborhood, per annum, of....... $5, 000
The public supplies for the sovereign for the current biennial period ending
March, 1894, were as follows:
Her Majesty's privy purse..........................       33, 332
Her Majesty's household expenses...............................  10,000
State entertainments...................................    4,000




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1047


The Crown lands.-The agent of the commissioners of Crown lands informed
Mr. Carter a few weeks ago that the net revenue was between $55,000
and $60,000; gross revenue, estimated.                            $60, 000
No accounts are kept available to the public.
The ex-Queen was born on the 2d day of September, 1838, and is now in
her fifty-fourth year.
The Princess Kaiulani (born October 16, 1875, and now in her eighteenth
year).-The accounts of the guardian of this lady, filed annually in the probate court, to the best recollection of the commissioners, show an annual
income from private sources of -..................... —...... —. — —...  4, 000
The public supplies appropriated for the current biennial period were:
Direct allowance..........................................................  10, 000
Traveling expenses.......................................................  4,000
[Inclosure 2.]
STATEMENT OF PUBLIC LANDS.


Crown lands.-These lands are those set apart for the maintenance of the royal
state of Hawaiian sovereigns. They have been the subject of legislation from time
to time. Three commissioners are empowered to lease them for terms not to exceed
thirty years. The net revenue is paid to the sovereign.
These lands are situated on all of the main islands and comprise some of the
finest tracts in the country. Total area, 876,000 acres. (See Report Minister of the
Interior, 1890, p. 293.)
Government lands.-These lands were set apart to assist in defraying the expense of
maintaining organized government. They have been in the care of the minister of
the interior, subject to sale or lease at his discretion, with checks providing for
publicity, due notice of disposal, etc. Total area, 875,500 acres.
School lands.-These were set apart for industrial purposes, and were for the greater
part supplanted by Government bonds, as set forth in note to statement of public
debt. There remain about 200 school sites of from one-fourth of an acre to 5 acres,
and two tracts of about 2,000 acres.
[Inclosure 3.]
The Hawaiian Islands and dependencies.
Name.                                Area.   Population,
Name.                               Area.
1890.
Hawaii..................................................................  4,210  26,754
M aui............................................................760       17, 357
Oahu..............................................................  600    31, 194
Kauai.......                                                       590     11, 643
Molokaai,-,-,.-    ------— I...................................  270      2, 632
Lanai...::::.::::: ~__~~~~._~~~~_~___~~~                            150        174
oLana i................................................................... 150  174
Niihan.....9    2..........................................         97        216
Kahoolawe.........................63 Nominal.
Nihoa or Bird Island..................................................... Not surveyed.  Do.
Johnsons or Cornwallis.......................................................do.........  o.
Neokers.......                                        do........  Do.
French Frigate Shoals.....-....-..................................do...o.
Brothers Reef.................do..   I)o.
Garden Island........................................do.......  Do.
Allens Reef.................do.......   Do.
Laysans Island...........do......... Do.
Lisiansky Island.......o.........                                        Do.
Philadelphia or Bunkers..............................................   Do.
Pearl or Hermes Reef. -  -.................................................  Do.
Middle Island (Midway or Brooks Island).....................................  Do.
Ocean Island                                                  do.........  Do.
Palmyra Isl    and.............................................do........  Do.
And all outlying and adjoining reefs, atolls, islets, and unnamed islands.




1048


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


No. 17.
Mr. Tracy to Mr. Foster.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, February 11, 1893. (Received February 11.)
SnR: I have the honor to transmit for your information a copy of a
translation of a cipher dispatch received this date from the commanding officer of the U. S. S. Boston, at Honolulu, Hawaii.
Very respectfully,
B. F. TRACY,
Secretary of the Navy.
[Inclosure-telegram.]
Mr. Wiltse to Mr. Tracy.
HONOLULU, February 1, 1893. (San Francisco, Cal., February 10.)
Capt. Wiltse reports that no change has occurred in the situation and that until
the Government of Hawaiirexpresses a desire to have the fore es withdrawn, and the
minister approves such desire a battalion will be kept ashore for the protection of
the lives and property of citizens of the United States in the island; he reports the
progress of the Hawaiian Government which is daily gaining ground and has organized forces; he announces that the minister plenipotentiary of the United States
placed the Government of Hawaii under the protection of the United States, during
negotiations not interfering with the execution of public affairs, on this day at 9 a.
m. in accordance with the request of the Provisional Government of Hawaii, and
says that he has sent telegrams of the minister to the Secretary of State.
No. 18.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 11, 1893.
SIR: Your cipher telegram, dated the 1st instant, and transmitted
through the Navy Department's good offices, was received here at 4:30
p. m. on the 9th instant.
You therein make the following important statement:
To-day, at 9 a. m., in accordance with the request of the Provisional Government
of Hawaii, I have placed government of Hawaii under the United States protection
during negotiations, not interfering with the execution of public affairs.
The precise character and scope of the act thus announced by you do
not appear from this brief recital. The press, however, prints full details of the occurrences of the lst instant, as telegraphed from San
Francisco on the arrival of the mail steamer Australia at that port on the
morning of the 9th, and I therein find what purports, with appearance
of general correctness, to be the text of a proclamation issued by you
on the 1st instant, which reads as follows:
By authority to the Hawaiian people:
At the request of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, I hereby,
in the name of the United States of America, assume protection of the Hawaiian Islands for the protection of life and property, and occupation of the public buildings




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1049


and Hawaiian soil, so far as may be necessary for the purpose specified, but not interfering with the administration of public affairs by the Provisional Government.
This action is taken pending and subject to negotiations at Washington.
JOHN L. STEVENS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States.
UNITED STATES LEGATION, February 1, 1893.
Approved and executed by C. C. Wiltse, captain, U. S. Navy, commanding U. S.
S. Boston.
The manner and degree of the execution of your proclamation by
the naval force are not related with particularity in a brief telegraphic
report just received from Capt. Wiltse. He merely says:
To-day at 9 a. m. in accordance with request of Provisional Government of Hawaii, the United States minister plenipotentiary placed the Government of Hawaii
under United States protection, during negotiations, not interfering with the execution of public affairs.
It appears from the press reports that the ceremonial for the execution of your orders consisted in the landing of a battalion from the
Boston, its formation at the Government building in concert with three
volunteer companies of the Provisional Government, the reading of
your proclamation by Lieut. Rush, and the hoisting of the United
States flag over the Government building. The Hawaiian flag on other
public buildings in Honolulu is stated not to have been disturbed.
The phraseology of your proclamation in announcing your action in
assumption of protection of the Hawaiian Islands in the name of the
United States would appear to be tantamount to the assumption of a
protectorate over those islands in behalf of the United States with all
the rights and obligations which the term implies. To this extent it
goes beyond the necessities of the situation and the instructions heretofore given you.
Your existing instructions, and those under which the commanders
of naval vessels of the United States acted, were and are ample to provide all legitimate material protection in case of need, either in your
discretion or at the request of the duly constituted authorities of the
Hawaiian Islands, for the lives ond property of American citizens endangered or menaced, or for the prevention of lawless and tumultuous
acts of disturbance of the public peace and safety. The accordance of
such measures of protection, or the unsolicited taking of the needful
precautions to those ends is, however, not to be confounded with the
establishment of a protectorate, which is in fact the positive erection of
a paramount authority over or in place of the duly constituted local
government, and the assumption, by the protector, of the especial responsibilities attached to such formal protection.
It is not thought probable that the Provisional Government of the
Hawaiian Islands, in soliciting protection, contemplated more than the
cooperation of the moral and material forces of the United States to
strengthen its own authority and power, as a recognized sovereign Government, for the protection of life and property, as stated in your proclamation.  Such a decree of protection you were, as I have s}id,
already fully competent to accord, or to exercise in your discretion, in
case of need.
Your proclamation expresses no reservation as to confirmation of your
action by the Government of the United States. Its provisos are, that
the assumed function of protection is to be exercised so far as may be
necessary for the specified purpose of protecting life and property, without interference with the administration of public affairs by the Provisional Government, and that the action in question "is taken pending




1050                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
and subject to negotiations at Washington." These qualifications are
entirely in the line of my views of the scope and intent of the request
made to you by the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
The omission of reference to the necessary sanction of the Government
of the United States is immaterial, for its function of revision and confirmation or disavowal of the acts of its agents is inherent and exercisable at its discretion..
So far, therefore, as your action amounts to according, at the request
of the defacto sovereign Government of the Hawaiian Islands, the cooperation of the moral and material forces of the United States for the
protection of life and property from apprehended disorders, your action
is commended. But so far as it may appear to overstep that limit by
setting the authority and power of the United States above that of the
Government of the Hawaiian Islands, in the capacity of protector, or
to impair in anyway the independent sovereignty of the Hawaiian
Government by substituting the flag and power of the United States
as the symbol and manifestation of paramount authority, it is disavowed.
Instructions will be sent to the commanding officers of the United
States naval forces in the Hawaiian Islands confirming and renewing
the instructions heretofore given them under which they are authorized
and directed to cooperate with you for the preservation of American
life and property, and the maintenance of good order in case of need.
Your own instructions in the same sense are continued.
You are accordingly authorized, upon the receipt of these instructions, to arrange with the commanding naval officer for the continued
presence on shore of such marine force as may be practicable and
requisite for the security of the lives and property interests of citizens
of the United States, and the repression of lawlessness and public disturbance threatening them, whenever in your judgment it shall be necessary so to do, or when such cooperative measures may be sought for
good cause by the Government of the Hawaiian Islands; being, however, always careful to make due discrimination between those functions of voluntary or accorded protection and the assumption of a protectorate over the Hawaiian Islands by the United States. No step
should be taken by you, or will be sanctioned by this Government,
which might tend to derogate in anyway from the independence of the
Government of the Hawaiian Islands, which the United States have
recognized as sovereign and with which they treat on terms of sovereign equality.
A telegraphic instruction briefly outlining the substance of this dispatch, will be sent to you, by way of San Francisco, by the mail
steamer sailing from that port on the 15th instant.
Iam, sir, etc.,
JOHN WV. FOSTER.
No. 19.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
No. 82.1                       UNITED STATES LEcATION,
Honolulu, February 1, 1893. (Received February 14, 5 p. m.)
SIR: Everything is moving on here quietly. The Provisional Government is discharging its responsibilities with firmness, discretion,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1051


and in the spirit of conciliation and magnanimity. The annexation
sentiment has constantly increased since the departure of the Commissioners for Washington, and with healthful earnestness is taking
possession of all classes. Nearly all the Germans, the larger proportion of the respectable and responsible English, and almost the entire
Portuguese population are warmly for annexation. This inclination of
the Portuguese is quite important, for they number seven or eight thousandd, and are among the most industrious and saving.
As to terms of annexation I still adhere firmly to the opinion expressed in my dispatch 74, that the sugar bounty to be paid to the
Hawaiian sugar planters should be limited to 6 mills per pound, $12
per ton, so long and only so long as the United States bounty system
shall be maintained. To the objection that this allows only $12 per
ton on Hawaiian sugar, while the Hawaiian planters get twice the
amount per acre that the Louisiana planters do, on the average, and
as I said in my dispatch 74, the consensus of opinion among the leading planters here, obtained by me five or six months since, was and is
that $12 per ton bounty will place all the Hawaiian plantations worth
maintaining on the road of financial safety and success.
As to the form of government for the islands I now only vary from
views expressed in my 74 as to incline strongly to the opinion that
the beginning should be substantially like that of President Jefferson
and Congress in respect of Louisiana, in the act of 1804 (page 283,
United States Statutes at Large), only differing from that by providing in addition to governor, attorney-general, a commissioner of finance,
and commissioner of the interior, and a legislative council of thirteen
or fourteen, all to be appointed by the President, unless it should be
deemed best for the governor to appoint attorney-general and the commissioners of finance and of the interior, who would be practically a
cabinet of three to aid the governor to carry on the government. This
plan and method of government could be maintained as a transition
government until experience should prove it best to change to a more
popular form.
In the meantime the responsible voters would rapidly increase, and
American ideas and interests would gain in force and volume. My
private consultation with the Provisional Government since the departure of the commissioners for Washington has led us to think highly of
the Jefferson act of 1804 for Louisiana as a transition expedient for
Hawaii. This would cause no shock, and would allow affairs to move
along on safe and conservative lines until time and experience demand
something better. It would be fortunate to have such a man as Sanford B. Dole, the present head of the Provisional Government, the first
American governor of Hawaii.
As to liquidation of all political claims of the fallen Queen and the
crown princess, may I be allowed to suggest that the spirit and import
of the March treaty plan of 1854 had better be adopted, which authorized the expenditure of $100,000 for like purposes. I therefore
suggest, that if a liquidation of this kind be now under consideration
and $150,000 should be allowed as the total sum for this purpose,
$7,000 should go to the fallen Queen, Liliuokalani, and $70,000 to the
(crown princess, Kaiulani, and $5,000 to each of the two young princes.
The last named, the two princes, are harmless young persons, of little
account, not chiefs by blood, but they were made princes by the late
King Kalakaua, without any constitutional right or power to do so, the
then boys being nephews of his wife, Kapiolani. Should the entire sum




1052                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
granted for these purposes be greater or less than $150,000 I advise
that the above specified proportions be maintained.
As to the native Hawaiians and their native leaders at this time,
things are tending favorably toward annexation. Mr. Kauhane, for
many years a member of the legislature, and regarded, for many years,
the best native in the islands in public life, a noble in the recent session
of that body, is earnest for annexation. So is Mr. Kauhi, a member of
the legislature, from this island. Hon. John W. Kaluai, the ablest
native lawyer in the islands, years a member of former legislatures, from
the important island of Maui, thinks the fall of the Queen and the
extinction of the monarchy a boon to Hawaii, and he is for annexation.
Robert W. Wilcox, the half-white native, who led the Hawaiian revolt
in 1889, which came so near being successful, is now for annexation.
He was educated in Italy, at a military school, is 37 years of age, his
father being a citizen of Rhode Island, and, it is said, is still living in
that State. This Wilcox has more fighting ability than any other
native Hawaiian, and will be proud to become an American citizen, and
at a future time to serve in the Army or civil service of the United
States.
The ablest of the native Hawaiian Christian ministers are strong in
their American sympathies. The pastor of the large native H awaiian
church in this city, a native Hawaiian, is for annexation earnestly.
The other large Hawaiian congregation and church in Honolulu has a
favorite pastor, born here of American parentage, whose quiet ilfluencei is n the same direction. The native newspaper of much the
largest circulation in the islands advocates annexation, stands by the
Provisional Government, and is losing none of its circulation. The
main part of the opponents of annexation are the lower class of natives,
led by unscrupulous foreigners, of little property, mostly from California, Australia, and Canada, who wish to maintain the Hawiian muonarchy and its corruptions for their own unworthy purposes, and who
think their opportunities for power and spoliation will be gone if annexation becomes a fact.
The Hawaiian pear is now fully ripe, and this is the golden hour for
the United States to pluck it. If annexation does not take place
promptly, or is held in doubt and suspense for six or ten months, there
certainly will be here a revulsion to despair, and these people, by their
necessities, might be forced toward becoming a British colony, for the
English here of the monarchical type would then avail themselves of
their opportunity and stir up all possible opposition to annexation.
The wealthiest Englishman of these islands has to-day called at this
legation, and no man in Hawaii is more earnest for annexation. His
two sons, large business men, are with him in this regard, and thenext
wealthy old British resident, a Scotchman by birth, is with the first
man named for annexation. I can not otherwise than urge prompt
action at Washington.
I am, sir, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1053


No. 20.
Mr. Stevens to 1Mr. Foster.
No. 84.]                       UNITED STATES LEGATION,
lonolulu, February 1, 1893. (Received February 14, 5 p. m.)
SIR: To-day the undersigned and Capt. Wiltse of the Boston are
compelled to assume a grave responsibility. The inclosed copies of
official notes will explain the reasons which have led to this action on
our part.
I have time before the departure of the mail steamer only to state
briefly the additional reasons which caused us to assume temporary
protectorate of these islands. The Provisional Government must have
time to organize a new police and to discipline a small military force.
When the monarchy died by its own hand, there was no military force
in the islands but the royal guard of about 75 natives, not in effective
force equal to 20 American soldiers. These were promptly discharged
by the Provisional Government, except 16 left as the guard of the
fallen Queen at her house.
The white men here, as well as the natives, have not been much accustomed to the use of arms. There are scarcely any men familiar with
military discipline. Companies are now being organized and drilled.
They must have a few weeks for drill. Only a small force of a few hundred will be required, but these must be disciplined men. So tar the
Provisional Government has been sustained by the uprising and union
of the business men and best citizens. Bankers, merchants, clerks, plrofessional men, respectable mechanics have stood manfully by the new
Government and kept guard by night. This kind of defense must give
place to a small, reliable military force. Time is the necessity of the
new Government. There are 40,000 Chinese and Japanese on the
islands, and evil-disposed persons might stir some of them to disorder.
But the chief elements of evil are in Honolulu, where are the renegade whites at the head of the lottery and opium rings, and a considerable number of hoodlum foreigners and the more vicious of the natives.
Another important reason for our action is the possibility of the
arrival here of a British war vessel, and that the English minister here,
thus aided, might try to press unduly the Provisional Government.
With the islands under our protection we think the English minister
will not attempt to insist that his Government has the right to interfere while our flag is over the Government building. This is all I have
time to write before the departure of the mail. We shall continue to
maintain our present position with great caution and firmness until we
hear from the President through the Secretary of State. As a necessary precaution against all contingencies, I advise that Admiral Skerrett be promptly sent here with one or two ships in addition to the
Boston.
I am, sir, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
(One or two of the preceding numbers of the dispatches by this mail
were written prior to this date, but they were dated February 1 because this is the day of the steamer's departure.)




1054                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
[Inclosure 1.]
Mr. Stevens to Capt. Wiltse.
UNITED STATES LEGATTON,
Honolulu, February 1, 1893.
SIR: The Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands having duly and officially expressed, to the undersigned, the fear that said Government may be unable
to protect life and property and to prevent civil disorder in Honolulu, the capital of
said Hawaiian Islands, request that the flag of the United States may be raised for
the protection of the Hawaiian Islands, and to that end confer on the United States,
through the undersigned, freedom of occupation of the public buildings of the Hawaiian Government and the soil of the Hawaiian Islands, so far as may be necessary
for the exercise of such protection, but not interfering with the administration of the
public affairs by said provisional government.
I hereby ask you to comply with the terms and spirit of the request of the Hawaiian Provisional Government, and to that end to use all the force at your command, in
the exercise of your best judgment and discretion, you and myself awaiting instructions from the United States Government at Washington.
I am, sir, etc.,
JOHN L. STtEVENS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States.
Capt. G. C. WILTSE,
Conmmander of the U7. S. Ship Boston.
[Inclosure 2.]
The Hawaiian Provisional Government to Mr. Stevens.
SIR: Believing that we are unable to satisfactorily protect life and property, and
to prevent civil disorders in Honolulu and throughout the Hawaiian Islands, we
hereby, in obedience to the instructions of the advisory council, pray that you will
raise the flag of the United States for the protection of the Hawaiian Islands for the
time being, and to that end we hereby confer upon the Government of the United
States, through you, freedom of occupation of the public buildings of this Government, and of the soil of this country, so far as may be necessary for the exercise of
such protection, but not interfering with the administration of public affairs by
this Government.
We have, etc.,
SANFOr) B. DOLE,
President of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands,
and Minister of Foreign Affairs.
J. A KING,
Minister of Interior.
P. C. JONES,
Minister of Finance.
WILLIAM O. SMITH,
Attorney- General.
His Excellency JOHN L. STEVENS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States.
No. 21.
Constitution of the Tawaiian Islands, signed by His Majesty Kalakaua,
July 6, andpromulgated July 7, 1887.
CONSTITUTION.
Whereas the constitution of this Kingdom heretofore in force contains many provisions subversive of civil rights and incompatible with
enlightened constitutional government;
And whereas it has become imperative, in order to restore order and
tranquility and the confidence necessary      to a further maintenance




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   1055
of the present government, that a new constitution should be at once
promulgated:
Now, therefore, I, Kalakaua, King of the Hawaiian Islands, in my
capacity as Sovereign of this Kingdom, and as the representative of the
people hereunto by them duly authorized and empowered, do annul
and abrogate the constitution promulgated by Kamehameha the Fifth,
on the 20th day of August, A. D. 1864, and do proclaim and promulgate this constitution.
ARTICLE L. God hath endowed all men with certain inalienable rights,
among which are life, liberty, and the right of acquiring, possessing,
and protecting property, and of pursuing and obtaining safety and happiness.
ARTICLE 2. All men are free to worship God according to the dictates of their own consciences; but this sacred privilege hereby secured
shall not be so construed as to justify acts of licentiousness, or practices
inconsistent with -the peace or safety of the Kingdom.
ARTICLE 3. All men may freely speak, write, and publish their sentiments on all subjects, being responsible for the abuse of that right,
and no law shall be enacted to restrain the liberty of speech or of the
press.
ARTICLE 4. All men shall have the right, in an orderly and peaceable manner, to assemble, without arms, to consult upon the common
good, and to petition the King or legislature for redress of grievances.
ARTICLE 5. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus belongs to all
men, and shall not be suspended unless by the King when, in cases of
rebellion or invasion, the public safety shall require its suspension.
ARTICLE 6. No person shall be subject to punishment for any offense except on due and legal conviction thereof in a court having jurisdiction of the case.
ARTICLE 7. NO person shall be held to answer for any crime or offense (except in cases of impeachment or for offenses within the jurisdiction of a police or district justice, or in summary proceedings for
contempt) unless upon indictment, fully and plainly describing such
crime or offense, and shall have the right to meet the witnesses who
are produced against him face to face; to produce witnesses and proofs
in his own favor; and by himself or his counsel, at his election, to examine the witnesses produced by himself, and cross-examine those
produced against him, and to be fully heard in his own defence. In
all cases in which the right of trial by jury has been heretofore used
it shall be held inviolable forever, except in actions of debt or assumpsit in which the amount claimed is less than fifty dollars.
ARTICLE 8. No person shall be required to answer again for an
offense of which he has been duly convicted or of which he has been
duly acquitted.
ARTICLE 9. No person shall be compelled in any criminal case to be
a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property
without due process of law.
ARTICLE 10. No person shall sit as a judge or juror in any case in
which his relative, by affinity, or by consanguinity within the third degree, is interested, either as plaintiff or defendant, or in the issue of
which the said judge or juror may have, either directly or through such
relative, any pecuniary interest.
ARTICLE 11. Involuntary servitude, except for crime, is forever prohibited in this Kingdom. Whenever a slave shall enter Hawaiian territory he shall be free.
ARTICLE 12. Every person has the right to be secure from all un.




1056                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
reasonable searches and seizures of his person, his house, his papers,
and effects; and no warrants shall issue except on probable cause,
supported by oath or affirmation, and describing the place to be searched,
and the persons or things to be seized.
ARTICLE 13. The Government is conducted for the colmmon good,
and not for the profit, honor, or private interest of any one man. family,
or class of men.
ARTICLE 14. Each member of society has a right to be protected in
the enjoyment of his life, liberty, and property, according to law; and,
therefore, he shall be obliged to contribute his proportional share to
the expense of this protection, and to give his personal services, or an
equivalent when necessary. Private property may be taken for public
use, but only upon due process of law and just compensation.
ARTICLE 15. No subsidy, duty, or tax, of any description, shall be
established or levied without the consent of the legislature; nor shall
any money be drawn from the public treasury without such consent.
except when, between the sessions of the legislature, the emergencies
of war, invasion, rebellion, pestilence, or other public disaster shall
arise, and then not without the concurrence of all the cabinet, and of a
majority of the whole privy council; and the mnisiter of finance shall
render a detailed account of such expenditure to the legislature.
ARTICLE 16. NO retrospective laws shall ever be enacted.
ARTICLE 17. The military shall always be subject to the laws of the
land; and no soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house
without the consent of the owner; nor in time of war, but in a manner
to be prescribed by the legislature.
ARTICLE 18. Every elector shall be privileged from arrest on election days, during his attendance at election, and in going to and returning therefrom, except in case of treason, felony, or breach of the
peace.
ARTICLE 19. No elector shall be so obliged to perform military duty
on the day of election, as to prevent his voting, except in time of war
or public danger.
ARTICLE 20. The supreme power of the Kingdom, in its exercise, is
divided into the executive, legislative, and judicial; these shall
always be preserved distinct, and no executive or judicial officer, or
any contractor, or employee of the Government, or any person in the receipt of salary or emolument from the Government, shall be eligible to
election to the legislature of the Hawaiian Kingdom, or to hold the
position of an elective member of the same. And no member of the
legislature shall, during the time for which he is elected, be appointed
to any civil office under the Government, except that of a member of
the cabinet.
ARTICLE 21. The Government of this Kingdom is that of a constitutional monarchy, under His Majesty Kalakaua, his heirs and successors.
ARTICLE 22. The crown is hereby permanently confirmed to His Mlajesty Kalakaua, and to the heirs of his body lawfully begotten, and to
their lawful descendants in a direct line; failing whom, the crown shall
descend to Her Royal Highness the Princess Liliuokalani, and the
heirs of her body lawfully begotten, and their lawful descendants in a
direct line. The succession shall be to the senior male child, and to
the heirs of his body; failing a male child, the succession shall be to
the senior female child, and to the heirs of her body. In case there is
no heir as above provided, the successor shall be the person whom the
sovereign shall appoint, with the consent of the nobles, and publicly
proclaim during the oyvereignus life; but should there be no such ap



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1057
pointment and proclamation, and the throne should become vacant
then the cabinet, immediately after the occurring of such vacancy, shall
cause a meeting of the legislature, who shall elect by ballot some native
Alii of the Kingdom as successor to the throne; and the successor so
elected shall become a new stirps for a royal family; and the succession from the sovereign thus elected shall be regulated by the same
law as the present royal family of Hawaii.
ARTICLE 23. It shall not be lawful for any member of the royal
family of Hawaii who may by law succeed to the throne, to contract
marriage without the consent of the reigning sovereign. Every marriage so contracted shall be void, and the person so contracting a marriage, may, by the proclamation of the reigning sovereign, be declared
to have forfeited his or her right to the throne; and after such proclamation, the right of succession shall vest in the next heir as though
such offender were dead.
ARTICLE 24. His Majesty Kalakaua will, and his successor shall,
take the following oath: I solemnly swear, in the presence of Almighty
God, to maintain the constitution of the Kingdom whole and inviolate,
and to govern in conformity therewith.
ARTICLE 25. No person shall ever sit upon the throne who has
been convicted of any infamous crime, or who is insane or an idiot.
ARTICLE 26. The Kingis the commander-in-chief of the army and navy,
and of all other military forces of the Kingdom, by sea and land; but
he shall never proclaim war without the consent of the legislature;
and no military or naval force shall be organized except by the authority of the legislature.
ARTICLE 27. The King, by and with the advice of his privy council,
and with the consent of the cabinet, has the power to grant reprieves
and pardons, after conviction, for all offenses, except in case of impeachment.
ARTICLE 28. The King convenes the legislature at the seat of Govern.
ment, or at a different place, if that should become insecure from an
enemy or any dangerous disorder, and prorogues the same; and in any
great emergency he may, with the advice of the privy council, convene
the legislature in extraordinary session.
ARTICLE 29. The King has the power to make treaties. Treaties
involving changes in the tariff, or in any law of the Kingdom, shall be
referred for approval to the legislature. The King appoints public
ministers. who shall be commissioned, accredited, and instructed
agreeably to the usage and law of nations.
ARTICLE 30. It is the King's prerogative to receive and acknowledge
public ministers; to inform the legislature by royal message, from time
to time, of the state of the Kingdom; and to recommend to its consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.
ARTICLE 31. The person of the King is inviolable and sacred.
His ministers are responsible. To the King and the cabinet belongs the
executive power. All laws that have passed the legislature shall require his majesty's signature in order to their validity, except as pro.
vided in Article 48.
ARTICLE 32. Whenever, upon the decease of the reigning sovereign,
the heir shall be less than eighteen years of age, the royal power shall
be exercised by a regent or council of regency, as hereinafter provided.
ARTICLE 33. It shall be lawful for theKing, at any time when he may
be about to absent himself from the Kingdom, to appoint a regent or
council of regency, who shall administer the Government in his name;
and likewise the King may, by his last will and testament appoint a
R TRart OOT  troV




100UJ                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
regent or council of regency to administer the Government during the
minority of any heir to the throne; and should a sovereign decease,
leaving a minor heir, and having made no last will and testament, the
cabinet at the time of such decease shall be a council of regency, until
the legislature, which shall be called immediately, be assembled; and
the legislature, immediately that it is assembled, shall proceed to choose
by ballot a regent or council of regency, who shall administer the
Government in the name of the King, and exercise all the powers
which are constitutionally vested in the King, until such heir shall
have attained the age of eighteen years, which age is declared to be
the legal majority of such sovereign.
ARTICLE 34. The King is sovereign of all the chiefs and of all the
people.
ARTICLE 35. All titles of honor, orders, and other distinctions emanate from the King.         *
ARTICLE 36. The King coins money and regulates the currency by
law.
ARTICLE 37. The king, in case of invasion or rebellion, can place
the whole kingdom, or any part of it, under martial law.
ARTICLE 38. The national ensign shall not be changed except by act
of the legislature.
ARTICLE 39. The King can not be sued or held to account in any
court or tribunal of the Kingdom.
ARTICLE 40. There shall continue to be a council of state for advising the King in all matters for the good of the state wherein he may
require its advice, which council shall be called the King's privy council of state, and the members thereof shall be appointed by the King,
to hold office during his majesty's pleasure, and which council shall
have and exercise only such powers as are given to it by the constitution.
ARTICLE 41. The cabinet shall consist of the minister of foreign affairs, the minister of the interior, the minister of finance, and the attorney-general, and they shall be his majesty's special advisers in the
executive affairs of the Kingdom; and they shall be ex-officio members
of his majesty's privy council of state. They shall be appointed and
commissioned by the King, and shall be removed by him only upon a
vote of want of confidence passed by a majority of all the elective members of the legislature or upon conviction of felony, and shall be subject to impeachment. No act of the King shall have any effect unless
it be countersigned by a member of the cabinet, who by that signature
makes himself responsible.
ARTICLE 42. Each member of the cabinet shall keep an office at the
seat of Government, and shall be accountable for the conduct of his
deputies and clerks. The cabinet holds seats ex-offiio in the legislature
with the right to vote, except on a question of confidence in them.
ARTICLE 43. The minister of finance shall present to the legislature
in the name of the Government, on the first day of each biennial session, the financial budget, in the Hawaiian and English languages.
ARTICLE 44. The legislative power of the Kingdom is vested in the
King and the legislature, which shall consist of the nobles and representatives sitting together.
ARTICLE 45. The legislative body shall be styled the legislature of
Hawaiian Kingdom and shall assemble biennially in the month of May.
The first regular session shall be held in the year of our Lord eighteen
hundred and eighty-eight.
ARTICLE 46. Every member of the legislature shall take the follow



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1059
ing oath: I solemnly swear, in the presence of Almighty God, that I
will faithfully support the constitution of the Hawaiian Kingdom and
conscientiously and impartially discharge my duties as a member of the
legislature.
ARTICLE 47. The legislature has full power and authority to amend
the constitution as hereinafter provided; and from time to time to make
all manner of wholesome laws not repugnant to the constitution.
ARTICLE 48. Every bill which shall have passed the legislature
shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the King. If he approve,
he shall sign it, and it shall thereby become a law; but if not he shall
return it, with his objections, to the legislature, which shall enter the
objections at large on their journal and proceed to reconsider it. If
after such reconsideration it shall be approved by a two thirds vote of
all the elective members of the legislature it shall become a law. In
all such cases the votes shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the
names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered
on the journal of the legislatare. If any bill shall not be returned
by the King within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have
been presented to him, the same shall be a law in like manner as if he
had signed it, unless the legislature by their adjournment prevent its
return, in which case it shall not be a law.
ARTICLE 49. The legislature shall be the judge of the qualifications
of its own members, except as may hereafter be provided by law, and a
majority shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and compel the attendance of absent
members, in such manner and under such penalties as the legislature
may provide.
ARTICLE 50. The legislature shall choose its own officers and deter.
mine the rules of its own proceedings.
ARTICLE 51. The legislature shall have authority to punish by imprisonment, not exceeding thirty days, every person not a member who
shall be guilty of disrespect to the legislature by any disorderly or contemptuons behavior in its presence; or who, during the time of its sitting, shall publish any false report of its proceedings, or insulting comments upon the same; or who shall threaten harm to the body or estate
of any of its members for anything said or done in the legislature; or
who shall assault any of them therefor, or who shall assault or arrest
any witness, or other person ordered to attend the legislature, on his
way going or returning; or who shall rescue any person arrested by
order of the legislature.
ARTICLE 52. The legislature may punish its own members for disorderly behavior.
ARTICLE 53. The legislature shall keep a journal of its proceedings;
and the yeas and nays of the members, on any question, shall, at the
desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal.
ARTICLE 54. The members of the legislature shall, in all cases, except treason, felony, or breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest
during their attendance at the sessions of the legislature and in going
to and returning from the same; provided such privilege as to going
and returning shall not cover a period of over twenty days; and they
shall not be held to answer for any speech or debate made in the legislature, in any court or place whatsoever.
ARTICLE 55. The representatives shall receive for their services a
compensation to be determined by law, and paid out of the public treasury, but no increase of compensation shall take effect during the biennial term in which it shall have been made; and no law shall be passed




HAWAIIAN ISLAND8.


inceasing the compensation of representatives beyond the sum of two~
hundred and fifty dollars each for each biennial term.
ARTICLE 56. A noble shall be a subject of the Kingdom, who shall
have attained the age of twenty-five years and resided in the Kingdom
three years, and shall be the owner of taxable property in this Kingdom
of the value of three thousand dollars over and above all encumbrances,
or in receipt of an income of not less than six hundred dollars per annum.
ARTICLE 57. The nobles shall be a court with full and sole authority
to hear and determine all impeachments made by the representatives,
as the grand inquest to the Kingdom, against any officers of the Kingdom, for misconduct or maladministration in their offices; but previous
to the trial of every impeachment the nobles shall respectfully be sworn
truly and impartially to try and determine the charge in question according to evidence and law. Their judgment, however, shall not extend further than to removal from office and disqualification to hold or
enjoy any place of honor, trust, or profit under this Government; but
the party so convicted shall be, nevertheless, liable to indictment, trial,
judgment, and punishment according to the laws of the land.
ARTICLE 58. Twenty-four nobles shall be elected as follows: Six
from the island of Hawaii; six from the islands of Maui, Molokai, and
Lanai; nine from the island of Oahu; and three from the islands of
Kauai and Niihau. At the first election held under this constitution
the nobles shall be elected to serve until the general election to the
legislature for the year of our Lord 1890, at which election, and thereafter, the nobles shall be elected at the same time and places as the
representatives. At the election for the year of our Lord 1890, onethird of the nobles from each of the divisions aforesaid shall be elected
for two years, and one-third for four years, and one-third for six years,
and the electors shall ballot for them for such terms, respectively; and
at all subsequent general elections they shall be elected for six years.
The nobles shall serve without pay.
ARTICLE 59. Every male resident of the Hawaiian Islpnds, of
Hawaiian, American, or European birth or descent, who shall have attained the age of twenty years, and shall have paid his taxes, and shall
have caused his name to be entered on the list of voters for nobles for
his district, shall be an elector of nobles, and shall be entitled to vote
at any election of nobles: ProvidedFirst. That he shall have resided in the country not less than three
years, and in the district in which he offers to vote not less than three
months immediately preceding the election at which he offers to vote.
Second. That he shall own and be possessed, in his own right, of taxable property in this country of the value of not less than three thousand
dollars over and above all encumbrances, or shall have actually received
an income of not less than six hundred dollars during the year next
preceding his registration for such election.
Third. That he shall be able to read and comprehend an ordinary
newspaper printed in either the Hawaiian, English, or some European
language.
Fourth. That he shall have taken an oath to support the constitution
and laws, such oath to be administered by any person authorized to
administer oaths, or by any inspector of elections:
Provided, however, That the requirements of a three years' residence
and of ability to read and comprehend an ordinary newspaper, printed
either in the Hawaiian, English, or some European language, shall not
apply to persons residing in the Kingdom at the time of the promulga.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


tion of this constitution, if they shall register and vote at the first ele-c
tion which shall be held under this constitution.
ARTICLE 60. There shall be twenty-f6ur representatives of the people
elected biennially, except those first elected under this constitution, who
shall serve until the general election for the year of our Lord 1890.
The representation shall be based upon the principles of equality and
shall be regulated and apportioned by the legislature according to the
population, to be ascertained from time to time by the official census.
But until such apportionment by the legislature, the apportionment
now established by law shall remain in force, with the following exceptions, namely, there shall be but two representatives for the districts of Hilo and Puna on the island of Hawaii, but one for the districts of Lahaina and Kaanapali on the island of Maui, and but one for
the districts of Koolauloa and Waialua on the island of Oahu.
ARTICLE 61. No person shall be eligible as a representative of the
people unless he be a male subject of the Kingdom who shall have arrived at the full age of twenty-one years; who shall know how to read
and write either the Hawaiian, English, or some European language;
who shall understand accounts; who shall have been domiciled in the
Kingdom for at least three years, the last of which shall be the year
immediately preceding his election; and who shall own real estate
within the Kingdom of a clear value over and above all encumbrances
of at least five hundred dollars; or who shall have an annual income
of at least two hundred and fifty dollars, derived from any property or
some lawful employment.
ARTICLE 62. Every male resident of the Kingdom of Hawaiian,
American, or European birth or descent, who shall have taken an oath
to support the constitution and laws in the manner provided for electors of nobles; who shall have paid his taxes; who shall have attained
the age of twenty years, and shall have been domiciled in the Kingdom
for one year immediately preceding the election, and shall know how to
read and write either the Hawaiian, English, or some European language (if born since the year 1840), and shall have caused his name to
be entered on the list of voters of his district as may be provided by
law, shall be entitled to one vote for the representative or representatives of that district, provided, however, that the requirements of being
domiciled in the Kingdom for one year immediately preceding the election, and of knowing how to read and write, either the Hawaiian,
English, or some European language, shall not apply to persons residing
in this Kingdom at the time of the promulgation of this constitution,
if they shall register and vote at the first election which shall be held
under this constitution.
ARTICLE 63. No person shall sit as a noble or representative in the
legislature unless elected under, and in conformity with, the provisions
of this constitution. The property or income qualification of representatives, of nobles, and of electors of nobles, may be increased by law;
and a property or income qualification of electors of representatives
may be created and altered by law.
ARTICLE 64. The judicial power of the Kingdom shall be vested in
one supreme court and in such inferior courts as the legislature may,
from time to time, establish.
ARTICLE 65. The supreme court shall consist of a chief justice,
and not less than two associate justices, any of whom may hold the
court. The justices of the supreme court shall hold their offices during good behavior, subject to removal upon impeachment, and shall, at
stated times, receive for their services a compensation which shall not
be diminished during their continuance in office: Provided, however,




1062                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
That any judge of the supreme court or any other court of record
may be removed from office, on a resolution passed by two-thirds of
all the members of the legislature, for good cause shown to the satisfaction of the King. The judge against whom the legislature may be
about to proceed shall receive notice thereof, accompanied by a copy
of the causes alleged for his removal, at least ten days before the day
on which the legislature shall act thereon. He shall be heard before
the legislature.
ARTICLE 66. The judicial power shall be divided among the supreme
court and the several inferior courts of the Kingdom in such manner
as the legislature may from time to time prescribe, and the tenure of
office in the inferior courts of the Kingdom shall be such as may be defined by the law creating them.
ARTICLE 67. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and
equity arising under the constitution and laws of this Kingdom and
treaties made, or which shall be made under their authority, to all cases
effecting public ministers and consuls, and to all cases of admiralty and
maritime jurisdiction.
ARTICLE 68. The chief justice of the supreme court shall be the
chancellor of the Kingdom; he shall be ex officio president of the
nobles in all cases of impeachment, unless when impeached himself,
and shall exercise such jurisdiction in equity or other cases as the law
may confer upon him, his decisions being subject, however, to the revision of the supreme court on appeal. Should the chief justice ever
be impeached, some person specially commissioned by the King shall
be president of the court of impeachment during such trial.
ARTICLE 69. The decisions of the supreme court, when made by a
majority of the justices thereof, shall be final and conclusive upon all
parties.
ARTICLE 70. The King, his cabinet, and the legislature shall have
authority to require the opinions of the justices of the supreme court,
upon important questions of law and upon solemn occasions.
ARTICLE 71. The King appoints the justices of the supreme court
and all other judges of courts of record. Their salaries are fixed by
law.
ARTICLE 72. No judge or magistrate shall sit alone on an appeal or
new trial in any case on which he may have given a previous judgment.
ARTICLE 73. The following persons shall not be permitted to register for voting, to vote, or to hold office under any department of the
Government, or to sit in the legislature, namely: Any person who is
insane or an idiot, or any person who shall have been convicted of any
of the following-named offenses, viz: Arson, barratry, bribery, burglary, counterfeiting, embezzlement, felonious branding of cattle,
forgery, gross cheat, incest, kidnaping, larceny, malicious burning,
manslaughter in the first degree, murder, perjury, rape, robbery,
sodomy, treason, subornation of perjury, and malfeasance in office,
unless he shall have been pardoned by the King and restored to his
civil rights, and by the express terms of his pardon declared to be
eligible to offices of trust, honor, and profit.
ARTICLE 74. No officer of this Government shall hold an office or
receive any salary from any other Government or power whatever.
ARTICLE 75. The legislature votes the appropriations biennially,
after due consideration of the revenue and expenditure for the two
preceding years and the estimates of the revenue and expenditure of
the two succeeding years, which shall be submitted to them by the
minister of finance.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1063
ARTICLE 76. The enacting style in making and passing all acts and
laws shall be, "Be it enacted by the King and the legislature of the
Hawaiian Kingdom."
ARTICLE 77. To avoid improper influences which may result from
intermixing in one and the same act such things as have no proper
relation to each other, every law shall embrace but one object, and that
shall be expressed in its title.
ARTICLE 78. Wherever by this constitution any act is to be done
or performed by the King or the Sovereign, it shall, unless otherwise
expressed, mean that such act shall be done and performed by the
Sovereign by and with the advice and consent of the cabinet.
ARTICLE 79. All laws now in force in this Kingdom shall continue
and remain in full effect until altered or repealed by the legislature,
such parts only excepted as are repugnant to this constitution. All
laws heretofore enacted, or that may hereafter be enacted, which are
contrary to this constitution, shall be null and void.
ARTICLE 80. The cabinet shall have power to make and publish all
necessary rules and regulations for the holding of any election or elections under this constitution prior to the passage by the legislature
of appropriate laws for such purpose, and to provide for administering to officials, subjects, and residents the oath to support this constitution. The first election hereunder shall be held within ninety days
after the promulgation of this constitution, and the legislature then
elected may be convened at Honolulu upon the call of the cabinet
council, in extraordinary session, at such time as the cabinet council
may deem necessary, thirty days' notice thereof being previously given.
ARTICLE 81. This constitution shall be in force from the 7th day of
July, A. D. 1887, but that there may be no failure of justice or inconvenience to the Kingdom from any change, all officers of this Kingdom
at the time this constitution shall take effect shall have, hold, and exercise all the power to them granted. Such officers shall take an oath
to support this constitution within sixty days after the promulgation
thereof.
ARTICLE 82. Any amendment or amendments to this constitution
may be proposed in the legislature, and if the same shall be agreed to
by a majority of the members thereof, such proposed amendment or
amendments shall be entered on its journal, with the yeas and nays
taken thereon, and referred to the next legislature; which proposed
amendment or amendments shall be published for three months previous to the next election of representatives and nobles; and if in the
next legislature such proposed amendment or amendments shall be
agreed to by two-thirds of all the members of the legislature, such
amendment or amendments shall become part of the constitution of
this Kingdom.
ALAKAUA REX.
By the King:
W. L. GREEN,
Minister of Finance.
HONOLULU, Oahu, 8s:
I, Kalakaua, King of the Hawaiian Islands, in the presence of Almighty God, do solemnly swear to maintain this constitution whole and
inviolate, and to govern in conformity therewith.
KALAKAUA REX.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this sixth day of July, A. D. 1887.
A. F. JUDD,
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and Chancellor of the Kingdom.




:1064                                I&wAIIAN ISLAND&
(o. 22.)
Statitical tabulated statements pertaining to the Hawaiian Islands.
*o~~~:~~~                         A.
Cenmu of Hawuti.
1878.                     1884.                      1890.             Regiatered................ —            ---------- _                               votera,
Males. Females. Total. Males. Females. Total. Males. Females. Total.             1890.
Natives.................... 44,088........... 40,014   3.............. 34,436        8,777
Half-castes..............  3, 420...............     4,218................    6,186         777
Hawaiianborn foreigners...............................................................  7, 495       14
Americans.............  1,276.................   2,066.................   1,928         637
Britih.......................      883.................    1,282..........       1, 344        505
Germans.................   272........    1,600........  1, 034        382
rench.....................         81.................    192.                      70          22
Portuguese..............           436........9,377.........     8,602       2,091
Norwegian...................................................  227         78
Chi nese.,................. 17,939............ 15,301..........
Japanese........................................1...........    12,360..........
Po yMsians...............................................................  588         42
All others................................................................  419        136
419         136
Total.. 34,103    23,882  57,985   51,529   29,039   80,578  58,714    31,276  89,990      13,593
The estimated population of Hawaii, on July 1, 1892, according to the Hawaiian
Annual, was 96,075.
B.
HAWAIIAN REAL AND PERSONAL PROPERTY.


Statement of assessments, real and personal property.
Years.                                Real.       Personal.       TotaL
1882.......................................             $14,978, 547  $16,230,790    $31, 209,337
1884..................................................    15,734, 564   18, 502,132    34, 36,132
1886.....................................................     15,602,214    19,352,823     34,955,047
1888........................................................  16,730,085    16,477,968     33,208,053
1889..................................................   17,702,939    17, 213,527    34,916,466
1890......................................................    18,343,958    17,000, 240    35,344,198
The value of real and personal property in the Kingdom                for 1891 is estimated at
about $39,000,000.
The estimated value of Government property                 of all kinds, including        cash in
treasury, is $6,189,303.      (Consul-General Severance, Con. Repts. No. 142, p. 413.)
NOTE BY     COMMISSIONERS.-To this amount should be added the value of the
Crown lands, which, at a moderate estimate, are worth $2,500,000.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
C.
SoHOOL STATISTICS.
Hawaiian school attendance.


1065


Tear.~ No. of                                  Attendance.
schools.    Boys.       Girls.    Total.
1888..........................................................         189      4,976      3,864       8, 77(
1890...............................................           178      5, 532     4,474      10,006
1892.-1...........................          168      5,910      4,802      10,712
Classification of schools.


Classification.                                      1890.   1892.
Government native schools:
Schools...............................................................                          28
Teachers.........................................................................      37       29
Pupils............................................................................    768      552
Government English schools:
Schools........................................................                        94 94 
Teachers..........................................................................     193      221
Pupils............................................................................   6,575    7,148
Independent schools:
Schools...........................................................................      48       41
Teachers..........................................................................    186      142
Pupils............................................................................   2,663    3,12
Year.                               No. of   Pupils at-  School Totalpop.
schools. tending. revenue. ulation.
1887...........................................                   189     8, 770  $203,020.......
1888.                                                               189 8, 770 203,022..........
1889..........................................................      178    10,000    391,438..........
1890..                                                              178 10,006 391,428           89,990
1891...................................................       178    10,000    326,920     95, 805
1892......................................................      178    10,000    326,920    * 96, 075
* Estimated on July 1, Hawaiian Annual.
Nationality of pupils.
Nationality.                               1880.    1888.   1890.    1892.
_-         18.   _80 _- -I

Hawaiians...........................................................
Halfcate Hawaiians................................................
Americans...............,....................
English,................................................
Germans.............................................................
Portuguese,..........................................
Norwegians......................................................... 
Chinese.......
South Sea Islanders..............................................
Japanese................................................
Other foreigners.......................................
Total................................................


5, 657
955
247
90
37
55
7,185.......
7, 164


5,320
1,247
253
163
176
1,335
40
147
16
54
19
8,770


5 599
1,573
259
139
199
1,813
58
262
40
39
25
10,006


5,353
1,866
371
131
191
2,253
71
353
36
60
21
10,712


School attendance is compulsory,




1066:A'WAIIAN              ISLANDS.
Nationality of school teachers, 1892.
Nationality.                     Males.  Females.  Total.
Hawaiian............................................................  69  20  79
Half-caste............................................................   l 28  41
American.............................................................  38  39  77
English..............................................................   20  19  39
German........                                                        2        4
Others...............................................................  2  8  10
Total.........................................................  116      250
134       116     250
D.
HAWAIIAN PUBLIC-DEBT STATEMENT.
[From the Bfennial Report of the Minister of Finance to the Legislative Assembly of 1892.1
On the 31st of March, 1890, the bonded debt was..................... $1, 934,000.00
Of this there was paid during the period..........................     7,800.00
1,926,200.00
Borrowed under authority of acts:
August 5, 1888..........-............            $50, 000
October 24, 1890 -........................  95, 000
Postal Savings Bank account...................      29,100
October 15, 1886-..............                       213,700
-387,800.00
Bonded debt March 31, 1892................................... 2,314,000.00
Amount due depositors in Postal Savings Bank March
31, 1892, for which coupon 6 per cent bonds are on deposit in the Treasury by the Postmaster-General.................  903,161.13
Total bonded debt March 31, 1892............................. 3,217, 161.13
Detailed statement of bonded debt March 31, 1892.
Act of August 5, 1882:
Stock A, 6 per cent............................... $37, 000.00
Stock E, 6 per cent...............................  14,500.00
Stock 0, 6 per cent..................................  3,300.00
Stock U, 6 per cent..................................  25,000.00
79,800.00
[May be redeemed in 5 years, must be redeemed in
25 years.]
Act of October 15, 1886:
Loan in London............................... 980,000. 00
Stock A, 6 per cent...................... 373,000.00
Stock E, 6 per cent.................................. 142, 000. 00
Stock U, 6 per cent................................. 505,000.00
2,000, 000. 00
[May be redeemed in 10 years, must be redeemed in
25 years.]
Act of October 15, 1888:
Stock U, 6 per cent....................................   50,000.00
Act of October 15, 1890:
Stock A, 6 per cent.....................................   95,000.00
[May be redeemed in 5 years; must be redeemed in
10 years.]
Postal Savings Bank account:
Stock A, 5 per cent.................................. $18,000.00
Stock E, 5 per cent.........................    9,000.00
Stock 0, 5 per cent.................................   2,100.00
29,100.00
[May be redeemedin 5 years; must be redeemed in
20 years.]




HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS,                       1067
Act of September 27, 1876:
Stock A, 7 per cent..................................  $1,000.00
Stock E, 7 per cent...........................      500.00
$1, 500.00
[Payable at time specified on face, to be not later than
20 years.]
Act of June 22, 1868:
Stock U, 9 per cent..................................  10,000.00
Stock E, 9 per cent..................................  2, 000. 00
Stock 0, 9 per cent..................................  500.00
12, 500.00
[Stock U falls due during current biennial period; no
dates as to balance,but the amount is inconsiderable.]
Board of education:
Stock A, 12 per cent.................................  15, 000.00
Stock E, 12 per cent...................................  500.00
Stock I, 12 per cent.................................  400.00
Stock 0, 12 per cent..................................  200.00
Stock U, 12 per cent..................................  30,000.00
I-    ----     46,100.00
2,314,000.00
Due Postal Savings Bank depositors.......................          903,161.13
3, 217, 161.13
[Board of education: Certain lands were originally set apart by the Hawaiian
Government for the use of the board of education. These lands were afterward
sold, and the amount realized ($40,000) was, by act of the legislature, paid into the
public treasury and these bonds issued to the board of education. They may be
canceled at any time.]
[Postal savings bank: About $200,000 to $300,000 have been withdrawn since the
date of the ministers report, about one-half of which has been paid from the general fund in the treasury, and the balance obtained by loans secured by treasury
notes of the Hawaiian Government, authorized by an act of August 30, 1892, payable in from three to eighteen months, at 6 per cent.]
[The foregoing bonds are all payable in United States gold or its equivalent.]
'NOTE TO HAWAIIAN DEBT STATEMENT-The matter bracketed [ ] was supplied
by the Hawaiian commission.
E.
SUGAR ESTATES.
[Consul-General Severance, March 22, 1892. Consular reports, No. 142, p. 413.1
The total value of plantations, as taken from the Planter's Monthly, is estimated
at $32,347,690, owned as follows: By Americans, $24,735,610, or 74.17 per cent; by
British, $6,038,130, or 18.11 per cent; by Germans, $2,008,600, or 6.02 per cent; by
Hawaiians, $266,250, or 0.80 per cent; other nationalities, $299,100, or 0.90 per cent.
The average monthly wages of employes in January, 1890, were as follows: Contract laborers, $17.74; skilled laborers, $63.13.
The estimated area of land now under cane cultivation, including three new
plantations of 3,700 acres, is 67,849 acres, from which the sugar exports reached 2
tons per acre, or 292,083,580 pounds.
Owing to the present low prices of sugar, the value of the crops will decrease
from the year 1890, while the quantity of sugar exceeds that produced in 1890 by
16,000 tons.




1068                               HAWAIIAN ISLADS.
F.
Hawaiian internal taxes for biennial periods, 188J-1891.
(Compiled, for the Hawaiian Annual, from finance and board of education reports.]
Personal    Pole     Hose.      Mules.
Biennial periods.           Real estate. p erty     Pole.    Horses.   Mules.     Dogs.
1882...................................  $187,929  $208,096  $45, 998  $42,819     (*)      $13,996
1884.................................     223,100   254,286    52, 964   24,975    $1,941     13, 924
1886...................................   227,195   262, 307   61, 745    (t)       3, 303    13, 315
1888...................................  252, 362  299,974    63,115     (t)       6, 279    11, 985
1890...................................  330,390   829,908    69,116     (8)       3, 063    14,100
1891..................................  1358, 745  341, 225   78, 064    (t)       4,156     13, 660
Biennial periods.                 Carriages. Seamen.     Roada.    School.    Total.
1882.............................................    $7,125      $642   $90, 041  $87, 322  $683 957
1884.............................................    8, 759      402   103,054   100, 278   780, 674
1886.............................................   10, 635      114   118, 256  115, 298   812,167
1888..........................................   11, 835.......... 120, 872  119, 565   885, 987
1890.............................................   13,940.......... 132,285    131,160  1, 032,963
1891.............................................  14,628.........  152,137   151,906  1,114,521
*Insurance.    I Included in personal property after 1884.. Corrected by the commissioners.
Tax per capita, annual.
1882........................................................................ $5.29
1884.....................................................................   5.07
1886..........................                        4.67
1888........................................................................  5.71
1890-.........-.........23..... —. --- —--------------—... —..-. —       6.23
1891.......................................................................                   5. 85


G.
Hawaiian revenue and expenditures for biennial periods, 1878-1880 to 1890-189g.
Estimated.
1878-1880.1880-1882.21882-1884. 1884-1886. 1886-1888. 1888-1890. E   a
1890-1892.
BREVENUE.
Custom-house..... $582,846  $719,245   $944,638  $986,417 $1,204,365 $1,082,766   $1, 355,744
Internal commerce........    122,946    141,744   178,149   194,174    226,842     188, 642    196,857
Internal taxes.............  465, 252  556, 615   680, 397  696, 869   766,422     901,803     963,496
Fines, fees, etc............  190,265  219,069    233,710    96,490    149,483, 608,316       458,623
Government realization
and receipts of bureaus..  318,527    393, 586  374,291   684,749    513, 742     33, 623    266,600
Government stocks.......      23, 900.........   668,900.............      387,800
Farm loans........................................................ 1,811,800      34,500     274,761
Postal savings....................................................    319,932     780, 526     13,000
Crown commissions.........................       12,000    12,000................................
Total................ 1,703,730 2,070,259 3,092,085 3,010,655  4,812,576i 8,632,196   3,916, 881
EXPENDITURES.
Civil list.................  65, 500   100, 000  148,500   127,931     128,925     76,800      69,710
Permanent settlements....    15, 075    19,512    20,347    14,028      8, 967      4, 885      4,685
Legislature and privy council......................  16, 523    19,338    24,942    31, 455    60,284      22, 767     34,694
Judiciary department.....   79, 667    92, 874  115,892   129,057    154,566     175, 979    177, 251
Department of war........    67,993...............................................................
Department of foreign affairs....................  36, 850   129, 353  252, 641  222,678    257, 996    156, 445    181,400
Department of the interior.  656, 810 1,204,703 1,824,795 1,162,126   1,528, 260   779,111   1,378, 885
Department of finance...    260,057    299,436   319,062   566, 569   727, 264    563, 458    695,298
Department of attorney..
general..................  123,664  163,527    266,730   279,872    279,819     259,237     391,592
Bureau of public instruction.....................  79, 605    84,249    91,735   131,693     165, 913   197,610     280,269
Board of health.........................................   241,470    247, 907    316,664     329,815
Miscellaneous.............   93,973    169, 608  151,742   *76,821  1, 152, 338   155, 784    622,292
Contingent...................................................................    15,494..........
- Total................1, 495, 607 2, 282,596 3,216,406 3,003, 700  4,712,285  2,671,430  4, 165,891
' Indemnity account for sundry expenses. tIncluding recall and cancellation of bonds, $625,000.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS
H.


~              lOf1069


Receipts, expenditura, and public debt of Hawaii.
Cash balYears.                            Revenne.       xpend        ance in         b
tures.      treasury.
1880..................................... $1,703,737                   $1,495,697     $338, 880     $388, 900
1882...............................................   2,070,060    2,282,599      126,541       299,200
1884............................................        3,092, 085    3,216,406        2, 220      898, 800
188..................................................  3,010,655  3,003,700       9,175     1,065,600
1888.........................                    4, 812, 576   4,712,285      109,466     1,936,500
1890................................................      3,632,197     3,250,510      491,152     2, 599, 502
1892...............................................  4,408, 891  4,095,891   *150, 000    8,217,161
*Estimated by the Commissioners.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
I.
ntMPOnTs BY ARTnCLCS.


Statement showing the imports, in detail, into Hawaii during the years ending with 1891.
(From Hawaiian Statistical Report.]


Articles.      1883.   1884.    1885.    1886.    1887.    1888.             1890.    1891


'Ale, porter. beer,
and cider. -...-.
Animalsandbirds
Building materials.
Clothing, h a 
and boots.......
Coal and coke. 
Crockery adn
glassware. -----
Drugs and drug.
gists' wares
Dry goods:
Cottons......
Linens.......
Silks.....
Woolens.....
Mixed.....
Fancy goods, mndl
linery, etc...
Fertilizers........
Fish, dry and
salted..........
Flour.......
Fruits, fresh. 
Furniture.....
Grain and seed...
Groceries and provisions........
Guns and gun material.
Gunpowder, blasting, etc.
Hardware, tools,
Implements, etc.
Iron, steel, etc - 
Jewelry, plate,
clocks, etc....
Leather........
Lumber........
Machinery......
Matches..........
Musical instruments........
Naval stores.. 
Oils, including
kerosene.......
Paints, paint oil,
etc.............
Perfumery and
toilet articles..
Railroadmaterial.
Saddlery, carriages, and material...........
Shooks, bags, etc.
Spirits.....
Stationery and
books.....
Tea-.......
Tinware.....
Tobacco, cigars,
etc.......
Wines, light.....
Total.......


$68, 1831.........I $63, 0611 $81, 3711 $75, 9841.......
148,5701...          5,746    101,42     74,0241.


$77,442 $106,879 $98, 284
89,988 153,935 119,494


153, 104
427,255
47,043
48,762
282,415
20,392
51,496
109,472
38, 129
131,712
96, 630
167, 656
9, 315
110, 808
190, 820
530,817
13,739
7,100
347,416
82, 035
80,917
51,765
344,169
296, 102
7,495
17,152
80,281
124,535
31,893
22,205
77, 965
89,728
122,783
127,495
89,965
20,587
10,356
159,183
23,707


56,301
268,109
71, 576
20,458
35,917
180, 430
11,778
26, 232
48, 078
16,314
87,467
28,140
70,977
144, 358
13, 097
60,823
200,448
308,632
10,003
3,862
168, 566
36,316
22,133
41,346
196,047
187,745
11, 053
10, 113
31, 738
66,827
25,658
11, 501
14,446
49,281
132, 999
93,340
59, 865
17, 502
4,915
132,004
20,535


103,951
302,064
98,417
29,392
39,498
230,424
30, 636
33,753
60, 898
25, 70i
108, 816
33, 036
97,148
150,737
10, 951
75, 341
237,154
495,447
12, 523
4,075
248,472
43,636
28,421
47,231
227, 821
238, 592
15,761
5, 447
45,959
128,702
35,241
14,881
18, 128
66, 619
151,483
114,101
79,038
37,392
7,541
162,221
51_. 52.


116, 211
342,947
56,887
49, 540
42,661
229,731
23,820
41, 031
107, 599
28, 268
102,713
41,807
96,760
176,861
12,720
84, 382
289, 067
469,501
22,719
4,778
237,943
50, 581
56,801
46,897
202,370
197,951
13, 222
13, 421
56, 141
85, 441
44,742
17,451
7,401
71, 599
121, 142
93,437
74, 828
19, 508
7,544
134,921
78,670


rrrrrrrrr
r ~rrrrr~
rrrrrrir
-rrr~rrr
~~~~~rir
ri~r~rr~
~rrrrr~r~
~rrrrrrrr
rrrrrrrrr
rir~~r~ri
rrrrrrr~
r-rrrrrrr
rrr~rrrrr
~I-rrrrrrrrrr
rrrrrrrrr
Ir-rrrrr~
rrrrrr
rri~r~r~
rrrrrrr~
rrr~r,~r~
rrrr~,rr~
rrrrrrrr
~Irrrrrr


100.466
362,858
118, 616
40,988
47,929
291, 201
25, 147
37,750
72,800
27, 161
125, 688
103,528
90,551
171, 960
11,732
89,670
245,457
489,977
20, 391
4, 527
282, 21 -43, 21t
48, 221
41,571
240,001
357,460
12,567
10,324
76, 551
124, 630
35,488
14,184
110, 35t
65, 521
66, 071
168, 708
74,274
77, 231
24,506
153,482
82,580


174,761
407, 296
15,477
60, 028
61,569
347,731
30, 296
30, 992
108, 840
34, 021
141, 801
105,962
202,061
12, 782
106, 977
372,261
594,047
27,784
2, 681
376,156
80, 461
71,560
45, 092
343,521
532,080
13,452
19,994
77, 578
146, 611
56,811
20, 917
114,817
135,821
207,137
118,871
66,891
24,186
9,301
184,987j
101,332


185, 591
405,712
167,872
46,049
63,372
293, 042
33,127
29, 377
44,758
27,539
148, 348
106,662
102, 074
273,886
12,602
11.2, 611
464,709
629, 358
10, 399
11,152
315,960
98,357
92,826
40,711
296, 622
854, 773
13,840
13,356
84,401
176,348
71,537
25,236
105,899
91,085
157, 942
107,750
72,403
18,459
9,270
207,506
121,261


6,624,2401,


5 4,854,78713, 830,54514,877,73914596,534


4,540, 887j65 438,7191


3, 962, 201


7,439,483




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
J,
EXPORTS BY ARTICIES.


1071


Statement showing the prinipal exports from the Hawaiian Ialancs.
QUANTITIES.


Articles.               1882.         1883.         188.          1885.         1886.
Sugar........   pounds..   114,177,938   114,107,155   142,644,923   171, 350,314   216,223,615
Molasse.......      gallons..      221, 293      193,997       110, 530       57,941        113,137
Rice.................pounds..   12,169.475    11,619,000     9,493,000     7,367,253      7,338,716
Paddy........... pounds.        459, 633    1,368, 705       46, 224..........................
Coffee................ pounds..       8,131        16, 057        4,231         1,675          5, 931
Hides.............. number..        26,007        38,955        21,026        19,045        81,207
Tallow........-..... pounds..        77,098        32,252         2,864                      21,305
Goatskins........number..   23,402        24,798        20,125        19,782        21,173
Wool.............pounds..          528,913       818,271       407,623       474,121        418,784
Fungus..........    pounds..         2,111         3,783           465............................
Bananas......    unhes..         28,848        44,902        60,046        58,040         45,862
Articles.               1887.         1888.         1889.         1890.         1891.
1-                                        l..


Sugar...............pounds..
olasses............ gallons..
Rice........   pounds..
Paddy.......pounds..
Coffee...........    pounds..
Hides...............number..
Tallow...............pounds..
Goatskins...........number..
Wool................pounds..
Fungus.............. pounds..
Bananas............bunches..


212,763,647
71,222
13,684,200
400
5,300
28,639
56,713
16, 223
75, 911.....58.......36
58, 936


235,888, 346
47, 965
12, 878, 600
7,130
24,494
204, 743
17,589
562,289.......i......
71, 335


242,165,835
54,612
9,669, 896.......
43,673
27,158
97,125
11,715
241,925.       5..... 630'
105,63


259,768,462
74,926
10,579, 000..............
88, 593
28,196
33,876
8,661
374,724
9..4..... 4  '.
97, 20


274,983,580
55, 845
4,900,450..............
3, 051
26,057
~27,925
7,316
97,119....... ii.66
116, 660


VALUE.


Articles.                      1882.           1883.          1884.           1885.           1886.
Sugar...................................................$8, 356, 061                                      $9, 775,132
Molasses..............................................                                         7,050           14,502
Rice...............................................................             387,297         326,629
Paddy.......................................................................
Coffee....283                                   1,067
Coffee................................................................           2831,067
Hides.............................................................           71, 533         111,911
Tallow.................................................................................                          1,011
Goatskins.................................................................                   15,023           12,644
Goatakins,.,..    i....5..............15, 023                                                                  12, 644
Wool....................................................................              49, 574          37,700
Fungus......................................................
Bananas...............................................                                         58, 810          43, 824
Al other.....................................................................................
Total.........................        $6,885,437     $7,924, 727     $7,977,909      $9,158,818     $10,565,886
Articles.                      1887.           1888.          1889.           1890.          189L


Sugar............................
Molasses................
Rice...............................
Paddy......................
Coffee..............
Hides.........................
Tallowna................
Goatskins........
Wool.............
mngus.......
Bananas......
All others........................
Total.........................


$8, 694,964
10, 522
554,295
972
96, 851
1,121
7, 358
7,010
5......, 708.............


$10,818,883
5, 900
577,583
1, 698
85,853
7, 507
8, 877
41,084..."...6,'4'.


$13,089,302
6, 185
451,134
8,626
72,974
4,214
5,461
23,875


$12,159, 285
7, 603
545, 240
14, 737
70,949
1,140
3,182
35,396


$9, 550,938
4,721
263,455.....i,.....i
1, 018
64,032
731
3,212
8,000.............
17, 501
10,244,325


135, 278     176,8351..........................


9, 45, 204  11, 631,465  18,810,071  13,023, 04


I                                               I                                                                   I 






1072                                 HAWAIAN ISLANDS.
K.
IMPORTS AXD EXPORTS BY COUNTRIES.
Statement Showing the value of imports into and exports from Hawaii, from and to the
several countries.
From   and to.       188,       1885.     1886.      1887.      1888.     1889.      1890.      1891.
IPORTS INTO
HAWAII.
United States......$2,835,127 $2,940,837 $3,724,006 3, 059,157$3, 844,661 $4, 02,995$5, 264,692 $6, 496, 608
Great Britain......    715,532    556,966   551,711    660,641    652,171   674,832 1, 204, 022 * 384,146
Germany..........       197,531    155, 893  144,207    182,343    182.929    90,747    147,288    227,392
Australasa........       29,375     16,803    29,352    157,871    110,924   116,192    142,494    185,156
China and Japan.        178,162    118,864   257,913    258,885    119,616   200,926    313, 607   287, 956
trance.............      21,121     14,384    11,495     11,605     10,292     4,781      7,803     21,666
All other countries......................................................................
Total........ 4,637,514 3,830,544 4,877, 738 4,943,841 4,540, 857 5,438,791 6,962,901 7,439,483
XPOBT r     FROM
HAWAII.
United States............. 8,933, 20610, 412,827.................... 13,840,523 13,073, 47710,196,278
Great Britain..............................................................
Germany..............................        12,209...................................  10,170
Australasia...................     17,258     3,322...................       5, 813    18,110      4,038
China and Japan............        15,454     3,198....................     11,905     12,536     34,651
Islands in Pacifio....................................................  9, 684   30,769     14,153
All other places....................................................................................
Total.......   8,184,923 9,069, 18 10,565,886 9,529,54711,707,59913,874, 41 13,142,82910,258,788
Total value of exports for 1883 was $8,133,344.
L.
Annual value of Hawaiian import and exports.
Years.                          Imports.      Exports. t    Import and    Custom
exports.     receipts.
1882.............................................      4,547,979    $6,885,437    $11, 433,416   $505,391
1883...................................     5, 624; 240    7, 924,727    13, 548,967    577, 343
1884........................................  4,854,787     7,977,909     12,832,696     551,737
1885.............................., 830,545            9,158,818     12,989,363     502,337
1886.........................................   4,877,739     10,565, 886    15,443,625     580,444
1887.......................................  4,596,834      9,435,204     14,032,038     595,003
1888........................................          4,540,887     11,631,465     16,172, 352    546,143
1889........................                      5,438,791     13, 810, 071   19,248, 862    550,010
1890........-.................    6,962, 241    13, 023, 304   19, 985, 505   695, 957
1891......................,               7,439,483     10,244,325     17, 683,808    732,595
Tota...................    2,713,486    100,657,146    153,370,632  5,836,960
*As given in the Hawaiian customs returns. The Hawaiian Annual gives the following figures:
From the United States, $5,294,278.57; from Great Britain, $1,201,329.43. The total imports agree in
both publications.   The commiaaion consider, in this particular, that the Hawaiian Annual is correct.
t Domestio exports only.




HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.                       1073
M.
NATIONALITY OF SHIPPING.
Statement slhowing the nationality of vessels engaged in the foreign carrying trade of
Hawaii.
CLEARANCES.


Nationality.               1882.           1883.          1884..1885.          188.
No.    Tons.   No.    Tons.    No.    To ns.   No.   Tone.    No.    Tome.
American...........179               103,591   195   117,952  191   135,618   184   131,011  220    128,224
Hawaiian....19                        5,613    23     7,867   29    41,398    18     6,982    29    40,242
British. --- —-—............: 44  56,025  42    53, 310  11     3,672    80    38,749    38    30,435
German...........11                   5,716     6    4,882     4     2,959     5     2,377     8     5,581
French............              1       244.........           4     3,225     2       720........
All other...........             4     1,430     1    1,305     2       954'    4     3,817     7     6,206
Total...........258              172,619   267  185,316   241   1786      243   183,656   802   219,688
Nationality.               1887.          1888.           1889.           1890.          1891.
No.    Tons.    No.    Tons.   No.    Tons.    No.    Tone.   No.     Tone.
American...........177          120, 108  164  113,069   185   125,196   224   153,098  233    169,472
Hawaiian...........43            61, 398   43    65, 115  44    56,670    35    43,641    21    26,869
British.............18            19, 869   24    28, 715  22    21,108    16    22,912    33    52,866
Gel-man...........                6    4,628     8    6,385     5     3,337     9     7,070     9     9,005
French...........
All other............            8     6,486     8    6,892    13    12,268     9    9,980    15     16,640
Total..........252             212, 489  247  222,216   269   218,579   23     3671     81    274,852
S. Rep. 227-68




I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~I
I"
I
Ii
6~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~:




House Ex. Doc. No. 48, Fifty-third Congress, second session.


ME SSAGE
FROM THE
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
TRANSMITTING
A report of the Secretary of State, with copies of the instructions given to
Mr. Albert S. Willis, the representative of the United States now in
the Hawaiian Islands. and also the correspondence since March 4, 1889,
concerning the relations of this Government to those islands.
DECEMBER 18, 1893.-Referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs and ordered to be
printed.
To the House of Representatives:
In compliance with a resolution passed by your honorable body on
the 13th instant, I hereby transmit a report of the Secretary of State,
with copies of the instructions given to Mr. Albert S. Willis, the representative of the United States now in the Hawaiian Islands, and also
the correspondence since the 4th day of March, 1889, concerning the
relations of this Government to those islands.
In making this communication, I have withheld only a dispatch from
the former minister to Hawaii numbered 70, under date of October 8,
1892, and a dispatch from the present minister, numbered 3, under
date of November 16, 1893, because, in my opinion, the publication of
these two papers would be incompatible with the public interest.
GROVER CLEVELAND.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
Washington, December 18, 1893.
THE PRESIDENT:
The Secretary of State, to whom was referred a resolution adopted
by the House of Representatives on the 13th instant, requesting the
President to communicate to that Houseif not inconsistent with the public interest, copies of the instructions given to
the representative of the United States now in the Hawaiian Islands in regard to
the protection of the lives and property of American citizens there, or any contemplated change in the form of government, and all correspondence since the fourth
day of March, eighteen hundred and eighty-nine in regard to Hawaii, not already
transmitted to Congress;                                10
1076




1076                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
has the honor to lay before the President, with a view to his determination touching their transmission to the House of Representatives in
response to that resolution, copies of the correspondence called for.
In order that nothing might be omitted that may be deemed to come
within the purview of the resolution, the Secretary of State has endeavored to include all correspondence of a political character concerning the Hawaiian Islands. It has seemed advisable in so doing to
incorporate also sundry papers within the specified period which have
been heretofore communicated to both Houses of Congress, together
with the correspondence of the described character communicated to
the Senate in February and March last, and printed by order of that
body, to the end that the present collection may fairly respond to the
request of the House of Representatives.
Respectfully submitted.
W. Q. GRESHAM.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, December 18, 1893.
LIST OF PAPERS.
Mr. Merrill to Mr. Blaine, No. 239, May 1, 1889.
Same to same, No. 241, May 8, 1889.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Merrill, No. 127, May 27, 1889.
Same to same, No. 128, May 31,1889.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Merrill, No. 131, June 20, 1889.
Same to same, No. 132, June 27,1889.
Mr. Merrill to Mr. Blaine, No. 249, July 9,1889.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 1, July 12, 1889.
Mr. Merrill to Mr. Blaine, No. 253, July 26,1889.
Same to same, No. 254, July 29. 1889.
Same to same, No. 255, August 1, 1889.
Same to same, telegram, August 2, 1889.
Same to same, No. 257, August 6, 1889.
Mr. Moore to Merrill, No. 136, August 12, 1889.
Mr. Wharton to Merrill, No. 137, August 22, 1889.
Same to same, No. 138, August 23, 1889.
Mr. Merrill to Mr. Blaine, No. 260, August 29, 1889.
Same to same, No. 262, September 7, 1889.
Mr. Adee to Mr. Merrill, No. 139, September 10, 1889.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 2 bis, September 25, 1889.
Same to same, No. 3, October 7, 1889.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens, No. 5, October 16, 1889.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 6, October 17, 1889.
Same to same, No. 7, October 18, 1889.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens, No. 6, October 31, 1889.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens, No. 7, November 4, 1889.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 10, November 4, 1889.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens, No. 8, November 6, 1889.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 11, November 14, 1889.
Mr. Adee to Mr. Stevens, No. 11, November 16, 1889.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens, No. 12, December 3, 1889.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 17, February 7, 1890.
Same to same, No. 18, February 10, 1890.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens, No. 17, March 4, 1890.
Same to same, No. 19, March 6, 1890.




HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.                        1077
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 20, March 20, 1890.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens, No. 22, April 7, 1890.
Same to same, No. 24, April 24, 1890.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 24, May 20, 1890.
Same to same, No. 25, May 28, 1890.
Same to same, No. 26, June 9, 1890.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens, No. 27, June 14, 1890.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 27, June 26, 1890.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens, No. 29, July 3, 1890.
Mr. Adee to Mr. Stevens, No. 31, July 14, 1890.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens, No. 2, August 16, 1890.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 30, August 19, 1890.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens, No. 4, September 10, 1890.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 2, September 17, 1890.
Same to same, No. 3, September 25, 1890.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens, No. 8, October 15, 1890.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 7, October 22, 1890.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens, No. 9, November 12, 1890.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 8, November 14, 1890.
Same to same, No. 9, Nov. 20, 1890.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens, No. 11, December 5, 1890.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 16, February 5, 1891.
Same to same, No. 18, February 9, 1891.
Same to same, No. 19, February 16,1891.
Same to same, No. 20, February 22, 1891.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens, No. 15, February 28, 1891.
Same to same, No. 16, March 2, 1891.
Same to same, No. 19, March 10, 1891.
Same to same, No. 20, March 14, 1891.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 21, March 26, 1891.
Same to same, No. 23, April 4, 1891.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Wharton, No. 28, July 23, 1891.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 30, August 20, 1891.
Same to same, No. 31, September 3, 1891.
Same to same, No. 32, September 5, 1891.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens, No. 28, September 9, 1891.
Same to same, No. 30, September 22, 1891.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 34, October 15, 1891.
Same to same, No. 46, February 8, 1892.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens, No. 39, March 3, 1892.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 48, March 8, 1892.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens, No. 41, March 19, 1892.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 50, March 19, 1892.
Same to same, No. 52, April 2, 1892.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens, No. 46, April 12, 1892.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 56, May 21, 1892.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens, No. 50, June 7, 1892.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine, No. 57, June 11, 1892.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, No. 64, September 9, 1892.
Same to same, No. 65, September 14, 1892.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens, No. 57, September 29, 1892. 
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, No. 71, October 19, 1892.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens, No. 59, October 26, 1892.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, No. 72, October 31. 1892.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens, No. 61, November 5, 1892.
Same to same, No. 62, November 8, 1892.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, No. 73, November 8, 1892.
Same to same, No. 74, November 20, 1892.
Same to same, No. 75, November 28, 1892.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens, No. 65, December 1, 1892.
Same to same, No. 67, December 23, 1892.
Same to same, No. 68, December 23, 1892.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, telegram, January 18, 1893.
Same to same, No. 79, January 18, 1893.
Same to same, No. 80 January 19, 1893.
Same to same, No. 81, January 26, 1893.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens, telegram, January 28, 1893.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, telegram, February 1, 1893,
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens, No. 70, February 1, 1893.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, No. 82, February 1, 1893.




1078                       HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.
Same to same, No. 83, February 1, 1893.
Same to same, No. 84, February 1, 1893.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, telegram, February 8, 1893.
Same to same, No. 85, February 8, 1893.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens, telegram, February 14, 1893.
Same to same, telegram, February 15, 1893.
Same to same, No. 72, February 16, 1893.
Same to same, No. 73, February 16, 1893.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens, No. 74, February 17, 1893.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens, telegram, February 22, 1893.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens, No. 75, February 23, 1893.
Same to same, No. 76, February 24, 1893.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster, No. 86, February 27, 1893.
Same to same, No. 87, February 27, 1893.
Same to same, telegram, March 1, 1893.
Same to same, No. 88, March 1, 1893.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens, No. 77, March 2, 1893.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Gresham, No. 89, March 7, 1893.
Same to same, No. 90, March 7, 1893.
Same to same, No. 91, March 7, 1893.
Mr. Gresham te Mr. Stevens, No. 79, March 10, 1893.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Gresham, No. 92, March 15, 1893.
Same to same, No. 93, March 24, 1893.
Same to same, No. 94, April4,1893.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Stevens, No. 81, April 18, 1893.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Stevens, telegram. April 25, 1893.
Mr. Adee to Mr. Stevens, No. 82, April 27, 1893.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Stevens, No. 83, May 4, 1893.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Gresham, No. 96, May 18, 1893.
Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham, No. 1, May 24, 1893.
Same to same, No. 2, May 24, 1893.
Same to same, No. 3, May 29, 1893.
Same to same, No. 4, June 1, 1893.
Same to same, No. 5, June 1, 1893.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Blount, No. 5, June 23, 1893.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham, No. 1, November 6, 1893.
Same to same, telegram, November 6, 1893.
Same to same, telegram, November 11, 1893.
Same to same, No. 2, November 11, 1893.
Same to same, telegram, November 16, 1893.
Same to same, No. 4, November 16, 1893.
Same to same, No. 5, November 18, 1893.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Willis, telegram, November 24, 1893.
Same to same, telegram, December 3, 1893.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham, telegram, December 4, 1893.
Mr. Thurston to Mr. Gresham, December 5, 1893.
Mr. Merrill to Mr. Blaine.
No. 239.]                    LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, May 1, 1889.
SIR: I have the honor to inform         you that Her Royal Highness
Princess Kaiulani, aged about 14 years, daughter of the late Princess
Likelike and Hon. A. S. Cleghorn, will leave here on the 10th instant,
going direct to England via San Francisco and New York.
The princess will travel in company with Mrs. T. R. Walker, the
wife of the British vice-consul at Honolulu, and intends remaining in
England, under the charge of Mrs. Walker, about one year, when Mr.
Cleghorn, as he informs me, will visit Europe and return with the




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1079
princess, visiting the principal cities in America, when they hope to be
able to avail themselves of an opportunity to pay their respects to the
President of the United States.
His Majesty the King contemplates visiting Paris, and intended
leaving here at the same time as Princess Kaiulani, but I am informed
he has determined to delay his departure until some time next month.
During the absence of His Majesty, Her Royal Highness Princess
Liliuokalani, heir apparent to the throne, and sister of the King, will
be named as regent.
As to the route through and the time to be spent in the United
States, the King has not determined.
I have, etc.,
GEO. W. MERRILL.
Mr. Merrill to Mr. Blaine.
No. 241.]              LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, May 8, 1889.
SIR: I have the honor to inform you that the U. S. S. Alert departed
for Apia on the 18th ultimo.
The only national vessel now in the harbor is Her British Majesty's
ship Cormorant, and evidently it is the intention of the British Governjment to retain a naval vessel in Hawaiian waters indefinitely.
Owing to the large American interests in Hawaii, and in the absence
of cable communication, the comparatively isolated condition of the
islands, and in view of an approaching political campaign, in which,
no doubt, much animosity will be engendered, it is hoped it will be
deemed advisable to so arrange that a United States ship will be able
to remain in the waters of Hawaii.
While it is hoped that no occasion will offer for the employment of a
naval force, yet I am convinced that the presence of passive power
often prevents the maturing of turbulent schemes.
I have, etc.,
GEORGE W. MERRILL.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Merrill.
No. 127.]                       DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, May 27, 1889.
SIR: I have received your No. 241 of the 8th instant, representing
the circumstances under which you regard it advisable for a United
States ship of war to remain for the present in Hawaiian waters.
A copy of your dispatch has been submitted for the consideration of
the Secretary of the Navy.
I am, etc.,
JA MES G. BLAINE.




1080


HAWAHAN iSLAMNS.


Mr. Blaine to Mr. Merrill.
No. 128.]                           DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, May 31, 1889.
SIR: Adverting to my No. 127 of the 27th instant, I have now to
apprise you of the receipt of a letter from the Secretary of the Navy
of that date saying that the Adams, now fitting for service at the Mare
Island navy-yard, was ordered some days since to proceed to Honolulu
as soon as ready for sea.
I am, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAInT.
Mr. Blaine to MO. Merrill.
No. 131.]                           DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, June 20, 1889.
SIR: Your dispatches numbered 239 to 242, inclusive, have been
received.
I am, sir, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Merrill.
No. 132.]                           DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, June 27, 1889.
Transmits Mr. Merrills letter of recall as minister.
Mr. Merrill to Mr. Blaine.
No. 249.]                LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, July 9, 1889.
SIR: I have the honor to inform you that the anniversary of the
Independence of the United States was celebrated here with much
enthusiasm, and the 4th instant was observed as a general holiday by
both native and foreign residents.
The Government offices and the business houses in the city were
generally closed.
A reception was held at the legation and was largely attended by
all nationalities.
I inclose clippings from each of the daily papers, Advertiser and
Bulletin, giving accounts of the proceedings of the day.
I have, etc.,
ED. W. MERRILL.
[Inclosure 1 in No. 249-Daily Advertiser.]
Fourth of July-How the glorious day was celebrated-Salutes, music, regatta, literary
exercises, field 8ports, rifle practice, ball, etc.
The greater part of the evening and night of the 3d of July resounded in firing of
pistols and guns and the letting off of fireworks of different kinds, and the morning
of the Fourth was heralded by similar demonstrations, and a salute of thirteen guns




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1081


from the shore battery. At an early hour the population was astir, and holiday
attire was the rule among those who could afford it.
THE REGATTA.
The rowing and yacht regattas were the first sports on the programme, and the
wharves at 7:45 were crowded with people.
At 8 a. m. the tugboat Eleu left her wharf with the committee, to which had been
committed the management of the regatta, and proceeded out to the harbor entrance.
Soon afterwards the six-oared gig race began by two boats starting simultaneously from the starting line and maintaining a close contest for several hundred
yards. Finally the Alice M. forged ahead of the Liliuokalani and maintained the 
lead until the finish, when the Alice M. won by about twenty boat lengths. Time
of the boats: Alice M., 25 minutes; Liliuokalani, 25 minutes, 25 seconds.
The next was a six-oared gig race in which four boats started-the three war vessels, Alert, Espiegle, and Pilcomayo, having one boat each; and there was also a boat,
the Kapiolani, manned by a native crew. The Hawaiian boat led from the start, and
gradually increased its lead until the finish, When it entered the starting line about
200 yards ahead of the American boat, which was second. Until the home stretch
was more than half done there was a close contest between the American and English
boats. But finally the Englishmen fell astern, manfully pulling to keep up, but the
Americans steadily forged ahead. The Chilian boat was far astern. In going out
of the harbor the Chilian boat fouled the American boat, which had commenced to
gain on the Englishman, and between the two latter the race was well contested
throughout. To and around the bell buoy, and up to the light-house on the home
stretch, the American boat gradually forged ahead of the Englishman and came in
second, the Hawaiian boat winning the race. Following is the time taken by each
boat: Kapiolani, the native boat, 29 minutes 10 seconds; Alert, the American boat,
31 minutes; Puaala, the English boat, 31 minutes 55 seconds; Pilcomayo, the Chilian
boat, 33 minutes 30 seconds.
The yacht race began at 9:35 a. m., when a beautiful flying start was made. Five
yachts, over five tons register, went off almost together, and spinnakers were set
during the run out of the harbor.
BALLOON ASCENSION.
At the time of the start, Melville's balloon shot up from the slopes of Punchbowl
hill, and very quickly reached an altitude of nearly 2,000 feet. The aeronaut was
seen like a speck clinging to a rope below the balloon, but before many minutes
elapsed the huge inflated bag was noticed to be descending rapidly. There was
no parachute jump, and the balloon reached the ground in the neighborhood of
Kakaako.
By this time the five yachts had reached the harbor entrance, and the large quantity of sail that they spread gave a fascinating appearance to these aquatic racers.
They kept well together as far as could be seen from the P. M. Co.'s wharf, and were
closely followed by the steam tug Eleu, from the deck of which vessel their movements were more easily observed. The names of the five yachts were Healani, Spray,
Hawaii, Helene, andKahihilani. These all started; but the latter, the Kahihilani,
did not finish. At the stake boat, opposite the Hon. W. G. Irwin's residence, the
following was the order in rounding: Hawaii let, Spray 2d, Healani 3d, Helene 4th,
Kahihilani 5th. At the Pearl Harbor stake boat the order was Hawaii 1st, Helene 2d,
Healani 3d, Spray 4th. At the harbor entrance the order was: Healani 1st, Helene
2d, Hawaii 3d, Spray 4th. The time taken by the yachts was: Healani, 4 hours 8 minutes 32 seconds; Spray, 4 hours 14 minutes 16 seconds;.Helene, 4 hours 14 minutes 30
seconds; Hawaii, 4 hours 16 minutes 4 seconds.
SECOND-CLASS YACHT RACE.
At 10 a. m. eight small yachts, under 5 tons register, started in the wake of the
five larger ones that left the harbor half an hour ago. The spread of canvas was
even larger in proportion than on the larger vessels, and the speed of these smaller
crafts appeared to be equally rapid. They all kept close together in rounding the
reef, which operation was done in very beautiful style. The names of these yachts
were Edith L., Kaohinani, Pookii, Laura, Onward, Laura Doone Park-street and
Paulihne. The latter four, Onward, Laura Doone, Park street, and Pauline, did not
finish. The time of these yachts was as follows Edith L., 3 hours 49 seconds; Kaohinaxi, 3 hours 50 seconds; Pokii, 3 hours 21 minutes 41 seconds; Laura, 3 hours 24
minutes 62 seconds. Judge's decision withheld.




1082                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
The boat-boys' race was rowed at 10:18 a. m. There were four boats that started,
but only three came in to finish, as follows: Flying Fish, 14 minutes 2 seconds; Alameda, 14 minutes 4 seconds; Benecia, 14 minutes 10 seconds.
The literary exercises took place at 10 o'clock at the opera house. The audience
was small, the house being not more than half filled, owing to attractions in other
parts of the city; but those who were there were well repaid. Berger's band
opened the exercises with a medley of national airs. Prayer was then offered by
Rev. George Wallace. His excellency George W. Merrill, American minister resi.
dent, made a few introductory remarks appropriate to the day and the occasion.
This was the fifth time he has presided on similar occasions, the first having been in
1885.
After the singing of the opening hymn, Mr. A. V. Gear read the Declaration of Independence in a clear voice, occupying twelve minutes. This was followed by the
choir and audience singing "My country, 'tis of Thee."
Mr. Merrill then introduced Rev. E. G. Porter, of Lexington, Mass., as the orator
of the day, stating that the name was one that bore honorable mention in American
history.
MR. PORTER'S ADDRESS.
Mr. Chairman, fellow-countrymen, ladies and gentlemen: When the invitation of
your committee reached me a few days ago I was on the coast of Hawaii, returning
from a trip to the volcano. My first thought was to decline the honor, as my time
was wholly occupied in studying these islands, but on reaching Honolulu I was
assured that I could meet the requirements of the occasion by giving such thoughts
concerning our country as might readily occur to me as a traveler. With this
understanding I have accepted the position, feeling that my refusal would be a poor
return for the many acts of kindness extended to me during my visit.
We are assembled to commemorate an event in our history which is dear to every
American heart-an event to which '"the glorious Fourth" has been consecrated as
the chief festival in our political calendar. Whoever has spent his boyhood in the
States will recall the thrill of excitement with which the great holiday has always
been ushered in. I confess I was hardly expecting to find in any foreign country
such a demonstration as we had last night and this morning-the sharp and familiar
explosives around your houses, revealing the presence of youthful patriots, with
unabated zeal, the salute of thirteen guns from the shore battery at sunrise, the
display of the national colors on so many private houses, on the shipping in the
harbor, and even on the tramcars and carriage buses in the streets. And here in
this large opera house we have the inspiring strains of national music and choral
song to aid us in worthily celebrating the day. You have also made generous provision for aquatic and field sports which are sure to be in order at this time.
We are nominally commemorating the achievements of our country's Independence
in 1776, the official declaration of which has just been read. We shall never forget
the men who signed that immortal document, nor the results that flowed from it.
The nation can never outgrow its early history. It will never be ashamed of its
birth.
But the present year is suggestive of other events, and we need not dwell now
upon the independence which the fathers secured for us, nor even the later conflict
upon the question of political union which Webster argued with such eloquence in
the Senate, and which President Lincoln maintained when he called the nation to
arms.. Those great issues are settled-we hope forever-and we can turn our
thoughts the more willingly to themes relating to the development of our country
in various directions.
The speaker then referred to the recent celebration in New York commemorating
the inauguration of the first President under the Constitution; to the,Victorian era,
which covers a little more than half of the entire century of our national existence;
to the character of the nation's founders; to the stability of American political institutions, and to the fact that not a country in Europe is now so firm and prosperous
as the American Republic; which was owing in a large measure to the general diffusion of knowledge, which made the people the ruling power. He spoke of the wide
distribution of property in America compared with other countries; to the munificent gifts of charity for public libraries, technical schools, colleges, and universities,
now amounting to millions annually. Our foreign relations were referred too, and
the respect shown by not only European nations, but by those of Asia, China, Japan,
Korea, Siam, Hawaii, etc.
We are obliged by want of space to abridge this report of amost eloquent address.
and give merely an outline of it.
The exercises closed with singing two verses of the national hymn, " Star Spangled
Banner, " followed by the band, which had assisted in the music throughout.
At noon a national salute of forty-two guns-one for each State now in the American Union-was fired from the shore battery.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1083
RECEPTION AT THE LEGATION.
His excellency George W. Merrill and Mrs. Merrill received their friends at the
legation, 2 till 6 o'clock, yesterday afternoon. During the entire afternoon the rooms
were crowded, and many expressed their regrets that they were soon to leave and
return to their country, to give place to new representatives of the great Republic.
It is not certain how soon Mr. Merrill's successor will arrive, as he had not been
named at the latest advices from Washington.
[Inclosure 2 in No. 249-Evening Bulletin.)
The glorious Fourth-Remarkably eventful holiday —Reports of all the festivities.
A finer day, except for some hours of great heat, could not have been desired for
the glorious Fourth. Besides the various items of public celebration, many picnic
parties went to the seaside or mountains. As full a report as possible of each part
of the programme appears below. The American, British, and Chilean war ships were
dressed with equal resplendence, the 0. S. S. Umatilla was gaily bedecked, and there
was a fine display of flags from other shipping and on shore. Salutes of thirteen guns
each were fired at sunrise and sunset, and of thirty-eight guns at noon, from the
shore battery.
THE REGATTA.
First race-Six-oared gig race. Sliding seats. Free to all. Prize, $40. Donated
by the 4th July celebration committee.
Lilioukalani-White and blue, Carl Widemann. Alice M.-Red and white, H.
Gunn.
Second race-Galley or gig race. Six oars. Stationary seats. Free to all. First
prize, $50; second prize, $25; third prize, saves stakes. Donated by the 4th July
celebration committee.
Chilean Pilcomayo-White caps, Lieut. Espinosa. U. S. S. Alert-Blue, Lieut.
Carmody.   Kapiolani-Blue caps, Carl Widemann.   Puaala-Red, H. B. M. S.
Espiegle.
Third race-Yacht race. Open to all yachts over 5 tons and not exceeding 10
tons in measurement; provided, however, that this limitation shall not apply to
yachts now in Hawaiian waters and that enter for therace this year. Prize, Hawaiian
challenge cup and pennant for 1889.
Kahihilani, 8.14 tons-White and green, W. Williams. Spray, 6.07 tons-Shamrock white, W. C. Sproull, for owners. Healani, 6.29 tons-Hawaiian flag, C. Brown,
F. M. Hatch, C. P. Iaukea. Hawaii, 6.95 tons-White, W. O. Smith. Helene, 12.22
tons-White maltese cross, blue border, W. H. Baird, for owners.
Fourth race: Yacht race. Open to all yachts below 5 tons measurement. First
prize, $75; 2d prize, $50; 3d prize, $25; donated by the 4th of July committee.
Kaohinani, 3.40 tons, white burgee, red letters, W. W. Dimond; Park St.,tons, white and blue, S. H. Priestly; Laura, 1.75 tons, blue, Hingley and Graham;
Pokii, 1.91 tons, blue W in center, W. Williams; Laura Doone, -  tons, blue, yellow
and red, S. B. Dole; Pauline, -   tons, -, W. L. Wilcox; Edith L., lj tons,
red, Alex. Lyle; Onward, —tons; blue with M. P. in white, J. A. Magoon.
Fifth race: Boat boys' race; opened to all licensed boats. First prize, $10; 2d
prize, $5.
Dido, white; Flying Fish, American; Benicia, red; Fair Play, yellow; Lita, blue;
Alameda, white and blue.
The regatta being the first event in celebration of the Fourth, mostly everybody
consulted the weather immediately on awakening. The day dawned gloriously calm,
and yachtsmen despaired.
A few minutes after 8 o'clock the first race came off, being that of six-oared gigs,
sliding seats, between the Myrtle club's Alice M. and the Honolulu club's Liliuokalani. Alice M. won easily by 25 seconds; time of winning boat, 25 minutes.
Second race: Galley or gig, six oars, stationary seats. A good start was made but
the native boat Kapiolani soon took the lead and walked away with the cake. The
struggle between the U. S. S. Alert and H. B. M. S. Espiegle boats for second prize
was closely contested. The Espiegle boat, Puaala, was in advance of the Alert's to
the turning point, where the Alert's bow oar fouled the stern of the Puaala, but no
foul was claimed. Although the Alert's boat lost some space by the collision she
afterwards gradually crawled up on the Espiegle boat and passed her. Time of the
boats: Kapiolani, 29:10; Alert, 31; Puaala (Espiegle), 31:55, and Pilcomayo, 33.




1084                     HAWAIIAN ILANDS.
Third race: Yachts of 5 tons measurement. Entered, Spray, 6.07 tons; HIealani,
6.29; Hawaii 6.95; IKahihilani, 8.14, and Helene 12.22. A gentle breeze had sprung
up, and at the signal to start the Hawaii took a big lead, and, setting all canvas,
was away ahead in a short time.
The Spray crossed the starting line second, the Kahihilani third, Helene, fourth,
and Healani fifth. The wind, while beating up to Waikiki, was favorable to the
smaller boats, being too light for the larger ones. The Kahihilani was the first to
make an inshore tack on rounding the bell buoy. The Hawaii rounded the Waikiki
stake boat a short distance in advance of the Spray, Healani, and Helene, which
three vessels had gained handsomely on the Hawaii. On the run before the wind
to Pearl River the Hawaii was considerably in the lead for the greater part of the
distance, but when near the stake boat a stiff breeze sprang up and the Helene went
ahead. A lull came before the stake boat was reached, however, and the Hawaii,
forging a head, turned first. On the beat home the Healani stole a march by tacking away inshore, the Helene also going in considerably, while the Hawaii kept too
much to sea. Near the bell buoy, on the return home, the Healani was leading
handsomely. The Helene held a good position and weathered the buoy finely. The
Spray, although far behind at one time, having gained by her inshore tack, came very
near rounding the bell buoy before the Hawaii. While beating up the passage the
Healani, which was ahead, became becalmed for a moment on the Ewa side of the
passage, and the Helene, picking up a puff on the Waikiki side, carried it along with
her and walked in ahead. The Helene crossed the line first, the Healani second, the
Hawaii third, and the Spray fourth, very closely.
OFFICIAL TIME.
Hawaii, start 9:41, return 2:02:57, corrected time 4 hours 16 minutes 4 seconds.
Spray, start 9:41:35, return 3:03:22, corrected time 4 hours 14 minutes 16 seconds.
Kahihilani, start 9:42:05, out of race.
Helene, start 9:43:25, return 1:58: 55, corrected time 4 hours 15 minutes 30 seconds.
Healani, start 9:44:09, return 2:0:12, corrected time 4 hours 8 minutes 32 seconds.
By time allowance the Healani is winner of the race, the Spray comes second, the
Helene third and the Hawaii fourth.
Fourth race: Yachts below 5 tons measurement, rested between the Kaohinani and
Edith L., but has been decided in favor of the Edith L. The time of the Edith L. is 3
hours 49 seconds, and of the Kaohinani 3 hours 50 seconds.
Four boats started in the fifth race-of licensed boats-the Flying Fish winning,
the Alameda crossing the line 2 seconds later, and taking second prize.
LITERARY EXERCISES.
The literary exercises were held in the Hawaiian opera house at 10 o'clock, and
were very interesting, though not largely attended. Besides those performing the
various parts, Prof. M. M. Scott, chairman; Hon. W. F. Allen and Mr. W. W. Hall,
members of the committee on literary exercises; and Hon. J. H. Putnam, consulgeneral, were on the stage; also the choir of the Central Union church and a detachment of the Royal Hawaiian Band, under the lead of Prof. Berger.
The band played an overture consisting of a medley of American airs.
Rev. George Wallace, chaplain of the day, offered opening prayers.
His excellency, George W. Merrill, president, made introductory remarks. He
was pleased to be with the Houolulu people once more, this being the fifth time he
enjoyed with them the privilege of celebrating the Fourth of July. As the shadows
of the nineteenth century deepened around us he wondered how many people outside of America would be glad that the United States had stood for a century under
a Constitution that had abided all the tests and provided liberty, equality, and
justice to the nation. In a glowing panegyric upon the men who gave them that
Constitution he said they avoided the Scylla of disunion at home and repulsed the
Charybdis of invasion from abroad. As he thought of it he had not words to express
his feelings toward that godlike man Washington. Referring to the advancement
of science contemporaneously with the development of the American Republic, the
speaker said Boston was nearer London and New Zealand in communications to-day
than New York and Albany were to each other a hundred years ago. It was possible that Hawaii might before long be enabled to learn changes in the price of sugar
the day they occurred, while now the map of Europe might be changed and they
could not learn of it in less than a week. He referred to the Samoan disaster as
calling forth the same spirit in their nation's defenders that inspired their forefathers, which enabled them to give three rousing cheers to Britain's sons, when
these gave back three cheers for the red, white, and blue and for the men who stood
so bravely at their duty.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,


1085


Mr. A V. Gear, of Ohio, assistant teacher in Fort street school, was introduced
with facetious remarks from the Chair about his State's officeholding resources, and
in clear and measured tones read the Declaration of Independence.
"America" was sung by choir and audience to the accompaniment of the band.
Rev. E. G. Porter, introduced as coming from Lexington, Mass., where so many of
their fathers fought and died, delivered an extempore oration of the day. He had
only consented to fill the place on the assurance that no profundity of research or
study would be exacted, as he could not think of giving up any considerable portion
of his limited stay from the investigation of the points of interest in these delightful islands. He greeted them as fellow countrymen in a foreign land, which was a
particularly pleasing privilege to him here, where there. were so many evidences of
American predominance'-the numbers of houses displaying American flags, the
juvenile demonstrations similar to their childhood's celebrations of the day, and,
above all, the mark Americans had made in the country's civilization.
The Americans had done their moral work here unselfishly. They came not to make
money but to benefit the people in the hightest moral sense. That end had been
greatly accomplished and those who had done it are gone to their well-earned rest.
They were met to celebrate an event second to none. Their country could not have
a second birth; therefore he was glad of the establishment of this Fourth of July
holiday. He referred with pleasure to the ample provisions made here for the celebration-in these exercises, aquatic and field sports, and so forth. It was well that
the nation should perpetually commemorate the movement that led to the framing
of that instrument in 1776 which had jnst been read to them. They had struggles
not only to gain their national independence but to preserve the Union. That day
of trial should be remembered on the Fourth.
The speaker considered that the course of affairs in their country could be viewed,
in some respects, with more advantage from Sydney, Calcutta, Hongkong, or Honolulu than from within the country itself. One of the thoughts occurring at this
time was that they could never forget the men who gave them their nation-those
men who framed the early state papers, gave them a jurisprudence, interpreted the
laws they made themselves. This Fourth might be celebrated as the anniversary of
their Constitution. The assertion of independence was not the securing of it. They
had strife and war to maintain independence. The inauguration of the first President was, perhaps, the beginning of their national life, but that could not take place
without important antecedent events. Although the war did not continue thirteen
years, their organization was not complete under that period.
They had no chief justice, with associates, to declare the purpose of the laws.
Chosen men sat for five months, working seven hours a day, to make the Constitution.
Samuel Adams, one of these, had been the first man to mention the word "independence," and not one of his fellow-patriots was with him, even Washington
opposing him when he had uttered the sentiment in Faneuil Hall. The orator
proceeded to eulogize the nation's founders by name, and described Washington's
journey from the Potomac to receive the honors as President at New York. All the
great men of the day-Governor Clinton, Roger Sherman, Col. Knox, etc., withdrew
to a man and owned Washington as the only man for the position. Sketching the
career of Washington from childhood, the speaker said he could find no names in
history surpassing that of the "Father of his country." "I would not exchange
the reputation of Washington for the reputation of any man who ever lived."
(Applause.) They had no need to boast of him, for other nations had recognized
him. Over all his qualities was nobility of character, of work, of life.
Mr. Porter dealt eloquently with the stability of American institutions, comparing
this with the precarious tenure of existing conditions in certain European countries
He spoke of the increasing influence of America in international affairs, notwithstanding that she let other countries surpass her in foreign commerce for the development of
boundless resources at home. Reference was made to America's superior general
intelligence over that of other countries, to the munificence of her rich men toward
higher learning from the foundation of Harvard College in 1636, and to her progress
in establishing art and technical schools. The wide distribution of property in
America was compared with the land-holding in few hands elsewhere. America's
influence as extended by her Christian missions was alluded to, being strikingly
exemplified in Korea, Japan, and Turkey. She sent "kerosene and missionaries"
to Turkey; one giving light to the homes, the other to the hearts of the people.
America had the torch to give light to the world. In conclusion, he was happy to
congratulate them that the country was thriving at home and abroad. Wherever he
had seen their flag he had felt at home, whether in foreign harbors or lonely bungalows of India. He was glad to see so many elements of joy in these islands. By
striving to follow the examples of Washington and Lincoln, Americans would be a
blessing to their own land and to the nations of the earth.
Mr. Merrillpublicly thanked Mr. Porter for his able address. He added that, owing
to events over which he had no control, he might visit America before the next Fourth,




1086                      HAWAIIAN    ISLANDS.
and he thanked them for their kindly attention to these celebrations, to which his
mind would always revert with pleasure. When he again stepped on the shores of
America he should always feel proud of her Constitution, whether administered by
the powers that sent him here, or that called him home, and forever shout three
cheers for the "red, white, and blue," whether it waved victoriously over his party
or another one. His excellency concluded with a cordial invitation for everybody
to call on Mrs. Merrill and himself at the legation in the afternoon.
The singing of "Star Spangled Banner," and band music closed the exercises.
TARGET PRACTICE.
The eighth semiannual competition of the Hawaiian Rifle Association was held at
the King street range. There was a fair attendance, but not so large as on former
occasions, owing to the numerous sources of amusement offered elsewhere. The
weather was good, although the light was somewhat changeable. With a few
exceptions the shooting was hardly up to the standard of some former meetings of the
association. It will be seen that Mr. Pratt made an excellent score in the midrange
championship match. Mr. Fisher won the Brodie medal for the third and last time.
RECEPTION AT THE LEGATION.
His Excellency GeorgeW. Merrill, United States minister resident, and Mrs. Merrill
were at home from 2 to 5 o'clock in the afternoon. There was a large number of,callers. who were received with great cordiality by the popular host and hostess.
Decorations of the legation were charming, and an elegant line of refreshments was
served. Below will be found a list of visitors as nearly as possible correct:
A. Mons. G. B. d'Anglade, French commissioner; Hon. Taro Ando, Japanese consul-general; Mr. and Mrd. W. O. Atwater, Hon. W. D. Alexander, His Excellency
Jona. Austin, minister of foreign affairs; Miss Millie Austin, Col. V. V. Ashford.
B. Brother Bertram, St. Louis College; C. 0. Berger, Mons. Bellaguet, chancellor
French legation; Rev. E. G. Beckwith, D.D., Rev. and Mrs. S. E. Bishop, Lieut.
Bechler, U. S. Navv; E. Faxon Bishop, H. Berger, Mrs. A. E. Broad, Rev. H. Bingham.
C. Capt. Clarke, H.B.M. S. Espiegle; His Excellency H. A. P. Carter, Hawaiian
minister to Washington; Misses Carter (2);' Mr. and Mrs. J. O. Carter, Miss Mary
Carter, Sadie Carter, Hon. A. S. Cleghorn, Miss Corney, Senhor A. de Souza Canavarro, Portuguese commissioner; Mrs. R. J. Creighton, Miss Creighton, Master
Henry Cushman Carter, Cushman Carter, Mr. Conn.
D. Mrs. S. M. Damon, Mrs. Dudoit, Miss Dudoit, Mrs. John Dyer, B. F. Dillingham,
Mrs. Demming.
E., Miss Elliott, Mrs. Everett, Mrs. M. M. Evans.
Y. Mrs. A. Fuller, Clara Fuller, Brother Francis, St. Louis College; Justice and
Mr:s. William Foster.
G. Maj. and Mrs. C. T. Gulick, Lieut. Greene, U. S. Navy; Miss Gay (Kauai),.tev. H. H. Gowen, Commander James G. Green, U. S. S. Alert; H. F. Glade, German
consul.
H. A. S. Hartwell, J. F. Hackfeld, Russian consul; J. A. Hopper, fMr. and Mrs.
Heydtmann, Mrs. Haalelea, Rev. C. M. Hyde, D. D.
J. Hon. A. F. Judd, chief justice; P. C. Jones, Mr. and Mrs. Hamilton Johnson.
K. Absolom Kirby, chief engineer, U. S. Navy; Mrs. Knowles, Goo Kim, Chinese
commercial agent; Ensign Knapp, U. S. Navy; Prince David Kawananakoa.
L. Curtis J. Lyons, Mrs. Langtry, Daniel Logan, Mr. and Mrs. Robert Lewers, W.
H. Lewers, Miss Lewers, Dr. Lundy, Father Leonor, H. Lose, acting consul for
Sweden and Norway, and Mrs. Lose.
M. Lieut. Moore, U. S. Navy; Capt. H. W. Mist, R. N., and Miss Mist, Rev. and
Mrs. A. Mackintosh, Surgeon Marsteller, U. S. Navy; Dr. John S. McGrew, Miss
Messrole, M. D. Monsarrat, Mrs. H. R. Macfarlane.
N. Hon. Paul Neumann, Gus Neth.
P. Hon. J. H. Putnam, U. S. consul-general; Lieut. Pritchard, H. B. M. S. Espiegle;
Mrs. E. W. Peterson, Miss Payson, Miss Pecalta, J. H. Paty, consul for The Netherlands; Mrs. Pinney, Rev. E. G. Porter (Lexington, Mass.).
R. George J. Ross, Mr. and Mrs. Robinson (Kauai) Dr. and Mrs. C. T. Rodgers, J. W.
Robertson, H. M.'s Acting Chamberlain, Miss Ritchie.
S. T. M. Starkey, Mr. Shields (Denver, Colo.), Prof. and Mrs. M. M. Scott, Maj.
Seward, Paymaster Sullivan, U. S. Navy; F. A. Schaefer, Italian consul, and Mrs.
Schaefer, O. C. Swain, Cadet Stafford, U.S. S. Adams.
T. Mr. and Mrs. H. P. Toler.
V. Capt. Valenzuela, Chilean warship Pilcomayo.
W. Maj. J. H. Wodehouse, H. B. M.'s commissioner, and the Misses Wodehouse
(2), Rev. G. Wallace, Hon. and Mrs. W. C. Wilder, Hon. H. A. Widemann, the Misses




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1087
Winter (2), Commander Woodward, U. S. S, Adams; C. M. White, Hon. H. M. Whitney, Cadet Wiley, U. S. Navy; Mrs. Widdifield, Master Clifford White, Dr. and Mrs
J. M. Whitney, Bishop and Mrs. Willis.
GAMES AT MAKIKI.
It was difficult to get the prize sports through at Makiki, owing to the crowding
in of people on the competitors.
The 50-yards race was won by G. Rosa, and W. Kaae second.
The 100-yards race was reversed, Kaae being first and Rosa second, and the 150 -yards race went likewise.
Luahiwa made the best standing jump, Kaina second.
Kaina won in the three jumps, Luahiwa second.
Edwin won the sack-race, John Pihi second.
A sailor caught the greased pig but let a native have it.
Running the bases was declared off at the desire of ball players.
In a saddle pull between two horses, that ridden by John Keimi beat one ridden
by Wm. Holt.
The baseball match between the Honolulu and the Stars afforded the most amusement to the largest crowd, probably, of any match ever played on that diamond.
Some estimates of the number of spectators are as high as 3,000. There was some
of the worst and some of the best play of the season. Eleven innings were played,
ending in a dispute. Honolulu made 4 runs in the first inning, 5 in the second, 1 in
the eighth, and 1 in the ninth, 11 altogether. The Stars made 1 in first, 1 in second,
2 in fifth, 5 in sixth, making 9, even with Honolulu, 2 in seventh, 11 altogether. At
the end of the eleventh inning, two being out, Winter made three strikes and ran
for base. Chan Wilder, seeing the catcher muff the ball ran for home and passed
the plate before Winter was put out at first. The Stars claimed Wilder's run and
the game, which Umpire Boardman would not allow. After half an hour's disputing
the matter was left to the league, and if the decision be against the Stars the match
will be declared a draw.
THE EVENING.
In the evening the U. S. S. Alert replaced her flags in ship dress with lanterns,
illuminated all the window ports, and made a display of fireworks. It made oneof
the grandest sights ever seen in the harbor.
A grand ball was given in the Hawaiian Hotel under the auspices of {he subcommittee for that purpose. It was a very brilliant event, being attended by hundreds
of residents and officers from the American, British, and Chilean warships. The
rooms were beautifully decorated with flags, flowers, and foliage by the hands of
Mrs. G. E. Boardman, assisted by Mrs. Ables, Mrs. Hebbard, Miss Afong, and Miss
Katie Rose. The floor manager was Mr. E. F. Bishop, and committee were Maj.
H. F. Hebbard, Messrs. F. E. Nichols, F. L. Winter, and T. F. Lansing. Dancing
went on simultaneously in the dining room and parlor, at opposite ends of the
house, a detachment of the Royal Band under Prof. Berger playing the music on
the veranda. A splendid bill of refreshments was served and the ball broke up in
the early hours of morning.
A very pleasant dancing party was given at the Arion Hall under the management
of Messrs. C. J. Lane, D. W. Roach, and A. Brown, a committee appointed by a
meeting of some who were dissatisfied with the arrangements of the general meeting
for the Fourth. Music was furnished on the piano and by members of the Royal
Band, and an elegant repast, including fine coffee, was served on the back veranda.
There was a large party who enjoyed themselves intensely till after midnight.
THE BALLOON ASCENSION.
Prof. Melville went up in his balloon shortly before 10 o'clock. The balloon took
fire before he was ready, and he gave orders to let it go. Away up it shot with the
aeronaut hanging from it with hands and legs to a small rope, having neither trapeze
nor parachute on the balloon. While thousands of eyes were watching from earth
to see the parachute leap the balloon began a rapid descent and in a few seconds it
lodged in a tree at Kakaako. Melville jumped about 20 feet to avoid the tree and
landed without hurt in a swamp. The balloon was rent in four pieces but the professor says it can be stitched together again, and he intends going to the other
ielnds to make ascensions. He claims to have gone to a height of 2,000 feet.




1088                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Mr. Steve's to Mr. Blaine.
NO. 1.]                          AUGUSTA, ME., July 12, 1889.
SIR: Under the date of June 24 last, I had the honor to receive from
the Secretary of State the official information that the President had
appointed me United States minister resident to the Hawaiian Islands,
inclosing therewith the necessary blank for me to take the oath of office,
with the instruction to return the same to the Department of State.
On the reception of that communication I immediately complied with
its directions by taking the oath of office before Judge Andrews of this
city, and made the proper return to the Department of State. I now
beg leave to say that I am making all the necessary preparations to
leave Augusta with my family for my post at Honolulu about August
22, hoping to take the steamer which is to leave San Francisco September 13 for Honolulu. Presuming that my commission and instructions
will soon reach me,
I have the honor to be, sir, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Merrill to Mr. Blaine.
No. 253.]              LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, July 26, 1889.
SIR: I have the honor to inform you that, on the 15th instant, I
received confidential information to the effect that a few half-caste
native Hawaiians were organizing a scheme whereby they contemplated
deposing His Majesty the King, installing his sister, Her Royal Highness the Princess Liliuokalani, in his place, and proclaiming a new
constitution.
On the following day, in an interview with His Majesty's minister of
foreign affairs, I learned that he had recently heard similar disquieting rumors, and further that the contemplated change was to be
attempted after the departure of the U.. S. Adams, which was then
intending leaving forthwith for Samoa, and before the return to this
port of H. B. M.'s. S. Espiegle, then on a ten days' cruise among the
islands.
While 'the minister of foreign affairs did not place much credence
in such a change being attempted, and expressed a confidence in the
ability of the regular authorities of the kingdom to defeat any such
attempt, yet he thought if the Adams would remain until the return of
the JEspiegle, so as not to leave the harbor without a naval vessel, the
probability of any riotous action would be greatly reduced.
I informed him that if he would make a written request in regard to
the matter, I would communicate the same to the commander of the
Adams and ask him if possible to remain a few days.
Accordingly on the 7th instant, I received an unofficial note from
the minister of foreign affairs, a copy of which I at once transmitted to
the commander of the Adams, accompanied by one from myself. Copies
of the correspondence I inclose herewith.
Commander Woodward, of the Adams, being also detained on account
of the sickness of his surgeon, determined to defer his departure, and
on the 23d instant H. B. M.'s. S. Espiegle returned to port.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                       1089
No disturbance, however, has occurred, nor does it now appear that
there is a probability of any in the immediate future.
Although this place is very prolific in political rumors, yet I have
never deelied it advisable to ignore them as without possible founda.
tion, believing it better to be deceived by discovering their falsity than
their truth.
In this instance I have quietly investigated the matter and am led to
conclude that the disquieting reports arose in a large degree from a
desire on the part of the leaders of the opposition to the present administration to excite and annoy, if possible, the leaders of the reform
party and the official incumbents.
D)oubtless these disquieting reports will become more frequent, while
plolitical excitement will increase and animosities be engendered in a
grealter or less degree, until after the election for members of the legislature in February next.
I am, etc.,
GEO. W. MERRILL.
[Inclosure No. 1.]
Mr. Alustin to Mr. Merrill.
Unofficial.
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Honolulu, July 17, 1889.
MY DEAR MR. MERRILL:
In view of the fact that there are rumors of intention on the part of certain individuals to create disturbances if the harbor should be left without the presence of
a warship, and of the fact that the IT. S. S. Adams, the only one now here, is under
orders to proceed to Samoa, I suggest that if her departure could be delayed until
the return of H. B. M.'s Espiegle, or until some other naval vessel shall arrive, the
probability of riotous action would be greatly reduced. The passive presence of a
1m11 oft war in the harbor is sure to have a quieting influence, and I trust that you
will feel that it is best that there be no interval without one.
Very truly, yours,
JONA. AUSTIN.
[Inclosure No. 2.]
Mr. Merrill to Mr. Woodward.
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Jelly 17, 1889.
SIR: I inclose copy of an unofficial note, just at hand from Mr. Austin, Htis IHawa iian
Majesty's minister of foreign affairs, respecting rumors of disturbance in Honolulu
and the advisability of the presence of a naval vessel in the harbor at the present
time.
If 1ossilde to comply with the request of Mr. Austin, I hope you may deem it
advlislble to lelay your contemplated departure for a few days at least.
Very respectfully,
GEo. NV. MIRoILL,
Commander E. T. WOODWARD,
Commantding U. S,. Adams, Honolulu.
S. Rep. 227 ---69




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. Merrill to Mr. Blaine.
No. 254. ]            LEGATION OF THE UNI:CED STATES,
Honolulu, July 29, 1889.
SIR: I have the honor to inform you that on the 22d instant His
Majesty, the King, appointed Hon. Samuel M1. Damon minister of
finance, vice Hon. William L. Green, resigned.
The resignation of Mr. Green is owing to advanced age and ill health.
Mr. Damon is a native of this Kingdom, his parents being citizens of
the United States, and has been connected with the banking house of
Bishop & Co., at Honolulu, twenty years or more.
The appointment is regarded by all parties here with much favor.
I have, etc.,                    GEORGE W. MERRILL.
Mr. Merrill to Mr. Blaine.
No. 255.]               LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, August 1, 1889.
SIn: I have the honor to inclose a very full account, from the
"Bulletin" of Honolulu, of an attempt made on the 30th ultimo, by
about 100 half-castes and natives, under the leadership of Robert W.
Wilcox and Robert Boyd, two half-caste Hawaiians, to overthrow the
present Government of Hawaii and depose the King.
This is supposed to be their purpose, although their exact intention
is not yet fully known.
About 6 o'clock a. m. a message from the King informed me that an
armed party, led by Mr. Wilcox, was in possession of the palace
grounds, and soon thereafter it was learned that insurgents were in
charge of the building containing the Government offices.
As soon as possible I had communication with Commander Woodward of the U. S. S. Adams, and at once all necessary preparations
were made to land a force, if found necessary for protection of the
people and property interests.
Soon thereafter I met His Majesty's minister of foreign affairs, who
informed me that a cabinet council would be held fortJhwith.
Soon after the news of the affair became generally known, the British,
Portuguese, and French commissioners called at the legation, and while
comparing information regarding the situation, Mr. Damon, the newly
appointed minister of finance, arrived and stated that it was the desire
of His Majesty's ministers to meet the foreign representatives at once.
It was deemed advisable to comply with this request without delay.
On meeting the ministers they stated that they desired to fully inform
us of their contemplated action in the present emergency, and that
they had determined to occupy the tops of the buildings commanding
a view of the palace grounds with sharpshooters, for the purpose of
preventing the use of the cannon which were known to be in the possession of the insurgents inside the walls inclosing the palace grounds,
gradually surround and finally dislodge them with other forces.
After learning the intention of the Government to operate at once
with an armed force, I suggested the propriety of Mr. Damon, one of the
members of the cabinet who speaks the native language fluently, endeavoring to communicate with Mr. Wilcox, the leader of the insurgents, and
ascertain if possible the cause of his action and what his demands were,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1091


if any; then, if Mr. Damon failed, that the representatives of foreign
powers endeavor to obtain an interview with Wilcox, and by their good
offices effect a peaceful settlement if possible.
This was cordially agreed to by all, and the representatives withdrew with the understanding that Mr. Danion would inform us of the
result of his mission. In about one half hour Mr. Damon reported to
me at the legation that Mr. Wilcox refused to receive any communication from himn whatever, and that while he was seeking to communicate
with him firing commenced; he deemed it not only imprudent, but suicidal for anyone to attempt to approach the palace grounds on a peace
mission.
At this juncture, as the report of small arms and cannon came from
the palace grounds and immediate vicinity quite rapidly, and as many
with alarm were coming to the legation, I at once requested Commander Woodward to send to the legation a body of marines, which
request he promptly complied with.
The appearance of tlhe marines on the streets and at the legation
had a very favorable effect on the populace. Soon the report of the
large guns ceased by reason of the inability of the insurgents to operate them in the presence of the fire of the sharpshooters on the tops
of the surrounding buildings.
The "bungalow" mentioned in the newspaper account and into
which the insurgents retreated is a frame building situated in the corner of the palace grounds, sometimes used by the King as a dwelling
and for offices.
The palace square comprises about 4 acres, situate two blocks from
the central business part of the city, and is entirely inclosed by a concrete wall about 8 feet high, while the King's palace is situated in the
center of the square.
In the afternoon, and as soon as I ascertained from one of the cabinet
ministers that an attempt would be made to dislodge the insurgents
from the " bungalow " before dark by the use of dynamite, and as there
were large crowds of people congregated on several streets, I deemed it
advisable to ask for the landing of the remainder of the forces from the
Adams before dark as a precautionary measure in the event any
assistance to preserve order might be required, and to be immediately
available in the event a conflagration should start. In this matter
Commander Woodward fully agreed, and by permission of the minister
of foreign affairs the forces landed about 5 o'clock p. m. Early the following morning all the men belonging to the Adams returned to the
ship.
The members of the cabinet and many prominentresidents expressed
much commendation of the prompt landing of the men, and remarked
upon the very salutary effect their presence seemed to have among the
people on the streets.
The U. S. S. Adams was the only naval vessel in port. The British
ship Espieqle recently left under sealed orders on a cruise south.
This disturbance at this time was wholly unexpected by the Government officials as well as nearly every prominent resident.
Although for several weeks it was known that Wilcox was endeavoring to draw around him as many disappointed native political aspirants as possible, yet it was recently ascertained on what seemed very
reliable authority that no overt acts would be committed prior to the
next general election in February, when it was thought the present
ministers would be defeated at the polls.




1092


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


However, the success of the Government in subduing the insurgents,
it is thought, will draw some to its support, and the general feieling is
that the Government will be strengthened by the result of the conflict.
Immediately after the surrender of the insurgents the city was quiet
and still remains so, while business is being transacted as usual. As
to the exact number of the insurgents it is difficult now to dete'imiiie,
as some deserted in the early morning. About 80 prisoners were
secured. No serious casualities occured except to the insurgents.
In order that you may be promptly informed of the principal facts a
week in advance of the regular mail, I will forward by tile steamner
leaving here to-morrow a telegram, to be wired fiomn San Francisco, of
which the following is a copy:
On July 30 unsuccessful attempt by about 100 half-castes and natives to overthrow Government and depose King. Insurrection suppressed by HIawaiiann Gverment without foreign aid. Six insurgents killed, 12 wouiidedl Order restored same
day. Men from U. S. S. Adams landed by permission, to protect lives and plroperty if found necessary; afterwards returned to ship.
Before sealing this dispatch I shall inclose clipl)ings from  newspapers giving latest intelligence, but will be unable to properly paste
and arrange themn.
Trusting my action may merit the approval of the Department,
I have the honor, etc.,
GEo. W. MERRILL.
Mr. Merrill to MJr. Blaine.
[Telegram.]
HONOLULU, August 2, 1889.
On July 30 unsuccessful attempt by about 100 half-castes and
natives to overthrow Government and( depose King. Insurrection
suppressed by Hawaiian Government without foreign aid.- Six insurgents killed, 12 wounded. Order restored same lday. Men froml U.. S.
Adams landing by permission to protect lives and property if found
necessary; afterwards returning to ship.
GEO. W. MERRILL.
Mr. Mlerrill to Mr. Blaine.
No. 257.]                LEGATION OF TIHE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, August 6, 1889.
SIR: Realizing that the Departmnellt is desirous of being in posession of the latest information regarding affairs here, and availing
myself of an opportunity offered by the departure of a sailing vessel for
San F rancisco, I have the honor to inform you that on Saturday, tlle
3d instant, in compliance with a request from the minister of foreign
affairs, received on the preceding day, I attellded, a meeting of His
Majesty's ministers at which meeting were also present the British,
French, Portuguese, and Japanese commissioners.
On assembling, the ministers stated that in a few hours a cabinet
council would be held, and that they desired to fully inform us of the
propositions they intended submitting and insisting upon to His
Majesty the King.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1093


This information they desired to communicate in order that we
night not be misled by false rumors in the event His Majesty declined
acceding to their proposed demands.
They stated that they were convinced the time had arrived when, in
the interest of peace and good government,, the powers and respo lsibility of the ministers and His Majesty should be clearly undei stood and
precisely defined. As the "Advertiser" daily, published here, in its issue
of the 5th and 6itl instants, authoritatively and correctly states, the dlemalnds of the cabinet and the termination of the controversy, I inclose
clippings from that paper for the information of the Depaitment. After
being informed of the demands, the foreign representatives withdrew.
The cabinet met the King at noon of the 3d instant, and soon after
the adjournment of the council I was informed that no settlement had
been effected.
About 5 o'clock p. m. of the same day I was informed His Majesty
wished to meet the British commissioner and myself, and at once we
held an interview with him, in which he stated as his opinion that until
the supreme court decided otherwise he had a constitutional right to
exercise his discretion and withhold his approval of any of the acts
embraced in the demands presented by his ministers; but, in reply to
my question, he distinctly stated he would be governed by whatever
decision the judges of the supreme court might make.
Thllis gave confidence that a final and favorable termination could be
reachled.
On Monday, the 5th instant, it became known that His Majesty was
to meet his ministers at noon when the opinion of the judges would be
presented.
I, having previously learned the tenor of the opinion, did not have
doubts about the amicable settlement of the matter, but as the news of
the difference between His Majesty and the cabinet spread, a feeling
of unrest, aggravated by many false rumors, pervaded the commulity,
and, at the request of a prominent American resident here, I, in company with the British commissioner who chanced to be at the legation,
after first stating our purpose to and obtaining the consent and cordial
aplproval of the ministers, proceeded to the palace for the purpose of
interviewing the King before he met the ministers in council.
His Majesty received us with much cordiality, and, upon his refereuce
to the disagreement between himself and cabinet, 1 embraced tle opportunity to assure him that the people felt great interest and nmuch
anxiety regarding the settlement of tlhe matter, and it was hoped an
amicable and honorable settlement of the controversy would be effected,
which was certain to restore permanent confidence among the people.
Simlilar views were expressed by the British commissioner. His
Majiesty at once assured us he had decided to yield the points, and
colsent to the requests of his ministers.
At the present time appearances indicate a cessation of disquietude.
Since my No. 255 of the 1st instant, a report has gained credence
that the object of the leaders of the insurrection was not so much for
the l)urpose of dethroning the King as to obtain from him the promulgation of a new constitution and the dismissal of the present
ministry.
However, the purpose of the insurgents and all the parties, directly
and indirectly, connected with the insurrection are not yet known, but
the whole affair is being investigated, and probably I may be able to
inform the Department more fully by the next regular mail.
I have, etc.,
GEO. W. MERRILL.




1094.                    HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
TInclosure 1 in No. 257. Advertiser, August 5, 1889
THE KING AND THE CABINET.
Numbers of exaggerated reports have been circulating through the city concerning the relations existing between the king and the cabinet. We are
authorized to state that the following are the main points at issue: The King
claims the right of exercising his personal discretion in executive matters coming
before him and requiring his signature or act, while the cabinet claim that he has
no such right, but is constitutionally bound to take the advice of the cabinet.
The King has acted upon his claim in a number of cases, the particular one which
has brought the question to issue being his refusal to sign the commission of Col.
V. V. Ashford as colonel of the Hawaiian Volunteers. Mr. Ashford was elected to
this office some months ago, but the King has continuously refused and still
refuses to sign the commission, although advised then and now by the cabinet
that it was his duty so to do.
The King also claims that he has the control of the military and munitions of war
belonging to the Government, and refuses to recognize the authority of the minister
of foreign affairs relative to the disposition of certain munitions of war stored at the
barracks, although the statute gives such minister the express control of the same.
Under these circumstances the cabinet felt the necessity of settling this question
before going further, and accordingly submitted the following proposition to His
Majesty on Saturday last:
"Before going further, the cabinet desire a thorough understanding with Your
Majesty upon the following point, viz: The Government in all its departments must
be conducted by the cabinet, who will be solely and absolutely responsible for such
conduct. Your Majesty shall in future sign all documents and do all acts which,
under the laws or the constitution, require the signature or act of the Sovereign,
when advised so to do by the cabinet, the cabinet being solely and absolutely responsible for any signature of any document or act so done or performed by their advice."
The King declined to assent to this proposition, unless advised by the supreme
court that it was in accordance with the constitution, he claiming that it was unconstitutional.
The cabinet have submitted the question to the supreme court for an opinion, and
an answer will probably be received and made public to-day.
[Inclosure 2 in No. 257. Advertiser, August 6, 1889.]
The King conforms. He concedes all the points asked for by the Government upon learning
that the supreme court had decided against the stand he had taken.
As was stated in the Advertiser yesterday, the King had refused to sign the coril
mission of Col. V. V. Ashford, as commander of the Hawaiian Volunteers, although
advised by the cabinet so to do. He also disputed the authority of the minister of
foreign affairs to dispose of arms and ammunition then in charge of the corps known
as the " King's Guard."
His Majesty has now receded from the position above stated, and the following
documents explain how the change came about:
HONOLULA, H. I., August 3, 1889.
lion. A. FRANCIS JUDD,
Chief Justice Supreme Court:
SIR: The cabinet desire to submit for your consideration the following statement of
faces, and respectfully request the opinion of the supreme court upon the question
hereinbelow stated:
STATEMENT OF FACTS.
His Majesty the King claims the right to exercise his personal discretion in and
concerning the performance of official executive duties of the Sovereign, such as;making appointments requiring the royal signature; appointment and removal of
diplomatic and consular officers accredited by the Hawaiian Government abroad;
the acknowledgment of foreign diplomatic and consular representatives from abroad
to the Hawaiian Kingdom; the authority over and control of the military forces
and munitions of war belonging to the Hawaiian Government, eto.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1095
His assertion of and action in pursuance with this claim has now come to such a
point that the orderly progress of the business of the Government is seriously interfered with and the presrvation of the public peace menaced.
Under these circumstances the cabinet this day formulated and presented to His
Majesty the following statement of principles, viz:
"Before going further, the cabinet desire a thorough understanding with Your
Majesty upon the following point, viz: The Government in all its departmentsmust
be conducted by the cabinet, who will be solely and absolutely responsible for such
conduct. Your Majesty shall in future sign all documents and do all acts which
under the laws or the constitution require the signature or act of the Sovereign,
when advised so to do by the cabinet, the cabinet being solely and absolutely
responsible for any signature of any document or act so done or performed by their
advice."
The cabinet advised His Majesty that such statement of principles is in accordance
with the constitution and that it was his duty to assent thereto.
In reply to such advice by the cabinet His Majesty replied that he considered the
request to consent to such statement of principles as uncalled for and insulting, and
declined to assent thereto.
The cabinet, therefore, respectfully request the opinion of the supreme court upon
the following question, viz:
Is the authority and responsibility of the cabinet, as set forth in the above statement of principles, in accordance with and in pursuance of the constitution or not 
L. A. THURSTON,
Minister Interior.
JONA. AUSTIN
Minister Foreign Affairs.
S. M. DAMON,
Minister of Finance.
C. W. ASHFORD,
dAttorney- General.
DEPARTMENT OF THE JUDICIARY,
Honoullu, August S, 1889.
To Tis Majesty's Cabinet:
GENTLEMEN: The justices of the supreme court have received your letter of today's date, in which you state certain circumstances under which you to-day formulated and presented to His Majesty the following statement of principles:
"Before going further the cabinet desire a thorough understanding with Your
Majesty upon the following point, viz:
" The Government, in all its departments, must be conducted by the cabinet, who
will be solely and absolutely responsible for such conduct.
"Your Majesty shall in future sign all documents and do all acts which, under
the laws or the constitution, require the signature or act of the Sovereign, when
advised so to do by the cabinet, the cabinet being solely and absolutely responsible
for any signature of any document or act so done or performed by their advice."
You further state that you advised His Majesty that such statement of principles
is in accordance with the constitution, and that it was his duty to assent thereto.
You request the opinion of the justices of the supreme court upon the following
question, viz:
"Is the authority and responsibility of the cabinet, as set forth in the above
statement of principles, in accordance with and in pursuance of the constitution
or not?"
We respectfully submit the following reply:
By article 21 of the constitution "the Government of this Kingdom is that of a
constitutional monarchy," and although the constitution devolves upon the King, as
the head of the Government, certain powers and directs that certain acts shall be
done by him, so far certainly as these are executive powers and acts, the exercise of
them is controlled by article 78 of the constitution, which reads that " wherever
by this constitution any act is to be done or performed by the King or Sovereign, it
shall, unless otherwise expressed, mean that such act shall be done and performed
by and with the advice and consent of the cabinet."
Article 31 of the constitution declares that the King's person is sacred and inviolable and that his ministers are responsible, and article 41 prescribes that "no act
of the King shall have any effect unless it be countersigned by a member of the
cabinet who, by that signature, makes himself responsible."
There can be no dual government. There can be no authority without responsibility. The King is without responsibility. The constitution confirms the respon



1096                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
sibility of government upon the cabinet; they, therefore, have the authority. With
this in view, we are unanimously of opinion that the principles formulated by you
and presented to His Majesty, above set forth, are in accordance with and in pursuance of the constitution.
We wish to say, further, that on the occasion of His Majesty's considering the propriety of his approval of an act of the legislature of 1887 (which is now chap. 25 oi
the acts of 1887) the justices of the supreme court, at his request. sent him an opinion upon the proposed act. Its title is "Au act to provide for and declare the construction to be placed upon the words ' the king' or 'the sovereign' in certain cases."
The opinion was as follows:
" We see no conflict of this act with article 16 or 48 of the constitution. This act
is consistent with article 78 of the constitution, the principle of \which is hereby
applied in terms to statutes also.
"And we understand that it has always been the true intent of statutes that the
acts of the King are done upon the responsibility of his cabinet unless it appears from
express words or by the very nature of the case that the act is of a, personal character."
We remain yours, respectfully,
A. F. JUDD,
LAURENCE MCCULLY,
EDWARD PRESTON,
RICHD. F. BICKEIuTON,
SANFORD B. DOIE.
At 12 o'clock Monday, August 5, the cabinet met His Majesty at the palace and
submitted to him the opinion of the supremle court, and again requested his assent
to the principle involved. His Majesty replied that he accepted the decisiol of the
court, and assented to the proposition submitted by the cabinet, and requested that
his assent be entered on the minutes of the council.
Upon presentation of the commission of Col. Asliford for signature, His Majesty
stated that since last Saturday he had reread the military law and was convinced
that the position taken by him was incorrect.
He therefore signed the commission.
In pursuance of the power given to the minister of foreign affairs he has, with
the consent of the cabinet, removed Capt. Kahalewai, commander of the King's
Guards, for complicity in the late insurrection, the command thereby devolving
upon Lieut. Robert Parker.
Orders were issued for the immediate transfer of all arms, ammunition, and munitions of war, except those arms and ammunition individually in use by the King's
Guards, from the palace and barracks to the station house. These orders were
carried out by the marshal yesterday afternoon, with the assistance of the poli e
and special officers; and among other material transferred were three 'beautiful
brass fieldpieces of 3-inch bore, ordered by the King from Austria.
His Majesty has now conformed to the provisions of the constitution in the matters above related; and the anxiety manifested before he did so is now allayed and
confidence in future peace restored.
Mr. Moore to Mr. Merrill.
No. 136.]                               DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, August 12. 1889.
SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your telegram of tle 2d
instant, touching an attempt made on the 30th of July last, to subvert
the existing Government of the Hawaiian Islands and the landing of
men from the U. S. S. Adams to protect lives and property.
I transmit for your files a copy* of the telegram   as deciphered and
have to express the satisfaction of the Government that the insurrection was suppressed with no greater losses than you report.
I am, etc.,
J. B. MOORE,
Acting Secretary.
* See under date of August 2.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. Wharton to Mr. Merrill.
No. 137.1                       DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, August 22, 1889.
SIR: 1 have to acknowledge the receipt of your Nos. 243-256.
I am, etc.,
WILLIAM F. WHARTON,
Acting Secretary.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Merrill.
No. 138.]                      DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, August 23, 1889.
SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your No. 255 of the 1st
instant, relative to the attempt of July 30 last, to overthrow the
Hawaiian Government.
The stelis taken by the legation to protect the lives and property of
our citizens at Honolulu, in that emergency, seem to have proved
effectual. A copy of your dispatch will be sent to the Navy Department.
I am, etc.,
WILLIAM F. WHARTON,
Acting Secretary.
Mr. Merrill to Mr. Blaine.
No. 260.]               LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, August 29, 1889.
SIR: Referring to political affairs I have the honor to inform you
that, since the episode of the 30th ultimo and the judicially defined
power of the King and cabinet, referred to in my No. 257 of the 6th
instant, peace has prevailed and the people have pursued their usual
avocations undisturbed by disquieting rumors.
At the present time sixty-four persons have been arrested in connection with the insurrection, variously charged with treason and conspiracy.
The trial of the insurgents will occur at the regular term of the court
in October next.
I have, etc.,
GEO. W. MERRILL.
Mr. Merrill to Mr. Blaine.
No. 262.]              LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, September 7, 1889.
SIR: Referring to the disturbance of July last, it now appears that
among the influences operating to induce the native Hawaiians to
attempt such a scheme was the fact that their minds had become




1098                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
imbued with the belief that the foreign residents and the cabinet were
in league for the purpose of destroying the autonomy of the kingdom,
and this feeling was augmented by letters of indiscreet correspondents, published in the United States, advising the interference of our
Government agents to influence the current of Hawaiian political
tffairs,which were freely quoted and harshly commented upon by the
newspapers published here in the native language.
The native, in his simplicity, readily accepted these quotations and
statements of the press as true and foreboding the loss of the independence of their country.
There also existed a feeling among many Hawaiians that they were
not the recipients of a fair share of the official patronage under the
preselt administration, and that a change of cabinet ministers ought
to occur.
Relying upon the result of the revolution in 1887, it was believed
that the only thing required to effect the change desired was to surround the Government building with an armed guard, take possession
of the palace and the King, make a show of force, compel the promulgation of a new constitution, demand the resignation of the present
members of the cabinet and the appointment of others.
In other words, it is asserted by the insurgents that the revolution
attempted in July last was intended to be as peaceful and harmless to
persons and property as that of June, 1887.
To the native mind generally it is difficult to distinguish any difference of rights in the premises or of the principles on which the two
movements were based.
It is also noticeable that among the American residents here there
are several who, from personal motives, contemplate with satisfaction
periodical disquietude in this kingdom, hoping that frequent revolutionary epochs will force the United States Government to make this
group a part of its territory, and to absorb into its body politic this
heterogeneous population of 80,000, consisting of Chinese, Japanese,
Portuguese, native Hawaiians, half-castes, and only about 5,000 of
those who may be properly denominated the white race.
In order to keep affairs in as much turmoil as possible baseless
rumors are constantly put in circulation, many of which find publication in other countries.
The latest agitation is one against the increase of Chinese, and a
movement is now being made to call the legislature in extra session
for the purpose of submitting a constitutional amendment on the subject to the people at the election in February next.
It is feared if such a question is submitted to the people as a ministerial measure, that the foreign residents representing the mechanical
and planting interests of Hawaii will be divided, while the native
Hawaiians will be united and succeed in defeating the measure, thus
regaining full control of the Government.
For this reason many among those inclined to favor Chinese restriction oppose the calling of the legislature, fearing the defeat of the
reform party as a consequence,
I have, etc.,
G'EORGE  W. MERRILL.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1099


Mr. Adee to Mr. Merrill.
No. 139.]                             DEPARTIMENT OF STATE,
Washington, September 10, 1889.
SIn: I have received and read with interest your dispatch No. 257,
of the 6th ultimo, touching the political situation at Honolulu, growing
out of the recent controversy between the King and his cabinet.
I am, etc.,
ALVEY A. ADEE,
Acting Secretary.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
No. 2 bis.]                        UNITED STATES LEGATION
Honolulu, September 25, 1889.
SIR: I improve the opportunity to report to the Secretary of State
that, taking the usual route of travel by train and steamer, I arrived
with my family at Honolulu September 20, and on the following day
communicated with the minister of foreign affairs, who promptly
arranged the day and the hour for my reception by the King. Monday,
September 23, His Majesty received me in the customary manner, when
I presented my sealed letter of credence from the President. I inclose
a printed slip containing my remarks and those of the Kingin reply. All
the facts and incidents attending my reception at the Hawaiian capital
have been most cordial and satisfactory, and I appreciate that I assume
my post of duty here under highly favorable auspices.
I have the honor, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
[Inclosure in Mr. Stevens's No 2 bit.]
Mr. Merrill then presented to the King his excellency John L. Stevens, who
addressed His Majesty in the following words:
'MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MAJESTY:
" SIRE: In presenting to His Majesty my letters of credence he will allow me to say
that it is with an experience of pleasure that I am permitted to be the medium of
communicating to him the good wishes of the President of the United States and of
the sixty-five millions of people whom he ably and faithfully represents. It is in
the spirit of international fraternity, which has greatly increased in force and elevation in recent times, that I am sent as the American agent to His Majesty's Government and to reside among the people of these beautiful islands, a cluster of gems in
the Pacific Sea. It is proper for me to say, what His Majesty and Government well
understand, that the Government and people of the United States cherish a deep
interest in the prosperity and welfare of the Hawaiian Islands, so smiled upon by
nature and so imnortant to the future commerce and civilization of the countries
contiguous to the'Pacific.
" Your autonomy secured by the good will of the great nations, all true statesmen:,nd generous citizens of other lands must wish that your Government may be sucCessful in securing order, prosperity, and happiness to all your people. Though
selparated by a thousand miles of ocean, the United States and the Hawaiian Kingdom make a part of the new world, whose reciprocal interests of commerce tend to
iluity and to all that is liberal in policy and beneficent in the arts of peace. If my
lesidence among you shall in any way conduce to these pacific and desirable ends, it
will be my good fortune to faithfully represent the wishes of the people and Government of the great American nation."




1100


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


The following is a copy of the autograph letter from the President of
the United States to His Majesty presented by his excellency John
L. Stevens:
Benjamin Harrison, President of the United States of America, to His Majesty Kalakaua,
King of the Hawaiian Islands.
GREAT AND GOOD F1RIEND:
I have malde choice of John L. Stevens, one of our distinguished citizens to reside
near the (overnment of Your Majesty in the quality of minister resident of the
United States of America. He is well informed of the relative interests of the two
countries and of our sincere desire to cultivate to the fullest extent the friendship
which has so lofn subsisted between us. My knowledge of his high character and
ability gives ime entire confidence that lie will constantly endeavor to advance the
interest and prosperity of both Governments and so render himself acceptable to
Your Majesty.
I therefore request Your Majesty to receive him favorably and to give full credence to what he shall say on the part ot the United States, and to the assurances
which I have charged him to convey to you of the best wishes of this Government
for the prosperity of the Hawaiian Islands.
May God have Your Majesty in His wise keeping.
Written at Washington, the 26th day of June, in the year 1889.
Your good friend,
BENJ. HARRISON.
By the President:
JAMES G. BLAINE,
Secretary of State.
His Majesty replied to Mr. Stevens, as follows:
" lMr. MtINISTER: It is wit pleasure that I receive from you the assurance of the
continuance of the friendly regard of the President and the people of the American
nation for the Sove reign and people of Hawaii.
"And I anm well pleased to welcolne to a residence in my kingdom a gentleman
who is the hlloie of my great and good friend, President Harrison, as the representative of thle American Government and people.
"Tlie officers of mly Government will be instructed to tender to you every attention and courtesy during your official residence in my dominions."
Ilis Majesty was attended on this occasion by the Hon. A. S. Cleghorn, H. R. H.
Prince Kawananakoa, His Excellency Hon. Jona. Austin, minister of foreign affairs;
James W. Robertson, esq., His Majesty's vice an( acting chamberlain; Col. the Hon.
Robert Hoapili Baker, A. D. C.; Maj. John Dominis Holt, A. D. C., and Capt. the
Hon. E. K. Lilikalani, equerry in waiting.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
No. 3.1                              UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, October 7, 1889.
SIn: There is at the present time a lively interest among the Hawaiian citizens in regard to proposed changes in the treaty relations
betweenl the United States and these islands.     By some means, as to
which I have not accurate information, a draft of a nlew treaty found
its way into the newspapers here hostile to the present ministry. This
has caused an earnest discussion of the subject involved in the public
journlals and in private and collimmercial circles.  This has led the cabinet to deem it expedient to publish a correction of false impressions
and to express its real opinion as to the necessity and terms of a new
treaty.  I ilclose a copy of tlhe statement of the minister of foreign
afftirs, whichl has been published in the papers here.
The ieacts, so far as they 1fhve come to my observation, lead me to
c(,nclusion that thle cllief oppositiol to the plroposed new treaty arises from
partisan opposition to the present nministry and from    the representa



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1101


tions of the English and French diplolnatic agents, who have already
called on the minister of foreigln atff'tirs to present their objections,
which fact seemns to have disturbed the ministry very little.           I am
much impressed by the strong American feeling pervading the best
portion of the population, and which is especially manifest amolng the
men of business and property.       There is no doubt tlhat ' reciprocity"
is doilng much to Americanize these islands and to bind them           to the
United States.
I have, etc.,
JOHN   L. STEVENS.
[Pacific Commercial Advertiser.]
Reply of the cabinet-A full explanation of the Goovernment position in regard to the
treaty question.
The following is a copy of the reply of the cabinet delivered to the native massmleeting committee Friday:
Messrs. A. ROSA, J. L. KAULUKOU, J. F. COLBURN, AND OTHERS:
GENTLEMEN: As a conmiittee representing a public meeting of Hawaiian citizens
you have asked from His Majesty's ministers certain information concerning tlheir
action in regard to the relations between this country and the United Stttes of
America.
Feeling that it is the right of the people to know the policy of the administration,
the ministers take pleasure in informing you that they have for a long time hal.
under consideration the practicability of extending our treaty relations with the
United States so as to enhance and increase both the commercial and political
benefits which the two countries now enjoy by reason of existing treaties.
As the result of nearly a year's consideration of this subject by the Cabinet, our
minister resident at Washington has been instructed to ascertain whether the
Government of the United States is willing to entertain propositions looking to the
end above indicated, and, should he find such willingness to exist, he is instructed
to open negotiations with that Government for the conclusion.of a treaty which
will effect the purposes hereunder indicated.
This statement of the present status of the subject renders it unnecessary to say
that no proposition has been made or accepted by the United States and that no
treaty has been submitted to His Majesty for signature.
The reasons which have moved the cabinet to adopt the course above indicated
are numerous, and while an exhaustive enumeration and discussion of such reasons
would exceed the scope of the present reply, a summary of the more salient among
them is as follows:
1. The history of our staple products during the past thirteen years has demonstr:ated how essential to our commercial prosperity are the advantages secured to us
by the existing treaty.
The development of our export trade from $2,241,041 in 1876 to $11,707,598 in 1888,
during the life of that treaty, with its attendant advantages to all our citizens and
residents, are witnesses of its stimulating effect upon our industries and commerce,
and its beneficent influence upon our national welfare, and are fresh illustrations
of the principle that no great material advantage can be enjoyed by any class dependellt upon labor without the entire community partaking of such benefits.
By the terms of the existing reciprocity treaty with the United States. notice of
termination within one year thereafter may be given in five years from now.
The interval between 1883 and 1887, during which time the treaty was subject to
termination upon a year's notice, illustrated the evil effects to our, commercial wellbeing of a dependence from year to year for the continuance of our treaty relations
upeOn the uncertain humor of the American Congress.
The uncertainty involved has an unsettling effect upon capital and is detrimental
to the mnlking of large permanent investments, many of which now contemplated
requiring llheavy preliminary expenses.
\\ith only the certcainty of Ia five years' continuance of the treaty, the experience
of the re(cent past in mindl, and the strong probability that renewed eand strenuous
etlorts will be mnade by our opponents iu the United States to termiinate tile treaty
at the end of the live years, it is the part of wisdom to prepaxe in the day of prosperity for the days that are to follow.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2. At the last session of the United States Congress there was developed a strong
movement looking to the reduction of sugar duties and the payment of bounties upon
sugar of American production.
The effect of this would be to discriminate against Hawaiian sugars in favor of
American, and materially reduce to us the value of the existing treaty without any
corresponding benefit.
We believe it to be the duty of the Hawaiian Government to endeavor to secure
the placing of our products upon the same basis as American products in respect of
bounties and privileges.
3. The existing treaty is limited in its extent. A large number of American products still pay duties in the Islands, while the products admitted by the treaty free
of duty into the ports of the United States are practically limited to sugar, rice,
bananas, hides, and tallow.
There are many articles which might be profitably produced here, upon lands
which are not available for products now admitted under the treaty, were there a
market for them.
If a mutual agreement can be arrived at whereby the products of either country
can be admitted free into the other, a great stimulus will be given to new industries
in the Islands,- resulting in an increase of exports and of domestic and foreign shipping; the bringing into cultivation and increasing in value of many lands now
waste; the consequent improvement in all departments of business, and a corresponding benefit to the United States by the increase in our imports to meet the necessary increased consumption by our people.
We believe that the additional value which each country would receive would many
times over compensate them for the loss of the duties now levied.
4. The Hawaiian Islands are now the only group in the Pacific which is wholly
self-governing. Our situation is peculiar. We have no military or naval strength
of our own to maintain our autonomy against the pettiest naval power; and we
have to-day no guarantee of our continued independence as against any foreign
nation other than the sufferance or the mutual jealousies of the great powers.
Within the last few years the police of annexation has prevailed among the
European nations interested in Polynesia, which has resulted in the rapid absorption of nearly all the Pacific islands.
Within the year last past we have seen Samoa lose her position as a self-governing
state. The acts of her Government are now subject to the approval of the Governments of the United States, England, and Germany, and had it not been for the good
offices of the United States Government the probability is that she would have ere
now been annexed by one or more European nations.
Within the past year the question of the disposition and absorption of the
Hawaiian Islands, as well as of Samoa, has been the subject of serious consideration by certain of the nations interested in the Pacific.
The cabinet are of the opinion that the interests of this country, and of every
race and industry resident or located therein, will be best served by the continuance
of its present independent state, free from any protectorate or control on the part
of any foreign government.
It is, and ever will be, the endeavor of the present administration to not only
unqualifiedly maintain this status, but to obtain such assurances and guarantees
thereof as will remove the question from the debatable politics of the world.
It has long beeti the custom of European nations to form alliances with neighboring countries for purposes of defense, safety, and commercial exchange. The time
has, in the opinion of the cabinet, arrived when we should follow a precedent so
well established and form an alliance with some great nation. If an alliance of
this character is desirable it should be in the direction where our greatest interest
lies.
The proximity of the United States, the cordial friendship which has been front
the commencement of our civilization a marked characteristic of our relations with
the American people, and the extensive commercial exchanges which are the result
of such relations, point inevitably to that great country as our best friend, our most
valuable commercial colleague, and our natural political ally.
Animated as we are by the desire to strengthen and extend the commercial ties
which have done so much forour national prosperity, and to secure the safety and
perpetuation of our institutions by an alliance whereby we shall have the positive
and efficacious guarantee of a strong friend against interference by itself or others
with our perfect autonomy, independence, and sovereignty, we have instructed our
representative at Washington to ascertain if the United States would be willing to
negotiate with us a convention whereby the following objects may be secured:
First. To continue in force all treaties and conventions now existing between the
two nations, until they shall find it mutually advantageous to abrogate or modify
such treaties or conventions, or any of them.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                       1103
Second. That all products of either country which are by virtne of the recip!ocity
treaty admitted free of duty into the other country shall be treated in respect of
bounties paid, exemptions or immunities, and in all other respects, as if such other
articles were of the growth, produce, or manufacture of the country into which they
are so admitted.
Third. To provide for the entry into either of the two countries, without payment
of duty, of all products of the other, excepting, however, opium, spirituous liquors
of more than 18 per cent alcoholic strength, and all articles prohibited by law in
either country.
Fourth. A positive and efficacious guarantee by the United States Government of
the perfect independence and autonomy of the Hawaiian Government in all its dominions, and its right of sovereignty over such dominions.
To enable the United States Government to do this without danger of complication
with other powers, we do agree not to negotiate treaties with other nations without
the knowledge of the United States Government.
The cabinet, for more than a year, has studied carefully many reasons for and against
the points submitted for negotiation, and has taken counsel with others, both connected and unconnected with the Government, and has considered various propositions and suggestions, some of which have been approved and some disapproved.
Any statements of objects or intentions, and any purported draft of a treaty
stating more or other than is above indicated, which may have been published, are
unfounded and incorrect.
The ministers are strongly and unanimously of the opinion that the accomplishment of the objects above indicated will tend to greatly increase the material prosperity of the country and perpetuate the independence of Hawaii and the sovereignty of His Majesty and his successors over all his dominions.
I have the honor, on behalf of the cabinet, to remain
Your obedient servant,
JONA. AUSTIN,
'"           Jll~Minister Foreign Affairs.
FOREIGN OFFICE, October 4, 1889.
Mr. Blaine to AMr. Stevens.
No. 5.]                               DEPARTMENT OF STATIS
Washington, October 16, 1889.
SIR: I have received your No. 2 bis. of the 25th ultimo, and the copy
which you inclose of the interesting addresses made on the occasion of
presenting your credentials to the King of the Hawaiian Islands.
I am, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.
Mr, Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
[Confidential.]
No. 6.]                            UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, October 17, 1889..
Sin: My predecessor in charge of this legation, Mr. Merrill, in his
dispatch 255, dated August 1, 1889, informed the Department of State
of the revolutionary attempt made July 30 by certain disaffected persons
under the lead of Robert W. Wilcox and Robert Boyd, two half-breed
Hawaiians, aided by a Belgian named Loomens. For the past two
weeks the trial of the participants in this revolutionary effort has been
goingl on in Honolulu before Chief Justice Judd, of the supreme court
of the kingdom. Loomens, being a Belgian citizen, has been tried
before a jury of white men, here termed a foreign jury. Robert Boyd,




1104


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


one of the chief conspirators, turned state's evidence, and after a care.
ful and impartial trial, as to which even his counsel made no complaint,
Loomens was convicted of treason, though recommended to mercy, and
several others have pleaded guilty or been convicted of riotous proceedings. The trial is tending plainly to show that the Hawaiians are
numerously in sympathy with Wilcox, who is to be tried by a native
jury, and whose conviction is regarded as very doubtful.
It is proper for me to convey the confidential information that so far
as the examination of witnesses and the general course of the trials tend,
ill the opinion of many persons here, to implicate the King, at least il
sympathy with the revolutionary movecnmet, neither the Governmlent
attorney nor the counsel of the accused seem to mince words or spare
His Majesty, and the court rules with independence and firmness.*  I
herewith inclose the charge of the chief justice in the case of Loomens,
as published verbatim in the Commercial Advertiser. It is probable
that when the trial of Wilcox takes place there will be an expression
of native Hawaiian sentiment which may be indicative of the general
opposition of the native Hawaiian voters at the election which is to
occur in February. The feelings of hostility to the Government at
the present time is being stimulated by foreign agitators, who are
taking a(lvantage of the simplicity of the natives for the promotion of
their political and private ends. Out of these trials and the passions
and prejudices they invoke may arise some disturbance in the near
future, of which the February election for members of the two houses
of the legislature may furnish the occasion. I will endeavor to keep
the Department of State informed as to the course of events so far as
they may be of importance.
I have, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
No. 7.]                         UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, October 18, 1889.
SIR: In forwarding to the Department of State my dispatch 2, oi
September 26, 1889, containing an account of my first reception by the
King, and the presentation of my letter of credence, I inclosed a printed
copy of my remarks and of His Majesty's reply. On second thought I
conclude that I should have sent the addresses in writing; therefore, I
forward the inclosed and ask that the same be placed on file instead of
the printed copies. I ask the indulgence of the Department for the
error which I seek hereby to correct.
I have, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
The following is the text of my remarks on being presented to the King:
"SiRE: In presenting to His Majesty my letter of credence he will allow me to
say that it is with an experience of pleasure that I am permitted to be the medium
of communicating to him the good wishes of the President of the United States and
of the sixty-five millions of people whom he ably and faithiully represents. It is
in the spirit of international fraternity which has greatly increased in force and
elevation in recent times that I am sent as the American agent to His Majesty's
* See following No. 7.]




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                       1105
kiovernment and to reside among the people of these beautiful islands, a cluster of
gems in the Pacific Sea.
"It is proper for me to say what His Majesty and Government well understahld,
that the Government and people of the United States cherish a deep interest in the
prosperity and welfare of the Hawaiian Islands, so smiled upon by nature and so
important to the future commerce and civilization of the countries contiguous to the
Pacific. The autonomy of your country secured by the good will of the great nations,
all true statesmen and generous citizens of other lands must wish that your Government may be successful in securing order, prosperity, and happiness to all your people.
Though separated by a thousand miles of ocean, the United States and the Hawaiian
Kingdom make a part of that new world whose reciprocal interests of commerce
tend to unity and to all that is liberal in policy and beneficial in the arts of peace.
If my residence among you shall in any way conduce to these pacific and desirable
ends it will be my good fortune to faithfully represent the people and Government
of the great American nation."
His Majesty replied to Mr. Stevens as follows:
"Mr. MINISTER: It is with pleasure that I receive from you the assurance of the
continuance of the friendly regard of the President and the people of the American
nation for the sovereign and people of Hawaii.
"I am well pleased to welcome to a residence in my kingdom a gentleman who is
the choice of my great and good friend, President Harrison, as the representative of
the American Government and people.
'The officers of my Goverlnment will be instructed to tender to you every attention
and courtesy during your official residence in my dominions."
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens.
No. 6.]                           DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, October 31, 1889.
SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your Nos. 1, 2, 2bis, and
3; also of Mr. Mlerrills Nos. 257-265, one of which (No. 264) contains
his inventory of the archives and property of the legation.
I am etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens.
No. 7.]                         DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, November 4, 1889.
SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your interesting dispatch
of the 17th ultimo, relating to the trial of the persons concerned in the
revolutionary movement of July 30 last, at Honolulu.
I amn, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
No. 10.]                            UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, November 4, 1889.
SIR: In my dispatch No. 6, dated October 17, 1889, I gave the informationl that the lpersoils engaged in the riotous and revolutionary
movelellt of July 30,1889, were being tried before the chief justice of the
Kingdom, and that Loomens, the Belgian, had been convicted f treason.
S. Rep. 227 ---70




1106                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS
Others of the accused have been convicted of conspiracy or have
pleaded guilty of that offense. But those convicted were tried before
a foreign jury, for the reason that they were not native Hawaiians.
Since the date of my former communication Wilcox, the half-caste Hawaiian, the leader in the revolutionary attempt, has been tried before a
native jury, and after an elaborate and able prosecution by the Government, in which his guilt was conclusively proved by his own testimony,
as well as by that of numerous witnesses, he has been acquitted by a jury
vote of 9 to 3, a unanimous vote not being necessary for conviction nor
acquittal under the Hawaiian laws. This preponderance of native
opinion in favor of Wilcox, as expressed by the native jury, fairly represented the popular native sentiment throughout these islands in
regard to his effort to overthrow the present ministry and to change
the constitution of 1887, so as to restore to the King the power he possessed under the former constitution, which the natives believe would
tend to give them more predominance in the Kingdom.
What will be the ultimate effect of this failure of the Government to
convict the chief leader in the revolutionary attempt of July 30, I will
not now presume to predict. The immediate consequence is certainly
injurious to public order and good government, and indicates that tendency of opinion among Hawaiian natives which is likely to find strong
expression in the national election which is to take place in Februtary.
It is admitted by all of the most intelligent and best citizens here
that the present Government is the wisest and most efficient which
this country has ever had, and should it be defeated and thrown out
by the native Hawaiian voters under their present leadership, it would
afford occasion of regret to all true friends of Hawaiian independence
and Hawaiian prosperity.
I have, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens.
No. 8.]                       DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, November 6, 1889.
SIR: I transmit for your confidential information a copy of a letter
from the Secretary of the Navy, and its inclosure, relating to the political situation in Hawaii; also, a copy of the reply of this Department.
I am, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.
(Inclosure 1 in No. 8.1
Mr. Tracy to Mr. Blaine.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, November 1, 1889.
SIR: I have the honor to inclose herewith, for the information of the Department
of State, a copy of a report dated the 18th instant, from Rear-Admiral L. A. Kimberly,
commanding the United States naval force on the Pacific station, with reference to
the political situation in the Hawaiian Islands.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
B. F. TRACY
Secretary of the Navy.
The SJCRXETARY OF STATE.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1107


[Inolosure in Inclosure 1 in No. 8.]
Rear-Admiral Kimberly to Mr. Tracy.
No. 165d.]                         U. S. FLAGSHIP ALERT (THIRD RATE),
Honolulu, October 18, 1889.
SIR: I have to report that, politically speaking, quietness prevails at present. There
is an agitation quietly working as to the race question, which no doubt will become
a prominent factor in the elections that come off in February.
The natives seem to have an uneasy feeling as to their rights being usurped by
the whites and their gradual loss of prestige and power in the Government as laid
down in the principles of the present constitution, which, to their ideas, circumscribes too much the kingly power.
It would promote a feeling of security to our own people, and, I think, other foreigners, if at the February elections we had a force here competent to preserve order
should necessity arise.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
L. A. KIMBERLY,
Rear-Admiral U. S. Nuvy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force on Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.
[Inclosure 2 in No. 8.]
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Tracy.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, November 6, 1889.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of 1st instant and
of the copy of Rear-Admiral Kimberly's report of the 18th ultimo, which you inclose,
on the political situation in Hawaii. In view of his opinion that the security of our
citizens there would be promoted " if, at the February elections," the United States
had a force in those waters competent to preserve order should the necessity arise,
I trust that your Department may find it convenient to make such dispositions in that
quarter as will subserve the desired object.
I am, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
No. 11.]                           UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, November 14, 1889.
SIR: A careful survey of the present political situation in these
islands and a due regard to my responsibility lead me to make this
communication to the Department of State.
Ofthe recent revolutionary attempt to overthrow the present Hawaiian
Government and to change the constitution in a retrograde direction the
several dispatches of my predecessor and of the undersigned, have informed you. Beaten at their attempt by violence in July, Wilcox and his
coadjutors arepreparingto accomplish their purposes at the ensuing election of the members of the legislature in February. Apparently they are
uniting the natives, who constitute nearly two-thirds of the voters, in
the effort to obtain a native and revolutionary majority, and to some
extent have enlisted the sympathies of the Chinese, who are not voters,
but some of whom use their money to assist the natives in their political designs. Generally the principal land-owners and men of business
and property are uniting in support of the present Government, regarding it the best the country has ever had. The complex character of the




HAWAIIAN [SLANDS.


population tends to complicate the political situation, and the most
intelligent and thoughtful citizens are anxious about the immediate
future.
The past of these islands, since 1835, has shown the usefulness of
American naval vessels in the harbor of Honolulu. The revolutionary
outbreak of July 30 strongly illustrated this. It is the opinion of the
best-informed American residents here that one or more of our naval
vessels should be constantly at Honolulu, at least until after the February election and the result of it has been fully tested, and with this
view I fully agree, after mature investigation and deliberation. I think
the probabilities are against any serious outbreak and that the crisis
will be passed safely, but there are possibilities of riot and loss of life,
unless prevented by a naval force in the harbor, of which the agitator
and the unruly of the natives and of the foreign nationalities have
salutary fear.
I presume the necessary instructions have already been given to our
naval commanders in the Pacific, and so far as I have observed, Admiral
Kimberly is alive to any contingency of danger and duty. None the
less do I regard it my duty to report the facts to the Secretary of State,
and to urge strongly that there be no possible failure of the retention
here of one or more of our vessels of war, with the usual instruction to
the officers in command as to an emergency of need.
I have, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Adee to Mr. Stevens.
[Confidential.]
No. 11.1                        DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, November 16, 1889.
SIlt: I herewith inclose for your confidential information a copy of
the instructions addressed by the Secretary of the Navy (and received
with his letter of the 13th instant) to the commanding officer of the
United States naval force on the Pacific station, relative to the reteiltion of a sufficient number of vessels of his fleet in Hawaiian waters
during the approaching February elections for the prompt protection
of American interests, should occasion arise.
I am, etc.,
ALVEY A. ADEE,
Acting Secretary.
[Inolosure No. 11.]
Mr. Tracy to Mr. Blaine.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, November 13, 1889.
SIR: Referring to your letter of the 6th instant concurring in the opinion of RearAdmiral Kimberly that security to our citizens there would be promoted if at the
February elections the United States had a force in Hawaiian waters competent to
preserve order, should necessity arise. The Department incloses herewith for your
information a copy of its instructions issued this day to that officer for his guidance.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
B. F. TRACY,
Secretary of the Navy.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


[Inclosure in Inclosure in No. 11.]
Mr. Tracy to Rear-Admiral Kimberly.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, November 13, 1889.
SIR: Referring to your letter No. 165 of the 18th ultimo with reference to the political situation in the Hawaiian Islands, and in which you state that "it would promote a feeling of security to our people and I think to other foreigners if at the
February elections the United States had a force here competent to preserve order
should necessity arise," the Department directs that you will keep as many of the
vessels of your command in Hawaiian waters as you may deem expedient for the
purpose of carrying out the object in view. A copy of the letter from the honorable the Secretary of State, concurring in your opinion as to the desirability of
such action, is inclosed herewith for your information.
Very respectfully,
B. F. TRACY,
Secretary of the Navy.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens.
No. 12.]                           DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, December 3, 1889.
Sin: I have received your No. 11 of the 14th ultimo, confirmatory of
the statements of previous dispatches touching the importance of
retaining one or more of our naval vessels in Hawaiian waters until
after the elections of February next.
You were informed by instruction, No. 11 of the 16th ultimo, of the
action of the Secretary of the Navy in this regard.
You can exhibit to the naval officers concerned copies of the dispatches referred to, and will in general keep such officers advised of
any political events of importance.
I am, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.
fr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
[Confidential.]
No. 17.]                           UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, February 7, 1890.
SIR: I improve the earliest opportunity to inform the Department of
State as to the result of the election in the Hawaiian Islands, which
took place this week, February 5. It was for the choice of the 48 nobles
and representatives which compose the national legislature that is
largely to control the country the next two years. It has been looked
forward to with the deepest interest by all the native and foreign residents, and the discussion and agitation have been very heated and
determined, and on the part of the opponents of the present ministry
extremely bitter and unscrupulous. The result is a triumph of the
oplponents of the present ministry and of the reform constitution. The
election was conducted with exceeding fairness by the legal authorities,
and the polls were kept open from 8 in the morning until 5 in theafter



1110                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
noon. The most complete quiet and good order prevailed in all the
voting precincts of Honolulu. An election conducted in the most
intelligent and moral of American rural towns could be no more orderly.
The ministry had taken the most careful precautions for the maintenance of order; the liquor saloons were closed, the ballot was secret,
and both parties worked with the utmost determination and precision
to get their supporters to the polls. This defeat of the existing Government is deeply to be regretted, for it has been accomplished by a
most reckless appeal to race prejudices and to all the elements of corruption and disorder in the Kingdom. It is well known to the Department of State that in July, 1887, the best citizens of these islands,
composed of most of the property holders, the men of business, and
the professions, chiefly Americans, English, and Germans —largely of
the first named-were driven to a revolution, accomplished without
bloodshed, resulting in the overthrow of the corrupt Gibson rule and
the adoption of the reform constitution, by which the chief power
was taken from the King and given to the Legislature and a responsible ministry. It has been under this constitutiol that the country
has been governed the past two and a half years with signal success.
Few of our American States in that time have had their affairs more
honestly conducted, their laws more faithfully administered.
Two of the ministers are of the best American stock, the sons of
missionaries, and another, the minister of foreign affairs, was born and
educated in the State of New York, though he has been many years
identified with this country. These three men have done their utmost
to govern the Kingdom wisely and honestly. To do this they havebeen
obliged to resist the King and all the worst elements of the islands.
Among these are the men who thrived on former maladministration,
whose plundering devices had been brought to an end. I am sorry to
say that some of the worst men in bringing about the triumph of reaction are Americans, either by birth or adoption. Yet so successful has
been the new constitution and the reform administration that the opposition party was obliged to pledge itself in speech and platform not to
return to the former state of things, and to promise to carry on the
Government according to the terms of the present constitution, which
has so deeply intrenched itself in the existing state of things as not to
be easily overthrown. Among the successful party there are some large
property. holders, who will be driven to restrain their political associates,
and these, with the determined efforts of the minority reform party,
will be likely to keep the country to constitutional rule in a considerable degree.
It is proper for me to say that among the leaders of the party just
successful at the polls are those not friendly to the United States, and
that the Department of State and this legation will have to deal with
the incoming ministry with great caution and circumspection. The
new legislature will meet in May, when a new ministry undoubtedly
will be chosen. In a future dispatch I will give the result of my most
careful observations as to the status of things here relative to the
interests of the United States and her immediate duties and responsibilities as to these islands.
I have, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
N. B.-Above I have given the present estimate here of the election
result. It is possible that full returns from the other islands may not
sustain the present hopes of the reactionists.




HAWRAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
[Confidential.]
No. 18.]                           UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, February 10, 1890.
SIR: I am pleased to be able to report to the Department of State
that the slight hope which was expressed in the postscript of my dispatch, No. 17, February 7, that full election returns from all these
islands might prove the success of the reform party and of the present
ministry has been fully realized in fact. While Honolulu and the rest
of this island elected but one reformer out of seventeen, the other
islands have supported so generally the present Government as to give
the reformers a small majority in the legislature, and the reactionists' majority in Honolulu on nobles is so small that a change of
75 votes would have given the reformers all. of them, and thus have
secured them two-thirds of the legislature.
The opposition in this election contest has had the support of the
King and of all his dependents and parasites and the chief element
of corruption in the Kingdom. The issue has been made largely
between those who have American sympathies and interests on the
side of the reformers and of the present ministry, while all the worst
element of society and violent race prejudices have been with the
opposition. It is safe to say that three-fourths of the propertyholders of the Kingdom are with the reformers and favorable to good
relations with the United States. Herewith I inclose duplicate copies
of clippings from Honolulu papers, containing editorials and speeches
of Hon. L. A. Thurston, minister of interior, the most influential
member of the reform party and the most resolute of the four cabinet
ministers, the grandson of a missionary who came to these islands
from his native State, Connecticut, more than sixty years ago. These
remarks of Mr. Thurston are an index of the direction the political
contest here has taken. The German consul openly gavehis influence
to the reformers. Probably a majority of the English voters went
with the reformers, while there is little doubt that the English and
French commissioners desired the success of the opposition.
1 have, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
[The Times, Saturday, February 1, 1890.]
America's unfailing friendship to Hawaii, and to all nationalities within our borders,
reaffirmed.-Hawaiian history and its application to present issues.
[A reply by L. A. Thurston to the National Herald.]
The Herald does me the honor of devoting practically its whole English issue of
the 31st of January to a criticism of my remarks at the armory on Thursday evening. If the subject-matter related to me personally, only, I should not think of
intruding upon the public at this juncture, when important issues demand the undivided attention of the reading public. But the subject-matter is so involved with
an issue of vital import to the country, which issue awaits decision on the 5th of
this month, that I make no further excuse for this statement.
I would first call attention to the circumstances under which, and the reasons for
the allusion to the history of this country in connection with France, England, and
the United States.
It has been publicly stated by the cabinet that they have initiated negotiations
with the United States for the purpose of extending and rendering more permanent
our present treaty relations with the United States.
The points concerning which the cabinet proposes negotiations, and the reasons
therefor, have been publicly stated in all detail. It has also been publicly and offi



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


cially stated that negotiations are preliminary in their character, of a nature necessary to bring the question up for discussion and action by the legislature, and that
no final action is to be taklien without full submission to and the approval of the legislature.
The published statement of the objects sought is a full enumeration of all that the
cabinet has in view. The treaty sought is, we believe, a like preservative of the
honor, dignity, and independence of the two countries, and conducive to their mutual
commercial prosperity.
Without foundation therefor, regardless of the grave consequences of interference
with the-cordial relations existing between the two countries and solely for partisan
influence upon the coming election, the gentlemen constituting the opposition to
the present administration have for months filled the ears of the public, more particularly the native Hawaiiaus, with violent appeals and false statements concerning the intentions of the cabinet and of the United States. Thts has been the keynote of their whole campaign. They have placed their whole reliance upon tile
ignorance of the people of the facts and the prejudice which their misrepresentations
have produced. They have worked up and are still working up, by every disilgenuous method, a strong distrust, prejudice, and antagonism in the minds of many
of the native people toward the United States upon a wholly false basis and by an
entire perversion of facts and'history.
Under these circumstances it was due the United States and essential to the welfare of Hawaii that the long-tried, continued, and more than generous friendship of
the United States toward Hawaii should be stated, and the most signal and complete illustration of it, heretofore secret history, made public.
In order to do this intelligently it was necessary to state the historical facts
which in logical sequence led up to it. For this purpose, and thus far only, was
reference made to early history and the relations of Hawaii with other countries.
The Herald charges that I have "purposely and knowingly garbled and mlisstated Hawaiian history for political purposes," and that the demands of the
French in 1849 and 1851 were based upon the differences existing between the two
countries in 1839. In proof, and as sole proof, of these charges and statements, it
prints a letter, dated 1839, signed by the "Hon. J. C. Jones, then American consul,"
and five other foreign residents, laudatory of Laplace and his actions in 1839.
The reference to the occurrences of 1839 in my argument at the armory was simply
incidental in its nature, those events chronologically preceding the events of '49 and
'51, and being illustrative of the arbitrary methods employed in those days in set-.
tling differences with this country in its weakness, the approved method beingl to
submit peremptory demands and require immediate compliance therewith, witlh the
alternative of the loss of independence. Otherwise the occurrences of 1839 are
entirely unconnected with the events of '49 and,51, which led up to and were the
direct cause of the treaty of cession to the United States of 1851.
I again affirm, and the evidence hereafter cited proves, that the events of 1839 were
not the moving causes of the action of any of the parties in '49 and '51, and that the
incidents and moving causes of the former are unessential to an understanding of
the events of the latter period, except to illustrate the' fact that redress for real or
imaginary wrongs was obtained in those days by force.
The religious intolerance displayed by the Hawaiian Government during its early
history toward the Catholic faith and its believers is a portion of the history of this
country which every lover of the good fame of the nation and of religious liberty
regrets. It is no more and no less excusable than have been much more serious acts
of religious intolerance perpetrated at different periods of their history by enlightened England, France, and New England.
Suffice it to say that the letter published by the Herald is a mere chip upon the
stream of literature concerning the subject, which occupies hundreds of pages of
diplomatic correspondence and volumes of contemporaneous history, written by the
immediate parties interested upon both sides. Had my object beeato discuss the
religious differences of the time, there is far stronger documentary evidence on both
sides concerning the subject than the letter referred to by the Herald.
In proof of the fact that the difficulties with France in 1849 and 1851, which caused
the execution of the treaty of cession to the United States, I cite the following facts:
1. The further merits or demerits of the Laplace controversy are not germain to
this issue. It is sufficient to say that, whatever the feelings of the Hawaiians on the
subject, the French were satisfied and Laplace sailed away, which the Herald itself
cites a letter to prove.
2. In 1839, a month before the arrival of Laplace, the Government had discontinued
the policy of intolerance towards the Catholics, and in 1840 the King promulgated
a constitution, guaranteeing religious liberty to all.
3. In 1843, England and France executed the famous "recognition " treaty, which
was distinctly looked upon as a mark of friendly approval of the Hawaiian Government by those two countries.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1113
4. In 1844, France voluntarily returned to the Hawaiian Govetrment the $20,000
which had been exacted by Laplace in 1839, the original packages of money being
sent back in a French warship, specially detailed for that purpose; the return being
accompanied with considerable ceremonial and mutual expressions of friendship
and regard.
5. In 1845, the late Bishop Maigret, who, during his long life here, held the conq9dence and respect of all classes and nationalities, irrespective of religious faith,
wrote to Capt. Le Compt, of the French ship L'Heroine, as follows:
" HONOLULU, Aug. 7, 1845.
"M. COMMANDANT:
" I am happy to be able to inform you that we enjoy, at this moment, perfect tranquility, that all our old subjects of complaint have entirely disappeared, and that
it is, in a great part, to the conduct, prudent and full of sagacity, of our estimable
consul, that we owe this happy result.
"The number of our neophytes amounts to-day to 14,000. We have a hundred
schools and nearly 3,000 children who attend them; sites for our churches have been
granted to us. Our schoolmasters have been licensed, and have even received
encouragement. The marriages of our Christians are no longer thwarted. We can
not, tlen, do otherwise than give our praises of the Government in respect to us, and
we pray you instantly ' to be pleased to instruct the Admiral.'
" Be pleased to receive the assurance of the perfect consideration, with which I
leave the honor to be M. Commandant,
"Your very humble and obedient servant,
"L. D. MAIGRET.
"Monsier LE COMPT,
"Commandant of the French Corvette L'Heroine. 
6. In 1846 Bishop Maigret wrote a precisely similar letter.
7. In 1846 a new treaty was concluded with France, eliminating the harsh terms
of the treaty of Laplace of 1839. This produced an exceedingly friendly feeling.
toward France, which continued unbroken until, unhappily for both parties, M.
Dudoit retired in 1848 from the French consulship and M. Dillon was appointed in
his place.
M. Dillon immediately initiated a systematic and irritating interference in the
internal affairs of the Kingdom, arising largely out of personal hostility to R. C..
Wyllie, minister of foreign affairs, picking flaws and making matters of extended
diplomatic correspondence over circumstances of trifling importance. This continued until 1849, when the French Admiral Tromelin arrived, and after a short
conference with M. Dillon the celebrated "ten demands" were formulated and presented to the Hawaiian Government with the peremptory request for immediate
action. None of these demands referred to or mentioned the events of 1839.
Pending negotiations for the settlement of these demands the unprovoked spoliation of the fort, the destruction of the governor's furniture, and the seizure and
removal of the King's private yacht took place, and Admiral Tromelin sailed away
without further enforcement of the demands.
8. In 1850 Hawaiian representatives went to France and attempted to obtain
reparation for the losses and indignities sustained and to come to an understanding
to prevent a repetition of them, but without results.
9. In 1851 a new French consul, M. Perin, was appointed. Upon his arrival here
he immediately, to the surprise of every one, re-presented the same "ten demands"
which had been presented in 1849 by M. Dillion, although part of them had been
already settled. An immediate compliance with the demands was required.
10. In 1849 and 1851 the foreign residents of Honolulu of all factions and all nationalities were a unite in favor of the Hawaiian Government and against the demands of
France. This is evidenced by the fact that one of the ten demands for payment of
damages to M. Victor was immediately paid by subscription by the foreign merchants under the following circumstances, as appears by the correspondence hereunder set forth.
HONOLULU, September 1, 1849.
"SIR: I have the honor to inclose you a copy of the subscription list signed by
the most respectable portion of the foreigners residing in Honolulu, unconnected
with the Government, together with the copies of the account of Victor Chancerel
and his receipt, of which documents (bearing testimony as to the feeling of the
'community towards Her Hawaiian Majesty's Government in connection with the
French claim, towards the officers and crew of Her Britannic Majesty's ship Amrhi.
trite) you will make such use as you may deem proper.
"I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
" H, Ses.
"His Excellency R. C. WYLLIE,
" Miniter of Foreign Relations."




111 4                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
(Inclosure 1.]
Understanding that one of the demands of the French against the Hawaiian Government is for damages claimed by M.Victor, for disorderly conduct of some of the
seamen belonging to Her Britannic Majesty's ship Amphitrite, we, the undersigned,
not wishing any stain to rest on the Amphitrite or crew, agree to liquidate said
claim:
G. W. Hunter..................... $3.50  Dugald Mactavish................ $3.50
Sea & Sumners.................   3.50  W. J. Robertson................ 200
W. Wond....................... 3.50   William Gill.................   3.50
A. Porter.........................  3.50  J. Macduff.....................  2.00
H. Macfarlane................-. 3.50  James Austin..............)..... 2.00
F. Withington.................... 3.50  R.S. Barker................. 2. 00
James Robinson & Co. —...... 7.00   D. N. Flituer.................... 3.50
Isaac Montgomery............-.. 3.50  Makee & Anthon.................  3.50
John Meek................        3.50  A.B. Howe....................... 3.50
Robert G. Davis.......-......... 3.50  Swan & Clifford.......... -. 3.50
J. C. Spalding.................... 3.50  W. Phillips.......-....... 2.00
Andrew Auld..................... 1.00  Everett & Co.................... 3.50
C. H. Marshall...............-.  1.00  S. W. Williams & Co.....-....... 3.50
J. M. Stanley..................... 3.50  A. H. Fayerweather..........-.. 2.00
C. P. Robinson.................... 3.50  A. H. Parker................... 2.00
Joseph Booth..................... 3.50  T. Cummins............. 3.00
E. Brown........-........... 3.50   George Friel-..................... 2.00
GeorgePelly.................... 3.50  Samuel Thompson -.............   2.00
A much larger sum was subscribed, but as so many persons wished to sign, the
amount of subscription was lowered as above.
H. SEA.
[Inclosure 2. ]
HONOLULU, -August 30, 1847.
Received of Henry Sea, esq., the sum of $93.50, being amount claimed by, me
against H. B. M.'s Amphitrite for damages done by her crew at the French hotel,
kept by me in Honolulu, and being one of the demands made by Admiral de Tromelin against the Hawaiian Government.
$93.50.
V. CHANCEREL.
Witness to signature,
WM. SUMNER.
A true copy of original receipt in my possession.
IH. SEA.
It will be noticed that many nationalities are represented in this document, and
two of the signers of the document of 1839, John Meek and George Pelly, were also
signers of the above document, which they would not have been had the circumstances of the then French demand been based upon the differences of 1839. The
"Hon. J. C. Jones" had left the country. Incidentally it may be stated that Mr.
Jones was not United States consul in 1839, he having been removed from that
office by his own Government, in 1838, on account of his disreputable character.
11. The unsubstantial nature of the French claims of 1849 and 1851 are evidenced
by the fact that upon a knowledge of the situation relating to the United States
coming to the French consul he withdrew the " ten demands " and substituted in
place thereof a mild statement of four points which was presented for the " consideration" of the Hawaiian Government, which points were thereupon referred by M.
Perin to his Government for consideration, and nothing further was ever said or
done about the " ten demands."
There continued to be disconnected diplomatic correspondence with France upon
various subjects until 1857, when a treaty was concluded with her much more favorawle in its terms to Hawaii than any of the three previous treaties with France.
Since that date our relations with France have been without cause of complaint,
and we are indebted to the French Government and people for many acts of kindness and courtesy, and are now upon the most cordial terms with France.
In view of the fact that the early religious difficulties between the Hawaiian Government and members of the Catholic faith have been practically made the basis oi
the charges against me, it is not inappropriate for me to here say for the last forty
or fifty years the Catholic bishops and their subordinates in this country have ever
been the warm friends of the Hawaiian Government during its many succeeding
adtinistratious, and the staunch supporters of peace and good order during the




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1115


many trying periods through which the country has been called upon to pass; and
that this has been largely due to the highminded and liberal character of the late
Bishop Maigret and his successors, by reason of which the Catholic and Protestant
faiths have flourished in the country, side by side, with little or no friction.
Concerning the personal abuse heaped upon me by the Herald, I have nothing to
say.
Concerning the aspersions upon the character of my ancestors in this country, I
would say that their records are too deeply engraven upon the history of this country to require any defense by me.
If I have disproved the charge of having "purposely and knowingly garbled and
misstated Hawaiian history for political purposes," I claim that, in the interest of
civilized journalism, the responsible editor of the Herald should, at least, admit
that he was misinformed as to the facts upon which he based his charges.
In conclusion, I here reaffirm the fact, which was the only point I sought to establish at the armory, that the United States of America has always, under all circumstances, and upon all occasions, been our true friend, and that she has ever exhibited
toward, and extended to, the native Hawaiians and all residents of other nationalities dwelling within the borders of Hawaii, without discrimination of race or creed,
the same unchanging kindly assistance, support, and good faith, and there is no indication of any change of such policy.
LORRIN A. THURSTON.
HONOLULU, February 1, 1890.
A rousing meeting.-A large gathering of citizens interested in reform at the Old Armory.
Yesterday evening a mass meeting of the fourth ward was held at the Old Armory.
There was a large attendance, including many prominent citizens. The meeting
throughout was of the most enthusiastic nature. It was called to order by Mr. J.
H. Fisher, who nominated Mr. Theodore C. Porter as chairman amid applause. Mr. E.
0. White undertook the duties of secretary, and Mr. Luther Wilcox was interpreter.
Mr. Porter said they had met to hear the views and expressions of their candidates
and others. He would first call upon his excellency Mr. Thurston, minister of the
interior.
Mr. L. A. Thurston, who was received with applause, said: The course of the
opposition for the last few weeks reminds me of a statement recently made by
Chauncey M. Depew in connection with the recent election in New York. He stated
that formerly the Democratic party learned nothing and forgot nothing, that its
present exponents learned nothing and forgot everything. That is just the situation
with the present opposition, although the country has a history concerning its relations with France, England, and the United States for the past fifty years they have
learned nothing from it, and have forgotten all of it that they ever knew. They
ignore facts and history and are running a campaign on ignorance and prejudice.
They are pursuing the same course and using the same incendiary arguments and
appeals to race feeling that they did prior to the 30th of July last. It led to bloodshed then and will not be their fault if it does not lead to bloodshed now.
The question of our relations with our great neighbor is a live issue with us. It
affects us, our children, and our future. The only argument of the opposition is
that the Government is trying to sell out the country and that the United States is
trying to gobble us up. They state that we shall have to keep a watch on the
United States or else they will come and take away our independence. It shows
they have learned nothing of our past history. I will state briefly what the history
of this country with France and England has been. In 1839 a French man-of-war
arrived and demanded $20,000 damages. The Government was very poor and had to
scratch around for money, finally getting it from white people, to save bombardment. At the point of the gun the captain forced the Government to make a most
unjust treaty, one claim of which was that there should not be more than 5 per cent
duty charged on imports from France. In 1843 France and England entered into a
treaty. They agreed not to interfere with this Government, which was not a party
to it. If either country chose to take the country to-day they could; the treaty is
between themselves, so far as that treaty is concerned. In 1849 another French war
vessel arrived, andi, trumping up a lot of charges, said if the Government did not
come to terms, the King would be deposed and they would take the country. He
would not weary them with all the demands, simply mentioning, four as follows:
1. That all correspondence between the two countries should be in French. 2. That
the Catholic schools should have paid Catholic inspectors (the schools had an inspector for both Protestant and Catholic schools). 3. A small boy having gone into
the Catholic Church, made fun of the priest and stuck his finger in the holy water,
that such sacrilege should not be repeated. 4. Because certain English sailors had
gone into a Frenchman's saloon, got drunk on his brandy, and broke his glasses, a




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


bill was made out for damages. This last demand was so ridicelons that the merchants subscribed $3.50 each and paid the damages. This clause was withdrawn.
While the Government was trying to arrange matters, and while the prime minister
was on board the French man-of-war, a squad of soldiers was sent ashore, who took
possession of the fort, dismantled the guns, threw them into the harbor, went to
Governor Kekuanaoa's house, smashed the furniture, and threw it into the yard.
As a finale, tile French took the private yatch belonging to Kamehameha III and
sailed it to Tahiti. It has never been heard of since nor has any compensation ever
been made for it. They finally withdrew their claims. Next year Dr. Judd went
to England and France and tried to arrive at some definite settlenment with the French
and see that it should not be repeated. He was put off, and returned to the islands
in 1851. He had not been home long before another French vessel came in with
similar demands. The Government at that time was weak, and in desperation the
legislature passed the following:
JOINT RESOLUTION.
Be it resolved by the nobles and representatives of the Hawaiian Islands in legislative
council assembled, That, in the sense of this house, the denlands of France are so
clearly unjust, and contrary to the laws of nations and to treaty; and tile course
pursued by her is so incompatible with the existence of a regular independent government in these islands. If France should persist in such a course, it will be the
duty of the King to shield himself and his Kingdom from insult and oppression, by
placing this Kingdom under the protection of some friendly state, and that should
such emergency be so urgent as not to admit of the legislative council being convened, it shall be left to His Majesty, by and with the advice of his privy council,
under such emergency, to consult the honor and safety of his Kingdom according to
His Majesty's best judgment; and that whatever he may do, will be binding upon
the nation.
Passed both houses of the Legislature, June 21, 1851.
WM. L. LEE,
Speaker of the House of Represettatives.
KEONI ANA,
President of the House of Nobles.
Approved by the King, August 4, 1851.
KAMEHAMEHA.
KEONI ANA.
He would state some facts which formed part of the unwritten history of this
country, which were probably not known by a dozen people. The Government
invited General Miller, British consul, to see them, and after telling him of France's
demands, asked him if England would protect the Islands, from France. General
Miller replied, "I can not ldo it; we have a treaty (1843) with France." The Government then sent for Mr. Severance, father of the present United States consulgeneral, who at that time was the United States representative, and asked him if
the United States would protect the Islands against France. He said, "They will."
[Applause.] In accordance with the authority of the statute, a treaty was drawn up,
and from this you can decide who has been the friend of this country when it
needed a friend most. The treaty which is now made public for the first time is as
follows:
We, Kamehameha III, by the grace of God of the Hawaiian Islands, King:
By and with the advice of our kuhina nni and counsellors of native chiefs, finding
our relations with France so oppressive to my Kingdom, so inconsistent with its
rights as an independent State, and so obstructive of all our endeavors to administer
the government of our Islands with equal justice with all nations and equal independence of all foreign control and despairing of equity and justice from France,
hereby proclaim as our royal will and pleasure that all our Islands and all our rights
as sovereign over them are from the date hereof placed under the protection and
safeguard of the United States of America until some arrangements can be made to
place our said relations with France upon a footing compatible with my rights as
an independent sovereign under the laws of nations and compatible with my treaty
engagements with other foreign nations; or, if such arrangements be found impracticable, then it is our wish and pleasure that the protection aforesaid under the United
States of America be perpetual.
And we further proclaim, as aforesaid, that frQm the date of publication hereof
the flag of the United States of America shall be hoisted above the national ensign
on all our forts and places and vessels navigating with Hawaiian registers.
Done at our palace at Honolulu this 10th day of March, A. D. 1851, and in the
twenty-sixth year of our reign.
[L. s.]                                                   KAMEHAMEHA.
KEoNI ANA.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         11 7
That King who signed it was the great and enlightened Kauikeaoulli, who did
more for his people than any other of the Hawaiian Kings, being the one who igave
the people lands. He made the treaty, relying fully on the generosity and ilntegrity
of the United States, and his trust was not betrayed. [Applause.] That treaty was
sent to the United States and laid there for months. The French admiral finally
hearing something of the treaty withdrew his claim  and left the country.
[Laughter.] It may be of interest to mention that the U. S. S. Vandalia, so well
known here, was in the harbor at the time and rendered assistance. Orders were
given to Marshal Parke and le sewed Hawaiian and American flags together, the
latter at the top, and sent them to all the sheriffs. He had one in the fort ready to
hoist directly the French landed.
There was the situation, the country was ceded and the deed in the hands of the
United States Government. The King, with the full knowledge and consent of the
Legislature, of the chiefs and of his cabinet, had deliberately and formally ceded
the country to the United States, and that Government had only to sit still and do
nothing in order to hold the country. If they had done so this would have been
United States territory to-day. The American Government on learning that this had
happened under pressure and fear of the French, said it would not be fair to take
advantage of the situation. The treaty, which had never been published, was
returned, the flag was never hoisted, and we remain a free and independent country
to-day solely through the generosity of the United States of America. [Loud
applause.] The episode when the British took possession in 1843 is well known to
all. For seven months the British flag floated over the islands. The King was
deposed, ministers were out of office, the records of the Government show. that the
entire Government was carried on by Lord George Paulet and his subordinates.
Another episode simply shows the feeling of the United States Government towards
us. The United States frigate Constitution came into the harbor, the deposed King
going on board. The royal standard was hoisted and a salute of 21 guns fired.
Lord Paulet protested, saying " The islands are British territory, and you are saluting a man who has no authority."
The American admiral replied, "I have recognized the man who is the King of the
country, and if you do not like it you can lump it." [Laughter.] England nobly
atoned and has been a good friend to us ever since. Is there any question who has
been our friend in the past, and who will continue to be our friend, first, last, and
all the time? The United States has always been friendly towards these islands.
The foreign office is full of expressions of regard and good-will from that country
from the earliest records down to the last mail. A number of men in the opposition
ranks were in the country and participated in these matters, but they have learned
nothing from it and have forgotten it all. Now they have the cold impudence to
come forward and talk about giving the United States the go-by and going to France
for protection-through our distrust of the intention of the United States. They
say that Thurston, Damon, and the other damned missionaries are going to sell the
independence of the country; that they, the patriots, are the ones who will preserve
it. Wilcox and men of his stripe are doing more to destroy the independence of this
country than any other person. They are striving to produce a state of anarchy,
and it will not take many more of such events of July 30 to lose our indepenxdence,
and then who will we have to thank for it but the gallant leader of the opposition,
R. W. Wilcox. [Loud and continued applause.]
The object of political discussion is to present arguments on principles involved,
pro and con, and let the people decide at the polls. The opposition have a platform;
do they discuss it? Do they discuss the Chinese question, development of the
country, or the immigration question? On the contrary, we see Wilcox stigmatizing
his countrymen as "ttraitors, nurderers,,thieves, and robbers," and he proposes " to
break their necks, stamp on them, and throw them in the water and let the sharks
eat them." Those are his arguments, by which he tries to show his patriotism.
He went to Italy to be educated, and it has been the burden of his complaint that
because the Government had supported and educated him for seven years it owed
hinu an office and living, and that because he did not get it he was forced into despair
and revolution  I have not heretofore stated that upon his return he came to me
and asked me for something to do. I sent him to the superintendent of water works,
who keeps in a book a record of water privileges, showing the distance from the
sidewalk to the block. Mr. Wilson told Wilcox the record was two or three mon ths
behind, and he would give him $100 a month to keep it, and more if he did the work
satisfactorily.
Wilcox took up the record book, and said that as the figures were in feet and
inches and he had been educated in meters he did not feel competent to undertake
the work. [Laughter.] He walked saldl. and slowly out of the office from the $100
with unknown feet and inches to despair and revolution. [Laughter.] Wilcox's
chief grievance was that his edllcatio had been cut off in the middle. If he could
only have had two years more to complete his course he would have been equipped




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


for the battle of life. If he had had those two years more schooling he might then
have been able to translate feet and inches into meters. [Laughter.] The Bulletin
states there is no issue between the two parties; that whoever is elected, things will
slide on about the same. I say there are live issues in this election and the future
of this country depends a great deal on how it is decided. If Bush is to run bridge
contracts and foreign diplomacy and Wilcox the engineering department, there will
be a very different state of things to what the reform party has done. I leave it to
you, next WVednesday, to say whether the reform Government shall go on with its
work or whether you wish to see R. W. Wilcox sitting, with an Italian uniform on,
in the Government building.
WILCOX'S LOVE OF LIBERTY.
The Voice of the Nation says that R. W. Wilcox has imbibed too much of the spirit
of liberty to undertake to pull this Government back to arbitrary methods and the
old order of things. This is pretty good, considering that Wilcox himself testified
on the stand, under oath, that his new constitution which he had prepared was like
the old constitution, with but few minor changes.
It will be remembered, also, that he testified that he showed his constitution to
Mr. Pahia, who told him that he had better put some check upon the power of the
King to arbitrarily dismiss his cabinet, but that he (Wilcox) replied: ''If you have
a king, make him a king, just like the European kings."
How much of the spirit of free institutions Mr. Wilcox has imbibed the reader
can see, when he recollects that Wilcox complains continually in his speeches about
the mixture of all classes in this country.
Who does not remember his hackneyed information that "there are three classes
in Italy: First, royalty; second, the middle class; third, the rest of the peoplefarmers, traders, etc.; and that none of the third class can even get into the second
class, never mind how much they improve their conditions"
AN IG-NOBLE SPEECH.
Mr. H. G. Crabbe is running as a noble for the Island of Oahn. While we are not
sticklers for form or too much dignity and reserve, still we, in common with all
people, recognize the fact that the position of noble is intended to represent the
more conservative, dignified, and staid element in the legislative body.
Mr. Crabbe, so far from maintaining his dignity in the opposition meeting at
Paluna last week, indulged himself in the use of billingsgate that would have done
credit to an artist in the use of such language.
Getting more and more personal, he called Mr. Achi a "little half-Chinese
monkey," and wound up finally with an out-and-out filthy epithet in Hawaiian,
which raised a murmur of disapproval among the native listeners that were standing by.
For fear that the reader will hardly credit this, and will take the opposition
general denial as correct, we challenge Mr. Crabbe to deny it if he can.
WHO IS VIOLATING THE LAWt
Mr. Macfarlane is credited, in his speech to the natives last Saturday night at
the old armory, with saying that the opposition would peaceably abide the result
of the. election if defeated, but that it looked as if the reform party would not; that
already the reform party were taking steps to challenge and shut off opposition
electors from their vote.
The trouble is that it is the opposition itself and not the reform party that purposes to break the law, and has already done so. Unquestionably a large number
of parties have registered as noble voters at the instigation of runners of the opposition who are not qualified to vote for nobles or anywhere near it, and perjured themselves thereby. These men should be challenged, and undoubtedly will
be, and without placing the reform party open to the charge of wishing to make a
disturbance or to violate the law,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1119
Mr. Macfarlane would do much better if he asserted more control over his party
and urged his following not to attempt to vote the noble tickets next Wednesday,
even though on the register of noble voters, if, as a matter of fact, they violate the
law and their consciences in so doing.
To-morrow will be the election day in which eight men will be chosen, for better
or worse, to hold power without further control on our part until the year 1896.
Eight more will serve for four years, and the balance-both representatives and
nobles-for two years.
The six-year men will be still in the legislature when our present treaty relations
with the United States shall have expired, and all will have very important measures
to pass upon before election day comes round again.
It is customary, we believe, to spring new matter on your opponents at the last
minute, when it is too late for them to refute it.
We believe, however, that such a course is cowardly, and brings neither credit to
the man who does it or much harm to the party against whom it is aimed, and we
have refrained in this (practically) our last issue to present any new personal
chalrges against the opposition. What charges we have made have been made
openly and with full opportunity given the object of our attack to defend himself or
themselves from it.
A charge kept back at the last minute is usually kept back because if put forward
soon enough could be refuted. A well-founded charge should stand the test of a
public sifting.
A SERIOUS CHARGE.
Mr. John Phillips is indignant that the board of education has had the temerity
to advertise for bids for the erection of schoolhouses and accept the lowest bid in
all cases where they were satisfied that the bidder was responsible and able to fulfill his contract. This is indeed a serious charge! Why, it gives the poor mechanic,
even though he is a native Hawaiian, an equal chance, so far as the board is concerned, with the owner of a planing mill! Those who are opposed to such a fair
way of transacting business will vote for Mr. Phillips.
A DENIAL BY THE CABINET.-THE PROPOSED TREATY NEGOTIATIONS AND THE LAND
ING OF THE TROOPS.
Some three months ago the cabinet met a committee of citizens who desired
information concerning the proposed revision of our treaty relations with the United
States.
Full information was verbally given at the time, and in the course of a few days a
lengthy written statement was published.
The committee made no report to the meeting which appointed them, although
they several times announced that they intended to report.
In yesterday's Herald a member of the committee makes an altogether false statement in the native language of what occurred at that interview. He states that the
committee were told by the cabinet that the King had rejected two sections of a proposed treaty, they being sections which allowed the landing of troops with their
munitions of war.
No such statement was made.
We would further state that no proposition to allow the landing of troops and
munitions of war on Hawaiian soil has been made either by the United States or the
Hawaiian Government, nor will any such proposition be entertained or supported
by the present administratioa.
LORRIN A. THURSTON.
JONA AUSTIN.
8. M. DAMOQN,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


AMERICA'S GOOD FAITH AND GENEROSITY.
Amid all of the snarling, wrangling, and blackguardiLg of the opposition, and
their attempts to engender bad blood and prejudice against the United States, the
fact stands out bold and clear that:
Hawaiii voluntarily surrendered her independence to the United States and the United
States voluntarily restored it.
TEN REASONS FOR SUPPORTING THE REFORM PARTY.
1. The Reform party has given us a free constitution.
2. It has vigorously instituted and carried on a policy of public improvements.
3. It has improved our reputation and credit abroad. (Under its administration
government bonds have gone to a premium.)
4. It has borrowed money at a lower rate than ever before.
5. It has energetically pursued the policy of segregating the lepers.
6. It has introduced the principle of civil-service reform.
7. It has reduced the number of Chinese in the country by 3,000.
8. It has opened up several hundred holdings to settlers under the homestead act.
9. It has been economical.
10. It has swept away a corrupt r6gime with all its attendant abuses, and has
thereby abolished the use of the civil service for partisan purposes, the control of
the Legislature by the Crown, the misappropriation of public fiunds, the violation of
law in the conduct of office, the wasting of the public resources in discreditable
enterprises, impoverishing the country at home and disgracing it abroad, and the
neglect of necessary public improvements, besides a host of other things which our
space forbids us to mention.
TEN REASONS FOR NOT SUPPORTING THE "NATIONAL REFORM PARTY."
1. Because its prominent leaders are opposed to the new constitution.
2. Because it proposes to revise the constitution in some unknown way.
3. Because it proposes to modify or abolish altogether the property qualification.
4. Because it proposes the election of certain public officers by the people
(which is not known).
5. Because its declared foreign policy is dangerous to the reciprocity treaty, and
consequently to the commercial prosperity of the country.
6. Because it is unwise to abandon a party which has deserved well of the country.
7. Because a change of administration is always in itself a serious misfortune, and
will be injurious to our credit abroad.
8. Because the candidates of the party, with some honorable exceptions, are composed of men either without any record or with a bad one.
9. Because the party has conducted the campaign by a systematic attempt to
rouse race hatred and set the Hawaiian against the entire foreign element.
10. Because this campaign is an undisguised attempt to nullify all the fruits of
the revolution of 1887, and to carry out the insurrection of 1889.
Which ticket are you going to vote?
VOTE FOR PERMANENT RECIPROCITY. ITS EFFECT ON WOOL.
Wool, upon which a duty of ten cents a pound exists and which now barely pays
the expense of putting on the market, and which we now ship across two oceans to
Germany and elsewhere, would go through the Golden Gate, and the abolition of
the duty would put sheep on every available spot on the mountain slopes of Mauna
Loa and Mauna Kea, where the single station of Humuula now tells what might be
dlone with sheep if an impossible duty did not shut our wool out from the market
which nature has ordained to be our national outlet.
VOTE FOR PERMANENT RECIPROCITY. ITS EFFECTS UPON OUR FRUIT INDUSTRY.
Permanent reciprocity means that every banana, lime, pineapple, orange, cocoa(t it, etc., that we raise goes into the United States free of duty until the crack of
d)om. It means that fruit orchards, which under a seven years' treaty there is no
use to creaMe or spend any money on, will cover that home of tropical fruit, the two




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1121
Konas, and cultivated bananas will be found in every one of the thousand gulches
of the Hilo district, which, too steep for cultivation of sugar, now lie idle between
the fields of cane. It means that the wood lands, running 60 miles from Hilo to
Kukuihaele, too high for cane, will afford a home for the lime and coffee tree, where
one can now seb limes as large and coffee as healthy as ever gladdened the eye of
man.
Waialua, whose orange trees, neglected and slighted as they are, still insist on
bearing fruit which discount California's best, will be as familiar an object in the
hotels of the Pacific slope as Florida's favorites are in the markets of the East.
VOTE FOR PERMANENT RECIPROCITY. ITS EFFECT ON CLERKS.
Clerks can remember the Hon. Charles R. Bishop, P. C. Jones, J. C. Glade, T. H.
Davies, and many others, who came here and worked their way up the ladder step
by step, and with the upward movement of permanent reciprocity commence to
climb the stairs themselves. It looks as if the clerks of this city were now booked to
remain such for good, or else be fired out by Asiatics; but new times will make a change.
Remember that a name scratched is a vote lost for the party that constitutes
the backbone and enterprise of the land.
That a vote for the best man on the other side, as the issues have narrowed down,
is a vote for all that that man has identified himself with.
VOTE FOR PERMANENT RECIPROCITY. ITS EFFECT ON MECHANICS.
Mechanics can remember that Young, and Renton, and Thomas, and Daniel Foster, and many others coming here as mechanics, worked their way to the front on
the tide of prosperity which came with reciprocity, and from their example can take
heart that in a newer and broader commercial dispensation they, too, will work their
way to that competency which is the legitimate ambition of every honest manj but
which seems shut out by the absorption of one developed industry.
Remember that your vote is essential to the sure and complete overthrow of the
reactionary elements among us;
That the men on your ticket represent the spirit of progress among us, and as such
should be elected to a man.
VOTE FOR PERMANENT RECIPROCITY. ITS EFFECT ON CAPITAL.
Abiding, which can not be revoked without mutual consent, means the settling of
values and the restful confidence of capital.  The complaint against the steady
withdrawal from the country of hundreds of thousands of dollars made in it would
cease, for there would be no occasion for it.
REFORM PARTY. GENERAL ELECTION OF 1890. PLATFORM.
1. We pledge ourselves to maintain inviolate the autonomy and independence of
this Kingdom, while securing at the same time the amplest commercial benefits in
our treaty relations with the United States.
2. To secure adequate legislation, by constitutional amendment or otherwise
whereby Asiatic immigration shall be restricted to the agricultural necessities of
the country, and Chinese not now engaged in trade or the mechanical occupations
shall be prohibited from hereafter engaging therein. 
3. To favor wise and liberal appropriations for internal improvements, and to sustain a progressive policy in the development of our national resources.
4. To secure such an extension of the present homestead act as will facilitate the
settlement of small landholders throughout the Kingdom.
5. To procure for the people an honest, economic, and efficient administration in
all departments of the Government.
CANDIDATES.
For Nobles-Island of Oahu.-Hon. W. C. Wilder, Hon. M. P. Robinson, Hon. W.. Smith, six years. Hon. J. I. Dowsett, sr., Robert Lishman, R. J. Greene, four
years. S. M. Kaaukal, E. S. Kunha, B. F. Dillingham, two years.
For Representatives-District of Kona, Oahu.-District 1: Hon. Cecil Brown. Dis.
trict 2:. K. ane. District 3: M. A. Gonsalves. District 4: James F. Morgan.
District 5: W. C. Achi. District 6: J. L. Kaulukou. District 7: --   District 8:
J. I. Dowsett, jr 
R_ PA-', 991




1122                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
For Nobles-Island of Hawaii.-J. Kauhane, J. M. Horner, six years. R. R. Hind,
Hon. Dr. J. Wight, four years. Hon. Samuel Parker, Dr. C. H. Wetmore, two years.
'or Represntatives-Island of Hawaii.-South Hilo: R. Rycroft. Central Hilo:
Geo. Kaihenua. North Hilo: Albert Horner. Hamaklia: W. H. Rickard. Kohala:
J. W. Moanauli. Kona:. Kau:.For Nobles-Island of Maui.-Hon. H. P. Baldwin, W. Y. Horner, six years. W.
H. Cornwell, R. D. Walbridge, four years. Jas. Anderson, L. Von Tempsky, two
years.
For Representatives-Island of lMaui.-Wailuku, district 1: W. K. Makakoa.
Wailuku, district 2: Patrick Cockett. Makawao: W. II. Halstead. liana: Jos. U.
Kawainui. Lahaina:. Molokai:
For Nobles-Island of Kauai.-Hlon. Geo. N. Wilcox, six years. Hon. P. P. Kanoa,
four years. Hon. P. Isenberg, sr., two years.
For Representatives-Island of Kauai.-Hanalei: Hon. A. S. Wilcox. Lihue: Hon.
W. H. Rice. Waimea: V. Kuudsen.
To the readers of the Times:
When your eyes shall rest upon this last issue of the Tilles, election day will
already have partly run its course.
At such a time above all others we would make no mad appeal for the Reform
party, no loud declamation against the opposition; but wish only to address you in
the language of soberness and truth.
A strong movement, like that begun on the 30th of June, by the Reform party
must naturally expect some day to have to meet the reactionary wave that is
always sure to follow. That wave has come to-day full-crested with the accumulated passions, prejudices, and disappointment of those who, like the Bourbon of
France, " decline to forget anything or to learn anything new," and while you are
now scanning these lines those two waves are meeting in a clash and collision that
will settle things one way or other before the sun goes down.
If, after the collision, the Reform party is found still moving on, then reaction is
gone forever. Bush, Wilcox, and their partisans have lost their employment for
good. Nothing can then revive the past.
If, however, reform goes down, the leadership of Wilcox and his following are
assured, and hundreds of dubious hearts will follow in his train and hasten to
enforce his mandates and back up his demands who now are waiting to see which
way the tide will turn.
We believe this country will never see social or political place as long as men can
run politics on race lines or consent to reap the advantages to such work when done
by hirelings. Every man who is opposed to such methods should see to it that
Messrs. Widemann, Macfarlane, Muller, Phillips, and others are rebuked to-day for
such a course, to the end that it maybe established in this land of varied races from
now on, that any political party, however laudable its objects may be, which seeks
to secure them at the price of stirring up ill-will and race prejudice among the people, will for that act alone be snowed under so deep that even Gabriel's political
trumpet will fail to rouse it from its slumbers.
We believe that an intelligent glance at the platform of the Opposition shows
clearly, and the tone of its campaign confirms the fact, that it will if successful inaugurate a foreign policy inimical to the United States and imminently dangerous
to our present commercial relations with that country. Feeling as we do that the
whole fabric of society with'us, political, social, and commercial, rests on that sheet
of parchment we call the treaty, we can not, as a public organ, but warn the people
* against the folly of provoking results which will blight and bankrupt the country,
drive out mechanics, force property on the market until it becomes a drug, and
compel the delivery of the country once and for all over to Asiatics as the only class
that could survive the collapse and save the forty millions invested in sugar.
Let us hold to our present treaty relations with the United States as a drowning
man clings to the life buoy. Let us in all honorable ways promote the good will
and fellowship now existing between our neighbor and ourselves, and press for such
broader and more permanent commercial relations as will give this country and all
the spare capital within it a new start, and to the young men of the land fuller and
increasing opportunities to make a start in life for themselves.
With these words the Times bids the public farewell, with many thanks for its
kind reception. Aloha nui!
Remember! That your opponents will vote the straight party ticket.
That they will not scratch any names in favor of men on your ticket whom you
like best.
lhlat those who advise you to scratch do so in the interests of the party whom you
wish to see defeated.
That if the Reform party wins the election, progressive constitutional government
is asured.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   1123
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens.
No. 17.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, March 4, 1890.
SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your conlfidential dispatch
(No. 17) of the 7th ultimo, touching the result of the late election in
the Hawmaiian Islands, and its probable effect on the interests of the
United States. It has been read with attention.
1 am, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.
Mr. Blane to Mr. Stevens.
No. 19.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washitngton, March 6, 1890.
SIR. I have to acknowledge the receipt of your No. 1S of the 10th
ultimo, by which I learn that, contrary to the indlications of the first
" returns" of the late elections in the Hawaiian Islands, the result
throughout the islands proves favorable to the "reform party" and
the present ministry.
I am, etc.,.JAMES G. BLAINE.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
[Confidential.]
No. 20.]                       UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, March 20, 1890.
SIR: The archives of the Department of State are conclusive evidences of the interest which the Government of the United States has
long taken in the affairs of the Hawaiian Islands. That these territories are of great importance to the future development and defense
of American commerce in the Pacific, hardly will be questioned. To
secure the influence over them which the United States so long has
considered its right and duty to maintain, some decisive steps must
soon be taken which, in the past, were not of pressing necessity. For
more than half a century the American Missionary Board, with the
agencies and influences in its control, has served as a strong fortress
to the United States in these islands. The large financial contributions, amounting to nearly one million of dollars, which that organization obtained through innumerable channels of American benevolence
and religious zeal, and the large number of educated and resolute
agents which it sent to these islands, secured an influence over the
ruling chiefs and native population which held them as firmly to
America as a permanent military force could have done.
lBut a change of facts and circumstances in recent years is bringilng
near the time when this well-sustained power must be strongly reinforced. 11 a large and increasing degree other influences have come
in to counterbalance and relatively to decrease the American missionary influences. The native population of sixty years ago is reduced to




1124                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 
less than a third it then was, and is continually growing less. The
chiefs, who were formerly the supports of monarchy and mainly controlled the affairs of the islands and who for many years were largely
influenced by the teachings of the American pastors, no longer exist.
The grave has closed over them forever. The native pastors, who now
hold the places once occupied by the American missionaries, have not
the strong American sympathies of their predecessors, and if they had
they possess not the strength of character to hold their parishes by
any effective influence relative to affairs of government. Of the ninety
thousand population now on these islands less than one-half is of the
original Hawaiian race, and but a small proportion of the lands and
other property are in their possession.
The following is believed to be very nearly the present make-up of the
population: Natives, 37,500; half-cast, 5,000; Chinese, 19,000; American, 3,000; Hawaiian, born of foreign parents, 3,000; Britons, 1,250;
Portuguese, 12,000; Germans, 1,500; French, 150; Japanese, 8,400;
Norwegian, 250; other foreigners, 500; Polynesian, 500; total, 92,050.
It is not necessary for me to elaborate the argument to show that a
population thus composed has not the inherent tendencies and unity of
force to hold them to American interests. It is doubtless true that
more than one-half of the property of the country to-day is possessed by
those of American birth or of American blood. But wealthy men of
other nationalities are becoming numerous here, and the number of
adventurers and of those of cosmopolitan ideas, caring little for any
country, is always considerable in lands peopled as this now is, with
commercial and political circumstances as they are.
To thwart and hold in check the increasing influences here hostile
to the United States some effective measures are absolutely necessary.
In view of the facts as they existed for half a century a drifting policy
was safe enough. Rapidly changing circumstances demand a prompt
abandonment of the drifting policy of the past. Left to themselves, the
prevailing logical force of things would ultimately drive out the best
American elements and swamp these islands with adverse influences.
To hold an assimilating control of the largely preponderating Asiatic
and native Hawaiian population there must be maintained an American policy, strong, conservative, but not costly, if adopted in time.
The longer this is postponed the more difficult and expensive it will be
in the end to secure the desired result. The laying of an ocean cable
from San Francisco to Honolulu, with the aid of the United States
Government, and the expenditure of a sufficient sum of money to make
'a fair commencement of the improvement of Pearl Harbor would be of
immediate benefit to American commerce, would be a salutary notice
to foreign powers of our intentions in these waters, and operate as a
powerful incentive to retain and to increase an enterprising and influential American population in these islands.
As monarchy and feudalism, formally so strong here, have no longer
any solid foundation, and government has become constitutional, and
largely by the ballot, the moral pressure of the United States is absolutely necessary to enable the Americans and other intelligent citizens of
the country to withstand the Asiatic and other influences adverse to
Christian civilization, its laws, and agencies. Fairly governed and
retained under auspicious American influences, these islands are capable of sup)lorting a population of 250,000, possessing financial resources
ample to pay all the taxes necessary for the support of their institu.
tions and the ordinary means of 'defense. The vital question, one that,
can not be possibly ignored or held in abeyance, is: Shall Asiatic or




I HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


I   1125      


American civilization ultimately prevail here?    The near future is to
show conclusively that only the strong pressure and continual vigilance
of the United States can enable American men and American ideas
to hold ascendency here and make these islands as prosperous and
valuable to American commerce and to American marine supremacy
in the North Pacific as the isles of the Mediterranean have been and
are to its adjacent nations. The data in possession of the Department
of the Navy, and doubtless well known to the Department of State,
show how valuable Pearl Harbor easily can be made as a commercial
marine and naval station, and the great and pressing importance of an
ocean cable, under American control, is so plainly obvious as to require
no elaborate argument for its clearer demonstration.
The most careful study of the situation here leads me to urge a
limited appropriation for Pearl harbor, financial aid to the ocean cable,
and such modification of the existing treaty as shall increase the
American population here and permanently strengthen the bonds
between Hawaii and the United States. The sooner this is done the
less difficult and expensive it will be in the end. It is certain that
time and events will not wait for us, and that a drifting and waiting
policy is now the most hazardous.
I have, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
From   the Minister of Finance I have just received the inclosed
report of the Collector of Customs, a single advance type-written copy,
showing the increased commercial importance of these islands to the
United States.
HONOLULU, H. I., March 13, 1890.
His Excellency S. M. DAMON,
His Majesty's Minister of Finance:
SIR: In conformity with the provisions of section 553 of the Civil Code, I have
the honor to submit to your excellency the annual report of the business of this
bureau for the year ended December 31, 1889.
1 leg to call your excellency's attention to the reports with each table, which,
I think, will give more information than in former years. Your attention in
particular is called to tables numbers 1, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, and 16.
The exports have increased from $4,875,694 in 1880 to $13,874,341 in 1889, and the
imports from $3,1673,268 in 1880 to $5,438,790 in 1889.
The trade with the United States has increased 5.78 per cent during the past
year, and is now 79.10 per cent of our entire imports.
Our exports, virtually, all go to the United States. The exports of our principal
product, sugar, has increased over the exports of previous years, as follows: 1889,
242,165,825 pounds, againstYear.      Quantity.  Increas. ear.             Quantity.  Increase.
Pounds.   Pounds                     Ponds.    Pounds.ound
1877.................  25,575,965  216,589,879  1883.................   114,107,155  128,058, 680
1878..................  38,431,458  203,734,377  1884................  142,654,923  99,510,912
1879................  49,020, 972  193,144, 863  1885.......  171,350,314  70,815, 521
1880...............  63,584,471  178,581,364  1886.................  216, 223,615  25,942, 220
181.................  93,789,483  148, 376, 352  1887.................  212,763,647  29,402,188
1882...............  114,177,938  127,987,897  1888.................  235,888,346  6,277,489
An average increase of 119,035,144 pounds per year.
Rice has fallen off from the output of 1888, 3,208,704 pounds; a large amount of this
shortage is due to the number of Japanese laborers having been introduced. The
true amount of rice produced in this Kingdom can never be ascertained from the
records of this Bureau for the reason that this article is used to a greater or less
extent by our own population..




1126                      HAWAIAN ISLANDS.
Wool has decreased to 241,925 pounds. The export of this article reached its highest point in 1882 and its lowest in 1887.
Banaqnas have increased in the number of bunches exported from 1876 to the present?yeia, when it reached 105,f630 b)Iuches.
Tal] low lias decreased from thl1 amount exported last year.
Molasses has increased slightly.
The manifested value of sugar for the past year was 5.45 cents per pound.
It will be seen by reference to the table that the United States received practically
all of our domestic products.
Japan imported 92 head of Hawaiian cattle.
China did not import anything. In former years a large amount of betel leaves
and tallow have been exported there.
Our import trade with the various countries of the world has increased to a considerable extent. The aggregate of our imports for 1888 was $4,540,887, while for
1889, $5,438,790, an increase of $897,903. Reviewing our trade with each country,
we find that we imported from the United States 79.10 per cent, an increase of 5.78
per cent over the previous year, or more particularly an increase of $976,108 from
that country alone; from Great Britian 12.38 per cent, a falling off from the previous year; from China and Japan 3.68 per cent, also a slight falling off; and from
other countries a similar falling off. The relation which our imports from the
United States of free by treaty and goods paying duty bear to each other is as 4 of
the former to 1 of the latter. The class of goods which compose the duty-paying
class are to a great extent of foreign origin, and American beer and wines.
The United States received the bulk of our trade, both in exports and imports;
Great Britain received 3.45 per cent, and China and Japan 1.10 per cent.
The trade of the United States with this Kingdom has increased 1.61 per cent over
that of 1888.
The total imports and exports have increased from $16,248,486 in 1888, to $19,313,132 for the period just ended.
The increase in the imports and exports carried by American vessels in 1868 was
66.19 per cent, while in 1889 it carried 72.34 per cent. The percentage carried by
vessels of other nations has decreased in each case.
The imports of specie for the year just ended amounted to $1,146,925, and $1,207,555 for the previous year, showing a slight falling off.
The exports of gold increased fromn $23,935 for 1888, to $40,477 for 1889.
The value of our foreign and domestic goods exported amounted to $13,874,341.
The value of foreign goods exported amounted to $64,270, it being the smallest
amount exported for ten years past.
The value of our domestic exports has increased $2,178,635 over the previous year,
and it represents a production of $172.621 per capita for the entire population, basing
the calculation on the census returns of 1884.
The vessels engaged in carrying our domestic products were divided among principally four nationalities. American, guaged by the value, carried 80.22 per cent
against 73.09 per cent in 1888; Hawaiian, 15.20 per cent against 21.72 per cent for
the previous year, the falling off being occasioned by one of the regular steamers
being laid up for repairs and an American vessel taking its place.
The number of Hawaiian-registered vessels has decreased in number as well as in
tonnage. This has been caused through the sale abroad of the bark Kalakaua and
the brigantine Allie Rowe, the breaking up in port of the bark Lilian and the brigantine Hazard, and the losing of the bark James A. King and the schooner Jennie
Walker by being wrecked.
The additions to the list were the steamers Hawaii and Akamai; the bark Andrew
Welch and Foohlng Suey, and the brigantine Geo. H. Douglass, and the sloop Keaolani,
all vessels of the first class.
We have in our merchant marine five vessels built of iron, three being steamers,
and among the coasters one iron steamer. The number of men employed by all
vessels, both merchantmen and coasters, is 850, in the capacity of sailors.
The number and tonnage of vessels entered and cleared at all ports, Hawaiian
Islands, remain about the same as in the previous year. The total number entered
has increased, while the tonnage has decreased, showing that vessels of smaller
tonnage have been employed.
Vessels under the American flag had a total tonnage of 129,095, and in 1888,
113,459; British, 19,139, and in 1888, 29,519; Hawaiian, 54,813, against 64,607; German, 4,197, against 5,820 for the previous year.
There was an excess of departure of passengers and tourists of 53 during the
year, as against 499, excess of departures in 1888; while there was an excess of
arrivals of immigrants of 1,358, which indicates that there was a gain to the popuulation of this Kingdom of 1,305. The Chinese population has decreased by 1,059
persons; 32 Chinese females have arrived, and 43 have departed.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1127


The consumption of spirits in this kingdom varies very little from that of 1888,
save in the withdrawals of beer, which has increased from 40,0(0 gallons to 61,000
gallons for the year just ended. The consumption of light wine remains about the
same. European wines, which have been always of a high test, have been all along
displaced by California wines; but during the past year the experiment was tried of
importing a quantity of a lower test, corresponding to its California rival. The
result is a small increase in its consumption.
There has been an unexpected increase in the receipts for duties in some articles
which showed a decrease in 1888, while others have unexpectedly fallen off, but the
total amount shows a slight increase over the previous year. It largely exceeds
our estimate for the biennial period, which was estimated at $500,000 per year.
Marine railway.-I would draw your excellency's attention to the increasing
importance of the marine railway, and since the arrival of the warship N;ipsic from
Samoa was placed on the railway for extensive repairs many foreign vessels have
taken advantage of it through the experience gained from that vessel.
The number of coasters and merchantmen placed thereon during 1889 was 70, of
which number 33 were steamers, the largest being 1,070 tons and the smallest 18
tons; and the other 37 were sailing vessels, the largest being 1,088 tons and the
smallest 6 tons. The demands made upon the statistical department of this Bureau
has largely increased during the past year, and is likely to increase with the increase
of our commerce and as we become better known abroad. It is on account of these
ever increasing demands, ahd increasing commerce that our report is later than
usual.
I have the honor to be, sir, your excellency's most obedient servant,
A. S. CLEGHORN,
Collector-General of Customs.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens.
No. 22.]                               DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, April 7, 1890.
SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your Nos. 4-19.
I am, etc., 
JAMES G. BLAINE.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens.
No. 24.]                             DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, April 24, 1890.
SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your No. 20 of the 20th
ultimo, touching the commercial relations of Hawaii with the United
States. A copy of your dispatch has been confidentially communicated
to the Secretary of the Navy.
I am, sir, etc.,
JA1ES G. BLAINE.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
No. 24.]                            UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, May 20, 1890.
SIR: The import and intent of the reciprocity treaty between the
United States and the Hawaiian Islands are well understood by all
Americans who have a patriotic regard for the future commercial




1 1128


tHAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


growth and power of their country in the Pacific. The bearing which
the continuance of the terms and advantages of the present reciprocity
treaty has on the political relations of the Hawaiian kingdom with the
United States renders it proper for me to inform the Department of
State of the present alarm caused here by the sugar provisions of the
tariff bill reported by the Committee on Ways and Means of the Washington House of Representatives. The production of sugar is the
principal business of these islands, as the figures of the nearly
$14,000,000 of exports to the United States in 1889 plainly show.
Sugar is the chief source of the financial life-is the banking capitalon which the present and future prosperity of this country depends.
To destroy this productive industry and chief source of wealth' is to
spread ruin and disaster throughout the islands.
It is certain that the present treaty is the chief cause of the present
large dimensions of sugar production, having already more than
doubled the entire property of the islands. In the opinion of all wellinformed persons here, to place sugar on the free list would be the virtual annulment of the reciprocity treaty and the destruction of the
prosperity of the islands. Thus it is easy to understand why there is
so deep an anxiety among the business men of Hawaii as to the present aspect of the sugar question in Congress. They clearly understand
that it is a matter of life and death to the Hawaiian kingdom. To all
sincere Americans here it is especially alarming, as they see plainly
that the virtual destruction of the chief productive industry of the
country is to weaken essentially its fraternal relations with the United
States. It would have been better never to have had the treaty than
now to annul its chief financial advantage and knock the main props
from the business of the islands. I am sure that these fears are not
exaggerated. The business men here have no more faith in the
" bounty system" than have thebusiness men of the United States.
It certainly seems highly inopportune to abandon the protective
principle as to sugar just at the time when in various sections of the
United States extensive arrangements are being made to invest large
sums of money to produce sugar from cane, beet, and sorghum. That
the sugar tariff has not already led to a large production of sugar in
the United States is no conclusive reason why it will not in the future,
now that greatly improved methods of producing sugar have recently
come into use and capital is much more available for sugar-raising than
formerly. There are strong reasons to believe that if sugar-raising can
be protected in the future, say by a specific duty of 50 per cent on the
raw product, it will increase on a large scale and become a very
important interest in eight or ten States of the Union, and that at no
distant day the United States and its dependencies and allies will produce sugar sufficient to supply the increasing demands of the American
people. Logically and practically there seems to be no stronger reasons for abandoning the protective principle as to sugar than as to any
other agricultural interest or productive industry of the country.
Believing the commercial and political relations of these islands to be
of inestimable importance to the United States, duty impels me to
state the grave injury and danger there are involved in the proposed
annulment of the sugar tariff. I am sure I have not overestimated the
calamity it would bring to Hawaii, and I am clearly of the opinion
that a 50 per cent specific duty on raw sugar would be well for the
ultimate interests of the United States.
I have, etc.,
JoHN L. STEVENS.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1129
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
[Confidential.]
No. 25.]                      UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, May 28, 1890.
SIn: I improve the first mail opportunity to inform the Department
of State that the Hlawaiian Legislature assembled May 21 and was
opened by the King with the customary formalities. Contrary to the
hope of the best citizens of the islands, the reform party, through
whose agency the present constitution was made and carried into
effect, is found in minority. Two or three members-elected by the
reformers, half-caste and native Hawaiians, have joined the opponents
of the present order of things. The opponents of the ministry elected
the speaker and other legislative officers by a small majority, and the
committees appointed are similarly constituted. The resolutions thus
far offered and the discussions had in their regard indicate a matured
purpose of the majority to force out the present ministry and put in
its place one hostile to the present constitution or that regards its
requisitions of secondary importance.
The situation is somewhat complicated by the fact that one of the
ministers, the attorney-general, a Canadian by birth and sympathy,
has deserted his colleagues and become a bitter partisan of the present
legislative majority. Not long since he made a visit of several months
to Canada, spending, I think, a few days in Washington, and returned
here since the Hawaiian election an earnest opponent of a new treaty
with the United States and an advocate of an ocean cable and a reciprocity treaty with the Canadian Dominion. It is strongly suspicioned
here that he is now in the pay of the Canadian Pacific Railroad, if not
an agent of Sir James McDonald, the Canadian premier. Recently,
instead of following the advice of the three more respectable and
responsible members of his cabinet and the united opinion of the
supreme court as to cabinet power and responsibility, the King has
adopted the opinion of this Attorney-General Ashford that a single
cabinet member can neutralize and block the decision of the other
three members.
This course of the attorney-general and the diverse heterogeneous
and irresponsible elements of which the majority in the Legislature is
composed render the present political situation less favorable than
could be wished. The aspect of the " sugar question " in Congress at
Washington strengthens the opponents of the existing ministry and
continues to depress and alarm the Americans here and those who hold
that the United States is the best ally and the real hope of the Hawaiian Kingdom. As soon as the present legislative majority agree upon
a new cabinet there is no doubt that a probably successful effort will
be made to carry a vote of " want of confidence" in the present ministry, though some signs of discord begin to be manifest among the opponents of the three best members of the cabinet. I inclose two copies
of the King's speech well known to have been formulated by the three
responsible ministers.
I have, etc.,
JouN L. STEVENS.


I.




1130                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
The King's speech at the opening of the Legislature May 21, A. D. 1890.
Nobles and Representatives:
The meeting of the Legislature to-day affords me the opportunity to congratulate
the nation upon the measure of prosperity enjoyed by it during the period which
has elapsed since the commencement of the last session.
'The friendly relations between this Kingdom and foreign nations continue to promote the happiness and security of our subjects, and of all sojourners within our
borders.
During the biennial period just closed, the country has enjoyed a great degree of
prosperity. Industry and enterprise have been well rewarded, and as will appear
from the reports of the several departments of the Government, great progress has
been made in the development of our material interests.
It is a source of gratification that our credit is good, and that our financial affairs
have been placed upon a sound basis.
I sincerely trust that the laws which you shall enact for the welfare of the Kingdom will foster and encourage the extension of public improvements in the full confidence that they will return to us rich rewards. and I recommend for your consideration, liberal expenditures for the development of the industries of the Kingdom,
especially in the encouragement of railroads and other facilities for the transportation of merchandise and of passengers.
The authorities charged with guarding the health of the people have been vigilant, and have succeeded in a great measure in the suppression of our chief malady.
The subject of education, so closely connected with the foundation of good government, has received the earnest consideration of those appointed to forward its
interests, and our progress in this important branch of human welfare has received
the commendations of all nations, as expressed at the Paris Exposition, where our
educational exhibit was rewarded with the highest order of prizes.
In view of the probable completion of an interoceanic ship canal in the near
future, and of the promised extension of lines of steam communication, it is of the
highest importance that our harbors should be prepared to furnish accommodation
to the great increase of commerce which will surely follow.
Let us also hope that arrangements may be made during the present period,
whereby an electric cable under the Pacific shall place us in instantaneous communication with the thoughts and feelings of the whole human race, and add largely
to our commercial advantages.
We shall deem it wise with your concurrence to pledge the credit of the Hawaiian
Kingdom for such purposes and it can not be doubted that the material welfare of
the nation will be thereby greatly enhanced.
Nobles and representatives: Invoking the blessings of the Almighty upon your
deliberations, I now declare the Legislature of the Kingdom open.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
No. 26.]                             UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, June 9, 1890.
SIn: I improve the first mail opportunity to forward two copies of
the speech of Hon. L. A. Thurston, Minister of Interior, just delivered
in the Hawaiian Legislature. It is a clear, strong statement of facts, as
I had previously ascertained them    by careful investigation, and these
plainly indicate the actual political situation here, showing that in my
former dispatches I had not been mistaken as to my general views of
the condition of affairs.
Mr. Thurston is a gentleman of marked ability, of tried integrity,
and of real courage. He is a native of the islands, as were his father
and mother, both of his grand parents being of sturdy Connecticut stock,
having come here as missionaries nearly seventy years, ago. He has
been, from its beginning, a bold and earnest leader in the reform party,
fald has the entire confidence of the best men of the islands. He can
alwaysbereliedon as a friend of the country of his ancestry. His speech
has made so decided an impression that it is possible that the heterogeneous majority of the opposition party in the Legislature may become
a minority and not be able to force out the present ministry.
I have, eto,                                JOHN L. STEVlBNAS




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS., [Inclosure.]
[From the Honolulu Commercial Advertiser of June 7, 1890.1
The MINISTER OF THE INTEI)OR: I am ready to speak to the question of privilege in regard to the reply of the attorney-general to the questions of Nobles Crabbe
and Muller. The answer of the attorney-general amounted to a general charge
against the cabinet of interfering with him in the discharge of his duties and of
acting in a manner derogatory to the interests of the community, in maintaining last
April an armed guard at the police station. The charges of the attorney-general
resolve themselves into three, which I shall take up in turn.
1. That the marshal maintained, during April last, an armed guard in the police
station, with the approval of the majority of the cabinet, and against the approval
of the attorney-general.
2. That such action was unwise, unnecessary, and groundless.
3. That if there was any reason to apprehend a disturbance the action taken was
such as to precipitate the very disorders it was intended to prevent.
Mr. President, I admit the first charge. I admit that the majority of the cabinet
maintained a guard at the station house not only without the consent of the attorney-general, but that he did everything in his power to prevent it. The thing that
he did not do was to go down and find out what was actually going on. I think that
instead of censuring the marshal, he deserves the thanks of the community that in
spite of the resistance of his superior officer he had the principle and the courage
to take measures which, I think, prevented the recurrence of happenings similar
to those of the 30th of July last.
Having admitted the first charge, that the marshal defied his superior officer and
the cabinet approved it and advised it, only a strong reason can exculpate the
cabinet, and if I do not give sufficient reason for their action, I ask that they be
condemned as they should be.
Our defense is that at that time the majority of the cabinet had good reason to
believe that Volney V. Ashford and Robert W. Wilcox were contemplating violence,
and that the attorney-general, if not actually assisting, was conniving at it. Now I
maintain that I have not got to furnish legal proof of this, such as would be needed
to procure a conviction before a jury; but if I show that we had good reason to
believe it we were justified in the action which we took. I don't propose to indulge
in rhetoric or adjectives, but to make plain statement of facts and of the information
which I received, and then let the gentlemen here draw their own conclusion. The
reasons which actuated us involve a considerable amount of the secret history of
this country during the last three years. I do not propose to state any facts which
are not essential. There are a large number which bear on the subject which I have
stricken out, but I think that I have retained enough to convince the house.
I will show first why we had cause to distrust R. W. Wilcox and to believe that
he was intending to disturb the peace.
As you all know, Mr. Wilcox was several years a ward of this country studying abroad, until his return in 1887. A fact not so generally known is that he organized at that time a conspiracy to dethrone the King, overthrow the ministry, and
proclaim a new constitution. One of those who assisted him in drawing up the
constitution is now present in this house. They went so far as to actually have the
constitution engrossed, and Wilcox, with others, went into the palace and demanded
of the King that he abdicate and declare his sister Queen. They even had the form
of abdication written out for him to sign. If it had not been for the faithful service
of Robt. Parker, the matter which came to a head in July, 1889, might have come
to a head in the early part of 1888. The tactics which Wilcox pursued were almost
identical with those which he employed in last July, except that he went into it so
subtly that he managed to draw in a great many innocent persons, who did not
understand it until they were so deep in that they could not withdraw. One of
these became frightened and came and told us, and that is how we came to know
about it. As soon as I learned about it, I sent for several of the prominent conspirators, one after another, and charged them with it, and they confessed. I put
their statements in writing and they signed them, and I have those statements to-day.
The object was, straight and simple, to compel the King to abdicate. They had the
abdication all written out and they tried to compel him to sign it. Within a day or
two after the matter came to my knowledge, they all knew that I knew it. The
wife of R. W. Wilcox came to me (as she said, at the request of her husband) and
begged me with tears that they might be allowed to go away. She said they would
go back to Italy and that would be the last of it. It may be said that the cabinet
ought to be condemned for not bringing it all out at that time, and so preventing
the trouble of July 30.
Perhaps we were right and perhaps we were wrong. The reason we did not was
that the country had beeu disturbed and we did not wish to again arouse alarm.




1132                      tAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Nobody knew of the affair, and they promised to reform. Robt. Wilcox came to me
himself and admitted the whole affair; said that he had been wrong, that he saw his
mistake, but had been desperate, living as he was on charity. That he was angry
with the King for not giving him an office which he had expected and been promised.
He said he would go back to Italy and take service in the Italian army where they
were fighting in Arabia, and that perhaps he would obtain promotion there. It
seemed to us best, after mature deliberation, not to prosecute, and so no arrests were
made, no publicity was given to it. Wilcox was allowed to go and he went. After
this there were no disturbances, no rumors-everybody went about his business with
the unconsciousness that everything was all right and that the country was secure.
This state of things continued until Wilcox came back in 1889. He had scarcely
arrived before we began to receive information that he was trying to bring about
the same thing again. There is no need of my repeating the events of July last, as
it has all been before the courts. Now, after all that had happened in 1888, after
his exposure and failure, his repentence and promises, he came back and repeated
his attempt, and to-day he has the blood of 7 poor Kanakas on his head. The results
of his second attempt you all know. Ile was tried and acquitted. You know what
has happened since. He made a triumphal tour through the country, not only
expressing no regret and repentence for what he had done, but glorifying in it,
representing himself as a patriot and saying that if he had a chance he would do
the same thing again. So things went on until some time before the election.
Then rumors again began to go around, and I received direct information that he
was again discussing schemes of violence and that as a first step he intended to take
the station house; that he had been discussing that with V. V. Ashford, and with
his assistance was devising plans as to how it might be accomplished. R. W. Wilcox
stated to several of his friends the substance of his conversation with V. V. Ashford.
Two of them gave me their statements in writing. They are persons who were
politically opposed to me. It is unnecessary for me to state that one of them was
Antone Rosa, since he has stated the same thing over his own signature in the
public press.
I went immediately to Mr. Rosa, upon hearing that he knew of the matter, and
said: "Yot and I are not politically in accord, but we both know that there is nothing will so damage the country as a repetition of July 30. We can sink our political
differences in the attempt to prevent anything of this kind. I shall certainly do all
that I can, and I think it is your duty to do all you can to prevent anything of the
kind." He said that he took the same view, and would do what he could to ferret
out what was going on, and he did. I think Mr. Rosa deserves the thanks of this
house and of the community for sinking his political differences and doing what
he could to prevent what would have injured the country.
Mr. V. V. Ashford soon heard of the rumors with regard to his conversation with
Wilcox and sent for him and asked him if he had made any such statement. Mr.
Wilcox said he had not. Mr. Ashford asked him if he would put that in writing,
and Wilcox said he would. Mr. Ashford prepared a written statement which Robert
Wilcox signed, and that statement is now in Mr. V. V. Ashford's possession. Then
Wilcox went after Rosa for having told of it. Mr. Rosa said: "A Didn't you tell me
what I say that you did." Wilcox replied: "Yes; but I told you in confidence, and
not to tell anyone else."
This put a quietus on Mr. Wilcox for some time. After the election Mr. Wilcox
felt jubilant. He said that he had made the party successful and was entitled to
the leadership of it, and would be made minister. Upon this some of the respectable
members of his party began to grow restive, and expressed themselves in very
decided language to the contrary. Then Mr. Wilcox told some of his friends that
he was beginning to suspect the good faith of his haole associates, and that they
would not help him to become minister and that he must look out for himself. He
accordingly consulted with some of those who had been associated with him in July
last, and asked them if they would be willing to help him again, if necessary. Some
of them said yes, some were kanalua, and sone said that they had had enough. Feelers
were sent out and various persons were asked if they would assist in turning the
Government out if matters came to a head. I have information from a gentleman in
whom every member of this house has confidence, who was asked in front of the
post-office by one of Wilcox's intimate friends if he would help take the station
house; that they were going to have a meeting that night to discuss it.
Several of my informants were then, and still are, members of the opposition
party. One actively expressed himself during the election for the express purpose
of getting the cabinet out of office.
This brings the matter to the 17th of April, which the attorney-general considers
the culminating iniquity of the cabinet.
The second question which I shall consider is why the cabinet distrusted V. V.
Ashford and believed that he was favorable to creating a disturbance. I will not
go back to the 30th of July last, although there are a number of earlier instanies




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


11s '


which I might mention. Shortly after July 30 rumors and statements began to be
circulated that V. V. Ashford, although he commanded the force against Wilcox,
yet knew more than he ought to about that movement, and that his heart was not
entirely in the action which he took that day. At first I did not take much stock
in these rumors, for people talk as much here as they do anywhere; but as time
passed on I received intimations that there were facts at the bottom of these reports,
and I thought that I ought to investigate. I did not consult C. W. Ashford. Blood
is thicker than water. Although I will state that I had at that time implicit confidence in the attorney-general. As a result of my investigations I have statements
in writing from friends of the Government, from enemies, and from neutrals, and I
state unhesitatingly that V. V. Ashford knew of and counseled and advised the disturbance of last July; that he sent messengers to Wilcox saying that the King and
the cabinet were at loggerheads, and that now was the time to act.
Matters were quiet after the 30th of July, so far as his action was concerned, excepthat his conduct was characterized by the most violent denunciations of the cabit
net, publicly and without stint, to such an extent that a member of the diplomatic
corps came to a member of the cabinet, and although as he said he was acting
beyond the scope of his official duty, warned them not to have confidence in a man
talking as V. V. Ashford was.
V. V. Ashford became a frequent contributor to opposition newspapers, declaiming against the Government in the bitterest terms, giving out false statements with
regard to the cabinet, and stating that he got them from his brother, although I did
not believe anything of the sort. As an illustration, one of the members of this
house lately told me that at about that time Mr. Ashford told him that he was so
anxious to have this ministry turned out that he would rather have the country go
back to the old r6gime than see it go on with them in office, and would rather see
the country reduced to ashes than have them remain.
So matters continued, Mr. President, until two or three weeks before the election. That was a time of a good deal of uncertainty. Both parties were confident,
and neither was sure. At that time V. V. Ashford had a quarrel with his political
friends. Although in a position, as commander of the volunteer forces, of high
responsibility and trust under the Government, he had been an active political
worker against the Government. Then he sent word to me and asked for a truce
between himself and the Government, and asked that I make an appointment with
him (which for reasons was not kept), a second, which also was not kept, and finally
a third was made, which was kept in my office. In the presence of a mutual friend
the interview was held, and he made this statement. lie said that he wished to be
perfectly frank. He said that he had worked against the Government, admitted
that he had been writing for the Elele to a large extent, but was sick of his associates, they were a mean lot generally and he wanted to be done with them. He
offered either to retain his position as colonel and work secretly for us or to resign
altogether and take the stump openly. He made, however, one condition.    He
said, "My reason for opposition to you has been my belief that you and the other
members of the cabinet were engaged in a conspiracy against my brother. But
if you and the others will promise to stand by him in the next Legislature, I will do
all that I can for you. "
I heard all that he had to say, and then replied what we wanted is votes. Votes are
what counts, and that we should be glad of your assistance and vote and the votes
that you control. As for promises, I have stood by you straight through and have
done nothing for you that I ever agreed to do, and the only result has been that you
have constantly villified me. I consider myself discharged of any obligations to
you an(l will make no promises and no agreements with you. As far as the relations
of the cabinet to C. W. Ashford are concerned your course will have nothing to do
with it. C. W. Ashford has stood by us so far as I know and we propose to stand
by him, and if we go down we will go down together.
Shortly after the election of the colonel came up, and V. V. Ashford was elected.
The election was certified up to the cabinet and it became our duty to decide whether
to approve or reject it, and it was not until after consideration of all the facts that
I have mentioned, that we came to the conclusion that it was our duty not to indorse
the election, and that we would be faithless to the interests of the communitylf we
again allowed that man to go in as the head of the military. I don't say that we
had evidence to warrant his arrest and trial. We did not feel justified in taking
that action, but we did feel justified in refusing to ratify his election, as we knew
that he was a man in whom we could not confide in case of another 30th of July.
We therefore did not recommend him to the King, and the matter was referred
back to the officers again. Mr. V. V. Ashford asked for our reasons. We refused
to give them orally, but said that if he would make application in writing we would
state them in writing. He stated that he would apply in writing, but later he sent
a letter to the minister of foreign affairs stating that he would make no written
application, as it was zontrary to military principles and ettiquette.




1134                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
The next step *as his reflection by a majority of the officers. Before we took
action on the reelection the attorney-general returned.
This brings me to the third branch of my statement, viz, the reason why we have
distrusted C. WV. Ashford, and this brings me to one of the most painful experiences
of my life, because C. W. Ashford has not only been my official companion for three
years, but because ever since he came here, seven years ago, he has been my intimate friend, and in this world intimate friends are not many. I have worked with
him, trusted him, have passed through trying periods with him, shoulder to shoulder, have stood by him. When prominent members proposed to put him out of the
cabinet last Legislature and go on with a new minister, I said no. if we go out we
go out together. And I wish to say here that I believe, and know from previous
experiences many years, that we have never had an attorney-general who has worked
harder and more faithfully in the conduct of the business of his office than he has.
The relations of the cabinet with the attorney-general continued most cordial
up to the time of his departure for the United States. He has mentioned a point
of difference of opinion with regard to the treaty. It did not interfere with our
cordial relations and was solely a matter of discussion, and was adjusted by tile
cabinet. As evidence of this and against the published statements made by C. W.
Ashford, over his own signature, and before the finance committee I will readl from
the reply on October 4 last to the committee which waited on the cabinet concerning
the treaty.
This reply was constructed in the following manner: After full discussion of
the whole topic, each member of the cabinet made a draft of a reply. Then sections
were taken from each and embodied in the final draft, so that the three replies,
including Mr. Ashford's, are there. The beginning shows that it is the reply of the
whole cabinet, and the title so states. The ministers take pleasure in informing
you, etc. It is signed by the minister of foreign affairs because it was a matter
of his department. I will read a passage, showing that there was no difference of
opinion at that time:
"Animated as we are by the desire to strengthen and extend the commercial ties
which have done so much for our national prosperity, and to secure the safety and
perpetuation of our institutions by an alliance whereby we shall have the positive
and efficacious guarantee of a strong friend against interference by itself or others
with our perfect autonomy, independence, and sovereignty, we have instructed our
representative at Washington to ascertain if the United States would be willing to negotiate with us a convention whereby the following objects may be secured." '
"The cabinet for more than a year has studied carefully many reasons for and
against the points submitted for negotiation, and has taken counsel with others,
both connected and unconnected with the Governmlent, and has considered various
propositions and suggestions, some of which have been approved and some disapproved.
'* Any statements of objects or intentions, and any purported draft of a treaty stating more or other than is above indicated which may have been published, are
unfounded and incorrect.
' The ministers are strongly and unanimously of the opinion that the accomplishment of the objects above indicated will tend to greatly increase the material prosperity of the country, and perpetuate the independence of Hawaii and the sovereignty of His Majesty and his successors over all his dominions."
Mr. Ashford left on November 16,1889, with the utmost cordiality of feeling between
the cabinet. He left, as he stated, on account of his health, expecting to stay over
one steamer. Two personal notes were all we had from him until his return on
March 8, 1890. We had otherwise no direct communication with him, but saw
numerous interviews in the papers in which he discussed all sorts of subjects,
treaties, steamship and telegraph communication from Canada, all vital matters
which should have been dealt with by one in his office only with the advice and
consent of the cabinet. What he did in Canada we do not know. He gave us the
barest outline of what he did.  He did state that he had an interview with the
Canadian prime minister, that he traveled as a guest of the Canadian Pacific Railroad in a private car-[Attorney General, No]. Then some one else told me about
the private car; and to this day we don't know what his objects were or what he
did. The first question which came up after his return was the colonelcy.
The attorney-general having returned just before the second election, when the
question came up he immediately called upon the cabinet to reverse its decision on
the matter, to nominate Mr. V. V. Ashford to the King, and to appoint lilm. It is
unnecessary to say that the cabinet pursued no such stultifying coulrse, but followed
its previous decision. The attorney-general stated tlit lie clonsidered this action
against his brother as simply an attack upon the Ashford family, allnd le was not
going to stand it. Thwe question had to be settled, and the attorley-general was
requested to state whether he intended to carry his opposition so far as to advise the
King not to confirm the nominee of the cabinet.' Mr. Ashfordi refused to state




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1135


what he would advise the King. I said it is an anomalous thing, something unheard
of in this or any other cabinet, to go to the King divided. He admitted it was
anomalous and regretted it, but said that he could not change his course on that
account, but would take the matter into consideration. He considered for a few
days and then stated that he declined to inform us what his course would be, as he did
not choose to abridge any of his legal rights, and should reserve to himself the right to
advise the King as he saw fit when the time came. We accordingly held a cabinet
council with His Majesty, March 21, in which three members of the cabinet stated
that they did not consider Mr. V. V. Ashford a fit man for the'place and recommended H. F. Hebbard. The attorney-generalthen advised His Majesty not to
concur in this advice and not to appoint Hebbard, because, first, there was no
reason why V. V. Ashford should not be appointed, and, second, on the technical
ground that the period of incumbency of the present colonel had not expired. His
Majesty stated that he wished to do what was proper, and asked each party for an
opinion in writing, which was given. He answered in writing laying down the
broad principle that he should take no action in any matter requiring by law the
advice of the cabinet unless he chose, unless he had the advise of the whole cabinet. As this raised a vital principle, striking at the very roots of constitutional government, it seemed proper to submit the matter to the supreme court, and we did so,
after first submitting our statement of the case to the attorney-general, which he
admitted contained a correct statement of the facts.  The supreme court gave a
decision upholding the position of the majority of the cabinet, that the majority
should govern,* as the majority of the legislature and of every other body governs.
On April 10 we met His Majesty again. There were two subjects for discussion, first,
the appointment of colonel, and, second, the commissioning of Mr. Carter to negotiate
the treaty. The majority of the cabinet advised His Majesty to appoint Mr. Hebbard, and presented him with the opinion of the supreme court, stating that it was
his duty to follow the advise of the majority of the cabinet. The attorney-general
then advised His Majesty as follows (the exact words were taken down at the time):
"The opinion of the supreme court is not in the slightest degree binding and is of
no more effect than that of any other three nmen of equal ability. I advise Your
Majesty to decline to follow the advise of the majority of the cabinet and that of
the supreme court."
This brings us down to the time when an armed force was being maintained at the
station house.
Now as to the special charge that the guard was kept in such a manner as to excite
disturbance. The attorney-general has in unmeasured terms denounced it, here
and elsewhere, and has declared that it was in a high degree improper and unwise,
and detrimental to the public good, for from five to eight men, citizens, to guard the
police station, arms being in the station, available for volunteers and regular forces
if necessary. This at a time when R. W. Wilcox was at liberty; when, as he states
in his reply, street rumors connected V. V. Ashford with disturbance; when the
town was so disturbed that the heads of business houses were consulting as to what
should be done to protect life and property; and this, although his words in August
last, when the country was roused, when Wilcox and his confederates were in jail,
locked up in prison, were what I shall now quote.
On the 28th of August, 1889, the attorney-general wrote the following letter to
the marshal:
"DEPARTMENT OF ATTORNEY-GENERAL,
"Honolulu, H. J., August 28, 1889.
'J. H. SOPER, esq., marhial:                             )
"SIR: In regard to the protection of the arms and munitions of war now under
your charge at the police station in this city, the subject has been discussed by the
cabinet, whose ideas I here put upon paper, in the form of instructions to you, in
order that none of the misapprehensions to which verbal instructions are liable
may in any way interfere with a full mutual understanding of the situation.
'The cabinet regard it as of the highest importance that those munitions shall be
vigilantly and effectively guarded, and that all other matters in your department,
existing or reasonably to be apprehended, shall be made subordinate to the due
protection of the police-station building, its inmates, and contents.
"I understand you have now in operation a system of guarding that building with
six foreign policemen (two from each watch), in addition to those who are necessarily
or incidentally on the premises as officers of the respective watches, turnkeys, etc.
This, in addition to D. H. Hitchcock, jr., whom I understand is still retained as
special night watchman in your own office, will make a special guard of seven
foreigners, which, if its members are intelligent and vigilant, should be sufficient,
supported, as it ever is, by the prevailillg facilities for defense and the opportunity
to secure prompt reinforcements by telephone.
"But in order to its highest effectiveness, such guard should be under the immediAte charge and command of Bsoe particular officer, and a definite system should be


44




1136                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
observed as to the place and character of the vigils of the different members. In:
addition to this, there should be adopted a definite rule as to admissions to she
building during the night, and such rule should and must be strietly enforced.
The necessity in this latter direction is best illustrated by a recital of circumstances actually witnessed during the present month, during the day as well as at
times during the evening hours, I having been the witness as to some of them
myself. Thus there are certain foreigners in town whose fidelity to the present conditions is at least questionable and their sympathy with the late insurrection at
least suspected. In addition to these are some native and half-white members of
the bar, whose hostility upon this point is hardly a matter of doubt. And yet it is
n'o uncommon thing for the parties referred to, sometimes several at once, to enter
the police building and walk unchallenged through any part of at least the ground
floor thereof. For instance, they have been seen to go, as a matter of course, into
the back recesses of your office, whence the route to the armory is through a door
unsecured, as a general rule, by either lock or guard. The key to the armory, moreover, has very recently been accessible to any one from that recess.
I recite these facts, not in a spirit of complaint, but as tending to show how easy
it might be for half a dozen armed and determined men, gaining the advantage of
such an entrance, either day or night, to spring upon and overpower, shoot down, or
intimidate the unsuspecting officer in charge and thus capture the building. If it
be thought that such an event is not probable, the answer is that our aim must be
to guard against possible and not alone probable attacks.
I have, therefore, to request your careful attention to the following system of
guarding that building, which may, of course, be supplemented by any details you
may think necessary to add, viz:
That the main door and all other means of access to said building, except the
door to the receiving station, be closed and bolted (unless upon special occasions)
not later than 8 o'clock in the evening, and I think an even earlier hour preferable.
That the special guard shall always have among their own number a leader whose
orders they will be obliged to obey, and who shall be responsible for the due execution by the guard of their stipulated duties, and who, in the absence of the captain
of the watch or other superior officer, shall have full command of the building and
all the officers therein and thereabout. From the fact of his being on watch during
the entire night and not changing with the different watches, I should suppose Mr.
Hitchcock (if satisfactory in other respects) an eligible man for this position.
The guard should be armed with clubs and pistols, and should have, each man,
his rifle and filled cartridge belt conveniently at hand, elsewhere than in the receiving station. At least one of the guard (I think two preferable) should be kept constantly on patrol in Merchant street between Nuuanu and Kaahunanu, to observe
movements in the three streets named, as well as Bethel street. These patrolmen
should be relieved, say, every two hours, by other members of the guard, and
should be kept diligently on the move and observant of events. Half-hourly circuits of the block in which the building stands should be made by one of such
patrolmen, i. e., around to and along Queen street. The rest of the guard should
be on the alert, so disposed throughout the building as to be able to rally on any
point immediately upon call, and at least one of them should be in the receiving
station all the time, whence the means of access to the yard and ground cells is very
easy.
The patrols will of course give the earliest possible notice of any persons or events
in the locality out of the natural order, and thus the entire guard will be ever ready
to meet any exigency or repel any attack. In this connection let me caution you
that nothing short of a tragedy within plain sight, or orders from the marshal,
should tempt any member of tle guard away from the building or his beat.
In case of an attack they should meet it upon the sidewalk, at the doors, or
retreat within the building, secure the doors and defend the premises from the windows, as the force and direction of the attacking party might suggest to the one in
command, and telephone at once to the marshal or his deputies.  Seven resolute
men, well armed, should be able to hold that building for hours against any force
that could be brought against it from the front.
I understand that the hours of special guard are now from 8 p. m. to 6 a. m.
While I do not now think it necessary to extend these hours, yet captains of watches
coming on duty at 6 p. m. and 6 a. m., respectively, should be especially instructed
to give particular attention to the guarding of the building prior to the advent and
after the departure of the special guard evening and morning. This, I think, during one hour of each of those watches, should take the form of a small detail of
their foreign patrols for this service.
Now as to the indiscriminate admission of all comers to the different offices of the
building. This should be guarded against during the day by some practicable yet
reasonable rule, that will at once permit the despatch of business and secure the
privacy of portions of the premises. After office hours in the evening no one except




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1137
members of the force, regular or special, or other officers of the Government. and
attorneys and others upon legitimate business, to be stated to the officer in charge,
should he admitted to the building. Let this principle be enforced.
In particular I would call your attention to the oft-recurring absence of "all
hands" from your own office during business hours, which of course leaves open
opportunities such as should not exist for any venture such as herein discussed. I
have frequently (and several times during the present month) tried in vain to ring
up some occupant of your office. A trial of both telephones convinced me that no
one was present. I need not assure you that this should not be, particularly at the
present juncture, and I shall expect to see it remedied.
Not wishing to handicap you by the enumeration of details to be observed in the
carrying into effect of the foregoing instructions, I leave them chiefly for your own
device and application. The main purpose, and in fact the Wnly purpose, of my
writing thus at length is to secure the ample protection to that building which its
present importance demands.
I repeat, that nothing herein is penned in a spirit of complaint but of caution and
admonition only. 1 shall expect the main object of these instructions to be scrupulously observed and lived up to. I purpose to myself test the efficiency and vigilance of the guard in question from time to time, and recommend the same course to
you. While I desire that they should have a general notice to this effect, for the
purpose of keeping them on their mettle, I shall give no special notice of the hours
of my visits.
Yours faithfully,
C. W. ASHFORD,
Attorney-General.
That was the opinion of the attorney-general in August last, when he thought that
we ought to guard against possible, not merely probable, dauger; when he thought
that it was necessary to have men armed to the teeth with clubs, pistols, rifles, and
cartridge belts. Now, when we have a volunteer guard at night only, with no weapons on them, he complains and sees a threat and a menace to the community.
The statement thit there was unnecessary ostentation and display is without
foundation. As a matter of fact, the guard was there two weeks before the public
knew anything of it.
At this time garbled accounts of what was being done by the cabinet appeared in
both English and native, which could only have come from the attorney-general.
Arguments which the attorney-general made in the cabinet, down even to the underscoring, came out next day in the newspapers with those very points in italics.
If anyone wants to know what it is to be in hell without waiting for eternity, let
himl be in a divided cabinet, knowing that every word and act is being reported
and misconstrued by a traitor, with the knowledge that a man is among you whom
you can not trust and the possibility of another 30th of July hanging over your head.
That was the situation. What was to be done? The attorney-general was giving
demoralizing and revolutionary advice to the King. Never before has the King
refused to follow the advice of the supreme court. That was the bulwark of the
country, and the King never dreamed of refusing to follow their advice, until the
attorney-general advised him to do so. I say the action of the attorney-general was
revolutionary, and it has brought the King into a revolutionary position, which
he has maintained ever since. The chairman of the foreign affairs committee has
referred to my "brutal statements" to the King. Mr. President, I am no courtier;
I never was and never shall be one; I believe in speaking the truth, and I have
done it. I have made no brutal statements to the King. I have treated him with
perfect respect, but with perfect candor. When he was taking a course contrary to
the law and the constitution, I did not tell him that he was doing right, but that he
was taking a course that would bring disaster upon himself and upon the country.
In this situation, with the history of Robert Wilcox before us, with the facts in
regard to V. V. Ashford before us, with the attorney-general in open hostility to
the cabinet, refusing to resign and saying that he would stay to paralyze all action,
in this situation I say that even if there had been no truth in the report which
came to us there wbuld still have been ample ground for taking the precautions
urged by the attorney-general in August last. The marshal came to me to consult.
He had received information from a different source from mine of a similar character. He felt that he could not consistently with his duty to the community and to
himself go to the attorney-general and tell him what he knew. After talking it
over with the other members of the cabinet, the marshal stated that he could get
volunteers, and stated who they were, men of the most respectable standing, clerks,
bookkeepers, etc., as well as a few Government employes, who took steps, and the
station house was guarded for several weeks before it was known at all.
Now in regard to the night of the 17th of April, when the minister of the inte,
ior e was there," the Gatling gun run out, and the 40 armed mea. on hand,.
$. Re~. 9227   7,3




1138                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
A 1 a. m. I was rung up with the statement that a policeman had seen a body of
armed men. I thought it sufficient to put us on our guard. I went down, found
5 men on guard, and we telephoned for 3 or 4 more. No one else was there. The
statement as to 40 men is entirely without foundation. We stayed till daybreak.
The guns were not put out into the street; there was no unnecessary exhibition of
force; there was no guard sent out to the Rifle's armory, unless you consider one
lame prisoner such a guard. One or two men patroled. I took the statement of the
nolicemanin writing. He stated that there was a passer who could confirm it, and
the next day he brought the man who stated that he had seen some armed men in
that neighborhood. Whether there were any armed men there, you know as well as
I. At anyrate there was the information, and I considered it was my duty to be on
hand, and for the mashal to be on his guard. Suppose no precaution had been taken,
and the station had been captured, then what?
The fact is it was the duty of the attorney-general to inquire into the situation
and guard the peace. He did nothing whatever, and the rest of the cabinet had to
take the reponsibility of guarding, not merely against "probable,' but "possible"
dangers.
As to the statement that these precautions were calculated to create a disturbance,
this strikes me as one of the thinest, flimsiest and most ridiculous propositions
that I ever heard. Precautions of this kind are the first thing to prevent a disturbance. Look at Berlin on the 1st of May, labor day; it was a garrison. Look at
London a few years ago at the Hyde Park riots, and citizens were sworn in as
special police by the thousand. And yet it is claimed that the precautions taken
here tended to excite a disturbance; that the presence of a few men at the police
station, probably playing cards when not on duty, must so tend to excite Mr Wilcox's nerve centers as to lead him to shoulder a musket and try to capture the
police station, just because there were a few men there who had a perfect right to
be there.
Mr. President, on this statement I am ready to leave it to the house whether the
inaction of the attorney-general is to be commended, or the positive course of the
majority of the remainder of the cabinet. Taking into consideration what happened on the 30th of July, would we not have been responsibe for any loss of life
or property, if we had neglected these precautions and a disturbance had occurred.
I am willing to leave it to the house, but if every man votes against me, I would
still, in a similar situation, when 1 thought the country was threatened with a possibility of danger, act as I have, whether the attorney-general approved it or not.
Representative Bush moves to amend by referring to printing committee to have
both replies printed in English and Hawaiian.
Representative Brown seconded the amendment.
The motion as amended was carried.
House adjourned at 1:10 p. m. until Monday.
Diplomatic reception-Brilliant entertainment at the United States legation.
His excellency J. L. Stevens, United States minister resident, and Mrs. Stevens,
held a reception at the legation, Nuuanu avenue, from 3 to 6 o'clock yesterday
afternoon. It was an event both brilliant and pleasant. Flags almost covering
the house showed their bright colors to the street through interstices of the luxuriant
foliage. Lovely boquets, clusters of gorgeous lilies, and other floral designs, with
profuse traceries of vines, made the interior a delight to the eye, while filling the
air with fragrance. An elegant collation was spread in the dining room, and no
guest was permitted to depart without receiving an invitation to be refreshed.
His excellency and amiable lady gave a cordial greeting to all. Mrs. Stevens was
assisted in receiving and in dispensing the hospitalities of the legation bthehe Misses
Stevens, Mrs. Severance and Miss Severance, Mrs. J. 0. Carter and the Misses Carter,
Mrs. W. Foster, the Misses Winter, and Miss Waterhouse.
The band of the United States flagship Charleston, sixteen pieces, under Bandmaster Carlo, played on the grounds alternately with the Royal Hawaiian Band,
The playing of the naval band was very much admired. The programme of the
concert was the following:
Overture-Masaniello..................................... Auber.
Chorus-Tanhauser..............-.-................. Wagner.
Gavotte-Festival......................................... Latann.
Reminiscences of Verdi................. Godfrey.
Fantasia-Recollections of the War......-.......... Beyer.
Waltz-1,001 Nights.................................S.....trauss.
Patrol-Guard Mount. —..-.......-.................... Ecleniberg.
Xedley- Ye Olden Times................................ Catlin.
The Star Spangled Banner,
Hawaii Ponol,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1139
Their majesties and the heir apparent were among the callers. The King was
attended by Mr. Jas. W. Robertson, vice-chamberlain, and His Majesty's staff.
Mrs. Robertson was lady-in-waiting to the Queen. Hon. A. S. Gleghorn was
present with Princess Liliuokalani. Visitors were coming and going during the
three hours, the following being some of them:
Their excellencies Jona. Austin, minister of foreign affairs and C. W. Ashford.
attorney-general; Hon. C. R. Bishop, Hon. and Mlrs. W. F. Allen, Hon. and Mrs. J,
B. Atherton, Miss Atherton, Hon. and Mrs. W. G. Irwin and Mrs. Ivers, Hon. and
Mrs. W. D. Alexander, Mrs. J. I. Dowsett and the Misses Dowsett; Major J. H.
Wodehouse, British commissioner, Mrs. and Miss Wodehouse: Mr. G. C. B. d'Anglade, French commissioner; Mr. A. de Souza Canavarro, Portuguese commissioner,
and Mrs. Canavarro; Mr. Masaki, Japanese diplomatic agent, and members of his
legation; Rear-Admiral Brown, U. S. N.; Mr. H. W. Severance,United States consulgeneral, Mrs. and the Misses Severance; Mr. F. A. Schaefer, consul for Italy and
dean of consular corps; Mr. H. W. Schmidt, Swedish consul, and Mrs. Schmidt;
Mr. C. Afong, Chinese commercial agent, and Miss Afong; Mr. A. W. Richardson,
United States vice-consulrgeneral; Mr. T. R. Walker, British vice-consul; Capt.
Remey and staff, U. S. flagship Charleston; Capt. Green and staff, U. S. S. Adams;
Capt. McCurley and staff, U. S. S. Nipsic; Lieut. Dyer, Lieut. Blow, and Mr. Cole
(of the admiral's staff); Lieut. Qualtrough, Fleet Surgeon Woods, Dr. Weiber, Fleet
Paymaster Arthur Burtis, with Mrs. Burtis; Fleet Engineer Inch, and Mr. Hollis,
with Mrs. Hollis, U. S. flagship Charleston; Chief Engineer Webster, U. S. S. Nipsic;
Rt. Rev. the Bishop of Honolulu and Mrs. Willis, Rev. and Mrs. H. Bingham, Rev.
and Mrs. S. E. Bishop, Rev. and Mrs. W. C. Merritt, Rev. and Mrs. A. Mackintosh
and Miss Von Holt, Mrs. R. F. Bickerton, Mrs. W. Foster, Dr. and Mrs. A. B. Lyons,
Dr. and Mrs. C. T. Rogers, Dr. Lindley of Kentucky, Dr. and Mrs. J. S. McGrew,
Dr. J. S. Emerson, Dr. Kimball, Col. V. V. Ashford, Capt. Mist, R. N., and Miss
Mist, Prof. and Mrs. M. M. Scott, Prof. and Mrs. G. Sauvlet, Maj. and Mrs. C. T.
Gulick, Hon. Jas. Anderson, Mr. and M-s. J. O. Carter and the Misses Carter; Hon.
and Mrs. B. F. Dunning, Misses Dunning and Clarke, Mrs. Helen Mather, New York;
Mr. and Mrs. George Fritch, Mrs. Eugene B. Rail, Mr. and Mrs. Layton, San Francisco; Mrs. S. C. Allen, Mr. and Mrs. W. W. Hall, Mrs. G. E. Boardman, Mrs. Robt.
Lewers and Miss Lewers, Mr. and Mrs. T. F. Lansing, Mrs. W. W. Dimond, Mr. and
Mrs. W. C. Wilder, Mr. G. K. Wilder, Mr. and Mrs. B. F. Dillingham, Mr. and Mrs.
J. G. Spencer, Mr. and Mrs. C. L. Carter, Mr. and Mrs. E. A. Jones, Mr. and Mrs.
H. H. Renjes, Mr. and Mrs. H. F. Wichman, Mrs. S. B. Rose and Miss Rose, Misses
Chamberlain, Waterhouse, Winter, Payson, Atkinson, Brewer, and Snow; Messrs.
H. Waterhouse, W. C. Parke, W. H. Baird, J. Dyer, T. M. Starkey, G. C. Potter, and
Paul Hamill.
Mr. Blaie to Mr. Stevens.
No. 27.]                               DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, June 14, 1890.
SIR: I have received your No. 25, of the 28th ultimo, apprising me
of the unexpected change in the attitude of "two or three" of the
new members of the Hawaiian Legislature, by which the opposition to
the reform party gains strength enough to control that body; also of
the fact that one member of the present ministry, of Canadian birth,
is in declared agreement with the opposition party.
Noting your reference to the circumstance that the present " aspect
of the sugar question" in our Congress " strengthens the opponents
of the existing ministry and continues to depress and alarm the Amer.
icans? in Hawaii,
I am, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
[Ccnfidential.]
No. 27.1                       UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, June 26, 1890.
SIR: Corresponding to strong indications of which I have previously
informed the Department of State, there has been made an entire
change in the Hawaiian ministry. The attorney-general, C. W. Ashford, a Canadian by birth, since his return here in April from a visit ill
Canada, where he is known to have been in intercourse with the leading members of the Dominion ministry, had comhpletely changed in his
attitude towards his colleagues and in his views as to commercial rela
tions with the United States. He is believed to have strongly entered
into the Canadian plans of connecting these islands with the Canadian
Pacific Railway by cable-and steamer and commercial arrangements.
He suddenly took ground against the reform party, with which he had
been identified, and sought to sustain himself by uniting with the
party he had before strongly opposed, and stimulating the reactionary
tendencies among the less responsible portion of the citizens and residents here. The other three ministers, finding it impossible to carry
on the Government with him, tested their strength by a motion of want
of confidence in Ashford. The vote in the Legislature was a tie-24 to
24. At once the three ministers offered their resignations, and this
forced the resignation of Ashford.
A new ministry has been formed, composed of two from each party.
John A. Cummins, a half-caste and a large sugar planter, is the minister of foreign affairs. Godfrey Brown, minister of finance, was born in
England, leaving his native country at three years of age; he lived
years in New York and California, and has recently spent a while in
the city of Washington. C. N. Spencer, the minister of interior, is a
native of New York State, but came to these islands in childhood. A.
P. Peterson, the attorney-general, is a native of Massachusetts, and is
regarded the ablest man of the new cabinet. As a whole, the ministry
has less intellectual force and character than its predecessor. The
reform party is in a measure satisfied, because it is better than it
feared. The more numerous portion of the party of the King and of the
native factions is dissatisfied because it has only two of the four ministers, and these not of the most pronounced type. It is less decidedly
American than the three best of the retiring cabinet, yet it is reasonable
to hope that it will favor strong friendly relations with the United
States.
I have, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens.
No. 29.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, July 3, 1890.
SIR: I have read with interest your No. 26, of the 9th instant, in
which you transmit a copy of a speech delivered on the 6th June last,
in the Hawaiian Legislative Assembly, by Hon. L. A. Thurston, minister of the interior, relative to the political situation in Hawaii.
I am, etc.
JAMES G. BLAINE.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1141
Mr. Adee to Mr. Stevens.
No. 31.]                         DEPARTMENT OP STATE,
Washington, July 14, 1890.
SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your No. 27, of the 26th
ultimo, announcing a recent cha:nge in the cabinet of His Majesty and
communicating a sketch of its members.
I am, sir, etc.,
ALVEY A. ADEE,
Acting Secretary.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens.
No. 2.]                         DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, August 16, 1890.
SIR: I inclose for your confidential information copy of a letter
recently received from the Acting Secretary of the Navy, transmitting
one from the commander in chief of the United States naval force in
the Pacific station, in regard to political affairs in the Hawaiian Islands.
The letter in question seems to confirm the general tenor of your dispatches on the same subject.
I am, etc.,
WILLIAM F. WHARTON,
Acting Secretary.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
[Confidential.]
No. 30.]                      UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, August 19, 1890.
SIR: I regret to be obliged to report to the Department of State
that the political affairs of this island Kingdom have recently assumed
a less assuring aspect. It is well known that the present constitution
was gained by the people, especially by the property holders andbusiness
men, in 1887, much as the Magna Charta of England was gained by
the barons from King John in 1215. Kalakaua has always been restless under this constitution, to which he has solemnly sworn. The
result of the elections last February encourages him to hope that the
constitution might be so changed as to restore to him much of his
former autocratic power. A movement has been put on foot to this
end. A popular delegation. composed mainly of the less intelligent
natives, led chiefly by unscrupulous demagogues, has formally marched
to the palace and presented petitions in a revolutionary sense, asking
the call of a constitutional convention. The King, without having
consulted or received the sanction of his cabinet, has commended the
bejects of these petitions in a message to the Legislature.
The constitution specifically provides how it may be amended, which
is by voting proposed amendments by the Legislature, which amendmeuts must be resubmitted and voted by another Legislature two years




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


subsequently. Thebusinessmen and the moreresponsible citizens of the
islands are greatly disturbed. For good reasons they fear to have the
country convulsed by such an issue. The English commissioner and
the undersigned have been urged confidentially by the leading member
of the cabinet and by the most conservative of the Legislature to
counsel the King against the rash and dangerous step. My English
colleague, who has been here twenty years, fully agrees with me as to
what the situation demands of us. Yesterday, in a confidential interview, the commissioner and myself gave our opinions and advice to His
Majesty. Of his bearing toward us we have no reason to complain.
The two ablest of his four ministers are against changing the constitution in the revolutionary way proposed, and it now looks as though the
other two will decide to go with their colleagues. A careful count in
the Legislature indicates that a small majority will vote to adhere to
the constitution as it is, consenting to small amendments to be made
in the way provided. There is some fear of a mob in surprise to force
a revolutionary vote by intimidation, and there is little reliance placed
on the native police in an emergency. The King professes that he is
neutral in the controversy, and that he has only brought popular grievances to the attention of the Legislature. But the facts are conclusively against this pretension. None of the best citizens here have the
least faith in these royal professions. He and a few corrupt parasites
are at the center of the conspiracy, back of which is a big loan in London for their corrupt handling.
Under the circumstances it is my duty to say that one United States
ship of war should remain at Honolulu. The English commissioner
thinks it highly necessary that one English ship should continue here
constantly. All of the more responsible business men here are of like
opinion. The presence of this force has a suggestive meaning to the
disorderly element here. I shall continue to act cautiously but firmly,
in the light of former precedents of the Department of State and of
this legation, varied only by different facts and circumstances.
Admiral Brown, who was here two months, who had former experience
here, before he left on the Charleston a few days since was strongly of
the opinion that one vessel, or more, of the United States Pacific naval
force should be kept here, though when he left the aspect of affairs
was apparently more auspicious than at present. The Nipsic is here,
and I understood from the Admiral that on the departure of this vessel
her place would be taken by the Iroquois or Mohican. I assume such
to be the naval orders.
1 have the honor, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens.
o. 4.]                             DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, September 10, 1890.
SIR: I inclose copy of a letter of the Secretary of the Navy and
a copy of the report therewith on the serious political situation in
Hawaii, which as confirmatory of your No. 30 of the 19th ultimo
will doubtless be read with interest.
I am, etc.,
WILLIAM F. WHARTON.




HAWAIIAN ISLIANDS.


Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
NO. 2.J                            UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, September 17, 1890.
SIn: My commission as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary has been duly received at this legation, and I have officially
communicated the fact to the Hawaiian Government, and the Kilng
has received me formally in said capacity as the following authoritative publication shows:
BY AUTHORITY.
Foreign office notice.
FOREIGN OFFICE,
Honolulu, September 8, 1890.
This day had audience of the King his excellency John L. Stevens, United States
minister resident, to present his credentials as envoy extraordinary and minister
plenipotentiary of the United States of America.
His excellency Hon. John A. Cummins, His Majesty's minister of foreign affairs,
presented to His Majesty the King his excellency John L. Stevens, who addressed
His Majesty as follows:
'"SiR: In appointing me envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, placing
the representative to His Majesty's Government on an equality with the American
representatives to the great nations of the world, the Government of the United
States once more manifests its strong friendship for the Hawaiian kingdom and its
firm resolution to respect its autonomy and to promote its welfare.
" His Majesty may be sure that it always will be my earnest effort faithfully to
carry out the instructions of my Government.
" In doing so I shall endeavor to show proper respect to His Majesty, and in any
counsel or advice which I may give I shall seek the peace and prosperity of his
kingdom. Thus I shall help to foster good relations between the two countries so
closely united by near neighborhood and common interests."
His Majesty was pleased to reply to His Excellency John L. Stevens as follows:
"Mr. ENVOY: It is with pleasure that I receive from you the assurance of the
continuauce of the friendly regard of the President and the people of the American
nation for the sovereign and people of Hawaii.
"And I am well pleased to receive as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States a gentleman who has already in the capacity of minister resident given so many proofs of the good-will and kindly feelings entertained
by him towards my kingdom, myself and my people.
"And I fully appreciate the honor done to my crown and kingdom by the action
of the President of the United States in placing the representative of the United
States in my kingdom on an equality with the American representatives to the
great nations of the world, and the expression thereby of his firm resolution to
respect our autonomy and to promote our welfare.
"The officers of my government will be instructed to tender to you every attention and courtesy during your official residence in my dominions.
His majesty was attended on this occasion by the Hon. John 0.
Dominis, Hon. A. S. Cleghorn, his honor the Chief Justice A. F. Judd,
Hon. John S. Walker, president of the Legislature; his excellency,
Hon. J.A. Cummins, minister foreign affairs; colonel, the Hon. G. W.
McFarlane, his majesty's chamberlain; J. W. Robertson, esq., his
majesty's vice chamberlain; Maj. John D. Holt, jr., A. D. C.; captain,
the Hon. Edward K. Lilikalani, equerrv in waiting.
I have the honor, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.~




1144


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. Steeens to Mr Blaine.
[Confidential.]
No. 3.1                      UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, September 25, 1890.
SIR: In my dispatch 27 of August 15, I gave an account of the political status of things here touching a constitutional convention and the
advice of the English commissioner and myself privately given to the
King. Since the date of that dispatch the situation has gradually
improved. The counsel we gave His Majesty appears to have oper
-ated even more favorably than we expected. By the intent or want of
restraint of the King the fact that we had advised him against the
revolutionary scheme of the convention becamie known to the public,
as we presumed it probably would. The effect of this has been to
unify and strengthen the efforts of the best citizens who are opposed
to the convention, and to lessen the numbers and influence of its supporters. The King is not of those who stick to a losing cause.
Seeing the increasing strength of the opponents of the convention in
the legislature, and among the chief property holders and responsible
citizens, he is more ready to appreciate our advice. We have it from
good sources that the Kuig is now opposed to the convention, and present appearances are that the convention scllemnte will be defeated in the
Legislature by a decisive vote. The commnittee having the matter in
hand, originally supposed to be in favor of the convention, have just
made a majority report against it by a vote of two-thirds of its members. It is agreed that the question shall be taken up by the Legislature September 29. There are threats of attempts to constrain the Legislature by intimidation and violence. But at present writing it looks
like a pacific solution by the legislative approval of some constituitional
amendments in the manner prescribed by the constitution as it is.
By the next mail tollowing this I hope to be able to announce the
decision of the Legislature and the final adjournment of that body.
I have, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens.
No. S.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, October 15, 1890.
SIR: I have received your No. 3 of the 25th ultimo, informing me
that the majority report of the committee on the bill in the Hawaiian
Legislature to convene delegates to frame a new constitution is opposed
to such a convention, and stating, also, that His Majesty is believed to
be now opposed to such a convention.
I am, sir, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1145
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaie.
No. 7.]                LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, October 22, 1890.
SIR: Though it may be somewhat outside of the conventional rules
of my office, a due regard for the interests of the United States Government seems to require that I should make a brief statement in
respect to a coal depot in Honolulu. Admiral Brown has called my
attention to the subject and asked me to express my views thereon to
the Department of State. Previously to the admiral's arrival here
circumstances had led me to the conclusion which I shall here indicate.
I need not repeat the well-known truths as to the necessity of good
stopping places and coaling stations for vessels of commerce and vessels of war. Kapoleon's adage that armies march on their bellies has
an equally strong application to the agents and servants that win commercial and naval victories on the seas. It goes without saying that
the Hawaiian Islands have a commanding position in the North Pacific.
The Government of the United States has long recognized this fact.
If it is well to have a coaling station at the Samoan group, how much
more important it is to have one at Honolulu. To one familiar with
the facts it is plain that the supply of its naval vessels here should not
depend on private parties and local dealers. The price of coal greatly
varies at these islands, owing to the distance from the sources of supply and the irregularities and varying contingencies of the demand.
At one time the wholesale price is nearly double what it is at another.
If our Government can have proper and convenient landing and building for its coal, filled from our mines at home or by cargoes purchased
here at the lowest market rates, I am confident that a large saving can
be made in the cost of coal supplies to our naval vessels, which thus
would not be subjected to undue exactions of the local dealers and to
uncertain contingencies. I am clearly of the opinion that the views of
Admiral Brown on the subject are based on substantial facts, and are
those which business men would carry out in their private affairs. The
owners of the land of whom he speaks are personally known to me as
reliable and responsible men, and I think their terms for the first
twenty-five years of lease are reasonable, and that it would be well to
secure the option of a subsequent lease unless our Government should
decide to make an absolute purchase at the present time, which I would
regard preferable.
I have, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens.
No. 9.]                           DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, November 12, 1890.
SIR: I have received your No. 7 of the 22d October last, favoring
the establishment of a coal depot at Honolulu, for the use of our naval
force.
A copy has been sent to the Secretary of the Navy.
I am, sir, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.




1146


1   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
No. 8.]                       UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, November 14, 1890.
SIR: After a session of 146 days the Hawaiian Legislature adjourned
finally to-day. The general course of its proceedings has been more
deliberate and conservative than it was generally anticipated by the most
thoughtful citizens.
As my previous dispatches have indicated, the first months of the
session were somewhat stormy and there was considerable public excitement, mainly growing out of the attempt to change the constitution
in a revolutionary way and in a reactionary direction. The defeat of this
movement was so complete and decisive that the malcontents gradually lost  l arge degree of their influence and gave up their efforts
ashopeless, at least for the present. Some amendments to the constistitution have been voted nearly unanimously, while the constitutional
convention scheme was rejected by a large majority. But the amendments thus passed through their first stage do not restore to the King any
of the power taken from him by the constitution of 1887, and the
functions of the Legislature and of the ministry are not at all impaired.
This result has been largely owing to the good conduct and superior
ability of the reform members, who, with a majority of two or three
against them at the beginning of the session, were enabled largely to
control the Legislature. In this they had the cooperation of some of
the most conservative of the opposition party. A careful review of
what has transpired confirms the opinion that the earnest advice
which the English commissioner and myself gave His Majesty was
expedient and salutory.
In this connection I may be allowed to remark that the sudden
return here by Admiral Brown in the Charleston from Puget Sound,
about which more or less comments were made by the Pacific Coast
press, was not at my solicitation, but was entirely unexpected by me,
my request having been only for the retention of one United States
ship here. But it is just to say, that it is the judgment of the best
informed and most responsible men here that the coining into the harbor of that powerful ship of war, the circumstances being as they were,
had a very pacifying effect on the disorderly elements here. The average native mind and the more irresponsible of the foreign population
looked upon it as a plain determination of the United States Government not to tolerate disorder on these islands.
After the decision of the question of the constitutional convention
the most exciting and important issue before the Legislature has been
that of" labor." The sugar and rice farmers have a pressing need for
seven or eight thousand more laborers than are attainable in the
islands. The Japanese and Chinese are regarded the most available, and a majority of the planters prefer the latter. Yet there is
among all classes a strong aversion to receiving into the country more
Asiatics. The Legislature has passed, finally, with general unanimity,
a very stringent bill, allowing the admission of more Chinese under a
specific contract, with adequate bonds that they shall engage in no
other employment than on the sugar and rice plantations, and that at
the close of their terms of engagement they shall return to China.
This measure does not apply in any of its provisions to persons now in
the islands.
The amount of appropriations voted are large, considering the population of the country. The total amount for the two years covered is




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


$4,774,171. Of this sum $200,000 is for the improvement of Honolulu
harbor and its entrance; $63,000 for the new wharves and sea wall at
Honolulu; $275,500 for additional water supply and the improvement
of the works; $244,500 for the care of the lepers; and $270,000 for educational purposes and school buildings. The liberal annual subsidy
of $24,000 for the San Franclisco steamers is continued, and subsidies
to the amount of $15,000 have been voted for a monthly steamer to
Tahiti, and an equal sum for a monthly steamer to Southern California.
Liberal appropriations Shave been made for roads and bridges, thus
continuing the wise and highly necessary policy greatly enlarged and
stimulated by the reform  party when it came into power in 1887. A
resolution has been passed, nearly unanimously, requesting the ministry to open negotiations with the Government of the United States for
the purpose of enlarging the free list of the two countries under Reciprocity.
While some bills have been passed which are not creditable in their
character, in the main the doings of this Legislature have been such as
to receive the approval of the best public opinion.
I have, &c.,
JoHN L. STEVENS.
K. B.-Allow me to express the earnest hope that no part of my dispatches relating to any feature or fact of Hawaiian politics be allowed
to go into the published volumes of the Department of State.
The official copy not having yet been received at this legation, I
inclose newspaper copy of the resolution passed yesterday relative to
Reciprocity.
J. L. S.
Whereas, recent tariff legislation by the United States has, to a great extent,
diminished the value to Hawaii of the existing treaty of reciprocity with that
country, and
Whereas, the history of the relations of the two countries has been such that
Hawaii can with confidence ever depend upon the integrity, good faith, and generous friendship of the United States of America,
Now, therefore, be it resolved that it is the sense of the nobles and representatives of this Kingdom in the Legislature assembled that the Hawaiian Government
should, while guarding most zealously the freedom, autonomy, and independent
sovereignty of the Kingdom of Hawaii, enter into negotiations with the United
States Government for a treaty revision looking toward the extension of the principle of reciprocity between the two countries to other articles which may be the
product or manufacture of the two countries with a view to the continuance and
increase of the mutual benefits which have heretofore accrued to both countries
under the existing reciprocity treaty.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaline.
No. 9.]                            UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, November 20, 1890.
SIR: His Majesty, King Kalakaua, with consent of his cabinet and
friends, will probably take passage on board the U. S. ship Charleston,
Admiral Brown in command, Tuesday, February 25, for San Francisco. He makes this visit to the Pacific coast for the benefit of his
health, at this time not very good. I understand he would be pleased
to have official recognition on his arrival at San Francisco, but there



1148


HAWAIIAN ISL~ANDS.,


after would wish to travel incog., or in a private manner. It is not
now supposed that he will go east of the mountains, unless on his
arrival at San Francisco he should receive advices from Minister
Carter to the import that it is an opportune time to enter on new
negotiations at Washington relative to Reciprocity. The belief prevails here among the best informed that the fitting time for this will
not be before late in the winter or in the spring.
If deemed necessary and proper, a telegram can be sent from Washington directing that the usual salutes be fired on the arrival of the
King in the Charleston. It is thought that the passage from Honolulu
to San Francisco will take from twelve to fourteen days. The King
will be accompanied by his chamberlain, Col. George W. McFarland.
I am, sir, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens.
No. 11.]                       DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
lWashinfgton, December 5, 1890.
SIR: I have received your No. 9 of the 20th ultimo, relative to the
departure of His Majesty, the King of Hawaii, for San Francisco.
Stating that every proper courtesy will be shown to His Majesty on
his arrival,
I am, sir, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.
Mlr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
No. 16.]
UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, February 5, 1891.
SIR: Eight days prior to its reception at this legation the Department of State had received the sad intelligence of the death of His
Majesty, King Kalakaua, in San Francisco, and of the attending circumstances. The Charleston, Admiral George Brown in command,
arrived here on the morning of the 29th with his remains, causing a
deep impression among the native and foreign population. In the
afternoon of the same day, commencing at precisely 5 o'clock, the body
was taken from the Charleston and transferred to the royal palace, the
hearse being followed by the Hawaiian ministers, members of the
diplomatic corps, American and English naval officers, escorted by a
body of marines and sailors from the Charleston, the Mohican, and the
English naval vessel, the Nymph, and an immense concourse of citizens.
This display of honor was admirably conducted, largely under the
direction of Admiral Brown, the chief portion of the military escort
being American.
By a note from the minister of foreign affairs, the evening of the
29th, I was officially informed that the remains of the King would lie
in state from 11 a. m. to 11:15 of the 30th, for the observation of the
diplomatic corps, and in company with Mrs. Stevens I improved the
opportunity in an appropriate manner.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                      1149
In the afternoon of January 29th, prior to the remcval of the royal
remains from  the Charleston, the new sovereign was proclaimed, of
which fact I was duly informed by the following communication:
FOREIGN OFFICE,
Honolulu, Januaary 29,1891.
SIR: I have the honor to inform your excellency that on this day Her Royal
Highness, Princess Lilinokalani, Regent, was publically proclaimed as successor to
His late Majesty, Kalakana, deceased, as Queen of the Hawaiian Islands, in accordance with the twenty-second article of the constitution, under the style and title
of Liliuokalani.
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem,
Your excellency's most obedient humble servant,
JOHN A. CUMMINS,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
JOHN L. STEVENS,
United States Envoy Extraordinary
and Minister Plenipotentiary, Honolulu.
The remains of the deceased King will remain in state at the royal
palace until the 15th instant, when the final funereal obsequies will
take place. The present ministers perhaps will continue in office until
the meeting of the legislature in 1892, the Queen not having the power
to change them without the previous action of that body. This sudden
and unexpected change of sovereigns has been made without commotion and with no extraordinary excitement.
I am, sir, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
No. 18.]
UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, Februrary 9, 1891.
SIR: Herewith inclosed I transmit to the Department of State a
copy of resolutions adopted at a public meeting of a large number of
inilluential native-born citizens of the Hawaiian Islands, relative to the
death, and its attending circumstances, of the late King Kalakaua.
I also inclose a copy of my remarks addressed to the committee who
called at this legation and placed the said resolutions in my hands.
I forward likewise a copy of resolutions adopted at a less numerous
assemblage of native Hawaiian citizens, among whom I may name
John E. Bush, formerly a Hawaiian minister, now editor of a native
newspaper, and a present member of the legislature, a half caste, R. W.
Wilcox, leader of the revolutionary attempt of July, 1889, and others
of similar political sympathies.
I am, sir, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
[Inclosure 1 in No. 18.]
RESOLUTIONS.
Whereas the unbounded courtesy and kind attentions extended to his late Majesty,
King Kalakaua, in his recent visit to California by the United States Government,
the State of California, the city of San Francisco, as well as citizens and residents
in San Francisco, and by Rear-Admiral George Brown and the officers and men of
the United States Flagship Charleston have placed the Hawaiian nation under a
deep debt of gratitude to the United States and to citizens of said country, and to
said Rear-Admiral Brown, his officers, and men: Therefore, be it
Re6olved, That the Hawaiian people recognize, with the deepest gratitude, the
great courtesy of the United States Government, and of officials and citizens of the




1150                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
State of California, in the courtesies extended to his late Majesty, the King, upon
the occasion af his recent visit to California, where he met his most untimely death;
and be it further
Resolved, That we recognize a like debt of gratitude to Rear-Admiral Brown, of
the American Flagship Charleston, and to his officers and men, in their more than
courteous treatment and care of his late Majesty, King Kalakaua, both in going to
California and in their tender care and attention during his illness and in returning his remains to our midst; and be it further
Resolved, That an engrossed copy hereof be presented to his excellency John L.
Stevens, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States in
Honolulu, for transmission to Washington; that a like copy be sent to the governor
of California; another to the mayor of the city of San Francisco, and another be presented to Rear-Admiral Brown, on behalf of his late Majesty's grateful subjects and
Iriends.
IO.OhLULU, H. I., 5th Februaryj, A. D. 1891.
PAUL P. KOMOA,
W. L. HOLOKOHILI,
S. K. KANE,
J. KALUA KABOOKANO,
JOHN LOT KAULAKOU,
JOHN F. COLBURN,
PARK P. ROBINSON,
SAMUEL PARKER,
WM. G. IRWIN,
E. C. MACFARLANE,
WM. R. CASTLE,
ALEX. YOUNG,
C. 0. BERGERY,
PAUL R. ISENBERG,
F. M. SWANZY,
JOHN W. KALVA,
A. ROSA,
Committee.
[Inclosure 2 in No. 18.]
Remarcks of Minister Stevens.
GENTLEMEN: It is with no ordinary emotions that I meet you under the afflictive
circumstances which call you to this legation. I recognize in your committee the
honored representatives of a large and influential portion of the native citizens of
Hawaii, all equally interested in the welfare of their country  As the American
minister at this capital I receive the resolutions which you place in my hands as the
expression of the warm and sincere feelings cherished by the citizens of Hawaii for
the citizens and Government of the United States. The manner in which these sentiments are called forth, and the attending circumstances of your late Sovereign's
death, can not fail to strengthen permanently the fraternal and friendly relations
between this island Kingdom and the American nation, which are united by the
triple bonds of moral sympathy, of near neighborhood, and of common interests.
It will be my duty as well as my pleasure to transmit copies of your resolutions to the President of the United States, to the governor of California, and to
the mayor of San Francisco.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
No. 19.]                             UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, February 16, 1891.
SIR: The Chamber of Commerce of Honolulu, an important commercial body, wishing to express thanks to the United States Government and to the people of California for the honors and kindness shown
to the late King Kalakaua in his visit, illness, and death, has adopted
resolutions, an engrossed copy of which is here inclosed, which is forwarded to the Department of State agreeably to request.
I am, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                       1151
[Inclosure in No. 19.]
Resolutions unanimously passed by the Honolulu Chamber of Commerce.
Whereas the Hawaiian nation is under the highest obligation to the United States
Government, to the State of California, to the corporation of San Francisco, and to
the citizens of said State and city, for their truly royal welcome and entertainment
of His Majesty King Kalakaua, and for the distinguished feelings of friendship and
steem exhibited toward him and the Hawliian people in their tender and sympathetic care of the King during his recent illness, and in the funeral obsequies held
in San Francisco, and in returning His Majesty's remains to its home; and
Whereas a like obligation has been incurred to Rear-Admiral George Brown and
his staff, and to the officers and crew of the U. S. S. Charleston for their unfailing
care and attention to the King in his recent visit to California, and in the return
of his remains to Hawaii: Therefore be it
Resolved, That the Honolulu Chamber of Commerce joins with all others in this
country in expressions of the most cordial thanks to the United States Government,
to the State of California, to the corporation of San Francisco, and to the citizens
of said State and city for their courteous attentions to His Majesty the King during
his recent visit and for the like respectful and tender care of the dead King's
remains, and
Resolved, That we likewise tender to Real-Admiral George Brown and his staff and
to the officers and crew of the U. S. S. Charleston the heartfelt thanks of this association for the courteous attentions paid to His Majesty during his visit to the
Pacific coast and in the honorable attentions paid to his remains upon their return
to the laud of his birth.
Resolved, That an engrossed 'copy of the above preamble and resolutions be forwarded to the Secretary of State of the United States, to the governor of the State
of California, to the mayor of the city of San Francisco, to Rear-Admiral George
Brown and Captain Remy, commandiing U. S. S. Charleston.
Resolved, That the above preamble and resolutions be spread upon the records of
this Chamber of Commerce and that the same be published in the newspapers of this
place.
F. A. SCHAEFER, Vice-President.
I. B. ATHERTON, Secretary.
HONOLULU, February 4, 1891.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
[Confidential.]
No. 20.]                           UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, February 22, 1891.
SIR: The funeral services, with the customary honors, of King
Kalakaua, took place February 15, a full account of which being contained in the printed slips which I forwarded with a previous dispatch.
In the two weeks while the royal remains were lying in state in the
palace, there was a good deal of friction between the dowager Queen,
Kapiolani, and the reigning Queen. Almost from the day of the arrival
of the news, by the Charleston, of the death of Kalakaua, there has been
a deep interest here as to what may be the course of the new sovereign
as to the cabinet and the persons who may have her confidence.
Unfortunately, from the first hour of her accession she has been surrounded by some of the worst elements in the country, persons of native
and foreign birth. The present ministry has been but a few months
in office, and the best men of the islands, including nearly all the principal business men, wish the present ministry to remain, who, by the
present constitution, are chiefly independent of the Crown and can not
be removed except by impeachment, or by the vote of the Legislature.
Under her extreme notions of sovereign authority and the influence
of her bad advisers, the Queen is trying to force the resignation of the
ministers and to get a cabinet composed of her tools. So far the min



1152                    H AWAIIAN ISLANDS.
isters have refused to resign and the best public opinion increases in
their support. Should the supreme court sustain the right of the ministers, which is very clearly and strongly intrenched in the constitution, the ministers will be supported by such a united determination of
the business men and other better citizens of the islands as will force
the Queen to yield; if she should still persist and attempt to form a
ministry of her own, without the consent of the Legislature, she will
surely imperil her throne. She is well known to be much more stubborn
in character than her brother, the late King, but my present belief is
that she will finally yield to the legal and other legitimate forces operative againt her present course, and place herself in the hands of the
conservative and respectable men of the country as the only way to
retain her throne.
I am, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
[Inclosure in No. 20.]
FOREIGN OFFICE NOTICE.
FOREIGN OFFICE, Honolulu, February 16, 1891.
This day had audience of the Queen: His excellency John L. Stevens, United
States envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary.
His excellency Hon. John A. Cummins, Her Majesty's minister of foreign affairs,
presented to Her Majesty his excellency John L. Stevens, who addressed Her
Majesty in the following words:
'"MADAM: It is my official duty to offer to Your Majesty congratulations on your
accession to the throne in accordance with the provisions of the constitution of
your Kingdom. Tnrlling from the funeral scenes through which we have just passed,
I address Your Majesty words of hope as to the future of your reign. Standing on
the border land ot death and the future world, of which we have been so solemnly
reminded by what has just transpired within our midst, and reverent toward the
Supreme God, to whom all are accountable, the minister of the United States
expresses his earnest gratification that Your Majesty has taken the firm resolution
to aid in making your reign a strictly constitutional reign; to maintain the constitutional right of your ministers to administer the laws, and always to acknowledge
their responsibility to the Legislature in the performance of their'sworn obligations.
In the wish thus to respect the supreme authority of the constitution and the laws
Your Majesty places yourself in the exalted rank of the best sovereigns of the world,
and thus will avoid those embarrassments and perplexities which have so often disturbed the peace and crippled the prosperity of countries not blessed with free and
enlightened constitutions. It is my earnest prayer that Your Majesty may be able
to carry out your noble resolution, and thus have full time and opportunity to discharge the duties which Your Majesty justly regards necessary to the success of
your reign and beneficial to your whole people. In endeavoring to make good these
auspicious promises, Your Majesty will have the full sympathy and the good wishes
of the Government which I have the honor to represent at this capital."
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens.
No. 15.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 28, 1891.
SIR: I have received your No. 16, of the 5th instant, relating to the
death of King Kalakaua and the accession of Queen Liliuokalani; and
your No. 18, of the 9th instant, transmitting a resolution of Hawaiian
citizens expressive of the gratitude to the Government of the United
States, the governor of California, and the mayor of San Francisco,
and through them to the people they represent, for courtesies extended
to the late King during his recent visit to California, and of their thanks
to Rear-Admiral Biown. nd th.e officers and, men. under his qontmnand,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1153


on the United States flagship Charleston, for the attentive entertainrI-ent of tis late Majesty on his way to this country, and the solicitude
and care with which his remains were returned to Honolulu on board
that ship.
This Government is gratified to be apprised of the accession of Her
Majesty Queen Liliuokalani, surrounded and sustained as she is by
the good will and sympathy of her people; and I hasten to express on
its behalf, not congratulations and good wishes alone, but the confident expectation that the high duties devolved upon her by the act of
Providence will be wisely and beneficently discharged.
By his visits to this country, where he was always assured of a sincere and cordial welcome, the person of the late King had become
familiar to many of the people, and his approachableness, the simplicity and amiability of his manner and the kindliness of his disposition had rendered him the object of their friendly regard and aroused
the desire on their part to testify their sentiments by such hospitalities
as they might offer with propriety. It is therefore not necessary to
emphasize the fact that his death among them became the cause of
something more than a merely formal expression of sorrow, or that he
will be long and pleasantly borne in remembrance.
The many years of friendship between his late Majesty and the Government of the United States, and the neighborhood and common
interests of the Hawaiian and American peoples made it peculiarly
fitting that the last honors should be paid to him, and his body be
returned to his people, by officers and men of the American Navy, and
on board an American ship of war.
Your address to the committee of Hawaiian citizens, at whose
hands you received the copy of resolutions transmitted by you, is
approved.
I am, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens.
No. 16.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE.
Washington, March 2, 1891.
SIR: I have received your Nos. 21-30, and 21 bis of the old series,
and Nos. 1-16 and No. 18 of the new series.
I am, sir, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens.
No. 19.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, March 10, 1891.
SIR: I have received with great appreciation the copy of the resolutions of February 4, 1891, of the Honolulu Chamber of Commerce
which accompany your No. 19 of 16th ultimo, relating to the late visit'
of His Majesty King Kalakaua to this country, and to his lamented
death; as also to the attention paid him while here and the solemn
conveyance of his remains by one of our war-ships, from California to
Honolulu.
I am, etc.,


8. Rep. 227 —73


JAMES G. BLAINE,




1154


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. Blaine to 3r. Stevens.
No. 20.]                              DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, March 14, 1891.
SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your No. 20, of the 22d
ultimo, on the political situation in Hawaii. It has been read with
interest.
1 am, sir, etc.,
JAMVES G. BLAIN:E.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
No. 21.]                            UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, March 26, 1891.
SiR: Your dispatch 15, of February 28, was received at this legation
March 15. The chief portion thereof, all that relates to the late King
Kalakaua and to Her Majesty the Queen, was duly communicated to
the minister of foreign affairs, with the request that it should be read
or otherwise made known to -her, in a note dated March 17, to which
I have received a response, a full copy of which is herewith inclosed.
I am, etc.,
JOiHN L. STEVENS.
[Inclosure in No. 21.]
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Honolulu, March 24, 1891.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your excellency's dispatch
of the 17th instant, announcing that you had received from your Government a
communication through the Secretary of State, Hon. James G. Blaine, relative to
the death of King Kalakaua and the accession of Queen Lilinokalani, and the resolutions of varius bodies of Hawaiian citizens expressive of gratitude for the kindness shown by the Government and people of the United States to his late Majesty,
and favoring me with a copy of the chief portion of said communication for Her
Majesty's consideration.
In reply I beg to state that I have had the honor of conveying to Her Majesty the
Queen a copy of the honorable Secretary's communication and have received her
commands to acknowledge its receipt. Her Majesty is inexpressibly touched with
the sincere sentiments of friendship for her departed brother and late Sovereign, for
the Hawaiian nation, and for herself, so feelingly expressed by the Secretary of
State for the Government of the United States. The duties of the high position Her
Majesty has been called upon to assume will, under the guidance of the Supreme
Ruler, be discharged with the sole aim of benefiting her people and in thus obtaining and endeavoring to maintain the esteem and friendship of all nations, but more
especially of the Government represented by your excellency, whose friendship
has been tried and tested in innumerable instances and to whose assistance and
encouragement the nation is deeply indebted.
With the highest esteem, I remain, etc.,
SAMUEL PARKER,,Minister of Foreign Afair#:




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1155


Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
No. 23.]                       UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, April 4, 1891.
SIR: Since the date of my dispatch, 20, of February 23, the situation here has improved in some degree. Contrary to what seems to be
the plain terms of the Hawaiian constitution and to the opinions of
framers of that document, as well as of the principal lawyers here, a
majority of the supreme judges decided that the cabinet of Kalakaua
ceased to have legal existence at his death. Two of the four judges
were appointed under the old monarchical regime prior to the adoption
of the reform constitution, and have been regarded as not specially
sympathetic with that document. But from whatever cause or motive,
the decision of the supreme court was in accord with the earnest wish
of the Queen, who was especially averse to having Hon. John A. Cummins, the half-white planter, in the ministry. Wilson, the half-white
of Tahitian birth, named in my No. 20, whom, it is believed, the Queen
desired for the premier, was unable to form a cabinet that the public
would be likely to tolerate, of those who would consent to serve with
him, and is obliged to be content with the marshalship of the Kingdom.
As now composed the ministry consists of Messrs. Widemann, Parker, Spencer, and Whiting-equally divided between the two political
parties in the islands. Widemann is a German by birth, long a resident here, a man' of wealth, well advanced in years, formerly in the
cabinet, somewhat erratic, quite irascible, and hardly calculated to
get along well with his associates. He is married to a native Hawaiian.
Samuel Parker, minister of foreign affairs, is of three-fourths
Hawaiian and one-fourth American blood, a general favorite among the
Hawaiians, and very friendly to the United States. He has appointed
for his chief clerk Mr. F. Hastings, formerly for years a clerk in the
United States consulate here, and a native of Calais, Me. Whiting is
an American lawyer, from Boston, a resident here eight years or more.
Spencer is a native of the State of New York, having come to the
islands when a small boy, with his father, who was United States consul at Lahaina.
The present indications as to the course of the new Sovereign are
more favorable than they were the first two or three weeks after her
accession. Her present bearing, and that of her husband, toward
myself seem all that could be desired. It may be proper for me to say
that I have it from the best sources, that my remarks on her accession,
of which I sent a copy with my dispatch of February 23, have done
good.
Were it not for the peculiar characteristics of Widemann, the minister
of finance, I would indorse the prevailing impression here, that "the
present cabinet probably will continue until the next meeting of the
Legislature," in June, 1892.
I am, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.




1156


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. Stevens to Mr. Wharton.
No. 28.]                       UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, July 23, 1891.
SIR: In reply to dispatch circular of the Department of State of
June 25 relative to the inquiry of the Acting Secretary of the Treasury
relative to sugar bounties, I have to reply that the Hawaiian Government pays no bounty whatever "directly or indirectly" on the production or the exportation of Hawaiian sugar.
1 am, sir,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
[Confidential.]
No. 30.]                LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, August 20, 1891.
SIR: Touching the import of the inclosed clipping from the San Francisco Chronicle, which has the appearance of being authentic, it is
proper for me to say that the present political aspect here is peaceful.
All the parties, since the death of Kalakaua, have been trying to gain
the support of the new Sovereign and the influence of the palace, and
this is tending to help keep things quiet in the immediate present.
The selection of a new Legislature will occur in January, and the business men, as well as the leading political factions, are each hoping to
secure a majority at the polls, and this tends to maintain present quiets
The probabilities strongly favor the presumption that a United States
war ship will not be pressingly necessary in the two or three immediate
months.
But as early as the first of December, without fail, the month preceding the election, and for sometime thereafter, there should be a United
States vessel here to render things secure. I have strong reluctance
to being regarded an alarmist, but with due regard to my responsibility I am impelled to express the opinion that a proper regard for
American interests will require one ship here most of the time in 1892.
In case of disturbance the only legal force here is the city police and
the palace guard of 60 men, both composed of natives and half-castes, a
very frail and uncertain reliance in the time of special need. The rifle
companies, composed of whites, were dissolved a year since by vote of
the Legislature, which was done mainly to propitiate native prejudices
and to secure native votes. The best security in the future, and the
only permanent security, will be the moral pressure of the business men
and of what are termed "the missionary people," and the presence in
the harbor of Honolulu of an American man-of-war. The presence of
a United States vessel not only operates strongly to secure good order
among the many nationalities here, but it is a standing notice to foreign
nations that the United States has a special care for these islands.
I am, etc.,
JOHN L, STEVENS,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                       1157
(Inclosure in No. 30.-From the San Francisco Chronicle.]
Ordered to China.-The Charleston to sail for Shanghai at once.-The steamers Marion,
Alert, and Mohican, are to go direct from Bering Sea.
[Special dispatch to the Chronicle.]
WASHINGTON, August 10.
Orders were issued to-day for the Charleston to prepare at once to sail for Shanghai.
This means she will leave San Francisco to-morrow or Wednesday. She will go via
Honolulu, and if her immediate presence is not required there she will continue on
her journey, which, it is estimated, can be completed in fifteen or eighteen days.
This will bring her into Shanghai during,the first week in September, when, if the
expected outbreak of Chinese students should occur, her services will be most
needed.
I learn, also, that a further draft is to be made on the vessels in Bering Sea. Orders
are now on the way for the Marion to leave Bering Sea at once for Nankin, and for
the Alert to follow as soon as she can be spared from her present police duty.
Instructions will go from San Francisco, by another Alaskan steamer leaving this
week, for the Mohican to follow the Marion and Alert through the Aleutian Islands
to the China coast.
The Department's orders to the Alert and Mohican are in a measure discretionary
with their respective commanding officers. From the instructions now on the way
they will understand that the situation in China is serious, and that they are
expected to proceed posthaste to that country the moment the ships can safely leave
the sealing grounds.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
No. 31.]                           UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, September 3, 1891.
SIR: Proper respect to the Government to which I am accredited,
renders it proper for me to inform the Department of State that the
Prince Consort, husband of the present Queen, John Owen Dominis,
died in Honolulu August 27.     For several years his health has been
imperfect, and for a considerable time before his death he had been
comfined to his room. He was born in Schenectady, N. Y., in 1832.
His father was of Italian birth, and his mother a native of Boston,
Massachusetts. He came to these islands a child with his parents, his
father being a master marine. He was educated at a Honolulu school,
and for a while served as a mercantile clerk in San Francisco, and
afterwards in one of the principal American commercial houses of
Honolulu, until he was appointed private secretary to Kamehameha
IVth, the reigning sovereign.    Subsequently he was appointed governor of Oahu, which position he held for twenty years.        In 1862
he was married to the lady who is now Queen, by whom, on her accession to the throne, a few months since, he was proclaimed His Royal
Highness, Prince Consort. In 1874 he visited Washington and other
American cities with King Kalakaua. By his associates he has been
regarded amiable in character and of strong American sympathies.
His remains are now lying in state at the Royal Palace, and Sunday,
September;i, will be buried with royal honors.
I am, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.




1158                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
No. 32.]                      TUNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, September 5, 1891.
SIR: The Hawaiian cabinet, with the approval of the responsible
citizens and the Queen, is about to renew the effort for a revision of
the treaty with the United States, and the aim will be to secure entire
free trade, with the exception of opium and distilled liquors. Believing
that such an extension of the trade relations would be beneficial to
both countries, I will endeavor to condense what seem to me the chief
reasons why such a treaty as proposed should be made and carried into
effect with reasonable promptness. The present reciprocity treaty has
been highly advantageous to this country, has largely developed its
resources, added to its wealth, and much increased American interests
and influence here. It is just to say that it has had a tendency to
carry investments and business enterprise too exclusively in a single
channel. The repeal of the sugar duty by the United States has struck
the principal material product of Hawaii a very severe blow, and with
the most favorable estimate it now looks as though bankruptcy must
be the inevitable fate of more or less of the sugar-planting firms and
corporations.
It is fair to state that a large proportion of the liberal profits of sugarraising made under the present treaty while the United States maintained the sugar tariff recently repealed has been expended in starting
new plantations, in the building of expensive mills, purchasing improved
machinery, and securing expensive methods and means of irrigation.
It is obvious enough that no probable legislation or treaties can give
the production of sugar here the prosperity it has had in recent years.
It is equally obvious that a more diversified industry, a more varied
business and development, would be for the ultimate welfare and civilization of these islands whose resources are much greater than the
present population and the general American estimate of them seem
to indicate. But reconstruction of business, like reconstruction in
architecture and in government, is expensive to those who make it,
whether by choice or compulsion.
A new, enlarged, and liberal treaty with the United States would aid
the present business men and holders of property here to parry the
blow which the free-sugar policy of the United States has dealt their
chief industry and means of commerce, and would tend to foster other
agricultural products and commercial interests. A liberal and comprehensive policy, in the direction indicated, is absolutely necessary to
save these islands from grave disaster and secure the American interests and influence here which our Government has so long held of
vital importance. In default of such a treaty and policy, Americans
and the sons of Americans, who reside and have their investments
here, will be driven to California, to Oregon, and Washington, in the
desire of benefitting their fortunes and of enjoying the full citizenship
of the United States. Much as Americans may desire the rapid
growth and great prosperity of these splendid Pacific States, whose
great future is so wellassured, it is manifestly not for the best interests
of the United States to have their population of business men increased
by depleting these islands of those who are now the very best sentinels
and supporters of American interests here. Bear in mind that the
prospects and prosperity of the American Pacific States are becoming
more and more attractive to Americans here, and it is no imaginary
danger of which I speak.




IAWAIIAN ISLANDA.


t1t56


It is also becoming more and more obvious that these islands are to
be of commanding importance in the near future to American trade in
the North Pacific. Great Britian, France, Germany, and Spain have
taken possession of nearly all of the principal groups in the South
Pacific and of the small isolated islands in the Central Pacific. If the
Hawaiian group should slip from our control our national rivals would
gain great naval and commercial advantage in the North Pacific,
whose dominance fairly belongs to the United States. Nothing can
be plainer than that it is our imperative duty to hold these islands
with the firm resolution and the invincible strength of the American
nation. To ignore their prospective value and to treat then other
than with a liberal and fostering policy would be one of those blunders
which justly have their place among the crimes of statesmen. Nothing should be done or neglected to be done, which would drive them into
the control of England or Germany. At the present time the German
plantation owners and the German commercial houses tend strongly
towards the United States and want Hawaii to become an American
dependency, and would even favor annexation. A majority of the English would yield readily to the same tendency if our Government should
not hesitate.
The thrifty and prosperous Chinese merchants and property-holders
are ready to follow the lines of their interests in the same direction.
But coldness and neglect on our part could not fail to strengthen for-'
eign political interests here to the future embarrassiment and injury of
the United States.' The rapid decay of the native race of these islands
now reduced to two-fifths of the inhabitants, and the increase of the
foreign population, are tending to create new political and commercial
contingencies and duties which can not be ignored, nor safely disregarded. A prompt and vigorous American policy would prove the
safest and most economical in the end. A liberal and wise consideration of present exigencies and opportunities, the laying of a cable from
San Francisco to Honolulu, and the opening of the Nicaragua Canal
would make these islands a garden, with a population thrice its present
numbers, with taxable resources enough to pay the expenses of their
government and institutions, and help make Honolulu and Pearl Harbor
impregnable with fortifications securely backed as they are by walls
of highlands and mountains. Commercially and politically they can
be rendered of more value to the United States than Malta and Cyprus
are to Great Britain.
I Napoleon's axiomatical remark that " an army marches on its belly"
has an equally forcible application to commerce as to war. Whether
the agencies of transport are caravans, railroads, steamers or electrical forces, there must be feeding places, coaling stations, and storehouses. No thoughtful legislator or commercial agent with a good
marine map before him, can fail to see that in the grand future now dawning on the Pacific, these islands will be of immense importance to the
United States, and that necessarily and inevitably they must continue
under the increased fostering care of the United States, or fall under
foreign control. A niggardly, hesitating, and drifting policy towards
them would be as unwise and unsafe as unstatesmanlike. There is
certainly no possible objection to negotiating and carrying into effect a
full free trade treaty with them, for the aggregate of their products would
be relatively so small compared with the vast productive resources and
requirements of the United States as to make little perceptible differ.
ence in American markets and prices.




1160                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Believing that the views I have herein expressed are in accord with
much in the past course of the American Government and in harmony
with the opinions of the President and of the Department of State, I
submit themefor what they are worth. As an American citizen, loving
my country and caring for its welfare and its future greatness, I can
say no less. As the official representative of the Government of the
United States in these special circumstances I can properly say no
more.
I am, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens.
No. 28.]                       DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, September 9, 1891.
SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your No. 30 of the 20th
ultimo, in relation to the need of an American ship of war at Honolulu.
A copy of your dispatch has been transmitted to the Secretary of
the Navy.
I am, etc.,
WILLIAM F. WHARTON,
Acting Secretary.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens.
No. 30.]                         DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, September 22, 1891.
SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your dispatch SNo. 31, of
the 3d instant, in relation to the death of the Prince Consort.
I am, etc.,
WILLIAM F. WHARTON,
Acting Secretary..Mr. Stevens to Mlr. Blaine.
No. 34.]                       UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, October 15, 1891.
SIR: It is proper for me to inform the Department of State that, in
consequence of the serious and probably prolonged illness of Minister
Carter, the Hawaiian Government has appointed Hon. J. Mott Smith,
special envoy extraordinary to negotiate with' the United States a
treaty of the character of which I gave an account in my dispatch 32,
of September 5. Mr. Smith is an American, is the present minister of
finance, and has the marked confidence of the business men of these
islands. Formerly he had resided here twenty or thirty years, but of
late has been a resident of Boston, Mass. He has still considerable property interests on the islands.  Arriving in Honolulu a
few months since, he was strongly urged by leading citizens and the
Queen to become minister of finance, and some years ago he was in
the cabinet of Kalakaua, and visited Washington in behalf of reci



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


11:61


procity, about 1876. Though my acquaintance with him is brief, I
have good reasons to think the Department of State will find him a
safe agent with whom to negotiate a treaty favorable to the interests
of the two countries concerned. I deem it safe to say that now is a
good time to secure Pearl Harbor in practical perpetuity. Mr. Smith
leaves here on the 17th.
I have, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Stevens to Mir. Blaine.
No. 46.]                       UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, February 8, 1892.
SIR: The semiannual election of members of the Hawaiian Legislature took place February 3, after several weeks of exciting canvass.
The principal issue on the part of the business men and more conservative and responsible citizens was in respect of treaty relations with
the United States. These supporters of the proposed new treaty, which
they believe has been negotiated at Washington, had the approval of
the principal Government officials, though the cabinet is far from being
vigorous and influential. The opposition, or "liberals," as they term
themselves, composed mostly of. the irresponsible white voters, halfcastes, and of a large majority of the native Hawaiians, push their
canvass on three lines-a new constitution, opposition to the present
cabinet, and hostility to the proposed treaty, though itlfinally hedged
and disclaimed more or less in regard to the last.
These so-called liberals were led by Wilcox, the half-cast, who was
at the head of the revolutionary outbreak in July, 1889, and by C. W.
Ashford the Canadian member of the cabinet, who betrayed and
deserted his associates when Minister Carter was trying to negotiate
a new treaty in 1889. This Ashford has some ability, any amount of
audacity, and is utterly without scruples, and has done his utmost to
influence the prejudices and passions of the native Hawaiians. Both
he and Wilcox secured their election as representatives from this
island. The Legislature is composed of 48 members, one-half being
nobles, elected by property holding or income voters. The conservatives and friends of the treaty have secured most all of the nobles and
enough of the representatives to give them a decisive majority, suflicient, it is thought, to secure the approval of the treaty, even with the
Pearl Harbor grant in perpetuity. Not improbably there may be a
change of cabinet when the Legislature assembles in May.
There are increasing indicatior.s that the annexation sentiment is
growing among the business men as well as with the less responsible
of the foreign and native population of the islands. The present
political situation is feverish and I see no prospect of its being permnanently otherwise until these islands become a part of the American
Union or a possession of Great Britain.
The intelligent and responsible men here, unaided by outside support,
are too few in numbers to control in political affairs and to secure good
government. There are indications that even the liberals, just beaten
at the election, though composed of a majority of the popular vote, are
about to declare for annexation, at least their leaders, their chief newspaper having already published editorials to this effect. At a future
time, after the proposed treaty shall have been ratified, I shall deem it




HAWAIIAN ISLANPS.


my official duty to give a more elaborate statement of facts and reasons
why a "new departure" by the United States as to Hawaii is rapidly
becoming a necessity, that a "protectorate" is impracticable, and that
annexation must be the future remedy, or else Great Britain will be
furnished with circumstances and opportunity to get a hold on these
islands, which will cause future serious embarrassment to the United
States.
At this time there seems to be no immediate prospect of its being
safe to have the harbor of Honolulu left without an American vessel of
war. Last week a British gunboat arrived here, and it is said will
remain here for an indefinite period.
I am, etc.,
JOIN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Whart   tot Mr. Stevens.
No. 39.]                      DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, Mlarch 3, 1892.
SIR: I have received your o. 46, of 8th ultimo, in which you give a
careful review of the political situation in Hawaii.
I am, sir, etc.,
WILLIAM 'F. WHARTON,
Acting Secretary.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
No. 48.]                            HONOLULU, March 8, 1892.
SIR: In view of possible contingencies in these islands I ask for the
instructions of the Department of State on the following, viz:
If the Government here should be surprised and overturned by an
orderly and peaceful revolutionary movement, largely of native Ha.
waiians, and a Provisional or Republican Government organized and proclaimed, would the United States minister and naval commander here
be justified in responding affirmatively to the call of the members of
the removed Government to restore them to power or replace them in
possession of the Government buildings? Or should the United States
minister and naval commander confine themselves exclusively to the
preservation of American property, the protection of American citizens, and the prevention of anarchy? Should a revolutionary attempt
of the character indicated be made, there are strong reasons to presume
that it would begin by the seizure of the police station, with its arms
and ammunition, and this accomplished, the royal palace and the Government buildings containing the cabinet officers and archives would
very soon be captured, the latter buildings being situated about one
third of a mile from the police station.
In such contingencies would it be justifiable to use the United
States forces here to restore the Government buildings to the possession of the displaced officials? Ordinarily in like circumstances the
rule seems to be to limit the landing and movement of the United
States force in foreign waters and dominion exclusively to the protection of the United States legation and of the lives and property of
American citizens. But as the relations of the United Stitak to,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1163


Hawaii are exceptional, and in former years the United States officials
here took somewhat exceptional action in circumstances of disorder,
I desire to know how far the present minister and naval commander
here may deviate from established international rules and precedents
in the contingencies indicated on the first part of this dispatch.
I have information, which I deem reliable, that there is an organized
revolutionary party in the islands, composed largely of native
Hawaiians and a considerable number of whites and half whites, led
chiefly by individuals of the latter two classes.
This party is hostile to the Queen and to her chief confidants, espe
cially opposed to the coming to the throne of the half-English heirapparent now being educated in England, and means to gain its object
either by forcing the Queen to select her cabinet from its own members
or else to overthrow the monarchy and establish a Republic, with the
ultimate view of annexation to the United States of the whole islands.
A portion of this party mean only the former, and the other portion
intend the latter. Failing to accomplish the former, the most of the
party would seek the latter alternative. I have little doubt the revolutionary attempt would have been made ere this but for the presence
here of the United States ship of war. I still incline to the opinion
that the revolutionary attempt will not be made so long as there is a
United States force in the harbor of Honolulu. But it would be rash
to assume or assert this positively. Therefore I deem it my official
duty to ask for instructions in view of possible contingencies.
I may add that the " annexation " sentiment is increasing quite as
much among the white residents and native Hawaiian and other workingmen who own no sugar stock as with the sugar planters.
I am sir, your obedient servant,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens.
No. 41.]                         DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, IMarch 19, 1892.
SiR: The Department has received your Nos. 19, 46, and 42 bis.
I am, etc.,
WILLIAM F. WVHARTON,
Acting Secretary.
jMr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
No. 50.]                LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, March 19, 1892.
SIR: The Department of State will not deem it outside of the dutie,
of this legation to report that a highly interesting manifestation ot
official courtesy has taken place to-day in the harbor of Honolulu. By
due arrangement Queen Liliuokalani and the entire Hawaiian cabinet,
as well as the royal chamberlain and court attendants, paid a visit to
the United States ship San Francisco, Rear Admiral George Brown
in command, who had sent the ship's boats to take the party on board.
By the request of the Admiral. I was on board of the San Francisco to




1164


HAWlAIIAQN ISLANDS.


receive Her Majesty at the rail gate of the ship. She was received
with the salute of twenty-one guns and the excellent music of the San
Francisco band. The Queen and party were conducted about the ship
by Admiral Brown and officers, and other civilities were shown to the
royal party. At the close of the visit another salute of twenty-one
guns was given and appropriate music played by the band as the boats
containing the visitors passed to the shore. The weather during the
day has been exceedingly fine, and the occasion passed off in the best
manner. The San Francisco is the finest ship ever seen in the harbor
of Honolulu. Admiral Brown and his officers exhibited admirable
taste and courtesy to the official visitors, and there is no doubt of the
good influence of the honors and politeness shown the Hawaiian representatives.
I amn, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
2fr. Stevens to Mr. Blamie.
[Confidential.]
No. 52.1                       UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, April 2, 1892.
SIR: That the Department of State may be well informed as to what
is transpiring here in matters of politics and government it is necessary for me to report that the palace authorities have been seriously
alarmed recently by what they believed to be strong indications of an
armed insurrection. During the night of Sunday, March 27, by the
direction of the marshal of the Kingdom the royal guard of sixty men
were hastily put to the task of fortifying the approaches to the palace
with bags of sand, fearing an attack. But no hostile force appeared,
and public opinion decides that there was needless alarm. The Queen
has lost much in public regard of late, and has incurred the special ill
will of many of the native Hawaiians. This is largely owing to her
having taken to her close intimacy and confidence a half-caste Tahitian,
by the name of Wilson, who became marshal soon after her accession
to the throne, and whom she wished to have appointed to the most
important place in the cabinet, the ministry of interior.
Responsible men would not serve in the cabinet with him and
therefore he was made marshal of the Kingdom, an office of great inlportance, as under his immediate control is the chief police force of the
country. He now lives in or near the palace, and the Queen appears
to be largely in his hands. The administration of his office results in
very gross abuses, and it is a striking evidence of the forbearance and
restraint of the white and native populationl that they endure it.
The great lack here now is an intelligent and efficient executive,
which it is impossible to have with the existing monarchy. For twenty
years the palace has been the center of corruption and scandal, and is
likely to remain so as long as the Hawaiian native monarchy exists.
There is little doubt that the less responsible and more resolute opponents of the Queen and the marshal are strong enough to capture
the palace and Government buildings, but the more responsible and
conservative citizens favor only pacific measures and urge forbearance.
The existing state of things fully justify what I have said in former
dispatches as to the need of a United States vessel here, whose pres.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1165


ence has undoubtedly prevented an outbreak so far. I have strong
hopes that quiet will be maintained until the meeting of the Legislature, five or six weeks hence, which will then largely control affairs
In the meantime "the annexation" sentiment has grown rapidly.
Quoting those who would seek annexation by first creating a republic,
to the larger number and more responsible citizens, the chief property
holders, who wish to use only pacific measures, they would carry all
before them, provided the latter could get any encouragement that the
United States would take these islands as a territory.
I am, etc.,
JOIN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Blaine to M1r. Stevens.
No. 46.]                     DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, April 12, 1892.
SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your No. 50 of 19th
ultimno, relative to a visit made that day by Her Majesty, the Queen of
the Hawaiian Islands, and by her Cabinet to the U. S. ship San
Francisco, in the harbor of Honolulu. The Department has found
pleasure in making its contents known to the Secretary of the Navy.
I am, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.
Mlr. Stevens to Mlir Blaine.
[Confidential.]
No. 56.]                      UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, May 21, 1892.
SIR: That the Department of State may have a clear understanding
of affairs here at the present time, I must state what is transpiring of
some significance.
May 19, at 5 p. m., the minister of foreign affairs and the attorneygeneral called at this legation and informed me that the Government
had decided to arrest that night or the next day a considerable number of persons charged with treasonable designs, and that the papers
had already been issued by the judge. My opinion had not been asked,
and it was then too late for me to oppose effectively and too short a
time for me to investigate the proofs they claimed to have against the
accused parties. In this confidential interview I was careful to have
it understood that I would assume no responsibility in regard to the
proposed proceedings; yet the line of my inquiries and the reasonable
implications of my language indicated that I strongly doubted the
expediency of these proposed arrests, especially as the Legislature
would assemble within eight days. Subsequently I learned that the
minister of foreign affairs, a native Hawaiian, had held back for some
time against the proppoed arrests, but finally yielded to the palace
influences.
On the following day, the 20th, seventeen arrests were made, and warrants were issued to arrest forty to fifty other persons. The arrested
men include V. V. Ashford, B. W. Wilcox, ahnd otler leaders of,




1166                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
the party, composed mainly of native Hawaiians and half-whites one
of them being member-elect of the Legislature about to assemble
Wilcox was the leader of the revolutionary outbreak of 1889. Ashford, the ablest man of those arrested, a lawyer by profession, is a
Canadian by birth, who served in the Union army during the American war of the rebellion, but is still a British subject. The persent
belief among intelligent men is that there can be no conviction
of the accused persons by jury trial, with the possible exception of
Ashford, who will be tried before a foreign jury; and so strong is the
prejudice against him that he may be convicted by a foreign jury,
though the evidence against him were inadequate. Wilcox and the
other half-whites and native Hawaiians must be tried by a native
jury, and nobody believes they will be convicted. If these presumptions should be verified, Wilcox and other arrested natives will come
out of prison only more influential than they were before. Why did
the Government postpone these arrests so long and show this vigor
just as the Legislature is about to assemble, there having been conmitted no act of violence, no hostile gathering in the streets.
Obviously for the following reasons: The Attorney-General unwittingly allowed me to understand what facts and circumstances otherwise
informed me. The cabinetis very weak in itsmakeup. It had entirely
lost prestige with the public. It knew that it was likely to be voted
out by the Legislature because of its inefficiency. It hopes to gain
strength by these arrests of persons against whom there is a strong
prejudice with the legislative members elect. Who was and is the
controlling factor back of the cabinet that forces this issue at so late an
hour? The Tahitian half-caste marshal, the former reputed, if not the
present paramour of the Queen, who terrifies her with the fear of an
insurrection. This cabinet was mainly the choice of the marshal and
the Queen, has never been passed upon by the legislature, that body
never having been in session since its appointment, and does not dare
resist what the Tahitian and the Queen see fit to do. This largely gives
the marshal the key of the situation. In a mistaken hour, immediately after the death of the late King, a majority of the judges in
an era of good feeling, knowing that the Queen was importunate to
select a cabinet of her own, gave a decision of policy, that she had
the right to remove the cabinet then existing and select her own,
in the exceptional case of the death of the sovereign, though the
most level-headed judge-an American, McCulley, recently deceasedgave a counter opinion in accordance with the plain terms of the con
stitution, for the exclusive right of the Legislature to remove the ministers is the vital and essential provision of the constitution, made in
1887, so intended by the men now living here, who placed it in the
constitution, and so regarded by the principal lawyers here. That
decision of good-natured policy to conciliate the Queen had the immediate result of making her Tahitian favorite the most potent man at
the palace. She wanted to make him minister of interior, the most
responsible member of the cabinet, but he found it impossible to find
associates. But a cabinet was formed, who immediately made him
marshal of the Kingdom, with the entire police force, such as it is, in
his hands, with an attorney-general largely under his influence.
These are the circumstances which have given Wilcox, Ashford, and
their associates their opportunity to increase their political influence.
While the best and most responsible men of the islands are disgusted
with the relations of the Queen and the Tahitian favorite, they will not
follow iswh agittors as hae just ben arrested, They wish to secur@




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                       1167
a change by peaceful measures, and look to the Legislature, which was
fairly and quietly elected, and is believed to have a safe majority of
prudent men, several of them being of the chief men of the islands, of
good American blood.
Of course an American ship of war is still needed here; one is ample.
And when the San Francisco leaves I presume another ship will have
arrived.  One whose captain or other commander is cautious, reticent,
and firm is specially needed where circumstances are so exceptional as
they are here.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens.
No. 50.]                             DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, June 7, 1892.
SIR: I have received your No. 56, of 21st ultimo, relative to the arrest
of several prominent persons at Honolulu, on a charge of treason,
and have advised the Secretary of the Navy of your suggestions as to
the presence of a war vessel of this Government at that port.
I am, etc.,
WILLIAM    F. WNHARTON,
Acting Secretary.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
No. 57.]                  LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, June 11, 1892.
SIR: I forward herewith two copies of Her Majesty's speech at the
opening of the Legislature, May 28. Of what is transpiring in that
body and all of importance that may be done the first month of its
session I will give an account in a future dispatch.
I am, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
[Inclosure in No. 57.]
Thie Queen's speech at the opening of the Legislature of 1S92.
NOBLES AND REPRESENTATIVES: Since the Legislature of this Kingdom last assembled death has taken from us your lamented King and my beloved brother. His
reign of nearly seventeen years marked an extraordinary epoch in our country's
history, an era of unparalleled commercial advancement, of educational enlightenment, and political progress. His late Majesty's memory will be held sacred by his
friends, and his successful labors in the interests of his people properly estimated
and respected by all.
The decree of Providence and the constitution of the Kingdom having called me
to occupy the throne of Hawaii, it is my earnest prayer that divine assistance may
be vouchsafed to enable me to discharge the duties of the exalted position to the
advantage of my people and the permanent benefit of Hawaii.
With the consent of the nobles of the Kingdom, I have appointed Her Royal Highness the Princess Victoria Kawekiu Kaiulani Lunalilo Kalaninuiahilapalapa as my
successor.
Fully recognizing that by the constitution and laws of the Kingdom my station
is thiat of a coonsitutiQonal1 msoQarc, ocopting the will Qf my people, as pro4ou4oed




1168                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
by them through their representatives in the Legislature and my constitutiollll
advisors, the ministers of the Crown, I shall firmly endeavor to preserve the autonomy
and aboslute independence of this Kingdom, and to assist in perpetuating the rights
and privileges of all who are subject to our laws and in promoting their welfare and
happiness.
I am gratified to state that my relations with foreign powers are of the most cordial and friendly nature.
The treaty of commercial reciprocity between this Kingdom and the United States,
which has hitherto proved so beneficial to both countries in building up and mailtaining a larger commerce and exchange of productions, has been seriously affected
by tariff legislation made by the Congress of the United States, the effect of which
on our principal industryis being severely felt. I trust that such legislation as may
tend to relieve the consequent depression will receive your early and careful attention.
I recommend the appointment of a special commission to ascertain the most practical manner of developing and expanding the several industrial and agricultural
resources of the Kingdom; and more especially with a view to enable small landholders to add to the wealth and progress of the Kingdom by raising such products
as the soil and climate of the country foster.
The probability of a decrease in the revenues of the Kingdom requires economy
and retrenchment in the expenditures of the public funds, but I earnestly hope that
every effort will be made to carry out all necessary internal improvements throughout the Kingdom.
I note with pleasure that surveys are being made between the western coast of the
United States of America and these islands, for the purpose of laying a submarine
cable. I sincerely hope that every effort to connect Hawaii by an electric cable with
the outside world will continue to receive your assistance.
I commend to your earnest attention the invitation received by my Government
from the President of the United States of America to participate in the celebration
of the four hundredth anniversary of the discovery of America by Christopher Columbus by sending an exhibit to the World's Columbian Exposition to be held at the city
of Chicago in 1893
My ministers will submit for your consideration the reports of their several
departments and the laws necessary for the welfare of the Kingdom and the promotion
of tlhe objects I have referred to.
Nobles and representatives, invoking the blessing of Divine Providence upon your
deliberations, 1 now declare the Legislature of the Kingdom open.
AMr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
No. 64.]                            UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, September 9, 1892.
SIR: I presume the Department of State already has information of
the seizure of Gilbert Islands by the English Government. But I
deem it well to send you the inclosed slips from     the New Zealand
Herald.
I also inclose copy of the recent change in the Hawaiian customs
rates. When the official pamphlets of laws is published after the
adjournment of the Legislature, I will forward copies.
At the present time there is considerable excitement here in regard
to a new cabinet.
The old cabinet has been voted out by a large majority, mainly because it was very weak and was very jnuch dominated by the Tahitian
favorite of the Queen and persons in whom the best portion of the citizens had no confidence.
In trying to get a new cabinet the Tahitian and his associates push
the Queen to resist the responsible men of the islands and the majority
of the legislature.
In my next dispatch I hope to announce the new cabinet.
I have, etc,
JOHN TL STEVENS.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1169


Mfr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
[Confidential.]
No. 65.]                      UNITED STATES LEGATION;
Honolulu, September 14, 1892.
SIR: In my dispatch, No. 64, of September 9, I expressed the hope
that I would be able to send the information by this mail that a new
Hawaiian cabinet had been formed to take the place of the one so emphatically voted out by the Legislature, but the deadlock between the
Queen and the Legislature continues. She has announced a new cabinet, but it is so unsatisfactory to the legislative majority and the business men of the islands that it will undoubtedly be rejected to-day;
but the vote will not be taken in time to send the information of the
fact by this mail, which closes at 11 a. m. The Tahitian half-caste
favorite of the Queen, the marshal of the little Wingdom, and his band
of adventurers, still dominate the palace and defy the responsible men
of the Legislature and the islands. An associate of the half-caste
favorite is an American renegade by the name of Whaley, a disgraced
and expelled San Francisco custom-house officer, now at* the head of
the "opium ring," and one of the supposed owners of the Halcyon, the
notorious smuggling schooner which flits between these islands and
British Columbia. This man Whaley has more brain than the Tahitian
favorite.
The better portion of the English residents are in substantial accord
with the principal Americans in support of the Legislature, and the
chief German commercial houses and influential German residents are
in full agreement with the Americans; but more or less of the English
are so jealous of the strong American sentiment in the Legislature that
they support the Queen and the Tahitian openly or covertly. The
native Hawaiians, composing half of the Legislature, are about equally
divided. The unscrupulous adventurers of different nationalitiesAmericans, English, and Germans, without character, and most of them
without property-are with the half-caste Tahitian favorite and the
Queen. A majority ofthe Legislature and the best citizens ofthe islands
are exercising remarkable forbearance and self-control.
It is proper for me to say that just at this time Mr. Mott Smith, the
present minister at Washington, is likely to be misinformed as to the
real condition of things, for the rejected minister of foreign affairs, a
native Hawaiian, of the Queen's supporters, still occupies the foreign
office, and the American deputy would hardly dare send any advices
to Minister Smith not indorsed by the acting head of the department.
The U. S. ship Boston is in the harbor, and Capt. Wiltse will cooperate with l:e il exercising careful circumspection. In about twelve
days from this I can send another dispatch.
I am, sir, etc.,                     JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens
No. 57.]                         DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, September 29, 1892.
SIR: I have received your No. 65 (confidcitia]) of the 14th instant
describing the deadlock existing between the fla\waiiain Legislature and
the Queen over the constitution of a ministry, and have inllosed a copy
to the Secretary of the Navy for his confidential information.
I am, etc.,
S. Rep. 227 ---74                     JOHN W. FOSTER.




1170                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
No. 71.]           Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honotulu, October 19, 1892.
SIR: According to what I expressed in my dispatch 70 of October
12 as likely to transpire here, on the 17th a resolution of want of confidence in the cabinet passed the legislature by a vote of 31 to 15;
the 24 members specified in my No. 70 having been increased by 7
natives, thus making 17 native members in opposition to the cabinet
and 10 in favor. As indicated in preceding dispatches the most
potent factor in the pending issue is, whether the Tahitian favorite and
the Queen shall defy the intent of the constitution as to the choice of
ministry and the retention in office of the Tahitian marshal with all the
abuse and corruption which surround him and the Queen. Though he
has a wife, for years he has been regarded as her paramour, and her
infatuation for him is now so excessive that he is believed to have
almost absolute control of her official action. The two-thirds majority
of the Legislature represent the chief men of the islands, and the
friends of order and good government generally. The faction of the
Tahitian has with it most of the anti-American element, and this is the
reason why the ultra Englishmen all are on the same side, with more
or less approval of the English legation, the last simply because the
legislative majority is strongly American in sympathy. As in the
previous vote, two English members on the 17th voted with the minority, and the three Americanized Englishmen voted with the majority.
The newspaper report of the debate I send gives indication of the
drift of things in the Legislature. The minister of finance, who, in the
debate, claims to be an American, was born here of Suotch-English
parentage, and by plans and interest is hostile to the United States.
Some years since he resided awhile in San Francisco, and it is said took
out the preliminary papers for naturalization. But he and his brother
are the chief members of an importing firm, mainly of liquors, and are
the agents of English manufacturers. As stated in my No. 70, they
were engaged in making the English loan in 1886, the negotiations of
which cost this Government from $50,000 to $100,000. It is known
that his plan was, if he had been retained in the cabinet, to push another
heavy loan in England, thus aiding to mortgage these islands to English
bondholders. To this scheme all the best men here are opposed.
The insult to the American minister, spoken of in the resolutions and
debate, was in certain anonymous communications published in the
Bulletin, the official organ here, reflecting unjustly on the American
minister, consul-general, and naval commander here for not ordering
the U. S. ship Boston to hunt for the crew of the ship Wn. A. Campbell,
wrecked in a gale 2,300 miles from Honolulu, of which the consul general has forwarded an account to the Department. I deemed it my
duty to call the attention of the Queen and minister of foreign affairs
to the falsehoods and insults in the Bulletin communications. Her
Majesty's Government expressed in writing strong regrets for the offensive publications and the attorney-general pronounced them libellous,
and offered to prosecute. I did not deem it wise to demand prosecution, but required only full apology. The apology made is not wholly
satisfactory to me nor to this Government. I leave the matter with
Her Majesty's Government, which makes strong promises for the future.
The Bulletin newspaper in reality is the organ of the Tahitian favorite,
of the ultra English, and of the more disreputable persons who sustain




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1171


the palace against the legislative majority. The editor is a Nova-Scotian, aided by an Australian and an Englishman.
At this writing it is thought that there will be a " deadlock " of a
week or two between the palace and the Legislature as to the appointment of a new   cabinet. There is a prevailing anxiety in the public
mind as to the actual state of things. The Tahitian favorite of halfEnglish blood does not mean to yield, and were there not an American
ship-of-war here, he would perhaps try to use his police and a mob of
' hoodlums" to break up the Legislature, restore the old constitution,
and thus render the palace master of the situation.      My present impression is that the Queen and her faction will have to yield, otherwise
the entire overthrow of the monarchy could not be long delayed.
I may say here that the personal relations of the English minister
and myself are still pleasant.    I can not yet believe that he advises
the Queen to hold out against the Legislature, as some private rumors
indicate, though he is undoubtedly apprehensive that the success of
the legislative majority means more or less an American cabinet.
I am, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
[Inclosure in No. 71.]
Daily Pacific Commercial Advertiser, October 18, 1882.
THE LEGISLATURE.-One hundred and eighth day,
MONDAY, October 17
The house met at 10 a. m.
The minutes of the preceding day were read and approved.
Rep. Waipuilani moved the following resolution of want of confidence:
"Whereas the present cabinet has not announced or given any intimation or evidence of any financial policy which will extricate the country from its present dangerous financial situation; and
"Whereas it is essential to the commercial progress of the country that more
favorable treaty relations with the United States be obtained whereby our products
can obtain a free market in that country; and
" Whereas the present cabinet has shown no disposition to favor any such policy,
and the present head of the cabinet has displayed conspicuous hostility toward the
representative of that country in this kingdom, and the general tone of the administration has been and is one of opposition and hostility to the United States of
America and American interests, thereby rendering it improbable that any changes
in our treaty relations favorable to Hawaii can be negotiated by this cabinet; and
"Whereas the cabinet has given no evidence of any intention to attempt to
remedy existing scandals in the police department, and have otherwise failed to
evince any ability to successfully guide the nation through the difficulties and
dangers surounding it: Therefore be it
"Resolved, That the Legislature hereby expresses its want of confidence in the
present cabinet."
Rep. Waipuilani said it was proper that he should explain in a few words his
reason for bringing this resolution. Such a resolution had been brought once before,
and he had voted against it because the cabinet was then new and he thought it
should have an opportunity to express itself by deeds. The cabinet had now been
in office a number of weeks. Week after week was slipping by and nothing was
done by them, although a policy had been promised. But none had been announced
and nothing done, and the house was tired of waiting. It would be a waste of time
for him to go on and discuss the matter in detail. Business was dull, closer relations with the United States were necessary and the conduct of the present cabinet
was not likely to produce that. Everyone knew what the head of the cabinet had
done. He had brought in a resolution against the American minister, which had
been expunged from the minutes of the house. All knew that the Bulletin, which
was supposed to be under the control of the cabinet, had adopted a course antago- i
nistic to the minister and to the whole of the United States, and the cabinet, which
mig41have stoppedit', had allowed it to go o0:,




1172


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


If the cabinet allowed that paper to go on insulting the minister and remain silent
themselves, they make themselves responsible, and antagonize the whole American
people against us, and under such circumstances how could we expect to get a more
favorable treaty. He favored free trade with the United States, which would be of
great benefit to the whole country, and especially to the district which he represented, where pilleapples could be c;anned and exported if it were not for the American duty of 35 per cent. Everyone knew that the reciprocity treaty was of the
greatest benefit to this country, increasing values 10 to 100 fold. How could aly
more favorable treaty be hoped for if the cabinet adopted a policy of incessant irritation toward the United States I
Perhaps not the least reason for this motion was the fact that the cabinet had
looked quietly on at the great scandal in the police department, and had done nothing. Moreover, the attorney-general had the other day actually proposed to refer
the whole matter to another committee after it had already been investigated by
several. Either that was an insult to the committees which had already spent so
much time on the subject, or, if not so intended, the idea was to prevent a report
and stave off all further investigation. No one had been removed at the police station. Let any member of this house go down on Maunakea street and he will see
che fa played openly, with no attempt at concealment, the police mixing with the
crowd. Opium was smuggled unchecked. The fame of the iopium scandals hlad
gone abroad and affected the good name of this Government. The attorney-general
might institute proceedings to stop some of this, but the cabinet could not take to
itself a stiff backbone and cleanse the evils oppressing the Government.
Rep. Kapahu moved the resolution be made the special order for Thursday. The
introducer of the resolution was prepared; the speaker was not, not having known
the resolution was to be brought in. Moreover, the minister of the interior was not
present, and no one liked to attack an empty seat. The adoption of this resolution
was no small matter, and justice required some delay.
Rep. Kauhi favored considering the resolution to-day.. The majority must decide.
This was the second resolution of the kind brought against the cabinet, and they
must be prepared already.
Rep. Kapahu wished to know whether this resolution was the same as the other.
Rep. Kauhi said there was a strong family resemblance between them. The other
resolution was really carried, but was thrown out on a question of law. Before
sunset we should know what the fate of the resolution is to be.
(Minister Gulick entered and took his seat during the remarks of Rep. Kauhi.)
Rep. Nawahi said it made no difference to him personally whether the resolution
was considered to-day or Thursday. But the house was sitting as judges, and if the
defendants-the cabinet-wished a delay to prepare themselves, let them have it.
If they were ready let the house proceed at once. When the late cabinet was on
trial, the twenty-seven hour attorney-general said they were ready to go on.
Rep. Kamauoha said a resolution had been brought before, which he had opposed
for reasons very similar to those given by the member from Kona. He was disappointed in the present cabinet. He had thought they would do something about
cleansing the police department. These complaints against the marshal had been
made for a long time, and so it was with a feeling of disappointment that he had
heard the attorney-general recommend reference of the matter to another committee. The minister of finance had, with the other members of the finance committee,
presented a very strong report severely criticising the police department. How is
it that he does not join in now that he is a minister and insist on carrying these
recommendations out? He had had confidence that this would be done, but that
confidence was now severely shaken.                                 *
Another thing which inclined him to vote for this resolution was the fact that the
attorney-general was the introducer of a bill-the registration act-which was very
obnoxious to the Hawaiian people. Another thing which shook his confidence in
the attorney-general was the bill authorizing the 0. R. and L. Co. to mortgage their
franchise to foreigners. The attorney-general might say that was not a cabinet
measure. It had, however, the support of the cabinet, which made it to all intents
and purposes a Government measure. Owing to the McKinley bill, the great industry of the country had come to a standstill. Yet the present cabinet had nothing
to offer. The country could not afford to have a cabinet in office which was in open
hostility to the United States or its representative, or which showed that disposition. We ought to conciliate in every way the United States, and show a friendly
disposition toward that nation. Representing, as he did, the district of Kohala, one
of the largest sugar districts of the Kingdom, he felt it his duty to support this resolution.
Rep. Kanealii said he agreed with the first and last grounds set forth in the resolution, but favored the striking out that part which related to the personal relations
of the cabinet with the ministry, because to drag in personal matters would only
intensify feeling.. AUl knew that the present head of the cabinet brought in a res



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                       1173
lution against the American minister. The house had cleansed itself of that matter
by striking the resolution from the records of the house. The speaker thought that
bringing that up again was inexpedient. He favored the resolution with that
amendment, and he favored considering the resolution to-day. The claim that the
cabinet was unprepared had nothing in it. This resolution had been the talk for a
long time, and the cabinet were doubtless as ready to meet it now as they ever would
be. We all wanted the flesh of this cabinet.
Noble Hotnpili called on the cabinet to say whether they wanted the delay or not.
Attorney-(General Neumann said he had not been aware that the resolution was to
be brought this morning. He was ready to take some of the Imatters up to-day.
There were allegations based upon street rumors, to which he was ready to make
answer immediately; on other matters he would like a delay until to-morrow. He
would like to have a few words to say on the registration act, etc. He had no desire
to sit as a minister, and was ready to resign at any moment. He proposed to defend
his action on the registration bill and 0. R. & L. Co. bill as long as he had a voice
and vote in the house.  There were none so blind as those who would not see, nor
so deaf as those who would not hear. If the house chose to grant time until to-morrow, the cabinet would be thankful. If not, it was ready to proceed to-day.
Noble Hoapili, continuing, said the remarks of the attorney-general raised doubts
in his mind. (Attorney-General: "Well, I'll remove them if I can.") This was the
fourth resolution of want of confidence brought in this session. One was withdrawn, the second was carried; on the last he had voted with the minority in favor
of the ministry. Since that time the ministry had stayed here, and the house had
certainly waited a long, long time for them to announce a policy. For a long time
there had been a general feeling throughout the country that there was a great deal
of corruption in the police department and that the marshal should be removed.
The cabinet had known that that was the almost unanimous feeling of the house.
Yet they did nothing. He had no hesitation in saying that he supported the resolution on that account. A few days ago there had been a big disturbance on the
street corner and the police had been called on to stop it, but they would do nothing.
Minister Macfarlane (sotto voce). It was a luau.
Noble Hoopili. He asked the police officer why he made no arrest, and the officer
said the marshal gave the orders not to arrest anybody except when caught in some
act of violence. A hack was there without lights, and vile and obscene language
was being used. The police would do nothing, and finally Peter High took the matter
up and with speaker's assistance a man was arrested and punished. These things
were a scandal, and if the attorney-general could not stop it someone else must be
got. On the other hand, people came to him and told him that the idea was to remove the cabinet, so as to get an annexation cabinet in, and annex the country to
the United States. If he believed that, he would support the cabinet. He would
rather have coTruption and scandal than annexation. He was distinctly opposed
to annexation, and was so instructed by his constituents, but he favored close relations with the great " makua" over there.
Rep. R. W. Wilcox had but a few words to say. The attorney-general had suggested waiting untilto-morrow, but the attorney-general was noted for his readiness, and could defend himself to-day as well as to-morrow. So far as the announcement of a policy was concerned, every man, boy, and child in the country knew the
cabinet had done nothing; so. what could be said in their defense? The same could
be said in regard to the police department; nothing had been done. The matter of
relations with the United States had not been much discussed in the Hawaiian
papers, and as to that something might be said; but without it there was enough
and the question should be settled this afternoon.
Attorney-General Neumann. How does the member know that nothing has been
done about the police department?
Rep. R. W. Wilcox. Have not the committee made their report and recommendations?
Attorney-General Neumann said he had also made his report and had wished a
committee appointed in order that he might explain to them why their recommendations could not be carried out.
Rep. R. W. Wilcox said the proposition to appoint a new committee was an insult
to the house and showed that the attorney-general was not fit to occupy his position. He admitted his weakness. He came here and admitted that he could not
tell the house why he could not carry out the recommendations of the committee.
He would therefore favor the resolution. The part about the relations with the
United States might be stricken out as there was enough without that.
Rep. Nawahi said if there had been any publications in the newspapers regarding
the American minister, the latter would have his remedy in the courts. He, therefore, favored striking out that part of the resolution. As to the rest, he did not
need to state his views. The cabinet has had fair warning. He had voted against
the last resolution simply to give the cabinet a trial: When it had been here a




1174                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
month it was in order to say to them, you have been tried and found wanting. A
man could not talk on an empty stomach, so he favored a recess till 1:30 p. m.
Carried at 12:01.
AFTERNOON SESSION.
The house met at 1:35 p. m.
Noble Thurston proposed to say but a very few words. He had stated his opinion
a month ago, and had seen nothing to change his mind since. The present resolution was introduced by one who voted against the former resolution. It had been
tacitly agreed that the opposition should not filibuster, but should quietly go about
its business. That policy has been pursued up to the present time. There were a
number of members who voted against the resolution then because they wished to
see what the cabinet proposed to do. In the meantime they had been deciding what
they themselves would do; this resolution was the result. Two members had stated
that they favored the resolution on two of the grounds set forth, but not on the
other. Here were five of the original supporters of the cabinet who had now declared against them, except that two of them were not agreed with one of the
reasons set forth.
The question now to be settled was whether the house had confidence in the cabinet or not. Those who had confidence in the cabinet would vote against the resolution, and those having no confidence in them should vote for the resolution, no
matter what their reasons might be. All would not necessarily have the same reasons. For himself he did not care whether there was any preamble or not. He was
prepared to vote for a resolution of a single line. Others might have a preamble if
they liked. He was ready to state his reasons for his vote, and others might state
or conceal their reasons as they saw fit. The member from Wailuku and the member from Hilo had both stated that the third ground, the scandals in the police department, was their main reason for supporting the resolution. That was their
reason. The speaker on the other hand considered the attitude of the cabinet
toward America the leading reason, and upon this second point he proposed to speak.
In regard to the marshal, it might be that everything which the members from Hilo
and Wailuku alleged was true, but that was a matter which would eventually be
remedied. Whether it was remedied to-day or to-morrow, would not vitally affect
the future of the country. There had been bad administration there before. The
present cabinet had the right and duty to remedy that, and it was entirely within
their power. The responsibility was upon them to do it or not. They have ample
power. That is the point.
The other charge is that they have developed no financial policy. That also was
not so absolutely vital a point as the one upon which the speaker would lay stress.
The second reason therefore contained something which might or might not be
within their power, viz, to cope with the financial situation; but the third reason
was something which struck right down into the vitals and pockets of the country,
and it was something with which this cabinet could not cope. Pineapples were
being planted on Hawaii, in Manoa, and at Ewa. Pineapple-raising could be carried on with large returns. In Cona all you had to do was to stick the top into the
ground. Why were not pineapples raised? Because the American duty of 35 per
cent destroyed the margin of profit. Why were these people starting in? Because
they hoped we could negotiate a trea y and get that duty taken off. If it were
taken off 500,000 pineapples would be exported inside of three years. It was not
only on pineapples that there was a duty of 35 per cent, but on every species of
preserved fruit. The member from Lahaina had brought in a bill about guava
jelly. Thurston and his one guava bush in Manoa was made the text of a number
of speeches at the last campaign, but the guava jelly will march triumphantly
over the head of the speechmaker.
If this duty can be got rid of, when guava jelly gets to paying a handsome profit
not only the capitalist will benefit, but the poor man in Hamakua, for instance,
where the bushes cover the land from the sea to the bush as thick as they can grow
in unbroken masses for miles, and all you-have to do is to go out and pick them. These
were but two items which had been brought before the house by petitions and bills.
He might go on the whole afternoon enumerating others. It was, therefore, obvious
that whether the cabinet was on friendly terms with the United States was important, not merely to the capitalist, but to all the poor throughout the land. Two
years ago the cabinet were charged with trying to sell out this country. They got
them out and as soon as they did they adopted the programme of their predecessors
and tried to get the same treaty negotiations. It was pigeonholed.
They tried in every way to stir up feeling here against America and the Americans and then sought favors from the United States. Had they succeeded? The
government which went in then was not personally hostile to the United States.
The ministry went with their party. But now we have a cabinet whoses leader




HAWAIIAN ISLANdbS.


1175


went out of his way to insult the United States on the floor of this House, and their
organ carried on the same thing to-day. It was useless to deny government ownership in this organ. Government,wnersbip did not alone make an organ. The New
York Tribune was the organ of the Republican administration, but it was not owned
by the government. It was immaterial whether the paper was controlled by the
cabinet, or as he was informed, partially owned by them. He had reason to believe
that the cabinet did have something to do with the Bulletin, and that its late apology,
which apologized and then rubbed it in alternately, was written with their cognizance, and that the anti-American tone of the paper was an expression of the attitude of the cabinet. He did not propose to inquire whether the minister of finance
had good reason for his resolution, etc. It was sufficient to point out the fact that
there was the antagonism of the cabinet toward the representative of the American
interests here.
With the fact staring us in the face, was it not perfect folly to go home and let
the cabinet stay there expecting them to do anything for Hawaiian agricultural
interests? He was not talking on an annexation basis, but was speaking on the
same basis as the attorney-general on the late want of confidence debate, who had
expressed his views to a dot. The United States would never take possession ot
this country against the will of its people. It was not a live issue now, and when it
was introduced it was done solely with a view to mislead. Annexation was brought
up and trotted out regularly, and was simply a substitute for the old missionary
cry. When an election, etc., was over it would not be heard of again until a similar
occasion arose. Before being frightened by the annexation scarecrow it was well
to stop and think. All history belied the idea that the United States would ever
take this country against the will of the people. It had been the first to recognize
its independence. Follow the history down. When Lord George Paulet hauled
down the Hawaiian flag, what was the position of the United States? A United
States frigate appeared here, refused to acknowledge the foreign usurper and, in
defiance of him, fired a royal salute.
Passing over this episode, which the British Government right royally retrieved,
what was the position taken by the United States at the time of the French usurpation? A treaty of cession was signed and sent to Washington, where it lay for four
solid months untouched, and when the danger was over it was returned without pretence of any right to retain what had been freely given without solicitation. The
French have gone on until they now own a hundred islands. Daniel Webster said
that if the French took the islands they would take them back and restore their
independence if it took the whole power of the United States to do it. That was
their position, and it had been consistently maintained ever since.
Again, it had not been foreigners who proposed all this. Kamehameha III himself
proposed to cede the islands, and just before he was going to do so he was taken sick
and died. The treaty lies in the foreign office ready for his signature, and may be
seen by anybody. It was unnecessary to come down to the events of the last twenty
years. They were within the knowledge of everybody. The United States had, out
of its bounty, given us a treaty for which it received almost no monetary return,
which had put millions into the pockets of this country. The advantages of this
treaty were now gone, and additional ones must be sought. Not only was it a fact
that the United States had stood between Hawaii and France, between Hawaii and
England, had held our independence in their hands, had given us a treaty, but during the reign of the present sovereign a ship of war had been asked by Her Majesty's
Government if it would assist in preserving order against internal enemies. Apart
from these financial and material interests, common decency and common gratitude
should prevent these slurs and insinuations on the United States. It was an insult
to the opposition which was not less loyal than the cabinet, and the ideas were
advanced simply to keep the cabinet in power. In conclusion, the speaker said it
made no difference on what ground members united against the cabinet if they
agreed in having no confidence in it.
Rep. Bipikane said it had always been his practice to scrutinize every cabinet.
He had watched this one. He saw no advantage to be gained lby delay. If there
was a majority in favor of the cabinet, the resolution would not pass; if there were
not, it would, and that was the sum of the matter. The resolution brought in before was carried, so far as numbers go. He voted for the cabinet then to give them
a chance to do something. They had done nothing at all. If the cabinet had not
power enough to remove the marshal, they had better remove themselves. There
was no use in delay. The question did not need any discussing. He had been
watching cabinets for thirty years, and never seen anything like this before. Why
did not the attorney-general put out the men whom the people wanted put out?
This was the fourth resolution of want of confidence which had come in. That
ought not to be so. A few small branches had been lopped off, but the stump-the
marshal-was still there. They voted a want of confidence, and the marshal was
there still. If they voted another, he would still be there; and if that was the way




1176                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
things were going to go, the house might as well pack up and go home, and let the
cabinet own the country and make the laws.
Let the cabinet stick to their marshal and run the Government without any aid or
vote of money from the Legislature. All he wanted was to have the right done. It
was the general wish of the country to have the marshal removed. The cabinet
should have whispered in the ear of marshal: "If you have any regard for us please
resign, or we will not be able to keep our seats." He would like to know whether,
if we would promise to support them, they would make an oath that no more opium
should be smuggled? Who was benefited when opium was smuggled in? All of
them-they were all benefited. He did not make these remarks to assist the passage
of the resolution-that was a foregone conclusion-but on the scriptural principle:
"He that hath ears to hear, let him hear." The cabinet had ears, and they had
heard his opinion of them, but they had not done anything. He moved the previous
question. Withdrawn.
Noble Pua said this was the second resolution against this cabinet. Such resolutions had been common since 1887. The first reason announced was that the cabinet
had no financial policy. Yet they had the confidence of moneyed men. If the introducer of the resolution and the member for the Third ward had been ministers
they would not have been able to borrow one cent. He was sorry to see the disposition among native members to favor this resolution. It was very foolish to go on
removing cabinet after cabinet. When Mr. Gibson was minister everything was
prosperous; yet there was a clique which was not satisfied, and their dissatisfaction
culminated in a revolution. Everything was prosperous in 1887, and then the reform
party took the Government and ran it into the ground.
Now, after they had ruined the country and themselves, they came begging for
help, and yet when measures were proposed like the lottery bill to make the country prosperous they opposed them. The Government has been run on a moral and
holy plan long enough. Let us try some of the schemes got up by the devil and see
how they work. Morality has failed; let us try the devil and his plan for a while.
Let us have a change. The good plan is played out. The lottery bill will give us
$12,000,000, and the missionaries will put them in their pockets fast enough and ask
no questions. The lottery bill will give us our gold, and Horner's bill our paper.
All this talk about the works of the devil will then wear out, and people will consider it very good money after all. The resolution said that the cabinet were opposed
to American interests, and not on good terms with the American minister. He
would like to ask the ministers about that.
Minister Parker said he would say something on that score after the member was
through. He had all the documents there.
Noble Pua, proceeding, said the idea was to get rid of the cabinet and have abetter
one. Did the member from Kona expect to get four angels from heaven?
Rep. Waipuilani said his business was to record his vote in this case against the
cabinet. If Her Majesty wished to import four angels from heaven that was her affair.
Noble Pua, said the member, was like a boy who went fishing without any bait.
Proceeding, the speaker said he himself would make a good deal better minister
than many who might be named. He favored indefinite postponement of the resolution.
Minister Parker said he had not intended to say anything in defense of the cabinet, but he would make a few remarks on the allegations regarding the relation of
the cabinet to the American minister. There might be some truth in the statement
in regard to the relation of the premier to the minister, but the resolution on the
whole gave a wrong impression. The documents in his hand would show what the
situation was. The policy of the Government was the same as that of the honorable noble from Maui would be if he were a minister. The documents it would hardly
'be proper to make public, but, if necessary, the clerk of the house might read them.
The honorable noble had made statements of facts which he might have learned
from the Advertiser, perhaps, or through spies. It was true that insulting articles
had been published in the Bulletin, but the cabinet was not in any way responsible
for them. (Rep.Ashford: "Will you allow a question?") After I get through. I
know the question. It is true I own a little of the stock. That does not make the
Cabinet responsible because I own a little of the stock.
Rep. Kamanoha asked if there had been any feeling of irritation between the
American minister and the cabinet, and, if so, whether that feeling ham been done
away with?
Minister Parker could not speak for the relations of the minister of finance with
the American minister, but his own relations were cordial. As to the consideration of the resolution, he, personally, was ready to have it proceeded with at once.
Rep. Kaunamano said it is alleged that the present head of the cabinet was insolent to the minister of the United States. He had brought in a resolution against
the minister of the United States, but that resolution was laid on the table and no
action was taken on it. If that is all that is alleged in the present resolution, it is




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.,1177
not right to bring that up now. It is all over. But if it is anything which has
transpired since,-that is different. Therefore, if all the foundation of this resolution
is the one that Minister Macfarlane brought in then, then the house should not entertain this resolution, but should lay it ol the table. I hLve heard it said that the
American minister took umbrage tlat tile Halwaiian people should wish a ship of
war sent out for the relief of a wrecked vessel. If that is the only reason that this
resolution is brought in, then it should not be entertained for a minute. Therefore
I say that if this resolution is passed on the resolution brought in by Minister Macfarlane when he was noble, then it should be dismissed. But it is put into the resolution because the opposition was to create ill-feeling here, that they wish to force
the United States to take this country.
We know that every difficulty of this country for the last fifty years has not been
caused by Hawaiians. Fifty years ago it was a few Englishmen who caused the
trouble, then the French people, now it is the white people, not the natives. So this
clause is put in this resolution to keep prodding the United States till they come
-down here and take this country. This resolution says the cabinet has not given
any notice of a policy. The minister of finance has announced that the policy of
the Government was to reduce the expenses of the Government. This was hailed
with delight by the house. They may not have announced a policy in regard to
the banking bill, but they have in regard to economy, and that is very important.
The cabinet enjoys the confidence of the business men of this community. They
can go out and get money to pay salaries at the end of the month. The house should
take this into consideration. I move that the house take a recess until 7 o'clock.
Lost.
Rep. White moved to take a recess till 7:30.
Rep. Ashford did not believe in a recess. Every member had made up his mind
how to vote, and it was unnecessary to take a recess.
Rep. White said he wished to have an opportunity to convince the members from
the third that he is wrong in supporting this resolution. I move the house take a
recess till 7:30.
Rep. R. W. Wilcox. I move the previous question.
Minister Macfarlane. I claim it is an unfair advantage to take of the ministry to
spring a motion of the previous question on us.
Rep. Smith. I would request the motion be withdrawn.
Noble Baldwin. We should give the ministers a chance to speak on this question.
Rep. R. W. Wilcox. I am willing that the ministers should have a chance to speak.
Minister Neumann. I express my thanks to the member from Waialua, and I
believe the member from the third wishes to close this discussion, because he thinks I
wish to speak about him.
Rep. White said this resolution alleges three grounds for being introduced. Any
man who is going to announce a policy waits for a favorable occasion to announce
a policy. I have been informed that this cabinet has the intention of giving this
house a policy in a very few days. It is not right in us to try to put them out before
they have a chance to do anything. As to the second clause of this resolution, that
the head of the cabinet was hostile to the American Government, who is the head
of the cabinet? There is no head of the cabinet. The constitution provides no
head to any cabinet, and therefore this clause falls to the ground. As for the removal of the marshal, this house has given no reason for removing him. If this
house is to remove men as they want to, we had better dispense with the judiciary
department and all other departments of the Government. The marshal is doing
his duty. He is doing all he can to enforce the law. There are opium cases in the
courts all the time. Two or three days ago the marshal made a capture of over eight
hundred tins of opium. What more can he do? He stopped the last uprising in
this country by his forethought and sagacity. The marshal is not perfect; very few
men are. But he has done excellently in his position. If every man was perfect
there would be no world. This would be heaven, not earth. Those who are advocating a change in the cabinet are only those who wish to further their own ends.
Rep. Bush rose to a point of order. He said Rep. White had the floor more than
the time allowed.
President Walker. This is a part of the free fight, and there has been no restriction on time. I shall have to rule that the gentleman will have to take his seat.
Rep. Bush said there was only one speech that day that was over the half-hour
limit. We have given the ministry all the chance to speak that they could possibly
want, and they have not taken advantage of it.
Rep. Kamauoha moved that the member from Lahania be allowed to speak. Lost.
Noble Marsden said that the member had a little habit of speaking all day. He
was perfectly willing to give him another half hour, but to give him unlimited time,
never. He therefore moved that he have another half hour. Carried.
Ro ep. White. I move that we take a recess till 7:30. Amended to 7 o'clock; amended
to 10 o'clock on Tuesday.




1178


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Minister Macfarlane. The cabinet is prepared to go on to-night, and moved to
take a recess till 7 o'clock.
Rep. Ashford wanted to go ahead now.
Carried till 7 o'clock.
EVENING SESSION.
The house reassembled at 7:03 p. m.
Rep. White. The second clause relating to the American minister should be
stricken out. As for the marshal, he had proved himself in many respects a very
efficient officer. As for opium, some was brought in only a few days ago, in the
vessel S. Ar. Castle in containers marked C. & C. Just as much was smuggled during
the Thurston administration. The resolution might pass, but the reasons assigned
for it had very little weight. Some of the members had very little patience. The
work of the session was by no means complete. This resolution should be postponed
until after the passage of the appropriation bill. A popular vote would keep the
cabinet in their seats by a large majority. One of the things which won the hearts
of the natives for the cabinet was their saying they did not favor annexation.
Rep. R. W. Wilcox said he did not want to shut off the member from Lahaina, but
he had already used up his extension. The house wanted to hear the ministers. He
had withdrawn his motion of the previous question in order to allow the minister of
finance to speak, but the latter did not seem disposed to speak.
Minister Macfarlane said he had been waiting patiently to hear why the cabinet
should be voted out, but no foreign member had spoken except Noble Thurston.
That was his reason for his delay. He wished to hear from the foreign members
why this cabinet did not enjoy their confidence. Two weeks ago the ministry had
been sustained. Since then a general election had been held and the ministry overwhelmingly indorsed, no other issue being raised. He had little to say, but would
refer to some of the statements made by members. The ministry was not being voted
out because the allegations of the resolution were true. They were known by the
introducer to be unqualifiedly false. The cabinet was voted out for the same reason
as two weeks ago, because they would not have them under any consideration.
One of the charges in the resolution complained of a lack of financial policy. It
was well known that for the past two weeks the ministry had been incessantly busy
working on the appropriation bill in order to be able to formulate and lay before the
house a policy, hoping to keep the expenses within the revenue, but at every step
theyhad been thwarted by the men whose sole idea was to rule the country orto ruin
it. Only three days since he had informed the house that he would ask the house to
refer section 1 of the appropriation bill to the printing committee, so that he could
present it to the house with retrenchments from one end of it to the other, and he
would have been able to present it in such a shape that it would have been perfectly
acceptable to the house and country. It was also well known that Her Majesty had
instructed him to commence with her privy purse. To-day was the day set for him
to begin. But instead he meets a cut and dried resolution calling on the cabinet to
go out of office. They wanted no policy, no retrenchment-nothing but the dismissal of the cabinet. Such a policy was damnable, and it would be so viewed that he
believed that not one of these men would be returned to this house. It had been
stated by some of the members that the cabinet had sat here doing nothing. No intelligent man could make such a charge. Not one minute had been wasted; $167,000
had been cut out of the appropriation bill, and he had on his desk six or seven bills,
all revenue measures.
Under such circumstances it was not just nor true to say that no financial policy
was forthcoming. Those measures would have added largely to the revenue. His
successor would perhaps do better; but when they said the cabinet had no policy
they said what was not true. They wanted no policy from this cabinet. They
wanted nothing but their scalps. If he had been idle, he had been idle to the further
extent of putting the assessor's office in order and simplifying it. As to the charge
that the cabinet was inimical to the United States, that was an unqualified falsehood, trumped up to rouse feeling. When had he ever placed himself before the
community in such a light that such a charge could be made. It was not true. The
noble for Maui had referred to his alleged animosity and had mentioned the resolution introduced three months ago. It had seemed to him at that time that the
words of his excellency the American minister contained an improper reference to
the affairs of this country. The American minister had disclaimed, and he believed
the disclaimer to be true. That had not changed his feeling. He was an American
citizen not from the accident of birth, but because he preferred to be a citizen of
America rather than of any other country in God's world. If those objections were
urged against the cabinet because he was a member of it, why had the noble from
Maui urged him to accept a position in the cabinet two months ago? These charges
were specious, groundless, untrue, and dastardly; and those who made them kilew




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1179
that he was proud to be an American citizen, and three members of this cabinet
were American citizens to-day.
Rep. Smith asked if the minister was not a Hawaiian subject.
Minister Macfarlane said he was one of the last to take the oath of allegiance, and
then only on the advice of Minister Merrill that he would not lose his American citizenship. He was a better American than the member from Lihue was a Hawaiian,
or he would not be advocating annexation. He believed in annexation and the Advertiser was in favor of annexation, and nothing but annexation would satisfy
them. Two weeks ago these gentlemen were fighting for the constitutional principle involved. That is lost sight of now and new charges are trumped up to defeat
what we have been trying to do in the interests of the country. The gentlemen had
charged that they were opposed to American interests, and that these struggling industries were throttled in their infancy because the cabinet washostile to the United
States. That was the veriest bosh and nonsense, and this cabinet would be as able
to negotiate a treaty as anyone, and the correspondence would prove that, and he
wished the house might see it. Such statements were simply dust-throwing to
make it appear that only these gentlemen of the opposition could bring about a
treaty with the United States. It had also been stated by the noble from Maui that
the utterances of the Bulletin were chargeable to the cabinet. Those statements
were utterly untrue, and the cabinet had no control over that paper whatever. He
would read, with the permission of the house, the correspondence with the minister, which would show that the course of the cabinet had been fully straightforward
and manly, and not as had been represented by the noble from Maui. The correspondence was somewhat extended, but it would show the facts. It would be proper
to have the correspondence read if the house so requested, and he would ask the
house to request that the correspondence be read.
Noble Williams moved it be read.
Noble Thurston said if the minister wished to have the correspondence read he
must do so on his own responsibility, and not endeavor to shift the responsibility to
the house.
Rep. Ashford endorsed the remarks of the last speaker. The minister might read
it on his own responsibility if he wanted to, but he hoped he would not want to.
Not that he feared to have anything read, but to judge from the remarks of the premier it must be twaddle.
Rep. Waipuilani thought the minister had no right to read the correspondence.
In any case the house should be cleared.
Rep. Kaunamano wished it read.
Minister Macfarlane said it was somewhat irregular, but he would read it with
the concurrence of the house and not without. It would show the statements of
the members of the other side to be false. It would show that the cabinet were in
no way responsible for the bulletin.
The president stated that the minister was asking too much of the house. He
might read it if he chose.
Minister Macfarlane contended that he might read it if the house asked for it.
Rep. ASItFORD. We shan't ask for it.
Minister MACFARLANE. Then you won't hear it, and you don't want to, either.
Minister Parker asked the minister of finance to give way for a moment. The
allegation was made here that the cabinet were on unfriendly terms with the American minister. This correspondence was brought here to disprove that. If the
house were not willing to hear the correspondence, then they should strike out the
corresponding part of the resolution.
Rep. Kapahu said no amount of talking would change anybody's mind. Noble
Thurston had expatiated on a quarrel supposed to exist between the cabinet and the
American minister, but when the correspondence was brought in they were scared
and didn't want it read. This correspondence should be examined. A committee
should be appointed to examine into the truth about it. There was nothing in any
of the charges against the ministry. The opposition were like a man who pulls a
banana plant up every twenty-four hours to see whether it is growing. It was only
the other day that when the minister wanted to fix the appropriation bill, this house
told him to take it and fix it. Now they want to put him out, before he has had a
chance to do anything about it. This house has no right to tell the attorney-general
to remove the marshal. This rests with the attorney-general alone. We have no
right to try public officials for their actions. Much fault has been found with the
cabinet because they do not put down gambling. Gambling has gone on under all
administrations here. Was it stopped during the term of office of the noble from
Maui? No. Therefore the house should not censure the marshal or the cabinet for
these things now.
Mr. NEUMANN. The cabinet is not on the defensive, but I will ask if any nember
of this house wishes to speak, for I want to close. It is our right to close this debate,
aUd I will give way to anyone who wishes to speak. On behalf of the cabinet, he




1180                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
could say they would be glad to go out, and wish joy to their successors. [Rep.
Bush: What, in going out?] No; in coming in. The house was like a theater, in
which various motions were brought out; but he had never felt the emotion of pity
as he had for the once great, wise, and truthful noble for Maui. He had detailed
truthfully and eloquently how much the United States had done for us; but his love
for the United States was like Horace Walpole's gratitude-a lively anticipation of
future favors. The bounty, however, would not colne. He had gloried in the
strength of the member for Maui, and had looked on him as one of the best and
most patriotic young men in the country until to-day.
We will now look at this resolution, and see what sort of language it is written in.
(The minister then read the second clause of the resolution.) I congratulate his excellency the minister of finance that he was important enough to have made so lmuch
trouble. If you had read as much fiction as I have, you would say that Dumas, who
wrote the Count of Monte Christo, should hide his head in shame. He is " not in it"
with Mr. Thurston. Who the brilliant author is I do not know. I suspected at first
that it came from the facile pen of the member of the Third ward. But it is miles
above his imagination. If the Legislature should vote this cabinet out on this
ground, it would be laughed at in Washington. I hope you will not be laughed at.
I am a Hawaiian by residence, denizenship, and citizenship, and I do not wish harm
or ridicule to come to the Hawaiian people; and this second clause is dragged in as
a reason to put this cabinet onu. I am not here in defense of the cabinet. It has
been said that the cabinet has no policy. Anyone who is not wilfully blind can see
that it has a policy. It has the policy of economy, of renewing the credit of this
country abroad. Now, he did not desire to retaliate upon the member from Maui,
who had robbed him of one of his dearest illusions-his admiration of him, but if
Hawaiian bonds were ever. worth 113 it was none of his doing. The $900,000 in the
Postal Savings Bank was gone, unaccounted for.
During his incumbency the treaty which Mr. Carter had brought to perfection
was rejected. So much for American enmity. By the grace of his late Majesty the
speaker was made a denizen. He was practically a Hawaiian, but first an American, and would remain one. Now, however, he proposed to make the interests of
this country his first care. The want-of-confidence motion was cut and dried or it
would not have been brought. He did not question the motives of the members who
voted for the cabinet two weeks ago. Some of them had a slight lapse of honesty
four years ago, when a reform house voted them out of it. He wished them now a
good digestion of the rcquisition. Perhaps the conduct of these members now had
motives similar to those which actuated them in 1888. He understood that a good
deal of the persuasion had come from a member who gives lulaus, and who has offered
a member of this house a valuable piece of land. He held himself responsible for
what he said and he would not be afraid to meet him when he came to him if he was
in hearing. One of these men was a member of a benevolent society and had not
turned in the funds which he had collected. He did not propose to leave the subject without tearing off the mask, and if the reform party got its support from such
foul and impure sources, he could only congratulate them.
It had been strikingly said by his friend the noble from Maui that he would form
a coalition with the devil, and he had come as near to it as he could when he found
these two coadjutors. These men when they went back to their constituents would
wear a blush which would shame the woods on fire. This cabinet was not necessary
to the prosperity of the country. He could pick out quite as good a one from this
house, but let the house be honest, strike out the preamble and do not pretend thai
you have any honest reason for the vote. The member from Maui had charged the
cabinet with raising the sham cry of annexation. Not a word had been said by thI
cabinet on annexation except in reply to what the opposition had advanced, and
when a fellow ran at the head of a crowd and shouted stop thief, he was usually th(
man who should be locked up. It had been well said that no remarks from anyone
would change the views of anyone. No amount of talk could move those men wh(
had such cogent reasons for changing their minds.
In regard to the marshal, he wished to thank the members for all their courtesies
but he would say that not ten houses could make him do any unjust act-he woul(
not condemn a man unheard. Mr. Bush's report contained a number of citationl
from encyclopedias, etc., which even he had not read. He had learned more abou
opium from that pamphlet than he had ever known before, but nothing about th,
marshal except a few vague rumors. As to the other opium report, he had been as
tonished that there had not been at least a little paltry flame after so much smok
and noise. But there was nothing but glimmering ashes. There was nothing in th
reports on which a rational man could take action. He would say to the gentlemel
who were going to vote for the resolution, that lie could not admire their sense o
justice. They could not hurt him, for he wanted no position which brought nothinl
but abuse from every quarter. He thanked them for their attention.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Noble Thurston did not propose to go into details. The attorney-general in alate,mpaign speech had taken occasion to charge hii with losing $900,000. The attor-.y-general knew that he was speaking an untruth, and he knows it to-night. He
Ad the bonds could only be sold for 90. The treasury balance when he took office
as about $13,000. Bonds colul not be sold at any price. Bonds had to be placed
England at a cost of $100,00o. The treasury balance March 31st, 1888, was $109,i5; March 31st, 1890, it was $491,152. Hawaiian Government bonds sold at public
iction here at 113. The minister wrote to London to buy bonds at par and could
)t get any for nearly a year. As to the postal savings bank, the minister of finance's
port gives every dollar and every cent of expenditure of the funds for that service.
uring that period $579,000 was received from the bank. (The speaker read a large
imber of items showing that the money was expended in useful public improveents.) So that when the attorney-general makes such statements he knows, or
lould know, it was false, and should have the decency to get up and admit it.
Uttorney-General: I said it had been wasted.] You said it had disappeared, and
ft no record and no trace.
Attorney-General Neumann asked indulgence of the house to set himself right.
e had not charged any stealing. The honorable member claimed that there were
dibes. So there were. Iron pipes resting at Wailuku-an electric plant which was
most worthless. (Noble Thurston: And a balance of $491,000 in the treasury.)
erhaps lihe had erred in his figures. The member might have wasted but $600,000.
Rep. Kam.naloha said he had not intended to say anything more, but the attorneyaneral had reflected on the motives of the members. The attorney-general had
iddenly developed the idea that going to luaus was wrong. What then did he say
the luaus given at Waikiki when this resolution was up before. What about the
ttle dinners that used to be given at the hotel. Did the attorney-general mean
~ admit that these were given for the purpose of influencing votes? The reason
r the change of the members was that they had been disappointed in the conduct? the cabinet. As for the members going back to their constituents with a blush
i their cheeks, there would be no need of that, and their chance of being returned
as a good deal better than the attorney-general's. He would move the previous
aestion.
Rep. Waipuilani said the insinuations of the attorney-general, that certain memers had taken bribes, were an insult to the house. (Some sparring took place beVeen the member and the attorney-general at this point.) The minister of finance
ad intimated that this resolution had been got up at the luau yesterday. It was
roposed last week and given to the interpreter to translate. He hoped every memer would vote honestly and moved the ayes and noes be taken.
The motion to indefinitely postpone was lost on the following division:
Ayes-Nobles Hopkins, Plua, Peterson, Williams, Maile, Hind, Cornwell, and Dreir,
eps. Pua, Koahou, Kauuamano, Kapahu, White, Kanealii, and Edmonds-15.
Noes-Nobles Ena, Cummins, Kauhane, J. M. Horner, Hoapili, Marsden, Young,
aldwin, W. Y. Horner, Walbridge, Anderson, Thurston, G. N. Wilcox, and Kanoa;
eps. Wilder, Bipikane, Ashford, Aki, Kauhi, R. W. Wilcox, Bush, Nawahi, A.
orner, Kamauoha, Waipuilani, Nahinu, Kaluna, losepa, Akina, Smith, and A. S.
/ilcox-31.
Absent-Noble Berger.
Rep. Naiiniui explained his vote. He voted no on account of the registration bill
Wl the O. R. & L. Co. bill.
The motiou to adopt the resolution was carried on the same division.
A motion to reconsider was made and lost.
The house adjourned at 10:18 p. m.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens.;0. 59.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, October 26, 1892.
SIR: I have received your dispatch No. 70, of the 8th instant, in relaion to the political situation in Hawaii. It has been read with much
aiterest and attention.
I am, etc.,
WILLIAM F. WHARTON,
Acting Secretary.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
[Confidential.]
No. 72.]                      UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, October 31, 1892.
Sin: In dispatch 71, of October 19, I gave account of the rejection
of the new cabinet appointed by the Queen in defiance of a previously
expressed majority of the Legislature. The deadlock continues.
Though two weeks have elapsed since the decisive action of the Legislature, no ministers have been designated to fill the vacancies. The
Tahitian favorite and the Queen still refuse to take the legislative
majority and the leading business mene of the islands into their confidence. The palace is still thronged and surrounded by the worst
elements, and the responsible citizens feel that they are not welcomed
as advisors. The Queen and the Tahitian have made several new
ministerial slates, with one responsible man and three of the other
kind; but no responsible man, so far, can be found who will go into the
cabinet with the three whom only a minority of the Legislature will
accept.
Thus there is here, on a small scale, the old historic issue between
autocracy and parliamentary responsibility. The foreign adventurers
and renegades stand by the Tahitian favorite because he is the instrument which they can use, and he adheres to them because he needs
their support. In the meantime the Legislature is unable to do business and has been in session only a few hours for several weeks. If
that body holds firm, the Queen will have to yield, and a responsible
ministry would probably be the result. The ultra-English influence is
-strongly with the half-English Tahitian favorite and the Queen, for the
one reason only, that the success of the legislative majority would be
the appointment of a cabinet strongly American in sympathy and pur.
pose. There are strong reasons for the belief that were it not for the
presence of the American naval force in the harbor the Tahitian marshal and his gang would induce the Queen to attempt a coup d'etat by
proclaiming a new constitution, taking from the legislature the power
to reject ministerial appointments.
The recent arrival here from England of T. H. Davies, the head of a
strong English house in Honolulu, formerly a resident here for many
years, has served to intensify the ultra-English feeling and to strengthen
the American sentiment. This T. H. Davies having made himself rich
under the sugar provisions of the reciprocrty treaty, now resides in
England and has a kind of supervisory care of the half-white Hawaiian
crown princess, for several years and still at school in England. When
a resident here at the time the Pearl Harbor provision was pending,
Davies strongly opposed that provision. He comes now with revived
zeal against the Pearl Harbor concession. It is not thought that he
has any encouragement to this course from the home Government of
England, but that his course is his own, and that his zeal is increased by
the Canadian Pacific Railroad managers, of whom Davies is the agent.
The desperate efforts of that road to save itself embrace the scheme of
a cable, and Pacific steamer lines to Australia and China, including the
design of antagonizing the interests of the United States in these
islands. This involves the plan of controlling the Hawaiian monarchy
through the present Queen and her favorite, and especially by having
in hand the crown princess, the general belief being that the present
Queen will not live many years. Davies, who has this supervising caro




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1183


of the crown princess in England, is a Tory. Of course these facts, so
apparent to intelligent observers here, are telling on all friends of the
United States.
The other of the two principal English commercial houses here, older
and nearly as wealthy as those of Davies & Co., is thoroughly Americanized and stands firmly against the efforts of T. H. Davies, and is
for the United States on every issue. This house owns several hundreds of thousands (of dollars worth?) of property in Iowa and California, its head being father-in-law of Gen. Dimond, the head of the
United States mint in San Francisco.
Perhaps it is well to state that it is the rumor here that the last rejected cabinet, only holding their places until others are appointed,
have sent a dispatch to Washington asking the recall of Consul-General Severance. I do not credit this rumor. But influential parties
have called at this legation who say that if any such step has been
taken by this rejected cabinet, the Amerlican merchants and business
men, as well as other leading citizens, will send a strong memorial to
the Department of State against any such action of a dead ministry.
I have not encouraged any such action in our behalf, believing it to
be unnecessary. So far I am supported here by all the responsible
Americans and others to a degree more than I had the right to expect.
This so much the more impresses on me the necessity of prudence as
well as of firmness. To keep the Department of State well informed as
to affairs here, I deem it well to give these particulars.
I am, sir, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
[Later.]
NOVEMBER 1, 1892.
Names of the new cabinet sent to the Legislature this morning.
Resolutions of "want of confidence" passed in one house, and thirty
minutes after the names of the new ministry were read, and only 13
votes out of 48 members of whom the Legislature is composed were in
their favor. The strongest objections are to the minister of foreign
affairs and to the minister of finance-Joseph Mamohi and William H.
Cornwell-both of them unqualified and very unacceptable to the more
responsible men of all nationalities. As they will assume to hold their
places until their successors shall have been appointed, they may attempt to do some strange things. As Cornwell, for some reason, is
hostile to the American minister and to the consul-general, would not
be surprised should he induce his associates to ask for our recall.
Possibly they may hold their places one week, as the Legislature has
adjourned for six days to allow the Queen time td select their successors.
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
No. 61.]                     DEPARTMENT OF STATE)
Washington, November 5, 1892.
SIR: I have received and read with attention your dispatch No. 71,
of the 19th ultimo in relation lo the Hawaiian political situation.
I am, etc.,
JOVEi W, FOSTEr,




1184                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Mr. P oster to Mr. Stevens.
[Confidential.]
No. 62.]                     DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, November 5, 1892.
SIR: Adverting to your current dispatches in relation to the course
of political events in the Hawaiian Islands, many of which are marked
by you " Confidential" and for obvious reasons, I desire to suggest that
you endeavor to separate your reports into two classes, one of which
shall aim to give the narrative of public affairs in their open historical
aspect, and the other to be of a strictly reserved and confidential character, reporting and commenting upon matters ofpersonal intrigue and
the like so far as you may deen3 necessary for my full understanding of
the situation. Many of your dispaltches combine these two modes of
treatment to such a degree as to make their publication, in the event of
a call from Congres or other occasion therefor inexpedient and,
indeed, impracticable, without extended omissions.
I am, etc.,
JOHN W. FOSTEB.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
No. 73.]                   UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, November 8, 1892.
SIR: The prolonged struggle between the Queen and the Legislature
has terminated to-day by the triumph of the latter. A new ministry
has just been appointed, of quite different material from that of its
several predecessors. Mark P. Robinson, Foreign Affairs; Peter C.
Jones, Finance; G. N. Wilcox, Interior; Cecil Brown, Attorney-General. These are of the responsible men of the islands, none of them
needing the salaries, all being of comparative wealth, their aggregate
property being estimated at nearly one million of dollars. Mr. Jones
is a native of Boston, Massachusetts, in active business here for a
quarter of a century, though he has lived the past year in his native
city, having recently returned to Honolulu.
Wilcox, the wealthiest man of the four, was born on one of the
islands, of American missionary parentage. Robinson is the most respected man of the islands, of mixed blood, three quarters white, born
here. The first three are strong in American feeling and purpose.
Brown, the attorney-general, was born here, of English parentage, and
is said to be more American than English as to the future of Hawaii.
It is possible the Tahitian favorite may be continued as marshal for
the present, but his dictatorship is practically overthrown. The success of the Legislative majority and the appointment of this cabinet are
regarded as the triumph of the better citizens of Hawaii over the
worse, alnd especially a proof of American ascendancy over ultra, English and other anti-American elements and sentilments. t'ilis new
cabinet is justly considered the most positively American there has
been here since the Reform ministry went out two and a half years
ago. I am happy to say that my official and personal relations with
this ministry are likely to be most friendly and cordial.
I am, sir, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   1185.afr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
[Confidential.]
No. 74.]                       UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, November 20, 1892.
SIR: Fidelity to the trust imposed on me by the President, the De
partment of State, and the Senate, requires that I should make a careful and full statement of the financial, agricultural, social, and political
condition of these islands. An intelligent and impartial examination
of the facts can hardly fail to lead to the conclusion that the relations
and policy of the United States toward Hawaii will soon demand
some change, if not the adoption of decisive measures, with the aim
to secure American interests and future supremacy by encouraging
Hawaiian development and aiding to promote responsible government
in these islands. It is unnecessary for me to allude to the deep interest and the settled policy of the United States Government in respect of these islands, from the official days of John Quincy Adams
and of Daniel Webster to the present time. In all that period, we
have avowed the superiority of our interests to those of all other
nations, and have always refused to embarrass our freedom of action
by any alliance or arrangement with other powers as to the ultimate
possession and government of the islands. Before stating the present
political condition of the little kingdom, it is well to review the substantial data as to its area, its resources, its financial and business
condition, its capabilities of material development, its population, the
status of its landed property, its government, revenues, and expenditures, etc.
PHYSICAL DIMENSIONS.
The total area of the kingdom is about 6,000 square miles. Not including several small islands of little importance, the chief value of the
land area is in the six islands of Oahu, Kauai, Maui, Molokai, Lanai,
and Hawaii, the last named being nearly the size of all the rest of the
group. The plains, valleys, and lowlands are fertile, while the highlands are adapted to the raising of extensive herds of cattle, horses,
and sheep. The arable lands are adapted to the production of sugar,
coffee, rice, bananas, oranges, lemons, pineapples, grapes and maize.
Of the arable lands only such as are fitted for the production of sugar
and rice have been much brought into use. The coffee raised is of
superior quality, and finds ready market for home consumption and in
San Francisco, There is no doubt that this product can be greatly
extended. This opinion is sustained by the examination of experts
and has been verified by successful results in coffee-raising, to which
there is now being given special attention.
The banana culture can be greatly extended, and the opportunities
for the production of oranges are large and promising. Ripening at a
time in the year different from those of southern California, the
Hawaiian oranges can find a ready market in San Francisco, and especially in the cities of Oregon and Washington, where these islands
procure most of their lumber for buildings and fences, and from which
they procure coal, the consumption of which will necessarily increase
for use in the sugar mills and the supply of steamers. For a quarter
ofa century the profits of sugar-raising have tended to divert capital
and enterprise almost exclusively to the cane culture, to the neglect of
the other industries and interests of the islands. Goo4 governimet
S. Rep. 227  75




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


and the building of necessary roads and bridges, the Government assumption of the "crown lands," and the conversion of them into small
homesteads for raising the crops already specified, would speedily
stimulate general prosperity and increase the American and European
families and freeholders, and aid to constitute a large number of responsible voters, thus giving stability to legislation and government.
There are nearly 900,000 acres of "crown lands," and these, in the
main, are among the most valuable of the islands. The. rent paid for
them goes to the sovereign, and the amount of the income received is
no doubt much less than it would be if these lands were owned and
managed by private individuals. There have long been more or less
abuses in the leasing of these lands, and it is well understood that the
leases have been prolific sources of political favoritism and corruption.
Well handled and sold at fitting opportunities, the proceeds of the
crown lands would pay the national debt, provide adequate pensions
for the two or three royalties, in case monarchy should be abolished,
and yet leave a balance of considerable amount for a permanent school
fund.
COIMiERCIAL AND NAVAL IMPORTANCE OF THE ISLANDS.
The value of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States for commercial and naval purposes has been well understood by American statesmen for more than half a century. The examination of the Hawaiian
harbors and a careful consideration of their capabilities of defense,
twenty years since, by Gen. Schofield and naval officers, whose opinions
are on record in the Washington departments, plainly indicate how
important these islands and harbors are to the future American commerce of the Pacific. Even to a nonexpert the great value and the easy
defensibility of the harbors of Pearl City and of Honolulu are uninistakably obvious. Only six miles from each other, with narrow entrances
backed by a continuous wall of mountains, each terminus of this natural barrier reaching to the sea, at relatively small expense these harbors
can be impregnably fortified against all attack by sea and land. The
harbor of Honolulu can now be entered by ships drawing 30 feet of water.
But Pearl Harbor is larger and much preferable for naval purposes. It
is only necessary to deepen the entrance by removing the bar of coral
formation. This coral obstruction can be removed with comparative'
ease, and the expense would not be large. Opinions of practical men
here, who have had to do with these coral formations, as well as my
personal observation, as to how easily it can be broken up by pick and
crow-bar, go to show how readily it can be removed by modern explosives and the improved mechanical agencies.
With a large island between it and the sea, a capacious, safe, and
beautiful harbor is secured for American commercial and military
marine just where the future greatness and the necessities of the United
States imperatively require. Only those who have carefully examined
the vast resources of the American Pacific States, and considered that
nearly two-fifths of the immense area of the United States, through the
transcontinental railways and by rivers and sounds, outlet on the Pacific, and have studied the data surely pointing to the vast future commerce of this western world, can adequately appreciate the importance
of these harbors to the American nation, and the necessity of securing
them against foreign rivals. If we neglect them the present occupants
must suffer, and their necessities will force them in directions unfriendly
to American interests. Circumstances are pressing, and no time should




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


"   0       1187


be lost in looking aJ the facts as they really exist. The strong inclina
tion of several European powers to gain possession of all the islands in
the Pacific, except such as are expressly protected by the United States,
is plainly shown by what has taken place in recent years.
The seizure of Gilbert, Johnson, and other islands, in the past few
months, and what recently transpired in regard to Samoa, emphatically1
show that England certainly has not moderated her policy in the indicated regard, to which course the Canadian Government is undoubtedly
the inspiring cause. The enormous cost of the Canadian Pacific Railway impels its managers to make the most desperate efforts to secure
freight and passengers, and hence its aggressive plans to secure Pacific
commerce and to gain political and commercial influence in these islands.
The scheme of a British cable from Vancouver via Honolulu to Australia,
as well as to Japan and China, and of establishing commercial and mail
lines of steamers on the same route, is not an idle dream. Powerful agencies are already working to these ends, and to effectively safeguard
American interests on the Pacific and in these islands there is no time for
hesitation and delay. If the United States Government does not very
promptly provide for laying a cable from San Francisco or San Diego
to Honolulu or Hilo, it may be regarded as certain that a cable will be
laid by British capital and be controlled by British managers. Pearl
Harbor for a coaling station and an American cable between California
and Hawaii are of immediate vital importance to American commercial
and naval interests and to the maintenance of American influence on
these islands.
THE GOVERNMENT OF THE ISLANDS.
A question of vital importance to Hawaii and of American interest
in and care for its future is that of its government. There has been
in the last twenty years a great change in the political status of things
here. Formerly the facts and circumstances appertaining to government on these islands were essentially different from what they are today. Then the population was chiefly native Hawaiian. The natives
had long lived under a kind of feudal system, with rigid laws and customs, which gave to the numerous chiefs and the King absolute despotic
power. The wisdom and the religious zeal of the Christian missionaries enabled them to acquire and exercise a strong influence for good
over the chiefs and King as well. Thus a system of government
and laws was established which was a great improvement on the
former condition of things. The general good character of the men
who effectively aided the Hawaiian monarch to carry on the Government for years secured fairly successful administration of law and the
maintenance of public order at limited cost, the public revenues being
small. But the numerous Hawaiian chiefs are in their graves. Their
families are extinct. The original native Hawaiians are now so decreased as to number less than two-fifths of the population of the islands.
The coming to the throne of the late King Kalakaua in 1873 was by
legislative election, and but for the presence in the harbor and on shore
of American marines and sailors, of the United States vessels of war, he
would have failed to secure his Crown against a determined mob in the
interest of another aspirant. The great prosperity of the islands under
the reciprocity treaty, stimulating the production of sugar, leading to
a large American, European, and Asiatic immigration, caused a'great
increase of the Government revenues. This prosperous state of things
also soon resulted in a large increase of the Government expenditures,




1188


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


in the addition of new offices, a large augmentation of salaries, thus
stimulating the desire for official places and patronage, exciting the
greed of adventurous and too often unworthy political partisans. Easy
going, unused to and incapable of safe and economical administration,
the King, Kalakaua, too often, in his seventeen years of reign, fell into
the hands of unscrupulous associates and advisers. The Government
expenditures soon reached figures much above what the area and population of the little Kingdom justified. But so long as the great profits
of sugar-raising under the American tariff flowed into the islands, the
excessive Government expenses could be paid without the principal
taxpayers very sensibly realizing the burden.
The adoption of a new constitution in 1887, taking from the King
much of his former power and establishing legislative and ministerial
responsibility, effected a beneficial change. But the great reduction of
the profits of sugar-raising, rendering some of the plantations nearly
worthless, and greatly lessening the income and market value of the
others, has brought a condition of affairs which compels all the reflecting and responsible citizens to see that the present expenses of the
Government are much beyond what the islands can pay and much
higher than wise legislation and proper economic administration require. But the difficulty of getting out of the old grooves, of scaling
down salaries, and abolishing useless offices is hard to overcome.
Nearly one-half of the population of the country have no voice in political affairs, unless exerted through corruption and bribery. The voting
population is made up of several nationalities-Hawaiian, Portuguese,
American, English, German, and others, the more intelligent and responsible of these generally acting together sufficiently to exercise a
beneficial influence on legislation and administration. But the palace
patronage and influence are still considerable, costing the country more
than it is able to pay and returning to the country no positive advantages.
Directly and indirectly, the palace probably costs the little Kingdom
$150,000 per year. A governor, at $5,000 a year, acting in harmony
with the responsible men of the Legislature, would be far better for
the islands than the present monarchical arrangement. In truth, the
monarchy here is an absurd anachronism. It has nothing on which it
logically or legitimately stands. The feudal basis on which it once
stood no longer existing, the monarchy is now only an impediment to
good government-an obstruction to the prosperity and progress of the
islands. Incapable of comprehending the principles of constitutional
government, more likely to take the advice of unworthy counsel than
of the more competent, the reigning Sovereign insists in dealing with
what properly belongs to the Legislature and to the ministers. Thus
the palace is constantly open to superficial and irresponsible courtiers
and to unprincipled adventurers of different nationalities. Instead of
exercising a salutary influence on public affairs it is the center of maladministration and of the most vicious kind of politics. It is now,
and it has been for the last twenty years, and is always likely to be, a
fruitful source of public demoralization.
It may be asked, Why do not the people of the islands at once reform
this state of things? There is a considerable number of intelligent,
energetic, and excellent citizens, of the different nationalities, in possession of the elective franchise. They are largely Americanized in
their opinions and manners. They are sympathetic with American
institutions. This is so of the Portuguese, the Germans, more or less
of the English, and of the native Hawaiians and half-whites, as well as




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   1189
of the most of those of American parentage. But these ulaided and
alone can not well make the necessary changes in the existing condition
of things. As a crown colony of Great Britain, or a Territory of the
United States, the government modifications could be made readily, and
good administration of the laws secured. Destiny and the vast future
interests of the United States in the Pacific clearly indicate who, at no
distant day, must be responsible for the government of these islands.
Under a territorial government they could be as easily governed as any
of the existing Territories of the United States.
The men qualified are here to carry on good government, provided
they have the support of the Government of the United States. Why
not postpone American possession? Would it not be just as well for
the United States to take the islands twenty-five years hence? Facts
and obvious probabilities will answer both of these interrogatives.
Hawaii has reached the parting of the ways. She must now take the
road which leads to Asia, or the other, which outlets her in America,
gives her an American civilization and binds her to the care of American
destiny. The non-action of the American Government here in thirty
years will make of Hawaii a Singapore, or a Hongkong, which could
be governed as a British colony, but would be unfit to be an American
Territory or an American State under our constitutional system. If the
American flag floats here at no distant day, the Asiatic tendencies can
be arrested and controlled without retarding the material development
of the islands, but surely advancing their prosperity by diversifying
and expanding the industries, building roads and bridges, opening the
public lands to small farmers from Europe and the United States, thus
increasing the responsible voting population, and constituting a solid
basis for American methods of government.
Two-fifths of the people now here.are Chinese and Japanese. If the
present state of things is allowed to go on the Asiatics will soon largely
preponderate, for the native Hawaiians are growing less at the rate
of nearly one thousand per year. At the present prices of sugar, and
at the prices likely to hold in the future, sugar-raising on these islands
can be continued only by the cheapest possible labor-that of the
Japanese, the Chinese, and the Indian coolies. Americanize the islands, assume control of the Crown lands," dispose of them in small
lots for actual settlers and freeholders for the raising of coffee, oranges,
lemons, bananas, pineapples, and grapes, and the result soon will be to
give permanent preponderance to a population and a civilization which
will make the islands like southern California, and at no distant period
convert them into gardens and sanitariums, as well as supply stations
for American commerce, thus bringing everything here into harmony
with American life and prosperity. To postpone American action
many years is only to add to present unfavorable tendencies and to
make future possession more difficult.
It is proper to consider the following facts: The present Sovereign
is not expected to live many years. The princess heir apparent has
always been, and is likely always to be, under English influence. Her
father is British in blood and prejudices, firmly intrenched here as collector of customs, an important and influential office. She has been
for some years and still is in England; her patron there, who has a kind
of guardianship of her, T. H. Davies, is a Tory Englishman, who lived
here many years, who still owns large property in the islands, and is a
resolute and persistent opponent of American predominance, bitterly
denouncing even the American acquisition of Pearl Harbor. Mr. Wodehouse, the English minister, has long resided here; his eldest son is




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


married to a half-caste sister of the Crown Princess, another son is in
the Honolulu post-office, and a daughter also is married to a resident
of one of the islands. The death of the present Queen, therefore, would
virtually place an English princess on the Hawaiian throne, and put
in the hands of the ultra English the patronage and influence of the
palace.
In che existing state of things, with non-American intervention,
these palace influences, skillfully handled, are nearly equal, frequently
superior, to the power of the Legislature. Add to this palace power,
in British hands, the influence of an adventurous, impecunious, and
irresponsible mob of 'hoodlums,' and there results a state of things
which would put it in the power of Canadian and ultra-British schemers, with a subsidy fund of $50,000, to secure control of the Legislature,
and by prompt and vigorous action secure Canadian and British franchises, privileges, and rights entirely legal, to get rid of which would
cause embarrassment and expense to the United States and her allies
here. As is well known to the Department of State, Secretary Marcy,
with the approval of President Pierce and Cabinet, authorized the negotiation of a treaty for making these islands a Territory of the United
States. Commissioner Gregg was authorized to facilitate the negotiation by the promise to pay $100,000 for pensions to the King, chiefs,
and other official persons, on condition that the sovereignty and property of the islands should be transferred to the United States.
Commissioner Gregg exceeded his instructions by stipulating to pay,
in all, three times the sum which Secretary Marcy named in his instructions. These terms were deemed onerous and unacceptable by the
Washington Department of State, and consequently the treaty was
dropped, after all negotiations had been completed, the King finally
being induced by his Scotch minister of foreign affairs not to sign it,
though the King and cabinet had previously given their support to
the spirit and terms of the negotiations and the conclusions reached.
The embarrassments and objections that then existed as to the number
of the royal princes and chiefs, the small number of the American population, the want of ready communication with the United States, and
distance from Washington, now no longer stand in the way of making
Hawaii a well-governed and prosperous United States Territory. The
reasons for annexation in 1854 were certainly much less adequate and
pressing than they are now.
THE EXISTING BUSINESS STATUS.
It is well to consider the existing state of things here resulting from
the change in the United States sugar tariff. Only personal observation and a careful investigation of the facts can give one an adequate idea
of the severe blow sugar raising here has received. The production of
sugar being the main business of the islands, the great reduction of
the market price has affected powerfully the entire affairs and condition of the islands. I think it understating the truth to express the
opinion that the loss to the owners of the sugar plantations and mills,
etc., and the consequent depreciation of other property by the passage
of the McKinley bill, wise and beneficial as that measure is proving to
be for the vast interests of the United States, has not been less than
$12,000,000, a large portion of this loss falling on Americans residing
here and in California. Unless some positive measures of relief be
granted, the depreciation of sugar property here will continue to go
on. Wise, bold action by the United States will rescue the property




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1191
holders from great losses, give the islands a government which will put
an end to a worse than useless expenditure of a large proportion of
the revenues of the country, using them for the building of roads and
bridges, thus helping to develop the natural resources of the islands,
aiding to diversify the industries and to increase the number of the
responsible citizens.
WHAT SHOULD BE DONE 
One of two courses seems to me absolutely necessary to be followed,
either bold and vigorous measures for annexation or a "customs union,"
an ocean cable from the Californian coast to Honolulu, Pearl Harbor
perpetually ceded to the United States, with an implied but not necessarily stipulated American protectorate over the islands. I believe
the former to be the better, that which will prove much the more
advantageous to the islands, and the cheapest and least embarrassing
in the end for the United States. If it was wise for the United
States, through Secretary Marcy, thirty-eight years ago, to offer to
expend $100,000 to secure a treaty of annexation, itcertainly can not be
chimerical or unwise to expend $100,000 to secure annexation in the near
future. To-day the United States has five times the wealth she possessed in 1854, and the reasons now existing for annexation are much
stronger than they were then. I can not refrain from expressing the
opinion with emphasis that the golden hour is near at hand. A perpetual customs union and the acquisition of Pearl Harbor, with an implied protectorate, must be regarded as the only allowable alternative.
This would require the continual presence in the harbor of Honolulu
of a United States vessel of war and the constant watchfulness of the
United States minister while the present bungling, unsettled, and
expensive political rule would go on, retarding the development of the
islands, leaving at the end of twenty-five years more embarrassment to
annexation than exists to-day, the property far less valuable, and the
population less American than they would be if annexation were
soon realized.
It may be said that annexation would involve the obligation of paying to the Hawaiian sugar-producers the same rate of bounties now
paid to American producers, thus imposing too heavy a demand on the
United States Treasury. It is a sufficient answer to this objection to
say that it could be specifically provided in the terms of annexation
that the United States Government should pay 6 mills per pound$12 per ton-to the Hawaiian sugar-raisers, and this only so long as
the present sugar-bounty system of the United States shall be maintained. Careful inquiry and investigation bring me to the conclusion
that this small bounty would tide the Hawaiian sugar-planters over
their present alarming condition and save the islands from general
business depression and financial disaster. Could justice to American
interests in the islands and care for their future welfare do less than
this?
To give Hawaii a highly favorable treaty while she remains outside
the American Union would necessarily give the same advantages to
hostile foreigners, those who would continue to antagonize our commercial and political interests here, as well as those of American blood
and sympathies. It is a well authenticated fact that the American
sentiment here in 1890, the last year of the great prosperity under the
sugar provisions of the reciprocity treaty, was much less manifest than
before that treaty had gone into effect, and less pronounced than when




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Secretary Marcy authorized the negotiation of the annexation treaty in
1854. It is equally true that the desire here at this time for annexation is much stronger than in 1889. Besides, so long as the islands retain their own independent government there remains the possibility
that England or the Canadian Dominion might secure one of the Hawaiian harbors for a coaling station. Annexation excludes all dangers
of this kind.
Which of the two lines of policy and action shall be adopted our
statesmen and our Government must decide. Certain it is that the
interests of the United States and the welfare of these islands will not
permit the continuance of the existing state and tendency of things.
Having for so many years extended a helping hand to the islands and
encouraged the American residents and their friends at home to the
extent we have, we can not refrain now from aiding them with vigorous measures, without injury to ourselves and those of our "kith and
kin" and without neglecting American opportunities that never seemed
so obvious and pressing as they do now. I have no doubt that the
more thoroughly the bed rock and controlling facts touching the Hawaiian
problem are understood by our Government and by the American public, the more readily they will be inclined to approve the views I have
expressed so inadequately in this communication.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Hon. JOHN W. FOSTER,
Secretary of State.
NOTE.-On the following pages will be found statistics from the
Hawaiian census reports of 1890, touching the population, the different
nationalities, the principal property owners, the amount of Government
revenues and expenditures, Government property, etc., which will help
elucidate the views I have expressed in the preceding pages.
J. L. S.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
No. 75.]                       UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, November 28, 1892.
SIR: Your dispatch No. 62 of November 8 received. Hereafter I
will comply as nearly as practicable with your suggestion that I separate my reports into two classes, one of an ' open historical aspect"
and the other of a " strictly reserved and confidential character."
My dispatch 74, marked confidential, was written and copied before
your 62 was received. The reason why I have deemed it necessary to
consider most of my dispatches confidential is because of the peculiar
state of things here. Anything which gets out in Washington in relation to aflairs here is sure at once to be taken up by San Francisco
papers, some of which are highly sensational. These newspapers are
brought here in large numbers by the mail steamer, not followed by
another usually before two weeks. Thus a falsehood or misrepresentation stands here unrefuted for two weeks, doing mischief.
So far the new cabinet holds well and gives satisfaction to the
responsible men of the islands.
I am, etc.,
JOHN L.. STEVENS




ItAWAIiAX -18LAXV8,


1193


Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
No. 65.]                       DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, December 1, 1892.
SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of dispatches numbered
47-73 and 53 B.
I am, etc.,
JOHN W. FOSTER.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
No. 07.]                           DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, December 23, 1892.
SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your dispatch No. 74, of
the 20th of November, imarked "confidential," relative to the financial
and political condition of Hawaii, which has been read with interest.
I amn etc.,
JOHN W. FOSTER.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
No. 68.]                     DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, December 23, 1892.
SIn: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your dispatch No. 75, of
the 28th ultimo, regarding confidential dispatches.
1 am, sir,
JOHN W. FOSTEr.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
[Telegram.]
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, H. I., January 18, 1893.
Events in Hawaii in the past few days have moved rapidly. An
entire overthrow of the Hawaiian monarchy and the establishment of
a provisional government in the interest of the whole people of the
islands, without the sacrifice of a single life. The new Government is
in full possession of the islands and was promptly recognized by all
the diplomatic representatives. The four men of whom it is composed
are of high character, one of whom resigned his position as one of the
supreme judges to assume the place. Full dispatches by the mail
leaving Honolulu to-day by special steamer.
STEVENS,
United States Minister.




1194


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
No. 79.]                        UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, January 18, 1893.
SIR: In my 73, of November 8, I gave full information of the sur.
render of the Queen to the wishes of the Legislature by the formation
of a ministry composed of men of intelligence and wealth, possessing
the entire confidence of the business men and the more responsible citizers of the country. But this surrender of the Queen and of those
surrounding her was only seeming. As soon as the principal appropriations had been voted and the legislative work was nearly concluded,
several of the best members having already left for their homes, a
remarkable conspiracy was revealed.
The undersigned, for the first time since he has been at the head of
this legation, January 4 took passage for Hilo and the volcano on the
'U.. S.. Boston for the benefit of the health of himself and of his
daughter, it being also desirable that the town of the second importance in the islands should have this attention at the time the Boston
was making a visit to Hawaii, the chief island in the group. Beyond
all doubt, immediately after the Boston and myself had left Honolulu
the unscrupulous adventurers around the Queen improved the opportunity to push through the Legislature an astounding lottery franchise
with the obvious intent to sell it out to the Louisiana lottery men.
This was worked by some of the same parties supposed to be of the
powerful opium ring whose four points of operation are Vancouver,
San Francisco, Honolulu, and Hongkong. They distributed the lottery stock among the native members of the Legislature in large figures.
Notwithstanding the strong opposition of all the best people of the
islands, including whites and natives, and the emphatic opposition of
the chamber of commerce, the Queen and her palace favorite gave their
warmest support to the lottery bill and signed it at once. She was to
be immediately compensated by being allowed to proclaim a new constitution, restoring to the Crown the old despotic prerogatives in direct
violation of the existing constitution, which provides for the only mode
of change, which is by the action of successive legislatures.
Returning on the Boston from our Hilo trip on the 14th instant, we
found the Legislature Was to be prorogued at 12 a. m., one-half hour
after my arrival at the legation. The prorogation completed, members
of the Legislature, diplomatic corps, judges of the supreme court,
and other officials went to the palace by invitation. In the meantime
it began to be known in public circles the Queen's intention to proclaim
the revolutionary constitution. This resulted in raising an excitement
which alarmed her confidants and caused some of them to draw back.
This consumed time, so that she could not secure the signatures of her
new cabinet as she had expected. In the meantime the diplomatic
corps grew weary and left the palace, realizing that the invitation to
be present was a trick.
As I had just returned, weary from my voyage, I had not received
the invitation, the chamberlain knowing I was absent when he invited
the English, Portuguese, French, and Japanese diplomatic representatives the day before. In the short meanwhile I had suspicioned the
trick. Finally, the Queen appeared in the throne room, before the
supreme judges and other officials, in an extreme passion of anger, and
avowed her purpose to postpone her revolutionary constitution for a
brief period, and then went upon the balcony and spoke with great
passion in the same strain to those around the palace, principally her




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   1195
retainers and the royal guard, her determination to proclaim her constitution at another time. What I have described as to the lottery
legislation, the forcing out of the responsible cabinet of November 8
and appointing the lottery cabinet, two of whom had been voted out of
the ministry during the legislative session by a two-thirds vote for the
best of reasons. It was the lottery bribe and the autocratic design of
the Queen that quickly precipitated events.
A mass meeting of the citizens was called to meet on Monday, the
16th, at 2 p. m., which assembled in the largest hall in the city. Short
as was the notice, over 1,300 of the principal citizens of Honolulu and
from other islands, who happened to be in the city, were in attendance.
This meeting included merchants, bankers, professional men, the principal business men, and the mechanics, the chief German and some of
the leading English merchants and other nationalities, as well as American residents. It is said such an assemblage was never before equaled
in Honolulu. Intelligent American visitors here say that such a public
meeting would do credit to a meeting of a similar class of citizens in our
best American cities.
The assemblage was a unit in feeling and purpose. The speeches and
resolutions are on the printed slips I herewith inclose. This remarkable uprising of the best citizens, including nearly all of the chief property holders, the Tahitian marshal and palace favorite did not dare attempt to suppress. A committee of public safety was at once created
to meet the emergency and to prevent anarchy and riot. It was fortunate that the Boston was in the harbor. The committee on public
safety called on me for aid. I promptly addressed to the commander
of the Boston, Capt. G. S. Wiltse, the following note:
UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, January 16, 1893.
SIR: In view of the existing critical circumstances in Honolulu, including an inadequate legal force, I request you to land marines and sailors from the ship under
your command for the protection of the United States legation and United States
consulate, and to secure the safety of American life and property.
Very truly, yours,
JOHN L. STEVENS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States.
Capt. G. C. WILTSE,
Commander U. S. S. Boston.
A copy of the call of the committee of public safety for aid is inclosed.
Promptly the men from the Boston were landed. Detachments were
placed around the legation and the consulate, the principal members
having marched to a central hall for shelter and headquarters; the
night being at hand, the public anxiety being especially strong as to
what might be done by irresponsible persons in the night, the landing
of the men of the Boston so promptly gave immediate relief to the public
anxiety.
As soon as practicable a Provisional Government was constituted,
composed of four highly respectable men, with Judge Dole at the head,
he having resigned his place on the supreme bench to assume this responsibility. He was born in Honolulu, of American parentage, educated here and in the United States, and is of the highest reputation
among all citizens, both natives and whites. P. C. Jones is a native of
Boston, Mass., wealthy, possessing property interests in the islands,
and a resident here for many years. The other two members are of
the highest respectability. The committee of public safety forthwith




HAWAIIAN ILANDS.


took possession of the Government buildings, archives, and treasury,
and installed the Provisional Government at the heads of the respective
departments. This being an accomplished fact, I promptly recognized
the Provisional Government as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands. The English minister, the Portuguese charge d'afftires,
the French and the Japanese commissioners promptly did the same;
these, with myself, being the only members of the diplomatic corps
residing here.
All is quiet here now. Without the sacrifice of a single life this
change of government has been accomplished. Language can hardly
express the enthusiasm and the profound feeling of relief at this peaceful and salutary change of government. The underlying cause of this
profound feeling among the citizens is the hope that the United States
Government will allow these islands to pass to American control and
become American soil. A commission of citizens, duly accredited, will
go by the steamer that takes this dispatch to Washington, to state the
wishes of the Provisional Government and of the responsible people of
the islands, and to give a complete account of the existing state of
things here.
It is proper that I should add, that the presence of the Boston here
has been of the highest importance, and the behavior of officers and
men has been admirable. Capt. Wiltse has exercised prudence and
great firmness, while he and the undersigned have recognized only
accomplished facts and have not allowed the use of the United States
force for any but the most conservative reasons.
I am, sir,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Written copy by future mail.
S.
[Inclosure I in No. 79.]
PROCLAMATION.
In its earlier history Hawaii possessed a constitutional government honestly and
economically administered in the public interest.
The Crown called to its assistance as advisers able, honest, and conservative men,
whose integrity was unquestioned even by their political opponents.
The stability of the Government was assured, armed resistance and revolution unthought of, popular rights were respected, and the privileges of the subject from
time to time increased and the prerogatives of the sovereign diminished by the voluntary acts of the successive Kings.
With very few exceptions this state of affairs continued until the expiration of
the first few years of the reign of His late Majesty Kalakaua. At this time a change
was discernible in the spirit animating the Chief Executive and in the influences surrounding the throne. A steadily increasing disposition was manifested on the part
of the King to extend the royal prerogatives; to favor adventurers and persons of
no character or standing in the community; to encroach upon the rights and privileges of the people by steadily increasing corruption of electors, and by means of
the power and influence of officeholders and other corrupt means to illegitimately
influence the elections, resulting in the final absolute control of not only the executive and legislative, but to a certain extent the judicial departments of the Government in the interests of absolutism.
This finally resulted in the revulsion of feeling and popular uprising of 1887,
which wrested from the King a large portion of his ill-gotten powers.
The leaders of this movement were not seeking personal aggrandizement, political
power, or the suppression of the native Government. If this had been their object
it could easily have been accomplished, for they had the absolute control of the
situation.
Their object was to secure responsible Government through a representative cabinet, supported by and responsible to the people's elected representatives. A clause




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                          1197
to this effect was inserted in the constitution, and subsequently enacted by law by
the Legislature, specifically covering the ground that in all matters concerning tho
state the sovereign was to act by and with the advice of the cabinet, and onfy by
and with such advice. 
The King willingly agreed to such proposition, expressed regret for the past, and
volunteered promises for the future.
Almost from the date of such agreement and promises up to the time of his death
the history of the Government has been a continual struggle between the King on
the one hand and the cabinet and Legislature on the other, the former constantly
endeavoring by every available form of influence and evasion to ignore his promises
and agreements and regain his lost powers.
This conflict upon several occasions came to a crisis, followed each time by submission on the part of His Majesty, by renewed expressions of regret and promises to
abide by the constitutional and legal restrictions in the future. In each instance
such promise was kept until a further opportunity presented itself, when the conflict was renewed in defiance and regardless of all previous pledges.
Upon the accession of Her Majesty Liliuokalani, for a brief period the hope prevailed that anew policy would be adopted. This hope was soon blasted by her immediately entering into conflict with the existing cabinet, who held office with the
approval of a large majority of the Legislature, resulting in the triumph of the
Queen and the removal of the cabinet. The appointment of a new cabinet subservient to her wishes and their continuance in office until a recent date gave no
opportunity for further indication of the policy which would be pursued by Her
Majesty until the opening of the Legislature in May of 1892.
The recent history of that session has shown a stubborn determination on the part
of Her Majesty to follow the tactics of her late brother and in all possible ways to
secure an extension df the royal prerogatives and an abridgment of popular rights.
During the latter part of the session the Legislature was replete with corruption;
bribery and other illegitimate influences were openly utilized to secure the desired
end, resulting in the final complete overthrow of all opposition and the inauguration
of a cabinet arbitrarily selected by Her Majesty in complete defiance of constitutional principles and popular representation.
Notwithstanding such result the defeated party peacefully submitted to the situation.
Not content with her victory Her Majesty proceeded on the last day of the session
to arbitrarily arrogate to herself the right to promulgate a new constitution, which
proposed, among other things, to disfranchise over one-fourth of the voters and the
owners of nine-tenths of the private property of the Kingdom, to abolish the elected
upper house of the Legislature and to substitute in place thereof an appointive one,
to be appointed by the Sovereign.
The detailed history of this attempt and the succeeding events in connection therewith is given in the report of the committee of public safety to the citizens of Honolulu and the resolution adopted at the mass meeting held on the 16th instant, the
correctness of which report and the propriety of which resolution is hereby specifically affirmed.
The constitutional evolution indicated has slowly and steadily, though reluctantly
and regretfully, convinced an overwhelming majority of the conservative and
responsible members of the community that independent, constitutional, representative, and responsible government, able to protect itself from revolutionary uprisings
and royal aggression, is no longer possible in Hawaii under the existing system of
government.
Five uprisings or conspiracies against the Government have occurred within five
years and seven months. It is firmly believed that the culminating revolutionary
attempt of last Saturday will, unless radical measures are taken, wreck our already
damaged credit abroad and precipitate to final ruin our already overstrained financial condition; and the guaranties of protection to life, liberty, and property will
steadily decrease and the political situation rapidly grow worse.
In this belief, and also in the firm belief that the action hereby taken is and will
be for the best personal, political, and property interests of every citizen of the
landWe, citizens and residents of the Hawaiian Islands. organized and acting for the
public safety and the common good, hereby proclaim as follows:
(1) The Hawaiian monarchial system of government is hereby abrogated.
(2) A Provisional Government for the control and management of public affairs
and the protection of the public peace is hereby established, to exist until terms of
11ion with the United States of America have been negotiated and agreed upon.
(3) Such Provisional Government shall consist of an executive council of four
members, who are hereby declared to be Sanford B. Dole, James A. King, Peter C.
Jones, William 0. Smith, who shall administer the executive departments of the
Government, the first named acting as president and chairman of such council and




HAWAIAN ISLANDS.


administering the department of foreign affairs, and the others severally administering the departments of interior, finance, and attorney-general, respectively, in
the order in which they are above enumerated, according to existing Hawaiian law
as far as may be consistent with this proclamation; and also of an advisory council,
which shall consist of fourteen members, who are hereby declared to be S. M. Damon, L. A. Thurston, J. Emmeluth, J. H. McCandlass, F. W. McChesney, W. R,
Castle, W. C. Wilder, A. Brown, J. F. Morgan, H. Waterhouse, E. D. Tenney, F.
Wilhelm, W. G. Ashley, C. Bolte. Such advisory council shall also have general
legislative authority.
Such executive and advisory council shall, acting jointly, have power to remove
any member of either council and to fill such or any other vacancy.
(4) All officers under the existing Government are hereby requested to continue to
exercise their functions and perform the duties of their respective offices, with the
exception of the following-named persons: Queen Liliuokalani; Charles B. Wilson,
marshal; Samuel Parker, minister of foreign affairs; W. H. Cornwell, minister of
finance; John F. Colburn, minister of the interior; Arthur P. Peterson, attorneygeneral; who are hereby removed from office.
(5) All Hawaiian laws and constitutional principles not inconsistent herewith
shall continue in force until further order of the executive and advisory councils.
HENRY E. COOPER.
ANDREW BROWN.
J. A. MCCANDLESS.
THEODORE F. LANSING.
JOHN EMMELUTH.
C. BOLTE.
ED. SUHR.
/  HENRY WATERHOUSE.
W. C. WILDER.
F. W. MCCHESNEY. 
WILLIAM 0. SMITH.
[Inclosure 2 in No. 79.]
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, January 17, 1893.
$IR: The undersigned, members of the executive and advisory councils of the
Provisional Government this day established in Hawaii, hereby state to you that
for the reasons set forth in the proclamation this day issued, a copy of which is
herewith inclosed for your consideration, the Hawaiian monarchy has been abrogated and a Provisional Government established in accordance with the said abovementioned proclamation.
Such Provisional Government has been proclaimed, is now in possession of the
Government departmental buildings, the archives, and the treasury, and is in control of the city. We hereby request that you will, on behalf of the United States
of America, recognize it as the existing de facto Government of the Hawaiian
Islands, and afford to it the moral support of your Government, and, if necessary,
the support of American troops to assist in preserving the public peace.
We have the honor to remain your obedient servants,
SANFORD B. I)OLE.
J. A. KING.
P. C. JONES.
WILLIAM 0. SMITH.
S. M. DAWSON.
JOHN EMMELUTH.
F. W. MCCHESNEY.
W. C. WILDER.
J. A. MCCANDLESS.
ANDREW BROWN.
JAS. F. MORGAN.
HENRY WATERHOUSE.
E. D. TENNEY.
F. J. WILHELM.
W. G. ASHLEY.
C. BOLLTE,
His Excellency JOIN L. ST'LVENS,
UMited Statoe Minister le.4ent.




.AhI\ r            HAWAIIAN ISLANDS..            1199
(Inclosure 3 in No. 79.]
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, Jawary 17, 1893.
PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
[Order No. 1.]
All persons favorable to the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands are
hereby requested to forthwith report to the Government at the Government buildings and to furnish to the Government such arms and ammunition as they may have in
their possession or control as soon as possible, in order that efficient and complete
protection of life and property and the public peace may immediately and efficiently
be put in operation.
SANFORD B. DOLE,
J. A. KING,
P. C. JONES,
WILLIAM 0. SMITH,
Executive Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
JOHN EMMELUTH,
ANDREW BROWN,
C. BOLTE,
JAMES F. MORGAN,
HENrY WATERHOUSE,
S. M. DAMON,
W. G. ASHL.Y,
E. D. TENNEY,
F. W. MCCHESNEY,
W. C. WILDER,
Advisory Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
[Inclosure 4 in No. 79.]
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, January 17, 1893. (Issued 6 p. m.)
PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
[Order No. 2.]
It is hereby ordered and decreed that until further ordered, the right of the writ
of habeas corpus is hereby suspended and martial law is hereby declared to exist
throughout the island of Oahu.
SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Affairs,
J. A. KING,
Minister of Interior,
P. C. JONES,
Minister of Finance,
WILLIAM O. SMITH,
Attorney- General,
Executive Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
[Inclosure 5 in No. 79.]
[Daily Pacific Commercial Advertiser, January 17, 1893.]
MASS MEETING-CITIZENS DETERMINED TO RESIST AGGRESSION-AN ENTHUSIASTIC
GATHERING AT THE RIFLES' ARMORY PROTESTS AGAINST THE REVOLUTIONARY
ATTITUDE OF THE QUEEN-RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED AND THE COMMITTEE OF
PUBLIC SAFETY AUTHORIZED TO TAKE FURTHER STEPS.
At 2 p. m. yesterday the Honolulu Rifles' armory was the scene of one of the largest
and most enthusiastic mass meetings ever held in Honolulu. It was called by the
committee of public safety for the purpose of protesting against the revolutionary
aggressions of the Queen. At 1.30 citizens began to assemble, and before 2 o'clock
the large building was crowded to its utmost capacity, 1,260 being present, by actual
count, while many others came later. Every class in the community was fully Tepres@toe4 mobaio, merobhats, prV rvfBioal aou, and 1rtiisas of every kind being




1200                     HAWTAIIAN   ISLANDS.
present in full force. The meeting was intensely enthusiastic, being animated by a
common purpose and feeling, and most of the speakers were applauded to the echo.
Hon. W. C. Wilder, of the committee of safety, was the chairman.
Mr. WILDER said: Fellow citizens, I have been requested to act as chairman of the
meeting. Were it a common occurrence, I would consider it an honor, but to-day
we are not here to do honor to anybody. I accept the chairmanship of this meeting
as a duty. [Applause.] We meet here to-day as men-not as any party, faction, or
creed, but as men who are bound to see good government. It is well known to you
all what took place at the palace last Saturday. I need not tell you the object of this
meeting, and no such meeting has been held since 1887. There is the same reason
now as then. An impromptu meeting of citizens was called Saturday to take measures for the public safety. The report of the committee will b6 read to you. We do
not meet as revolutionists, but as peaceful citizens who have the right to meet and
state their grievances. [Loud applause.] We will maintain our rights and have
courage to maintain them. [Universal cheers.]
Noble Thurston being introduced by the chairman read the report of the committee of safety.
" REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF SAFETY.
"' To the citizens of Honolulu:
" On the morning of last Saturday, the 14th instant, the city was startled by the
information that Her Majesty Queen Liliuokalani had announced her intention to
arbitrarily promulgate a new constitution, and that three of the newly-appointed
cabinet ministers had, or were about to, resign in consequence thereof.
Immediately after the prorogation of the Legislature at noon the Queen, accompanied, by her orders, by the cabinet, retired to the palace; the entire military force
of the Government was drawn up in line in front of the building, and remained
there until dark. and a crowd of several hundred native sympathizers with the newconstitution project gathered in the throne room and about the palace. The Queen
then retired with the cabinet, informed them that she had a new constitution ready,
that she intended to promulgate it, and proposed to do so then and there, and demanded that they countersign her signature.
" She turned a deaf ear to their statements and protests that the proposed action
would inevitably cause the streets of Honolulu to run red with blood, and threatened that unless they complied with her demand she would herself immediately go
out upon the steps of the palace and announce to the assembled crowd that the
reason she did not give them the new constitution was because the ministers would
not let her. Three of the ministers, fearing mob violence, immediately withdrew
and returned to the Government building. They were immediately summoned back
to the palace, but refused to go on the ground that there was no guaranty of their
personal safety.
" The only forces under the control of the Government are the household guards
and the police. The former are nominally under the control of the minister of
foreign affairs and actually under the control of their immediate commander, Maj.
Nowlein, a personal adherent of the Queen.
"The police are under the control of Marshal Wilson, the open and avowed royal
favorite. Although the marshal is nominally under the control of the attorneygeneral, Her Majesty recently announced in a public speech that she would not allow
im to be removed. Although the marshal now states that he is opposed to the
Queen's proposition, he also states that if the final issue arises between the Queen
and the cabinet and the people he will support the Queen.
"The cabinet was absolutely powerless and appealed to citizens for support.
"Later they reluctantly returned to the palace, by request of the Queen, and for
nearly two hours she again endeavored to force them to acquiesce in her desire, and
upon their final refusal announced in a public speech in the throne room and again
from the upper gallery of the palace that she desired to issue the constitution, but
was prevented from doing so by her ministers and would issue it in a few days.
"The citizens responded to the appeal of the cabinet to resist the revolutionary
attempt of the Queen, by gathering at the office of William 0. Smith.
"Late in the afternoon it was felt that bloodshed and riot were imminent; that
the community could expect no protection from the legal authorities; that, on the
contrary, they would undoubtedly be made the instruments of royal aggression.
An impromptu meeting of citizens was held, which was attended by the attorneygeneral, and which was addressed, among others, by the minister of the interior,
J. F. Colburn, who stated to the meeting substantially the foregoing facts.
"The meeting unanimously passed a resolution that thWe public welfare required
the appointment of a committee of public safety of thirteen, to consider the sitilation and devise ways and means for the maintenance of the public peace and the
protection of life and property.
" "Such a committee was forthwith appointed and has folio wed its instructions,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1201
"The first step which the committee consider necessary is to secure openly, pub.
licly, and peaceably, through the medium of a mass meeting of citizens, a condemnation of the proceedings of the party of revolution and disorder, and a confirmation
from such larger meeting of the authority now vested in the committee.
"For such purpose the committee hereby recommends the adoption of the following resolution:
"' RESOLUTION.
"1. Whereas Her Majesty Liliuokalani, acting in conjunction with certain other
persons, has illegally and unconstitutionally and againsu the advice and consent of
the lawful executive officers of the Government, attempted to abrogate the existing
constitution and proclaim a new one in subversion of the rights of the people;
"2. And whereas such attempt has been accompanied by threats of violence and
bloodshed and a display of armed force, and such attempt and acts and threats are
revolutionary and treasonable in character;
"3. And whereas Her Majesty's cabinet have informed her that such contemplated
action was unlawful and would lead to bloodshed and riot and have implored and
demanded of her to desist from and renounce such proposed action;
"4. And whereas such advice has been in vain, and Her Majesty has in a public
speech announced that she was desirous and ready to promulgate such constitution,
the same being now ready for such purpose, and that the only reason why it was not
now promulgated was because she had met with unexpected obstacles and that a
fitting opportunity in the future must be awaited for the consummation of such
object, which would be within a few days;
"5. And whereas at a public meeting of citizens held in Honolulu on the 14th day
of January instant a committee of thirteen to be known as the 'committee of public
safety' was appointed to consider the situation and to devise ways and means for the
maintenance of the public peace and safety and the preservation of life and property;
"6. And whereas such committee has recommended the calling of this mass meeting of citizens to protest against and condemn such action, and has this day presented a report to such meeting denouncing the action of the Queen and her supporters as being unlawful, unwarranted, in derogation of the rights of the people,
endangering the peace of the community, and tending the excite riot and cause the
loss of life and destruction of property:
"Now, therefore, we, the citizens of Honolulu of all nationalities and regardless
of political party affiliations, do hereby condemn and denounce the action of the
Queen anl her supporters;
"And we do hereby ratify the appointment and indorse the action taken and report made by the said committee of safety; and we do hereby further empower such
committee to further consider the situation and further devise such ways and means
as may be necessary to secure the permanent maintenance of law and order and the
protection of life, liberty, and property in Hawaii."
Mr. THURSTON said: Mr. Chairman, Hawaii is a wonderful country. We are divided
into parties and nationalities and factions, but there are moments when we are
united and move shoulder to shoulder, moved by one common desire for the public
good. Three times during the past twelve years this has happened-in 1880, 1887,
and to-day. They say it is ended, it is done, there is nothing to consider. Is it so?
[Calls of no! no!] I say, gentlemen, that now and here is the time to act. [Loud
cheers.] The Queen says she won't do it again. [Cries of humbug.] Fellow-citizens, have you any memories? Hasn't she once before promised-sworn solemnly
before Almighty God to maintain this constitution? What is her word worth?
[Calls of nothing! nothing!] It is an old saying that a royal promise is made to
be broken. Fellow-citizens, remember it. We have not sought this situation. Last
Saturday the sun rose on a peaceful and smiling city; to-day it is otherwise.
Whose fault is it? Queen Liliuokalani's. It is not her fault that the streets have
not run red with blood. She has printed a proclamation and at the same time, perhaps sent out by the same carriers, her organ prints an extra with her speech with
bitterer language than in the Advertiser. She wants us to sleep on a slumbering
volcano which will one morning spew out blood and destroy us all. The constitution gives us the right to assemble peacefully and express our grievances. We are
here doing that to-day without arms. The man who has not the spirit to rise after
the menaces to our liberties has no right to keep them. Has the tropic sun cooled
and thinned our blood, or have we flowing in our veins the warm. rich blood which
loves liberty and dies for it? I move the adoption of the resolution.
[Tumultuous applause.]
Mr. H. F. GLADE. The Queen has done an unlawful thing in ignoring the constitution which she had sworn to uphold. We most decidedly protest against such
revolutionary proceeding, and we should do all we possibly can to prevent her from
repeating actions which result in disorder and riot. We now have a promise from
the Queen that proceedings as we experienced on Saturday shall not occur again;
but we should have such assurances and guaranties for this promise that will really
8. Rep. 227     76




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


satisfy us and convince us of the faith and earnestness of the promise given, of which
~we now have no assurance. What such guaranties and assurances ought to be I
can not at this moment say or recommend. This should be referred to the committee
of safety for their careful consideration. I second the motion.
Mr. YOUNG, in addressing the meeting, spoke as follows:
Mr. Chairman and fellow-citizens: In June, 1887, I stood on this same platform and
addressed an audience almost as large as the one now before me. At that time we
had met to consider a resolution that looked toward a new constitution, which proposed constitution was considered the most effectual method of removing some flagrant abuses in governmental affairs, practiced by the King and his cabinets. The
constitution was promulgated. To-day we have met to consider the action of Her
Majesty in attempting to set aside the constitution we all worked so hard to have
promulgated, in the lost interests of the Sovereign and the people at large, as well
as for the redemption of the credit of the Kingdom abroad. It has long been re.,
ported that at some favorable opportunity the Queen would spring a new constitution upon the people and place matters even more in the hands of the Sovereign
than they were before the revolution of 1887. Some did not believe the rumors, but
the actions of the Queen in the last few days have convinced the most skeptical that
the rumors were well founded and that she had been pregnant with this unborn
constitution for a long time; but it could not be born till under the propitious star.
In trying to promulgate this long-promised constitution the Queen has therefore
premeditately committed a breach of faith with one portion of her subjects in order
to satisfy the clamors of a faction of natives urged by the influence of a mischievous
element of foreigners who mean no good to the Queen or the people, but simply for
the purpose of providing avenues for carrying out more perfectly the smuggling of
opium and diverting the contents of the treasury into their own pockets. A byauthority circular has now been handed around setting forth that the Queen and
her cabinet had decided not to press the promulgation of a new constitution; but can
we depend on this promise of Her Majesty? Is this promise any more binding upon
her than the oath she took before Almighty God to support and maintain the present
constitution? Has not the Queen resorted to her questionable methods in an underhanded way to remove what, to the people, was one of the most acceptable cabinets
ever commissioned by any sovereign in this Kingdom, in order that four other
ministers might be appointed that would carry out her behest, treasonable or otherwise, as might be most conveniently within their scope?
I say, have we any reasonable assurance that the Queen and her ministers have
abandoned finally the new constitution promulgation scheme T [Roars of "No" from
the audience.] My fellow citizens, while the Queen and her cabinet continue to
trifle with and play fast and loose with the affairs of state there can be no feeling
of security for foreign families residing within these domains. There can be no
business prosperity here at home, and our credit abroad must be of the flimsiest and
most uncertain nature. And you, business men, who are toiling honestly for your
bread and butter, will have to put up with thin bread and much thinner butter if
this farcical work is continued. In order that matters may be set to rights again,
and that honest, stable, and honorable government may be maintained in Hawaii,
I support the resolution and trust that it will be passed unanimously by this meeting.
Mr. C. BOLTE. Since the resolution which was read here has been written things
have changed. On Saturday the Queen promised the native people that she would
give them a new constitution under all circumstances; she did not say exactly when
but as soon as possible. This morning a proclamation was issued, in which she says
that her attempt to promulgate a new constitution last Saturday was made under
stress of her native subjects, but that she will not do it again. An attempt to change
the fundamental law of the land is a very serious matter, a matter that requires a
good deal of consideration, and I am well convinced that this matter has been
weighed and considered for more than a day by the Queen, and that there was no
acting on the spur of the moment under the stress of her native subjects about it.
It was her well premeditated conclusion that she would change the constitution so
as to suit herself on the day of prorogation of the Legislature. Manypeople knew
this several days ago, but there have been so many rumors about all sorts of things
that not very much attention was paid to it; it was expected that she might change
her mind before that day would come. But she did not change her mind as soon as
that; she told the native people that she was ready to give them a new constitution
right then and there, but that she could not do it because her ministers would not
let her. Now she has changed her mind; she makes a sort of excuse for what she
did, and says she will never do it again.
It seems to me that the question that your committee has to ask now, and which
is for you gentlemen here in the meeting to decide, is this: Are you satisfied with the
assurance given in to-day's proclamation signed by the Queen and the four ministers,
and will you consider this matter ended, or do you desire greater and stronger guarantees for the safety and preservation of your life and liberty and property? I am
one of the citizens' committee of public safety; my views on the situation are ex



HAWAIIAN ISLAND8.


pressed in the resolutions which have just been read, and I trust you will show that
you are of the same mind as the committee by adopting these resolutions.
Hon. H. P. BALDWIN. I feel, with the rest of you, that the actions of the Queen
have put the country in a very critical situation. Before this revolutionary act of
Her Majesty we were getting along. A ministry had been appointed which would
probably have been able to pull us through. The McKinley bill had put the whole
country into a critical situation. We were working up new industries. Mr. Dillingham was trying to build a railroad around this island. The Queen seems to
have blinded herself to all these things. She has followed a whim of her own-a
whim of an irresponsible body of Hawaiians-and tried to establish a new constitution. We must stop this; but we must not go beyond constitutional means. I
favor this resolution, but think the committee should act within the constitution.
There is no question that the Queen has done a revolutionary act; there is no doubt
about that. The Queen's proclamation has not inspired confidence; but shall we
not teach her to act within the constitution? [Loud calls of " No."] Well, gentlemen, I am ready to act when the time comes.
J. EMMELUTH wished to say a few words on the situation. He had heard the
Queen's speech at the palace, and noted the expression of her face. It was fiendish.
When the petitioners filed out he reflected on the fact that 30 men could paralyze
the business of the community for 24 hours. It was not they that did it, but the
schemers behind them, and perhaps a woman, too. It was not the Hawaiians that
wanted the new constitution; not those who worked. This was the third time that
he had shut his doors, let his men go, and came up to this building. It would be
the last time. If we let this time go by we would deserve all we would get. An
opportunity came once in every lifetime. It had come to us, and if we finished as
we should a repetition of last Saturday would never occur in this country again.
[Applause.] We must stand shoulder to shoulder. There was but one course to
pursue, and we would all see it. The manifesto of this morning was bosh. "I
won't do it any more; but give me a chance and I'll do it again." If the Queen had
succeeded last Saturday, myself and you would have been robbed of the privileges
without which no white man can live in this community. " Fear not, be not afraid,"
was written in my Bible by my mother twenty-five years ago. Gentlemen, I have
done. As far as the Hawaiians are concerned, all have an aloha for them, and we
wish to have laws enabling us to live peaceably together.
R. J. GREENE. Fellow citizens, among the many things I never could do was to
make an impromptu speech. I have tried it over and over again and never succeeded
but once, and that was after five weeks' preparation. Our patience has been exhausted. We all agree about the case. The question is, the remedy. John Greene,
of Rhode Island, entered the war of the Revolution and served throughout. His
son, my father, served through the war of 1812, until that little matter was settled.
In 1862 John Greene, my father, stood before a meeting like this, and said he had
four sons in the war, of whom I was the youngest, and would serve himself if he was
not too old. This experience has biased my judgment as to some matters of civil
government. It is too late to throw obstacles across the path of its progress here.
I have adopted this flag and am loyal to it, but I anm not willing to go one step back
in the name of civil liberty, and I will give the last drop of Rhode Island blood in
my veins to go forward, and not back. [Cheers.]
Chairman Wilder read the latter part of the resolution.
It was passed by a unanimous standing vote, without a dissenting voice, and
amid tremendous cheers, after which the meeting broke up.
[Inclosure 6 in Nov. 79.]
[Daily Pacific Commercial Advertiser, January 18, 1893.]
THE NEW ERA-THE REVOLUTION TERMINATED BY THE ESTABLISHING OF A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT-CITIZENS RISE AND SEIZE THE GOVERNMENT BUILDINGTHE MONARChII ABROGATED-ENTHUSIASTIC VOLUNTEERS RALLY ROUND THIE NEW
GOVERNMENT-THE LATE QUEEN AND CABINE/T YIELD AND LEAVE THE TOWN
UNDER THE QUIET PROTECTION OF ITS OWN CITIZENS —FULL TEXT OF THIE PROCLAMATION AND ORDERS.
All day yesterday the community were in a state of expectancy, looking to the
committee of public safety to do something to end the state of tension, and to
secure the rights of all citizens against encroachment once and for all. The committee in the meantime was not idle, but was incessantly occupied completing its
organization and perfecting the final arrangements necessary to the proclamation of
the Provisional Government and its protection by an armed force. At about 2.30
o clock an attempt was made by three native policemen to arrest the progress of a
wagon which was being driven up Fort street by Mr. Benner and Mr. Good. Those
m charge of the wagon resisted the attempt of the officers to arrest its course. One




1204                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
of the officers making a motion to draw a revolver, Mr. Good drew his own, and
calling attention to the fact that he was justified in shooting, he fired, seeking however, to avoid the infliction of a dangerous wound. The wagon pursued its way,
followed by a policeman in a hack. This episode precipitated the movement.
Citizens hurried to the Beretania street armory, where they were formed into companies and marched to the Government building.
In the meantime the committee of public safety, accompanied by members of the
Government about to be formed, proceeded to the Government building. They were
entirely unarmed. Arrived at the Government building the committee inquired for
the cabinet, but the ministers were not to be found. They then demanded and received of Mr. Hassinger the possession of the building. The party now proceeded
to the front steps and, in the presence of a rapidly increasing crowd, the following
proclamation was read:
Before the reading of the proclamation was completed the volunteers from the
Rifles' armory began to assemble in force. The grounds of Aliiolani Hale were cleared
and a guard set at all the gates.
The following orders were then promptly issued by the Provisional Government:
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
January 17, 1893.
PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
[Order No. 1.]
All persons favorable to the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands are
hereby requested to forthwith report to the Government at the Government building
and to furnish the Government such arms and ammunition as they may have in their
possession or control as soon as possible, in order that efficient and complete protection of life and property and the public peace may be immediately and efficiently
put into operation.
SANFORD B. DOLE,
J. A. KING,
P. C. JONES,
WILLIAM 0. SMITH,
Executive Counsel of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
JOHN EMMELUTH,
ANDREW BROWN,
C. BOLTE,
JAMES F. MORGAN,
HENRY WATERHOUSE,
S. M. DAMON,
W. G. ASHLEY,
E. D. TENNY,
F. W. MCCHESNEY,
W. C. WILDER,
J. A. MCCANDLESS,
W. R. CASTLE,
LORRINA A. THURSTON,
F. J. WILHELM,
Advisory Counsel of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, January 17, 1893.
PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
[Order No. 2.]
It is hereby ordered and decreed that until further ordered the right of the writ
of habeas corpus is hereby suspended, and martial law is hereby declared to exist
throughout the Island of Oahu.
SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Affairs,
J. A. KING,
Minister of the Interior,
P. C. JONI4S,
Mlinister of Finance,
WILLIAM 0. SMITH,
Attorney-General
Executive Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Isiands.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1205
The Provisional Government sent for the late ministers, who were at the police
station. Two of them came, and finally all four repaired to the headquarters of the
new Government, where formal demand was made upon themt for the possession of
the police station. The ex-ministers asked for time to deliberate upon this demand.
They went to the palace in company with Hon. Samuel M. Damon, and held a consultation with Liliuokalani. The result was a compromise proposition, which was
rejected by the Provisional Government. After further consultation the following
protest was noted:
I, Liliuokalani, by the grace of God and under the constitution of the Hawaiian
Kingdom, Queen, do hereby solemnly protest against any and all acts done against
myself and the constitutional Government of the Hawaiian Kingdom by certain
persons claiming to have established a Provisional Government of and for this Kingdom.
That I yield to the superior force of the United States of America, whose minister
plenipotentiary, his excellency John L. Stevens, has caused United States troops to
be landed at Honolulu and declared that he would support the said Provisional Government.
Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces and perhaps the loss of life, I do, under
this protest, and impelled by said force, yield my authority until such time as the
Government of the United States shall, upon the facts being presented to it, undo
the action of its representative and reinstate me in the authority which I claim as
the constitutional Sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands.
Done at Honolulu this 17th day of January, A. D. 1893.
LILIUOKALANI, R.
SAIMUEL PA RKER,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
WM. I1. CORNWALL,
Mfinister of rfinance.
JNO. F. COLBURN,
MJinister of the Interior.
A. P. PETERSON,.   Attorney-General.
S. B. DOLE, Esq., and others,
Composing the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
(Indorsed:) Received by the hands of the late cabinet this 17th day of January,
A. D. 1893. (Signed) Sanford B. Dole, chairman of the executive council of Provisional Govermnent.
The late Queen and cabinet accordingly yielded unconditionally, and the police
station was turned over to Commander Soper and Capt. Ziegler with forty men
from Company A. Mr. Wilson made a short address to the police force assembled in
the station, telling them that resistance was no longer feasible.
The Provisional Government sent notifications of the situation to the representatives of foreign powers. The following answer to the request for recognition was
received from his excellency John L. Stevens:
"A Provisional Government having been dulyconstituted in the place of the recent
Government of Queen Liliuokalani, and said Provisional Government being in full
possession of the Government building, the archives, and the treasury, and in control
of the capital of the Hawaiian Islands, I hereby recognize said Provisional Government as the defacto Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
"JOHN L. STEVENS,
"Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States."
At latest advices the Provisional Government was in complete possession of the
city, and the only Government possessing, exercising, or claiming any authority or
power whatsoever.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
NO. 80.]                            UNITED STATES LECGATION,
Honoliluh, Jantuary 19, 1893.
SIR: The Provisional Government of Hawaii, by special steamer,
send a colmlnission to Washington with full powers to negotiate with
the Government of the United States.   It is composed of six representative men of the highest respectability.  Hon. William C. Wilder is the
president and chief manager of the Inter-island Steamship Company,




1206


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,


running steamers among the islands, and he has large property interests in Honolulu. Hon. C. M. [surname omitted] is a leading lumber
merchant, doing business with Puget Sound and Oregon, born here of
the best American stock. Hon. L. A. Thurston is one of the most, if
not the most, talented and influential man on the islands, and is of the
highest respectability. He and his father were born on the islands, of
Connecticut parentage.  Though a young man, he was the leading
member of the reform cabinet from July, 1887, to 1890.
Hon. William H. Castle is a lawyer of eminence, born on the islands,
of western New York parentage, his father still living here at the age
of 84, having resided in Honolulu nearly half a century, and for many
years exercised a large influence here. Mr. Charles P. Carter is the
son of the recent Hawaiian minister at Washington, Hon. H. P. Carter,
and is an accomplished and most reliable gentleman, American to the
core, and has a Michigan wife. Hon. Mr. Marsden is of English birth,
is a prominent business men and a noble in the Legislature.
These six commissioners represent a. large preponderating proportion
of the property holders and commercial interests of these islands. They
are backed by the influences which will enable them to fully carry out
their agreements with the United States Government.
I am, sir, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
[Confidential.]
No. 81.]                      UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, January 26, 1893.
SIn: By the steamer taking this dispatch, goes Mr. Paul Neuman
to Washington, the attorney of the deposed Queen. Nominally he
may make at the Department of State a "protest" asto the way his client
lost her crown. In reality his mission is to get a large fee out of whatever sum it is supposed may be paid by the treaty of annexation to the
fallen monarch and the Crown Princess. This attorney, as the Hawaiian Commissioners now in Washington may inform you, was a'
former resident of San Francisco, where he had and still has an unsavory reputation. For years his influence in politics here has been
pernicious. He was a boon companion of the debased Kalakaua, the
recent King; shared in his corruptions, and is reputed to have won at
cards the money of the weak monarch.
He was twice voted out of the cabinet by the recent Legislatureby a
large majority, every reputable member each time against him. He is
believed on strong reasons to have been the head man in getting
through the Legislature in the closing hours of the session the infamous
lottery bill, which so much aided in precipitating the overthrow of the
Hawaiian monarchy. This man, the Queen's attorney, is a goodnatured, "jolly fellow," who, seeing the strong drift of things here, now
avows himself unqualifiedly for annexation. I think it my duty to give
to the Department of State this amount of information about the fallen
Queen's attorney, and the Commissioners now in Washington can give
you as much more as they deem proper.
I am, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


i  207


Since the preceding dispatch was written Paul Neuman, as the
attorney of the Queen, has called on me and explained his mission to
Washington.   I will take back nothing as to his former political
career here; but he is good natured and politic lawyer. While he will
probably urge the request to have the United States restore the
fallen Queen to the throne as a matter of form and good faith on his
part to his royal client, I have impressed on him the logic of the situation and the absolute impossibility of restoring the deposed Queen. I
think he sees this clearly, however otherwise he may at first talk, and
that his only hope is to obtain a good cash consideration for all her
claims. I think he has "full power of attorney" to this end. He
takes with him the young man, Prince David, as he is called here, one
of the two princes made by Kalakaua, spoken of in my No. 82, page 9.
STEVENS.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
[Telegram.]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, January 28, 1893.
Your dispatch, telegraphed from San Francisco, announcing revolution and establishment of a Provisional Government, was received to-day.
Your course in recognizing an unopposed de facto Government appears
to have been discreet and in accordance with the facts. The rule of this
Government has uniformly been to recognize and enter into relation with
any actual Government in full possession of effective power, with the
assent of the people. You will continue to recognize the new Government under such conditions. It is trusted that the change, besides
conducing to the tranquillity and welfare of the Hawaiian Islands, will
tend to draw closer the intimate ties of amity and common interests
which so conspicuously and necessarily link them to the United States.
You will keep in constant communication with the commander of the
United States naval force at Honolulu, with a view to acting, if need
be, for the protection of the interests and property of American citizens
and aiding in the preservation of good order under the changed conditions reported.
FOSTER.




Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
[Telegram.]
HONOLULU, February 1, 1893.
Provisional Government of Hawaii gaining power and respect.
Everything is quiet. Annexation sentiment is increasing. Dead monarchy and opposition to annexation is supported chiefly by lottery and
opium ring. To-day at 9 a. m., in accordance with the request of Provisional Government of Hawaii, I have placed Government of Hawaii
under the United States protection during negotiations, not interfering
with the execution of public affairs. Have mailed important dispatches. Have sent duplicate copies of dispatches. It is advisable
that Commodore Skerrett proceed at once to Honolulu, Sandwich
Islands, with one or more United States ships as precautionary measureS.
STEVENS.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
No. 70.]                         DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, Feb. 1, 1893.
SIR: I append a copy of telegraphic *correspondence with your lega.
tion, relative to the new Government of Hawaii.
I am, etc.,
JOHN W. FOSTER.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
No. 82.]                     UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, February 1, 1893.
SIR: Everything is moving on here quietly. The Provisional Government is discharging its responsibilities with firmness, discretion, and in
the spirit of conciliation and magnanimity. The annexation sentiment
has constantly increased since the departure of the commissioners for
Washington, and with heartfelt earnestness is taking possession of all
classes. Nearly all the Germans, the large proportion of the respectable and responsible English, and almost the entire Portuguese population are warmly for annexation. This inclination of the Portuguese
is quite important, for they number seven or eight thousand, are among
the most industrious and saving, and they are thoughtfully led by
Senor Canavarro, their charge d'affaires, who has resided here for years,
and commands the respect and confidence of all the best citizens of the
island of whatever nationality. Canavarro's wife, on account of health
and business, is obliged to spend much of her time in California, where
she owns valuable property. Annexation and the United States have
good friends in the Canavarros.*
As to terms of annexation, I still adhere firmly to the opinion expressed in my despatch No. 74 that the sugar bounty to be paid to the
Hawaiian sugar planters should be limited to 6 mills per pound-$12
per ton, so long, and only so long as the United States bounty system
shall be maintained. To the objection that this allows only $12 per
ton on Hawaiian sugar while the Hawaiian planters get twice the
amount per acre that the Louisiana planters do on the average, and
as I said in my despatch 74, the concensus of opinion amonk the leading planters here, obtained by me five or six months since, was, and is,
that $12 per ton bounty will place all the Hawaiian plantations worth
maintaining on the road of financial safety and success.
As to the form of Government for the islands, I now only vary from
views expressed in my 74 as to incline strongly to the opinion that the
beginning should be substantially like that of President Jefferson and
Congress in respect of Louisiana in the act of 1804, page 283, United
States Statutes at Large, only differing from that by providing, in
addition to governor, attorney-general, a commissioner of finance, a
commissioner of the interior, and a legislative council of thirteen or
fourteen, all to be appointed by the President, unless it should be
deemed best for the governor to appoint the attorney-general, and
the comiissioners of finance and the interior, who would be prac

* See Mr. Stevens's telegram of January 18, 1893, and Mr. Foster's telegram of January 28, 1893, in reply.
* The remarks relative to Senor Canavarro, the Portuguese charge, strictly confidential




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1209
tically a cabinet of three to aid the governor to carry on the Government. This plan and method of Government could be maintained as a
transition Government until experience should prove it best to change
it to a more popular form. In the meantime the responsible voters
would rapidly increase and American ideas and interest would gain in
force and volume. My private consultation with the Provisional
Government since the departure of the commissioners for Washington
has led us to think highly of the Jefferson act of 1804 for Louisiana as
a transition expedient for Hawaii. This would cause no shock and
would allow affairs to move along on safe and conservative lines until
time and experience demand something better. It would be fortunate
to have such a man as Sanford B. Dole, the present head of the Provisional Government, the first American governor of Hawaii.
As to liquidating all political claims from the fall of the Queen and
the Crown Princess, may I be allowed to suggest that the spirit and
import of the Marcy treaty plan of 1854 had better be adopted, which
authorized the expenditure of $100,000 for like purposes. I, therefore,
suggest that if a liquidation of this kind be now under consideration
and $150,000 should be allowed as the total sum for this purpose, $70,000 should go to the fallen Queen Liliuokalani and $70,00( to the Crown
Princess Kaiulana, and $5,000 to each of the two young princes. The
last named-the two princes-are harmless young persons, of little
account, not chiefs by blood, but they were made princes by the late
King Kalakaua without any constitutional right or power to do so, the
then boys being nephews of his wife Kapiolani. Should the entire sum
granted for these purposes be greater or less than $150,000 I advise
that the above specified proportions be maintained.
As to the native Hawaiians and their native leaders at this time,
things are tending favorably towards annexation. Mr. Kauhame, for
many years a member of the Legislature, and regarded for years the
best native in the islands in public life, a noble to the close of the
recent session of that body, is earnest for annexation. So is Mr. Kanihi,
a member of the Legislature from this island. Hon. John W. Kahia,
the ablest native lawyer in the island, years a member of former Legislatures from the important island of Maui, thinks the fall of the Queen
and the extinction of the monarchy a boon to Hawaii, and he is for
annexation. Robert W. Wilcox, a half-white native, who led the Hawaiian revolt in 1889, which came so near being successful, is now for
annexation. He was educated in Italy at a military school, is 37 years
of age, his father being a citizen of Rhode Island, and, it is said, is still
living in that State. This Wilcox has more fighting ability than any
other native Hawaiian, and will be proud to become an American citizen and at a future time to serve in the army or civil service of the
United States.
The ablest of the native Hawaiian Christian ministers are strong in
their American sympathies. The pastor of the large native Hawaiian
church in this city, a native Hawaiian, is for annexation earnestly.
The other large Hawaiian congregation and church in Honolulu has a
favorite pastor born here of American parentage, whose quiet influence
is in the same direction. The native newspaper of much the largest circulation in the islands advocates annexation, stands by the Provisional
Government, and is losing none of its circulation. The main part of
the opponents of annexation are the lower class of natives, led by
unscrupulous foreigners, of little property, mostly of California, Australia, and Canada, who wish to maintain the Hawaiian monarchy and
its corruptions for their own unworthy purposes, and who think their




1210


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


opportunities for power and spoliation will be gone if annexation
becomes a fact.
The Hawaiian pear is now fully ripe, and this is the golden hour for
the United States to pluck it. If annexation does not take place
promptly, all is held in doubt and suspense for six or ten months, there
certainly will be here a revulsion to despair, and these people, by their
necessities, might be forced towards becoming a British colony, for the
English here of the monarchial type would then avail themselves of
their opportunity and stir up all possible opposition to annexation.
The wealthiest Ensglishman of these islands has to day called at this
legation, and no man in Hawaii is more earnest for annexation. His
two sons, large business men, are with him in this regard, and the next
old British resident, a Scotchman by birth, is with the man first named
for annexation. I can not otherwise than urge prompt action at Washington.
I am, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
No. 83.]               LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, February 1, 1893.
SIR: In my No. 81, by this mail, I have given information as to the
going of Paul Neumann to Washington by this steamer to represent the
interests of the fallen Queen. I have since learned that it is not improbable that there also will go to Washington, of the Queen's faction,
Mr. H. A. Widemann and Mr. C. 0. Berger. The former is a Hessian
German who came to these islands nearly forty years ago. He is
married to a pure native wife, and has acquired property through his
relations to natives and by the American sugar tariff under reciprocity.
His views are widely different from all the other principal Germans
here. His relations have been close with the fallen Queen and he was
voted out of her cabinet early in the session of the recent Legislature,
all of the best members voting against him. He is, and always has heen,
strongly anti-American. He was of the small clique in Honolulu bitterly against us from 1861 to 1865. He was the leading man of the
only five who, in the Legislature two years since, voted to put an end
to all further negotiations with the United States. For years he has
had relations with the English minister here, though the latter has not
always approved of Widemann's eccentricities, for which the latter is
well known.
Widemann is 70 years of age, somewhat broken, and says he is going
only to California for his health. He takes with him Mr. 0. C. Berger,
his son-in-law, a German or a Swede, who came here from the United
States. Berger is reputed to be of few scruples. He was a member
of the recent Legislature, always voted with the thieves, voted for the
lottery franchise, and had "a job" with the recent Government which
made much talk here unfavorable to Berger. It is thought now that
he cares little for the old palace dynasty, but goes only to please and
to take care of the health of Widemann,* of whose property, as son-inlaw, he hopes soon to share. Possibly Widemann and Berger tell the
* It is now understood here that Widemann goes to Washington with Paul Neumann. Both of them have taken tickets for the steamer which leaves here to-morrow
for San Francisco.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1211
truth in saying that they are going only to San Francusco, but rumor
and strong suspicion say that they will go with Neumann to, Washington to help the case of the deposed Queen and to oppose annexation.
Another leaf of valuable information I wish to give the Department
of State: The old "palace gang for the past ten days have been busy
here and in the other islands in getting the signatures of natives to a
remonstrance against annexation, in the hope thus to restore the monarchy. The signatures to these petitions or remonstrances are being
obtained by utterly false representations as to the purposes of the
United.States, by promises, and other unscrupulous means. This dirty
work is managed exclusively by the same white men, American renegades, Australians, and Canadians, who have thrived on the palace
corruptions under the recent King Kalakaua and his sister, the deposed
Queen. There will be no certainty that half the signatures* to the
petitions or remonstrances are genuine.
Possibly a Mr. Bush and a Mr. Namahi will be the bearers of these
petitions. The former is a half-white, a minister of Kalakaua in the
brief and famous " Moreno fiasco," and Bush and Namahi were members of the recent Legislature and voted for the lottery franchise. These
and the whole lottery and palace gang are directly interested in discrediting the Provisional Government, for that Government has just
annulled the lottery charter, which the palace gang hoped to sell out to
the Louisiana Lottery men for a half million dollars, more or less. There
is also some talk that Antone Rosa, a half-white lawyer, with a doubtful reputation, may go with Bush and Namahi. It is possible that none
of these named-Widemann, Berger, Bush, Namahi, and Rosa-will go
to Washington. Bush, Namahi, and Rosa have no following among
the better class of the native Hawaiians, and their representations would
be entirely unreliable. The members of the Provisional Government's
commission, now in Washington, thoroughly know the character and
backing of Widemann, Berger, Namahi, Bush, and Rosa. There is no
doubt that the palace gang of white men will pay the bills of. Bush,
Namahi, and Rosa, if they go on their visit to Washington.
I am, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Stevens to lMri. Foster.
No. 84.1                       UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, February 1, 1893.
SIn: To-day the undersigned and Capt. Wiltse of the Boston are
compelled to assume a grave responsibility. The inclosed copies of
official notes will explain the reasons which have led to this action on
our part.
T have time before the departure of the mail steamer only to state
briefly the additional reasons which caused us to assume temporary
protectorate of these islands. The Provisional Government must have
time to organize a new police and to discipline a small military force.
When the monarchy died by its own hand, there was no military force
in the islands but the royal guard of about 75 natives, not in effective
force equal to 20 American soldiers. These were promptly discharged
* Have received absolutely reliable information that the signatures of the natives
to the petitions above specified are secured by paying so much a head to the signers
or to the agents who secure them. The white palace and lottery men are working
this plan of action.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


by the Provisional Government, except 16 left as the guard of the
fallen Queen at her house.
The white men here, as well as the natives, have not been much accustomed to the use of arms. There are scarcely any men familiar with
military discipline. Companies are now being organized and drilled.
They must have a few weeks for drill. Only a small force of a few hundred will be required, but these must be disciplined men. So far the
Provisional Government has been ststained by the uprising and union
of the business men and best citizens. Bankers, merchants, clerks, professional men, respectable mechanics have stood manfully by the new
Government and kept guard by night. This kind of defense must give
place to a small, reliable military force! Time is the necessity of the
new  Government. There are 40,000 Chinese and Japanese on the
islands, and evil-disposed persons might stir some of them to disorder.
But the chief elements of evil are in Honolulu, where are the renegade whites at the head of the lottery and opium rings, and a considerable number of hoodlum foreigners and the more vicious of the natives.
Another important reason for our action is the possibility of the
arrival here of a British war vessel, and that the English minister here,
thus aided, might try to press unduly the Provisional Government.
With the islands under our protection we think the English minister
will not attempt to insist that his Government has the right to interfere while our flag is over the Government building. This is all I have
time to write before the departure of the mail. We shall continue to
maintain our present position with great caution and firmness until we
hear from the President through the Secretary of State. As a necessary precaution against 11 contingencies, I advise that Admiral Skerrett be promptly sent here with'one or two ships in addition to the
Boston.
I am, sir, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
(One or two of the preceding numbers of the dispatches by this mail
were written prior to this date, but they were dated February 1 because
this is the day of the steamer's departure.)
[Inclosure 1.]
Mr. Stevens to Capt. Wiltse.
UNITED STATES L EGATION,
Honolulu, February 1, 1893.
SIR: The Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands having duly and officially expressed to the undersigned, the fear that said Government may be unable
to protect life and property and to prevent civil disorder in Honolulu, the capital of
said Hawaiian Islands, request that the flag of the United States may be raised for
the protection of the Hawaiian Islands, and to that end confer on the United States,
through the undersigned, freedom of occupation of the public buildings of the Hawaiian Goverment and the soil of the Hawaiian Islands, so far as may be necessary
for the exercise of such protection, but not interfering with the adminstration of the
public affairs by said Provisional Government.
I hereby ask you to comply with the spirit and terms of the request of the Hawaiian Provisional Government. and to that end to use all the force at your command, in
the exercise of your best judgment and discretion, you and myself awaiting instructions from the United States Government at Washington.
I am, sir, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVEINS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States.
Capt. G. C. WILTSE,
Commander of the. S. Skip Boston.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1213
[Inclosure 2.]
The Hawaiian Provisional Government to Mr. Stevens.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, January 31, 1893.
Sir: Believing that we are unable to satisfactory protect life and property, and
to prevent civil disorders in Honolulu and throughout the Hawaiian Islands, we
hereby, in obedience to the instructions of the advisory council, pray that you will
raise the flag of the United States of America for the protection ofthe Hawaiian Islands for the time being, and to that end we hereby confer upon the Government of
United States, through you, freedom of occupation of the public buildings of this
Government, and of the soil of this country, so far as may be necessary for the
exercise of such protection, but not interfering with the administration of public
affairs by this Government.
We have, etc.,
SANFORD B. DOLE,
President of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands,
and Minister of Foreign Affairs.
J. A. KING,
Minister of Interior.
P. C. JONES,
Minister of Finance.
WILLIAM O. SMITH,
Attorney-General.
His Excellency JOHN L. STEVENS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
[Telegram.]
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, February 8, 1893.
The affairs of state continue to be hopeful. Hoisting flag in protection of this Government was expected.    Subjects who were doubtful,
now for annexation. The natives showed unexpected regard of the
United States flag. Prudent conduct of Capt. Wiltse, the officers and
crew of the Boston, credit to the Navy. Can not send by mail.
STEVENS.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
No. 85.]                           UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, February 8, 1893.
SIR: As I have already indicated by cipher telegram of this date,
political affairs here continue to have a hopeful aspect. The raising of
the United States flag and the published proclamation of temporary
American protectorate of the islands, so far, appear to be having a
more beneficial effect than could have been reasonably anticipated.
Foreign residents, before in doubt, are now expressing satisfaction that
the American flag has been raised here, and are hoping that it will not
be lowered, believing annexation best for all concerned. The native
Hawaiians are showing an unexpected regard for our flag. The fallen
Queen has conducted herself so shamefully and shown so much favoritism to foreign adventurers that all the better portions of the natives had
ceased to have legal reverence for her. Her bold, unblushing associa



1214,


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


tion with the Tahitian half-white palace favorite weakened the hold of
the Queen on the natives nearly as much as the official confidence she
gave to the Amelican and Australian adventurers of the lottery and
opium rings.
Imformation from all the principal islands of the group is favorable;
more so than could have been anticipated. The local government
affairs are moving on with little friction, and the courts are transacting
their regular and customary business. The interruption to private
business and labor is comparatively little, while the hope of annexation
is exerting an invigorating financial influence.  As soon as it can
become a certainty that these islands are to remain under the United
States flag as a part of American territory, there is little doubt that
all the principal native leaders will wish to become American citizens,
and their assistance can be had to help bring the native people into
ready obedience to American law and fidelity to the American flag.
As stated in my cipher telegram of this date, the conduct of Capt.
Wiltse, of the Boston, and of the officers and men under his command
has been admirable. Their deportment on shore and in public places,
whether on duty or otherwise, has been such as to command the favorable comment of all. The time of Capt. Wiltse here is understood to
expire February 10. I have no doubt it would be a just gratification
to him could he remain on duty here until the question of annexation
shall have been substantially decided.
I am, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
[Telegram.]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 14, 1893.
Your telegram of the 1st instant has been received, with coincident
report from commander of the Boston. Press telegrams from San Francisco give full details of events of 1st instant, with text of your proclamation. The latter, in announcing assumption of protection of the
Hawaiian Islands in the name of the United States would seem to be
tantamount to the assumption of a protectorate over those islands on
behalf of the United States, with all the rights and obligations which
the term implies. It is not thought, however, that the request of the
Provisional Government for protection or your action in compliance
therewith contemplated more than the cooperation of the moral and
material forces of the United States to strengthen the authority of
the Provisional Government, by according to it adequate protection for
life and property during the negotiations instituted here, and without
interfering with the execution of public affairs. Such cooperation was
and is within your standing instructions and those of the naval commantders in Hawaiian waters. So far as your course accords to the
de facto Sovereign Government, the material cooperation of the United
States for the maintenance of good order and protection of life and
property from apprehended disorders, it is commended; but so.far as
it may appear to overstep that limit by setting the authority of. tfe
United States above that of the Hawaiian Government in the capacity
of protector, or to impair the independent sovereignty of that Govern



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1215
ment by substituting the flag and power of the United States, it is
disavowed.
Instructions will be sent to naval commanders confirming and renewing those heretofore given them, under which they are authorized and
directed to cooperate with you in case of need. Your own instructions
are likewise renewed, and you are accordingly authorized to arrange
with the commanding officer for the continued presence on shore of
such marine force as may be practicable and requisite for the security
of the lives and property interests of American citizens and the repression of lawlessness threatening them, whenever in your judgment it
shall be necessary so to do, or when such cooperation may be sought
for good cause by the Government of the Hawaiian Islands; being,
however, always careful to distinguish between these functions of voluntary or accorded protection and the assumption of a protectorate
over the Government of the Hawaiian Islands, which the United States
have recognized as sovereign and with which they treat on terms of
sovereign equality.
JOHN W. FOSTER.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
[Telegram.]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 15, 1893.
A treaty of annexation has been signed and will be sent to the Senate without delay.
JOHN W. FOSTER.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
No. 72.]                     DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 16, 1893.
SIR: I append copies of my telegrams to you of the 15th instant in
relation to your recent bereavement, and to the treaty annexing the
Hawaiian Islands to the United States.
I am, etc.,
JOHN W. FOSTER.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
No. 73.]                     DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 16, 1893.
SIR: I append on the overleaf a copy of a telegram * sent to you on
bhe 14th instant, relative to the Hawaiian revolution.
I am., etc.,
JOHN W. FOSTER.
*See under (late of February 14, 1893.




121                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens.
No. 74.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 17, 1893.
SIR: I append for your information copy of.an instruction to the
consul-general at Honolulu, of this date, directing him to report fully
as to the shipping under Hawaiian registry on the 17th day of January,
1893, and any transfers of vessels to the Hawaiian flag which may have
been or may be effected since that date.
You will kindly lend Mr. Severance your counsel and aid in preparing
the indicated report.
I suggest, moreover, for your confidential guidance, that it may be
well for you to make such friendly and discreet intimation to the present Government as may discourage the placing of foreign shipping
under its flag at this juncture.
I am, etc.,
WILLIAM    F. WHARTON,
Acting Secretary.
[Inclosnre in No. 74.]
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Severance.
No. 74.1                                DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 17, 1893.
SIR: I have to request that you will prepare, at as early a day as may be possible,
and forward to the Department, a table showing all vessels, bona fide, under Hawaiian
registry on the 17th of January last, giving names, character, tonnage, horse-power,
if steamers, where and when built, and how owned at that date, whether by Hawaiian
citizens or foreigners.
You will also be expected to report what vessels, if any, have been or may be
transferred from foreign registry to the Hawaiian flag since the 17th of January,
giving the same particulars.
It is said, but with what positive foundation is not here known, that a movement
is on foot to place a number of foreign vessels under Hawaiian registry, with a view
to eventually obtain the benefits of United States registry. Your inquiries, which
should be discreet, and your report should:ain to throw light on this subject.
The minister has been informed of this instruction, and you may confer with him
on the subject.
I am, etc.
WILLIAM F. WHARTON,
Acting Secretary.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
[Telegram.]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 22, 1893.
The treaty of annexation is still pending in the Senate. Confirming
previous instructions, you are directed, in cooperation with the naval
authorities, to support the Provisional Government in the maintenance
of security to life and property and good order, until action shall be
had upon the treaty.




HAwAIIAN ISLANDS.


1217


Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens.
No. 75.]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Wrashington, February 23,1893.
SIR: 1 append a copy of your telegram* of 8th instant on Hawaiian
affairs.
I am, sir, etc.,
WILLIAM F. WHARTON.
MTr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens.
No. 76.]                    DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 24, 1893.
SIR: I append a copy of a telegram *sent you on 22d instant.
I am, etc.,
WILLIAM F. WHARTON,
Acting Secretary.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
No. 86.]                       UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, February 27, 1893.
SIR: The political status of affairs here remains much the same as
at the date of my last previous dispatch, with improving indications as
to these islands becoming a part of the territory of the United States,
to the great satisfaction of nearly all of the responsible citizens, whites
as well as native Hawaiians.
The raising of the United States flag over the Government building
continues to have a pacifying influence. The qualified United States
protectorate, which has been temporarily assumed at the request of the
Provisional Government, is being exercised with caution and reservation, in no way interfering with Hawaiian sovereignty nor with the
administration of Hawaiian public affairs by the duly constituted authorities. My understanding of the spirit and terms of our temporary
protectorate is in entire accord with the spirit and terms of the Secretary of State's dispatch to me of February 14, and implied in my dispatch No. 84, of February 1st, and the papers accompanying the same.
There are now on shore about one hundred and twenty marines and
sailors of the U. S. S. Boston, with their officers, and their conduct so
far has been highly creditable to the American Navy.
All present indications are to the import that if annexation becomes
a fact the white population will be nearly unanimous in its favor; that
most of the native Hawaiians will readily acquiesce, and that the permanent good order and prosperity of the islands will be secured. The
most recent advices from all the principal islands indicate quiet, good
order, and general acquiescence in the rule of the Provisional Government.
I am, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
See under date of February 8, 1893.
*See under date of February 22, 1893.
S. ReD. 227 -77




1218                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
No. 87.]                       UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, JFei)ruary 27, 1893.
SIR: In my dispatch 84, of February 1, I gave as one of the reasons
for our action in assuming a qualified and temporary "protectorate"
over these islands, the possibility of the arrival here of a British war
vessel, and stated that the English minister thus aided might try to
press unduly the Provisional Government. On the 13th instant the
British cruiser Garnet, an iron ship of 2,120 tons, 240 men and officers,
Capt. H. F. Hughes-Hallet in command, arrived here. Only three or
four days had elapsed when the manifest unfriendliness of the English
sailors as well as of some of the officers of the Garnet was displayed. The
men of the Garnet being allowed to go on shore in the customary way,
they soon showed marked sympathy for the fallen Queen's cause and
indulged in insulting remarks towards the United States marines and
sailors of the Boston on duty ashore by the request of the Provisional
Government and with my approval.
There came very near being a riot and severe quarrel in the public
streets. Only the forbearance and self-possession of the officers and
men of the Boston prevented the English sailors getting a severe beating, with unhappy incidents. It at once became necessary for the Provisional Government to take precautionary steps as to the men from
foreign naval vessels being on shore, providing that only those of one
nationality should be on shore the same day. I cannot think that Capt.
Hughes-Hallet, of the Garnet, gave countenance to this insulting and
disorderly conduct of the men of his ship, though some of the under
officers may have done so. Neither the captain of the Garnet nor his
officers have made the customary call on the Provisional Government,
and so far as possible they seem to wish to ignore it. It is generally
supposed, and I think correctly, that the English minister here, Hon.
J. H. Wodehouse, whose son is married to the sister of the Hawaiian
Crown Princess, is largely responsible for this unfriendliness to the
Provisional Government. By those best informed as to Hawaiian Government affairs in the past twenty years, it is said that Mr. Wodehouse
in his persistent resistance to American predominance here has never
been well supported by the British cabinet in London, and it is believed
that he will not be now.
Were it not that our flag is over the Government House there is
little doubt that this British unfriendliness would have done much more
mischief in stirring up the L hoodhum" elements, of which the lottery
and opium gang of the fallen Queen's supporters have more or less control. At a great American reception and ball here on the evening of
the 25th instant, the largest and most imposing ever had in Honolulu,
partly as a testimonial to Captaiin Wiltse, of the Boston, about to leave
for the United States, the English, the English diplomatic and consular officials, nor the officers of the Garnet attended, though they were
invited.
I am, etc.,
JOHN L. S TEVENS.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1219


Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
[Telegram.]
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, March 1, 1893.
All quiet throughout archipelago. Protectorate is preventing pressure of the British minister. The Japanese representatives telegraphed
Government January 19. Japanese ship Naniwa arrived February 23.
Kongo arrived January 28. It is believed that the Japanese representative who arrived November 28 is urged by the British minister. It is
believed that the British ship Warspite has been ordered here to provide for contingencies. It is advisable to send here at once the most
powerful American ship available. I have sent particulars by mail.
STEVENS..Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster.
No. 88.]                         UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, ]March 1, 1893.
SIn: My telegram preceding this dispatch informed the Department
of State that quiet and general regularity in political and business
affairs prevailed throughout the islands.
Our qualified protectorate appears to work favorably. It not only
tends to increase American and annexation sentiments, but it also
operates to prevent foreign complications. It makes it very difficult
for the English Minister here-very hostile to American predominance
-from interfering.
He is very desirous of bringing about a state of things to afford a
pretext for landing English marines and sailors, and to bring about a
tripartite management of Hawaiian affairs. Hence his efforts to secure
the Japanese commissioner to his design. With the former Japanese
commissioner, a gentleman of education and intelligence and very fairminded, I had most cordial relations.
The present commissioner, here only a few weeks, is a different man.
He had been in the consular service in San Francisco and New York
and evidently has a certain degree of anti-American prejudice.
When he telegraphed Tokio for the great iron clad which arrived
here February 23, the Provisional Government had not got fairly to
work, and our "qualified protectorate" had not been established.
Not fully understanding the situation he acted hastily. So far the
commanders of the two Japanese vessels have followed the example
of the English commanders in not calling on the Provisional Government, though both the English minister and the Japanese commissioner had acknowledged it as the Hawaiian Government de facto.
The French commissioner and the Portugese charge are on most
friendly terms with the Provisional Government, as are nearly all the
foreign consuls.
I still hope to separate the Japanese commissioner from the English
minister. He has already avowed himself quite well satisfied with
the course of the Provisional Government, and acknowledges the
unsupportable state of things the last weeks of the Hawaiian monarchy.




1220                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
It is possible he has some connection with the middlemen who have
been supplying contract laborers for the Hawaiian plantations, and
fears annexation might spoil the occupation and profits of middlemen.
Whether any suggestions should be made to our minister at Tokio
to say anything to the Japanese Government touching Hawaiian
affairs, it is for the Department of State to decide.
I am, sir, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
NOTE.-In requesting that war vessels be sent here I have considered
that the Department of State might probably have information prior
to arrival of my cipher dispatch rendering the granting of my request
unnecessary.
But I also consider that if I do not give the view as it appears at
this distant standpoint at this date, I would fail of duty.
STEVENS.
Mr. Wharton to Mlr. Stevens.
No. 77.]                               DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, March 2, 1893.
SIR: I transmit a letter of the President in reply to the letter of
January 24, 1893, of his excellency the President of the Provisional
Government of the Hawaiian Islanlds, relating to political events; and
a copy thereof. You will send the copy to the foreign office, and deliver
the original at a time and in a manner agreeable to his excellency.
I am, sir, etc.,
WILLIAM    F. WHARTON,
Acting Secretary.
[Enclosure in No. 77.]
Benjan n Harrison, President of the United States of America, To His Excellency,
Sanford B. Dole, President of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
WASHINGTON, March 1, 1893.
GREAT AND GOOD FRIND: I have received your letter of January 24, 1893, by
which you inform me that the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands has
been quietly and peaceably established under a proclamation formally and publicly
made at the door of the Government building in Honolulu, on the 17th day of January, 1893, and that the said Government has honored you with the office of President of the Provisional Government and chairman of the executive and advisory
councils of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
I am pleased to note the expression of your earnest desire to maintain and
strengthen the strong friendship which has for so many years existed between the
United States and the Hawaiian Islands, and to assure your excellency that I shall
omit no effort which may conduce to the accomplishment of a purpose which I so
heartily desire.
May God have your excellency and the people of the Hawaiian Islands in His
wise keeping.
Your good friend,
BENJ. HARRISON.
By the President:
WM. F. WHARTON,
Acting Secretary of State.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


12'21


Mr. Stevens to Mr. Jresham.
No. 89.]                       UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, March 7, 1893.
SIR: Believing it to be proper and just for the administration of
President Cleveland to have the appointment of a United States minister abroad who fully represents its views as to foreign policy, I hereby
tender my resignation as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary in Honolulu. It is not improper for me to say that I should
have offered my resignation about this date had President Harrison
been reelected, it having been my firm resolution when I came here in
1889 not to remain longer than four years at most. I am aware that
the present Hawaiian Government and most of the Americans and
friends of the United States in these islands have a strong desire that
I should continue to hold my official position here at present, owing to
my thorough acquaintance with Hawaiian affairs.
But if annexation is near being accomplished, I think by the 1st of
May I can leave here without detriment to publie interests, and that
whatever further duties may be required of a diplomatic official can be
safely intrusted to Hon. H. W. Severance, the present consul-general.
He is well informed as to the history of recent political events here.
In addition to his four years of 3onsular service in Honolulu he had
had in former years an extensive acquaintance with these islands. He
is a gentleman of correct life and has the confidence of the best men
here, being about 64 years of age. As neither a United States minister
nor consul is likely to be needed here long, I would advise that Mr.
Severance be continued in office so long as his official services may be
necessary.
If annexation is not at present to become an accomplished fact, and
a minister should be needed here, you will allow the suggestion that he
should be a superior man of tact, firmness, integrity, and correct life,
and American to the core. To avoid risks I would advise he be not a
Californian politician of any party, for owing to contiguity and near
commercial association a Californian might not be entirely unbiased on
some questions and interests.
I am, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Grestham.
No. 90.]                       UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, March 7, 1893.
SIR: The political situation here at this time is much the same as it
was at the dates of my two preceding dispatches. There is general quiet
throughout the islands and the Provisional Government is getting
along exceedingly well, all circumstances considered. It is giving satisfaction to all the better and more responsible citizens. Of course, all
are awaiting with deep anxiety the result of the action of the Senate
on the annexation treaty. Mr. Wodehouse, the British minister, is
trying to embarass it in several particulars, especially its freedom of
action in respect to its negotiations with the United States. He has
tried to induce it to request the return to their ship of the marines and
sailors of the Boston, about 120 in all. He is assuming to urge that the




1222                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
annexation treaty if ratified by the Senate should be submitted here to
a popular vote, lholing to stir up all tle factional and irresponsible
elements thus to defeat annexation, though none knows better than he
that such a< procedure here under existilig conditions would be a farce
and no test of the opinions of the reslponsille people of the islands.
Of course, the views of the E:nglislh mninister in this regard get to the
public ears and the factional alld irresponsible elements are stirred
more or less by the Canadian, Australian, and American adventurers
here, of the lottery and opium rings. I think the Provisional Government has answered the English minister very effectively by pointing
him to the general course of the British Government in its numerous
annexations of Pacific Islands as well as of other countries.
In my dispatch 74 I have given the special personal and family reasons why Minister Wodehouse wishes the Hawaiian monarchy restored
and American ascendancy here weakened. Annexation alone will put
an end to these ultra British intrigues and give Hawaii responsible
government and great prosperity.
I am, etc.,
JOnN L. STEVENS.
No. 91.]           Mr. Stevens to Mlr. Greshaz.
[Coniidential I
UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Ho0nolulu, March 7, 1893.
SinR By the American newspapers it appears, and I have the information from other sources, that a Mr. E. C. Macfarlane is in Washington, professing to be an ardent American, sometimes claiming to be an
annexationist, but avows himnself hostile to the Hawaiian Provisional
Government and to the course of the Hawaiian commissioners.
It is proper for me to inform the Department of State that this man
is one of the firm of George Mactfrlamle & Co., referred to by my predecessor here, Minister Merrill, in his dispatch 78, to Secretary Bayard,
of September 2, 1886, page 558 of printed volume of diplomatic documents. Again, the minister refers to the same firm in his dispatch 138,
of August 2, 1887, page 832, printed volume, by which it is seen that
the firm was a party to defrauding the Hawaiian Government of more
than $100,000 in negotiating a loan with a London house. For years
this firm has been ultra English in its political affiliations and mercantile plans.
A few months since this E. C. Macfarlane, by intrigues and associations became one of the recent Queen's ministers, minister of finance.
So unsatisfactory was he to all the best members of the Legislature
and to the business men of the Islands, that he remained in the ministry but a few days, being voted out by the Legislature though the
English minister, openly and by personal effort, and his wife more
conspicuously in the legislative hall, worked to retain him. After
Macfarlane was voted out, the English minister used the former as a
go-between to the Queen to get her to appoint another pro-English
cabinet, but the effort failed. This E. C. Macfarlane is referred to in
my 70 and 71. This is the man who sought to get access to President
Cleveland, at Lakewood, according to the New York and Washington
papers, and is now posing as an American and is said to be asking a




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1223


hearing at Washington. He and his brother were born here of Scotch
parentage, and E. C. lived several years in California. But American
interests here have no more unrelenting foe than this liquor-importing
house of G. W. Macfarlane & Co.
E. C. Macfarlane is a fitting confederate in Washington, as he has
been in Honolulu, with Paul Neuman, the deposed Queen's attorney,
whose character is described in my dispatch 81 of January 26.
I am, sir, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Stevens.
No. 79.1                      DEPARTMENT OF STATES
Washington, March 10, 1893.
SIR: I append a copy of a telegram* received on 8th instant, over
your signature.
I am, etc.,
W. Q. GRESHAM.
Mrr. Stcec:.s to Mr. Gresham.
No. 92.]                       UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, March 15, 1893.
SIR: That the Department of State may fully understand the present status of affairs here, it is necessary for me to state as accurately
as possible the practical working of the qualified and restricted protec.
torate which the United States officials are exercising here. We have
never understood this practically to allow us to.go much, if any, beyond
the spirit and terms of Secretary Bayard's dispatch to Minister Merrill
of July 12, 1887, in printed volume of Foreign Relations of that year,
page 581, and both the Provisional Governlent and myself have ever
construed it as strictly within the limitations specified in Secretary
Foster's dispatch 71 of February 11, 1893, fully understanding that the
United States representatives here shall not interfere with the sovereignty nor with the administration of the public affairs of these islands.
This restricted protectorate has proved more necessary and beneficial
than was fully perceived when assumed.
When the Hawaiian monarchy collapsed and the Provisional Government was instituted, there were corruptions and abuses wherever the
palace power had exercised predominating influence in the selection of
officials. Time was necessary for the eradication of these evils, for the
creation of a reliable police, and for the organization and drilling of a
small military force. Besides the English minister, for reasons indicated in previous dispatches, was bitterly dissatisfied that I had acted
independently of him, landing the men of the Boston when they were
imperatively needed, while there was then no British vessel here.
According to what was anticipated might occur, not long after our
restricted protectorate was assumed the British war ship Garnet arrived.
It was then too late for the English minister to make effective any
demand to land troops or to insist on dual action with the United States
minister. Still more, the Japanese commissioner arriving here but a
short time before the fall of the monarchy, and not fully understanding
the situation, began to manifest a wish to land men from the Japanese
* See under date of March 8, 1893.




1224                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
war vessel in the harbor, and telegraphed Tokio via San Francisco, two
days after the fall of the monarchy, for another war vessel, and February 23, as previously stated in my dispatch 88, one of the largest ships
of the Japanese navy arrived here. But it was then too late for the
intrigues and pressure of the English minister and the arrival of the
increased Japanese naval force to intervene. It was found that the
prompt American action had given so much moral support to the new
Hawaiian Government that neither the Government nor the United
States officials here would consent to any temporary dual or tripartite
arrangement as to Hawaiian affairs.
Yesterday, the 14th, the British ship Garnet left for Vancouver, and
to-day or to-morrow the Kongo, the smallest Japanese ship, will leave
for Japan. There is no doubt that but for our protectorate, restricted
as it is, the British minister would have insisted on the same right to
land troops that he had formerly exercised here, while our action of
February 1 and of the days preceding closed the door against complications, saved the Provisional Government from foreign pressure, leaving the United States complete master of the situation. The Japanese
commissioner and naval commanders now fully recognize the Provisional Government by official and ceremonial calls, and their attitude
toward this legation and our naval commanders here appear to be cordial. But I have learned positively and beyond all doubt that had not
the monarchy here fallen and this Government had remained in its former condition of weakness, it was the intention of the newly arrived
Japanese commissioner to have demanded the same political rights in
Hawaii, including the voting franchise for Japanese, as, under the constitution of 1887, have been exercised by resident foreigners of Christian
nations. I am equally convinced that with annexation to the United
States the Japanese Government will attempt no pressure of this kind,
that Government fully understanding that the United States is a reliable
friend of Japan and that the Japanese subjects in these islands will be
well protected should Hawaii come fully under the rule of the United
States. While I say this I shall be allowed to express the opinion that
there is occasion for keeping a sharp eye on Tokyo and British and perhaps other foreign intrigues there against our plans of predominance
in the North Pacific.
I am, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Greshanm.
No. 93.]                      UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, AMarch 24, 1893.
SIR: In my previous dispatches I have given some facts and surmises regarding Japanese ambitions as to these islands. I presume
the Department of State has knowledge of the elaborate article of Sir
Edward Arnold in the London Telegraph of February 24, strongly
anti-American and favoring the surrender of Hawaii to Japanese predominance and protection. By residence in Japan, as well as by some
previously acquired taste of Calcutta and Hindostan life, Arnold
seems to accept readily Japanese morals and civilization, warmly flatters the easily susceptible vanity of the Japanese, the real Frenchmen
of Asia. My only reason for referring to Sir Edward Arnold and his
copyrighted London article is because of certain Japanese indications
m this neighborhood.




HAWAIIANB ISLANDS.'


1225


How far these indications have substantial basis in Tokyo of course
I am unable to say. It is reasonable to presume that this Japanese
interest in Hawaiian affairs is cherished and pushed forward by at least
one of the political cliques in the Japanese capital.  The sudden
coming here of the Nanizwa, a powerful iron clad, at the telegraphic call
of the Japanese diplomatic agent here, though the Kongo, a Japanese
war ship of 2,200 tons, was then here, indicates some sensitive spring of
action at Tokyo. Just before the fall of the Queen, the Japanese commissioner had positively indicated to me his purpose to press on the
Hawaiian Government the demand for the amendment of the Hawaiian
constitution so as to give the Japanese in the islands the same rights
of suffrage enjoyed by European and American foreigners and
Hawaiians. He was to demand this in virtue of stipulations which he
regarded to be in a Japanese treaty with Hawaii secured under the old
Hawaiian regime prior to the adoption of the reform constitution of
1887.
There is every reason to believe that had not the United States flag
been raised over the Hawaiian Government building, and American
protection thus secured, it was the intention of the Japanese Commissioner to have demanded and asserted the right of landing Japanese
forces from the Naniwa and the Kongo, and thus to have placed Japanese officials here on equal footing with the representatives of the
United States, thus establishing a dual arrangement and protection in
Hawaiian affairs. But when the Naniwa arrived here February 23
our action of February 1 raising the flag over the Government building
had completely closed the door, and the Japanese commissioner and
naval commander saw it would not do to encroach on ground covered
by United States protection. Of course, the only hope of the Japanese
jingo to carry out the suffrage scheme would be in the restoration of
the Queen, who is ready secretly to promise anything for Japanese help
in her monarchical design. Lately I have had several interviews with
the Japanese commissioner of a friendly character. I have reminded
him of the long-existing friendship and good relations between Japan
and the United States, and why those relations are likely to exist in
the future.
I called his attention to and explained our many years of special relations to and interest in these islands, and gave him to understand that
we would view any encroachment on the sovereignty and soil of
Hawaii by a foreign power much the same as an encroachment on the
soil and rights of the United States. I assured him that in case annexation should become a fact we should strictly protect the life, property,
and interests of all residents of the islands. I approached this point
with so much caution and with such friendly words that I am confident he appreciated the weight of my reasons and the kindly vigor
with which I stated them. Since these interviews with the Japanese
commissioner I have learned of his saying to one of the principal men
of the Provisional Government that he thinks it does not matter much
who control the islands provided that the laws were well enforced and
the life and property of the residents well secured.
Apparently at this writing the Japanese commissioner is more
responsive to the wishes and purposes of the United States representatives here than to those of any other power. Yet I can but regard it
all important for us to hold our position on shore firmly, especially so
long as the Naniwa remains in Hawaiian waters.
There is no doubt that the foreign adventurers here, especially the
lottery and opium rings that drew the Queen to her overthrow, will do




1226


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,


their utmost to seduce the Japanese officials by stimulating their animosities and aspirations. Amo:ng these adventurers are well known
here to be Paul Neuman, the fallen Queen's attorney, now or recently
in Washington. He is in the paid employ of the Tokyo contract labor
importing ring, who for years have been bleeding the Hawaiian
planters and the Japanese laborers out of large sums of money. There
are the best reasons for the belief that this Tokyo ring and their copartners here are opposing annexation because they believe that American possession will put an end to their corrupt work and large gains.
Careful inquiry leads to the conclusion that this Tokyo ring, aided by
Englishmen and others like Sir Edward Arnold, are stimulating Japan
ese ambitions and interference here. Highly-placed Englishmen will
do this, because they prefer Japanese influence should predominate
rather than American. Annexation would end forever all schemes of
this kind. Certain it is that at present it would be risking too much
to withdraw our protecting flag and armed marines from Honolulu until
this Japanese menace sha;ll have completely terminated and the unscrupulous ring of foreign adventurers can no longer make use of it as
an agency of reaction and misrule.
All friends of the United States in these islands, and none more
keenly than the Provisional Government, appreciate this, and are anxious for the continued support and protection of the United States.
Had I failed to give to the Department of State the information and
suggestions contained in this dispatch, I would have keenly realized
that I had failed of my duty as an American minister at this important
juncture of Hawaiian affairs.
I am, sir, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
NOTE.-I have in the above and a preceding dispatch spoken of the
presence here of the Japanese war ship, the Kongo. While in these
waters that ship made a visit to Hilo early in March. While at Hilo
the conversation related in the inclosed paper took place on board that
ship, which may be read in connection with my accompanying dispatch
93. I also inclose printed slips of the Honolulu Advertizer, the chief
newspaper on the islands, strongly American in its views and sentiments:
Copy of language used by the captain of the Japanese war ship Kongo iwhile in the harbor
of iUilo, March 5 or 6.
INTERVIEW OF JAPANESE INTERPRETER.
I have just had a long talk with Mr. LeRoy, the Japanese interpreter for the Hilo
district. He was the only one who had a talk with the captain of the Kongo during her presence in the harbor, and I quote his own la.nguage.
"Sunday afternoon when the Kongo arrived the surgeon of the ship called upon
me and asked about the health of the port. I referred him to Dr. Williams, the
Government physician, and then he handed me a sealed letter; upon the upper corner
of the envelope were the words 'official business.'
"Upon opening it I found a communication from the captain of the Kongo, who
asked me to visit the ship the next day. I accepted, and Monday afternoon went
on board. The captain took me into his cabin, away from the others, and, after a
few introductory remarks, he said:
"'What is the sentiment of the Japanese on the islands? Do they not side with
the natives?  I assured him that such did not seem to be the case.
"'In case,' he continued, 'that there should be trouble, would they not bear arms
with the Hawaiians?I
"This question rather puzzled me, but I told him I did not think so.
"He went over the same ground several times, and, from what he said, I am convinced he was not pleased wit. the attit:lde the Japanese had taken.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1227


"I then asked him what the Kongo hadll come to Hilo for, and he replied, 'To protect the rights of Japanese.'
"'How so '
"'Well, there are many ways.'  I asked him if he intended to take any definite
action. 'No,' said he, 'I must consult with the captain of tlheNaniwa. I have to
consult with him at Honolulu.' I then referred to the appearance of the U. S. S.
Alliance. He shrugged his shoulders, and I said, 'I suppose she came to watch us;
but she is a wooden tub, anyway."'
Stevens to Mr. Gresham.
No. 94.]                 LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, April 4, 1893.
SIR: Your dispatch of March 11 was placed in my hands by Special
Commissioner Hon. James H. Blount. So long as I remain in service
here I shall endeavor faithfully to carry out the instructions of the
Secretary of State.
The presence of the men from the UT. S. S. Boston on shore from January 16 to April 1 had a remarkably beneficial influence on public affairs
in the islands, safeguarding American life and property and encouraging the elements of public order. When the Hawaiian monarchy fell
under the weight of its astounding corruptions and by its own suicidal
hand, there remained here no reliable organized police, and there was no
military force in all the islands with a population of nearly 100,000. The
supporters of the Provisional Government having had little or no military experience, an organized military force could not be created at once.
Time was absolutely necessary. The presence of the few United States
soldiers with their country's flag was of incalcuable importance to the
only existing and only possible government for Hawaii. When the
men of the Boston went to their ship, April 1 the Provisional Government had at its command a military force of 400 men-the most
effective ever known in the islands-and an organized police with a
tried and efficient man at the head. The remarkable change accomplished in seventy-five days had been without the loss of life or the
destruction of property. Had the United States minister and the
naval commander not acted as they did they would have deserved
prompt removal from their places and the just censure of the friends
of humanity and of civilization.
The general aspectof Haw'aiian affairs at this time is highly encouraging. The Provisional Government is gaining in public confidence and
popular support. There is complete good order throughout the islands.
The present government is supported by all the more responsible citizens and by seven-eighths of the property of the country. By all the
best citizens it is regarded the best government the islands have had
for many years. The friends of annexation continue to increase and
now include all the supporters of the Provisional Government, the principal property holders, and a large number of native Hawaiians.
With my family I intend to leave Honolulu for our home in Maine
in the steamer of May 24. Unless otherwise directed, I will leave the
archives, books, and other property of the legation in care of Hon. H.
W. Severance, the consul-general. Owing to the advanced years and
imperfect health of Mrs.-Stevens and myself, it will be necessary for
us to have repeated stopping for rest on our long journey, though we
expect to make our home transit inside of the thirty-five days allowed
by law.
I am, etc,. 
JOHN L. STEVENS.




1228


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. Gresham to Mr. Stevens.
No. 81.]                         DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, April 18, 1893.
SIR: I have received your No. 92, of the 15th ultimo, relative to the
Provisional Government recently established in Hawaii, and the attitude of the British and Japanese representatives with respect thereto.
I am, etc.,
W. Q. GRESHAM.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Stevens.
[Telegram.]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, April 25, 1893.
In view of your tender of resignation dated March 7 and of your dispatch 94 of April 4. I am directed by the President to inform you that
your resignation is accepted. You are therefore authorized to quit
your post at your early convenience, leaving the archives and property
of the legation in custody of Consul-General Severance without diplomatic functions.
GRESHAM.
M3r. A dee to Mlr. Stevens.
No. 82.1                         DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, April 27, 1893.
SIR: I have received your dispatches numbered 89 and 94, of 7th
ultimo and 4th instant, and with reference thereto append a copy of a
telegram* of 25th instant accepting your resignation.
I am, etc.,
ALfEY A. ADEE,
Acting Secretary.
'See under date of April 25, 1893.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Stevens.
No. 83.]                         DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, May 4, 1893.
SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your No. 93, of the 24th
March last, and the newspaper extracts therewith, concerning rumors
and reports of a desire on the part of Japan to improve its footing in
the Hawaiian Islands.
I am, etc.,
W. Q. GRESHAM.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1229


Mr. Stevens to Mr. Gresham.
No. 96.]                         UNITED STATES, LEGATION,
Honolulu, May 18, 1893.
SIR: Agreeably to your instructions I have turned over the archives
and other property of the legation to Hon. James G. Blount, my successor as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the
United States. Herewith is inclosed his receipt for the same. A duplicate copy I leave at the legation. I leave here with my family and
the remains of my deceased daughter May 24. Had it been possible
to have secured proper steamer accommodations we would have left
Honolulu ten days earlier, though that would have been several days
prior to your dispatch directing me to place the legation in charge of
Mr. Blount.
I am, sir, etc.,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham.
No. 1.1                LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, May 24, 1893.
SIR: I received by the Australia arriving here on the 17th instant
two telegrams from you, dated on the 9th instant, forwarded through
W. A. Cooper, United States Dispatch agent at San Francisco.
I regret very much that it was found necessary to appoint me as
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Hawaiian
Islands.
On the afternoon of the former date I took the oath of office-which
I inclose herewith-and have taken charge of the records and property
of the legation.
I have done so because I supposed from the circumstance that I was
appointed against a declaration on my part to you in Washington that
I could not accept it, that some important reason, not contained in the
telegram, made it desirable to the President and yourself that Mr.
Stevens' connection with the legation should be promptly severed.
I inclose herewith my resignation of the office, with the request that
it be accepted, and my successor appointed as soon as practicable.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
JAMES tH. BLOUNT.
[Inclosure 2 in No. 1.]
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, May 24, 1893.
SIR: I herewith tender my resignation of the office of Envoy Extraordinary and
Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States to the Hawaiian Islands, to take effect
on your acceptance thereof.
With profound admiration for you officially and personally,
I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JAMES H. BLOUNT,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary.
His Excellency GROVER CLEVELAND,
President of the United States of America.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. Blount to 31ir. Gresham.
No. 2.]            LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, IMay 24, 1893.
SIR: The letters of Mr. Nordhoff to the New York Herald, on the
situation of affairs in the Hawaiian Islands, have produced intense resentment in the minds of American residents and of white annexationists generally here.
On the 21st instant Dr. J. C. McGrew, who claims to be an American
citizen, and who is a leading member of the Annexation Club, and the
editor in chief of the Hawaiian Star, which belongs to the Annexation Club and is a quasi official organ of the Government, reported to
Admiral Skerrett that there had been quite an excitement all day long
amongst persons who were offended by Mr. Nordhoff's letters, and that
he had scarcely been able to restrain them from insulting Mr. Nordhoff
by applying to him a coat of tar and feathers.
I immediately addressed a note to Mr. Dole, a copy of which I inclose herewith. (Inclosure No. 1.)
Later in the day Dr. McGrew informed Admiral Skerrett that there
would be no effort to tar and feather Mr. Nordhoff, but that proceedings would be taken the next day in court against him.
The following day brought no answer from President Dole to my
communication.
In the afternoon of the 22d instant, a paper was served upon Mr.
Nordhoff-a copy of which I inclose.
The assertion of a power under the color of law to hold Mr. Nordhoff
responsible for the publication of his letters in the:New York Herald
being regarded as without warrant of authority and in violation of
his rights as an American citizen, I determined immediately to communicate to the Government a denial of their right to proceed against
hiln on account of said publication.
Desiring to avoid any semblance of too great readiness to enter into
a controversy with the Hawaiian Government over this matter, I went
to see President Dole, and called attention to the action of the attorney
general and informed him that the Government of the United States
would not submit to the exercise of such a prerogative on the part of
the Hawaiian Government; that I deemed it proper to hold a conversation with him, hoping to avoid thereby any official correspondence
which might produce acerbity or the slightest estrangement. He replied that he was very much obliged to me for having taken such a
course, and that the question raised would be examined and the conclusions reached communicated to me.
He then referred to my letter, saying that he would have answered
it, but supposed that it was intended simply to give him notice of the
facts stated. I replied that I regretted he had not seen fit to give me
any information concerning the matter in writing in order that the same
might be forwarded to the Government of the United States; that I
hoped the additional subject of controversy, to which I invited his attention, would be adjusted in a manner consistent with the honor of the
United States, and so speedily that I might be able to communicate this
also to the home Government. After some conversation on this subject he informed me that the advisory council had requested Mr. Nordhoff to come before it, and asked me if I thought he would come, as it
was only a request, To this I answered, ' I presume not. Whatever
information Mr. Nordhoff may have obtained carried with it an obligation of privacy, which I do not believe he would violate."




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1231


All this occurred on the street, and as we were about to part, I said
to him that I should call on Mr. Nordhoff, and let him know the status
of the affair; that I felt it my duty to give him such assurances as would
conduce tG his sense of security. To this he responded: " I have taken
precautions against any violence being done to him, although I do not
think he is in any danger."
I immediately sent to Mr. Nordhoff's house and was at first prevented from entering the yard by two policemen. I am persuaded,
however, that this was an unintentional error on their part and not in
pursuance of their instructions.
In conversation with Mr. Nordhoff he told me he had been summoned
before the advisory council. On reaching home I found the document, a copy of which I inclose herewith (No. 3).
It had very little the appearance to my mind of a request. On the
23d I had Mr. Nordhoff come to the legation headquarters at 9 o'clock,
and requested him to remain there until I should return from the Government building where I was about to proceed to make formal announcement of my appointment as envoy extraordinary and minister
plenipotentiary.
I do not deem it necessary to report the speech of myself or President
Dole, but simply to say that they contained those manifestations of
friendship usually occurring on such occasions between friendly powers.
After this ceremony was over President Dole expressed a desire to
speak with me on the subject of the legal proceedings instituted by the
attorney-general against Mr. Nordhoff, and likewise the action of the
advisory council and my verbal complaint in relation thereto. He
began by desiring an appointment with me sometime during the day in
order to communicate with me what had occurred in the matter of the
consideration of the subject by the law officers of the Government. I
said that I hoped it would be disposed of as promptly as possible; and
that I had foreborne any written communication on the subject in the
interest of good will between the two countries; that unless the matter
was disposed of speedily I must address him a communication.
He asked me if Mr. Nordhoff would go before the council and make
an apology? To this I responded that I did not think he would; that
I could not advise him to such a course; that after denunciation by the
"Star," the Annexation Club organ, threats of insult by tarring and
feathering, proceedings instituted by the attorney-general in the local
courts, and the action of the advisory council, such an apology would
have the appearance of compulsion, to which I was not willing to see
an American citizen subjected.
At this hour (10:40) I amn awaiting a communication from the Government. To avoid any additional complications I have advised Mr.
Nordhoff to remain at the legation.
At 2:10 p. m. a communication was received from President Dole,
through his secretary, a copy of which I inclose herewith (No. 4).
Whereupon Mr. Nordhoff left the legation for his residence.
At 4:30 p. m. of the same day, the 23d instant, not hearing anything
from President Dole, I sent my secretary, Mr. Mills, to inquire whether
he would call during the day, and if so, at what time? He sent me
a verbal message by Mr. Mills to the effect that he was not under the
impression that he was to have any further conversation with me,
having had one at the Government building. Of course this was a
misunderstanding between us. He further stated that the advisory
council had referred the subject to the attorney-general, to inquire




1232


HAWAIIAN[AT ISL;ANDS.I


whether any civil or criminal proceedings would be taken against Mr.
Nordhoff.
Thereupon I determined to forward to him a letter (a copy of which
I inclose, No. 5), which I had written on yesterday afternoon, but had
withheld it, hoping for a speedy adjustment of the difference without
its being placed in writing.
I recognize the obligation of an American citizen residing in a foreign
country to obey its laws.
It has appeared to me that the doctrine laid downl by Mr. Bayard in
the case of A. K. Cutting, September 9, 1885, is applicable to the pend
ing case. If this be true then the issue may as rightfully be made
before the consideration of the cause as subsequent thereto.
Yesterday afternoon the Hon. John L. Stevens called to see me. He
was exceedingly bitter against Mr. Nordhoff-charging him      with
treasonable conduct and displaying the most eager interest in the
matter of the action of the Hawaiian Government against him.
Amongst other things he alleged that Mr. Nordhoff had been conspiring with the royalists to overthrow the Provisional Government, and
that the Government had the evidence against him in black and white.
I asked him how this came to his knowledge"? He replied, "Well, I
have it, anyhow; and they ought to have it."
I very much fear that his relations to the people here, and his bitter
feeling against Mr. Nordhoff, has contributed to produce an abnormal
excitement against the latter.
I believe the situation was such as made it necessary for me to
promptly act in the manner related.
The objectionable correspondence heretofore referred to was published in the Daily Bulletin. So far as I know it is not claimed by the
authorities here that Mr. Nordhoff had anything to do with its publication.
I inclose herewith a copy of a communication from him (No. 6).
I expect that action will be taken requiring Mr. Nordhoff to leave
the country. Should this occur I shall not deem it my duty to make
objection.
I am, etc.,
JAMES M. BLOUNT,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary of the United States.
[Inclosure 1 in No. 2.]
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, May 21, 1893.
SIn: I beg your attention to the following statement from Admiral Skerrett:
"I was informed to-day upon reliable authority-the authority being Dr. J. S.
McGrew-that some exasperated citizens of Honolulu had taken great offense at the
wording of a letter supposed to have been written by Mr. Nordhoff, a United
States citizen, and newspaper correspondent of the New York Herald, which statement that he had received from certain persons in Honolulu, he communicated to
his Daper.
Threats have been made with regard to his possible maltreatment, such threats
being tar and feathering, and other things."
Mr. Nordhoff being an eminent citizen of the United States, I deem it proper to
call your attention to this matter.
Very respectfully,
JAMES H. BLOUNT,
JUnited States Special Commissioner,
Hon. S. B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Affairo.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         233
[Inclosure 2 in No. 2.]
DEPARTMENT OF THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL,,              Honolula, May 22, 1893.
SIR: The inclosed statement, which you have caused to be published in the New
York Herald, and which has been republished in the Honolulu Bulletin, is known by
this Government to be false, and is regarded as malicious and libelous. Unless you
retract the same at once, and give the retraction equal publicity with the libel,
proceedings will be instituted against you.
I have, etc.,
WILLIAM 0. SMITH,
Attorney-General.
Mr. CHARLES NORDHOFF.
MINISTER STEVENS' INTRIGUE.
Minister Stevens has been engaged all the last week in an intrigue having for its
object to alarm the Queen and cause her to abdicate. Mr. Dole, head of the Provisional Government, has been, it is understood, working with the American minister
at this enterprise, and reports have been set afloat that President Cleveland wishes
her to make a cession of the islands to the United States; that Commissioner Blount
would be pleased if she did; that Mr. Blount is going away soon; that he intends
to land troops again and hoist the American flag; that he is unhappy over the situation; that he is afraid to leave here even to visit some of the other islands without
first putting an American garrison in possession of Honolulu, and so forth.
[Inclosure 3 in No. 2.]
IN THE NAME OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS:
To the Marshal of the Hawaiian Islands, or his deputy on the Island of Oahu
greeting:
Whereas, by a resolution of the executive and advisory councils adopted on the
22d day of May, A. D. 1893, a copy of which is as follows:
"Whereas the following statement, among others, has been published in the
Daily Bulletin in a letter purporting to have been written by Mr. Charles Nordhotf,
viz:
"SHREWD LOTTERY MEN.
"It is not necessary to give more names. A good many retail merchants, grocers,
clothing sellers, etc., are on the lottery petitions, and I am told the labor union
men, now all annexationists, went in almost in a body for the lottery, as well as
most of the members of the Provisional Assembly."
And whereas said statement, as far as it applies to the Provisional Assembly, is
wholly false,
Resolved, That said Charles Nordhoff be cited to appear before this assembly on
Tuesday, May 23, A. D. 1893, at 11 o'clock a. n., to show upon what authority he
has based such assertions. It was voted that Charles Nordhoff' e cited to appear
before said Assembly on Tuesday, the 23d day of May instant, at 11 o'clock a.m.,
to show upon what authority he based his said assertion.
Now, therefore, you are commanded to cite said Charles Nordhoff, if he can be
found within your jurisdiction, to appear before the executive and advisory councils of the Provisional Government, at the Council Chamber in Honolulu, on Tuesday, the 23d day of May, A. D. 1893, at 11 o'clock a. m., to answer to such complaint
as may be made against him.
Witness: Hon. Sanford B. Dole, President of the executive and advisory councils of the Provisional Government at Honolulu, this 23d day of May, A. D. 1893.
CHARLES T. ROGERS,
Secretary Executive and Advisory Councils.
HONOLULU, OAHU, Hawaiian Islands, May 22, 1893.
I hereby certify the within to be a true and correct copy of the original in re the
Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands vs. Charles Nordhoff, citation to
be and appear before the executive and advisory councils of the said Provisional
Government.
C. G. HITCHCOCK,
Marshal, Hawaiian Islands.
S. Rpmnn_ 227  7;




1234                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
[Inclosure 4 in No. 2.]
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, May 23, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your excellency's letter a,
United States Special Commissioner of the 21st instant, calling my attention to a
statement by Rear Admiral Skerritt, that threats had been ima'e by exasperated
citizens of Honolulu of maltreatment of Mr. Charles Nordhoff, a citizen of the United
States and the correspondent of the New York Herald.
In reply I beg to express regret that any such violence as your letter suggests has
been threatened Mr. Nordhoff, and have called the attention of the proper authorities of the Government to the matter, and have takensteps for his protection against
any violence whatever during his residence here.
With sentiments of the highest regard and esteem,
I have the honor to be, sir, your excellency's obedient servant,
SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
His Excellency JAMES H. BLOUNT,
United States Envoy Extraordinary and,Minister Plenipot tiary, Honolulu.
[Inclosure 5 in No. 2.]
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, May 22, 1893.
SIR: I have been handed the following communication from Mr. Charles Nordhoff.
(see inclosure No. 2, Attorney-General W. O. Smith to Mr. Nordhoff.)
The New York Herald is a paper not published in the Hawaiian Islands, and the
proposition that the Government thereof can take jurisdiction of the author of the
article aforesaid on account of its publication in the United States is wholly inadmissible. It is equivalent to asserting that the Hawaiian Government can take
jurisdiction over the authors of the various criticisms of political affairs in the Hawaiian Islands which appear in the newspapers of the United States.
To an assumption of such jurisdiction by the Hawaiian Government the Government of the United States will not submit. It will not permit that this prerogative
shall be in any degree usurped by the Hawaiian Government, nor will it permit a
citizen of the United States to be called to account by the Hawaiian Government
for acts done within the boundaries of the United States.
On this ground I insist that no proccdings shall be taken against Mr. Nordhoff
sfich as are indicated in the letter signed W. O. Smith, Attorney-General.
Since writing the regoing I fr i nd the f  ollowing paper has been served on Mr. Nordhoff. (See inclosure No. 3.-"In the name of the Provisional Government, etc.")
Permit me to say that in my judgment this, and the foregoing proceeding, under
the color of law, is a violation of the rights of Mr. Nordhoffas an American citizen.
When I remember how on the 16th of January last, at the request of your leading
citizens, American troops were landed and brought quiet to the homes of the people
of this city, it is passing strange to me to find an eminent citizen of the United States
subjected to such outrage at the hands of the Provisional Government of these Islands.
I can but hope that this action will be, on reconsideration, repudiated.
While I desire to promote the kindliest feelings between your Government and
mine, I shall not forget that one of the proudest reflections of the American people
is their disposition and ability to protect an American citizen throughout the civilized world.
I am, etc.,
JAMES H. BLOUNT,
E. E. and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States.
Hon. SANFORD B. DOLE,
Presicent, etc., of the Provisioal Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
[Inclosure 6 in No. 2.]
HONOLULU, May 23, 1893.
DEAR SIR: In reply to your question I say that the publication in the Bulletin of
my letters to the New York Herald was without my knowledge and consent; that is
to say, I knew nothing at all about it.
Yours, truly,
CHARLES NORDHOFF.
His excellency JAMIES H. BLOUNT,
M]inister of the United States.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Ilk   1235


Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham.
No. 3.]              LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolitlu, Hawaiian Islands, May 29, 1893.
SIR: Just before the leaving of the Australia, on the 24th instant,
there came to me, too late for mailing to you,.a communication from
President Dole, a copy of which I inclose (No. 1).
At this date (May 29) nothing further has been heard.
I suggested to President Dole and the attorney-general, in conversations with them, that if Mr. Nordhoff was so obnoxious they might
possibly require him to leave the country. This did not seem to impress them favorably. Indeed, the whole proceeding in relation to him
seems to have been animated by the spirit of crushing out all opposing
opinions by forceful methods.
I do not expect the Government to recur to this matter again until a
mail from the United States brings some letter to the Herald from Mr.
Nordhoff, criticising the action of the annexationists. Then I expect
it to be very much stirred again with anger toward him.
The action I have already taken will restrain it from excesses.
The Hawaiian Star, which is the annexation organ, commenting on
the stay of proceedings against Mr. Nordhoff, publisled an editorial
entitled "' The Cutting Precedent," a copy of which I inclose herewith.
(No. 2.)
I also inclose another comment from the same paper, entitled " The
Farce of Protection." (No. 3.)
The editor-in-chief of this paper, prior to my taking any notice of the
temper of the community towards Mr. Nordhoff, went to Admiral
Skerrett late in the afternoon and informed him that he had been all
(lay endeavoring to prevent the people from tarring and feathering Mr.
Nordhoff; that up to that time he had been able to prevent it, and
called on Admiral Skerrett to do what he could with the same view.
Admiral Skerrett communicating the facts to me I communicated
them to President Dole. On his motion he sent the police to Mr.
Nordhofifs house.
The situation, therefore, will appear somewhat graver than in my
former dispatch, in which the statement of Admiral Skerrett was not
as full as herein contained.
I hope you will not underrate the excitement which prompted all my
actions in regard to Mr. Nordhoff.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
JAMES H. BLOUNT,
Envoy Extraordinary and Mlinister Plenipotenttiary of the United States.
[Inciosure 1 in No. 3, Diplomatic Series.]
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Honolulu, May 24, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 22d instant
felating to Mr. Nordhoff, and to state in reply that upon full consideration of the
questions involved this Government has decided to take no criminal proceedings
against Mr. Nordhoff for what was suggested as contempt against the advisory
council of this Government.
In respect of the matters referred to in the attorney-general's letter to Mr. Nordhoff, this Government does not propose to take any proceedings in contravention of
the view of international law expressed by the United States Government in the
(Cutting case; but there is apparently this distinction to be noted in the two ma:tters, viz, That Mr. Cutting was in the United States when he made the publication




1236


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


objected to by the Mexican Government, whereas Mr. Nordhoff, while in the Hawaiian Islands and under the jurisdiction of its courts, has written articles defamatory of this Government, which were published in the United States in a newspaper
which is freely circulated in the Hawaiian Islands, and which articles have been
republished here.
I beg to inform you that this Government will rigidly adhere to the rules of international law in respect of this matter as in all other matters, and in that view has
referred to its law advisers the question of Mr. Nordhoff's civil liability in the
premises.
I have the honor to be Your Excellency's obedient servant,
SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
To His Excellency J. H. BLOUNT,
Envoy Extraordinary acld Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at Honolulu.
[Inclosure 2 in No. 3.]
[From the Hawaiian Star, May 24,1893.]
THE CUTTING PRECEDENT.
The Cutting case, which was cited by United States Minister Blount in behalf of
Charles Nordhoff, is a well-remembered episode in the criminal practice of international law. Mr. Cutting was a citizen of the United States, who lived at Juarez,
formerly Paso del Norte, on the Mexican side of the Rio Grande border. At outs
with an official of the Mexican Government, he assaulted him bitterly in a paper
published on the Texas side of the line at El Paso, for which offense he was arrested by the Mexican authorities and thrust into jail. The American Secretary of
State thereupon demanded and enforced his release on the ground that a citizen of
the United States could not be criminally punished by the Government of a foreign
country for a libelous publication made on American soil, holding that the injured party must seek redress in the courts within the jurisdiction of which the
offense of publication had been committed.
Such a rule as this would, for example, apply to George Keiinan, author of the
Century papers on Siberia, in case he should, upon another visit to Russia, be criminally prosecuted by the Czar for the libels which the Russian Government claim he
conlmitte(l in his accounts of official cruelties practiced upon Siberian convicts. The
Imperial Government would doubtless be informed by the American Foreign Office
that its only remedy-except the deportation of Mr. Kennan as an undesirable visitor-lay in his prosecution in the courts of the United States and before a jury of
his peers. No doubt in Mr. Kennan's case the validity of this argument would be as
promptly admitted by Russia as it was when applied a year ago to Poultney Bigelow
and Frederick Remington, who went into the Empire on a mission similar to that of
Kennan, but were arrested for it and expelled from the country. That they would
have been otherwise punished but for the force of the international rule laid down
in the Cutting case can hardly be doubted by any one who is familiar with the tendencies of the Czar towards those who write, speak, or act against his mode of government.
Mr. Nordhoff is of course fortunate that by appeal to American precedent he has
escaped another humiliation; but that fact does not alter the circumstances that,
morally speaking, and in a way amenable to civil damages, he libeled Minister
Stevens and President Dole and deserved the punishment which Hawaiian criminal
law would have been likely to inflict upon him. His guilt is patent, though the consequences of it may have been avoided. The only gratification he can feel is that
of an apprehended miscreant who escapes his deserts through a merely technical
plea against the jurisdiction of the judge.
(Inclosure 3 in No. 3, Diplomatic Series.]
[From the Hawaiian Star, May 23, 1893.
THE FARCE OF PROTECTION.
A broad smile of amusement went across the face of the town last evening, when
it was learned that Mr. Nordhoff had applied for protection to the United States minister, and that, at the request of the latter, the Provisional Government had detailed




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


two native policemen to guard the Herald correspondent's lodgings. In view of the
fact that Mr. Nordhoff is as safe in Honolulu as he could be at his sequestered home
on Coronado Beach, the whole episode becomes a tax upon the risibles.
Careful inquiry shows that the only basis for the Herald man's fears-apart from
that conscience which, as the poet says, " Doth make cowards of us all"-was a stray
remark here and there that he ought to be tarred and feathered. As Mr. Nordhoff is
well aware, such talk is often heard in times of political debate, and is but the
smallest of small change in the circulation of public opinion. It is the coinage of idle
chat merely; in this case particularly so, as the annexation party is standing on its
dignity as a representative Hawaiian body, asking admission to the American brotherhood on the ground, among other grounds, that in civilization, Christianity, and
moral purpose it is worthy of the fellowship. It could not be induced to do or permit a ruffianly act, a fact which we believe Mr. Nordhoff himself appreciates as well
as anyone else.
Why, then, did he ask protection? Wait and see! If he doesn't use the fact that
he got it to fill the columns of the Herald with a lurid tale of how he escaped death
at the hands of an infuriated annexation mob, only to be saved by the intervention
of Minister Blount and the reluctant display of provisional force, then the Star misses
a reasonable guess. The two shirt-sleeved native policemen who dawdle about his
palace dozing and yawning will doubtless be magnified into a garrison of men in
buckram surrounded and besieged by bloodthirsty planters or missionaries all eager
to flesh their daggers in the heart of the one bold correspondent who had exposed
their foul conspiracies and haled their cause to the bar of public judgment. Life
will hardly be worth Mr. Nordhoffs living until he can get some such phantasmagoria before the Herald's readers, as evidence that all he had previously said against
the nature and personnel of the annexation movement is true.
In the meantime it is to be hoped that the two native guardians of Mr. Nordhoff's
person and peace will manage to keep awake during the drowsy days and soporific
nights which envelop the pastoral region of Nuuanu street.
Mr. Blount to Mr. Greskam.
No. 4.]                   LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, June 1, 1893.
SIR: I send you a communication to-day signed as special commissioner because it relates to the object for which my appointment in that
capacity was made 
I was sworn in as minister because I believed that some public reason for my temporary appointment influenced it. I could not under
the circumstances do otherwise.
I now earnestly urge the immediate appointment of some person as
my successor.
My resignation was forwarded in the form which you have seen because I did not deem it respectful to tender it absolutely when some
temporary and public reason might have made it seem improper for me
to do so.
If you have appointed a good man for consul-general here I do not
see why he might not take charge of the affairs of the legation.
I am, etc.,
JAMEs HI. BLOUNT.
Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham.
NO. 5.]                   LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, June 1, 1893.
SIR: Last night about 11 o'clock three sticks of giant powder were
found, accompanied by some preparation of mercury. Suspicion is
rife with royalists and annexationists.




1238


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,


The place where they were found is near the Barracks. Believing it
was intended to blow up the Barracks the soldiers have been removed
this morning into the Palace grounds.
The mail leaves very soon and I can not get any full or accurate statement.
I do not think it indicates any general movement, but rather seems
to be confined to a few white persons.
I am, etc.,
JAMES H. BLOUNT.
MAr. GrchtsamT to MIr. BDlount.
No. 5.]                          DEPARTAIENT OF STATE,
Washington, June 23, 1893.
SIR: I transmit for your information a copy of a note of the miiiistei
of Hawaii, touching the recall by the Provisional Government of th{
Commission appointed last January for the purpose of negotiating
terms for the union of the Hawaiiart Islands with the United States
and announcing his readiness to resume the subject at any convenient
time.
I am, etc.,
W. Q. GRESHAM.
Mr. Willis to Mir. Gresham.
No. 1.?]               LIEGATION OF THTE UNITED STATES,
lHo.oituuI, hlawaiian TIslandso Noveimber 6', 1893.
SIn: I beg to inform the Department that I reached San Francisc(
on the 27th ultimo and sailed ithe following lay, arriving in this city oni
Saturday, November 4th, at 9 a. m.
On Saturday night I was tendered a serenade by the band of th<
Provisional Government, which passed off quietly and pleasantly
Having received information through our consul-general, Mr. Mills
that the Royalist party were contemplating a counter serenade an(
demonstration to-night, I strongly discouraged such action and it har
been abandoned.
I addressed a note this morning to Hon. Sanford B. Dole, ministe:
of foreign affairs, asking him to designate a convenient time and plac4
when I could present the letters of recall and of credence which I bore
a copy of which I transmit herewith together with his reply, designat
ing 11 o'clock of the forenoon, to-morrow, the 7th instant, as the time
for the presentation at the Executive building. I also inclose the
remarks which I propose to make upon the occasion referred to, a cop,
of which I sent to the Provisional Government.
Admiral Skerrett and his staff paid me the usual official call at 14
o'clock this morning, which in company with Consul-General Mills
returned this afternoon at 3, receiving from the flagship the customar,
official courtesies. I afterwards called on Capt. Nelson, commandin.
the Adams, where I also met with a cordial reception.
I send by mail to-morrow per steamship China a cipher telegram, a
to the landing from steamship Australia last Saturday, of Wincheste




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1239


rifles and ammunition, and the reported intention of the Provisional
Government to issue a proclamation establishing a republic, the constitution fir which, it is said, has been already prepared by Mr. Hatch,
a member of the present cabinet.
The city is full of rumors, and the excitement is increasing every
hour. I shall, therefore, avail myself of the earliest opportunity, after
my credentials are approved, to carry out the instructions of the Department.   The next steamer leaving here after tomorrow will be the
Australia, which sails on Saturday, the 11th of November, by which
time I hope to be able to give you reliable information as to the present
attitude of all parties.
Mr. Mills has given me active and valuable assistance.
I h ave thus far had no communication with either of the opposing
parties, except as herein stated.
With sentiments of high regard, I am, etc.,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
[Inclosure 1 in No. 1.]
Mr. Willis to Mr. Dole.
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, November 6, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to inform you of my arrival in this city, bearing sealed letters, open official copies whereof are herewith transmitted, addressed by the President of the United States of America to the President of the Provisional Government
of the Hawaiian Islands, recalling Mr. James H. Blount, who has for sometime past
resided near your Government in the character of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, and accrediting the undersigned
as his successor. By reason of his having resigned the office while in the United
States, Mr. Blount is unable to present in person his letter of recall.
In pursuance of my instructions, I respectfully request you to designate a convenient time and place at which I may have the honor of presenting in person such
original letters of recall and of credence.
With assurances of the most distinguished consideration, I am, etc.,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
[Inclosure 2 in No. 1.]
Mr. Dole to Mr. Willis.
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, Nove1mber 6, 1S93.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your excellency's communication of this dlays's date informling me of your arrival in this city and that you are
the bearer of sealed letters from the President of the United States of America to
the President of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, recalling
Mr. James H. Blount, sometime United States Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary at this Capital and accrediting you as his successor, which fact is
duly authenticated by the inclosed copies of your excellency's letter of credence, and
soliciting that a time and place be designated for the presentation of the original
letters of recall and credence.
In reply I have the honor to state that it will give me pleasure to designate 11
o'clock of the forenoon to-morrow the 7th instant, as the time for the presentation
at the Executive building.
I beg your excellency to accept the assurance of the high consideration and
esteem with which I have the honor to be, sir, etc..
SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.




1240                    HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
[Inclosure No. 3.]
Remarks of Mr. Willis to Mr. Dole.
Mr. PlESIDENT: Mr. Blount, the late Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States to your Government, having resigned his offiae while
absent from his post, I have the honor now to present his letter of recall and to
express for him his sincere regret that he is unable:in person to make known his
continued good wishes in behalf of your people and his grateful appreciation of the
many courtesies of which, while here, he was the honored recipient.
I desire at the same time to place in your hands the letter accrediting me as his
successor. In doing this I am directed by the President to give renewed assurances
of the friendship, interest, and hearty good will which our Government entertains
for you and for the people of this island realm.
Aside from our geographical proximity and the consequent preponderating commercial interests which centre here, the present advanced civilization and Christianization of your people, together with your enlightened codes of law, stand to-day
beneficial monuments of American zeal, courage, and intelligence.
It is not surprising, therefore, that the United States were the first to recognize
the independence of the Hawaiian Islands and to welcome them into the great
family of free.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
[Telegram.]
HONOLULU, November 6, 1893.
Two hundred sixty rifles and ammunition arrived by steamer Saturday. Rumor that Provisional Government will declare for a Republic,
with constitution already prepared.
WILLIS.
Mlr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
[Telegram.]
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, November 11, 1893.
Report can be sent to Congress on 19th November.
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
[Confidential.]
No. 2.]                   LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, November 11, 1893.
SIR: On the 7th instant, at 11 o'clock, I presented to the Provisional
Government Mr. Blount's letter of recall and the letter accrediting me
as his successor. I inclose an extract from the Commercial Advertiser
giving an account of the proceedings. The time since then has been
occupied with the reception of executive, judicial, and diplomatic rep
resentatives of the Provisional and foreign Governments. I have not,
therefore, had an opportunity of executing more fully your instructions,
nor was fuller action advisable while the excitement was so great. I
expect on next Monday morning to have an interview with the Queen
which, if satisfactory, will be followed immediately by one with the
Provisional Government.    I have, therefore, inclosed a telegram   to




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1241


your dispatch agent at San Francisco as follows: "Report can be
sent to Congress on 19th November," it being my understanding that
you desired to have all the facts presented before any decisive action
here.
The Alameda, the next vessel leaving here after next Monday, will
not reach San Francisco until November 23, during which interval it
is hoped some definite result may be secured.
Oa the afternoon of the 6th the British minister, Major Wodehouse,
called my attention to the following pagrgraph in the " Hawaiian Star"
of the same date: "It would serve the ex-Queen well to pray to her
gods that the peril of restoration will never come to her"-which he
interpreted to be a threat of assassination, and inquired whether our
Government was ready and willing to extend to her its protection. I
replied that, without reference to her royal claims, she stood in such
relations to the United States that she was entitled to and would
receive the amplest protection at their hands. As a matter of fact, I
had already ascertained that, at present, she did not desire our protection. After next Monday, however, and earlier if necessary, I shall
insist on her coming to the legation.
Neither side has the vaguest idea, as yet, of the attitude of our Government, and consequently no outbreak has occurred, although every
night is filled with rumors. I inclose several extracts from the " Commercial Advertiser" (annexation) morning daily; the "Star" (annexation) evening daily; the "Bulletin" and "Holomua," both evening
royalist papers, which will give you the situation here from a newspaper standpoint.
The U. S. S. Philadelphia and Adams are connected with Honolulu
by telephone, but in the event of riot Admiral Irwin, now in command,
has made arrangements for rocket signaling.
On Monday next I will, by request, meet a committee of the "American League," which one who claimed to be a member informed me was
" six hundred strong, well armed with Winchester rifles, and would
never permit the restoration of the Queen." He further intimated that
the League had some fear that the Provisional Government "would
make concessions and surrender their rights, and if so, they would
overthrow it," etc. There is undoubtedly in this Government, as in all
governments, a class of reckless, lawless men, who, under the impression that they have the moral support of some of the better class of
citizens, may at any moment bring about a serious condition of affairs.
Fortunately the men at the head of the Provisional Government are
acknowledged by all sides to be of the highest integrity and public
spirit, which, combined with the large material interests they represent,
will, it is hoped, cause them to stand firmly and successfully for peace
and good government.
The Japanese consul-general, Mr. Suburo Fujii, has just called to say
that his people, who now number nearly one-third of the male population, are very apprehensive of immediate disturbances. He desired to
know whether I would advise him to send for a man-of-war. I declined
to give him any advice. He then inquired whether his people could
expect protection from the United States troops. I told him that if it
was his request, and that if his people were nonparticipants in any
trouble, that he could probably rely upon the protection of our Government. The American interests here are so extensive and all interests are so close that it is impossible to touch one without involving all.
With sentiments of high regard, I am, etc.,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.




1242                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Mr. WTillis to Mr. Gresham.
[Telegram.]
NOVEMBER 16, 1893.
Views of first I arty so extreme as to require further instructions.
WILLIS.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Greslam.
No. 4.]                    LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, November 16, 1893.
SIR: On last Monday, November 13, I received a call from three
gentlemen who said they were a committee representing the "American
League."   The chairman, Mr. Van Houton, made a speech of welcome,
covering substantially the statements contained in the papers which I
send herewith.
I replied thanking them for their words of welcome and friendship,
and stating in very general terms the circumstances under which I
came, and saying to them that it was the duty of all Americans,
whether at home or abroad, to cooperate in executing the will of their
Government when it was declared. After some further remarks as to
the desirability of free institutions, provided the people were adapted
to them and prepared for them, the committee withdrew. The chairman came back, after several hours, to inform me that he neglected to
state that the "league" was opposed to the restoration of.the monarchy.
Nothing was said in the conversation as to the status of affairs here
or of the instructions of our Government.    I mention this as the committee, I am imformed, have placed a different construction on the interview.
With high regard, I am, etc.,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
[Inclosure.]
The Committee of the AmLerican League to MIr. Willis.
tHONOLULU, HIAWAIIAN ISLANDS, November 13, 1893.
SIR: As you are doul)tless aware, a collsiderablef number of citizens of the United
States resilde in the LHawaiian Islands. IHaving- a love and veneration for the United
States it is but natural that a fraternal feeling should exist among men so far from
native land; and being desirous of cultivating these fraternal feelings an organization has been effected, where only citizens of the United States have been admitted
to membership. The aims and objects of the organization may be briefly summarized as follows: To bear true allegiance to the United States, and, so far as possible, advance the interests of our native country. To aid and protect the members
of the organization, and to assist in all honorable ways the members of the organization in obtaining employment, and advocate the just cause of the members and
others owing allegiance to the United States of America.
The organizati on has assumed the nalme of the American League, and for the better protection of its members has adopted a simple ritual and has a password to be
changed as often as necessary. While eligibility to membership is based on United
States citizenship, the applicationimust go into the hands of a committee, who investigate as to the qualifications of the candidate, including character and habits, with
the object of receiving on1y those who are reliable and worthy.
The members of the league earnestly desire that the Hawaiian Islands should
become a part of the United States, and with that object in view the organization




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1243


will support the present Provisional Government of -awaii, and in all honorable
ways aid in accomplishing annexation.
Believing that you would desire to know something of the aims and methods of
work of the organization this committee was appointed to visit you and give you
such information as you desire, and to extend to you cordial greeting. It would
afford us pleasure to meet and greet you under the most ordinary circumstances, but,
coming as you do as a representative of the President and the people of the United
States, and considering the importance of your mission, it affords us peculiar pleasure to give you welcome.
Some of our members have resided in Hawaii for many years, while others have
come within the last few years and some have arrived within the last year, yet
whether we have been away from America a few months or many years; whether
native-born citizens of the Union or citizens by adoption, we still venerate and love
our country, and will cooperate with you in advancing its bost interests and looking
out for the welfare of the citizens of the United States, whether they are such from
birthright or adoption. If at any time there is an opportunity for us to aid you
feel free to command us, and be assured that under all circumstances we desire to
make your stay here pleasant to yourself and beneficial to the country that you
represent, for it is our common country and in its welfare we are all interested.
We have delayed somewhat in calling on you, believing that your official duties
and the numerous calls being made would fully occupy your time for the first few
days.
Again expressing the pleasure it affords us -to greet and welcome you, we are,
very respectfully, yours,
GEO. VAN HOUTEN,
JAMES F. HILBUS,
(Jos. L. CURTIS,
Coni aittee American League.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
No. 5.]                   LEGATION 01 THE UNITED STATES,
HIonoluhl, _NLovemtber 18, 1893.
SIR: In the forenoon of last Wednesday, November 15, Hon. S. M.
Damon, Minister of Finance, notified me in person that there were
rumors of an attack that night or the ensuing night upon the Government building, in consequence of which the regular guard would be
increased and one of the volunteer companies would be ordered under
arms for the night. On the royalist side apprehensions for the safety
of the Queen were expressed.      The next day was King Kalakaua's
birthday, an event which generally attracts a large crowd here, and is
celebrated with various festivities. A concert in honor of the occasion
was advertised under the auspices of the native Hawaiians.
In view of these facts, I thought it proper in an informal way to
make public the fact that there would be no decisive action taken by
our Government for three or four weeks, or until I heard from Washington. I also thought it proper, with the private knowledge and consent of all factions, to say that mob violence would not be allowed during this interval.
The effect of these announcements was to reassure the people and to
stop active military preparations. Many representatives of foreign
governments and prominent citizens, officially representing both parties, have called to express their gratification at the result.
The excitement has been continuous for so long that Ihe slightest
circumstances are magnified, and rumors fill the air, both night and
day.
It is impossible to exaggerate the unhappy condition of this people,
nor can I, in words, picture their pathetic surroundings. Ahnost every
movement is under espionage, the most meaningless expression is




1244                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
given an important significance, and speeches are quoted which were
never delivered or thought of. In my dispatch No. 4, of November 11.
1 referred to the visit of a committee from the American League, to
whose address I made a brief formal response, not having even the remotest bearing upon the question pending here. In yesterday's Star,
a paper whose life began with the so-called revolution, was my alleged
reply, which I inclose to you. This is a fair sample of the prevailing
spirit of misrepresentation. I inclose, also, an extract from the Pacific
Commercial Advertiser, also an annexation organ, upon the same subject.
I send this by a sailing vessel which leaves to-day. The next steamer
leaves here December 9. The next steamer arriving from San Francisco, the JlMonowai, due December 23.
With high regard, I am, etc.,
ALIBEUT S. WILLIS.
NEWSPAPER CLIPPINGS.
[Hawaiian Star, November 17, 1893.]
WILLIS FOR THE FLAG-HIS REPLY TO THE AMERICAN LEAGUE-HE WILL DO NOTHING HERE TO CONFLICT WITH HIS ARDENT AMERICAN PRINCIPLES.
The Star has obtained with much difficulty a complete and authentic report of the
remarks made by Minister Willis to a delegation of the American League which
presented him with a memorial some days ago. After a few words of welcome to his
visiting countrymen, he said:
" GENTLEMEN: I am an ardent American. I would like to see the stars and stripes
waving, under proper conditions, not only over the Pacific islands, but over any
other territory which would be beneficial to the United States. I have my instructions, which I can not divulge. You will understand this. But this much I can
say, that the policy of the United States is already formulated regarding these
islands, and that nothing which can be said or done either here or there can avail
anything now. I do not come here as did Mr. Blount. I come here as an executive
officer. I come to act. When the proper time arrives I shall act. I am sorry
that I can not tell you when or how. I wish you to understand that, knowing the
policy of the United States, I could not have accepted the position of an executive
officer had it been in conflict with the principles I hold. While performing my
duties in carrying out the United States policy I shall have no need of aid from you
or other resident Americans. I wish to state positively that any outside interference
will not be tolerated by the United States."
[The Daily Pacific Commercial Advertiser, Saturday, November 18, 1893.]
Be just and fear not;
Let all the ends thou aim'st at be
Thy country's, thy God's, and truth's.
A reporter who willfully and purposely falsities the language of a diplomatic representative, as was done by the Star reporter, on Thursday last, in an interview with
Minister Willis, as shown by his published statements, deserves to be branded as
unworthy of public credence. Minister Willis may be thus compelled in future, for
self-protection, to follow Mr. Blount's example and refuse all press interviews.
This paper is now, as it always has been, since the day when the monarchy was
forever banished from Hawaii, the firm and unflinching advocate of annexation to
the United States, without any compromise in any shape or form whatever. Nor can
one word be produced to show a contrary determination. To this paper more than
to any other is due the credit of firmly standing by and defending the Provisional
Government and the cause it represents. It yields to no other paper a firmer allegiance to the principles which the Government and its supporters represent.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1245


Mr. Gresham to Mr. Willis.
[Telegram.]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, November 24, 1893.
The brevity and uncertainty of your telegrams are embarrassing.
You will insist upon amnesty and recognition of obligations of the Provisional Government as essential conditions of restoration. All interests will be promoted by prompt action.
W. Q. GRESHAM.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Willis.
[Telegram.]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, December 3, 1893.
Your dispatch, which was answered by steamer on the 25th of
November, seems to call for additional instructions.
Should the Queen refuse assent to the written conditions, you will
at once inform her that the President will cease interposition in her
behalf, and that while he deems it his duty to endeavor to restore to
the sovereign the constitutional government of the islands. his further
efforts in that direction will depend upon the Queen's unqualified agreement that all obligations created by the Provisional Government in a
proper course of administration shall be assumed, and upon such pledges
by her as will prevent the adoption of any measures of proscription or
punishment for what has been done in the past by those setting up or
supporting the Provisional Government. The President feels that by
our original interference and what followed, we have incurred responsibilities to the whole Hawaiian community, and it would not be just
to put one party at the mercy of the other.
Should the Queen ask whether if she accedes to conditions active
steps will be taken by the United States to effect her restoration; or to
maintain her authority thereafter, you will say that the President can
not use force without the authority of Congress.
Should the Queen accept conditions and the Provisional Government
refuse to surrender, you will be governed by previous instructions. If
the Provisional Government asks whether the United States will hold
the Queen to fulfillment of stipulated conditions you will say, the
President acting under dictates of honor and duty, as he has done in
endeavoring to effect restoration, will do all in his constitutional power
to cause observance of the conditions he has imposed.
GRESHAM.
Mr. Thurston to Mr. Gresham.
HAWAIIAN LEGATION,
Washington, December 5, 1893.
SIR: In confirmation of the claims presented to you bymyself during
several recent interviews, concerning suggested action by the United
States Government towards the Provisional Government of Hawaii, as




1246


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


outlined in your communication to the President recently published,
and affirmed in the President's message sent yesterday to Congress, I
have the honor to hereby submit to you the claims of the Government
which I represent in and concerning the premises.
If I correctly apprehend the propositions advanced by the Govern
ment of the United States they are:
First. fhat the Hawaiian monarchy was subverted by the action of
the United States representatives and forces.
Second. That but for such action the monarchy would not have been
subverted nor the Provisional Government created.
Third. That such conclusions are based upon the report made by the
Hon. James H. Blount.
Fourth. That in view of such action by those representing the Government of the United States, it is proposed that the latter Government shall restore the status existing prior to such subversion of the
monarchy.
In opposition to such proposed action I hereby, on behalf of the Gov,
ernment I represent, submit the following claims and reasons:
First. The Provisional Government of Hawaii is a duly organized
and fully recognized independent Government, holding diplomatic relations with nearly all the nations of the world.
It has accredited its diplomatic representatives to the United States
Government, which has received them in the manner customary in
dealing with the representatives of friendly independent nations.
The United States Government has, in turn, accredited its representatives to the Provisional Government of Hawaii, and they have in
like manner been formally received by it.
There is nothing lacking to constitute the present Government of
Hawaii a fall, free, and independent sovereignty, subject to all the
obligations and entitled to all the rights, privileges, and courtesies
accorded by the United States Government to the most favored nations
with whom it is in treaty relations.
Second. It is submitted that the Government of the United States
has acquired no jurisdiction over the independent sovereign state of
Hawaii. Tlhere being two distinct sovereignties, jurisdiction by the
United States can only be obtained in three ways, viz: (1) by conquest;
(2) by treaty; (3) by voluntary submission to the decision of the United
States Government in the nature of arbitration.
There is no claim made that the sovereignty of Hawaii is subordinate to that of the United States by reason of conquest, nor has it been
surrendered by treaty.
There is a suggestion, however, in the communiciation by yourself to
the President, above referred to, that authority by voluntary submission in the nature of a power to arbitrate has been conferred upon the
Government of the United States. I refer to that portion wherein you
state that, "The Government of Hawaii surrendered its authority
under a threat of war, until such time as the Government of the United
States, upon the facts being presented to it, should reinstate the Constitutional Sovereign; and the Provisional Government was created
'to exist until terms of union with the United States of America have
been negotiated and agreed upon.' "
I submit that no such authority has been conferred, and in support
of such contention present the following reasons: (1) If the parties in
Hawaii contending for the control of the Government had intended to
submit their differences to the arbitration of the United States, a formal statement to such differences and the points to be settled would




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1247


have been drawn up and signed in the usuai form of an agreement for
arbitration.
No such action has been taken. (2) An arbitration is essentially a
judicial proceeding, the elemental features of which, under the principles and forms of precedure in use both in the United States and Hawaii,
are, first, notice of the charges made or points at issue; second,
opportfuity to hear and cross-examine evidence produced by the
opposing party; third, opportunity to produce evidence in support of
claims made and to meet that of the opposing party; fourth, a full
and fair hearing accorded to both parties in open court.
In no particular have these particulars, fundamental to the just and
equitable decision of the simplest judicial issue, been observed in this
admittedly complicated question.
The Government of Hawaii, acting under its international right, has
made a formal proposition to, by treaty, change the political relation
existing between the two countries.
The authority of the Hawaiilan Government to make such a proposition was not questioned, and a treaty for the accomplishment ot such
purpose was duly signed by the representatives of the executives o f
the two countries.
Pending the final ratification of such treaty, by desire of the Government of the United States, negotiations were suspended over nine
months ago, and ani investigation was instituted by the Government
of the United States by a special commissioner.
During all such time the Hawaiian Government has peaceably
administered its own affairs and faithfully carried out all its treaty obligations with all foreign powers.
Up to the lpresent time the Hawaiian Government has received no
information that such investigation was for any purpose other than to
determine the policy of the Government of the United States concerning such proposition of the Government of Hawaii.
It has not been a party to such investigation, which has been exparte
and conducted in secret.
It has been accorded no opportunity to meet the evidence produced
nor to present evidence or argument in its own behalf.
The names of the witnesses and the character of the evidence upon
which it is proposed to be subverted were unknown to it until published
sinultaneously with the announcement of the conclusion of the investigatilng commissioner.
It has received no notice that it was on trial for its life, and has not
even been informed that it was charged with having taken action for
which it was responsible to the United States or whereby it had brought
itself within the jurisdiction of such Government.
The proclamation issued by the Provisional Government of Hawaii
defining its objects and causes does, indeed, state as quoted in your
communication above referred to, that it was created " to exist until
terms of union with the United States of America have been negotiated and agreed upon." But I submit that neither legally, logically,
nor grammatically does such phrase indicate that because annexation
has not yet been consummated the Provisional Government is therefore and thereby terminated.
On the contrary, I submit that its meaning is clearly and distinctly
the exact opposite of that suggested.
The Provisional Government was formed with a fixed, definite purpose in view, viz, annexation to the United States. If the date of the
consummation of such object had been known it could have been




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


in the place of the phrase actually used. As such date was not and
could not be known, an appropriate phrase was used signifying that
the Government should continue to exist until the object was accomplished. A government was established not absolutely but conditionally. If the wording of the proclamation had been "to exist until the
Government of the United States refuses to agree to annexation," a
refusal would then have constituted a condition the happening of which,
in and of itself, would have terminated the Provisional Government.
There was, however, but one condition named in the proclamation,
the happening of which should terminate the existence of the Government thereby created, viz, "; Union with the United States of America."
There is no other terminating condition. Unless and until that condition happens the Government continues in existence. If the happening
of the condition is postponed for one, two, or ten years, or for an indefinite period, the Government continues to exist for a like period. The
fact that annexation has not yet takein place does not negative the possibility of its happening in the future. So long as the terminating condition has not happened, but may happen, so long does the Government
continue to exist, unless changed or terminated by its own act or the
act of the people of Hawaii.
I further submit that if the reasoning last above set forth is incorrect, and the failure to have yet secured annexation does logically terminate the existence of the Provisional Government, such fact does
not confer jurisdiction upon the United States to construe such instrument, but that the construction and interpretation of the wording of
such proclamation is purely a matter of domestic concern to be settled
by the parties in interest in Hawaii in such manner as the Government
and laws of that country may provide.
Third. While neither admitting nor questioning the correctness of
the allegations of fact reported by Mr. Blount, I purposely omit discussion or criticism thereof; for the reasons, first, that the Hawaiian
Government has not been a party to such investigation, and therefore
can not be bound by same; and, second, if it be true that the representatives of the United States exceeded their powers, as alleged, such
fact does not vest any jurisdiction in the Government of the United
States to now infringe upon Hawaiian sovereignty.
It is an axiom of law that no man may take advantage of his own
wrong. The fact that the United States minister, with or without the
authority of his Government, may have trespassed upon the international rights of Hawaii, does not thereby confer jurisdiction upon the
Government of the United States to now again, and deliberately, trespass upon such rights.
If the United States minister or naval officers have exceeded their
authority or violated their instructions they are responsible to their
Government therefor. The Hawaiian Government had no control over
them. It is not responsible for what they did, and is not and can not
be held answerable to the Government of the United States for their
acts, nor to have forfeited any of its attributes of independent sovereignty by reason of their actions whether the same were right or wrong,
authorized or unauthorized.
In like manner, if the allegation is true, that the ex-Queen abdicated
under the belief that the Provisional Government would submit the
question to the United States Government, such fact does not vest in
the Government of the United States any jurisdiction over the subjectmatter. If the ex-Queen was warranted in such belief and an agreement was made between her and the Provisional Govetnment, which I




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1249


do not admit, the Government of the United States was no party to
such agreement, and neither the making, nor the failure to carry it out,
if made, confers any jurisdiction upon the Government of the United
States to construe such agreement, nor in any manner to intervene
between the contending parties in Hawaii, nor control or direct which
of such parties shall at any given time exercise the functions of government in Hawaii.
Fourth. If after consideration of the reasons hereinbefore advanced
it is maintained by you that they do not establish the claims advanced,
and that the Government of the United States has jurisdiction, notwithstanding the independent sovereignty of Hawaii, to decide upon
the form, and who shall carry on the Government of Hawaii, I then
submit that neither international law nor the usage of nations authorize the Government of the United States to enforce, against the will of
the parties, the conclusions to which it may come.
It is not suggested in the report of Mr. Blount than any such power
was agreed upon, either between the ex-Queen and the Provisional
Government or otherwise.
Even if a formal submission to the United States Government had
been made, and full hearing had thereon, and a decision announced,
such fact would not vest in the United States any power to carry out
such decision or to compel either party to abide thereby.
Unless the method of enforcement of such decision is agreed upon
by the parties, the carrying out of the decision rendered is purely a
matter of good faith as between the parties in interest, with no power
in the arbitrating Government to compel the recognition by either party
of the decision rendered.
I beg also to re-affirm in this connection my firm conviction, based
upon an intimate acquaintance with all the persons and conditions involved, that the restoration of the ex-Queen, regardless of the method
by which the same may be accomplished, will, unless she is maintained
by the troops of some foreign power, be speedily followed by the forcible overthrow of the monarchy, involving the probable loss of life and
destruction of property.
Such action will be taken, as in the past, by the intelligent, lawabiding, property-owning portion of the community, for the same
reasons that the same persons took similar action last January, viz:
that the long and bitter experience under Lhe monarchy has convinced
them that so long as the monarchy exists no material improvement in
the methods of conducting the Government can be expected and that a
further continuance of the misrule of the past years is intolerable.
It is unnecessary for me to state that such a condition of affairs will
be disastrous in the extreme to every material interest in the islands,
and to all trade and commerce connected therewith, the greater portion of which is owned and carried on by American citizens and
capital.
Allow me to reiterate that neither this statement nor any act done
by the Provisional Government or by myself is with any spirit of hostility to the people or Government of the United States. On the contrary, so far from being in any manner hostile, the Provisional Government and its supporters have demonstrated by their acts that they are
not only friendly in the ordinary acceptance of the word, but that they
have such faith in the Government of the United States that they have
taken up arms and risked their lives and property to place themselves,
a1lmost unreservedly and unconditionally, under the jurisdiction and
control of that Government, asking only in return that they may share
S. Rep. 227  79




1250


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


in the freedom of its flag and the stability and equality of its Govern
ment.
All that I seek by this statement is to convey to you a plain frank
statement of what the Provisional Government of Hawaii conceives to
be its rights under international law in and concerning the premises,
and to indicate to you, as it is my duty to do, what in my opinion the
conditions are and will be if action on certain suggested lines is taken.
I have, &c.
L. A. THURSTON.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
[Telegram.]
HONOLULU, December 4, 1893.
Understand message. Had no communications from Washington,
D. C., either to the United States Admiral or to me since my (our)
arrival. One British man-of-war and one Japanese man-of-war are
here. Active defensive preparations for severa days; otherwise situation about the same. The feeling intense, but hope to preserve status
until further instructed. Government last Wednesday inquired as to
authenticity of your published letter and intentions of the President,
I have declined to-day to answer. Prompt action desirable.
WILLIS.






House Ex. Doc. No. 47, Fifty-third Congress, second session.
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE
RELATING TO TILE
HAWA- TIIA —&N1 I BLAND S.) 
ID-EC.'EM1BER 181, 1893.


1251




B~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~




MESSAGE.
To the Senate and House ofRepresentatives:
In my recent annual message to the Congress I briefly referred to
our relations with Hawaii and expressed the intention of transmitting further information on the subject when additional advices permitted.
Though I am not able now to report a definite change in the
actual situation, I am convinced that the difficulties lately created
both here and in Hawaii and now standing in the way of a solution
through Executive action of the problem presented, render it proper,
and expedient, that the matter should be referred to the broader
authority and discretion of Congress, with a full explanation of the
endeavor thus far made to deal with the emergency and a statement
of the considerations which have governed my action.
I suppose that right and justice should determine the path to be
followed in treating this subject. If national honesty is to be disregarded and a desire for territorial extension, or dissatisfaction with
a form of government not our own, ought to regulate our conduct,
I have entirely misapprehended the mission and character of our
Government and the behavior which the conscience of our people
demands of their public servants.
When the present Administration entered upon its duties the Senate had under consideration a treaty providing for the annexation
of the Hawaiian Islands to the territory of the United States.
Surely under our Constitution and laws the enlargement of our limits is a manifestation of the highest attribute of sovereignty, and
if entered upon as an Executive act, all things relating to the transaction should be clear and free from suspicion. Additional importance attached to this particular treaty of annexation, because it
contemplated a departure from unbroken American tradition in providing for the addition to our territory of islands of the sea more
than two thousand miles removed from our nearest coast.
These considerations might not of themselves call for interference
with the completion of a treaty entered upon by a previous Administration. But it appeared from the documents accompanying the
1'253




1.254


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


treaty when submitted to the Senate, that the ownership of Hawaii
was tendered to us by a provisional government set up to succeed
the constitutional ruler of the islands, who had been dethroned,
and it did not appear that such provisional government had the
sanction of either popular revolution or suffrage. Two other
remarkable features of the transaction naturally attracted attention.
One was the extraordinary haste-not to say precipitancy-characterizing all the transactions connected with the treaty. It appeared
that a so-called Committee of Safety, ostensibly the source of the
revolt against the constitutional Government of Hawaii, was organized on Saturday, the I4th day of January; that on Monday, the I6th,
the United States forces were landed at Honolulu from a naval
vessel lying in its harbor; that on the I7th the scheme of a provisional government was perfected, and a proclamation naming its
officers was on the same day prepared and read at the Government
building; that immediately thereupon the United States Minister
recognized the provisional government thus created; that two days
afterwards, on the g9th day of January, commissioners representing
such government sailed for this country in a steamer especially
chartered for the occasion, arriving in San Francisco on the 28th
day of January, and in Washington on the 3d day of February; that
on the next day they had their first interview with the Secretary of
State, and another on the IIth, when the treaty of annexation was
practically agreed upon, and that on the I4th it was formally concluded and on the I5th transmitted to the Senate. Thus between
the initiation of the scheme for a provisional government in Hawaii
on the I4th day of January and the submission to the Senate of the
treaty of annexation concluded with such government, the entire
interval was thirty-two days, fifteen of which were spent by the
Hawaiian Commissioners in their journey to Washington.
In the next place, upon the face of the papers submitted with
the treaty, it clearly appeared that there was open and undetermined an issue of fact of the most vital importance. The message
of the President accompanying the treaty declared that "the overthrow of the monarchy was not in any way promoted by this Government," and in a letter to the President from the Secretary of State,
also submitted to the Senate with the treaty, the following passage
occurs: "At the time the provisional government took possession of
the Government buildings no troops or officers of the United States
were present or took any part whatever in the proceedings. No
public recognition was accorded to the provisional government by
the United States Minister until after the Queen's abdication and
when they were in effective possession of the Government buildings,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1255


the archives, the treasury, the barracks, the police station, and all
the potential machinery of the Government."  But a protest also
accompanied said treaty, signed by the Queen and her ministers at
the time she made way for the provisional government, which explicitly stated that she yielded to the superior force of the United
States, whose Minister had caused United States troops to be landed
at Honolulu and declared that he would support such provisional
government.
The truth or falsity of this protest was surely of the first importance. If true, nothing but the concealment of its truth could
induce our Government to negotiate with the semblance of a government thus created, nor could a treaty resulting from the acts
stated in the protest have been knowingly deemed worthy of consideration by the Senate. Yet the truth or falsity of the protest
had not been investigated.
I conceived it to be my duty therefore to withdraw the treaty
from the Senate for examination, and meanwhile to cause an accurate, full, and impartial investigation to be made of the facts attending the subversion of the constitutional Government of Hawaii,
and the installment in its place of the provisional government. I
selected for the work of investigation the Hon. James H. Blount, of
Georgia, whose service of eighteen years as a member of the House
of Representatives, and whose experience as chairman of the Committee of Foreign Affairs in that body, and his consequent familiarity with international topics, joined with his high character and
honorable reputation, seemed to render him peculiarly fitted for the
duties entrusted to him. His report detailing his action under the
instructions given to him and the conclusions derived from his investigation accompany this message.
These conclusions do not rest for their acceptance entirely upon
Mr. Blount's honesty and ability as a man, nor upon his acumen
and impartiality as an investigator. They are accompanied by the
evidence upon which they are based, which evidence is also herewith transmitted, and from which it seems to me no other deductions
could possibly be reached than those arrived at by the Commissioner.
The report with its accompanying proofs, and such other evidence
as is now before the Congress or is herewith submitted, justifies in
my opinion the statement that when the President was led to submit
the treaty to the Senate with the declaration that "the overthrow
of the monarchy was not in any way promoted by this Government", and when the Senate was induced to receive and discuss it
on that basis, both President and Senate were misled.
The attempt will not be made in this communication to touch




1256                HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
upon all the facts which throw light upon the progress and consummation of this scheme of annexation. A very brief and imperfect
reference to the facts and evidence at hand will exhibit its character
and the incidents in which it had its birth.
It is unnecessary to set forth the reasons which in January, I893,
led a considerable proportion of American and other foreign merchants and traders residing at Honolulu to favor the annexation of
Hawaii to the United States. It is sufficient to note the fact and to
observe that the project was one which was zealously promoted by
the Minister representing the United States in that country. He
evidently had an ardent desire that it should become a fact accomplished by his agency and during his ministry, and was not inconveniently scrupulous as to the means employed to that end. On the
g9th day of November, I892, nearly two months before the first overt
act tending towards the subversion of the Hawaiian Government and
the attempted transfer of Hawaiian territory to the United States, he
addressed a long letter to the Secretary of State in which the case
for annexation was elaborately argued, on moral, political, and economical grounds. He refers to the loss to the Hawaiian sugar interests from the operation of the McKinley bill, and the tendency
to still further depreciation of sugar property unless some positive
measure of relief is granted. He strongly inveighs against the existing Hawaiian Government and emphatically declares for annexation. He says: " In truth the monarchy here is an absurd anachronism. It has nothing on which it logically or legitimately stands.
The feudal basis on which it once stood no longer existing, the monarchy now is only an impediment to good government-an obstruction to the prosperity and progress of the islands."
He further says: "As a crown colony of Great Britain or a Territory of the United States the government modifications could be
made readily and good administration of the law secured. Destiny
and the vast future interests of the United States in the Pacific clearly
indicate who at no distant day must be responsible for the government
of these islands. Under a territorial government they could be as
easily governed as any ofthe existing Territories of the United States. "
*      * *   "Hawaii has reached the parting of the ways. She must
now take the road which leads to Asia, or the other which outlets
her in America, gives her an American civilization, and binds her
to the care of American destiny."  He also declares: " One of two
courses seems to me absolutely necessary to be followed, either bold
and vigorous measures for annexation or a 'customs union,' an
ocean cable from the Californian coast to Honolulu, Pearl Harbor
perpetually ceded to the United States, with an implied but not ex



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1257


pressly stipulated American protectorate over the islands. I believe
the former to be the better, that which will prove much the more
advantageous to the islands, and the cheapest and least embarrassing
in the end to the United States. If it was wise for the United States
through Secretary Marcy thirty-eight years ago to offer to expend
$Ioo,ooo to secure a treaty of annexation, it certainly can not be
chimerical or unwise to expend $Ioo,ooo to secure annexation in the
near future. To-day the United States has five times the wealth she
possessed in 1854, and the reasons now existing for annexation are
much stronger than they were then. I can not refrain from expressing the opinion with emphasis that the golden hour is near at hand."
These declarations certainly show a disposition and condition of
mind, which may be usefully recalled when interpreting the significance of the Minister's conceded acts or when considering the probabilities of such conduct on his part as may not be admitted.
In this view it seems proper to also quote from a letter written by
the Minister to the Secretary of State on the 8th day of March, 1892,
nearly a year prior to the first step taken toward annexation. After
stating the possibility that the existing Government of Hawaii might
be overturned by an orderly and peaceful revolution, Minister Stevens
writes as follows: "Ordinarily in like circumstances, the rule seems
to be to limit the landing and movement of United States forces in
foreign waters and dominion exclusively to the protection of the
United States legation and of the lives and property of American
citizens. But as the relations of the United States to Hawaii are
exceptional, and in former years the United States officials here
took somewhat exceptional action in circumstances of disorder, I
desire to know how far the present Minister and naval commander
may deviate from established international rules and precedents in
the contingencies indicated in the first part of this dispatch."
To a minister of this temper full of zeal for annexation there
seemed to arise in January, 1893, the precise opportunity for which
he was watchfully waiting-an opportunity which by timely " deviation from established international rules and precedents" might be
improved to successfully accomplish the great object in view; and
we are quite prepared for the exultant enthusiasm with which in a
letter to the State Department dated February I, 1893, he declares:
"The Hawaiian pear is now fully ripe and this is the golden hour
for the United States to pluck it. "
As a further illustration of the activity of this diplomatic representative, attention is called to the fact that on the day the above
letter was written, apparently unable longer to restrain his ardor.
he issued a proclamation whereby "in the name of the United




1258


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


States" he assumed the protection of the Hawaiian Islands and
declared that said action was "taken pending and subject to negotiations at Washington. "  Of course this assumption of a protectorate was promptly disavowed by our Government, but the American
flag remained over the Government building at Honolulu and the
forces remained on guard until April, and after Mr. Blount's arrival
on the scene, when both were removed.
A brief statement of the occurrences that led to the subversion of
the constitutional Government of Hawaii in the interests of annexation to the United States will exhibit the true complexion of that
transaction.
On Saturday, January 14, I893, the Queen of Hawaii, who had
been contemplating the proclamation of a new constitution, had, in
deference to the wishes and remonstrances of her cabinet, renounced
the project for the present at least. Taking this relinquished purpose as a basis of action, citizens of Honolulu numbering from fifty
to one hundred, mostly resident aliens, met in a private office and selected a so-called Committee of Safety, composed of thirteen persons,
seven of whom were foreign subjects, and consisted of five Americans, one Englishman, and one German. This committee, though
its designs were not revealed, had in view nothing less than annexation to the United States, and between Saturday, the I4th, and the
following Monday, the I6th of January-though exactly what action
was taken may not be clearly disclosed-they were certainly in communication with the United States Minister. On Monday morning
the Queen and her cabinet made public proclamation, with a notice
which was specially served upon the representatives of all foreign
governments, that any changes in the constitution would be sought
only in the methods provided by that instrument. Nevertheless, at
the call and under the auspices of the Committee of Safety, a mass
meeting of citizens was held on that day to protest against the
Queen's alleged illegal and unlawful proceedings and purposes.
Even at this meeting the Committee of Safety continued to disguise
their real purpose and contented themselves with procuring the
passage of a resolution denouncing the Queen and empowering the
committee to devise ways and means " to secure the permanent maintenance of law and order and the protection of life, liberty, and property in Hawaii."  This meeting adjourned between three and four
o'clock in the afternoon. On the same day, and immediately after
such adjournment, the committee, unwilling to take further steps
without the cooperation of the United States Minister, addressed
him a note representing that the public safety was menaced and
that lives and property were in danger, and concluded as follows:




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1259


"We are unable to protect ourselves without aid, and therefore pray
for the protection of the United States forces."  Whatever may be
thought of the other contents of this note, the absolute truth of this
latter statement is incontestable. When the note was written and
delivered, the committee, so far as it appears, had neither a man
nor a gun at their command, and after its delivery they became
so panic-stricken at their position that they sent some of their
number to interview the Minister and request him not to land the
United States forces till the next morning. But he replied that
the troops had been ordered, and whether the committee were
ready or not the landing should take place. And so it happened
that on the I6th day of January, I893, between four and five o' clock
in the afternoon, a detachment of marines from the United States
steamer Boston, with two pieces of artillery, landed at Honolulu.
The men, upwards of I60 in all, were supplied with double cartridge belts filled with ammunition and with haversacks and canteens, and were accompanied by a hospital corps with stretchers and
medical supplies. This military demonstration upon the soil of
Honolulu was of itself an act of war, unless made either with the
consent of the Government of Hawaii or for the bonafide purpose of
protecting the imperilled lives and property of citizens of the
United States. But there is no pretense of any such consent on
the part of the Government of the Queen, which at that time was
undisputed and was both the de facto and the de jure government.
In point of fact the existing government instead of requesting the
presence of an armed force protested against it. There is as little
basis for the pretense that such forces were landed for the security
of American life and property. If so, they would have been stationed in the vicinity of such property and so as to protect it, instead
of at a distance and so as to command the Hawaiian Government
building and palace. Admiral Skerrett, the officer in command of
our naval force on the Pacific station, has frankly stated that in
his opinion the location of the troops was inadvisable if they were
landed for the protection of American citizens whose residences
and places of business, as well as the legation and consulate, were
in a distant part of the city, but the location selected was a wise one
if the forces were landed for the purpose of supporting the provisional government. If any peril to life and property calling for any
such martial array had existed, Great Britain and other foreign powers interested would not have been behind the United States in
activity to protect their citizens. But they made no sign in that
direction. When these armed men were landed, the city of Honolulu
was in its customary orderly and peaceful condition. There was no




1260


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


symptom of riot or disturbance in any quarter. Men, women, and
children were about the streets as usual, and nothing varied the
ordinary routine or disturbed the ordinary tranquillity, except the
landing of the Boston's marines and their march through the town
to the quarters assigned them. Indeed, the fact that after having
called for the landing of the United States forces on the plea of
danger to life and property the Committee of Safety themselves
requested the Minister to postpone action, exposed the untruthfulness of their representations of present peril to life and property.
The peril they saw was an anticipation growing out of guilty intentions on their part and something which, though not then existing,
they knew would certainly follow their attempt to overthrow the
Government of the Queen without the aid of the United States forces.
Thus it appears that Hawaii was taken possession of by the United
States forces without the consent or wish of the government of the
islands, or of anybody else so far as shown, except the United States
Minister.
Therefore the military occupation of Honolulu by the United
States on the day mentioned was wholly without justification, either
as an occupation by consent or as an occupation necessitated by dangers threatening American life and property. It must be accounted
for in some other way and on some other ground, and its real motive and purpose are neither obscure nor far to seek.
The United States forces being now on the scene and favorably
stationed, the committee proceeded to carry out their original scheme.
They met the next morning, Tuesday, the I7th, perfected the plan of
temporary government, and fixed upon its principal officers, ten of
whom were drawn from the thirteen members of the Committee of
Safety. Between one and two o'clock, by squads and by different
routes to avoid notice, and having first taken the precaution of ascertaining whether there was any one there to oppose them, they proceeded to the Government building to proclaim the new government.
No sign of opposition was manifest, and thereupon an American citizen began to read the proclamation from the steps of the Government
building almost entirely without auditors. It is said that before
the reading was finished quite a concourse of persons, variously
estimated at from 50 to 0oo, some armed and some unarmed,
gathered about the committee to give them aid and confidence.
This statement is not important, since the one controlling factor in
the whole affair was unquestionably the United States marines, who,
drawn up under arms and with artillery in readiness only seventysix yards distant, dominated the situation.
The provisional government thus proclaimed was by the terms of




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


the proclamation "to exist until terms of union with the United
States had been negotiated and agreed upon". The United States
Minister, pursuant to prior agreement, recognized this government
within an hour after the reading of the proclamation, and before
five o'clock, in answer to an inquiry on behalf of the Queen and her
cabinet, announced that he had done so.
When our Minister recognized the provisional government the
only basis upon which it rested was the fact that the Committee of
Safety had in the manner above stated declared it to exist. It was
neither a government defacto nor dejure. That it was not in such
possession of the Government property and agencies as entitled it to
recognition is conclusively proved by a note found in the files of the
Legation at Honolulu, addressed by the declared head of the provisional government to Minister Stevens, dated January 17, I893, in
which he acknowledges with expressions of appreciation the Minister's recognition of the provisional government, and states that it
is not yet in the possession of the station house (the place where a
large number of the Queen's troops were quartered), though the same
had been demanded of the Queen's officers in charge. Nevertheless,
this wrongful recognition by our Minister placed the Government
of the Queen in a position of most perilous perplexity. On the one
hand she had possession of the palace, of the barracks, and of the
police station, and had at her command at least five hundred fully
armed men and several pieces of artillery. Indeed, the whole military force of her kingdom was on her side and at her disposal, while
the Committee of Safety, by actual search, had discovered that there
were but very few arms in Honolulu that were not in the service of
the Government. In this state of things if the Queen could have dealt
with the insurgents alone her course would have been plain and the
result unmistakable. But the United States had allied itself with her
enemies, had recognized them as the true Government of Hawaii,
and had put her and her adherents in the position of opposition
against lawful authority. She knew that she could not withstand
the power of the United States, but she believed that she might
safely trust to its justice. Accordingly, some hours after the recognition of the provisional government by the United States Minister,
the palace, the barracks, and the police station, with all the military resources of the country, were delivered up by the Queen upon
the representation made to her that her cause would thereafter be
reviewed at Washington, and while protesting that she surrendered
to the superior force of the United States, whose Minister had
caused United States troops to be landed at Honolulu and declared
that he would support the provisional government, and that she




1262


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


yielded her authority to prevent collision of armed forces and loss,
of life and only until such time as the United States, upon the facts
being presented to it, should undo the action of its representative
and reinstate her in the authority she claimed as the constitutional
sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands.
This protest was delivered to the chief of the provisional government, who endorsed thereon his acknowledgment of its receipt.
The terms of the protest were read without dissent by those assuming to constitute the provisional government, who were certainly
charged with the knowledge that the Queen instead of finally
abandoning her power had appealed to the justice of the United
States for reinstatement in her authority; and yet the provisional
government with this unanswered protest in its hand hastened to
negotiate with the United States for the permanent banishment of
the Queen from power and for a sale of her kingdom.
Our country was in danger of occupying the position of having
actually set up a temporary government on foreign soil for the purpose of acquiring through that agency territory which we had wrongfully put in its possession. The control of both sides of a bargain
acquired in such a manner is called by a familiar and unpleasant
name when found in private transactions. We are not without a
precedent showing how scrupulously we avoided such accusations in
former days. After the people of Texas had declared their independence of Mexico they resolved that on the acknowledgment of
their independence by the United States they would seek admission
into the Union. Several months after the battle of San Jacinto, by
which Texan independence was practically assured and established,
President Jackson declined to recognize it, alleging as one of his
reasons that in the circumstances it became us "to beware of a too
early movement, as it might subject us, however unjustly, to the
imputation of seeking to establish the claim of our neighbors to a
territory with a view to its subsequent acquisition by ourselves".
This is in marked contrast with the hasty recognition of a government openly and concededly set up for the purpose of tendering to
us territorial annexation.
I believe that a candid and thorough examination of the facts will
force the conviction that the provisional government owes its existence to an armed invasion by the United States. Fair-minded people
with the evidence before them will hardly claim that the Hawaiian
Government was overthrown by the people of the islands or that the
provisional government had ever existed with their consent. I do
not understand that any member of this government claims that the




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1263


people would uphold it by their suffrages if they were allowed to vote
on the question.
While naturally sympathizing with every effort to establish a
republican form of government, it has been the settled policy of the
United States to concede to people of foreign countries the same
freedom and independence in the management of their domestic
affairs that we have always claimed for ourselves; and it has been
our practice to recognize revolutionary governments as soon as it
became apparent that they were supported by the people. For
illustration of this rule I need only to refer to the revolution in
Brazil in I889, when our Minister was instructed to recognize the
Republic " so soon as a majority of the people of Brazil should have
signified their assent to its establishment and maintenance "; to the
revolution in Chile in I89I, when our Minister was directed to
recognize the new government " if it was accepted by the people";
and to the revolution in Venezuela in I892, when our recognition
was accorded on condition that the new government was "fully
established, in possession of the power of the nation, and accepted
by the people."
As I apprehend the situation, we are brought face to face with
the following conditions:
The lawful Government of Hawaii was overthrown without the
drawing of a sword or the firing of a shot by a process every step
of which, it may safely be asserted, is directly traceable to and
dependent for its success upon the agency of the United States
acting through its diplomatic and naval representatives.
But for the notorious predilections of the United States Minister
for annexation, the Committee of Safety, which should be called the
Committee of Annexation, would never have existed.
But for the landing of the United States forces upon false pre.
texts respecting the danger to life and property the committee
would never have exposed themselves to the pains and penalties of
treason by undertaking the subversion of the Queen's Government.
But for the presence of the United States forces in the immediate
vicinity and in position to afford all needed protection and support
the committee would not have proclaimed the provisional government from the steps of the Government building.
And finally, but for the lawless occupation of Honolulu under
false pretexts by the United States forces, and but for Minister
Stevens's recognition of the provisional government when the
United States forces were its sole support and constituted its only
military strength, the Queen and her Government would never have
yielded to the provisional government, even for a time and for the




1264


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


sole purpose of submitting her case to the enlightened justice of the
United States.
Believing, therefore, that the United States could not, under the
circumstances disclosed, annex the islands without justly incurring
the imputation of acquiring them by unjustifiable methods, I shall
not again submit the treaty of annexation to the Senate for its consideration, and in the instructions to Minister Willis, a copy of
which accompanies this message, I have directed him to so inform
the provisional government.
But in the present instance our duty does not, in my opinion, end
with refusing to consummate this questionable transaction. It has
been the boast of our Government that it seeks to do justice in all
things without regard to the strength or weakness of those with
whom it deals. I mistake the American people if they favor the
odious doctrine that there is no such thing as international morality,
that there is one law for a strong nation and another for a weak one,
and that even by indirection a strong power may with impunity
despoil a weak one of its territory.
By an act of war, committed with the participation of a diplomatic representative of the United States and without authority of
Congress, the Government of a feeble but friendly and confiding
people has been overthrown. A substantial wrong has thus been
done which a due regard for our national character as well as the
rights of the injured people requires we should endeavor to repair.
The provisional government has not assumed a republican or other
constitutional form, but has remained a mere executive council or
oligarchy, set up without the assent of the people. It has not
sought to find a permanent basis of popular support and has given
no evidence of an intention to do so. Indeed, the representatives of
that government assert that the people of Hawaii are unfit for popular government and frankly avow that they can be best ruled by
arbitrary or despotic power.
The law of nations is founded upon reason and justice, and the
rules of conduct governing individual relations between citizens
or subjects of a civilized state are equally applicable as between
enlightened nations. The considerations that international law is
without a court for its enforcement, and that obedience to its commands practically depends upon good faith, instead of upon the
mandate of a superior tribunal, only give additional sanction to the
law itself and brand any deliberate infraction of it not merely as
a wrong but as a disgrace. A man of true honor protects the
unwritten word which binds his conscience more scrupulously, if
possible, than he does the bond a breach of which subjects him to




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1265


legal liabilities; and the United States in aiming to maintain itself
as one of the most enlightened of nations would do its citizens
gross injustice if it applied to its international relations any other
than a high standard of honor and morality. On that ground the
United States can not properly be 'put in the position of countenancing a wrong after its commission any more than in that of
consenting to it in advance. On that ground it can not allow itself
to refuse to redress an injury inflicted through an abuse of power by
officers clothed with its authority and wearing its uniform; and on
the same ground, if a feeble but friendly state is in danger of being
robbed of its independence and its sovereignty by a misuse of the
name and power of the United States, the United States can not
fail to vindicate its honor and its sense of justice by an earnest effort
to make all possible reparation.
These principles apply to the present case with irresistible force
when the special conditions of the Queen's surrender of her sovereignty are recalled. She surrendered not to the provisional government, but to the United States. She surrendered not absolutely
and permanently, but temporarily and conditionally until such time
as the facts could be considered by the United States. Furthermore, the provisional government acquiesced in her surrender in
that manner and on those terms, not only by tacit consent, but
through the positive acts of some members of that government who
urged her peaceable submission, not merely to avoid bloodshed, but
because she could place implicit reliance upon the justice of the
United States, and that the whole subject would be finally considered at Washington.
I have not, however, overlooked an incident of this unfortunate
affair which remains to be mentioned. The members of the provisional government and their supporters, though not entitled to
extreme sympathy, have been led to their present predicament of
revolt against the Government of the Queen by the indefensible
encouragement and assistance of our diplomatic representative. This
fact may entitle them to claim that in our effort to rectify the wrong
committed some regard should be had for their safety. This sentiment is strongly seconded by my anxiety to do nothing which would
invite either harsh retaliation on the part of the Queen or violence
and bloodshed in any quarter. In the belief that the Queen, as well
as her enemies, would be willing to adopt such a course as would meet
these conditions, and in view of the fact that both the Queen and
the provisional government had at one time apparently acquiesced
in a reference of the entire case to the United States Government,
and considering the further fact that in any event the provisional
S. Rep. 227- 80




1266


EHAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


government by its own declared limitation was only " to exist until
terms of union with the United States of America have been nego.
tiated and agreed upon," I hoped that after the assurance to the
members of that government that such union could not be consummated I might compass a peaceful adjustment of the difficulty.
Actuated by these desires and purposes, and not unmindful of the
inherent perplexities of the situation nor of the limitations upon my
power, I instructed Minister Willis to advise the Queen and her sup.
porters of my desire to aid in the restoration of the status existing
before the lawless landing of the United States forces at Honolulu
on the I6th of January last, if such restoration could be effected upon
terms providing for clemency as well as justice to all parties con.
cerned. The conditions suggested, as the instructions show, con.
template a general amnesty to those concerned in setting up the
provisional government and a recognition of all its bonafide acts
and obligations.  In short, they require that the past should be
buried, and that the restored Government should reassum6 its authority as if its continuity had not been interrupted. These conditions have not proved acceptable to the Queen, and though she has
been informed that they will be insisted upon, and that, unless
acceded to, the efforts of the President to aid in the restoration ol
her Government will cease, I have not thus far learned that she is
willing to yield them her acquiescence. The check which my plans
have thus encountered has prevented their presentation to the members of the provisional government, while unfortunate public misrepresentations of the situation and exaggerated statements of the
sentiments of our people have obviously injured the prospects oI
successful Executive mediation.
I therefore submit this communication with its accompanying
exhibits, embracing Mr. Blount's report, the evidence and statements taken by him at Honolulu, the instructions given to both
Mr. Blount and Minister Willis, and correspondence connected with
the affair in hand.
In commending this subject to the extended powers and wide discretion of the Congress, I desire to add the assurance that I shall be
much gratified to cooperate in any legislative plan which may be
devised for the solution of the problem before us which is consistent
with American honor, integrity, and morality.
GROVER CLEVELAND.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
Washington, December I8, I893.




DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, October 18, 1893.
The PRESIDENT:
The full and impartial reports submitted by the Hon. James H.
Blount, your special commissioner to the Hawaiian Islands, established
the following facts:
Queen Liliuokalani announced her intention on Saturday, January
14, 1893, to proclaim a new constitution, but the opposition of her
ministers and others induced her to speedily change her purpose and
make public announcement of that fact.
At a meeting in Honolulu, late on the afternoon of that day, a
so-called committee of public safety, consisting of thirteen men, being all
or nearly all who were present, was appointed "to consider the situation and devise ways and means for the maintenance of the public peace
and the protection of life and property," and at a meeting of this committee on the 15th, or the forenoon of the 16th of January, it was
resolved amongst other things that a provisional government be created
"to exist until terms of union with the United States of America have
been negotiated and agreed upon." At a mass meeting which assembled at 2 p. m. on the last-named day, the Queen and her supporters
were condemned and denounced, and the committee was continued and
all its acts approved.
Later the same afternoon the committee addressed a letter to John
L. Stevens, the American minister at Honolulu, stating that the lives
and property of the people were in peril and appealing to him and the
United States forces at his command for assistance. This communication concluded (' we are unable to protect ourselves without aid, and
therefore hope for the protection of the United States forces." On
receipt of this letter Mr. Stevens requested Capt. Wiltse, commander
of the U. S. S. Boston, to land a force "' for the protection of the United
States legation, United States consulate, and to secure the safety of
American life and property. " The well-armed troops, accompanied by
two gatling guns, were promptly landed and marched through the
quiet streets of Honolulu to a public hall, previously secured by Mr.
Stevens for their accommodation. This hall was just across the street
from the Government building, and in plain view of the Queen's palace.
The reason for thus locating the military will presently appear. The
governor of the Island immediately addressed to Mr. Stevens a com1nunication protesting against the act as an unwarranted invasion of
Hawaiian soil and reminding him that the proper authorities had never
lenied permission to the naval forces of the United States to land for
Irill or any other proper purpose.                 1267




1268


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


About the same time the Queen's minister of foreign affairs sent a
note to Mr. Stevens asking why the troops had been landed and
informing him that the proper authorities were able and willing to
afford full protection to the American legation and all American interests in Honolulu. Only evasive replies were sent to these communications.
While there were no manifestations of excitement or alarm   in the
city, and the people were ignorant of the contemplated movement, the
committee entered the Government building, after first ascertaining
that it was unguarded, and read a proclamation declaring that the
existing Government was overthrown and a Provisional Government
established in its place, "to exist until terms of union with the United
States of America have been negotiated and agreed upon." No
audience was present when the proclamation was read, but during
the reading 40 or 50 men, some of them indifferently armed, entered
the room. The executive and advisory councils mentioned in the
proclamation at once addressed a communication to Mr. Stevens,
informing him that the monarchy had been abrogated and a provisional government established. This communication concluded:
Such Provisional Government has been proclaimed, is now in possession of the
Government departmental buildings, the archives, and the treasury, and is in control
of the city. We hereby request that you will, on behalf of the United States, recognize it as the existing defacto Government of the Hawaiian Islands and afford to it
the moral support of your Government, and, if necessary, the support of American
troops to assist in preserving the public peace.
On receipt of this communication, Mr. Stevens immediately recognized the new Government, and, in a letter addressed to Sanford B.
Dole, its President, informed him   that he had done so. Mr. Dole
replied:
GOVERNMENT BUILDING,
Honolulu, January 17, 1893.
SIR: I acknowledge receipt of your valued communication of this day, recognizing
the Hawaiian Provisional Government, and express deep appreciation of the same.
We have conferred with the ministers of the late Government, and have made
demand upon the marshal to surrender the station house. We are not actually yet
in posession of the station house, but as night is approaching and our forces may be
insufficient to maintain order, we request the immediate support of the United
States forces, and would request that the commander of the United States forces
take command of our military forces, so that they may act together for the protection of the city.
Respectfully, yours,
SANFORD B. DOLE,
Chairman Executive Council.
His Excellency JOHN L. STEVENS,
United States Minister Resident.
Note of Mr. Stevens at the end of the above communication.
The above request not complied with.
STEVENS.
The station house was occupied by a well-armed force, under the
command of a resolute capable, officer. The same afternoon the Queen,
her ministers, representatives of the Provisional Government, and
others held a conference at the palace. Refusing to recognize the new
authority or surrender to it, she was informed that the Provisional
Government had the support of the American minister, and, if necessary, would be maintained by the military force of the United States
then present; that any demonstration on her part would precipitate a
conflict with that force; that she could not, with hope of success% engage




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                       1269
in war with the United States, and that resistance wc-uld result in a
useless sacrifice of life. Mr. Damon, one of the chief leaders of the
movement, and afterwards vice-president of the Provisional Government, informed the Queen that she could surrender under protest and
her case would be considered later at Washington. Believing that,
under the circumstances, submission was a duty, and that her case
would be fairly considered by the President of the United States, the
Queen finally yielded and sent to the Provisional Government the
paper, which reads:
I, Liliuokalani, by the grace of God and under the constitution of the Hawaiian
Kingdom, Queen, do hereby solemnly protest against any and all acts done against
myself and the constitutional Government of the Hawaiian Kingdom by certain
persons claiming to have established a Provisional Government of and for this
Kingdom.
That I yield to the superior force of the United States of America, whose minister
plenipotentiary, his excellency John L. Stevens, has caused United States troops to
be lauded at Honolulu and declared that he would support the Provisional Government.
Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces and perhaps the loss of life, I do,
under this protest, and impelled by said force, yield my authority until such time as
the Government of the United States shall, upon the facts being presented to it, undo
the action of its representative and reinstate me and the authority which I claim as
the constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands.
When this paper was prepared at the conclusion of the conference,
and signed by the Queen and her ministers, a number of persons,
including one or more representatives of the Provisional Government,
who were still present and understood its contents, by their silence, at
least, acquiesced in its statements, and, when it was carried to President Dole, he indorsed upon it, " Received from the hands of the late
cabinet this 17th day of January, 1893," without challenging the truth
of any of its assertions. Indeed, it was not claimed on the 17th day of
January, or for some time thereafter, by any of the designated officers
of the Provisional Government or any annexationist that the Queen
surrendered otherwise than as stated in her protest.
In his dispatch to Mr. Foster of January 18, describing the so-called
revolution, Mr. Stevens says:
The committee of public safety forthwith took possession of the Government building, archives, and treasury, and installed the Provisional Government at the head of
the respective departments. This being an accomplished fact, I promptly recognized
the Provisional Government as the de Jacto government of the Hawaiian Islands.
In Secretary Foster's communication of February 15 to the President,
laying before him the treaty of annexation, with the view to obtaining
the advice and consent of the Senate thereto, he says:
At the time the Provisional Government took possession of the pvernment building no troops or officers of the United States were present or took any part whatever
in the proceedings. No public recognition was accorded to the Provisional Government by the United States minister until after the Queen's abdication, and when
they were in effective possession of the Government building, the archives, the
treasury, the barracks, the police station, and all the potential machinery of the
Government.
Similar language is found in an official letter addressed to Secretary
Foster on February 3 by the special commissioners sent to Washingtonl by the Provisional Government to negotiate a treaty of annexation.
These statements are utterly at variance with the evidence, documIentary and oral, contained in Mr. Blount's reports. They are contradicted by declarations and letters of President Dole and other annexationists and by Mr. Stevens's own verbal admissions to Mr. Blount.




1270


IIAWAITA',"N ISLANDS.,


The Provisional Government was recognized when it had little other
than a paper existence, and when the legitimate government was in
full possession and control of the palace, the barracks, and the police
station. Mr. Stevens's well-known hostility and the threatening presence of the force landed from the Boston was all that could then have
excited serious apprehension in the minds of the Queen, her officers,
and loyal supporters.
It is fair to say that Secretary Foster's statements were based upon
information which he had received from Mr. Stevens and the special
commissioners, but I am unable to see that they were deceived. The
troops were landed, not to protect American life and property, but to
aid in overthrowing the existing government. Their very presence
implied coercive measures against it.
In a statement given to Mr. Blount, by Admiral Skerrett, the ranking
naval officer at Honolulu, he says:
If the troops were landed simply to protect American citizens and interests, they
were badly stationed in Arion Hall, but if the intention was to aid the Provisional
Government they were wisely stationed.
This hall was so situated that the troops in it easily commanded
the Government building, and the proclamation was read under the
protection of American guns. At an early stage of the movement, if
not at the beginning, Mr. Stevens promised the annexationists that
as soon as they obtained possession of the Government building and
there read a proclamation of the character above referred to, he would
at once recognize them as a de facto government, and support them by
landing a force from our war ship then in the harbor, and he kept that
promise. This assurance was the inspiration of the movement, and
without it the annexationists would not have exposed themselves to
the consequences of failure. They relied upon no military force of their
own, for they had none worthy of the name. The Provisional Government was established by the action of the American minister and the
presence of the troops landed from the Boston, and its continued existence is due to the belief of the Hawaiians that if they made an effort
to overthrow it, they would encounter the armed forces of the United
States.
The earnest appeals to the American minister for military protection
by the officers of that Government, after it had been recognized, show
the utter absurdity of the claim that it was established by a successful
revolution of the people of the Islands. Those appeals were a confession
by the men who made them of their weakness and timidity. Courageous
men, conscious of their strength and the justice of their cause, do not
thus act. It is not now claimed that a majority of the people, having
the right to vote under the constitution of 1887, ever favored the existingauthority or annexation to this or anyother country. They earnestly
desire that the government of their choice shall be restored and its
independence respected.
Mr. Blount states that while at Honolulu he did not meet a single
annexationist who expressed willingness to submit the question to a
vote of the people, nor did he talk with one on that subject who did not
insist that if the Islands were annexed suffrage should be so restricted
as to give complete control to foreigners or whites. Representative
annexationists have repeatedly made similar statements to the undersigned.
The Government of Hawaii surrendered its authority under a threat
of war, until such time only as the Government of the United States,
upon the facts being presented to it, should reinstate the constitutional




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1271


lovereign, and the Provisional Government was created "to exist until
erms of union with the United States of America have been negotiated
bnd agreed upon." A careful consideration of the facts will, I think,,onvince you that the treaty which was withdrawn from the Senate for
urther consideration should not be resubmitted for its action thereon.
Should not the great wrong done to a feeble but independent State
)y an abuse of the authority of the United States be undone by restorng the legitimate governmentS Anything short of that will not, I
'espectfully submit, satisfy the demands of justice.
Can the United States consistently insist that other nations shall.espect the independence of Hawaii while not respecting it themselves 
)ur Government was the first to recognize the independence of the
islands and it should be the last to acquire sovereignty over them by
orce and fraud.
Respectfully submitted.
W. Q. GRESHAM.
[Confidential.]
Mr. Greshamn to Mr. Willis.
To. 4.]                        DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, October 18, 1893.
SIR: Supplementing the general instructions which you have received
vith regard to your official duties, it is necessary to communicate to
{ou, in confidence, special instructions for your guidance in so far as
concerns the relation of the Government of the United States towards;he defacto Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
The President deemed it his duty to withdraw from the Senate the;reaty of annexation which has been signed by the Secretary of Staue
and the agents of the Provisional Government, and to dispatch a trusted:epresentative to Hawaii to impartially investigate the causes of the
so-called revolution and ascertain and report the true situation in those
[slands. This information was needed the better to enable the Presilent to discharge a delicate and important public duty.
The instructions given to Mr. Blount, of which you are furnished with
copy, point out a line of conduct to be observed by him in his official
md personal relations on the Islands, by which you will be guided so
ar as they are applicable and not inconsistent with what is herein
contained.
It remains to acquaint you with the President's conclusions upon the
acts embodied in Mr. Blount's reports and to direct your course in
accordance therewith.
The Provisional Government was not established by the Hawaiian
people, or with their consent or acquiescence, nor has it since existsd
with their consent. The Queen refused to surrender her powers to the
Provisional Government until convinced that the minister of the United
States had recognized it as the de facto authority, and would support
md defend it with the military force of the United States, and that
'esistance would precipitate a bloody conflict with that force. She was
advised and assured by her ministers and by leaders of the movenent for the overthrow of her government, that if she surrendered
inder protest her case would afterwards be fairly considered by the
President of the United States. The Queen finally wisely yielded to;he armed forces of the United States then quartered in Honolulu,,elying upon the good faith and honor of the President, when informed




1272


HAWAITIANISLA~NDS.


of what had occurred, to undo the action of the minister and reinstate
her and the authority which she claimed as the constitutional sovereign
of the Hawaiian Islands.
After a patient examination of Mr. Blount's reports the President is
satisfied that the movement against the Queen, if not instigated, was
encouraged and supported by the representative of this Government
at Honolulu; that he promised in advance to aid her enemies in an
effort to overthrow the Hawaiian Government and set up by force a
new government in its place; and that he kept this promise by causing a detachment of troops to be landed from the Boston on the 16th
of January, and by recognizing the Provisional Government the next
day when it was too feeble to defend itself and the constitutional government was able to successfully maintain its authority against any
threatening force other than that of the United States already landed.
The President has therefore determined that he will not send back
to the Senate for its action thereon the treaty which he withdrew from
that body for further consideration on the 9th day of March last.
On your arrival at Honolulu you will take advantage of an early
opportunity to inform the Queen of this determination, making known
to her the President's sincere regret that the reprehensible conduct of
the American minister and the unauthorized presence on land of a military force of the United States obliged her to surrender her sovereignty,
for the time being, and rely on the justice of this Government to undo
the flagrant wrong.
You will, however, at the same time inform the Queen that, when
reinstated, the President expects that she will pursue a magnanimous
course by granting full amnesty to all who participated in the movement against her, including persons who are, or have been, officially or.
otherwise, connected with the Provisional Government, depriving them
of no right or privilege which they enjoyed before the so-called revolution. All obligations created by the Provisional Government in due
course of administration should be assumed.
Having secured the Queen's agreement to pursue this wise and
humane policy, which it is believed you will speedily obtain, you will
then advise the executive of the Provisional Government and his ministers of the President's determination of the question which their action
and that of the Queen devolved upon him, and that they are expected
to promptly relinquish to her her constitutional authority.
Should the Queen decline to pursue the liberal course suggested, or
should the Provisional Government refuse to abide by the President's
decision, you will report the facts and await further directions.
In carrying out these general instructions you will be guided largely
by your own good judgment in dealing with the delicate situation.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
W. Q. GRESHAM.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Willis.
[Telegram sent through dispatch agent at San Francisco.]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, November 24, 1893.
The brevity and uncertainty of your telegrams are embarrassing.
You will insist upon amnesty and recognition of obligations of the
Provisional Government as essential conditions of restoration. All
interests will be promoted by prompt action.
W. Q. GRESHAM.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1273


Mr. Gresham to Mr. Willis.
[Telegram.]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, December 3, 1893.
Your dispatch, which was answered by steamer on the 25th of Novem.
ber, seems to call for additional instructions.
Should the Queen refuse assent to the written conditions, you will
at once inform her that the President will cease interposition in her
behalf, and that while he deems it his duty to endeavor to restore
to the sovereign the constitutional government of the islands, his
further efforts in that direction will depend upon the Queen's unqualified agreement that all obligations created by the Provisional Government in a proper course of administration shall be assumed and upon
such pledges by her as will prevent the adoption of any measures of
proscription or punishment for what has been done in the past by
those setting up or supporting the Provisional Government. The
President feels that by our original interference and what followed we
have incurred responsibilities to the whole Hawaiian community, and
it would not be just to put one party at the mercy of the other.
Should the Queen ask whether if she accedes to conditions active
steps will be taken by the United States to effect her restoration or to
maintain her authority thereafter, you will say that the President can
not use force without the authority of Congress.
Should the Queen accept conditions and the Provisional Government
refuse to surrender, you will be governed by previous instructions. If
the Provisional Government asks whether the United States will hold
the Queen to fulfillment of stipulated conditions, you will say, the
President, acting under dictates of honor and duty as he has done in
endeavoring to effect restoration, will do all in his constitutional power
to cause observance of the conditions he has imposed.
GREESHAM.




e~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
I~~~~~~




LIST OF PAPERS-Correspondene.
1. Mr. Gresham to Mr. Blount, March 11, 1893.
2. Same to Mr. Stevens, March 11, 1893.
3. Same to Mr. Severance, March 11, 1893.
4. Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham, No. 1, April 6, 1893,
5. Same to same, No. 2, April 8, 1893.
6. Same to same, No. 3, April 26, 1893.
7. Same to same, No. 4, May 4, 1893.
8. Same to same, No. 5, May 6, 1893.
9. Same to same, No. 6, May 9, 1893.
10. Same to same, No. 7, May 24, 1893.
11. Same to same, No. 8, June 1, 1893.
12. Same to same, No. 9, June 6, 1893.
13. Same to same, No. 10, June 17, 1893.
14. Same to same, No. 11, June 28, 1893.
15. Same to same, No. 12, July 7, 1893.
16. Same to same, No. 13, July 17, 1893.
17. Same to same, July 17, 1893.
18. Same to same, No. 14, July 19, 1893.
19. Same to same, No. 15, July 26, 1893.
20. Same to same, July 31, 1893.
PArnT I.-CORRESPONDENCE.
No. 1.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Blount.
DEPARTMENT OF STATIE
Washington, March 11, 1893.
Hon. JAMES H. BLOUNT, etc.:
SIR: The situation created in the Hawaiian Islands by the recent
deposition of Queen Liliuokalani and the erection of a Provisional
Government demands the fullest consideration of the President, and
in order to obtain trustworthy information on this subject, as well as
for the discharge of other duties herein specified, he has decided te
dispatch you to the Hawaiian Islands as his special commissioner, in
which capacity you will herewith receive a commission and also a letter,
whereby the President accredits you to the president of the executive
and advisory councils of the Hawaiian Islands.
The comprehensive, delicate, and confidential character of your mission can now only be briefly outlined, the details of its execution being
necessarily left, in great measure, to your good judgment and wise discretion.
You will investigate and fully report to the President all the facts
you can learn respecting the condition of affairs in the Hawaiian Islands,
the causes of the revolution by which the Queen's Government was overthrown, the sentiment of the people toward existing authority, and, in
1275




1276


HAWATIAN IN SIANDS.~


general, all that can fully enlighten the President touching the subjects
of your mission.
To enable you to fulfill this charge, your authority in all matters
touching the relations of this Government to the existing or other government of the islands, and the protection of our citizens therein, is
paramount, and in you alone, acting in co6peration with the commander
of the naval forces, is vested full discretion and power to'determine
when such forces should be landed or withdrawn.
You. are, however, authorized to avail yourself of such aid and
information as you may desire from the present minister of the United
States at Honolulu, Mr. John L. Stevens, who will continue until
further notice to perform the usual functions attaching to his office, not
inconsistent with the powers entrusted to you. An instruction will be
sent to Mr. Stevens directing him to facilitate your presentation to the
head of the Government upon your arrival, and to render you all
needed assistance.
The withdrawal from the Senate of the recently signed treaty of
annexation, for reexamination by the President, leaves its subject-matter
in abeyance, and you are not charged with any duty in respect thereto.
It may be well, however, for you to dispel any possible misapprehension which its withdrawal may have excited touching the entire friendliness of the President and the Government of the United States toward
the people of the Hawaiian Islands or the earnest solicitude here felt
for their welfare, tranquility, and progress.
Historical precedents and the general course of the United States
authorize the employment of its armed force in foreign territory for
the security of the lives and property of American citizens and for the
repression of lawless and tumultuous acts threatening them; and the
powers conferred to that end upon the representatives of the United
States are both necessary and proper, subject always to the exercise
of a sound discretion in their application.
In the judgment of the President your authority, as well as that of the
commander of the naval forces in Hawaiian waters should be, and is,
limited in the use of physical force to such measures as are necessary
to protect the persons and property of our citizens; and while abstaining from any manner of interference with the domestic concerns of the
Islands, you should indicate your willingness to intervene with your
friendly offices in the interest of a peaceful settlement of troubles within
the limits of sound discretion.
Should it be necessary to land an armed force upon Hawaiian territory on occasions of popular disturbance, when the local authority may
be unable to give adequate protection to the life and property of citizens of the United States, the assent of such authority should first be
obtained, if it can be done without prejudice to the interests involved.
Your power in this regard should not, however, be claimed to the exclusion of similar measures by the representatives of other powers for the
protection of the lives and property of their citizens or subjects residing
in the Islands.
While the United States claim no right to interfere in the political
or domestic affairs or in the internal conflicts of the Hawaiian Islands
otherwise than as herein stated, or for the purpose of maintaining any
treaty or other rights which they possess, this Government will adhere
to its consistent and established policy in relation to them, and it will
not acquiesce in domestic interference by other powers.
The foregoing general exposition of the President's views will indicate the safe courses within which your action should be shaped and




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                       1277
mark the limits of your discretion in calling upon the naval commander
for cooperation.
The United States revenue cutter Rush is under orders to await you
at San Francisco and convey you to Honolulu.
A stenographic clerk will be detailed to accompany you and remain
subject to your orders.
It is expected that you will use all convenient despatch for the
fulfillment of your mission, as it is the President's desire to have the
results before him at the earliest possible day. Besides the connected
report you are expected to furnish you will from time to time, as occasion
may offer, correspond with the Secretary of State, communicating
information or soliciting special instruction on such points as you may
deem necessary. In case of urgency you may telegraph, either in
plain text or in the cipher of the Navy Department, through the
kind offices of the admiral commanding, which may be sent to Mr. W. A.
Cooper, United States dispatch agent at San Francisco, to be transmitted thence.
Reposing the amplest confidence in your ability and zeal for the realization of the trust thus confided to you,
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
W. Q. GRESHAM.
[Inclosure.]
President Cleveland to President Dole.
Grover Cleveland, President of the United States of America, to his excellency
Sanford B. Dole, President of the executive and advisory councils of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND: I have made choice of James H. Blount, one of our
distinguished citizens, as my special commissioner to visit the Hawaiian Islands
and make report to me concerning the present status of affairs in that country.
He is well informed of our sincere desire to cultivate and maintain to the fullest
extent the friendship which has so long subsisted between the two countries, and
in all matters affecting relations with the Government of the Hawaiian Islands his
authority is paramount. My knowledge of his high character and ability gives me
entire confidence that he will use every endeavor to advance the interest and prosperity of both Governments and so render himself acceptable to your excellency.
I therefore request your excellency to receive him favorably and to give full
credence to what he shall say on the part of the United States and to the assurances
which I have charged him to convey to you of the best wishes of this Government
for the prosperity of the Hawaiian Islands.
May God have your excellency in His wise keeping.
Written at Washington this 11th day of March, in the year 1893.
Your good friend,
GROVER CLEVELAND.
By the President:
W. Q. GRESHAM,
Secretary of State,
No. 2.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Stevens.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, March 11, 1893.
SIR: With a view to obtaining the fullest possible information in
regard to the condition of affairs in the Hawaiian Islands the President has determined to send to Honolulu, as his Special Commissioner,




1278                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
the honorable James H. Blount, lately chairman of the Committee on
Foreign Affairs.
Mr. Blount bears credential letters in that capacity, addressed to
the President of the executive and advisory councils of the Provisional
Government, and you are requested to facilitate his presentation.
In all matters pertaining to the existing or other Government of the
Islands the authority of Mr. Blount is paramount. As regards the
conduct of the usual business of the legation, you are requested to continue until further notice in the performance of your official functions,
so far as they may not be inconsistent with the special powers confided
to Mr. Blount. You are also requested to aid him in the fulfillment of
his important mission by furnishing any desired assistance and informa.
tion, and the archives of the legation should be freely accessible to him.
Mr. Blount is fully instructed touching his relations to the commanding officer of the United States naval force in Hawaiian waters.
I am, &c.,
W. Q. GRESHAM.
No. 3.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Severance.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
TWashington, lMarch 11, 1893.
SIn: With a view to obtaining the fullest possible information in
regard to the condition of affairs in the Hawaiian Islands, the President
sends to Honolula, as his Special Commissioner, the honorable James
H. Blount, lately chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs.
You are requested to aid Mr. Blount in the fulfillment of his important mission by furnishing any desired assistance and information;
and the archives of the consulate-general should be freely accessible
to him.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
W. Q. GRESHAM.
No. 4.
Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham.
No. 1.]
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, April 6, 1893.
-SIR: I have the honor to inform you that about iobn on the 29th
ultimo the Rush anchored at Honolulu. I was immediately met by the
American minister, Mr. Stevens. He informed me that the annexation
committee, which came on board with him, had rented one of the most
eligible residences in the city for my use; had provided servants, among
others an American steward, and a carriage and horses, etc., for my
use. I could pay whatever I wanted to for it, from nothing up. He
urged me very strongly to accept the proposed arrangement.
I replied to him that I could accept no favors at the hands of any
parties in the islands, and that I should immediately go to a hotel.
The annexation committee then came up and insisted that I should
take the accommodations which they had seen fit to provide on the
terms already indicated by the American minister. I again declined,
stating that I should resort to a hotel and make my arrangements there.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1279


At this time there was an immense collection of natives on shore,
men, women, and children, evidently in a state of joyous expectation.
One of the annexation committee said to me: "When you reach the
shore the natives will desire you to take their carriages and allow them
to escort you to your hotel." This was said with anxiety. I replied:
"Ii shall go to my hotel in my own carriage."
Soon after this a Mr. Robertson appeared on the scene as the Queen's
ex-chamberlain, to request that I would accept her carriage to convey
me to my hotel. I returned thanks to her, but stated that I would use
my own conveyance.
On Thursday, March 30, at 4 o'clock in the evening, in company with
the American minister, I called on the President of the Provisional
Government. I communicated to him the friendly disposition of our
Government towards his and towards the Hawaiian people. I assured
him of its purpose to avoid any interference with the domestic concerns
of the islands unless it became necessary to protect the persons and
property of American citizens. I then offered my letters of credence,
which were accepted by President Dole, accompanied with expressions
of great friendship for my Government and confidence in myself.
The Daily Pacific Commercial Advertiser of March 31, 1893, reports
the proceedings of the Hawaiian Patriotic League, from which the
following is taken: "Mr. Joseph Nawahi, one of the speakers, said
that all Hawaiians were in favor of monarchy, and then he asked his
hearers if they wanted their queen to be restored. They all answered
'yes,' as a matter of course. He then went on to say that the Commissioner was sent here to feel their pulses, and for all Hawaiians to
ask him for a return of the old order of things. He told the people to
show by their actions that they did not want annexation, and as a
greater power than the Government had arrived among them, a memorial would be read without fear of arrest."
The resolutions adopted by the meeting are as follows:
Whereas His Excellency Grover Cleveland, President of the United States of
America, has honored the Hawaiian Nation by sending to us the Hon. James H.
Blount as a special commissioner. to find out the true wishes of the Hawaiian people
as to the proposed annexation of their country to their great friend the United
States: Therefore, we, the people of the Hawaiian Islands, in mass meeting assembled, take this mode of submitting our appeal and expression of our unanimous
wishes to the people of our great and good friend the Republic of the United States
of America, with whom we always entertained the most cordial relation, whom we
have learned to look upon as our patrons and most reliable protectors, and in whose
honor, integrity, and sense of justice and equity we have ever confidently relied for
investigation into the grievous wrongs that have been committed against us as a
people, against the person of our sovereign and the independence of our land;
And while we are anxious to promote the closest and most intimate political and
commercial relations with the United States, we do not believe that the time has
yet come for us to be deprived of our nationality and of our sovereign by annexation to any foreign power;
And, therefore, we do hereby earnestly and sincerely pray that the great wrong
committed against us may be righted by the restoration of the independent autonomy and constitutional government of our kindgdom under our beloved Queen Liliuokalani, in whom we have the utmost confidence as a conscientious and popular
ruler.
Previous to this, accompanied by Mr. Stevens, the American minister, I had called upon the President of the Provisional Government
and briefly stated the friendly disposition of our Government towards
the Hawaiian people. Care had been taken on this occasion to avoid
any reference to the use of the American troops. It had seemed to me
up to the action of the aforesaid meeting that it would be wise to take
a few days to ascertain the situation of affairs before causing the troops
to be removed to the vessels and the ensign hauled down.




1280


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


A Major Seward called on the morning of March 31, desiring to know
when it would be convenient for me to receive a committee from the
mass meeting of the preceding evening, which desired to present the
resolutions adopted. It was quite clear that in the mind of that
assemblage, there were apprehensions that I was here vested with
power to reinstate Queen Liliuokalani.
The reception of a committee so avowedly hostile to the existing
Government raised a question as to whether this would consist with
a recognition of existing authority and the policy of noninterference.
The messenger was informed that the subject would be taken into con.
sideration and that he might call at 2 o'clock of the same day for my
reply.
Very soon after his departure I called on President Dole, and called
his attention to the meeting and resolutions. I said that, under existing circumstances, I deemed it proper at once to say to him that I should
cause the ensign of the United States to be hauled down, and the troops
ordered on board their respective vessels. I informed him further that
they would be used only to protect the persons and property of American citizens, and that our Government would not acquiesce in the
interference by any other Government in the establishment or maintenance of any form of Government on the islands. He desired to know
when the troops would be removed and the ensign hauled down. I
replied, to-day or to-morrow. He expressed a preference that it should
be done on the morning of the following day, April 1. To this I agreed.
I asked if he was satisfied he could preserve order when our troops
were withdrawn. To this he replied that he had no doubt of it. He
added that when the troops were first furnished they could not have
gotten along without their aid. 'He was given to understand that this
question was not intended as a guide to me in the removal of the troops,
but simply to ascertain whether disorders were likely to occur.
Soon afterwards the following order was issued to Admiral Skerrett:
HONOLULU, March 31, 1893.
SIR: You are directed to haul down the United States ensign from the Government Building, and to embark the troops now on shore to the ships to which they
belong.
This will be executed at 11 o'clock on the 1st day of April.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
JAMES H. BLOUNT,
Special Commissioner of the United States.
Rear Admiral J. S. SKERRETT,
Commanding Pacific Squadron.
On the afternoon of this day (March 31) I informed the messenger oi
the mass meeting that I would receive them at 4 o'clock on the following day. This was done in order that when the committee called, the
ensign would have been hauled down and the troops ordered aboard of
their vessels, and I could state freely to the committee that it was not
my purpose to interfere in their domestic concerns; that the United
States troops would not be used to maintain or restore any form of
government, but simply to protect the persons and property of American citizens. This reply I hoped would allay any action on the part of
the people based on erroneous impressions as to my future conduct.
On the night before the flag was taken down, the American minister
came to me with a Mr. Smith, correspondent of the San Francisco
Chronicle, whom he introduced as a gentleman of intelligence and high
character desiring to make an important communication to me. This
gentleman claimed to know that it was the purpose of the Japanese
commissioner, who had learned that the American flag was to be hauled




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1281
down and the troops sent on board their respective vessels, to enter
Honolulu with troops for the purpose of restoring authority to the
Queen.
This story was credited by the American minister, who urged that I
should not take down the flag until diplolmatic intercourse between the
Government of the United States and the Government of Japan should
determine the correctness of this information.
Very little observation had satisfied me that all sorts of rumors arise
in this community almost every hour, and are credited without refer;
ence to the probabilities.
Conscious of the power and policy of our own Government in these
islands, and that of these the Japanese Government was well informed,
I maintained my purpose to insist upon the order to Admiral Skerrett.
At 4 o'clock on Saturday, April 1, a committee, consisting of nineteen members, very intelligenlt, respectable half-castes, called at the
headquarters of the commission. The spokesman, Mr. John E. Bush,
stated that at the mass meeting of the natives resolutions had been
adopted which they desired to present to me to be transmitted to the
President of the United States. He declared the high esteem and
affection his people had for the people of the United States, and spoke
of the friendly disposition our Government had always manifested
towards them. He said that up to my arrival the people had borne
patiently the existing condition of things, trusting in the disposition of
the American Government to do absolute justice by them. I replied
that he did not misinterpret the kindly feeling of the Government and
people of the United States for all classes of citizens in these islands. I
said I would accept their resolutions in no other sense than as I would
any other fact to be communicated in the way of information to the
President of the United States; that I could not discuss with them the
objects of my mission, nor the purposes of my Government. To this,
response was made by Mr. Bush, that this was all they could reasonably
expect.
I append herewith a copy of a letter, marked Ilnclosure 1, from Admiral Skerrett, containing a statement of the circumstlances attending
the hauling down of the ensign and the removal of the troops.
I also append a copy of a letter from Capt. Hooper, of the Rush
(Inclosnre No. 2), a very intelligent gentleman, whom I had asked to be
present on the occasion alnd report the circumstances.
Mr. Parker, the last secretary of state under the late Queen, a halfcaste of wealth and intelligence, called on Monday morning, April 3.
In his conversation he stated that he and other leaders of the Kanaka
population, loyal to the Queen, had been very active in impressing
upon their followers that the lowering of the flag and the withdrawal
of the troops must be accepted by them without any manifestations of
their olpinions or feelings.
On Sunday, April 2, I called on the American minister. While there
he related that be had had a conversation with the Japanese minister,
and satisfied him that our Government would not consent to Japanese
interference in these islands. I was glad to find that he himself was
not suffering from any apprehensions over the flaog incident.
The American minister and consul-general seem to be very intense
partisans for annexation. I do not yet see how they will embarrass me
in the purposes of my mission. While they seemed to give out the
impression that the troops will be brought back here in the event of
tronble, my presence discredits the authority of their statements. I
have uniformly stated that the troops would only be used for the purS. Rep. 227-81




1282                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
pose of protecting the property and persons of American citizens;
that I could not tell in advance what specific contingency would justify
me in doing so. At this time I think I may pursue all my inquiries in
the midst of peaceful surroundings.
Since my arrival visitors are constantly calling upon me and Mrs.
Blount. It appears to be a manifestation of regard on the part of all
classes of political opinion and of all races towards the Government
of the United States. Most of my time has been occupied in this way.
I do not know that it could have been employed more usefully. I
think I shall cautiously but surely find my way to the political feeling
of all classes. I shall commence soon to make inquiry in regard to
the various questions naturally arising in connection with the relations
of the United States to the Hawaiian Islands from       persons whose
opinions I shall have decided are of any valuable significance.
I feel assured that I can successfully ascertain much valuable information in this way.
I have, &c.,
JAMES H. BLOUINT,
Special Commissioner of the United States.
Admiral Skerrett to Mr. Blount.
lInclosure 1 in No. 1.]
No. 110.]           U. S. S. MOHICAN, FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, April 1, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to inform Special Commissioner Blount that in obedience to
his directions, the United States ensign over the Government building was lowered at
11 a. m. of this date, and the force withdrawn from the building and the place designated as Camp Boston, at the same hour. I learn that quite a number of people congregated about the Government building at the time. The force of marines stationed
there were relieved by a force of the Provisional Government. There was no demonstration made by the populace present. No cheering nor any other signs of either
joy or grief.
I went on shore this afternoon and saw quite an access in numbers of those who
were wearing the Annexation club badge. There has been no evidence shown of
unruly or riotous characters. Absolutely there appears to be peace and quiet.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. S. SKERRETT,
Bear-Admiral U... Navy, Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
[Inclosure 2 in No. 1.]
Capt. Hooper to Mr. Blount.
U. S. REVENUE STEAMER RUSH, Honolulu, April 2, 1893.
MY DEAR SIR: I witnessed the hauling down of the American flag and the raising of
the Hawaiian flag over the Government building at this place yesterday, and was sur
prised not only at the absence of any indication of the violent and partisan feeling
which I had been led to expect, but by the apparent apathy and indifference of the
native portion of the assembled crowd, and also their politeness and evident good
feeling towards Americans. As I passed freely around among them, accompanied
by my son, we were kept busy returning their friendly salutes. The greatest good
order prevailed throughout. There were no demonstrations of any kind as the
American flag came down, and not a single cheer greeted the Hawaiian flag as it
was raised aloft. The native men stood around in groups or singly, smoking, and
chatting and nodding familiarly to passing friends or leaning idly against the trees
and fences, while the women and children, which formed a large proportion of the
assemblage, were talking and laughing good-naturedly. As the hour for hauling
down the American flag approached, many people, men, women. and children could
be seen approaching the Government square in a most leisurely manner, and show



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                       1283
Ing more interest in the gala day appearance of the crowd than in the restoration of
their national flag. The air of good natured indifference and idle curiosity with
which the native men regarded the proceedings, and the presence of the women and
children in their white or bright colored dresses, was more suggestive of a country
"fair" or horse race than the sequel to a "revolution."
Even the presence of the " armed forces" of the Provisional Government, numbering perhaps 200, parading the corridors of the Government house, failed to elicit
any sign of a feeling of anger or resentment.
In half an hour after the exchange of flags had been made the crowd had dispersed
and only the "force" of the Provisional Government, which I was told was necessary to prevent mob violence, remained to indicate that a "revolution" had
recently taken place. While among the crowd I looked carefully for indications of
"arms"l upon the persons of the natives, but saw none, although with the thin
clothing worn by them, the presence of a revolver or such an arm could easily have
been detected.
If any danger of mob violence on the part of the natives existed, all outward
signs of it were carefully concealed. Only evidences of the greatest good feeling
were apparent.
Hoping that this short statement of the facts as they appeared to me may prove of
interest to you,
I am, etc.,
C. L. HOOPER,
Captain U. S. Revenue Marine.
No. 5.
Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham.
No. 2.]             HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, April 8, 1893.
SIR: I send you by the steamship China the following documents:
Report of the president of the Bureau of Immigration to the Legislature of 1892;
Constitution of the Hawaiian Islands for 1887;
The Honolulu Almanac and Directory for 1886, containing the Constitution of 1884, and
The Hawaiian Annual for 1892.*
These contain much valuable information, which may be useful in
properly understanding the political movements and the disposition of
different classes of persons in these islands. I forbear any comment
now. It seems to me important to gather all the information I cal, in
every direction, before permitting myself to reach conclusions or indulge
in comments. I am conversing with many persons of all shades of
political opinion. Some of these conversations I have in writing. They
will cover much space, and, unless especially desired by you, I will not,
as a rule, forward them by mail.
I send a conversation between Admiral Skerrett and myself, taken
down by my stenographer and approved as correct by Admiral
Skerrett. (Inclosure No. 1.).I inclose a copy of a letter from Mr. Thurston to Mr. Antone Rosa,
the original of which I have seen. Also an explanation of Hawaiian
words used in Mr. Thurston's letter. (Inclosure No. 2.)
I inclose also a copy of a letter written by Mr. Thurston to Mr. J. T.
Colburn, who was in the last ministry of the Queen. (Inclosure No. 3.)
1 think the annexation party is endeavoring to impress the Royalists
with the belief that, although the Aimerican ensign has been hauled
down and the American troops ordered to their vessels, under color of
protecting the persons and property of American citizens the troops
* Omitted from present publication.




1284                    rAWAIIAN rsLANDSD
will be returned, if need be, to suppress an outbreak against the existing Government.
As a class, American citizens here have been the most active in
dethroning the Queen, and are active in maintaining the existing
Government. If they are thus to participate in the affairs of these
islands, and when force is used to suppress such movements on their
part the forces of the United States are to be called in to protect their
persons and property, it does seem that our Government encourages
them to lawlessness, and its good faith is impugned.
My present impression is that the existing Government owes its
being and its maintenance to this perverted influence. Of course, time
and further inquiry may furnish a different and better opinion.
It is not easy for me to impress persons here with the complete idea
of our noninterference policy, coupled with exceptions. The protection of
the persons and property of American citizens here has come to mean
aid to or enforcement of the laws whenever force is used against existing authority. This may be used to create a new Government and
maintain it.
To meet the situation here may require a clear, defined, and thoroughly advertised announcement of when and how our troops are to be
used. I know much must always be left to the sound direction of the
representative of the United States here. Any suggestion or instruction to me, additional to what has been already given, would be very
helpful.
I am, etc.,
JAMES H. BLOUNT,
United States Commissioner.
[Inclosure 1 in No. 2.]
Interview between Admiral Skerrett and Mr. Blount.
APRIL 8, 1893.
Col. BLOUNT. When did you come to the islands?
Admiral SKERRETT. February the 10th of the present year.
Col. BLOUNT. Were you in Washington prior to that?
Admiral SKERRETT. Yes; I was in Washington on the 31st day of December, orthe
30th day of December.
Col. BLOUNT. Did you have any conversation with the Secretary of the Navy about
coming down here?
Admiral SKERIRETT. Yes.
Col. BLOUNT. Please be kind enough to state it.
Admiral SKERRETT. I called at the Navy Department on the 30th of December to
see Mr. Tracy, the Secretary of the Navy, to ask him if he had any final instructions
for me, as I was going to leave the next day for San Francisco to assume command
of the Pacifid squadron. He replied: "Commodore, I have no instructions to give
you. You will go there and perform your duty, as I know you will, and everything
will be satisfactory." I remarked: " Mr. Tracy, I want to ask you about these Ha,
waiian affairs. When I was out there twenty years ago I had frequent conversations with the then United States minister, Mr. Pierce, on the subject of the islands.
I was told then that the United States Government did not wish to annex the islands
of Hawaii."
He replied: "Commodore, the wishes of the Government have changed. They
will be very glad to annex Hawaii." He said as a matter of course none but the
ordinary legal means can be used to persuade these people to come into the United
States.
I said: "All right, sir. I only wanted to know how things were going on as a
cue to my action," and I bade him good-bye.
Col. BLOUNT. Admiral, please give me your opinion as to the disposition amongst
the opponents of the existing Government to resort to force.




HAWAIIAN ISLAIDS.


1285


Admiral SKERRETT. The only means I have of knowledge is what I glsan from
newspapers. I am never in conversation with any of the party; never been brought
in contact with them or anybody I knew to be opposed to the annexation movement.
Col. BLOUNT. Do you see any symptoms of any disposition to resort to force of
any kind?
Admiral SKERRETT. I have never since my arrivals-and I have been on shore
many times-seen any indications of such a disposition.
Col. BLOUNT. Up to this time?
Admiral SKEBRITT. Up to this time.
[Inclosure 2 in Ko. 2.]
Mr. Thurston to Mr. Rosa.
WASHINGTON, D. C., March 16, 1893.
FRIEND ROSA: Yours of March 1st is duly at hand. I am very sorry that the band
boys have taken the course which they have. It is certain that they can not get
work enough in Honolulu to support themselves from the receipts of an independent
band, as there are not people enough there who could afford to pay for a band of
that size to give the boys a living.
With regard to my taking charge of them in Chicago, I thank you for the interest
you have taken in the matter, and their confidence in me; but for several reasons I
would be unable to do it. In the first place, the expenses of so large a number of
men are very heavy, and it is only by a systematic arrangement that the business
part of the trip could be made a success. This would require the laying out of a
regular series of entertainments, with detail arrangements with theaters, fairs, etc.
This time I can not possibly give to them, as my own business at Chicago will necessarily take a great deal of time. In the second place, I should not think of such a
thing as undertaking to engineer such a combination as the Hawaiian band without a thoroughly competent musical leader such as Berger. I think they will make a
great mistake if they go on there under the leadership of the Manila man that
you speak of, or any of their own members. It requires something besides the ability to blow in the end of a trumpet to conduct a band. You yourself know how
rapidly the band has always deteriorated when Berger has been away. Of course
there are other men in the world just as good as Berger, but the boys are a peculiar
lot, and I know of no one who has been able to handle them or get music out of them
as he has. I should, therefore, very seriously doubt the advisability of their going
at all unless they can get him as a leader.
I hope that something can be done by which their differences with Berger and the
Government can be fixed up so that they can go to Chicago, as I think their presence there would be of great benefit to Hawaii. You can tell any of those gentlemen in Honolulu, who you say are interesting themselves to keep the band out of my
control, that they need not worry themselves any longer about it. If the band comes
to Chicago I will do everything in my power to assist them and forward their interests, and shall be glad to employ them during part of the time to play at the Volcano
building. Further than this I have no desire nor intention to have anything to do
with, or any control over them, although I presume this will be difficult for some
of our peanut-souled friends, who can not imagine anyone doing anything except
for private gain, to understand.
I am glad you have succeeded in settling up the Aylett suit with the Bishop
estate. I will write to W. 0. Smith to represent me in the matter, as the probability is that I will be unable to come back until after the opening of the fair, and
after that my movements are uncertain.
You say that you hope that we will do what is fair for all of you here. You ought
to know by this time that we desire nothing else. I think, Rosa, that you have got
an opportunity now to take a stand that will not only will be beneficial to yourself, but
in the highest degree beneficial to your people. I desire to say a few words to you
on the subject, knowing that from your superior education and associations you can
appreciate the logic of events and what the future is likely to bring forth, as very few
of those who look to you for guidance and as a leader can. What is done within the
next month or two is going to affect the future of Hawaii for a great many years. A
vast number of natives will look to you and Colburn and a few others for their opinions and information, and whether you take a narrow view of matters or a broad one
is going to be a radical factor in the settlement of the question at issue. There are
several things which are settled and determined, and if we all recognize them and
act upon that basis the results will necessarily be very different from what thev
otherwise will be. One of these certainties is that the monarchy is pau. The Queen




1286                      H&AWAIAN ISLADS.
and her immnediate partisans may not appreciate this, and will probably continue t*
labor under the delusion that there is a possiiility of her restoration. T. H. Davies
is over here now maundering about the restoration of K:iulani, but there is no more
possibility of it than there is of the restoration of Dom Pedro to Brazil.
It is a: simple waste of energy on the part of anybody to spend their time in
attempting to restore what has fallen through its own weakness. Neumann
recognizes this condition fully here, and is now confining his fight to get as much
money as he can out of it for the Queen. The question for you and me and the
others of us who expect to continue to live in Hawaii to consider is, what is coming
nextI If the native leaders hang back in a sullen way and oppose annexation tooth
and toe nail, it may very likely have some influence upon the immediate adoption
of an annexation treaty. It will only cause delay, however, but can not interfere
with ultimate annexation. It will also generate much ill-feeling and perpetuate
differences of opinion on race lines, which of all things is the one which we ought
to do the most to discourage. As I said, the most that opposition to annexation will
succeed in affecting is delay. That is to say, the Provisional Government will
remain in power. The United States recognizes it as the Government and will continue to do so until some other understanding is arrived at by mutual agreement.
If through native opposition, annexation does not take place, a protectorate will
be the result; as I said before, this will not be a protectorate of the Hawaiian Government under the monarchy, but will be a continuation of the present Government
under the protection of the United States. In either case, that of simple delay or
of the protectorate, a continuation of the present autocratic system of Government will result, which is a thing which neither you nor those you represent, nor
the Provisional Government desire. It means a government of force with the attendant probable conspiracies against it, and general unsettlement of business and
degeneration of values which will prevent business enterprise from development and
be injurious to us all, while no end of personal and party differences and hard feeling will be generated. If the Provisional Government and its leaders were bent on
the rule or ruin policy, with no other object in view but to secure control of the
Government, which Peterson and his boodle friends are always harping upon, we
would want nothing better than the protectorate proposition which would leave us
in control of the Government with Uncle Sam's troops to keep order. We want
nothing of the kind, however, and have resisted all propositions from the Government here looking to a government on that basis, although we could secure a treaty
of that description without difficulty, as the entire opposition in the United States
to annexation advocates freely the execution of a treaty on the line above indicated.
As I have stated above, however, we have no desire to perpetuate any government
of this description, nor to secure any laws, terms, or conditions which would operate
to establish any differences between the citizens of Hawaii on a color or race line.
We do not propose to ask for nor accept any legislation which shall apply to either
natives or white men that does not apply equally to the other. If, instead of a
protectorate, with its attendant evils, we secure absolute annexation, one thing is
certain, the natives and white men equally will have no less liberties as American
citizens than they did as Hawaiians; while, as far as their financial condition is
concerned, there is no comparison of the two situations. With annexation Hawaii
will inaugurate such a condition of commercial development as will put the development of 1876 and succeeding years entirely in the shade; no one class in the community will reap the benefit of it.
It may be said that the treaty which we have proposed does not cover a number
of points which ought to be covered, to wit, a removal of duties, prohibition of
carpet-baggers, securing American citizenship to Hawaiian citizens, and similar
points. In reply, I would say that once we become American territory, there is not
the slightest reason to believe that we will be treated in any manner differently
from other portions of the United States. All the subjects spoken of are matters of
detail legislation, which have to be covered by legislation passing both houses of
Congress, and are not covered by the treaty for that reason, as that would have
caused delay which we are seeking to avoid. As to the offices being given to
Malihinis there is no reason to believe that there would be such difficulty, as it has
become an unwritten law in connection with the territories that the offices shall be
filled from local residents, and with very few exceptions that rule is now and has
been for a number of years carried out. If you and others will take hold and
frankly work with us, explaining to the natives the situation, and doing what you
can to correct the impressions being given out by the demagogues, I believe that within a year from now we will have a prosperous, contented community, with no more
thought of revolution or conspiracy than there is in Washington; but that if the
agitation against annexation and the accompanying stirring up of the Kanakas
against the Haoles goes on, it will result in a situation disastrous to business interests, if not dangerous to the peace.
I hope you will show this to Colburn, Bob Wilcox, and any others whom you may
choose, and that you will take it in the spirit in which it is intended, that is, tha




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1287
forwarding of the common interests of our country and people. I have got no ax
to grind, do not want and will not accept any office, and am actuated by no impulse
but to secure the advancement of Hawaii and her people to a freer political and
more prosperous commercial condition than she has ever occupied before. I write
to you because, although we have been of opposite political parties, I believe you
can see through a grindstone when there is a hole in it, and that if you believe
that the best interests of the natives lie in the direction of annexation, you will
use your influence in that direction, even though it may not be the popular side
among them to begin with.
Me ke aloha nui ia oe a me ke one hanau o kaua, Owau no,
L. A. THURSTON.
Definition of Hawaiian words used in Hon. L. A. Thurston's letter to A. Rosa,
of March 16, 1893:
"Pau" means "Lfinished," or "over with."
"Malihinis" means strangers.
"Kanakas" means "men," but generally applied to native Hawaiians.
"Haoles" means "white foreigners."
"Me ke aloha nui ia oe a me ke one hanau o kaua, Owau no."
"With much love to you and the land of our (two) birth, I am,"
L. A. THURSTON.
Inclosure 3 in No. 2.1
Mr. Thurston to Mr, Colburn.
WASHINGTON, D. C., March 16, 1893.
FRItEND COLBURN: I have just written to Antone Rosa on the subject of annexation, and asked him to show you the letter. Please consider that portion of the
letter written as much to you as it is to him.
Whatever our political differences may have been in the past, I give you credit,
as I believe you do me, for acting as you thought best in the interest of Hawaii and
the Hawaiians. I see by the papers that your name is more or less connected with
that of Ashford, Peterson, and other political agitators of that stripe. Without any
personal animosity against either of those gentlemen, I do feel that their past
history, which is known to you as well as it is to me, is indicative of their disinterestedness in the advice which they now give and action which they now take. A tremendous responsibility rests upon you and others who have been identified with
the opposition in the recent movement, but who, from their knowledge of the situation, must know the ultimate advantages of annexation tothe United States. Your
influence thrown against it will, of course, tend to perpetuate the race feeling now
existing; if thrown in favor of it, while it may not be immediately popular, will,
under the circumstances, have a very strong effect. With annexation there will,
of course, come a temporary reconstruction period, during which the necessary legislation is being formulated for the reconstruction of the government, and when the
government will not be carried on under representative lines; but, if we are within
the United States system, this can be but temporary. In the long run we will
receive all the benefits and privileges of American citizens, and it behooves us to
look to the future, and not be governed entirely by the immediate present.
With aloha nui, I remain, etc.,
L. A. THURSTON.
This is a correct copy of the letter written to me by L. A. Thurston, and received
by me Thursday, April 7, 1893.
JOHN F. COLBURN.
No. 6.
Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham.
No. 3.]            HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, April 26, 1893.
SIIR: On the 7th instant the Alameda reached this place. Among
its passengers were Dr. William     Shaw   Bowen and Mr. Harold M.
Sewall. The San Francisco papers announced that they had refused




1288                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
to say that they were not joint commissioners with myselfto Honolulu,
The former represented himself to me as a correspondent of the New
York World, and said he would be glad to give me any information he
could gather here. Thinking it a mere matter of courtesy, I thanked
him. On Sunday, the 16th insttant I was out walking and met him on
the street, riding in a buggy. He left his buggy in the hands of his
friend, Mr. Sewall, and joined me in a walk of some length. Before it
was concluded he said to me that he and Paul Neulanln were arranging a meeting between President Dole and the Queen, the object
being to pay her a sum of money in consideration of her formal
abdication of the throne and lending her influence to the Provisional
Government with a view to annexation to the United States. He
repeated this statement frequently, at intervals, to which I made no
response.
Finally he asked me if I did not think it would simplify the situation
very much here and facilitate annexa  S   tion. uspecting that my answer
was designed to be used to induce the Queen to yield to solicitations
to abdicate: I replied "I have nothing to say on this subject." Dr.
Bowen said: " I did not ask you officially, but simply in a private way."
I responded: 'I am here as a Commissioner of the United States and
must decline to converse with you on this subject." 
The next morning early I had an interview with President Dole. I told
him that I had seen in the San Francisco newspapers intimations that
Dr. Bowen and Mr. Sewall were here as representatives of the President of the United States; that the former told me that he had
arranged to bring him and the Queen together on that morning; that I
desired to say to him that neither Dr. Bowen nor Mr. Sewall, nor any
other person was authorized to act for the Government in that or any
other matter relating to the present condition of affairs in the islands
save myself; that I did not know absolutely that these two gentlemen
had claimed to have such authority. He replied that he had been
informed that they were here representing the Government. He did
not give his authority.
ie said that there had been some approaches from the Queen's side
with propositions of settlement; that he had responded: "I will consider any reasonable proposition."
I told him I would not permit the Government of the United States
to be represented as having any wish in the matter of any negotiations
between the Queen and the Provisional Government. He asked if I
would be willing to authorize the statement that I believed it would
simplify the situation. I replied that I was not willing to do this,
that I was not here to interfere with the opinions of any class of persons.
Since this interview with President Dole I have heard that Dr. Bowen,
when asked by newspaper people if he represented the President of the
United States, declined to answer, saying that all would be revealed
hereafter.
He is representing himself in various quarters as an intimate friend
of the President. I can but think that these statements are made to
create the impression that he is here authorized to bring about negotiations for a settlement between the Queen and the Provisional Government.
On the day before yesterday Dr. Bowen came over to my table to say
that a meeting between the Queen and President Dole had occurred,
and terms. were agreed upon. I said I did not care for him to talk with
me on that subject.
On the 21st instant Mr. Claus Spreckels called to see me. He said




H~AWIAIIAN      IS~LANDSt


1289


that he suspected there was an effort at negotiation between the Queen
and the Provisional Governmenlt, and that he had urged the Queen to
withdraw her powerofattorneyfrom Paul:Neumann. I inclose herewith
a copy of that power of attorney (Inclosure No. 1) which Mr. Spreckels
says was derived through the agency of Mr. Samuel Parker, the last secretary of foreign affairs. He told me that Paul Neumann would leave
for Washington by the next steamer, under pretense that he was going
to the United States and from there to Japan. How much or how little
Mr. Spreckels knows about this matter I am unable to say, as I do not
know how to estimate him, neverhaving met him before. He promised
to see me again before the mail leaves for the United States on next
Wednesday and give me such information as he could acquire in the
meantime.
I believe that Dr. Bowen, Mr. Sewall, and Mr. Neumann have pretended that the two former knew the opinions of Mr. Cleveland and
assured the Queen that annexation would take place, and that she had
better come to terms at once.
Mr. Neumann leaves here on the next steamer, probably with a
power to act for the Queen, with authority derived from her out of
these circumstances.
The question occurs to my mind whether, if the United States
desired the adjustment as probably agreed on, it had better not be
accomplished through its representative here, either myself or the successor of Mr. Stevens as minister here, that assurance might be had
that the action of the Government was free from any suspicion of indirection in the transaction.
I know the American minister, Mr. Steveips, has said that he had
learned that Mr. 13lount believed that such a settlement as indicated
would simplify the situation. 1 called on him yesterday and told him
thlat I did not think it was proper for him to speak of my views on the
subject; that declarations of that sort coming from him would give rise
to the suspicion that the Government of the United States was behind.Dr. Bowen and Mr. Sewall in whatever they might see fit to represent
in regard to the views of the President. During this interview I called
his attention to the following conversation between Mr. Spreckels and
myself on the 21st instant:
Mr. BLOUNT. Please state whether or not you have had any message irom tlie
American minister, and whether any conversation with him.
A. I have.
Q. Be kind enough to state it.
A. He sent down on Tuesday about 3 o'clock, whether I would be kind enough to
come up to his house to see him. I took a carriage and saw him at 4 o'clock that
Tuesday afternoon. He told me that Mr. Parker had no influence with the Queen,
but that Paul Neumann could control her, and, if I would, I could control Paul
Neumann; that Paul Neumann tell the Queen that she be in favor of annexation,
antd tell the Kanakas, who follow her, to go all for annexation. He said that heo
exipected to be here only thirty or forty days, and he would like for annexation to be
before he left. Some words to that effect.
He said he thought Mr. Spreckels misunderstood him as to his declaration that he wanted to finish up annexation before he left. I then
told him that I felt assured that it would be displeasing to the Secretary of State and the President if they were informed that he was seekig to mold opinion here on the matter of annexation of these islands;
that I was here instructed in part to inquire into that very subject;
that it was certainly very unseemly. while I was making the inquiry,
for him to be urging annexation; that he must know by the fact of my
Presence alone that he was not authorized to represent the views of
the present administration in relation to any matter growing out of the




1'ZY U               HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
proposition to annex these islands to the United States. At first he
said that his position had been made knlown through tie publication
of his dispatches, and that he never could go back on them.
To this I replied that the proposition of going back on his dispatches
was one thing, and that his undertaking to form public opinion here
on the subject of annexation at this time for an Administration not of
his own political party, and when I was present to represent it especially
in such matters, scarcely seemed fair in the light of the courtesy which
had been manifested towards him. I said to him that I hoped in future
that he would not undertake to advance or retard the cause of annexa
tion or to represent the Government in any way in that connection,
and that whenever it was necessary for him to speak on the matter
that he would refer persons to me. This he agreed to. All this colloquy
was characterized by kindliness on my part, and, so far as I could
observe, by courtesy on the part of Mr. Stevens. He complained somewhat that I did not confide in him and did not seek his opinion about
men and things here. I replied that I was engaged on certain lines of
inquiry and might in the future find occasion to seek his opinion.
On Tuesday, the 18th instant, President Dole sent Mr. Frank Hastings, his private secretary, to say that Mr. Stevens had requested, on
application from Admiral Skerrett, permission for the United States
troops to land for the purpose of drilling, and said that he thought
proper, before consenting to it, he should make this fact known to me.
I replied that I did not desire the troops to land. I then sent for
Admiral Skerrett and told him that there were circumstances of a
political character which made the landing of the troops for any purpose at this time inadvisable. This was entirely satisfactory to him.
On the 21st the aforesaid Mr. Hastings called and asked how he
should answer Mr. Stevens' note for permission to land the troops. I
replied by simply saying that the Commissioner had informed him that
he disapproved of it.
The landing of the troops, pending negotiations between the Queen
and President Dole, might be used to impress the former with fear that
troops were landed to lend force to the Provisional Government in
bringing her to an adjustment. I did not think proper to communicate this reason to Mr. Stevens or any other person, save Admiral
Skerrett, and to him confidentially.
A great many hearings have been given to persons classed as Reformers or as Royalists. The former justify the dethronement of the Queen,
because of her revolutionary attempt to subvert the constitution of
1887, and by proclamation to create a new constitution in lieu thereof,
containing provisions restoring to the Crown the right of appointing
nobles and of appointing ministers responsible only to it. In speaking of the controversy they refer to one party as whites and the other
as natives. They represent the political contests for the last ten or
twelve years as running parallel with racial lines. A confidence is
sometimes expressed that the revolution of 1887 taught the whites that
whenever they desired they could do whatever they willed in determining the form of government for these islands, and had likewise taught
the natives that they would be unable to resist the will of the whites.'
It is urged that the aid of the Government of the United States was'
not needed to make the revolution successful. Closer scrutiny reveals
the fact that they regarded the revolution as successful when they
should be able to proclaim a constitution from some public building,
believing that the presence of the United States troops signified their
use for the preservation of public order, which latter, in the minds of




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


the people of Honolulu, means the prevention of hostile combat between
opposing parties. Whatever may be the truth, I am unable to discover
in all the testimony any apprehension that the troops would be inimical to the revolutionary movement. In all of the examinations of persons thus far this fear has never manifested itself for an instant. The
natives, on the other hand, insist that the Queen never contemplated
proclaiming'  a new constitution without the assent of the ministry.
Th'ey argue that the establishment of a new constitution by the proclamation of the Queen was as justifiable as that of 1887, in which a mass
meetilg of whites in the city of Honolulu extorted the proclamation of
a new constitution from King Kalakaua, which had never been ratified
by any vote of the people. They represent that the proclamation of a
new constitution by the Queen was founded on the universal wish of
the native population, which is in overwhelming majority over other
races participating in the affairs of this Government.
They allege that on the day the Queen sought to proclaim a new constitution a committee representing the Hui Kalaiaina were waiting on
her by direction of that organization.   They represent that various
petitions had been presented to the Queen and to the legislature for a
series of years, asking for a new constitution similar to that existing
prior to the revolution of 1887. Testimony on these two lines of
thought has been taken. In addition to this, very much evidence has
been given in the form of voluntary statements as to the causes of the
revolution and the circumstances attending it, especially as to how far
the whites compelled the Queen to acquiesce in their movement on the
one side, and on the other as to the entire success of the movement of
the whites, depending on the action of the United States troops and the
American Minister in support of this movement.
It is not my purpose at this time to enter into an elaborate consideration of the evidence which has been adduced, because many other
statements are yet to be made, which will be considered.
I invite your attention to the following copy of a memorial from the
Hui Kalaiaina, because of its striking disclosure of the native Hawaiian
mind in its aspirations as to the form  of government, and, in connection with that, a colloquy between myself and a committee of that
organization taken down by a stenographer and approved by them:
Stateiment of facts made by the Hui Kalaiaina (Hawaiian Political Association) in
behalf of the people to J. H. Blount, the United States Commissioner, showing why the
people rgyed the Queen to promulgate a new constitution for the Hawaiian people.
To the Honorable J. H. BLOUNT, the United States Commissioner, greeting:
We, the Hawaiian Political Association, in behalf of the people of the Hawaiian
islands —a.n association organized in the city of Honolulu, with branches organized
all over these islands, which association has been in existence since the overthrow
of the constitution of Kamehameha IV by the descendants of the sons of missionaries who are seeking to usurp the Kingdom of our Queen for themselvesAni( for this reason the people did ashk King Kalakaua to revise the constitution
of 1887 now in force, and during his reign many petitions were made to him and to
the Legislature with thousands of signatures attached, but the desire of the people
was never fulfilled.
Therefore, the people petitioned to him for redress according to these statements
now snubmitted to you:
First. This constitution deprived the Crown of Hawaiian Islands of its ancient
prerogatives.
Second. This constitution based the principles of government on the forms and
spirit of republican governments.
Third. This constitution opens the way to a republican government.
Fourth. This constitution has taken the sovereign power and vested it outside of
the King sitting on the throne of the Hawaiian Kingdom.
Fifth. This constitution has limited the franchise of the native Hawaiians.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


For these five reasons was King Kalakana petitioned by his people to revise the
constitution, but it never was carried out until the time of his death.
During the reign of Queen Liliuokalani the same thing happened. Numerous
petitions were laid before her by and from the people, and from this association to the
Legislature and to the Queen. These petitions contain over eight thousand names,
and this Hawaaian Political Association did repeatedly petition the Queen to revise
and amend or to make a new constitution, to which she finally consented to lay this
request from her people before the cabinet, but the wishes of the people were not
carried out.
On the 14th of January, 1893, at the time of the prorogation of the Legislature, in
the afternoon, this political association came and petitioned Her Majesty Lilinokalani
to issue a new constitution for the people, to which she consented, with the intention
of listening to the desires of her people, but her cabinet refused.
A short while afterwards the descendants of the missionaries came forward in
their second attempt to usurp the Kingdom of our Queen Liliuokalani, and said
attempt would not have succeeded had it not been for the support given it by the
American Minister Stevens-therefore our Queen yielded the Kingdom into their
hands through the superior force presented by the men of the American warships,
who had been landed on the Hawaiian soil.
Queen Liliuokalani yielded her Kingdom into their hands, not with good will, but
because she could not defend it, and because the Queen did not desire to see the
blood of her Hawaiian people shed on this land of peace.
Therefore, we submit to you our humble petition and statements, as you are in
possession of vast powers in your mission to do justice to the Hawaiian people, our
independence, the throne, and the Hawaiian flag; we beg you to restore our beloved
Queen Liliuokalani to the throne with the independence of the Hiawaiian people, as
you have restored thr Hawaiian flag.
Submitting these statements and petitions to you we pray that the Almighty God
would assist you in your responsible duties, that the prayers of our people may be
granted, that continued friendship may exist between us and the American nation.
We, the undersigned subscribers of the Hawaiian Political Association.
W. L. HOLOKAHIKI,
Chairman.
JOHN KEEUI,
J. ALAPAI,.... J. AKAHOONEI,
J. B. KuinA,
J. KEAN,
1). W. KANOELEHUA,
T. C. POHIKAPA,
Committee.
In accepting the copy of the resolutions Mr. Blount responded as follows:
GENTLEMEN: Very much of the duties of my mission I cannot communicate to you.
I will say, however, that your papers which have been presented I will accept and
forward to the President in the nature of information indicating the opinions of
your people in these Islands in reference to the inclination on your part to support
the existing condition of things-that is to say, whether you are in favor of the Provisional Government and annexation, or whether your preference is for royalty. I
am gathering information on these lines for the purpose of submitting it to the
President. That is the extent of what I can say to you by way of response. I would
like to ask, however, a few questions. Which is the chairman of your committee?
INTERPRETER. W. L. Holokahiki. of Honolulu.
(These questions were given and answered through the interpreter.)
Q. On the day of the prorogation of the Legislature a number of natives are
reported to have gone in to see the Queen-about thirty in number-and that their
object was to ask for a new constitution. Was that a committee from this organization?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. How many voters-people who vote for representatives-are there in this order?
A. Some thousands; as we have it in our books about 3,000 of native Hawaiians.
Q. What did the Queen say in response to your request?
A. That she was quite ready to give a new constitution, but her cabinet is opposed
to it. Her cabinet refused it so that she could not do otherwise. She told the people that they had to go home quietly and wait for the next session of the Legislature.
Q. When would that be if the Government had not been overthrown?
A. The time, according to our laws, was two years, and that would run us up to
1894.
Q. Then the information was that nothing could be done under two years on account
of the disapproval of the cabinet?
A. Yes; the Queen could do nothing.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                     1293
Q. She said she could do nothing?
A. Yes; because the constitution said she could do nothing without being appioved
by her Cabinet.
Q. What did the committee do when they went out? Did they give this information to the native people?
A. Yes, sir. This committee shortly after they came out-they told the people
they could do nothing now; that they would have to wait until the next session.
Also, the Queen came out and told the people she could not give them any constitution now because the law forbids.
A great many petitions were exhibited-sometimes they were to the Queen and
sometimes to the Legislature-asking for a new constitution.
A book was also shown containing the names of members of the organization
throughout the island, and giving the numbers as follows:
Oahu, 2,320; Maui, 384; Hawaii, 266; Kauai, 222, and Molokai, 263.
Q. (To interpreter.) Why don't other natives join the organization?
A. They sometimes go to meetings. When anything happens they go together.
Q. These are active members of the organization?
A. Yes.
Q. In matters of this sort the natives followed the lead of this organigationt
A. Yes, sir.
Prior to the constitution of 1887 the nobles were appointed by the
Crown and the representatives were elected by the people, with but
little obstruction in the qualification of the elector. The number of
nobles was 20 and the number of representatives was 28, and these,
constituting one body, enacted the laws. The cabinet was only responsible to the King. The majority of voters was overwhelmingly native.
It is easy to understand how completely the native people could, if
they desired, control the Government as against the white race.
Under the constitution of 1887 the number of nobles and representatives is equal. The qualification of an elector of a noble required him
to own property of the value of $3,000, unincumbered, or an income of
$600. Practically this vested the power of electing nobles in the white
population, or, as it is sometimes termed, the reform party. A cabinet
could not be removed by the Crown except on a vote of want of confidence by the Legislature. The ability to elect a small number, even
one of the representatives, enabled the white race to control legislation and to vote out any ministry not in accord with them. This
placed the political power in the hands of the white race. I use the
words " white " and "a native  as distinguishing the persons in the political contests here, because they are generally used by the people here
in communicating their views to me.
I had supposed up to the appearance of this memorial that the real
demand of the native was for a just proportion of power in the election
of nobles by the reduction of the money qualification of an elector.
This I had derived from  interviews with some of the intelligent halfcastes. This memorial indicates an opposition to the new constitution
because it takes away from the Crown the right to appoint nobles and
the right to appoint and remove cabinets at will. There is no aspiration in it for the advancement of the right of the masses to participate
in the control of public affairs, but an eager, trustful devotion to the
Crown as an absolute monarchy. I had wondered whether or not this
race of people, which up to 1843 had no rights of property, and over
whom the king and chiefs had absolute power of life and death, had
fully cast off the old system and conceived the modern ideas in the
United States of the control of the government by equal participation
by every citizen in the selection of its rulers. Up to the appearance of
this memorial Ihad received but little satisfaction on thislineof thought.
In this connection I invite your attention to Inclosure No. 2, being a
copy of resolutions presented on the 16th instant by a committee of the
"Hui Aloha Aina"-the Hawaiian Patriotic League.




1294                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Taken in connection with the foregoing memorial of the Hui Kalaiaina,
it is strongly suggestive of blind devotion to arbitrary power vested in
the crown worn by a person of native blood. I have forwarded these
two documents because they present a phase of thought which had not
been so well defined in anything I had seen in publications relating tc
these islands. They seem to go very far in the matter of the capacity
of these people for self-government.
I have received communications from every source when offered, not to
support any theory, but simply to see what might be derived from them
in the way of information. I have studiously avoided any suggestion
that the President contemplated the consideration of the restoration
of the Queen, the support of the existing Government, or the question
of annexation on any terms. I have intended to invite the freest expression of thought without any indication that it was to be considered with a view of guiding the action of the Government in the determination of any proposition. In all this I find my action most
heartily approved by both whites and natives.
In several local papers, beginning with the 13th instant, editorials
have appeared advising in terms somewhat indefinite, and yet pointing
to the extreme action which should be taken. towards the Queen and
her adherents, and deploring the want of such action on the part of the
Provisional Government. On the night of the 14th instant a prominent half-caste called upon me. He had always assured me hitherto of
the quiet intention of the native population. On this latter occasion
he said: "We are in trouble. It is said the Queen is to be put out of
the way by assassination, and her prominent followers to be prosecuted
for treason or deported."
These apprehensions naturally grew out of the editorials alluded to.
I said to him I had no idea there was any foundation for his fears in
the purposes of the Government. Before he left me he seemed to be
relieved.
On the morning of the 15th I called on President Dole, and invited
his attention to the newspaper articles above referred to and to the
visit of the half-caste, with his expressions of fear and my response.
I said to him that perhaps I had gone farther than propriety would
suggest in my opinion to the half-caste on the evening before, but
that I was impelled solely by that humane feeling which would regret
to see disorder and bloodshed inflicted on any portion of the community. I also intimated that if he deemed it desirable, owing to the
kindly feeling the native population had manifested towards me, I
might, without pretending to represent the Government, allay their
anxieties and contribute to the public peace by assuring them that
the extreme measures advocated by the press I did not believe were
approved by the Government. To this he responded that it would be
very gratifying to him and to those in political accord with him for
me to act as I had suggested. He furthermore declared that it was
the purpose of the Government to confine its action only to the preservation of order, and to take no extreme steps against any parties
here unless it should be to meet a forcible attack on the Government.
When the ensign was hauled down and the troops ordered to the vessels there was some comment on the omission to recite in the order or
by some public declaration the exact import of this action.
In the above conversation I referred to the subject and said that at
the time I believed that any speech or written declaration might be
liable to many and false constructions, and that the action of hauling
down the ensign and the removal of the troops would in a few honrs




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1295
tell with more simplicity and accuracy and with better results than any
utterances of mine could do.
To this he replied that at first there was some criticism, but that all
minds had come to the conclusion that I had taken the wiser course.
He took occasion to say to me that all men everywhere could only
think that I was governed by the highest motives in all my actions here.
At 10 o'clock on the morning of the 22d instant Mr. Spreckels called
to see me. He assured me that Mr. Neumann was going to San Francisco and then to Japan. I said to him: " But he is going to Washington." He said: " Yes; but in order to take some dispatches from Mr.
Stevens to the Washington Government."
On the 21st, in the conversation with Mr. Stevens, to which reference
has already been made, he told Ine for the first time of a letter he had
written to you concerning certain matters which had passed between
him and the Japanese commissioner at this place. The extent of it
was that by representations that the United States was opposed to the
presence of a Japanese war vessel here that it was determined that
the Japanese Minister should ask his Government to cause the aforesaid vessel to be withdrawn.
In view of my instructions, I felt bound to give assurances to the
Japanese commissioner that the present Administration does not view
with displeasure or suspicion the presence of one of her war vessels here.
Mr. Paul Neumann is generally regarded here as a bright, plausible,
unscrupulous person. Permit me to suggest that if the Administration
should entertain any proposition from Mr. Neumann in connection with
a contract between the Queen and the Provisional Government in the
matter of her abdication, the consummation of it is surrounded by so
many circumstances indicating that the Government of the United
States has been made to appear to the Queen as favoring such action
on her part that it would be far better to decline to entertain anything
from Mr. Neumann, but for the Government to accomplish its purpose
in a more direct manner. If such an adjustment is desirable, instructions to the American representative here to endeavor to bring about
such an arrangement would be a much more honorable course on the
part of the United States.
The representatives of the Provisional Government are conscious
that the moveme nt inaugurated on the 14th of January last for the
dethronement of the Queen and annexation to the United States is a
much more desperate one than they then realized.
The white race, or what may be termed the Reform party, constitute
the intelligence and own most of the property in these islands and are
desperately eager to be a part of the United States on any terms rather
than take the chances of being subjected to the control of the natives.
With them we can dictate any terms. The feeling of the natives is that
while they do not want annexation, if the United States does it will be
accomplished, and they will acquiesce. The situation is so completely
under our control that I should regret to see Mr. Neumann's agency in
the matter of abdication of the Queen, with his connection with Dr.
Bowen and others and the attendant circumstances, recognized by the
Government. You will readily understand that this is not intended as
impertinence, but only as a suggestion.
Since writing the foregoing portion of my letter relating to attempts
to represent the views of the President of the United States by unauthorized persons in connection with the subject of an agreement between
ex-Queen Liliuokalani and the Provisional Government, I have deemed
it proper to have an interview with the former in order to understand,




jlUy1                HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
as far as I might, from her whether any negotiations had been authorized by her, and if so, how far they had gone. Before doing so, I called
on President Dole and informed him of my purpose to see her in connection with this subject, stating to him that I was not willing that
persons should make fraudulent representations to her as to that matter. I told him that I had abstained from seeing her lest my visit might
be construed in a way to produce disorders, but now I felt all danger of
this had passed. He concurred in my views as to the propriety of my
calling, if I saw fit to do so.
I said to the ex-Queen that I had been informed that certain persons
had sought to impress her with the idea that the President desired
some such adjustment as indicated to be made; that I wished to say
that no person was authorized by the President nor by myself to place
the Government of the United States in such an attitude; that, while
I would interpose no objection to such negoitition, I wanted her to
know that whatever she did in the matter was free from any moral
influence from the Government of the United States. I further said to
her that I desired to be able to inform my Government whether she
had been engaged in such negotiations or contemplated them, or
whether anybody was authorized to act for her in any such matter;
that I wished the information simply to put the Government at Washington in possession of the true state of facts.
She replied that parties who had represented her in other matters
had talked to her on the subject; that she had declined to indicate any
disposition to act in the matter; that she had said to some of them
that she would wait until President Dole came to see her in person,
and had heard what he had to say; that she did not intend to enter
into any negotiations until the Government at Washington had taken
action on the information derived through my report. She said she
had sent Mr. Neumann to Washington to prevent the ratification of
the treaty and to have a commission sent out here, and he reported
that he had been successful in both. I then asked her what she desired
me to say to the Government at Washington as to her purpose in the
matter of this negotiation. She expressed a wish that I should say
from her that no one was authorized to act in her behalf in this matter
and that she should take no action until the Government at Washington had passed upon the information derived through the Commissioner.
Lest she might make improper inferences from my visit or something I had said I told her that one of the objects of my visit was to
get all the facts connected with her dethronement and the disposition
of the people of the Islands in relation to the present Government;
that she could readily see that that was a matter to be hereafter considered by the Government in such manner as it saw fit. Without any
apparent connection with what had been said, she remarked that much
depended on Mr. Spreckels as to the future; that he and Mr. Bishop
had been in the habit of furnishing money to the Government, and that
if Mr. Spreckels did not advance to the Government she thought it
would go to pieces. To this I made no response. It is evident that
she is being impressed with the idea that the present Government
could not get money enough to run itself long.
I am not sufficiently informed to express any views on this proposition at this time.
I think the operations of Dr. Bowen and Mr. Sewall have been conducted through Mr. Neumann. I shall, perhaps, know more before
closing this communication.
I send you a map, marked Inclosure No. 3. You will find it useful




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


in considering the location of the various military forces connected
with the revolution, to which I may refer in this and especially in subsequent communications.
I send you a written statement from F. Wundenburg (Inclosure No.
4), who says that his information is derived from being personally
present in all the conferences of the committee of safety and that his
utterances are based on his personal knowledge. HI-e appears to be an
intelligent man. He says that lie acted with the committee in good
faith until the American flag was hoisted, and then he ceased communication with them.. Hle is at this time deputy clerk of the supreme
court. I think in my next communication I may be able to give you
ilformation strongly corroborating all that Mr. Wundenburg has said.
I may say that the peaceful surroundings of the revolution are confirmed by all persons with whom I have communicated, and that Judge
Cooper, who was and is an intense annexationist, let drop, in answer to
a question of mine, that when the Government building was entered by
the colrmmittee of safety and the proclamation dethroning the Queen
and establishing the new Government was read by him there was not
a soldier of the Provisional Government or of the Queen on the ground.
I send you, in original, a communication from Mr. William H.
Cornwell, a member of the Queen's cabinet atthe time of her dethronement (Inclosure No. 5).
I also send you, in original, a communication from Mr. John F. Colburn, a member of the Ex-Queen's cabinet and a half-caste (Inclosure
No. 6).
These are forwarded in advance of the testimony or voluntary statements in response to interrogatories by himself, because they present
the views of these gentlemen as to the circumstances attending the
revolution and which do not appear in any of the papers relating to
the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands printed by the United States
so far as I have been furnished with them.
It is my purpose to examine them in person so as to have an opportunity of thoroughly sifting them.
I inclose you a copy of a communication from the committee of public safety-which conceived and executed the dethronement of the
Queen-addressed to the American Minister (Inclosure No. 7). On
page 12 of Executive Document No. 76, Fifty-second Congress, second
session, this paper issimply referred to in the following language:
"A copy of the call of the committee of public safety for aid is
inclosed." It appears significant enough to have justified its being
printed in full. To be imploring protection from the Government of the
United States on the 16th and establishing the provisional government and dethroning the Queen without firing a gun on the next
day-without any reference to the presence of United States troopsis quite a draft on my credulity.
This paper may have been overlooked, and hence my calling your
attention to it.
I send you a pamphlet, entitled "Papers of the Hawaiian Historical
Society No. 3" (Inclosure No. 8),* on the subject of the evolution of the
Hawaiian land tenures. To this I will add further information in relation to the tenure of lands in these islands. It appears from all information attainable that the great mass of the natives have at all times
had but little interest in real property. This will throw some light on
the little development attained by them, and how the real property
*Footnote omitted on account of length.
S. RTAn 99,7 Q7 a




1298                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
has, by virtue of the operation of these laws, resulted in the ownership
by large landed proprietors, mostly of foreign birth.
I see in the newspapers that the War Department is issuing in a
documentary form information of various sorts in relation to the
islands. In one of them it is stated that the natives generally speak
the English language. This is quite contradictory to my information
from intelligent persons here and my own observation. In Honolulu,
where the situation is most favorable to development, the groups of
children playing along the streets use their native tongue. The
natives of mature age whom you meet are generally unable to converse
with you in English or to understand what is said to them. They
learn in the schools the English text-books as an American child would
learn the Latin or Greek languages. This done, their capacity to think
or speak English seems very slight.
I am very much impressed with a belief that a large majority of the
people of these islands are opposed to annexation and that the proofs
being taken will verify this opinion.
I have not indicated any purposes of the United States on the subject of annexation in seeking to ascertain the sentiment of the people
towards existing authority. A response to this necessarily involves
the question of how the people feel towards annexation. The Provisional Government being avowedly apart of a scheme towards annexation, and the opposition taking the form of opposing it, I have from
necessity been compelled to put my inquiries more or less in a form
answering to this division of sentiment. I have never claimed to mold
the disposition of the administration on that question nor indicated my
own.
The condition of the public mind is very peaceful. I think it
important to maintain this situation that a representative of the United
States should be here before my departure who will maintain the attitude of noninterference in local affairs which I have observed. The
contrary course on the part of an American representative would immediately produce much bitterness and discontent in one or the other
of the parties now dividing the people. I can see no advantage in
my remaining here longer than the month of May. I trust that you
will consent to my return at such time during the month of June as I
may choose. I prefer to write my report on my return to Washington
rather than while here. Interruptions on the part of people who are
constantly seeking my attention make this preferable.
It is difficult to get passage from here to the United States on account
of the great amount of travel, and arrangements must be made some
weeks in advance.
Please be kind enough to telegraph me in'response to the subject of
my return.
I am, etc.,
JAIMES H. BLOUNT,
Special Commissioner of the United States.
[Inclosure 1 in No. 3.1
Power of attorney for Mr. Neumann.
To all persons and to the Government of the United States of America and to all
other Governments whatsoever: To all bodies corporate as well as bodies politic,
and more especially to the President and to the Secretary of the Department of State
of the United States of America, I, Liliuokalani, of the city of HoanoQlul in the
Islald of QOahu, ua of tiLe HIawaian Islands, send greeting;




HAWAIIAN    ISLANDS.                      1299
Whereas on the seventeenth day of January, A. D. 1893, at the city of Honolulu
aforesaid, I did yield to the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands my
authority as Sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands under.protest;
And whereas by so doing I claim to be entitled by international law and in the
high forum of conscience and equity to receive consideration and provision both for
myself and family and for Kaiulani, who was my legally appointed successor as
such Sovereign;
And whereas it is my intention and desire by these presents to authorize, secure,
accomplish, and finally complete and to ratify by such arrangements as may conduce to the greatest welfare and benefit of all the people of the Hawaiian Islands
and also of myself and family and the said Kaiulani;
And whereas I repose the fullest confidence in the ability, integrity, and fidelity
of Paul Neumann, esq., of the city of Honolulu aforesaid, counsellor at law, and
have entrusted him with full power and authority to act for me in the premises;
Now, therefore, know ye, that in consideration of the premises, I, Lilioukalani,
aforesaid, have made, constituted, and appointed, and by these presents do hereby
make, constitute, and appoint the aforesaid Paul Neumann, esq., my true, lawful,
and sufficient attorney, for me and in my name, place, and stead, to negotiate, arrange,
and agree with the United States of America and the President and the Secretary of
the Department of State thereof, and with any other (if any) representative or official thereof having authority in the premises for such official, or the consideration,
benefit, and advantage as in the opinion of my said attorney shall, may, or can be
obtained from the United States of America as well for myself and family as for the
said Kaiulani, in consideration of existing conditions and circumstances. And if no
official consideration for myself or said Kaiulani shall in the opinion of my said
attorney be attainable from the United States of America, then and thereupon, and
in such case to arrange and agree upon such pecuniary considerations, benefits, and
advantages as can or may be secured for myself and family, and for said Kaiulani,
from the United States of America, and whether the same shall be in the form of
payment at one time of a sum of money to myself for of distinct sums of
money to myself and    said  Kaiulani, or in  payment of stated sums of
money annually, or oftener, for a fixed   period  or periods of time, and
upon ascertaining that such pecuniary considerations, benefits, advantages,
or payments of money from and on the part of the said United States
can be secured to agree upon, receive, and accept the same, and in my name
and behalf to make, execute, and deliver such agreements, releases, and acquittances of all my claims, demands, and pretensions whatsoever upon the throne of
the Hawaiian Islands and upon the Government of the United States of America, as
well as of the Hawaiian Islands and upon all persons having had anything to do with
or having been or being in any way concerned in the said Provisional Government
as shall be requisite to accomplish and secure such pecuniary considerations, benefits, advantages, and payments, or which shall be required therefor by the President
or the Secretary of the Department of State aforesaid, or by any other (if any) representative or official of the United States authorized to act or agree in the premises, and all that my said attorney shall do or cause to be done in the premises I do
hereby for myself and my successors, executors, administrators, and assigns ratify
and confirm, and firther I do hereby covenant with my said attorney and his executors and administrators and with the President of the United States of America
and with any other person and persons representing the said United States of
America in the premises, and with each of them, and with their respective successors both jointly and severally that all and whatsoever my said attorney shall
in my behalf agree to do or cause to be done or agreed upon by virtue of
these presents I will and my successors, heirs, executors, and administrators shall
ratify and confirm, and that I will at any time thereafter execute, sign, seal,
acknowledge, and deliver such other and further releases, acquittances, assurances and instruments in writing, as shall in the opinion of my said attorney
or in the opinion of the President of the United States of America or of any officer
or representative thereof having the matter in charge be requisite and proper in
order to carry out the full intent and meaning of these presents.
In witness whereof I hereunto and also to two other instruments of the same
date and time have set my hands and seals at the city of Honolulu aforesaid this
day of      in the year A. D. 1893.
[Inclosure 2 in No. 3.]
Hawaiian Patriotic League to Mr. Blount.
We, the women of the Hawaiian Islands, for our families and the happiness of our
homes, desire peace and political quiet, und we pray that man's greed for power and
poil  a ghU not be allowed to disturb th otherwise happy life of these islaads, ad




1300                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
that the revolutionary agitations and disturbances inaugurated here since 1887, by
a few foreigners, may be forever suppressed.
To that effect we believe that, in the light of recent events, the peace,welfare, and
honor of both America and Hawaii will be better served, for the present, if the Government of the great American Republic does not countenance the illegal conduct
and interference of its representatives here and the rash wish of a minority of foreigners for annexation.
Therefore, we respectfully but earnestly pray that Hawaii may be granted the
preservation of its independent autonomy and the restoration of its legitimate native
monarchy under our Queen Liliuokalani, in whom we have full confidence.
And we hope that tle distinguished citizen, who so wisely presides over the
United States, inay kiindly receive this our petition, for which we shall evermore
pray for God's blessing on him and his Government.
MRS. JAMES CAMPBELL, President.
MRS. J. A. CUMMINS, Vice-President.
MRs. AL. FERNANDEZ, Treasurer.
MRS. C. K. STILLMAN, Secretary.
MRS. JOSEPH NAUAHI,
MRS. JUNIUS KAAE,
MISS HATTIE HIRAM,
MRS. M. KAHAI,
MRS. LULIA AHOLO,
MRS. L. KEKUPUWOLUI MAHELONA,
MIS. W. H. ALDRICH,
MRS. M. A. LEMON,
Executive Committee.
They were evidently persons of intelligence, and refined in their deportment.
After reading the papers handed to me I responded that I would forward them to
my Government as a matter of information, but that I could not enter into any discussion of the situation; that I would accept and transmit their papers, as I did all
other facts, for purposes of information. To this they responded that they did not
expect me to communicate anything to them as to my views or the disposition of
the Government of the United States.
[Inclosure 4 in No. 3.]
A report from Mr. Wundenburg to Mr. Blount.
The committee of safety met at the office of W. 0. Smith in Fort street, Honolulu,
at about 4 o'clock in the afternoon of Monday, the 16th day of January, 1893, for the
purpose of discussing the necessary steps to be taken in forming a new government.
Shortly after the committee met it was decided that they were not ready for the
landing of the American troops, and a committee of three, with Thurston as the
chairman, was immediately dispatched to the American legation to prevail upon
Mr. Stevens to delay the landing of the Boston's men. The committee returned
shortly and reported that Mr. Stevens had said to them: "Gentlemen, the troops of
the Boston land this afternoon at 5 o'clock, whether you are ready or not."
The foregoing report of Mr. Stevens's reply to the committee is as near literal as
can be remembered, and gives a correct idea of the meaning conveyed. The committee of safety adjourned to meet the same evening, at 7:30 o'clock, at the house of
Henry Waterhouse, in Nuuanl Valley. The American troops landed at 5 o'clock, as
Mr. Stevens had told the committee they would, and marched up Fort street to
Merchant, and along Merchant street, halting in King street, between the palace and
Government building.
At the time the men landed the town was perfectly quiet, business hours were
about over, and the lople-men, women, and children-were in the streets. and
nothing unusual was to be seen except the landing of a formidable armed force with
Gatling guns, evidently fully prepared to remain on shore for an indefinite length of
time, as the men were supplied with double cartridge belts filled with ammunition,
also haversacks and canteens, and were attended by a hospital corps with stretchers
and medical supplies. The curiosity of the people on the streets was aroused, and
the youngsters more particularly, followed the troops to see what it was all about.
Nobody seemed to know, so when the troops found quarters the populace dispersed,
the most of them going to the band concert at the hotel, which was very fully attended,
as it was a beautiful moonlight evening, all who were not in the secret still wondering at the military demonstration.
The committee met at Mr. Waterhouse's residence, according to adjournleOt,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1301
at 7:30 o'clock p. m. of the sanle day, January 16. The formation of some sort of
government was under discussion, and it was decided that a commander in chief of
the forces supporting the proposed new government should be appointeft. The
position was offered to Mr. John H. Soper, who demurred, as he did not see any
backing whatever to support the movement. Mr. Soper was answered by members
of the committee that the American minister would support the move with the
troops of the Boston.  Mr. Soper still doubted, so a couple of the committee
escorted him over to the legation, which, by the way, was in the adjoining premises,
and the three came back after a time, reporting that Mr. Stevens had given them
the full assurance that any proclamation of the Government put forward at the Government building, or any other building in Honolulu for that matter, would receive
his immediate recognition and the support of the Boston's men. This assurance
seemed to satisfy Mr. Soper, and he accepted the position.
On Tuesday afternoon, January 17, the committee of thirteen, or committee of
safety, proceeded from the office of W. O. Smith up Merchant street to the Government building and read the proclamation of a new government at 2.40 o'clock, there
being practically no audience whatever. As the reading proceeded a dozen or so
loungers gathered, and near the close of the ceremony about thirty supporters,
variously armed, came running into the side and back entrances of the yard and
gathered about the committee.
At this moment the United States troops, in the temporary quarters in the rear
of the Music Hall (less than 100 yards from where the committee stood) appeared
to be under arms and were evidently prepared for any emergency.
During all the deliberations of the committee, and in fact throughout the whole
proceedings connected with plans for the move up to the final issue, the basis of
action was the general understanding that Minister Stevens would keep his promise
to support the movement with the men from the Boston, and the statement is now
advisedly made (with a full knowledge of the lack of arms, ammunition, and men,
also the utter absence of organization at all adequate to the undertaking), that
without the previous assurance of support from the American minister and the
actual presence of the United States troops no movement would have been attempted,
and if attempted, would have been a dismal failure resulting in the capture or death
of the participants in a very short time.
(Having been present at the several meetings referred to in this statement, I hereby
certify that the same is correct in every essential particular.  F. WUNDENBURG.)
(NOTE.-This person appears to be highly esteemed here. He was tendered the
position of collector of customs recently by the Provisional Government and
declined it. I send an extract from the Daily Pacific Commercial Advertiser, showing its esteem of him.):
A PROJECTED APPOINTMENT.
It is stated that the council at its meeting yesterday recommended the appointment of F. W. Wundenberg as collector-general of customs. The appointment
would be in all respects a worthy one. Mr. Wundenberg is thoroughly qualified by
long business experience for the position. He is a man of great energy and character, and of unimpeachable integrity. If made collecter he may be trusted to
make no compromise with evil, but to fight it to the bitter end.
Mr. Wundenberg was identified with the revolution from the 14th of January until
the danger was over. He was placed in charge of the police station at a time when
everything depended on reliable leadership, and if an uprising should occur he
would follow the cause into the cannon's mouth to-day. As a recognition of valuable service at a critical moment his appointment would be peculiarly appropriate.
Mr. Wundenberg has an abundant crop of enemies. In this he does not differ from
most men of positive traits. The fact will recommend him to all who desire to see
a strong and fearless man collector-general.
[Inclosure 5 in No. 3.]
Mr. Cornwell to Mr. Blount.
HONOLULU, April 24, 1893.
The following statement does not purport to be an exhaustive or full history or
report of the resolution of the 17th day of January, but are simply plain facts relating to that political incident as they came within my personal knowledge and
observation as a minister in Her Majesty's cabinet.
On the 14th of January Her Majesty prorogued the Legislature, with the usual
ceremony pertaining to such occasion. It was noted that the foreign members of




1302                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
the Legislature absented themselves as an expression of their disapproval and oppo.
sition to the cabinet, thereby indicating their threatening attitude against the Government and giving color to the rumors, which already, then, had reached us, that
the reform party was conspiring to take some steps to, if possible, recover their lost
power. After prorogation Her Majesty informed the cabinet that she wished to see
them at the palace, and we responded to her order at about 1:30 p. m. After our
arrival the Queen stated to us that, at the request of some 8.000 of her native sub.
jects, she had decided to promulgate a new constitution, in which the grievances of
her petitioning subjects would be remedied, and she asked us to sign the document
with her. We all declined to become a party to this move and refused to comply
with her request, and we earnestly advised her to give up her intention, although
we were well aware that more than two-thirds of the electors of the country were in
favor of the change, and that nearly all the representatives in the Legislalture were
elected on a platform in which the main plank was a new constitution. However,
after talking with her and explaining the impossibility of taking such a step, she
admitted that we were in the right, although calling our attention to the precedent
which the Reform party had created by the revolutionary constitution which was
promulgated in 1887.
The Queen then told the people's delegates, who were assembled in the throne
room, that she could not grant their request at this time, but asked them all to
return home quietly and await in peace the time when a proper course could be
adopted to carry out the will of the people. The people dispersed quietly, and in a
short time there were no Hawaiians in the palace grounds. A few remarks were
made by the Hon. William White, the representative for Lahaina, to the effect that,
while the people regretted the Queen's inability to grant the wishes of the people,
they would accept the assurances of the Queen and await the proper time, which, if
they were successful at the next election to be held, would be at the meeting of the
Legislature in 1894. The insurgents have falsely reported the remarks of Mr. White,
and in their press and otherwise represented him as making an incendiary and
threatening speech. The falsehood of such statement, well known to us who were
witnesses at the scene, will shortly be proven in the courts of ustice, as Mr. White
has retained counsel for the purpose of bringing a damage suit for malicious libel
against the Pacific Commercial Advertiser, the principal organ of the reform party.
Saturday evening and night were as peaceful and quiet as at any other time, but
the conspirators were at work.
On Sunday morning, January 15, Mr. Thurston, the head of the revolutionary
party, called on my colleagues, Ministers Colburn and Peterson, and asked them to
join with himself and others in deposing the Queen, assuring them that such movement would be perfectly safe, as Minister Stevens had promised them the support
of the United States forces and also that he would recognize and support a provisional government as soon as such a step could be taken. My colleagues naturally
refused to entertain the infamous proposition of Mr. Thurston, and immediately
communicated with myself and Minister Parker. The cabinet held several consultations with leading citizens of known loyalty to the Queen, and, knowing the
strength of our forces, we felt confident that we easily could cope with any insurrection of the few malcontents.
On Monday, the 16th, we were informed that the conspirators had decided to establish a revolutionary government, giving as a reason that Her Majesty had attempted
to violate the constitution, but the cabinet still felt sure that no such attempt could
succeed if the insurgents depended on their own forces. The cabinet then advised
the Queen to issue a proclamation to the people, in which she explained her reasons
for desiring to promulgate a new constitution, and at the same time assured them
that she would not make any further attempt or proposition to gain that object.
This was done, and at 11 a. m. the proclamation was printed and distributed all
over town. Assurances to a similar end were also sent to the foreign representatives and accepted as satisfactory. In the after.oon two mass meetings took place,
one at the armory, where the actions so flir taken by the so-called safety committee
were indorsed, and one on Palace square, where the proclamation of the Queen was
accepted and responded to in a resolution.
I will here state that of the large number of citizens who gathered at the armory
meeting, perhaps not fifty understood or desired that any further steps should or
would be taken. Of this I have been assured by a number of prominent citizens
with whom I am on terms of friendship, although differing with them politically,
and who went to that meeting simply for the purpose of giving a public expressior
that the community disapproved of the step which the Queen had desired to take,
and who believed that the matter would be dropped right there. The issue of the
Queen's proclamation was done after a consultation which the cabinet held Monday
morning with the foreign representatives. We stated to the members of the corps
diplomatique, who were present, what we intended to do, and were told that it was
considered a wise step which they believed would be satisfactory. Present at the
consultation were the representatives of England, France, Japan, and Portugal.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1303
Minister Stevens declined to be present, which did not surprise us, knowing his sympathy for the revolutionists. At about 4 p. m. we were informed that the United
States forces were landing.
Ministers Parker and Peterson immediately called upon Minister Stevens and gave
him to understand that the Government was perfectly able to take care of the situation, apd requested him to keep the troops on board. He answered that he had
landed the troops for the protection of American life and property and proposed to
keep them ashore. The troops then marched up by the palace, passed as far out on
King street as the residence of Mr. J. B. Atherton, a distance of about 600 yards,
and later on returned and quartered for the night in the Arion hall, a building
opposite the government building and the palace. It is noteworthy that the Arion
hall and all the buildings in the immediate vicinity are not American property, so
if the troops were landed solely for the protection of American property, the placing
of them so far away from the center of the property of Americans and so very close
to the property of the Hawaiian Government was remarkable and very suggestive.
On Tuesday, the 17th, we were informed that the insurgents would proclaim a
provisional government in the afternoon, and the cabinet called upon Minister
Stevens, asking him if he would afford any assistance to the legal and lawful Government of the country to which he was accredited in case that such assistance should
be required. He refused in unmistakable terms, and made us understand that he
should acknowledge and support the revolutionary government as soon as it was
established. We then proceeded to the station house, where we held a council of
war. Our forces were enthusiastic, and volunteers enrolled so rapidly that it became
necessary to close the doors of the station house. A little after 3 o'clock p. m. we
were informed that a handful of citizens had entered the government building and
that a proclamation had been read claiming that a provisional government had been
established and that the Queen was deposed, and also that the United States forces,
under command of Capt. Wiltse, were marched up ready for action, with sharp
loaded cannon and guns.
The Government had decided not to place forces in the Government building, as
the immediate vicinity of the United States troops would endanger the lives of the
men from the Boston in case of a conflict with the rebels, and the Government
desired, at all hazards, to avoid giving Minister Stevens any excuse or pretense for his
hostile actions. After the information relating to the establishing of the Provisional
Government had been received the cabinet wrote a letter from the station house to
Minister Stevens and sent it to him by Mr. Charles Hopkins, a noble of the Legislature. The letter was a request to the American minister to inform the Queen's Government if he intended to recognize or support the lawful Government or the revolutionary government, which it was claimed was in existence. Mr. Stevens received
the letter, and, through his datlghter, informed Mr. Hopkins that he would answer
it in due time. Mr. Hopkins demanded, cautiously but firmly, an immediate answer,
and after considerable waiting a letter was handed to him addressed to His Excellency Samuel Parker, Minister of Foreign Affairs, in which Mr. Stevens stated that
he had recognized the Provisional Government because they were in possession of
the Government building, and that he intended to support them.
We realized then that any steps from our side to dislodge and arrest the rebels
would unavoidably lead us into a conflict with the United States forces, and we
decided to surrender to the Provisional Government with the full understanding
that such surrender was under protest, the United States Government to decide if
the action of their minister and the use of their forces to destroy a friendly Government was justifiable and according to American principles. The conference between
the Provisional Government was carried on by Mr. S. M. Damon on their behalf and
the cabinet on behalf of the Queen. Other stipulations were agreed upon, the
Provisional Government showing itself ready to promise anything so long as a fight
could be avoided, but all such stipulations and promises were totally ignored after
the surrender was made. It was after 7 o'clock p. m. when finally the arms and
amlmunition of the Queen's Government were turned over to the Provisional Government, or about three hours after Minister Stevens had acknowledged that he had
recognized the revolutionary government.
As a man who, for years, has taken an active part in Hawaiian politics, and as a
practical sugar planter of many years' experience, it is not difficult for me to realize
the true cause for the late revolution and for the subsequent desire for annexation.
The depression in the sugar business which, since the passage of the McKinley bill,
has made havoc with the handsome dividends which we have enjoyed since 1875 and
tie loss of power by the reform party were the only and true reasons for the revolution. The prospects of the sugar bounty was and is the main motive for the
desire to be annexed on the part of the handful of responsible men who still desire
such step to be taken. That such plans were fully in accord with the policy of the
late American Government, from which Mr. Stevens received his instructions, was
the <only reason why the scheme became feasible. The very idea of losing their independence as a nation is distasteful to the Hawaiians, and I say unhesitatingly,




lUOVY


11AWAIIAN li8LUAAD6.


although I am an American citizen, to a large contingent of the foreign residents
here.
The Queen's attempt to give a new constitution is not the only reason which is
given by the insurgents as an excuse for the revolution. The passage of the lottery
bill and the opium license bill has also been used both by Mr. Stevens and the insurgents as extenuating circunstances. I opposed and voted against the lottery bill,
although it was a measure of my party, because I do not believe in the principle of
such a law. But the measure was favored and supported by nearly all the Americans
in Honolulu, the very men who revolted and who now claim that the lottery was
the cause of the revolution.
On the day of the prorogation of the Legislature Minister Stevens returned to town,
after a visit to Hawaii, too late to be present at the ceremony of the prorogation,
but he called at the Government building where be saw Minister Parker and myself.
After having made his excuses for not attending the prorogation he asked if the
Queen had signed the lottery bill. Answered il the aifi-native, he became very
excited, and striking the table with his clenched fist he exclaimed, over and over
again: "Gentlemen, this is a direct attack on the United States Government."  I
told him that the Queen had signed the bill because the measure seemed to be the
wish of the people, and that the petitions favoring the bill from Honolulu contained
a large number of names of prominent and responsible men, and although I was
personally opposed to the bill I did not consider it justifiable for the cabinet to advise
the Queen to veto it.
The opium license act I consider a wise measure, and as an employer of a large
number of men I claim that the regular sale of opium is of greater advantage to all
classes than the prohibition of it, which no government can enforce owing to the
facility for smuggling offered by the large territory of coast on the islands. The
opium license law was passed not alone as a revenue measure, but for the purpose
of checking the wholesale corruption which the smuggling of the drug carried
with it, and was, if anything, a measure in favor of the morality of the country
rather than a measure of corruption. The bill was supported by many of the leading men in the present Government and also by many planters, irrespective of political sentiments or party.
In concluding this statement I wish to call attention to the fact that Minister J.
L. Stevens, in one of his official dispatches to Secretary Foster, now published,
has expressed himself to the effect that I am entertaining feelings of hostility and
enmity towards him. I am not aware of ever having given Mr. Stevens any reason
for making such an assertion, which is utterly without foundation, and I only call
the attention to the matter to avoid a possible impression that anything which I
have here stated should be construed as biased or ifluenced by any private motives
or the result of any alleged unfriendly relations with the American minister.
WM. H. CORNWELL.
[Inclosure 6 in No. 3.]
Mr. Colburn to Mr. Blount.
HONOLULU, April 15, 1893.
SIR: As a member of Her Majesty Liliuokalani's cabinet that was deposed with
her by a handful of citizens backed by the troops of the good ship Boston of the (J.
S. Navy, I called on you on the evening of Saturday, April 8, and paid my respects
to you. You received me kindly, and during our conversation you asked me to prepare for you a statement of the facts connected with the Hawaiian revolution and
all that was incident to it, and other important matters in re Hawaii, from my own
knowledge and observation.
In response to your request I submit to you the following, trusting that it may be
of value to you in summing up your conclusions in all that has happened, and the
position of Queen Liliuokalani and the Hawaiian people.
In opening up my statement, I desire first to introduce myself thoroughly to you,
so that you will recognize at once that I propose to take the responsibility of all
that I write, and will produce to the extent of my ability, all such evidence as you
may require, to corroborate what I write should you so desire it.
My name in full is John Francis Colburn. I was born on the 30th day of September, 1859; my father was an American and my mother a Hawaiian. My father died
when I was but 2 years of age, and I, with my brother and sister, was brought up
by my mother, who labored and toiled for our support with a sewing machine. I
have received the whole of my education right here and have never traveled further
than beyond San Francisco, Cal., when my presence was called there on business,
and I made four different trips to that large city. At the age of 16 years I entered




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1305
into employment, receiving such from the firm of Lewers & Cooke, the latter being
one of the commissioners of the Provisional Government who went to Washington to
secure annexation. At the age of 20 years I was narried, and have living to-day
five children; for the last seven years I have conducted a large hay, grain, and feed
business on my own account, and am still following that pursuit. I omitted to mention that I had a large number of relatives on my father's side residing in different
parts of the United States, chief among them being the husband of my father's own
sister, J. H. Gans, residing in Red Bud, Ill., a strong Democrat and an applicant to
President Cleveland for the position of American minister to this country in place of
J. L. Stevens. My great grandfather, Thomas Colburn, was the first man killed at
the battle of Bunker Hill in 1775, fighting as a patriotic American.
Liliuokalani was proclaimed Queen of the Hawaiian Islands January 29, 1891; her
first cabinet had Mr. Samuel Parker as premier; he and his colleagues were
voted out by a resolution of want of confidence, introduced by Mr. W. C. Wilder,
one of the commissioners to Washington to seek annexation. After they were voted
out the Queen appointed and commissioned a cabinet with E. C. Macfarlane as
premlier; they reported to the legislature and immediately upon sight L. A. Thurston moved an adjournment for two days. After adjournment, and when the members had taken their seats, W. 0. Smith, the present attorney-general of the Provisional Government, introduced a resolution of want of confidence. After a long and
heated discussion a vote was taken, and only twenty-four members responded to
adopting the resolution; it was only lost to be resurrected again at another day. Time
rolled on, and two weeks after another resolution of want of confidence was introduced against this same cabinet, but this time, through the intrigue of Thurston
and his party, it was brought in and read by a native member. A vote was taken
and a sufficient number of votes were cast to oust them.
They retired and the Queen, appointed another cabinet, of which W. H. Cornwel)
was premier. This cabinet, as soon as it presented itself to the house, was voted
out on sight; the reason of it was, that the intrigue was worked so well on some of
the native members of the legislature by paying them bribes and a weekly support,
that they agreed with Thurston and his faction to vote out any cabinet the Queen
chose to send to the legislature, unless it be a certain four of their own party, who
they wanted to get in as the cabinet, and control the affairs of the country. The
finds put up for this purpose was partly by S. M. Damon and C. Bolte, also by Mr.
HI. P. Baldwin, a large sugar plantation owner. When the Cornwell cabinet was
voted out the Queen was puzzled as to what to do. She looked upon this reform
party, who was doing all this work, as bringing about a conflict with her and the
legislature; this reform party wanted to dictate to the Queen who the cabinet
should be, and she, on the other hand, did not wish to recognize them to that
extent, because the whole of the opposition, who had been voting cabinets out,
were a mixture of three different political parties, and she was well informed that
bribery was at the bottom of the whole affair.
She stood the Legislature off for a week or ten days; in the meantime she asked
several well-to-do conservative business men to consult with her as to what course
she should pursue, and considerable advice was given her to make the appointments
of the persons whom the reforl party was clamoring for, so as to bring about quiet
and contentment in the business community, who was worked up to a certain pitch
about the fact that the only work the Legislature was doing was to oust cabinets,
and it was affecting business. The Queen paid heed to this advice given, and commissioned what wasknown as the Wilcox or the missionary cabinet. They reported
to the Legislature, and to show you that they were not a popular cabinet, twentyfive members were ready to vote them right out, and it was only through the influence of some of us that the resolution was not introduced then, so that this cabinet
could have a fair trial. It staid in power two months when, on the 12th day of
January, 1893, a resolution was introduced and they were voted out. The reform
party or the missionaries, as they are better named and called, were disgruntled
and dissatisfied and discouraged at this work, and openly said we will get even
with you, meaning the Hawaiians. They knew this vote meant their losing their
power and influence in this country for years to come, and they were hostile. However, the majority of the people were satisfied that they were voted out, and looked
to the prospects of the Queen appointing a cabinet with at least two Hawaiians in
it, so that the race prejudice which had been created for quite a while would wear
away and the Hawaiians and foreigners would work together; the Queen also realized this matter as of great importance, and on Friday, January 13, 1893, she summoned and appointed the writer, minister of interior; Samuel Parker, minister of
foreign affairs; W. H. Cornwell, minister of finance, and A. P. Peterson, attorneygeneral; the first two of us being the Hawaiian representation and the last two the
foreign.
We repaired to the Legislature who was waiting for the Queen's new cabinet, and
as this cabinet approached the Government building from the palace the former was
thronged with people who were anxious to see the new cabinet and extend their




1306                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
congratulations to us. That was a scene that has never before been witnessed upon
the appointment of former cabinets; however, we arrived at the Legislature and
amidst great cheering we took our seats. The house went through its work and
then adjourned. The next day was the time that had been previously set for proroguing the Legislature. At 10 o'clock of that day, January 14, 1893, Mr Peterson
informed me that he had heard it rumored that it was the Queen's intention to promulgate a new constitution. I replied to him that she was making a mistake and I
would oppose her if she really intended to do it. I called out to Messrs. Parker and
Cornwell, and the four of us consulted over the matter. We all agreed that if the
Queen was determined upon doing this work, and pleasing only the native element,
we would oppose her. Mr. Parker went over at once to the palace to find out correctly if there was any truth to this rumor, but he was unable to see her, as she was
preparing herself to prorogue the Legislature. He returned and informed us that
he could not see her, and we decided to wait until the closing of Parliament.
In the meantime, however, I felt as though we should place ourselves in the right
light before the foreign element of the community, and to get their view on the
matter in case the Queen's intentions were really as rumored and she would make it
an issue with us, I left my colleagues at the Government building and repaired at
once with all haste to the office of A. S. Hartwell, an old and esteemed friend of
mine, and told himn about the rumor we had heard, the consultation we had had, and
the position we would take if the Queen could not be guided by our advice, and
that was to resign. lie asked me if he could ask Messrs. Thurston and Smith (the
Provisional Government commissioner at Washington and the present attorney-general of the Provisional Government) to be together with him, and we would all consult the matter over together. I consented and he summoned them. When they
arrived I went over what I had told Mr. Hartwell a short time previous and when
I got through Thurston spoke up and said, " Colburn, don't you resign under any
conditions; if the Queen makes this an issue with you, we (meaning the foreign
element) will back you up and I feel sure Minister Stevens will." He further asked,
" are you alone in your stand? " and I replied, " no, I was positive Peterson took the
same view as I did." He spoke up again, " bring Peterson down here; we want to
talk to him."
I repaired at once to the Government building, told Peterson what I had done,
and asked him to come down to Hartwell's office with me. He consented, and we
both cane down. Upon arriving there we held a consultation. Thurston submitted in writing a plan for action in case the Queen was going to carry out her desire.
We took the document, which was written by Thurston himself, and told him we
would await developments. We then left them and went to the Government building. This was now approaching the noon hour. At 12 m., precisely, the Queen
arrived at the Government building and prorogued the Legislature. Immediately
after the Queen had left to return to the palace, Mr. Parker came up and said to us
that the diplomatic corps wanted to have an interview with us at once in the foreign
affairs office. We all consented and went directly upstairs to meet them.
After we were all seated, Mr. Wodehouse opened the conversation by asking us
if we knew that a knew constitution was to be promulgated that afternoon bythe
Queen? Mr. Parker replied that the cabinet were not aware of it, but they had
heard rumors of it; he asked again what position the cabinet would take if the
Queen did attempt to promulgate a new constitution, and Mr. Parker replied that
the cabinet would oppose it. The conversation then drifted into their inquiring as
to what reason could prompt the Queen to do anything like this, if the rumors that
they and ourselves had heard were true, and we answered that it must be from the
petition the natives had got up, signed, and presented to her. Mr. Wodehouse then
said the Queen must not promulgate a new constitution, and if she had any idea of
it she must abandon it. We assured him we would do all in our power to avoid
anything of this kind happening. During all this conversation Mr. J. L. Stevens,
who had kept perfectly quiet, not saying anything, spoke up now and asked if the
Queen had signed the lottery bill? Mr. Parker replied in the affirmative; he asked
again, did the cabinet advise the Queen to sign it? Mr. Peterson replied that the
Queen considered that the bill having passed the Legislature by a majority she
should sign it as she had no reason for vetoing it,'and the cabinet acquiesced in her
action. Mr. Stevens instantly raised his cane and stamped it on the floor and said
the passing of the lottery bill and the signing of it by the Queen is a direct attack
upon the United States; and he picked up his hat and walked out of the room, but
before he was fairly out he spoke up and said, he wanted the cabinet to inform
him at once if the Queen was going to attempt what we had a little while before
discussed; we replied to him that we would, and we parted company.
The cabinet then went directly from the Government building to the palace where
there was in waiting the Queen, members of the legislature, members of several
political societies, and a large number of the public. Upon our arrival at the palace
we entered the blue room and met the Queen. After seating ourselves she said to us
that she had received i petition signed by nine thousand of her native subjects ask



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1307
ing her for a new constitution, and she thought this was an opportune time to grant
them their prayer and asked us to countersign her signature that she wanted to place
on the document. Each one of us got up, one after the other, and told her that we
could not accede to her wishes, and advised her to abandon the idea. She was very
determined at first, and said she should promulgate it anyway. We reasoned with
her and left her to think the matter over again, and at the same time take rest.
Messrs. Cornwell, Peterson, and myself left the palace and went to the Government building; we held a consultation and sent a message to each of the diplomatic
corps; they all arrived and we entered into consultation again. The gentlemen of
the diplomatic corps urged us very strongly to return to the palace and inform Her
Majesty that she must abandon the idea at once. While this was going on at the
Government building, Thurston and others who had heard of this matter were
enrolling names down town with the avowed object of supporting the Cabinet in
their positions and the stand they had taken. Thurston then came up to me and
said to oppose the Queen's intention as the foreign element of the community did
not want a new constitution, and we could receive support, all that we wanted,
even if it was necessary to depose her. At 3 o'clock, of that day we left the Government building again, and starte( over to the palace as the Queen had just sent us a
message she wanted to see us at once.
As we were hurrying over there, and just before I had got out of the gate at the
entrance of the Government building yard, W. O. Smith, the present attorneygeneral, came rushing in in a hack very much excited, and said, " Colburn, don't be
alarmed; buck the Queen all you can; the troops of the Boston will assist in supporting you in your stand; make all the haste you can. Mr. Stevens has sent an order
to the captain of the Boston, and his men with their guns and ammunition are
already in the boats of the ship ready to come ashore at once." I made no reply to
him except telling him we were then on our way to the palace. He left me and I
sung out to my colleagues, and told them what Smith had said to me. We arrived
at the palace, and the Queen, who was waiting for us, asked us if we would read the
new constitution she wanted to promulgate, and compare it with the one forced
upon the late King Kalakaua by the Reform party in the revolution of 1887, and
also the one promunlgated by Kamehameha V in 1864. We replied that we would,
sat down, and after comparing it we found some defects in it and pointed them out
to her and advised her again to abandon the idea. After a little while she spoke
up, and asked us if we were a unit in our advice, and we all replied yes. She then
said she would pay heed to it and would inform her people who were still waiting,
that she could not give them what they wanted, and to endure their grievances
(this implied to the Constitution of 1887). She did so, and the people departed for
their homes..
Mr. Peterson and myself went down town to the office of W. O. Smith, where there
was a large gathering of the foreigners, and they asked me to speak to them. I did
so and told them all that happened; some of them asked if we did not think the
Queen would promulgate it at some other time, and I assured them we would never
allow her to do it as long as the people who lived here were not a unit on such a
subject. A little later about 4:30 p. m. of that day, Mr. Thurston came to me with a
document written out by him and said, "Colburn, this is a request on Minister
Stevens and Capt. Wiltse to land the troops from the Boston and render you support;
you and Peterson and Cornwell must sign it and place it in my hands so that in case
you are imprisoned by the Queen's orders that she can put this project of hers through,
then this letter can be delivered." I replied to him that I did not think it was necessary, as I felt sure the Queen had abandoned the idea altogether; he insisted on my
taking it. and I took it and handed it to Peterson; where it now is I do not know,
ibut we never signed it, as there was no reason for it.
The next morning, Sunday, January 15, 1893 at 6 a. m., Thurston came to my house
and asked me to go with him to Peterson's house. I asked him what he wanted with
us at such an early hour, and his reply was, pressing business. I consented and
accompanied him to Peterson's house. Upon our arriving there we entered the room,
and when we were seated, the three of us, he said that he represented a committee of
safety who had had a meeting at his house on Saturday evening and decided to send
him to us with a proposition, and that was that we, Peterson and Colburn, should
depose the Queen. We asked him who this committee of safety was, and he replied
thirteen gentlemen picked out from all those that had enrolled to support the cabinet in opposing the Queen against her desires in re new constitution. We asked
him to furnish their names and he did so. He then said, it is the desire of this committee you two should depose the Queen and declare a provisional government.
Don't say a word about it to Parker and Cornwell, as Parker is a treacherous liar,
and Cornwell is not fit for anything, and simply does what Parker tells him to do.
lie went on to say that it was their desire to get a division in the cabinet, and the
deposing of the Queen should appear to be done by a part of her own cabinet, or a
portion of the Goverment itself; and he went on to say that he could inform us that




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. Stevens had given this committee the assurance that if we two signed a request
to him to land the troops of the Boston he would immediately comply with the request
and have them landed to assist in carrying out this work; and further, that if we did
not agree to the proposition that we could not receive aid and support from them in
the future if we needed it. We told him that we would have to take the matter
under advisement and would inform him as to our conclusions later on. He pressed
for an answer then, but we refused to give it to him.
After his departure we sent for Parker and Cornwell, and imparted to them what
Thurston had proposed to us, and we entered into consultation. We decided to summon at least six responsible and conservative business men of the community to consult with us, and to get their views. We did so, and, at 1:30 p. m. of that Sunday,
the following gentlemen met us: Messrs. F. A. Schaeffer, J. 0. Carter, S. M. Damon,
W. M. Giffard, S. C. Allen, and E. C. Macfarlane. We told them what Thurston, on
behalf of the committee of thirteen, had proposed, and asked them for their views.
Each one asked if the Queen had given up the idea of promulgating a new constitution altogether, and we replied in the affirmative. They said, in that case the
Queen and cabinet should issue a proclamation, giving the community the assurance
that this matter was at an end.
We asked them to dictate a proclamation and they did so; they one and all decided that we should inform this committee that we could not consider their proposition, and ask them to accept the assurances that were to be given in the proclamation.
They also asked if the Government was in a position to suppress any uprising, and
we told these gentlemen that the Government was ready and able to cope with any
emergency that might happen, and to suppress any revolt. Mr. S. M. Damon spoke
up and said the troops of the " Boston" are going to be landed. Before proceeding
further, I may say right here that Mr. Damon's remark seemed insignificant at the
time, but as things turned out he was in with the revolutionists and knew perfectly
well the attitude af Mr. Stevens, and when he made the remark at our meeting it
signified a good deal; it meant that those forces were going to depose Queen Liliuokalani and place the situation of the country in the position that it is in to-day.
The next day (Monday) the proclamation dictated by these gentlemen was printed
and posted and distributed all over town. Later on in the day two mass meetings
were held, one by the native element and the other by the foreign element. At the
former the natives accepted the proclamation, although it was directly contrary to
what they wanted (a new constitution), and the latter denounced the Queen and
left everything in the hands of the committee of safety spoken about. At 5 p. m.
of that day the troops of the Boston were landed. Immediately upon the information being conveyed to the cabinet that such was the case, Mr. Parker and myself
drove with all haste to the residence of J. L. Stevens.  When we arrived there, we
asked him the reason the troops were being landed, and his reply was that he had
received a request from a committee of safety, and he had consulted wilh Capt.
Wiltse. He went on to say that there were a number of women and old men in the
town besides children that were alarmed with the rumors of a revolution, and he
wanted to offer protection. Mr. Parker replied that the Government was in a position to offer everyone protection, was able to suppress any rebellion, and would
offer protection to him (Stevens) and noted his protest. Mr. Stevens replied that he
was informed that the Government was in a strong position to suppress any revolt,
but he could not help the matter of landings and as the troops were ashore they
would stay ashore. I asked him if he intended to annex the country and he replied
S"No," and further said those troops are ashore to preserve the Queen on her throne,
you gentlemen in your offices, and to offer protection to the community at large.
We told him again we did not want the troops ashore, and we could preserve law
and order ourselves. He replied by saying make your protest in writing, and if you
make it in a friendly spirit I will answer in the same tone.
On Tuesday information was conveyed to us that the Queen was to be deposed
and a Provisional Government declared; we got everything in readiness to suppress the revolt expected; we had under arms 600 men with rifles, and 30,000
rounds of ammunition, 8 brass Austrian field cannon, and 2 Gatling guns. A little
before 2 p. m. of that day the cabinet drove up to Mr. Stevens's residence to inquire
of him as to the position he was going to take in this matter, as we were informed
and suspected from all that Thurston and his followers had said that the American
troops were going to assist these usurpers, who everyone knew would not attempt
to bring about any such change as they were going to if they were not assured of
support by the American forces. We arrived at Stevens's house and after talking
quite awhile with him he gave us no definite answer and we left him and returned
to the police station to make our headquarters there and to write to Mr. Stevens
about his position. While the letter to Stevens was being dictated by Mr. Peterson,
information was brought to us that about 30 unarmed men had taken possession of
the Government Building, had read their proclamation, and had committed acts of
treason.
We paid no attention to them but sent our letter with all haste at a few minutes
before 3 p. m., by Mr. C. L. Hopkins to Mr. Stevens. After Stevens read the letter,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1309
he told Hopkins to go away and come back again in an hour. Hopkins replied that
the cabinet ad instructed him to bring a reply forthwith, so that they would
kniow how to act, and Stevens refused.  ie kept Htopkins waiting on his veranda
one hour and then handed him a reply to us. While Stevens wsas eeping Hopkins
waiting, the usurpers were preparing to resist the Government in case of attack,
and we did nothing, but k ept our men ready for action. The letter from Stevens
carried by Hopkins to us reached us 5 minutes of 4 p m., and after reading its contents, we concluded to surrender and yield to Ameriea.
I want to impress upon you that we never surrendered the palace, police station,
and 4barretks till after we hiad received Stevens's letter, and not until wehadfiled our
protest with the Provisional Governmlent. The surrender was a little after 6 in the
evening; these, usurpers could never have overthrown the Government, as they did
not have sufficient arms rand ammunition; an n on the other hand, it will be admitted by themselves, I think, that the munitions of war that we had would have
annihilated thei were it not for the United States troops and Minister Stevens.
i reiain etc.,,
JoiHN F. COLBURN.
[Inclosure 7 in No. 3.,
Citzens' committee of safety to Mr. Stevens.
*    HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, H1onolut January 16, 1893.
SIR: We, the undersigned citizens and residents of Honolulu, respectfully represent that, in view of recent public eentts in this Kingdom, culminating in the
revolutionary acts of Queen Lilionkalani on Saturday last, the public safety is
menaced, and lives and property are in peril, and we appeal to yon and the United
States forces at your comiand for assistance.
The Queen, with the aid of armed firce, and acconmpanie d by threats of violence
and bloodshed from those with whom she as acting, attempted to proclaim a new
constitution; and, while prevented for the time from accomplishing her object,
declared publicly that she would only defer her action.
This conduct and action was upon an occasion and under circumstances which
have created general alarm and terror.
We are unable to protect ourselves without aid and therefore pray for the protection of the United States ifores.
HENRY E. COOPER,
F. W. MOcCHESNfYiy,
W. C. WILmER,
C. BOLTr,
A. BROwN,
WILLIAM 0. SMITH,
IENRY WATEnHOUSE,
TnEo. F. LANSIt,;
ED. SunR,
L. A. THURSTON,
JOHN EIMMELUTH,
WM. R. CASTLE,
J. A. MCCANDLESS,
Citizens' Committee of Safety.
No. 7.
Mri. Blunt to Mr. Gresham;
'o. 4.1               HONOLTJ LU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, May 4, 1893.
SIr: Uip to the period of the hauling down of the United States
ensig  from the Government building there had been inaction on the
part of tose opposed to annexation. Since then, inspired by that
fact, the natives have seemed to act with freedom in expressing their
views on the subject of annexation and of the revolution dethroning
tiliuokalni.   Annexationists and antiannexationists have been active




1310


HAWAIIANf~tl   ISILANDS.,


in procuring subscribers to declarations in favor of and against annexation.
I have abstained from any indication of my opinion or wishes concerning the question. When memorials and petitions have been presented, I have made it a rule to state substantially that I would accept
the papers simply as a fact in the situation in the Islands, but could
not enter into any expression of views thereon.
At this tim tthe indications are unmistakable that a large majority
of the people of the Islands are utterly opposed to annexation. I do
not look for any change from this situation through future information. I shall be careful, however, to keep myself free to entertain any
and all facts in relation thereto, that I may report with accuracy to
you.
There is a strong disposition on the part of the annexation element
to suppress expressions against annexation by social and business
hostility.
I inclose you herewith a newspaper extract containing proceedings
of the executive and advisory councils on the subject of the restoration of the monarchy (Inclosure No. 1).
The morning following, delegations from all the Islands were to
assemble for the purpose of presenting resolutions to the United States
Commissioner indicating their opinion on the present political situation.
The reform party are in favor of annexation. The opponents of this
party are generally in favor of the restoration of Liliuokalani, but a
small minority are inclined to an independent Republic.
I send you a memorial presented to me by a committee of delegates of
all the branch associations of the Hawaiian Patriotic League (Inclosure
No. 2). It was presented by a committee composed of John Richardson, J. A. Akina, Ben. Nanlkana, J. R. Kaihiopulani, and S. H. K. Ne.
To this memorial I made response, taken down by our stenographer,
Mr. Mills, in the language following:
I will accept it, as I have all memorials, as a matter of information. I can not
enter into a discussion of it with you. I am glad to meet you, gentlemen.
It was this body which incited Mr. Emmeluth to offer his resolution,
I presume.
I have five petitions signed by natives in favor of annexation, but
always coupled with a condition that the right to vote is to be preserved to them. This is the feeling of all the natives who have signed
petitions for annexation. It is by assurances that the right of suffrage
will be preserved to them that some are induced to sign the petitions.
In the future all petitions presenting the views of the people will be
fully reported.
I send you an interview with Mr. S. A. Damon, president of the
advisory council (Inclosure No. 3); also one with Mr. Henry Waterhouse.
a member of the advisory council (Inclosure No. 4); also a letter, in original, from Mr. J. O. Carter; also a copy of a letter from Lieut. Swinburne, and affidavits from Messrs. Charles L. Hopkins, I. F. Colburn,
and A. B. Peterson.
These are sent simply as indicating something of the elements which
brought about the dethronement of Liliuokalani. I will endeavor to
dissipate all the mists connected with this subject before a great while.
I think it will be shown that the American minister recognized the
Provisional Government when the chief points of defense of the Queen,
to wit: the station house and barracks, had not surrendered, and would
not have surrendered but for that recognition. It is unquestionably
the fat that Liliuokalani was induced to sign the protest already corn



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                       1311
municated to the State Department by Mr. Stevens and to surrender
her forces by the belief that she could not successfully contest with
the United States, which appeared to her mind to be a party in the
impending conflict of arms. She was induced to believe that she would
have a hearing on the merits of the interference by the American minister, and gave to it doubtless the fullest faith.
The mail leaves in two and a half hours from now, and this makes it
necessary for me to avoid any attempt to elaborate on the condition of
affairs at this time.
I am, etc.,
J. H. BLOUNT,
Special Commissioner of the United States.
Since closing the foregoing dispatch I have received an affidavit
from Charles B. Wilson, which I send as Inclosure 10. I shall gather all
the evidence on this subject which I can obtain from both sides touching
the question as to whether the recognition came before or after the surrender of the forces of Liliuokalani. This Wilson is the man described
in Minister Stevens's dispatches as the paramour of the Queen. Whatever there maTy be in these charges (concerning which I have little
information), I am very much inclined to think his affidavit is substantially true.                                             J. H. B.
[Inclosure 1 in No. 4.]
HAWAIIAN DAILY STAR, MAY 1, 1893.-PROVISIONAL LEGISLATURE.
Mr. Emmeluth moved a resolution that agitation in favor of the restoration of the
monarchy be declared as coming under the terms of the sedition act.
Mr. Waterhouse moved that the resolution pass. It was high time to take action
when treason was being conducted under their noses. Here were natives coming
from the other islands to agitate for restoration, and receiving encouragement from
the Queen, who told them to have hope and courage.
Mr. Emmeluth held that as annexation was the object for which this Provisional
Government was formed, it should be regarded as treason for anybody to discuss
restoration or an independent republic. It would be only justice to the ignorant
Hawaiians to give a clear expression of the Government on this matter. He related
an instance of superstition among the natives. A Hawaiian neighbor of his died
after four days' illness, and his widow asked the speaker what her late husband had
done that the Government people should had done that to him?
Mr. Young was one who would go the farthest towards toleration, but he
believed Mr. Emmeluth was right in the main. It was time they knew whether
they were to have a government or not.
Minister Smith said the question had come before him in requests for advice from
sheriffs. The Government should deal with the matter cautiously, as there was
danger of going too far. Peaceful discussion of the situation he did not think came
within the category of sedition. It was certainly lawful under the constitution.
Mr. Brown counseled going slow. Mr. Blount was sent here, it was understood,
to ascertain the sentiment of the Hawaiian people, and nothing should be done to
obstruct his investigation. Hawaiians loved their flag above everything else. They
were like children. If they could retain their flag they would not think much about
the loss of the monarchy. Were the monarch of the Kamehameha line it might be
different. As it was he thought only a few in Honolulu were wanting restoration,
and these because they believed in that event they should come on top.
Mr. Emmeluth was not for suppressing those who were misled, but those who
were misleading the Hawaiians.
Mr. Damon thought if the Government was weak it ought to jump on any movement looking toward restoration. The freedom of speech and the freedom of the
press was favorable to safety. The Government surely had sufficient standing by
this time to be past the necessity for extreme measures.
Mr. Young withdrew his motion to pass, and the resolutioa was refeped to the
executive council.
The ooui  4 went ito   oQtutv o ses ion at 3;5,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


[Inclosure 2 in No. 4.]
Petition of natives.
Whereas His Excellency, Grover Cleveland, President of the United States of
America, has honored the Hawaiian nation by sending to us the Hon. James H.
Blonnt as a Special Commissioner to find out the true wishes of the Hawaiian people
as to the proposed annexation of their country to their great friend the United
States; therefore,
We, the people of the Hawaiian Islands, through the delegates of the branches of
the Hawaiian Patriotic League of all the districts throughout the kingdom, in convention assembled, take this mode of submitting our appeal and expression of our
unanimous wishes to the people of our great and good friend, the Republic of the
United States of America, with whom we always entertained the most cordial relations, whom we have learned to look upon as our patrons and most reliable protectors, and whose honor, integrity, and sense of justice and equity we have ever confidently relied for investigation into the grievous wrongs that have been committed
against us as a people, against the person of our sovereign, and the independence of
our land.
And while we are anxious to promote the closest and most intimate political and
commercial relations with the United States, we do not believe that the time has
yet come for us to be deprived of our nationality and of our sovereign by annexation
to any foreign power.
And therefore we do hereby earnestly and sincerely pray that the great wrongs
committed against us may be righted by the restoration of the independent autonomy and constitutional government of our Kingdom under our beloved Queen Liliuokalani, in whom we have the utmost confidence as a conscientious and popular
ruler.


DELEGATES ISLAND OF HAWAII.
S. T. Piihonua.
Henry West.
K. M. Koahou.
D. Hoakimaa.
T. P. Kaaeae.
J. H. Halawale.
S. H. K. Ne.
W. E. N. Kaneali.
C. G. Naope.
ISLAND OF MAUI.
R. H. Makekau.
J. K. Kealoalii
D. Kanaha.
John Richardson.
Thomas Clark.
Thos. Benj. Lyons.
John Kaluna.
J. Kamakele.
S. D. Kapers.
S. W. Kaai.
ISLAND OF MOLOKAI.
J. N. Uahinui.
J. K. Kaipeopulani.
Approved:


ISLAND OF MOLOKAI-Continued.
D. Himeni.
J. P. Kapoehaale.
Kekoowai.
S. K. Kahalehulu.
S. K. Piiapoo.
ISLAND OF OAHU.
F. S. Keike.
C. Keawe.
John Kapa'mawaho Prendergast.
Enoch Johnson.
Sam K. Pua.
S. K. Kaupu.
D. W. Keliiokamoku.
S. W. Kaiiieha.
Benj. Naukana.
Kimo.
ISLAND OF KAUAL
Chas. Kahee.
Geo. W. Mahikoa.
J. A. Akina.
D. N. Kamaliikaue.
Sam P. Kaleikini.
J. Molokui.
JOSEPH NAWAHO,
President Patriotic League.


HONOLULU, March 2, 189.




HAWAIIAN    ISLANDS.                      3131
[Inclosure 3 in No. 4.]
Interview between Mr. Damon 4nd Mr. Blount.
HONOLULU, April S9, 189S.
Mr. BLOUNT. HOW long have you lived here?
Mr. DAMON. I was born here in 1845. I have been away several times-perhaps
to the extent of three or four years in that time.
Q. Where were you on the 14th of January, 1893, at the time the proclamation
dethroning the Queen and establishing the Provisional Government was read?
A. I was at Honolulu. I was one of the members of that body who went up.
Q. The paper was read by Mr. Cooper?
A. By Judge Cooper.
Q. How many of you were there in that body which went up-about?
A. The whole body. There would be four of the executive and fourteen of the
advisory.
Q. Please look at this paper and see if they are the persons (Senate Ex. Doc. No.
76, Fifty-second Congress, second session).
A. Thurston was not present, and I do not think Wilhelm was there.
Q. Where did you start from?
A. From W. O. Smith's office on Fort street.
Q. And what street did you take going from there?
A. We walked up directly to the Government house on Merchant street. It was
suggested that a part should go by the way of Queen street, but a majority of us
went by way of Merchant street.
Q. What was the idea for dividing the committee?
A. So that it should not attract so much attention, and it would be safer perhaps to have it divided than going in mass.
Q. Was it because it occurred to them that it might invite attack if they went in
mass?
A. That was partly the idea-that it was more prudent. I think we, most of us,
walked together-not compactly, but together.
Q. Any crowd following you?
A. No; the crowd was attracted to the corner of Fort and King streets, owing to
the shot that was fired by Mr. Good at a policeman. In fact, the crowd cleared
from the Government house and was attracted there. From all directions they centered at the corner of Hall's store.
Q. You found, then, scarcely anyone at the Government house when the committee arrived?
A. Scarcely anyone there except porters. After Mr. Cooper began to read the
proclamation-then different ones came out of the offices-clerks and officials-while
the proclamation was being read.
Q. Some of the Provisional Government troops, or rather troops raised at the
direction of the Committee of Safety, came on the ground before the reading of the
proclamation was finished?
A. When we arrived there was but one man with a rifle on the premises, Mr.
Oscar White; but some little time later they commenced to come in from the
armory, troops that were under the supervision of Col. Soper.
Q. Was that before or during the reading of the proclamation?
A. During the reading. Toward the end of it.
Q. How many troops came in? Do you have any knowledge of the number you
had enlisted?
A. There were enough came in to make us feel more decidedly at ease than before
they arrived.
Q. You could not say how many there were?
A. No; they kept coming in right along. They got to be quite a body.
Q. After the reading of the proclamation the late ministers were sent fort
A. After the reading of tie proclamation we adjourned to the office of the Minister
of the Interior, and then we commenced to formulate our plans and get ourselves
into working order. Mr. Dole was at the head. While we were there in consultation
Mr. Cornwell and Mr. Parker came up there from the Station House and held a
conference with us.
Q. What was the purport of that conference?
A. The result of that conference was that Mr. Bolte and myself were requested to
return with Mr. Cornwell and Mr. Parker to the Station House and recommend and
urge upon the parties in power at the Police Station to surrender to the Provisional
Government. We had a conference with the ministers in the room occupied generally by the deputy marshal. There were present Messrs. Peterson, Colburn, Parker,
Cornwell, Bolte, and later Mr. Neumann, who was asked to come in. After consultation of the matter of their yielding up their power to the Provisional Government
they asked to be let alone for a few moments, and I went into one of the rear cells in
S. ReD. 227-    83




1314                    HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
the corridor with Marshal Wilson and urged him very strongly to give up any hope
or any thought of making any attack, or resistance, more properly.
Q. What reason did you give him?
A. I can not remember at the present moment giving him a reason, but I remember
distinctly saying to him: "Now, if you will cooperate with us, if in future I can be
of service to you I will do so.
Q. Was there any suggestion of sympathy on the part of the United States Minister in your movement 
A. While I was in the Station House a man by the name of Bowler said to me:
"We are all prepared, but I will never fight against the American flag."
Q. Was there anything in the conversation between you and him in which any
intimation direct or indirect that the United States Minister was in sympathy with
you or the United States troops and officers?
A. I can not remember any definite thing, but from Mr. Bowler's remark they must
have thought that the United States troops were here for some purpose.
Q. Was Mr. Bowler with the Queen's party?
A. He was. He was part of the force in the Station House.
Q. Did you say anything at all indicating an opinion that there was any sympathy
on the part of Mr. Stevens or Capt. Wiltse with the movement for the new govern.
ment?
A. I can not remember. I may possibly have said so.
Q. Did you think so at that time?
A. I may have had an impression, but I know nothing about it.
Q. What was your impression 
A. My impression was, seeing the troops landed here in this time of excitement
and turmoil, that-well, I suppose I might say that they could not stand it any longer
-the Americans could not stand it any longer.
Q. Your impression, then, was that the American Minister and Captain Wiltse and
the troops were in sympathy with the movement of the white residents here in the
pending controversy between them and the Queen?
A. While we were in the Government building and during the reading of the proclamation and while we were all extremely nervous as to our personal safety, I asked
one of the men with me there: "Will not the American troops support us " Finally
I asked one of the men to go over and ask Lieut. Swinburne if he was not going to
send someone over to protect us? The man returned and said to me, "Capt. Wiltse's
orders are 'I remain passive."' That is all I know of what passed between us.
Q. You speak of your impression. That relates to a particular conversation
between two or three persons; but what was your impression as to the matter of
whether or not the American Minister and the American naval officers were in sympathy with the movement?
A. I was perfectly nonplussed by not receiving any support. I could not imagine
why we were there without being supported by American troops, prior to the troops
coming from the armory. We were not supported in any way.
Q. You had not been in council with the Committee of Public Safety up to that
time t
A. No.
Q. Well, the troops were-how far off from the reading of the proclamation?
A. They were over in that yard known as Gilson yard in the rear of the music
hall. They were quartered there.
Q. Any artillery?
A. I think they had a small gun-Gatling gun and howitzer.
Q. Where were they pointed-in what direction? 
A. I can not tell you.
Q. You were surprised that they did not come into the grounds while the proclamation was being read. Is that what you mean by not supporting you?
A. I had no definite information what the movement was, as I told you before in
a private interview, but knowing that they were on shore I supposed that they
would support us, and when they did not support us, and we were there for fifteen
or twenty minutes I was perfectly astonished that we were in that position without
any support.
Q. How far would you say, in yards, it was from where the proclamationwas being
read to where the nearest troops were 
A. I think about 75 yards.
Q. Was there a piece of artillery in the street between the building the troops
were stationed in and the Government building?
A. The only piece of firearms of any kind in that street was Oscar White's rifle.
We met him as we came around the corner.
Q. Did you have occasion to look there to seet
A. We stopped before turning into the side gate to converse with Oscar White,
before proceeding into the Government building.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1315
Q. Are you sure there was not a piece of artillery in that street before the reading
of the proclamation?
A. I can not tell you; but the only gun I could see was Oscar White's. I remarked:
"Oscar, this is not so very prudent for you to be here with only one rifle in this
street."
Q. Where did you see the troops first 
A. I came up from Monolalua by a back street and turned into Nuuana street,
one house above Mr. Stevens', and as I turned the corner I saw the American troops
marching up towards Mr. Stevens' house, and directly in front of his house.
Q. Did you meet Mr. Henry Waterhouse?
A. I met him there at that time.
Q. What conversation passed between you?
A. I think I said: "Henry, what does all this mean?" If I remember rightly
now, he said: "It is all up."
Q. And what did you understand by the expression, "It is all up?"
A. I understand from that that the American troops had taken possession of the
island. That was my impression.
Q. And was that favorable to the Queen or favorable to the other side, as you
understood it?
A. That was distinctly favorable to the foreign element here.
Q. You mean the movement for a Provisional Government?
A. Yes.
Q. Did you see Mr. Stevens that day?
A. No; I did not see him that day.
Q. What is Mr. Waterhouse doing now?
A. Henry? He is a member of the council.
Q. Was he a member of the Committee of Public Safety?
A. If I remember right, he was.
Q. Is that his signature [exhibiting letter of Committee of Public Safety to Mr.
Stevens] 
The letter is as follows:
HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, Honolulu, January 16. 1893.
SIR: We, the undersigned, citizens and residents of Honolulu, respectfully represent that in view of recent public events in this Kingdom, culminating in the
revolutionary acts of Queen Liliuokalani on Saturday last, the public safety is
menaced, and lives and property are in peril, and we appeal to you and to the United
States forces at your command for assistance.
The Queen, with the aid of armed force and accompanied by threats of violence
and bloodshed from those with whom she was acting, attempted to proclaim a new
constitution, and while prevented for the time from accomplishing her object,
declared publicly that she would only defer her action.
This conduct and action was upon an occasion and under circumstances which
have created general alarm and terror.
We are unable to protect ourselves without aid, and therefore pray for the protection of the United States forces.
HENRY E. COOPER,
F. W. MCCHESNEY,
W. C. WILDER,
C. BOLTE,
A. BROWN,
WILLIAM 0. SMITH,
HENRY WATERHOUSE,
THEO. F. LANSING,
ED. SUHR,
L. A. THURSTON,
JOHN EMMEUTH,
WM. R. CASTLE,
J. A. MCCANDLESS,
Citizens' Committee of Safety.
His Excellency, JoHN L. STrPHENS,
American Minister Resident.
A. Yes, it is.
Q. Did he seem then pleased or alarmed?
A. He was very much strained and excited. There was no pleasure in it, but still
there was a feeling of security. That was it. He evinced a feeling of security. He
was not smiling or joking.
Q. It was not a joking time. Well, you say there was nothing in the first visit
of yours to the Station House to indicate any impression on your part that you




1316                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
believed the United States Minister or the United States troops, or both, were in
sympathy with the movement of the committee of safety?
A. I was nonplussed. I did suppose they were going to support us.
Q. You did not say anything to the people in the Station House to lead them to
suppose you were hopeful of aid?
A. I can not remember saying it now; I might have done so.
Q. Did you say it at any place 
A. I do not remember; I may have said it.
Q. Was there an effort on the part of those who were moving for a change of gov.
ernment to make that impression?
A. 1 think there was.
Q. Was that impression among the whites generally.
A. That I can not say. I know there was that impression. Some of the members
tried to convey that impression.
Q. On what occasion?
A. Many occasions. One particular occasion was while we were in the Government building the day the proclamation was read.
Q. What was said, and who said it?
A. Charles Carter said to me: "After you are in possession of the Government
building the troops will support you." I think that was his remark.
Q. Was he on the committee of public safety?
A. I think so.
Q. Was he in the party that went up to read the proclamation 
A. He was present there during the time it was read. Whether he went up with
us or not I do not remember.
Q. It was during that time he made that remark?
A. Yes.
Q. Was he an active promoter of the movement?
A. I think-he was.
Q. Has he any connection with the Government to-day I
A. No, except he is one of the Commissioners in Washington.
Q. You have been in previous revolutions here?
A. I have been in the Wilcox revolution. I took quite a prominent part in its
suppression. I was one of the ministers at the time.
Q. You had a conversation with Mr. Carter about the time the proclamation was
being read?
A. Yes.
Q. You were somewhat anxious as to whether or not you would be supported by
United States troops?
A. Yes.
Q. Did you express any fear in the presence of Mr. Carter?
A. Well, no man likes to tell he was afraid.
Q. I do not mean in a cowardly sense.
A. Well, with others, I was convinced that we were in a position of danger.
Q. What did Mr. Carter say 
A. He gave me to understand that we would be protected.
Q. By United States troops?
A. Yes; and when we were not protected by them I wanted to know the reason why.
Q. Do you mean by that that you expected them to march over?
A. I was under the impression that they would.
Q. What did you accomplish by that first visit to the Station House-any agreement t
A. We accomplished this-that it was a virtual giving up.
Q. What was said? What did the ministers say?
A. This is my impression of it to-day: That if they had only to contend with the
Provisional Government and the forces of the Provisional Government that they
would not give up. That was the impression that I gathered from them; that they
felt themselves equal to the occasion so far as the Provisional Government went.
Q. Then having that sort of feeling, what did they propose to do?
A. They proposed to immediately deliver up. Then they went up, four of them,
and had a parley with Mr. Dole and the Provisional Government. They agreed to
desist, but said they must go to the Queen and get her to confer with them.
Q. So far as they were concerned they were willing to yield, provided the Queen
was?
A. Yes. Then I went along with them to the palace. We all met in the Blue
Room.   There were present the Queen, two young princes, the four ministers,,
Judge Widdeman, Paul Neumann, J. O. Carter, E. C. McFarlaiid and myself. We
went over between 4 and 5 and remained until 6 discussing the situation.
Q. In that conversation you asked for a surrender of the forces, and the ministers
advised it 
A. The different ones spoke and they all recommended it. Each one spoke. At




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1317
first, Judge Widdeman was opposed to it, but he finally changed his mind on the
advice of Mr. Neumann. Mr. Neumann advised yielding. Each one advised it.
Q. Was this advice of Neumann and the cabinet based on the idea that the
Queen would have to contend with the United States forces as well as the forces of
the Provisional Government 
A. It was the Queen's idea that she could surrender pending a settlement s4
Washington, and it was on that condition that she gave up. If I remember right I
spoke to her also. I said she could surrender or abdicate under protest.
Q. And that the protest would be considered at a later period at Washingtont
A. At a later period.
Q. Did the cabinet in recommending her to yield to the Provisional Government
give her to understand that they supposed that the American minister and the United
States troops were in sympathy with the Provisional Government or with the Committee of Public Safety?
A. I know it was the Queen's idea that Mr. Stevens was in sympathy with this
movement.
Q. But I am asking now as to what reasons the ministers gave for her acquiescence.
A. It was their idea that it was useless to carry on-that it would be provocative
of bloodshed and trouble if she persisted in this matter longer; that it was wiser
for her to abdicate under protest and have a hearing at a later time. That the
forces against her were too strong.
Q. Did they indicate the United States forces at all in any way 
A. I do not remember their doing so.
Q. Do you know whether or not at that time they were under the impression that
the United States forces were in sympathy with the revolution?
A. Beyond an impression I know nothing definite.
Q. What was the result of this conference with the Queen  What was agreed on?
A. She signed a document surrendering her rights to the Provisional Government
under protest.
Q. Is this the protest on page 22, Ex. Doc. No. 76, 52d Cong., 2d Sess?
A. Yes. This was written out by Mr. Neumann and J. O. Carter while we were
present. She was reluctant to agree to this, but was advised that the whole subject would come up for final consideration at Washington.
Q. Did you at the time consent to recommend this proposition or not?
A. I was there as a member of the Provisional Government, but I did not advise as to
the wording of it. I did tell her that she would have a perfect right to be heard at
a later period.
Q. By the United States Government?
A. Yes.
Q. You, yourself, at that time, before consulting with your colleagues, were favorably impressed with that settlement?
A. Well, it was the only settlement that could be brought about.  Personally I
was satisfied with it.
Q. And you took that back to the Provisional Government?
A. Yes.
Q. And they rejected it?
A. It was received and indorsed by Mr. Dole.
Q. Now, was there any message sent to the Queen after thatt
A. No.
Q. No message declaring that they would not accept it?
A. No.
Q. The surrender was then made on that proposition?
A. Yes; well, then she sent down word through Mr. Peterson to Mr. Wilson to
deliver up the Station House. That wound up the whole affair. We immediately
took possession of it. It was not delivered up until after this conference.
Q. Now how long after that was it before the Provisional Government was recognized t
A. Mr. Stevens sent Cadet Pringle, his aid, and Capt. Wiltse sent one of his
officers to personally examine the building and report if the Provisional Government was in actual possession of the Government building. That was done that
afternoon.
Q. What time?
A. Between 4 and 5.
Q. What time was the interview with the Queent
A. After 4. and ended at 6.
Q. You took reply?
A. Mr. Neumann took the reply to Mr. Dole.
Q. Now, when this interview was going on between you, the cabinet ministers,
and the Queen, it was known then that the Government had been recognized?




1318                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
A. That the Queen knew itt I do not think she was told. I do not remember of
it being spoken of.
Q. Didn't you know it?
A. I think I knew it.
Q. Didn't these ministers know it then T
A. They may have been present. I can not say. The Provisional Government
wre all present when Mr. Stevens recognized it as the de facto government.
Q. What I mean is this: Before you took the message of the Queen back-this
protest-the Provisional Government had been recognized 
A. Yes; that is my impression.
* Q. Had that been done at the time you left the Government house to go with the
cabinet ministers to talk with the Queen?
A. If my memory serves me right, it had.
Q. Did not the cabinet officers know of it at this time?
A. I can not say.
Q. What do you know about the contents of the constitution she wanted to proclaim?
A. It is too long to write down. I can tell you my connection with it.
Q. Have you seen it?
A. No.
Q. What is the aspiration of the native mind as to the form of government 
A. I think that their ambition is to obtain the power through the vote. They
have tasted what it is to hold the control by the vote, and they are very tenacious
of that right. They are to a certain extent clannish in that idea; but the trouble
comes in that they have not used that power wisely, and it is the fact of the Polynesians combining in their votes to retain the power-and forgetting the intelligent
power of the Anglo-Saxons, even when in a minority-that has caused the trouble.
The real break in the Hawaiian system of government commenced at the time of
Kamehameha V, when he took away their old constitution and gave them a constitution of his own making. That started revolutions in this country. There is the
starting point where the roads diverged which has brought about the succession of
unrest in different governments from that day to this. Now, the Hawaiians from
that date, or within close proximity to it, commenced to feel what it was to have
the-vote, and what influence they could exert, and naturally the Hawaiian, as the
weaker race, have attempted in every succeeding Legislature to work together, but
there has always been a disintegration in every Legislature. They could not hold
themselves together compactly as a body. Whenever they have hadtheopportunityto
exercise this power it has not been at the level of the intelligent Anglo-Saxon idea
of making laws or carrying out a system of government. It has chafed the AngloSaxon. He would not tolerate it. He has found that he could control it indirectly,
if he could not directly, by his superior education and intelligence. The Hawaiians
had grown to a feeling of independence, and in company with the Queen they wanted
to throw off that Anglo-Saxon domination which has been with them and controlled
them all these years. When it came to that point that they felt that they could do
it, then the clash came. Of course there are other reasons which brought it about.
But it is the clashing of two nationalities for supremacy.
Q. That was the great underlying cause t The financial questions were incidental
questions 
A. That was the underlying cause-the Hawaiian thinking, because he had a
majority of votes, that it gave him power. He didn't recognize that the intelligence
and strong will of the Anglo-Saxon would beat him every time.
Q. The Hawaiian Almanac and Annual for 1891 states that in the general election for 1890 the total vote for nobles throughout the islands was 3,187, and that the
total vote for representatives was 11,671. That is about correct 
A. I should judge so-that is a very correct source of information.
Q. That would make 8,484 more for representatives than for noblest
A. Yes.
Q. Does that difference grow out of the fact that there is no moneyed qualification to vote for representatives, but for nobles there is required a property qualification of $3,000 (unincumbered) or an income of $600?
A. Unquestionably. That disparity of numbers, if it had been carried to a fine
point, would have been very much larger, but there was and is a laxity in the
admittance of many people to vote for nobles.
Q. Now, that 3,187 votes for nobles was generally a white vote, was it not 
A. There was a good many Hawaiians in that vote for nobles.
Q. What proportion would you say as between whites and natives?
A. I think those statistics could be got for you. It would not be wise for me to
*ay. I should think about 25 per cent.
Q. Native vote 
A. Yes.
Q. The balance was a white vote 




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1319
A. Yes.
Q. It was in the power, then, of the whites united to elect the body of nobles, was
it not?
A. The whites as a rule used all their influence to control the noble vote.
Q. Why did the whites use all their influence to control the noble vote 
A. Because it was their only hope of controlling or influencing legislation.
Q. How many nobles and how many representatives were there under the conk*
stitution?
A. Equal-about 24 each.
Q. If the whites could get the 24 votes of the nobles, then they had an absolute bar
to any action by the representatives or the King t
A. That was the intention.
Q. If they got two or three representatives they had control of legislation so far
as that legislative body was concerned?
A. If it had been carried out to its logical conclusion it would have been so, but
as the result proved, they were not able to entirely control the noble vote.
Q. Now, if they had been able to entirely control the noble vote, and to get some
of the representatives, they could have determined the question of the cabinet?
A. Yes.
Q. They could have removed any cabinet that did not suit them?
A. Yes; provided all the whites had banded together.
Q. I suppose sometimes the whites didn't keep banded together-and the natives
in all things?
A. Yes.
Q. You had within yourselves those sources of power?
A. Yes.
Q. That was the principal cause of agitation for many years in elections?
A. Yes. Where the Hawaiian felt that his cause was weak, and it was tb that point
that, so far as they were able, they were striving so as to maintain the control.
Q. Now, Mr. Damon, do you think that you could have good government here
on the basis of an educational qualification for voters, so as to allow everybody who
could read and write to vote?
A. Yes; provided there was some strong power, as one might say it-as in an
unruly school-to preserve order.
Q. Do you think that you could maintain a state government like the states of
the American Union with that sort of suffrage?
A. My personal opinion is that we could grow up into that by a period of trial,
until the voter appreciated what a vote really meant.
Q. How long do you think that would take to get the native population up to the
high standard of the whites on that question? Can you see any time definitely or
clearly 
A. I am of this opinion-that they have had so much given to them in this country-everything has been so free to them, that they have not appreciated the advantages that they have; but when they get to be deprived of the franchise for a period
of, say, five years, until they have wrestled for it and waited for it, that when it is
given to them eventually they will appreciate it.
Q. Do you think that in five years after annexation you could give to every native
who could read and write the right to vote?
A. Yes; provided the franchise was extended to other nationalities here.
Q. What other nationalities here?
A. There is a growing Portuguese element here. There is a growing intelligent
Japanese element here of the better classes, and those Chinese who are born in the
country and have interests here.
Q. What sort of interests?
A. Either commercial, agricultural, or professional.
Q. You make the same qualification as to votes for all of them 
A. Yes.
Q. Suppose the Chinese were not allowed to vote-then what?
A. They have not the same desire except in isolated cases for voting that the
Hawaiians, Portugese, and Japanese have. They have not been accustomed to it.
Q. Do you allow any Japanese to vote here now t
A. No; not at present.
Q. I mean before the revolution?
A. No.
Q. Any Chinese allowed to votet
A. No.
Q. Is there anything you desire to say Mr. Damon other than what you have said?
A. I would say that I was born here, brought up here, and have a sincere regard
for the Hawaiian people, because they have many good traits. They have shown a
desire, especially the generation which is now and that which is coming on, to put
themselves forward if they knew how, and though they may be a diminishing race




1320                      HAWAIIAN, SLANInS.
they are a hopeful race that have not given up the struggle to keep up the Htawaifian
name. If we are agoing to educate them it is just so nmuch thrown a'sway unless they
can have sonime hope held before thein that ilthey will be recogni0zed as metn in fulterd,
and if there is ranything I could do to arssist them, especially the young and uptright
Hawaiians, I would like todo it, because thley have iuvariably tael t ate m-we her
sovereign, chief, or coimmon fHawaiian —with sech invcaxia:ble kindness th[at I should
be lacking in ma, nhood if I did uot want to help them up if possible.
Q. As to integrity in business matters, how do they compare with people in their
condition in life generally?
A. I thintk thet mistake has been made that you take a Rawaiian arld compare
him with the A.glo-Saxon standalrd anld expect him to be up even w ith himt wbxIln
he has not had time and opportunity to fit hinmself for that stiadar!ad. You should
coumpare the Hawaiian witwih what he is tot-d[ay and wha; lie was fifty years a go.
Q, It is ibet ter to compaxre him wsith sorte race that exists to-day.
A. Hie does lack what is called backbone to carry out to a finish any project t1hat
he has.
Q. Business or otherwise?
A. Yes.
Q. But would you say thtat generally he was an honesti man?
A. I should say so; yes.
9. Is there any Ifear of violence to the persons of wuuenri onD the part of the natives?
A. I think he is in advance of what is called the ordinary white mall in t;hat
respect.
Q. That is a striking feature in his make up, and that is always appreciated by
the best elements here I
A. Yes; and why it is so is that it is only a few ysears since Ile ol kCed to t he white
men as a superior race, and he at heart feels that they are a superior race to-day,
Q. Now is that entirely correct?
A. A more powerful race, perhaps.. Well nosy, as to anothJer point let me ask you: Wilson lived in the bungalow
with his wife an~d children I
A. this son is in Califlornia. lie has no other child.
Q. lie lived -with Iis witfe then I
A. Yes. I halve heard tlhat he 1had a strong influence over the Queen for many
years. because Dotlinis, her lh sband, was a weak maitn. Wilson is ta strong-wiiled,
poweriful man, amd she has loobked to him as a protetor.
Q. le Nwas is in coimman d of the police forces I
A. Yes at thhe timte, and ever sin ce she sias Queen.
q. The Palace gates have been guarded I
A. Always.
Q. Who commanrded the guards I
A. Nowlein and Wilson commanded the police force., Both were intimate friends
of the Queen.
Q, Hle livoedi in the Palace?
A. iHe lived in the bungalow-report said so. He has his own dwelling about a
mile fron here.
Q. You do not understand that he and his famiily lived in the Palace proper, with
the Queen?I
A. No; they had a house in the yard.
Q. If the question of annexatfion was snubmitted to the people of these i sladsIh
with no property qualification, but only the qualification that thbte elector sl:~il
read and write, and conducted on wslit is sometimes termed te he Austrli:i-btil t
law, what do you think would be the result of a free expression of the people iii theI
matter of annexation at this time?
A. The sentinment is a growing sentiment, but at this time I think a muajoriity
would iot vote in favor of it, biu, given time to realize it, they would.
9. How snuch time do you think Woutld be necessary to bring about such a coudition of things in, these islands?
A. I think if the Provisional Government is kept in very long they will 1ho111 toi
it very q(itck. Tlhey do not like tbhe Pro isional Government, for the reason 1:h:11 it
is a goverriment that has not been plaede there by their votes. I am quiti seu I
have given you a correct answer,
9. At the time of the dethbronem ent of the Queen was it known in the o1;her
isla ndIds 
A. No.
Q. They knew nothing of it until af:fter it was accomplished?
A. Theya did not.
Q. IThen it was accomplished by the Hfonolulu movement?
A, Yes.
Q. What is your condition here as to the matter of acquiescence of the atives
with existing authority —their observing order?




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1321
A. If they had a real, able leader, in whom they had perfect confiden e, he could
collect quite a force to follow him.
Q. To attack the existing Government?
A. Yes.
Q. You do not apprehend any such movement?
A. No, unless that in a period of excitement it should spring up; and, therefore,
I have advised a strong force being retained, because we did not know but in some
moment of excitement somebody would take advantage of it and make trouble.
Q. What number of troops have you under pay?
A. One hundred and seventy in all.
Q. The artillery is hardly to be spoken of-but one company?
Q. How many pieces?
A. They have some eight or ten pieces, but, from motives of prudence, they have
locked up the intricate parts in vaults.
Q. So far as you know, the natives have no artillery?
A. No.
Q. No arms?
A, No great quantity. They have scattered rifles and pistols.
Q. Do they amount to anything in case of contest?
A. We have no means of telling at this time.
TUESDAY, May 2, 1893.
Q. Mr. Damon, at the time of the writing of the protest of the Queen on the 17th
day of January, 1893, signed by herself and Ministers, had the Provisional Government been recognized by the American Minister, Mr. Stevens 
A. It is my impression that it had been, but I can not say positively.
Q. Would the conversation you had with the Queen on that day aid you in determining that fact?
A. I do not think it would.
Q. In referring to Mrs. Wilson living with the Queen, in a previous part of this
statement, did you mean to say that she stayed with her at night.
A. I meant to say that she was with the Queen a great deal of the time-both day
and night.
Q. As a companion?
A. Yes; as a personal friend and companion.
Q. But where do you suppose she slept-at the bungalow or palace 
A. My impression is that her quarters were with her husband in the bungalow.
I have carefully read through the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate report
of the two interviews between Mr. Blount and myself.
S. M. DAON.
[Inclosure 4 in No. 4.1
Interview between Mr. Waterhouse and Mr. Blount.
ITONOLULU, May 2, 1S33.
Mr. BLOUNT. How long have you lived in Honolulu      
A. I came here in 1851.
Q. Born wheret
A. In Tasmania.
Q. What nationality were your ancestors 
A. My father and mother were from the old country-from England.
Q. How old were you when you came here?
A. Six years old.
Q. You have lived here ever since 
A. Yes.
Q. In this city?
A. Yes, in Honolulu.
Q. Where were you on January 14, 15, 16, and 17, 1893t
A. I was in Honolulu.
Q. What was the cause of the revolution that resulted in the dethronement of
Liliuokalani J
A. It started from the lottery bill and the opium bill and the bribery and corrnption we hadheard of. It came to me first through minister of finance John F. Colburn.
That was the first intimation I had. There was no idea of the dethronement of the
Queen at that time. That did not come until after the committee of safety was
formed on Saturday. That was the first time we anticipated anything of the kind
but before that, on Tuesday, we called upon Mr. P. C. Jones, minister of finance. i
told him what was going to happen. This information came from Mr. Colburn, the




1322                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
last minister of finance. I do not know that I ought to mention it. It came from
Marcus Colburn, brother of John F. Colburn. He was feeling troubled. He said,
" I want to tell you, Henry, that it is of importance that the ministry should understand what John, my brother, is up to. Do not give me away. If you do I will be
discharged from the office." He said in substance that Mr. P. C. Jones was to
receive an anonymous letter from his brother, and he wished me to say to Mr. Jones
not to be alarmed, but at the same time not to tell who it was that gave him this
information; also that the Queen was goingto promulgate anew constitution, and in
case she was not able to get out the Wilcox ministry the plan was, after the prorogation of the legislature, to invite the four ministers over there-that is, the Wilcox
ministry-and lay before them a constitution that she had prepared and in case
they didn't sign they would be held prisoners. That was the information I gave to
Mr. Jones. Of course he acted upon it.
The ministry after that was put out by a vote of the legislature. I can state right
here that the vote was carried by bribery. The money was placed in Mr. Sam
Parker's hands, some $7 000, to assist in voting them out  Quite a number of
members of the leg'slature-Hawaiians-came down to talk to me, those who were
against putting out the ministry, and also those who were in favor of doing so.
One in particular-Hoapoli-told me what he wanted was good, stable government,
and he felt sure if we kept the Wilcox ministry in we would have it. He was sent
for by the ex-Queen and she persuaded him. She said if he had any love for her
that he would vote against the ministry. Quite a number of the other members
came and asked if I would assist them in money; said that they were getting short;
had been down here so long. I told them no; that was not my business. I did not
propose to advance them any money. A few days after they all seemed to be quite
flush, and after the legislature was prorogued they went home. They had new
furniture and seemed to be well provided for in every way.
On Saturday, about 10 o'clock, John Colburn, minister of finance, came down to
the office.
Q. What office 
A. My office on Queen street. He was very anxious to talk with me. I was out.
When I came back I went over to his office. He had left word with his brother to
say that the Queen was going to promulgate a new constitution immediately after
the prorogation of the legislature, and wanted me to know. Between 1 and 2
o'clock I was up near W. O. Smith's office. That seemed to be the center then to get
the news. News came down that the ex-Queen was attempting to force the ministry
to sign the new constitution.
Q. Who did this news come by?
A. It was sent by Mr. Colburn to the office of W. O. Smith.
Q. By whom?
A. I can not state. There were so many there at the time. They met in the back
office of W. O. Smith. There were a great many in front of the office at the time to
talk over the situation. I sat beside Paul Neumann. We were all very much
excited, feeling that our rights were being taken away from us, and we decided
then and there we would not submit to it. After a short time we heard that
the ministers had gone back to the Government house. The way they put it-they
ran away. The parties who came from the Government house put it in that way.
I remember stating to Mr. Neumann that I was glad we were at last of one opinion.
He said this was a thing we ought not to tolerate. A+ter discussing the matter for
some time John F. Colburn and the attorney-general, Mr. Peterson, both came
down. Mr. Colburn made a statement that the ex-Queen had got them into the
room and had requested them to sign this new constitution, and, after talking with
her sometime he said they had asked her for half an hour's time to think over it.
In the meantime the natives were talking quite loud and as Mr. Colburn expressed
it, he thought it was about time for him to get out of it. So they went out the back
way back to the Government house.
Q. The back way was the direct way to the Government house?
A. No; but if they had gone out the front way the natives were all in front, and
they were afraid. He wanted to know if the merchants would support them in
their position. After discussing the matter there was a committee of safety
appointed. They considered it very important that such a committee should be
appointed. There was a great deal of talk that came to the ears of certain parties
in regard to the way in which the natives had been talked up-inflammatory talkand we all felt that it was very important we should keep a strict watch on their
movements.
Q. Did you think they were in sympathy with the Queen?
A. There was what they called the Hui Kalaiaina, a lot of old men. They foimerly met right opposite our office, on Queen street. They were in sympathy with
her principally. After the committee of safety had been appointed we met and
talked over the situation and decided to call a mass meeting.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1323
During the meeting on Monday we were threatened that if we held any more
meetings we would be arrested. Marshal Wilson came right up and said to Mr.
Thurston that we would be arrested. Mr. Thurston answered right up and said if
he wished to arrest us we were ready. We were not doing anything against the
Government, that it was for the interest of the country that we had been appointed
as a committee of safety. All that we were doing was talking in regard to a mass
meeting. We had not decided when it was to be held. We decided afterwards to
call a public meeting on Monday afternoon at 2 o'clock-that was the 16th.
Q. You mean you decided that on Saturday?
A. No; we decided that on Sunday after talking it over. It was to talk up the
situation and to make a report from the committee of safety. The meeting was held
at 2 o'clock Monday. In the meantime Marshal Wilson had sent around to all
Government employes to muster in the station house, and after the meeting they all
seemed to be quite demoralized on account of the number that turned out and was in
sympathy with the committee of safety. The question that was uppermost in their
minds was stable government. They had fully made up their minds not to allow their
rights to be trampled on. After the meeting the committee of safety met again to
consider what should be next done, as power had been given them by the meeting
which had been held that afternoon. After discussing the matter we decided that
the only course to do was to call out those who were in sympathy with us and take
possession.
Q. Of whatt
A. Of the Government house and take possession of the Government. That was
on Monday afternoon. Monday evening we met again at my house on Neumann
avenue. We there planned what should be done on Tuesday, the 17th. We met
again on Tuesday morning, when the proclamation was discussed for the first time.
That was the first time we had it before us. I do not remember having it before.
Of course we had a committee to frame the proclamation. We met again on Tuesday
morning and decided to take possession at 2 o'clock that afternoon. At 2 o'clock we
marched up to the Government house, expecting to have them resist us, as we had
heard the report that there was to be a hundred men up there under Mr. McCarty.
We arrived up there and took possession. While we were going into the door the
various volunteers kept coming into the yard with their rifles. That is as far as I
know of that. Where do you want me to go from there?
Q. Just go on and tell the whole story.
A. Then the council met, after we had taken possession of the Government house,
and decided to take the station house. We had only possession of the Government
house and had to take the station house, where all the arms were. They had taken
all arms there from various houses, so as to have them on hand. After discussing it
we sent word. I think Mr. Damon went down and had an interview with the four
ministers in the station house.
Q. You were not present 
A. No, I was not present. I know nothing in regard to that. Afterwards part
of the ministers came up to the Government house to talk with the council.
Q. You were a member of the council?
A. I am. I was then. I was a member of the committee of safety also. They
agreed to give up the station house. We took possession.
Q. Do you mean that that happened just that way? That they agreed to give it
up and you took it I Do you mean that those things followed right after one another
just as quick as you relate them?
A. No. Mr. Damon had to go down to the station house and Hopkins came up.
The ministers were afraid to come up. They thought that it was a trap to get them
up there. When they came up they said: "It does not seem to us that we need be
afraid. You seem to be acting in a square, friendly manner in regard to treating
us as men." They spoke of that at the time. The first thing that was done we
declared martial law. That was one of the first acts.
Q. Do you know what hour the station house was given up?
A. I can not say. I was very much excited that day. I think it was somewhere
near 5 o'clock.
Q. HIave you anything to help you fix 5 o'clock in your mind 
A. I know we were afraid of its getting dark, and it would be much harder for us
to take the building after dark, and were we planning what to do in case of darkness. That is what makes me think it was somewhere near that time.
Q. You spoke of the causes of the revolution being lottery and opium legislation
and bribery. Now, as to the lottery bill, do you know of money being used theret
A. Of course I could not go on the stand and say that there was, but men who
ran it were very flush.
Q. Is that what you judge from 
A. Yes.




1324                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Q. The same as to the opium bill?
A. Well, that was supposed to be a measure from the outside, as some of those in
the Legislature expected to get imoney from the Chinese.
Q. Was that a supposition, or did you have any evidence of the fact of the use of
money to pass the opium bill in the way of bribing members?
A. That is just a supposition.
Q. You spoke of money being used for purposes of bribery. Did you mean in the
sense that you just stated-that it was supposition that it was done?
A. I stated it from what a party said, who could substantiate what he said.
Q. Who was he 
A. Cecil Brown.
Q. Did he tell you he would be able to prove that money was used for the purpose
of getting out the ministry?
A. Yes.
Q. Did he tell you who furnished the money?
A. From the ex-Queen.
Q. He told you it came from her?
A. Yes.
Q. Have you had any knowledge of any money being used by the other side-by
the reform party-in controlling votes at any time on any of these questions or any
question?
A. Only what I saw in opposition papers. I do not know anything of my own
knowledge.
Q. Do you know it on any information you had from others?
A. John Colburn told me that he had usedr money.
Q. Who did he say he got it fromI
A. It was from his own money. He was trying to get the McFarland cabinet out.
Q. He was acting as a liberal?
A. Yes.
Q. And the liberal and reform party were acting together in the matter of gettiitg
out this cabinet 
A. I do not know about the reform so much. I dropped out from the refo mn
party when they joined with the liberal. We were all split up then.
Q. Could you have voted out that cabinet unless you had had the reform party
and the liberal party combined?
A. We could not. It took both parties to vote them out.
Q. Did Colburn tell you he was using his own money 
A. He claimed that he had promises from other parties.
Q. Who did he say they were I
A. He did not give me names. I was going away to the States at the time.
Q. You say on Monday Wilson came and notified the committee of safety through
Mr. Thurston that he intended to arrest them?
A. He did, and Mr. Thurston replied-told him to go ahead if he saw fit to arrest us.
Q. Your statement was that he could arrest you if he wanted to-that you were
doing nothing against the Government?
A. Yes; I said that. We were only discussing the meeting.
Q. were you discussing the question of the dethronement of the Queen?
A. We were not then. We were discussing in regard to the meeting to be held.
Q. Had you in your Saturday's meeting or any time in your meetings debated the
matter of the dethronement of the Queen?
A. I think we had spoken of it. We all felt we could not stand the monarchy.
We had made up our minds to that.
Q. Then the expression that you were doing nothing against the Government was
a strategic expression 
A. Yes. Wilson, of course, wanted very much to declare martial law then, but
Cleghorn declined to sign the declaration.
Q. Who was Cleghorn?
A. He was governor.
Q. You held a mass meeting at 2 o'clockt
A. Yes; 2 o'clock on the 16th.
Q. There was no declaration for dethronement in that meeting?
A. I do not know if it came out. You could understand by expressions that they
were all there for good government. Of course, they did not come right flat-footed
out.
Q. How many troops had you then organized and armed; can you state accurately?
A. I can not.
Q. About how many; have you any information 
A. I have not. We were backed up by the mass meeting. Nearly all were ready
at a moment's notice. Those who backed up the committee of safety were willing to
back them up ia everyftiig they did.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1325
Q. Did you poll the meeting to see how many would support you 
A. I think so. I think that they got the signatures of quite a number.
Q. How many 
A. I can not tell you.
Q. You could not say that the whole of the mass meeting signed?
A. I could not.
Q. Could you say that as many as half the mass meeting signed?
A. I should think so.
Q. Have you examined the signatures?
A. No. There were various committees. I was a committee for a portion of the
rally and went around to their residences to see what arms they had and if they
were prepared in case of trouble.
Q. In case of any trouble, did you tell them that you were going to dethrone the
Queen and ask if they would be ready in case of resistance? Did you say that
when you got signatures 
A. When I went around I did'nt get signatures. I got it verbally from them to
find out if they had arms and were ready to support the committee of safety.
Q. Did you mention to them the purpose to dethrone the Queen 
A. That was understood.
Q. Did you communicate to them in reference to arms?
A. The fact of the case is I did not know exactly what we were going to do.
Q. So tlht when you went around, you simply wanted to know if they had arms,
in the event of trouble 
A. Yes.
Q. It was in that way that you judged of their sentiments in the matter of supporting the committee of safety in the effort to dethrone the Queen 
A. Yes.                          0
Q. After the mass meeting what did the committee do t
A. The committee of safety met that afternoon shortly after the mass meeting.
Q. What did you do in that afternoon meeting?
A. We discussed the matter. We did not have a very long session in the afternoon. In the afternoon, at first, we were all going right up then and there, but
afterwards considered it. The fact is, we hadn't our papers all ready. It was getting dark. We thought it was better to have daylight on our side. We decided to
meet again on Monday evening and get everything in shape. It was after the mass
meeting that we fully decided to take the step.
Q. What hour of Monday did you determine to take the step 
A. It was immediately after the mass meeting.
Q. Did anybody communicate the determination to the American ministert
A. I cannot say. He must have seen by the way the people were excited that day,
and the incendiary talk among certain of the other side in regard to their setting
fire to buildings.
Q. How many times did you hear it?
A. A great many times.
Q. How many?
A. People would keep coming into the office and meet me and say: "We are going
to have trouble."
Q. Did you hear any persons say they proposed to fire the town?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. How many; I mean the people opposed to you?
A. No; I did'nt hear the people actually say it. It was rumors from outside. It
was not direct from them or they would have been locked up.
Q. You do not know anything at all of anybody having talked to Mr. Stevens
about the situation on Monday in regard to the movement that you were all making
or contemplated making. Was there anybody who said in the meeting that Mr.
Stevens knew anything of what was going on?
A. I guess he must have kept posted.
Q. I want to know whether there was anything said by Thurston or anybody else
of Mr. Stevens's knowledge of the movement?
A. I can not say positively.
Q. What is your impression 
A. My impression is that there was. I can not remember what it was that was said.
Q. Was it to the effect that he had knowledge of the movement of the reform
party?
A. I do not remember. It just comes upon me as a flash.
Q. What is the impression you say you have?
A. I do not see how he could have helped it.
Q. I will ask you again. In the meeting of the committee of safety in the afternooe of Monday, after the mass meeting had adjourned, was there anything said on




1326                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
the part of Mr. Thurston, or any other member of the committee of safety, indicating
that the American minister knew anything of the movement of the reform party?
A. Yes; I should say that there was.
Q. By whom?
A. Either Carter or Thurston.
Q. What did they say?
A. I can not state. There was something said. It does not come to my mind now.
Q. Was the purport of it that he knew of the movement?
A. Yes, it was; that is, after the meeting.
Q. How did they know that he knew of the movement?
A. I suppose they had had an interview with him. I can not say for certain.
Q. Did they say as much?
A. That is what I understood at the time.
Q. Well, now, in that meeting was the subject discussed of asking him to land
the American troops?
A. 1 think that was done by the committee of safety before.
Q. Were you present when they asked for the troops to be landed 
A. I was.
Q. The troops were ordered here on Monday and this mass meeting was on Tuesday t
A. No; the mass meeting was on Monday; the troops came on shore Monday evening
just about dark. I might say that it was a surprise to us to hear that the troops
were coming on shore.
Q. You expected them to come ashore later 
A. No; I didn't know when they were coming ashore.
Q. But you expected them to come ashore 
A. Yes; I expected they would come.
Q. By reason of any communication with the American ministers
A. No; I think it was by request of the committee of safety.
Q. I have a copy of the communication from the committee of safety of January
16, 1893-Monday.
A. Yes; Monday afternoon.
Q. What time Monday afternoon 
A. After the mass meeting.
Q. How long after 
A. I think about 5.
Q. It was after the adjournment of the mass meeting you say the request to land
troops was made?
A. I think it was about 4 o'clock.
Q. What time did the mass meeting adjourn?
A. A little after 3.
Q. And then the committee of safety met?
A. We met immediately; walked down from the meeting to Smith's office.
Q. And then you took up the subject of calling on the American minister to land
troops 
A. Yes.
Q. Who took that communication to him?
A. I think it was Charlie Carter. I can not be positive.
Q. Is he one of the present commissioners?
A. Yes.
Q. How long was he gone?
A. Not long.
Q. What did he say when he came back?
A. He said the marines would be landed.
Q. Did he say whether they would support the Provisional Government movement
if they took the public buildings 
A. He came back and said the troops were coming ashore. That was as far as I
could remember now.
Q. He brought no response in writing?
A. I do not think so.
Q. Did the committee of safety want the troops brought on shore 
A. They felt that it would be for the welfare of the town to have them ashore.
We felt as a committee of safety that we had this matter in our hands and would be
held responsible.
Q. Did you expect that the presence of the troops on shore would have a quieting
effect on the natives and prevent any demonstration 
A. It was thought so.
Q. That was your idea 
A. Yes.
Q. You expected that when they got on shore that any hostile movement wouldbo
brought to a standstill by their presence?




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


A. Yes, sir.
Q. Suppose they had not come on shore, would you have been able to have pro.
tected yourselves?
A. I think so; but I think there would have been a great deal of bloodshed.
Q. Did not you always expect that American troops would be landed in case of
conflict or threatened conflict?
A. Yes.
Q. And therefore you did not much expect a conflict after they landedt
A. No; I thought that naturally Wilson would try to do something. I expected
there would be bloodshed before we got through.
Q. Unless American troops were landed?
A. Yes, sir. Of course I didn't know whether they would attempt it then.
Q. You had a meeting you say on Monday night at your house. Who was present?
A. There were the committee of safety.
Q. Who were they?
A. Cooper was there. I think Wilder was not there. There was Brown, Smith,
and Lansing. I do not think Suhr was there. Dole was there. We sent for Dole.
Carter and Loper were there.
Q. What was the object in sending for Mr. Dole 
A. To ask him if he would accept the position he now holds.
Q. What did he say 
A. He debated in his mind. He wanted to think over it until morning.
Q. What was Loper doing there?
A. Loper was invited there. He was to take charge of the forces.
Q. Was that agreed upon that night?
A. That was agreed upon.
Q. Did you and Mr. Loper and Mr. Carter go to the American ministerthat night?
A. I didn't.
Q. Did anybody go from your meeting?
A. Nobody that I know of. If anyone went I know nothing about it.
Q. Was there any hesitation on the part of Loper to take command that night?
A. Yes; he did hesitate.
Q. What reason did he give?
A. That he would rather be with the marshal.
Q. Was there anything said as to the probability of a conflict the next dayt
A. We talked over the matter with Loper; discussed what could be done. He
started out to get the men together.
Q. After he left the committee of safety 
A. Yes.
Q. Where were they to be placed 
A. They were to meet at the old armory here, and from there go right down to
the Government house.
Q. Didn't you think the impression that these marines would have on the natives
would be that they would not be in sympathy with them, and that they would be in
sympathy with the white people?
A. That is what I think.
Q. You were amongst the committee of safety that went up to take charge of the
Government house?
A. Yes.
Q. How many of you were there?
A. I think there was fourteen, but we did not all go up.
Q. Where did you start from?
A. We started from W. 0. Smith's office, on Fort street.
Q. Which street did you go up going to the Government building?
A. We went up Queen street and up to the Government house-Mr. Wilder and
myself.
Q. What street did the others go on?
A. They went on Merchant street.
Q. When you got to the Government building who was the first person you saw t
A. Hassinger.
Q. Is he aporter?
A. He is first clerk of the interior department.
Q. When you got there was the proclamation read immediately?
A. The proclamation was read by Mr. Cooper.
Q. Were there any troops there during the reading of the proclamation?
A. I could see one or two coming in.
Q. By the time it was concluded how many men did you have?
A. It would be impossible for me to say how many. I was so excited at the time.
Q. Do you remember the bringing of a paper to the Provisional Government, dated




1328                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
January 17, 1893, signed by Liliuokalani and her several ministers, and printed in
this document (Senate Ex. Doe. No. 56, Fifty-second Congress, second session)t
A. I do.
Q. You were then in possession of the Government building?
A. We were.
Q. Any other buildings at that time?
A. Only the Government building at that time.
Q. How long after that before you got Mr. Stevens's letter of recognition?
A. It was shortly after the station house was given over.
Q. Are you not mistaken about that?
A. No; I believe I am not. I do not think I am.
Q. What about the barracks; had they been given up 
A. They had.
Q. Who were at the barracks 
A. Nowlein.
Q. Where was Wilson?
A. He was at the station hoase.
Q. And he gave that up before you had notice of the recognition?
A. According to my best knowledge and belief.
Q. Was there any communication, by writing or by word, from any member of the
committee of safety, or any other person by their authority, to Mr. Stevens that you
planned taking the Government building?
A. Not as far as I know, It is from hearsay.
Q. Who did you hear say it?
A. It would be impossible for me to answer that.
Q. Was it understood in the committee of safety on Monday night, by anybody,
that he knew you intended to take the Government building?
A. Not unless somebody left the meeting afterwards and told him.
Q. Was there anything said by any person at the meeting at your house the night
before the building was taken indicating that Mr. Stevens knew of the move to
take the Government building the next day?
A. I do not remember.
Q. What was your impression-did you think that he knew of your movement?
A. I did; I was in hopes that he did.
Q. Why did you think he knew of your movement 
A. It was common talk.
Q. Common talk Monday, as well as Tuesday?
A. Yes.
Q. It was common talk before the troops were landed on Monday?
A. It was common talk that we were going to make a move-that the committee
of safety were urged upon to make a move.
Q. Did you all understand that Mr. Stevens's sympathies were with you?
A. Yes.
Q. How did you get the idea that his sympathies were with you?
A. From remarks made by different persons in regard to certain matters that had
come up; and we felt that we had been wronged.
Q. What matters do you refer to?
A. All during the last few days and also during the session of the Legislature.
Q. He would manifest his approval and disapproval of acts of the Queen and her
adherents in matters of legislation?
A. Whenever it was against the interests of the American people. Of course, a
few days before that, up to Saturday, he was not here. We had a great deal of talking during that time. He lost all that.
Q. He participated freely in political discussions without exciting comment?
A. I do not know that he discussed it. People would naturally come and talk to
him and open their hearts to him.
Q. And in that way they got to feel that he was in sympathy with them 
A. Yes.
Q. Was there ever any suggestion on his part to the committee of safety to desist
from their movement against the Queen?
A. I have never heard of any.
Q. Was there any expectation when the troops landed that they were to enforce
the authority of the Queen in bringing order in the city on the part of the committee of safety 
A. I did not hear any rumor that led me to think that. The way I understood it
was that they were here to preserve order.
Q. Now, in the matter of preserving order, if the Queen's forces and the Provisional Government forces got to fighting, would that mean that he was to interfere
and stop the fighting 
A. I thought he was only to protect American interests here




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1329
Q. How would he go about it?
A. I suppose that most of the Americans would naturally go for protection on
American ground, and I suppose that would be up at his place or around the consulate.
Q. You expected he would protect them in those places?
A. Yes; I might say, after the meeting on Monday, there was a falling off in the
ranks of the Queen's party and they felt that the stronger elements were against
them. The mass meeting brought things to an issue.
Q. You anticipated that the American troops expected to protect at the consulate
and American legation American citizens who resorted there for protection?
A. That is what I expected they would do, but I did not know how far they would
have gone in case there was bloodshed.
Q. Did you expect them to confine themselves to operations around the legation
and consulate?
A. No; I would have expected if the Queen's people overpowered us that they
would, of course, have to protect her. If we came out on the top and asked for protection we would get the protection, and we felt we would be strong enough.
Q. You expected him to land his troops and protect American people at the legation and consulate until you whipped the Queen or the Queen whipped you?
A. I do not know that.
Q. Did you expect him to do more than protect American citizens who resorted to
the consulate or legation for protection?
A. That in case there was any bloodshed that they would, if called upon, protect
the party in power, and I expected we were going to be in power forthwith.
Q. How did you expect to get into power without a little bloodshed?
A. We knew the feeling of those who were in power then-that they were cowards; that by going up witha bold front, and they supposing that the American
troops would assist us, that would help us out.
Q. Assist whomt
A. The committee of safety.
Q. That was the general calculation 
A. Yes.
Q. In the conference?
A. Yes. They felt that their being there would be a great help to them. Even
their presence ashore would have done that.
Q. When did you first determine to take the building 
A. Monday.
Q. Did you talk over it at Monday afternoon session?
A. Yes.
Q. And did you then determine to do it?
A. That afternoon. We were on the point of going up that afternoon, but things
were not ready and it would take until dark and we thought we had better wait
until the next day.
Q. Was that the purpose you had, to get the influence of the troops for the purpose
of preventing resistance on the part of the Queen's Government?
A. That was not in my mind at all.
Q. What did you want troops for? What was in your mind?
A. In my mind it was going to stop bloodshed. The very presence of them here.
Q. You expected, then, if you got them on shore that you could go on with the plan
of taking possession of the Government building and other properties w ithout bloodshed? That was your idea?
A. That was my idea.
Q. Was that the impresssion of the committee of safety?
A. I think that they felt just.the same as I did in regard to it.
(Before leaving Mr. Waterhouse was shown the letter of January 16, from the
committee of safety to Mr. Stevens, and identified it.) The letter is as follows:
HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, HONOLULU, January 16, 1893.
His Excellency JOHN L. STEVENS,
American Minister Resident:
SIR: We, the undersigned, citizens and residents of Honolulu, respectfully represent that, in view of recent public events in this Kingdom, culminating in the revolutionary acts of Queen Liliuokalani on Saturday last, the public safety is menaced
and lives and property are in peril, and we appeal to you and the United States
forces at your command for assistance.
The Queen, with the aid of armed force, and accompanied by threats of violence
and bloodshed from those with whom she was acting, attempted to proclaim a new
constitution; and while prevented for the time from accomplishing herobject declared
publicly that she would only defer her action.
S. Reg. 227     84




1330                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
This conduct and action was upon an occasion and under circumstances which
have created general alarm and terror.
We are unable to protect ourselves without aid and, therefore, pray for the protection of the United States forces.
HENRY E. COOPER,
F. W. MCCHESNEY,
W. C. WILDER,
C. BOLTE,
A. BROWN,
WILLIAM O. SMITH,
HENRY WATERHOUSE,
THEO. F. LANSING,
ED. SUHR,
L. A. THURSTON,
JOHN EMMELUTH,
WM. R. CASTLE,
J. A. MCCANDLESS,
Citizens' Committee of Safety.
I have read the foregoing carefully, and pronounce it a correct report of my inter.
view with Mr. Blount.
HENRY WATERHOUSE.
' Inclosure 5 in No. 4.]
Mr. Carter to Mr. Blotiut.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, May 3, 1893.
Hon. JAMES H. BLOUNT,
Commissioner of the United States of America:
SIR: At your request the following statement is made of incidents of the 17th day
of January last, as they came under my observation:
After dining that day (dinner hour being 5:30 o'clock, say between 6:30 and 6:40
o'clock) Officer Mehrten, of the police force, drove up to my residence in a hack, and
said to me that my presence was required at the Government building, and that he
would give me a seat in his carriage if I was ready. I was at once driven to the
building and taken to the room of the minister of finance, where I met quite a concourse of men, among which I now recall Judge S. B. Dole, Charles L. Carter, Capt.
James King, Rev. S. G. Beckwith, Hon. S. M. Damon, and some twenty or thirty
other leading members of our community.
There was a deal of excitement and earnest discussion going on among groups of
persons, and while standing among them I overheard among other things that Minister Stevens had recognized the new government and that a steamer was to be
made ready at once to carry to San Francisco, en route to Washington, commissioners
of the new government. I asked what was required of me, and was told that a
committee was to be sent to the palace to inform Her Majesty the Queen that she
was deposed, and to assist her in making any protest she desired to make, and that
I was to be of the committee. I joined the party headed by Mr. Damon, and proceeded to the palace, where, in the blue room, was Her Majesty, one or both of the
young princes, the Hon. H. A. Widerman, and Paul Neumann, Her Majesty's ministers, E. C. Macfarlane, and others. Mr. Damon informed Her Majesty of the
establishment of a provisional government, and of her being deposed, and that she
might prepare a protest if she wished to. An awkward pause followed, which I
broke by addressing Her Majesty, expressing sympathy, and advised her that any
demonstration on the part of her forces would precipitate a conflict with the forces
of the United States; that it was desirable that such a conflict be avoided; that her
case would be considered at Washington, and a peaceful submission to force on her
part would greatly help her case; that the persons in command of her forces at the
barracks and police station should be ordered to surrender. The Hon. H. A. Widerman then addressed Her Majesty, fully indorsing my advice, and adding that he
believed that the result would be a repetition of the scenes of 1843, when the sovereign
and flag were restored to Hawaii by Great Britain.
I was moved to advise Her Majesty as I did because it was reported on the street
that Minister Stevens had said if the revolutionists obtained possession of a government building that he would recognize them as a government. I saw that the building was in possession of armed men, and knew that the forces of the U. S. S. Boston
wew near at hand, and heard that recognition was a fact.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1331
The Hon. Paul Neumann was requested to prepare the protest for Her Majesty's
signature, and I was also requested to assist in preparing the document. While
the protest was in course of preparation word was sent to Marshal Wilson to disband
the force at the station house and surrender the building, arms, and ammunition.
After the protest had been signed by Her Majesty and the ministers word was
brought that Marshal Wilson refused to give up the station house except upon the
written command of Her Majesty. The order was prepared, signed by the Queen,:tld sent to the marsnil. The protest of the Queen was placed in the hands of President Dole, and I saw that he indorsed the document as received in due form.
Very respectfully, yours,
J. O. CARTER.
[Inclosure 6 in No. 4.]
Mr. Swinburne to Mr. Blount.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, May 3, 1S93.
IHon. J. H. BLOUNT,
Special Commissioner of United States:
SIR: In response to your verbal request for a written communication from me regarding certain facts connected with the recognition of the Provisional Government
of the Hawaiian Islands by the United States minister to that country on the afternoon of January 17, 193, I have to state as follows:
On the afternoon in question I was present at an interview between Capt. Wiltse,
commanding the Boston, who was at that time present in his official capacity with
the battalion then landed in Honolulu, and Mr. Dole and other gentlemen representing the present Provisional Government, in the executive chamber ofthe Government
building. During the interview we were informed that the party represented by
the men there present was in complete, possession of the Government. building, the
archives, and the treasury, and that a Provisional Government had been established
by them.
In answer Capt. Wiltse asked if their Government had possession of the police station
and barracks. To this the reply was made' that they had not possession then, but
expected to hear of it in a few minutes, or very soon. To this Capt. Wiltse replied,
"Very well, gentlemen, I can not recognize you as a de facto Government until you
have possession of the police station and are prepared to guarantee protection to
life and property," or words to that effect. Here our interview was interrupted by
other visitors, and we withdrew and returned to the camp at Arion Hall. As far as
I can recollect, this must have been about 5 o'clock p. m. About half-past 6 Capt.
Wiltse left the camp, and as he did so he informed me that the United States
minister to the Hawaiian Islands had recognized the Provisional Government established by the party in charge of the Government building as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands. About half-past 7 p. m. I was informed by telephone
by Lieut. Draper, who was then in charge of a squad of marines at the United
States consulate, that the citizen troops had taken possession of the police station,
and that everything was quiet.
Very respectfully,
WM. SWINBURNE,
Lieutenant-Commander, U. S. Navy.
[Inclosure 7 in No. 4.]
AiIffld it of Mr. Hop kins.
HONOLULU OAFTU, ITawaiian Islands. ss:
And now comes Charles L. Hopkins, of Honolulu, aforesaid, and upon oath deposes
and says:
That on the 17th day of January, A.D. 1893, he arrived at the police station in
Honolulu aforesaid about 2:30 p. m. o'clock and saw Mr. Antone Rosa writing a letter addressed to John L. Stevens, United States minister, and said letter was afterwards signed by Her Majesty's ministers and handed to your affiant to be delivered
to the said American minister with instructions to wait for an answer. Your affiant
left said police station at about 2:40 p. m. of said day in a carriage, arriving at the
legation about2:45 p. m. He saw on the verandah Miss Stevens, to whom the letter




1332                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
of Her Majesty's ministers was handed. She asked if an answer was required; youi
affiant said " Yes."
Miss Stevens then went into the house and about ten minutes afterwards returned
saying, "My father is too unwell to write an answer now, but if you will go and
return in about an hour's time he will have the answerready." Your affiantreplied
that his instructions were to wait for an answer, upon which she went in the house
again and then came out and said, " My father will try and answer the letter." She
disappeared again, and in about ten minutes came out and handed me a letter addressed to Samuel Parker, minister of foreign affairs. Your affiant then left the legation, arriving at the police station about 3:10 p. m., and handed Mr. Stevens's letter
to Mr. Samuel Parker. who went into the deputy marshal's office with it. Later in
the afternoon your affiant read the letter of Minister Stevens in which he stated that
he recognized the Provisional Government as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian
Islands.
CHARLES L. HOPKINS.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 3d day of May, A. D. 1893.
[SEAL.]                                                F. J. TESTA,
Notary.Public, First JIudicial District.
[Inclosure 8 in No. 4.]
Affidavit of Peterson and Colburn.
HONOLULU OAHU, 88:
We, John F. Colburn and A. P. Peterson, being duly sworn, on oath depose and say
that on the afternoon of Tuesday, January 17, 1893, we held portfolios in the
cabinet of Queen Liliuokalani and were at the station house in Honollul; that at
2:30 o'clock the Queen's cabinet addressed a letter to his excelleny J. L. Stevens,
asking if the report then current that he had recognized the Provisional Government was true. This letter was sent to Mr. Stevens through Hon. C. L. Hopkins.
Shortly after 3 o'clock Mr. Hopkins returned with an answer from Mr. Stevens to
the Queen's cabinet, stating that he, Mr. Stevens, had recognized the Provisional
Government as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands. Shortly after,
Mr. S. M. Damon and Mr. C. Bolte, members of the advisory council, came to the
station house to consult with the Queen's cabinet as to the situation. Mr. Damon
stated that Mr. Stevens had recognized the Provisional Government and that the
United States forces would assist them and that it was useless for us to resist, but
asked us in the interest of peace and to save bloodshed not to do so. Mr. Damon
handed us a copy of the proclamation of the committee of safety, which was read
aloud by A. P. Peterson.
Shortly after 4 o'clock, nothing definite having been arrived at, the Queen's
cabinet, at the request of the Provisional Government, went with Mr. Damon and
Mr. Bolte to the Government building to consult with the executive council. We
were in the Government building fifteen or twenty minutes, during which time Mr.
S. B. Dole, President of the Provisional Government, said that he desired us to give
up the station house and other Government property under our control, in
the interests of law and order. We answered that it would be necessary for us to
consult first with Queen Liliuokalani. We then left the Government building and
together with Mr. S. M. Damon went direct to the palace. At the palace, after some
consultation the Queen's cabinet came to the conclusion that it was not advisable
to oppose the United States forces, Mr. Stevens having already recognized the Provisional Government, and so advised the Queen to surrender to the superior force
of the United States, because of the course of Mr. Stevens, American minister, and
of such recognition. At this time, 5:30 o'clock, the Queen's Governmeat had Possession of the station house, barracks, and palace, nine-tenths of the arms and
ammunition on the island except that in the possession of foreign governments, and
a large body of men under arms. The Queen accepted the advice and her protest
was immediately drawn up and signed, and she instructed her cabinet to attend to
all necessary matters, which was then done.
The reply of Mr. Stevens, stating that he had recognized the Provisional Government, was placed in the hands of Hon. Paul Neumann, who carried it with his other
documents on his mission to Washington, and although we have made every effort
to procure the same have been unable to do so and do not know its whereabouts at
the present time.
JOHN F. COLBURN.
A. P. PETERSON.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 3d day of May, 1893.
[SEAL.]                                            J. H. THOMPSON
Notary PuOblo, Island of 6Oahl.




HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.                       1333
(Inclosure 9 in No. 4.]
Interview between Hawaiian Patriotic League and Mr. Blouni.
MA.Y 2, 1893.
[Committee of delegates of all the branch associations of the Hawaiian Patriotic League: John
Richardson, chairman; J. A. Akins, Ben. Naukana, J. K. Kaihiopulari, S. I. K. N.e.
Q. Mr. Richardson, are you chairman of this delegation?
A. Yes.
Q. How are delegates from these Islands selected?
A. They are selected by meetings in different districts held by people who have
become members of local clubs.
Q. Organized for what purpose?
A. Organized for the purpose of beseeching the maintenance of their independence,
and also the perpetuation of a monarchical form of government and against annexation.
Q. How many persons are in these several clubs.
A. The number varies in each club, but the approximate total of the various clubs
represented here is to the tune of about 7,000 voters.
Q. How do you get at that number?
A. We have had rolls from the different clubs, and as the Central Club wishes to
get time to have the names recorded in the register of the Central Club in Honolulu
we have been unable to bring with us the original document holding the list of the
names.
Q. How do you get the figures 7,000?
A. By taking the total from each club.
Q. Have you had the totals from each club?
A. Yes.
Q. And putting them together makes an aggregate of 7,000?
A. Yes.
Q. Are they all voters?
A. They are all voters.
Mr. BLOUNT. 1 will accept it as I have all memorials as a matter of information.
I can not enter into a discussion of it with you. I am glad to meet you, gentlemen.
[Inclosure 10 in No. 4.]
Affidavit of AMr. Wilson.
HONOLULU, OAHU, Hawaiian Islands, ss:
And now comes Charles B. Wilson, of Honolulu aforesaid, and upon oath deposes
and says:
That on the 17th day of January, A. D. 1893, between 3:30 and 4 p.m., of that day,
while he was in charge of the police station as marshal of the Kingdom, he saw and
read a letter from the American Minister Stevens addressed to Her Majesty's ministers, wherein Minister Stevens stated that he had recognized the Provisional Government as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
CHAS. B. WILSON.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 4th day of May, A. D. 1893.
[SEAL.]                                                   F. J. TESTA,
Notary Public, First Judicial Circuit.
No. 8.
Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham.
No. 5.]                          HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
May 6, 1893.
SIR: Since my last dispatch I examined Mr. Bolte, a member of the
advisory council. He and Mir. Waterhouse, whose evidence I forwarded
to you, stated positively that the station house and barracks were




1334-                HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
delivered up before Mr. Stevens recognized the Provisional Government.
The manner of their testimony caused me to suspect their truthfulness.
I had learned from members of the cabinet of the ex-Queen of correspondence with Mr. Stevens which contradicted these assertions. Some
weeks ago I had called upon him for the legation records, and was furnished with a book containing correspondence with the State Department. This threw no light on the question of fact I was seeking to settle.
On the 5th instant I went to the legation, feeling that such papers
must be there in some form.
In the conversation he spoke of a paper from the Queen which was
in his files; said that these files were put in a volume when there were
enough to make up one. I said I would like to have the volume for
January. He said it had not been made up. I then asked him if he
had a paper which the ministry had addressed to him inquiring if he
had recognized the Provisional Government. He went out to look for
it and returned with a book entitled " Correspondence with Hawaiian
Government." In this he showed me a memorandum he had made of
a reply to a communication from the ministers, a copy of which I send
(Inclosure No. 1).
Believing that he must have the communication itself, this morning
I sent my secretary, Mr. Mills, to ask for it. He returned with the
paper saying that before giving it to him Mr. Stevens seemed to be at
a loss as to whether he had such a paper. This same difficulty occurred
when I called upon him for the communication from the committee of
safety asking for the landing of the troops of the Boston.
I inclose herewith a copy of the letter in question (Inclosure No. 2).
You will see that in the memorandum referred to he says the letter
was received about 4 or 5 p. m. on January 17 and that he informed
them that he had already recognized the Provisional Government.
In the conversation I had with him when he turned over the record
of the correspondence with the Hawaiian Government he said he had
recognized the Provisional Government before the barracks and station
house had been surrendered; that he did not consider their surrender
of any importance.
In my last dispatch Lieut. Swinburne fixes the surrender of the station house at about half-past 7 o'clock. This morning he called and
informed me that Lieut. Draper had said to him yesterday that the
station house was not surrendered until after dark. I sent for Lieut.
Draper and obtained from him a statement, which I inclose (Inclosure
No. 3).
I consider that it is now established beyond controversy that Mr.
Stevens recognized the Provisional Government before the barracks
and station house had been surrendered or agreed to be surrendered.
Before the committee of thirteen went up to proclaim the Provisional Government they sent a gentleman to see if there were any
troops in the Government building. On learning the fact that there
were none, the committee quietly went up in two or more squads and,
uniting at the Government building, read their proclamation.
Without making any demand for the surrender of the palace, in
which were the Queen and her friends, with some 50 soldiers; the barracks, a little beyond the palace, with about 80 men, well equipped
with small arms and artillery, and with the station house, some 600
yards off, occupied by some 200 men, well armed and equipped,
they asked and obtained from the American minister recognition as a
Government de facto. On this basis the minds of the cabinet and
Queen were operated upon to give up the barracks and station house




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1335
and to have her surrender to the Provisiona? Government. In this
way the revolution reached its solution.
I invite your attention to a letter, dated on the 16th of January, 1893,
from Mr. Stevens to Mr. W. M. Giffard, as follows:
UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, January 16, 1893.
Mr. W. M. GIFFARD:
SIR: Please allow Capt. Wiltse and his men the use of the opera house hall for
a fair compensation for the same.
Yours, truly,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
This letter was obtained from Mr. Giffard, who had charge of the
building as agent for Spreckels & Co. He declined to let Mr. Stevens
have it, because, he said, if any damage occurred while the American
troops occupied it it would affect the insurance, as the building was
liable to be damaged; that in the insurrection of 1889, when Wilcox
and his followers had obtained possession of the palace, the Government forces had used the upper portion of this building to fire on the
insurrectionists and that more than $1,000 worth of damage was then
done to it by the cannon used by Wilcox and his followers.
This building, Lieut. Swinburne informs me, was agreed upon on
board the Boston before the troops were landed as the best place for
the location of the Boston's men. He suggested on shipboard that the
troops be quartered near the wharf, so as to be near to their base of
supply, the same having been so done when Admiral Skerrett landed
troops in 1874. Capt. Wiltse and Mr. Stevens thought it was better
that they should be located in the opera house. Failing to get this
building, Arion hall, which is on a line with it and adjoins it, and
is across the street from the Government building, was obtained
for the location of the troops. The men were placed in the rear of
Arion hall, but in full view of the palace. A street intervened
between the Government building and the palace. It was about 350
yards from one of these buildings to the other.
The American troops were on the same side of the latter street with
the Provisional Government troops, which did pot probably number
100 men. You will see from the map prepared by Mr. Loevenstein,
which I have previously forwarded to you, the location of Arion
hall, the Government building, the palace, the barracks, the station
house, and the armory. If the Queen's troops should have attacked
the Provisional Government troops our men were in danger of being
injured, which might have brought them into collision with the Queen's
troops. The same is true if the Provisional Government troops had
advanced on the palace. If the American troops were landed to protect American property and the persons of American citizens. their
location at this place, unfortunately, signified a different purpose.
The Queen, her cabinet, and her followers undoubtedly believed,
from the location of the American troops and the quick rec(gnition of
the Provisional Government by Mr. Stevens, that the United States
forces would aid the Provisional Government forces in the event of a
conflict.
The request of the committee of safety, on which the landing of the
troops was made, did not ask for the protection of the property and
persons of American citizens. This paper you have already in your
possession. It was signed by Germans, Americans, and natives. Mr.
W. 0. Smith and Mr. L. A. Thurston, the leading men signing this
paper, are natives of these islands, and seemed to be concerned to have




1336


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


the troops protect themselves and all others in the islands from the
operation of the Queen's forces.
In one of the local papers, yesterday morning, there appeared an
alleged interview with Mr. Loud, a member of Congress from California, in which he is reported as criticising the authorities for not having arrested and sent Liliuokalani out of the island. In view of your
telegraphic instruction of the 25th ultimo (which was received by me
on the 4th instant) and the possibility that Mr. Loud's alleged advice
might be pursued and that hostile collision between the friends of the
Queen and the Provisional Government might grow out of it, I had an
interview this morning with the attorney-general, Mr. W. O. Smith,
in which I invited his attention to the reported interview with Mr.
Loud. I asked him if he felt free to say to me whether or not the
arrest of the Queen was contemplated; that I desired the information
because such action on the part of the Provisional Government might
produce a condition of affairs which required action on my part. He
said that this action was not contemplated by the Provisional Government, but that they were prepared, in the event of hostilities, to take
care of certain prominent persons amongst the Royalists. Iasked him
if those included the Queen. He answered, "confidentially, Yes."
The feeling of the annexationists is very intense, and doubtless the
Provisional Government is very much pressed to take action against
the person of the Queen by confinement or deportation. Should this
occur I believe that it will produce a bloody conflict.
It is my purpose soon to announce to American citizens that if they
participate in any conflict in behalf of either party I shall direct that
the American troops shall not beused for their protection. This, I think,
to be in line with your views. I believe that it will tend to prevent
extreme action on the part of the Provisional Government.
I have not and shall not intimate any desire to the Provisional Government as to what they should do with the Queen or with any other
person connected with the royal cause.
I do not see any occasion for my remaining longer here for the purpose of making further inquiry as to the condition of affairs in the
islands. I believe, however, that my departure prior to your sending
out a successor to Mr. Stevens would result in serious trouble. The
attorney-general said to me this morning there would be no trouble
while I remained here, but he had some apprehensions if I should
leave.
The native population seem to have great respect for me, growing
out of the idea that I represent the President of the United States in
an effort to get at the causes of the revolution and a hope that out of
that investigation they will regain the political power they have lost.
I have been careful every moment to avoid making an impression on
either party that I was here to interfere in their domestic affairs or for
any purpose other than that of inquiry, or to indicate what disposition
you or the President might make of any information I should report.
Do not infer from these observations that I have any desire to remain
here any longer.
I am, etc.,
JAMES H. BLOUNT,
Special Commissioner of the United States.
P. S.-Since closing the foregoing dispatch the affidavits marked 4,
5,. 6, 7, and 8 have been handed to me.
(Filed with other affidavits.)*
* Published with affidavits.




HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.                      1337
[Inclosure 1 in No. 5.]
Extract from records of the United States legation.
CORRESPONDECNCE WITI HAWAIIAN GOVEIRNMENT.
UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, January 17, 1893.
About 4 to 5 p.m. of this date-am not certain of the precise time-the note on file
from the four ministers of the deposed Queen, inquiring if I had recognized the
Provisional Government came to my hands, while I was lying sick on the couch.
Not far from 5 p. m.-I did not think to look at the watch-I addressed a short note
to Hon. Samuel Parker, Hon. Wim. H. Cornwell, Hon. John F. Colburn, and Hon. A. P.
Peterson-no longer regarding them ministers-informing them that I had recognized the Provisional Government.
JOIN L. STEVENS,
United States Minister.
[Inclosure 2 in No. 5.]
Qucen's ministers to Mr. Stevens.
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
fHonolulu, January 17, 1893.
His Excellency JOHN L. STEVENS,
lEnvoy 'xtraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary:
SIR: Her Hawaiian Majesty's Government having been informed that certain persons to them unknown have issued proclamation declaring a Provisional Government to exist in opposition to Her Majesty's Government, and having pretended to
depose the Queen, her cabinet and marshal, and that certain treasonablepersons at
present occupy the Government building in Honolulu with an armed force, and pretending that your excellency, in behalf of the United States of America, has recognized such Provisional Government, Her Majesty's cabinet asks respectfully: Has
your excellency recognized said Provisional Government? and if not, Her Majesty's
Government, under the above existing circumstances, respectfully requests the assistance of your Government in preserving the peace of the country.
We have the honor to be your excellency's obedient servants,
SAMUEL PARKER,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
WM. H. CORNWELL,
Minister of Finance.
JOHN F. COLBURN,
Minister of the Interior.
A. P. PETERSON,
Attorney-General.
[Inclosure 3 in No. 5.]
Statement of Lieut. Draper.
May 5, 1893. Herbert L. Draper, Lieutenant Marine Corps, attached to Boston:
I was at the United States consulate-general at the time the Provisional Government troops went to the station house and it was turned over to them by Marshal
Wilson. It was about half past 7 o'clock. The station house is near the consulategeneral on the same street. As soon as it happened I telephoned it to the ship. ]
wanted my commanding officer to know, as I regarded it as an especially important
thing.
I was the commanding officer at the consulate-general.  There was no other
United States officer there at the time excepting myself.
The above is a correct statement.
HERBERT L. DRAPER,
First Lieutenant, U. S. Marine Corps.




1338


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


No. 9.
Mr. Blount to Mr. Greshcmn.
No. 6.1                            HONOLULU, H. I., May 9, 1893.
Sin: There has appeared in annexation papers on several occasions
innuendoes of an offensive character relating to myself. It has been
my custom to give no attention to them, because of the greatness of
our own Government and the weakness of the Provisional Government
of the Hawaiian Islands.
On my arrival here-the opinion obtaining through the newspapers,
especially of American origin, that I was to investigate, amongst other
things, the disposition of the people of the Islands towards annexationa campaign in the form of signatures to petitions for and against annexation commenced, and has been continuing until this hour.
Manifestation of the native element soon became very pronounced
against annexation, whereupon the papers of the annexationists began
to charge the ex-Queen with treason and to insist upon her arrest and
trial for treason or her deportation. With this I had nothing to do.
This state of opinion of a majority of the people against annexation
has become so well defined as to renew the cry for her arresti nmore
ardent temper.
Yesterday afternoon the Hawaiian Star, the organ of the annexation club, contained an article, a copy of which is inclosed herewith.
(Inclosure No. 1.)
I felt aggrieved at the dishonorable implication as to my own conduct with the Queen contained therein. I immediately addressed a
letter to President Dole, a copy of which is inclosed. (Inclosure No. 2.)
Four hours afterward I received a reply from Mr. Dole, a copy of
which I send. (Inclosure No. 3.)
The language used is not only objectionable in its offensive reference
to myself, but was designed to intimidate antiannexationists in communicating their views to me, and so prevent any successful acquisition
of the true state of the public mind in these Islands in its relation to
the Provisional Government.
This latter criticism I did not communicate to the Provisional Government, regarding it as inconsistent with my instructions not to interfere in domestic controversies here.
I am, etc.,
JAMES H. BLOUNT,
Special Commissioner of the United States.
[Inclosure 1 in No. 6.]
Extract from the Hawaiian Star, Monday, May 8, 1893.
WHAT OF THE QUEEN?
The ex-Queen professed to have yielded her throne to the "superior force of the
United States," and has kept up that pretense since. Her present attitude is one of
waiting. Before doing anything further she desires to know whether or not the
United States means to take the islands. From such an attitude it follows that if
President Cleveland and Congress should decide to keep their hands off Hawaii, then
Liliuokalani will deem herself absolved fron her obligation to stay quiet. It must
be noted that she has never yet surrendered directly to the Government, or even
entered into an armistice with it. She calls herself Queen, and rarely signs her name
to a letter without the royal R. It is her hope, that if annexation is defeated, to be




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1339
restored, and she is now the center and nucleus of all the royal politics in the islands
which look to that end.
So long as things remain in their present shape the ex-Queen is not particularly
dangerous; but if the Hawaiian question should be left to stew in its own juice,
then she might become an unpleasant quantity to deal with. The United States
would have formally refused to accept her surrender. She would have yielded tono
one else, and would be at liberty to negotiate with, say, the Japanese for a protectorate. Certainly, her right to treat with a foreign envoy has not been denied,
as witness her unhindered interviews with Commissioner Blount. Out of such a
conjunction of affairs as this might come a vast amount of political trouble and
expense. Even if Liliuokalani did not seek foreign help-as she was quick to do at
thQ beginning of her troubles in a letter to Queen Victoria-her presence here would
continually breed mischief, provoke unrest, alarm capital, excite the emotions of
her old party, harass the existing Government, require a large military force to be
sustained, and cause an impression to go out that if the new regime should at any
time be caught napping the old order of thlings might be restored.
It is pretty generally admitted now that it was a mistake not to have shipped the
ex-Queen abroad when she was deprived of her throne. 'That was one of the errors
of a hurried time which, if it Lad been avoided, would have left the annexationist
cause in much better shape than it is. But what is past can not be mended. Only
that which is to come may be kept from the need of mending.
The Star believes itto be the duty of the Government to protect itself and the people
from the danger thatLiliuokalani's presence here mightbreedby sending her out of the
country under the act-which may be enlarged if necessary-that deals with "undesirable residents." This course might, it is true, work a certain hardship, but compared with the hardship that the ex-Queen's continuance on this soil would visit
upon property and business interests, it would hardly be worth noting. Its severity
might, of course, be modified by some provision for the expenses of travel abroad,
but this is a matter of detail. The main thing is to have the disturbing influence of
the royal pretender out of the way when the time comes to tranquilize the country
and get it ready for the responsibilities of its future. No better preliminary to that
status could be had than the deportation of the woman at once. This would afford
ample time, before the American decision could be had, to get the country perfectly
in hand and to meet anything that might happen.
There need be no fear that such an act would make a bad impression in the United
States or elsewhere, as it is one of the unwritten laws of popular uprisings that
when the people overthrow the throne, the occupant of it must leave the country.
So far as Hawaii is concerned every sensible politician in America would justify
deportation under the existing circumstances.
[Inclosure 2 in No. 6.]
Mr. Blount to Mr. Dole.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, -May 9, 1893.
His Excellency SANFORD B. DOLE,
President of the executive and advisory Oouncils
of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
SIR: In the Hawaiian Star of May 8, an editorial headed "What of the Queen?"
to which I invite your attention, uses this language:
"Certainly her right to treat with a foreign envoy has not been denied, as witness
her unhindered interviews with Commissioner Blount."
It has been my purpose to studiously avoid any word or act calculated to produce
on the mind of any individual an impression of a disposition on my part to intertere with the political affairs of these islands. In this article I am made to hold
unhindered interviews with the ex-Queen Liliuokalani. These alleged interviews
with me are treated as treasonable on her part. This can not be true without an
implication of dishonorable conduct on my part. As such, it is insulting to the
Government of the United States.
I have held one interview with the ex-Queen, of which you had knowledge
before and afterwards. This is the only one. I can not believe that the editorial,
in so far as it relates to myself; can be approved by the Provisional Government. I
respectfully request a reply.
With assurances of the highest consideration, I am, etc.,
JAMES H. BLOUNT,
Special Commissioner of the United States.




1340


IIAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


[Inclosure 3 in No. 6.]
Mr. Dole to Mr. Blount.
DEPARTMENT 01 FO REIGN AFFAIRS,
Honolulu, 1Hawaiian Islands, May 9, 1893.
SIR: I hare the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of even
date calling my attention to an editorial in last evening's issue of the Hawaiian
Star touching on your interviews with the ex-Queen.
The Government sincerely regrets the publication referred to in your communication, and I hasten to assure you that it is in no way responsible for the expressions
of that or any other paper, and thoroughly disapproves of anything that may be
published that can be taken as implying any action on your part that is not entirely
consistent with your mission.
The management of the Star have promised to make the amende honorable in this
evening's issue.
With the sincere hope that nothing may arise that will in any way disturb the
cordial and amicable relations that exist between the authorities of the Provisional
Government and yourself as the honored representative of a nation that is our nearest and greatest friend, I have the honor to be with the highest respect and consideration,
Your most, etc.,
SANFOnRD B. DOLE,
Minister of F;oreign Ajairs.
Hon. JAMES H. BLOUNT,
Special Comrnissioner of the United States, 1Honolult.
No. 10.
Mr. Blount to lMr. Gresham.
No. 7.]             HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, 3Jray 24, 1893.
SIR: Recurring to the correspondence between President Dole and
myself in relation to the article in the Hawaiian Star, I inclose herewith a copy of an additional letter which I wrote to him. (Inclosure
No. 1.)
Subsequently Vice-President Damon called to see me in relation to
the matter, and I said I should not ask the attention of the Government hereafter to any articles of an offensive character in that paper;
that I would forward any offensive matter contained therein to the
State Department, with the statement that it was the organ of the
annexation club, and that the Government was unable to control its conduct. A similar statement was made by me to the Attorney-General,
Mr. Smith. In the conversation with me he deplored the article and
added that the editor had told the cabinet some days before that he
had positive proof of two long interviews between myself and the
Queen.
Since this correspondence with President Dole this paper has
changed its tone into one of frequent compliment to myself. I presume the Annexation Club found that my reporting their offensive
articles was not likely to advance their cause, and changed what had
been the uniform course of the paper theretofore. The demeanor of
this paper was doubtless intended to impress the native population
with the idea that they could not only dominate them, but could insult
the representative of the United States with impunity. I shall prob
ably have no more trouble in this direction.
More than 8,000 names have been      signed to memorials by the
Women's Hawaiian Patriotic League, asking for the restoration of
Queen Liliuokalani.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1341
Memorials have been signed against annexation by 7,500 native
voters. The delegates of the latter organization report that the
request for the restoration of the Queen was omitted because they
feared that if inserted in their memorial they would be arrested for
treason.
The Annexation Club inform me that they have on their books
5,180 names for annexation. This is signed generally by American
citizens whether they have registered here as voters or not. Some
natives have signed this last document, who are on the police force
and occupy other government positions-doubtless in order to hold
their places. Other natives who have signed are the hired laborers
of sugar planters, having been systematically worked upon to do so,
and, feeling largely dependent upon the planters for employment, fear
discharge.
I have put this question to several leading annexationists, whose
statements have been taken in writing and certified to by them: "If
the question of annexation were submitted to the people of these
Islands, who were qualified to vote for representatives under the Constitution of 1887, under the Australian ballot system, which has been
adopted by your legislature, what would be the result?7" They have
almost without exception declared that annexation would certainly be
defeated.
Threats to arrest the Queen and deport leading natives have been
repeatedly urged in the iannexation organs, and have caused the native
people uneasiness and alarm. It has restrained outward manifesta.
lions of interest on their part. These threats were founded on charges
that the Queen and these natives were engaged in treasonable conduct
in urging the natives to vote against annexation.
There is not an annexationist in the islands, so far as I have been
able to observe, who would be willing to submit the question of annexation to a popular vote. They have men at work in all of the islands
urging the natives to sign petitions for annexation. They seek to impress them with the opinion that if annexed they will be allowed the
right to vote. Quite a number of petitions have been signed by natives
asking for annexation, provided they were allowed the right to vote.
In other instances delegations made up of wilite men and natives have
brought in small petitions signed by natives, and on being asked if
the natives were in favor of annexation without the right to vote
have always answered that they were not. While this is done I have
never yet found an annexationist who did not insist that stable government could not be had without so large a restriction of the native vote
as would leave political power in the hands of the whites.
I have had ample opportunity to observe the feeling of the native
population on the question of annexation. There is no doubt that the
whole race-men and women-are deeply concerned about the independence of their native land. Their mind is not turning to England or to
any other country for protection. Their devotion to the United States
is continually asserted. If the question of annexation by the United
States should be made to depend upon the popular will in these islands
the proposition had as well be abandoned at once. There are a great
many whites here in addition to the natives wIto are opposed to annexation, and who are now preparing to sign memorials of this character
to the President of the United States.
While I have presented these observations I wish here to assert that
I have abstained from expressing any wish for or against annexation




1342


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


to any person in these islands. I have by no act of mine sought to
influence opinion on this subject, either one way or the other.
Hereafter I shall discuss this matter from official data, and from the
evidence of persons who have filed certified statements with me.
There frequently occurs in Mr. Stevens' correspondence with the
State Department the allegation that the Queen has for a paramour
ex-Marshal Wilson. Ordinarily such scandalous statements would
be unworthy of attention. Its use to prejudice the minds of the
American people against her in connection with the question of annexation has caused me to make some inquiry into the subject. A number
of reputable gentlemen have stated in writing their utter disbelief in
this allegation. She has been received with apparent admiration
through all the years of her reign in the most refined circles in this
city. The white population have resorted eagerly to the palace to participate in its social enjoyments without any reserve on account of the
Queen's character.
On April 19, 1892, the American minister gave her a breakfast, to
which a number of prominent persons were invited.
Wilson is ten years the junior of the ex-Queen. He married a girl
who was reared by her and lived with her at the time of his marriage.
He has never lived in the palace. He lived in the palace grounds
with his wife, in a building 75 yards from the palace, where the Queen
resided. They were moved into this building after the death of the
Queen's husband at the instance of the Queen. Wilson is universally
recognized as a brave man and loyal to the Queen. The frequent revolutions here on the part of the whites doubtless caused her to make him
marshal, and put him at the head of the police force, which was the
real military force of the Kingdom. Because of his marriage with a
native woman, and her connection with the Queen, and her confidence
in his courage and fidelity, she trusted him rather than any of the
whites in this position.
I forbear any further statement on this subject at this time. Evidently this charge against the Queen has for its foundation the looseness which comes from passionate and vindictive partisan struggles in
Honolulu.
On the 16th instant 1 published my instructions in full, accompanied
by the following statement:
While I shall abstain from inteference between conflicting forces of whatever
nationality for supremacy, I will protect American citizens not participating in such
conflict.
I send you newspaper comments on the instructions and the foregoing declaration, in the nature of an interpretation of my instructions.
(Inclosure No. 2).
From what I can learn many American citizens intensly active in the
late revolution in these islands, and promoters of the cause of annexation, and supporters of the Provisional Government, took offense at
the latter language. It seems very difficult for that class of persons to
understand why they can not be permitted to participate in political
and military movements on these islands with a guarantee of protection
from opposing forces by the troops of the United States.
On the 19th instant I published your dispatch of May 9 in relation
to my appointment as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States. I believed it calculated to produce an
impression on the minds of the people claiming to be American citizens
that under no false pretense of preserving order or protecting American




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1343


citizens could they be allowed to command the services of American
troops to promote political schemes here.
I invite your attention to a communication and plat from Admiral
Skerrett, which I inclose herewith.   (Inclosure No. 3.)
The plat should have shown Music Hall immediately on the corner of
the block, and the side of Arion Hall next to the Music Hall nearly on
a line with the front line of the Government building.
It is easy to see that any attack on the Government building by the
Queen's troops from the east would have exposed our men to their fire.
Any attempt tooccupy Music Hall and Arion Hall by the Queen's
troops for the purpose of taking the Government building would have
encountered the American troops. Any attempt by the Queen's troops
from the direction of the palace would have exposed our troops to their
fire.
In the insurrection of 1889, Music Hall was occupied by sharpshooters of the Government, who contributed more to the suppression of the
insurrection than any other forces. This place. Mr. Stevens sought to
obtain for the United States troops on the 16th of January last, and
failing in this, selected Arion Hall.
Admiral Skerrett well says that the place was well chosen if the design of Mr. Stevens and Capt. Wiltse was the support of the Provisional
Government troops. It was certainly suggestive of this design to the
Queen and her adherents.
I am, etc.,
JAMES H. BLOUNT,
Special Commissioner of the United States.
[Inclosure 1 in No. 7.]
Mr. Blount to Mr. Dole.
HONOLULU, H. I., May 10, 1893.
Hon. SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Honolulu, H. I.
SiR: Your communication of the 9th instant, in reply to my letter of the same
date, concerning a reflection upon myself as Commissioner of the United States, is
acknowledged.
It gives me pleasure to be assured, of what I had previously believed, that a most
cordial feeling on the part of your Government existed toward myself as the representative of the Government of the United States, and that the article referred to
would not be approved of by your Government.
The disavowal in the Star of yesterday did not at all meet the situation. I shall
not ask any further action in relation thereto, preferring to content myself with your
communication rather than to expose my Government to the charge of ungenerous
action in the present condition of affairs in these Islands, by insisting on further and
fuller apology on the part of the managers of the Star.
With assurances of the highest consideration,
I am, etc.
JAMES H. BLOUNT,
Special Commissioner of the United States.
[Inclosure 2 in No. 7.-Hawaiian Star, May 16, 1893.]
Blount's instructions.
Three mooted points were settled as follows by the text of the instructions given
Commissioner Blount by Secretary Gresham:
I. The Commissioner brought with him no authority to restore the ex-Queen, nox
to interfere in any way with the domestic policy of the Provisional Government.
II. Thepower of the United States will be exercised against foreign aggrandize.
ment upon these islands.




1344                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
III. The settlement of annexation does not fall within the scope of the Commissioner's duty, but is especially reserved to the President and Congress.
As to the announcement made by Commissioner Blount that he will not -interfere
in any struggle that may arise locally for the possession of this Government, except
to protect American citizens not participating in the conflict, and to keep foreign
powers from taking a hand in it, we do not see why it should excite either surprise
or indignation. It is not the business of the United States, except where the Monroe doctrine is threatened, to concern itself in the internal quarrels of any foreign
country. Neither is it considered the right or privilege of any nation to shield its
citizens who may be in the military or civil service or in the political activities of a
foreign state from the legal consequences of their acts. America gave no protection
to Americans who aided the Cuban revolutionists; and during the civil war Great
Britain never raised a protest if an English-built blockade ruhner, commanded by a
subject of the Queen, manned by British sailors, and loaded with Birmingham consignments, was shelled and sunk by the United States blockading fleets. By these
examples it is easy to see that Mr. Blount merely expresses a principle of international law in the appendix to his instructions; and that the statement of his exact
position, far from being a superfluous hint to the "abhorrent and forbidden forces"
in Hawaiian politics to do their worst, was a proper recognition of his duty to his
own Government and countrymen, serving a useful purpose here, in that it showed
the annexation party its exact bearings and forewarned it that it might be forearmed.
By way of side comment, it may be well enough to say that in the remote event of a
political dmeuie on these Islands, there will be no necessity for Commissioner Blount
to land forces to protect any American's property. No citizen of the United States
worthy of the name will need to appeal to him for such assistance here. The Government is in American hands, and so long as the United States is pledged by its
" consistent and established policy" to keep foreign powers from interfering with
it, the existing administration may be relied upon to maintain its place against any
and all comers, and to s8ee that the homes and families of its citizens are held
inviolate.
[Extract Hawaiian Daily Bulletin, May 16, 1893.]
Mr. Blount's instructions.
"Hon. James H. Blount's instructions from the Secretary of State of the United
States, which the Bulletin had the honor of presenting for the first time to the
public, contain nothing contrary to the opinions held, from the first until now, by
the opponents of the revolutionary scheme of annexation regarding the Special
Commissioner's mission to these Islands. It was from the opposition side that the
intimation came, in advance of any mention in the United States press, that a
commission of investigation was to be sent here by President Cleveland. This
news was contemptuously denied by the press of the party of violence, but next
mail steamer brought its definite confirmation. Among other things to be investigated the instructions denominate "the causes of the revolution by which the
Queen's Government was overthrown." This certainly includes the question of
whether or not the United States diplomatic representative and the naval commander acting with him contributed aid to that revolution. An answer in the
affirmative to this question returned by the Commissioner as a result of his investigation would lead inevitably to possibilities of the nature of those that the revolutionary press is in unwise haste to declare are beyond the scope of the Commissioner's power.
" The instructions published are only the original ones, and they inform the Commissioner that he is expected to correspond with the Secretary of State, 'communicating information or soliciting special instruction on such points as" he "may
deem necessary." As there will by to-morrow's expected mail have been ample
time for a reply to voluminous information communicated to Washington, doubtless
coupled with the solicitation of special instructions based on the facts as reported,
it is only the usual rashness of the revolutionary press from the beginning which
seeks to impress its readers with the view that this, that, or the other thing is absurd
and impossible. The fact stands out, more prominent than almost anything else,
that the United States Government, contrary to the desires and in spite of the
strenuous efforts of the Provisional Government and its agents, has with all respect
received the protest of the deposed Queen, and will adjudicate thereupon strictly on
the merits as well as in accordance with the traditional policy of fairness and
friendliness toward weak and friendly neighbors which has hitherto been among the
glories of the great Republic.
" Mr. Blount's instructions bring out in high relief the policy of his Government in
regard to the occasions when the landing of troops on Hawaiian territory is jsti



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1345
fable. There is small comfort in them for those who have been laboring to justify
the fact and the manner of the investment of Honolulu by United States naval
troops on the 16th of January. Until the facts on this point, as ascertained by the
impartial investigation of Mr. Blount, see the light, however, assertion and comment, beyond what has been given already, would only be in the line of the example
set by the Government organs, which have tiresomely asserted from the first that
the Commissioner could find out nothing which had not been reported at Washington
by the Provisional Government's commissioners, supplemented by the prejudiced
and well-stuffed communications of newspaper correspondents. More interesting, if
not more important, than the contents of his instructions from the Secretary of
State is the terse prescription given by the Commissioner himself, in his communication to the Hawaiian people, of the status of American citizens participating in
any conflict between parties for supremacy on these Islands. This is in conformity
with the law of nations in similar cases provided, with which citizens and subjects
of different powers, who desire to know, were made acquainted at the crisis of 1887.
"To what extent American citizens who took up arms for overthrowing the Government of this country, friendly to their own, were encouraged to rely on the support
of their nation's strong arm, and by whom any such encouragement might have
been proffered, are other questions that may as well be left to Mr. Blount's inquiry
for solution. In this, as in other respects, the opposition can afford to maintain its
unvarying coolness and patience, joined with confidence that the United States will
not uphold wrong committed in her name, and the subsidized and mercenary press
might, with advantage to its feelings at a later stage, try to imitate the same condition of equanimity. Americans who are opposed to filibustering and violence will
be prouder of their great nation than ever as they read the words in which President Cleveland's representative assures the law-abiding and peace-loving of his
fellow-citizens on this foreign strand that they will be protected in any emergency.
"While I shall refrain from interference between conflicting forces, of whatever
nationality, for supremacy, I will protect American citizens not participating in
suchl conflict."
(Daily Pacific Commercial Advertiser, Tuesday, May 16, 1893.]
Political developments.
"At present it would be useless to speculate as to the causes which have determined
Commissioner Blount to publish his instructions from the State Department at
Washington under which he is acting. That he has reached a point in his investigations which justifies his action none will doubt. That there is more or less significance in the publication at the present state of affairs must be admitted by all
accustomed to studying the course of international diplomacy. In any event the
publication will serve to throw light upon many points doubtful heretofore and
will dash some of the baseless hopes and wilder theories regarding Commissioner
Blount's intentions and alleged instructions which have passed current in royalist
circles from the moment the United States steamer Rush entered the harbor.
"It is not our purpose to attempt an analysis of Commissioner Blount's instructions.
They are certainly plain enough to need no commentary, as they are full enough to
exclude all doubts as to his future action. The fullest inquiry here and report to the
United States Government will be made. In the meantime the existing treaty of
annexation will be held in abeyance; but the United States will, pending investigation and settlement, give adequate protection to the life and property of citizens of
the United States, and, if necessary, will repress any lawless and tumultuous acts
threatening them.
"Commissioner Blount's note at the end of his instructions corresponds fully with
what he stated on his arrival to the Provisional Government, and seems to us the
act of a wise and cautious diplomat, such as heis reported to be.
" There is one point deserving of notice in the document, and that is while the
inquiry into Hawaiian affairs in detail is left to the wisdom and sound discretion of
Commissioner Blount, final dtcision on the merits of the case is tacitly if not
diretlyc reserved. The instructions, in fact, throw no special light upon the
subject of annexation. Pending the settlement of the question, however, the document is decisive and outspoken. The United States will adhere to its consistent
and established policy and will not acquiesce in domestic interferenco by foreign
powers.
As to the effect which will be produced by the publication of the instructions
there can be little or no doubt. Both the Provisional Government and Americans
generally have fully and freely intrusted the annexation cause to Mr. Blount, subjeet to any invtigations he might see it to make under his instructions. Atno time
S. Rep. 227 —85




1346                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
have they attempted to anticipate his action or lead him to prejudge the case.
They have at all times rigidly adhered to the argument of facts and figures, coupled
with evident national conditions and tendencies backed by the moral and political
forces of the community, which they believe to be irresistible for the establishment
of stable government and the future welfare of the Islands. They hopefully retain
this stand, and the text of Commissioner Blount's instructions now gives them surer
hope in doing so.
The publication of Commissioner Blount's instructions is a severe blow to the
political tactics of the ex-Queen's following. For some time it has been known that
the royalist cause has been bolstered principally by allegations made upon the Commissioner's power and instructions to restore the monarchy. The whole mainstay
of the royalist cause consequently falls to the ground with the publication of the
document itself. Within the last fortnight the ex-Queen actually told a prominent
native citizen of Maui to go home and continue to support her cause, as she would
be restored to the throne by the middle of July. Just so long as the contents of the
Commissioner's instructions remained unknown the royalists were enabled to hold
the natives to their cause with hopes and promises which they knew had no foundation in fact.
An incident of the raising of the American flag in California, similar to the raising
of the flag in Honolulu, has been recalled by the early settlers there. In 1842 Commodore Jones of the U. S. Navy, under the impression that the United States were
at war with Mexico, took forcible possession of Monterey, hoisted the Stars and
Stripes, and proclaimed California a Territory of the United States. Discerning his
mistake the following day he hauled down the flag and made such apology as the
circumstances would admit. A few years later, however, the flag was raised agaiu
and remained up."
[Inclosure 3 in No. 7.]
Admiral Skerrett to Mr. Blount.
No. 167.]             U. S.. BOSTON, FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, May 20, 1893.
SIR: I have examined with a view of inspection the premises first occupied by the
force landed from the U. S. S. Boston, and known as Arion Hall, situated on the
west side of the Government building. The position of this location is in the rear
of a large brick building known as Music Hall. The street it faces is comparatively
a narrow one, the building itself facing the Government building. In my opinion
it was unadvisable to locate the troops there, if they were landed for the protection
of the United States citizens, being distantly removed from the business portion of
the town, and generally far away from the United States legation and consulategeneral, as well as being distant from the houses and residences of United States
citizens. It will be seen from the accompanying sketch that had the Provisional
Government troops been attacked from the east, such attack would have placed them
in the line of fire.
Had Music Hall been seized by the Queen's troops, they would have been under
their fire, had such been their desire. It is for these reasons that I consider the position occupied as illy selected. Naturally, if they were landed with a view to support the Provisional Government troops, then occupying the Government building,
it was a wise choice, as they could enfilade any troops attacking them from the palace grounds in front. There is nothing further for me to state with reference to
this matter, and as has been called by you to my attention-all of which is submitted for your consideration.
Very respectfully,
J. S. SKERRETT,
Rear Admiral U. S,. avy, Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
Col.. J. H. BLOUNT,
(7.. Minister PSnipotentiary and Envoy Extraordinary,
sonolulu, Hawaiian Island$,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1347


WIK s  ~ Palace.
Government
Building.
No. 11.
Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham.
No. 8.]           HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, June 1, 1893.
SIR: The population of the Hawaiian Islands can but be studied
by one unfamiliar with the native tongue from its several census
reports. A census is taken every six years. The last report is for the
year 1890. From this it appears that the whole population numbers
89,990. This number includes natives, or, to use another designation,
Kanakas, half-castes (persons containing an admixture of other than
native blood in any proportion with it), Hawaiian-born foreigners of all
races or nationalities other than natives, Americans, British, Germans,
French, Portuguese, Norwegians, Chinese, Polynesians, and other
nationalities.
Americans number 1,928, natives and half-castes, 40,612; Chinese,




1348                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
15,301; Japanese, 12,360; Portuguese, 8,602; British, 1:344; Germans,
1,034; French, 70; Norwegians, 227; Polynesians, 588; and other foreigners 419.
It is well at this point to say that of the 7,495 Hawaiian-born foreigners 4,117 are Portuguese, 1,701 Chinese and Japanese, 1,617 other
white foreigners, and 60 of other nationalities.
There are 58,714 males.,Of these 18,364 are pure natives, and 3,085
are half-castes, making together 21,449.   Fourteen thousand five
hundred and twenty-two are Chinese. The Japanese number 10,079.
The Portuguese contribute 4,770. These four nationalities furnish 50,820
of the male population.
Males.
The Americans furnish...................................................... 1, 298
The  British...............................................................  982
The Germans........................................................  729
The  French.................................................................   46
The Norwegians............................................................  135
These five nationalities combined furnish 3,170 of the total male population.
The first four nationalities, when compared with the last five in male
population, are nearly sixteenfold the largest in number.
The Americans are to those of the four aforementioned group of
nationalities as 39 to 1-nearly as 40 to 1.
It is as convenient here as at any other place to give some facts in
relation to the Portuguese. They have been brought here from time to
time from the Madeira and Cape Verde Islands by the Hawaiian Government as la borers on plantations, just as has been done in relation
to Chinese, Japanese, Polynesians, etc. They are the most ignorant of
all imported laborers and reported to be very thievish. They are not
pure Europeans, but a commingling of many races, especially the
negro. They intermarry with the natives and belong to the laboring
classes. Very few of them can read and write. Their children are
being taught in the public schools, as all races are. It is wrong to
class them as Europeans.
The character of the people of these islands is and must be overwhelmingly Asiatic. Let it not be imagined that the Chinese, Japanese, and Portuguese disappear at the end of their contract term. From
the report of the inspector in chief of Japanese immigrants on March
31, 1892, it appears that twenty "lots" of Japanese immigrants have
been brought here by the Hawaiian Government, numbering 21,110.
Of these 2,517 have returned to Japan; 8,592, having worked out their
contract term, remain, and 9,626 are still working out their contract
term. More than 75 per cent may be said to locate here permanently.
There are 13,067 Chinamen engaged in various occupations, to wit:
8,763 laborers, 1,479 farmers, 133 fishermen, 74 drivers and teamsters,
564 mechanics, 42 planters and ranchers, 776 merchants and traders,
164 clerks and salesmen, 12 professional men and teachers, and 1,056
in various other occupations., The number of merchants and traders in the entire country is 1,238.
Of this number 776 are Chinamen and 81 are Americans.
The largest part of the retail trade seems to be conducted by Chinamen.
Of 20,536 laborers on sugar plantations only 2,617 are Chinese. Of
this latter number only 396 are contract laborers.
The Portuguese population in 1884 amounted to 9,377 and in 1890 to
8,602-a loss of 775. These have been leaving in considerable numbers
for the past eighteen months, making their way generally to the United




RAWAIIAX ISLANDS.NDS


1349


States. In 1890 the males were classified as to occupation thus:
Laborers, 2,653, farmers, 136, fishermen, 3, mariners, 10, drivers and
teamsters, 63, mechanics, 167, planters and ranchers, 17, merchants and
traders, 56, clerks and salesmen, 13, professional men and teachers, 11,
other occupations, 123; total, 3,266. On the cane plantations there are
of male Portuguese, 277 under contract and 1,651 day laborers.
Of the population in 1892, 20,536 were laborers on sugar-cane plantations, 16,723 being Portuguese, Japanese, and Chinese. Of the whole
number 10,991 are contract laborers. The remainder are designated
as day laborers. The total number of laborers in the islands by the
census of 1890 was 25,466.
In 1890 there were 23,863 male laborers. Of this number 18,728 were
Chinese and Japanese. At this period there were 41,073 persons of all
occupations. Of this number 24,432 were Chinese and Japanese.
Of the total number of persons in the various avocations, of European
and American origin, it appears that 1,106 were Americans, 819 British, 518 Germans, 45 French, and 200 Norwegians, making a total of
2,688 persons.
The natives furnished 8,871 persons and the half-castes 884.
The Hawaiians, therefore, may be said to have furnished 9,755.
There are 196 persons designated as planters and ranchers. Of this
number 18 are Americans, 30 are British, and 6 are Germans. The
remainder are principally Japanese, Portuguese, Chinese, and Hawaii.
ans.
There are 5,181 persons designated as farmers. Of these. 3,392 are
natives and half-castes, and 1,500 are Chinese. These two furnish
4,779, leaving a residue of 402 taken from all other nationalities. Of
these, 26 are Americans.
For a more minute examination of the avocation of the people, I
append a tabular statement from the last census year, 1890.  (Inclosure No. 1.)
It will be interesting, if not pleasing, to examine the number of the
various sexes by nationalities.
The grand total of the population is 89,990. The male population is
58,714; the females are 31,276.
The natives and half-castes furnish 21,449 males and 19,174 females.
The Chinese furnish 14,522 males and 779 females.
The Japanese furnish 10,079 males and 2,281 females.
The Portuguese furnish 4,770 males and 3,832 females.
The American males are 1,298, females 630.
The British males are 982, females 362.
The German males are 729, females 305.
This disparity of the sexes applies to all nationalities, save the
native race.
The most striking feature is that the Chinese men outnumber the
women by more than 18 to 1.
The Japanese men outnumber their women by nearly 5 to 1. In all
foreign nationalities the males largely exceed the females in numbers.
The natives and half-castes furnish nearly two-thirds of the women.
For a moment let as see how far this disparity of sexes in 1884 compares with that of 1890:
In 1884 there were 51,539 males, 29,039 females, and a total popula
tion of 80,578.
In 1890 the males numbered 58,714, the females 31,276, and the total
number was 89,990.
The males increased from 1884 to 1890, 7,175. The females increased
from 1884 to 1890, 2,237.




1350


BA1AiAIIAX ISLANDS.S


During this period there appears to have been the following gains
and losses by nationalities:
Gains: Half-castes, 1,968; Hawaiian-born foreigners (mostly Portu.
guese), 5,455; British, 62; Japanese, 12, 244.
Losses: Natives, 5,578; Americans, 138; Germans, 566; French, 122;
Portuguese, 775; Norwegians, 135; Chinese, 2,638; Polynesians, 368.
The net gain is 9,412.  Had it not been for the large importation of
Japanese for plantation laborers there would have been a net loss of
2,832.
There was a net loss of Europeans and Americans combined numbering 899.
While the population is lncreasing in numbers the per cent of females
is largely decreasing.
In 1866 the percentage of females was 45.25 per cent; in 1872 it was
44.37; in 1878 41.19; in 1884 36.04; in 1890 34.75.
This condition has been reached by the importation of contract labor
by the Hawaiian Government for the sugar plantations.
In 1890 there was in the island of Oahu a population of 31,194. Of
this number 1,239 were Americans.
There was in the island of Hawaii a population of 26,754. Of this
number 289 were Americans.
In the islands of Molokai and Lanai there was a population of 2,826.
Of this number 23 were Americans.
In the island of Maui there was a population of 17,357. Of this
number 211 were Americans.
In the islands of Kanai and Niihau there was a population of 11,859.
Of this number 112 were Americans.
The total population was 89,990. Of this number 1,928 were Americans.
It appears that in 1890, the period of the last census, that in a population of 89,990 persons 51,610 were unable to read and write. The
natives and half-castes, numbering 40,622, had 27,901 able to read and
write.
The Chinese, with a population of 15,301 persons, had 13,277 unable
to read and write.
The Japanese, with a population of 12,360, had 12,053 persons unable
to read and write.
The Portuguese, with a population of 8,602, had 6,276 unable to read
and write. These are mostly children.
For more minute examination reference is made to the table inclosed
herewith, from the census report of 1890. (Inclosure No. 2.)
The total number of registered voters at this period was 13,593.
Of these 9,554 were natives and half-castes; 146 Hawaiian-born foreigners, 637 Americans, 505 British, 382 Germans, 22 French, 2,091
* Portuguese, 78 Norwegians, 42 Polynesians, and other nationalities 136.
From this it appears that the Hawaiians exceeded all other nationalities of voters 4,039.
The Portuguese of an age to vote generally can not read and write.
The natives alone had this restriction. Place this upon the Portuguese
and other nationalities and the natives would have nine-tenths of the
votes.
The minister of finance informs me that the taxes paid by Americans andEuropeans amount to $274,516.74; those by natives, $71,386.82;
half-castes, $26,868.68; Chinese, $87,266.10; Japanese, $67,326.07; other
nationalities, $729.82.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1351
A. very large proportion of the Americans and Europeans paying
these taxes are antiannexationists.
He also informs me that the acreage on which taxes are paid by
various nationalities is: Europeans and Americans, 1,052,492 acres;
natives, 257,457 acres; half-castes, 531,545 acres; Chinese, 12,324 acres;
Japanese, 200 acres; other nationalities, none.
The surveyor-general reports the crown lands for 1893 as containing
915,288 acres. Of these he reports 94,116 acres available for lease. Of
this latter number only 47,000 acres are reported to be good, arable
land. He likewise reports the Government land as containing 828,370
acres. He reports these, estimated in 1890, to be worth $2,128,850. The
annual income from them is $67,636. Of this income $19,500 is from
wharfage and $7,800 from rent of land with buildings thereon.
The cane and arable land is estimated at 35,150 acres.
It is important here to recall his statement made to the Legislature
in 1891 in the following language: "Most Government lands at the
present time consist of mere remnants left here and there and of the
worthless and unsaleable portions remaining after the rest had been
sold." And in the same communication he declares that between the
years 1850 and 1860 nearly all of the desirable Government land was
sold, generally to natives.
In 1890 the census report discloses that only 4,695 persons owned
real estate in these Islands. With a population estimated at this
time at 95,000 the vast number of landless people here is discouraging
to the idea of immigrants from the United States being able to find
encouragement in the matter of obtaining homes in these Islands.
I shall in a future report endeavor to inform you of the legislation in
relation to the lands-the distribution of them and such other matters
as would be interesting in connection therewith in the event they should
figure in the consideration of future political relations with the United
States.
It may be proper here to say that the landless condition of the native
population grows out of the original distribution thereof by the laws
of the country and does not come from its shiftlessness.
On the 30th ultimo the attorney-general and marshal called to see
me. They informed me that the order of the community was threatened, according to the reports of their detectives, with a movement on
the part of the antiannexation whites to take possession of the Government and rostore the Queen. After some considerable presentation
of details I was informed that part of the scheme was to drug me.
It so happened that during the afternoon of the preceding day a
white man called to ask my opinion as to the propriety of a contemplated meeting on that evening to protest against a movement believed
to be on foot by the Provisional Government to propose a new form of
treaty with the United States. He said that certain white men were
movers in it and he was debating whether he should advise the natives
to attend; that he could see no reason for it; that they were awaiting
the action of the Government of the United States on the various questions connected with the formation of the present Government, and
believed that was the attitude for them to occupy. Of course I declined
to express any opinion. He left me saying that he would see the natives
did not attend. There was no meeting.
I said to the attorney-general that I was satisfied from communications made by the natives that they would not cooperate in any disorderly action, preferring, as they say, to submit their cause to the decision of the Government of the United States.




1352                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
A meeting of half-castes, which seemed to be a part of the cause
of alalm to the attorney-general and marshal, I said to them was, I
believed, nothing more than an effort to prevent the aforesaid meeting,
This they accepted as the probable solution of it, and finally assented
to the idea that there was no ground for a belief that there would be
any disturbance such as was indicated.
On the 31st ultimo President Dole called on me and informed me
that there was a petition signed by fifty persons-British subjectsrequesting the British minister to prevent the sailing of the English
war vessel Hyacinth, which has orders to leave here to-morrow. This
seemed to occasion him some uneasiness. He finally said that the petition was being carried around by a man who had been in the military
service of the Provisional Government, and had left it on account of
inability to get an office which he desired.
I informed him that two nights ago the British minister had expressed
to me his gratification that the vessel was going to leave; that its presence here simply furnished the opportunity for some persons to avow
some unfriendly intention of his Government.
I further said that I was assured by the British minister on his own
motion, in a desire to manifest his friendly disposition, that in no event
would the British troops be used to advance the interests of any political movement here. He seemed to accept this as a relief from any
apprehension.
The Provisional Government officials are excited by many groundless
rumors, and communicate them very freely to me. I have not indicated any line of conduct which I should pursue in the event of a conflict
other than that I have communicated to you.
A great deal of testimony in relation to the causes of the revolution
and the circumstances attending it has been taken.
The physical inability of the stenographer up to the present time to
transcribe the whole of the mass of notes which has accumulated has
prevented me from fully considering them and presenting my opinions
thereon.
I hope to be able to furnish you with much of interest as soon as
this difficulty has been overcome.
I think the condition of the public mind here is just as formerly
reported.
The universal feeling towards me so far as I can gather is one of
kindness and respect. This is due in largest measure to my abstention from expressing my views on political questions.
I am, etc.,
JAMES H. BLOUENT,
$pecial Commissioner of the United States.
P. S.-Since closing the foregoing communication the inclosure
(marked No. 3) has been handed to me by Mr. Samuel Parker, the
genuineness of which I do not question.




HAWAIIAN      ISLANDS.                        1353
[Inclosure 1 in No. 8.]
TABLE 6..-Classification of each nationality and sex by occupation.


~I  I  I  I  P1  I l  I  I 11 I 1 
52W QQd QL a'i 0a




Native males...........
Native females..........
Total.............
Half-caste males........
Half-caste females......
Total.............
Hawaiian-born foreign
males........ —.....
Hawaiian-born foreign
females...............
Total.............
American males........
American females......
Total.............
Britisri males...........
British females.........
Total.............
German males..........
German females........
Total.............
French males..........
French females........
Total...........
Portuguese males......
Portuguese females....
Total.............
Norwegian males......
Norwegian females.....
Total.............
Chinese males..........
Chinese females........
Total.
Japanese males.........
Japanese females.....
Total.............
Polynesian males.......
Polynesian females.....
Total.............
Othernationalities:
Males.
Females............
Total.............
Total males.............
Total females...........
Grand total.......


2,213 3,211
40    68


656   332    237   663    51    129    58
12............  103     2      3     1


173   831  8, 554
12    76    317




2, 253 3,279     668    332     237    766     53     132     59    185    907    8,871
115    108      25     14      32    230     14     32      78     26    170      844
1      5....................................             1     25      8      40
116    113      25     14     32     230     14     32      79     51    178      844
20     16......     2      7      39      9     19      70     26     33     241
1..............................       3      23      1      28
21     16......     2      7      39      9     19     73      49     34     269
36     26       2     36     59    369      17     81    127     114    161   1,028.....................................            1......      5     57      15      78
36     26       2     36     59    369      18     81    132     171    176   1,106
24     15.-....      28     34    328      30     42      85     60    139      785
3.......................           6.............      3     14      8       34
27     15......    28     34    334      30     42      88     74    147      819
52     11       2     10     26    176       6     47      54     20    100      504
-        -       -............................ I..............5  8    14
- ___ --  ___  1             5              15
52     11       2     10     26    177       6     47     54      25    108     518.2       2......      2......     8......            1       9      5      30................................................         1-.......15




2 1  2 1......  8 1......I  11  '  24  5


45




2,653    136      3    10     63    165     17    56     35     10   118   3,266
3.....   2.....1    5.     11.
3.................................            1     5      11
2,656    136      3    10     63    167     17    56     35     11   123   3,277
79     25......     7      9     31     2      8      2......    37     200
79     25......     7      9     31     2      8      2......    37     200
8,763 1,479     133......    74    564    42    776    164     16 1,056 13,067
64     21...                           1......      2    10      98
8,827 1,500     133......    74    564     42   777    164     18 1,066 13,165
9,565     36      3     2      4     42..        27     20     23   115   9,837
1,404.............................1,418
10,969     36     3      2      4....     27     20     23   129 11,255
269      5      2     3      2      9.....      1..........        9     300
85........1......................                                1      86
354      5     2      3      2      9................     10     386
72     17     3     18      8     66     5     14      9      6    56     274
2...............................      1......  I......      4
74     17     3     18      8     66     5     15      9     7     56     278
23, 863 5, 087   829   464    555 2,690     193 1, 233   703    483 2,830 38,930
1,603     94     12............    112     3      5     13    155   146   2,143




25,466 5,181   841   464   555 2, 802   196 1, 238  716   638 2, 976


-- I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~


I


I- - _ _ _ _




1354


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
[Itclosure No. 2 in No. 8.]


TABLE 7.-Classification of each nationality and sex by social condition, education,
school attendance, possession of electoral franchise, and ownership of real estate....    bo,   a'   '
'.  i l l. il  |"^  10  II
Cs l
z           04    0
8P      0  a      am  'Si.o   k -a,   L
I gI




Native males.....................
Native females.................
Total........................
Half-caste male...................
Half-caste females................
Total.....................
Hawaiian-born males.............
Hawaiian-born foreign females -.. -
Total.......................
American males..................
American females.............
Total.......................
British males.....................
British females...................
Total.......................
German males....................
German females..................
Total.......................
French males............
French females............-......
Total.......................
Portuguese males -............ —.
Portuguese females...............
Total...................
Norwegian males.................
Norwegian females...............
Total.......................
Chinese males..................
Chinese females.................
Total.......................
Japanese, males. —...............
Japanese, females...............
Total.......................
Polynesian, males................
Polynesian, females..............
Total.......................
Other nationalities:
Males........................
Females......................
Total.....................
Total males......................
Total females..................
Grand total.................


6, 836  9. 578
7, 556 6, 806


1,6 16


1, 829  121 18,364 2, 980 13, 756 2,504  8,777......   94 16,072 2,322 10, 311  767.....


14,392 16, 384 1, 616 1,829   215 34,436 5,302 24,067 3,271    8,777
669   2,341....    66           3,085  883  1,914    240    777
7542,219      105 —..-     23  3,101    875  1,920    155.....
1,423   4,560   105    66     32  6,186 1,7583,834!395         777
219  3,689            1......I 3,909    605    692     67    146
157  3,416     11.-...     2  3,586    489    599     38.....
376   7,105    11      1     2   7,95 1,94    1, 291   105    146
528     699......   64      7  1,298     62  1,197    147    637
324    251     55 -.........     630     59    527     30......
852     950    55    64      7  1,928    121  1,724    177    637
433    498......     44      7    982     30    897    143    505
193    116     53............   362     33    308     26......
626    614     53    44      7  1, 344    63  1,205    169    505
304     398......    22      5    729     74    655     53    382
184     113     8........   305     44    260      4......
488     511     8     22     5  1,034    118    915     57    382
17      18......   10      1     461......    38      8     22
5      17     2..                             24...........
22     35      2    10      1     70            62      8     22
2,455   2,238......   76      1  4,770    720  1,513    224  2,091
2,443   1,322    65......     2  3,832    550    913     10......
4,898   3,560    65    76      3  8, 602 1, 270  2,426   234  2,091
69      80....      4      2    155     19    132     10i    78
55     16      1............     72      6     60............
124     96      1     4      2    227     25    192     10|    78
2,369 12,049.......   96      8 14,522     51  1,971    224......
559    201     19............   779     20     51      2......
2,928 12,250     19    96      8  5,301     71  2,022    226 -. ---2,964   7,059......    50      6 10,079     21    270      4......
2,101    148     29.....      3  2, 281    12     37......
5,065   7, 207   29    50      9 12, 360    33    307      4.
150     235          19 2......  404      9     61      6     42
133     45      6...........     184      5     24............
283     280     6     19.. —     588     14     85      6     42
162    181......    26      2    371      2    217     28    336
33     11      4......               33...  48  1  33  5.
195    192      4    26      2    419      3    250     33    136
17, 175 39.063.      2.... 2307  169 58, 714 5.456 23,313 3, 658 13,593
14,497 14,681 1,974......    124 31,276 4,416 15,067 1,037......


31,672 j53,744 I1,974 2,307 1 293 89,990 19,872 38,380 j4,695


13,598




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1355,
[Inclosure 3 in No. 8.]
Queen's ministers to Mr. Blount.
HONOLULU, May 31, 1893.
Hon. J. H. BLOvNT,
Special Commissioner of the United States to Hawaii:
SIR: On Friday afternoon, January 13, about 2 o'clock, we, Samuel Parker, W. H.
Cornwell, J. F. Colburn, and A. P. Peterson were called by Her Majesty to the palace
and asked to accept positions in a new cabinet, the Wilcox cabinet having tendered
their resignations the day previous. We accepted and were handed our commissions,
and took the oath of office before Chief Justice Judd in the blue room. It was then
thought advisable that the announcement be made to the Legislature,which was accordingly done, after which the cabinet went again to the palace to consult with
Her Majesty as to what bills, having passed the Legislature, should be signed by her.
Her Majesty asked the advice of the cabinet as to whether she should sign the lottery bill, the opium bill, and the registration act, which laws were then before her.
At the same time she expressed a desire to satisfy her lady friends by vetoing the
opium bill, and also expressed doubts as to the advisability of signing the registration act. The cabinet advised that as a majority of the Legislature and the mass of
the people were in favor of the lottery and opium bills it was the duty of the Sovereign to sign them, and also that as the registration act was deemed important to
the planting interests, although opposed very strenuously by a large number of
people, it would be advisable to sign that also, as no bill of importance had been
vetoed during the session and it was not advisable to do so.
The next day, Saturday, the Legislature met at the usual hour and transacted the
business which remained, and adjourned until 12 o'clock the same day for prorogation.
Both at the morning session and at the ceremonies attending the pror6gation the
members of the Reform party in the Legislature, to a man, were conspicuous by their
absence, although occasionally one of their number would show himself and then
report proceedings down town. Immediately after the ceremonies the cabinet were
notified that the foreign representatives desired to meet them, and accordingly a
meeting was held in the foreign office, all of the foreign representatives being present. Mr. Wodehouse, the English commissioner, stated that they were informed
that Her Majesty intended to promulgate a new constitution upon that day, and
asked what the cabinet intended to do about the matter, if this proved correct. Mr.
Parker replied for the cabinet, and stated that he had heard of the matter and that
the cabinet had decided to advise Her Majesty against such a course.
This reply was satisfactory to all the representatives except to Mr. Stevens, the
American minister, who became excited, and dropping the subject under discussion,
pounded his cane upon the floor and stated in a loud voice that the United States
had been insulted, and that the passage of the lottery bill was a direct attack upon
his Government. The other representatives tried to change the subject, and, finally
succeeding, the meeting broke up after several of them had disclaimed any approbation of Mr. Stevens's remarks. The cabinet then went to the palace and met the
Queen in the blue room, where she stated that at the desire of a large number of
her subjects she wished to promulgate a new constitution. The cabinet then spoke
of the meeting just held with the foreign representatives and advised Her Majesty
not to doit, as they considered the time inopportune and the action inadvisable. The
Queen, after considerable hesitation, finally yielded to the advice of her ministers,
and so notified the people who were assembled in the palace and throughout the
grounds. Early Sunday morning the cabinet met at Mr. Cornwell's residence to consider the situation. Mr. W. M. Giffard, manager of W. G. Irwin & Co., and of Mr.
Spreckels's business in Honolulu at that time, notified them that it had been agreed
between their bank and the bank of Bishop & Co. that they would render such
financial assistance as the Government might need.
It was also reported by Mr. Colburn and Mr. Peterson that an organization known
as the "Committee of Safety" had been formed the night before at the house of Mr.
L. A. Thurston, and had made overtures to them as members of the cabinet to assist
them in dethroning the Queen. That they intended to go ahead and that Mr.
Stevens assistance, together with that of his Government, had been guaranteed them.
This statement was from Mr. Thurston himself. It was finally decided to ask a
number of the most influential merchants and citizens to meet the cabinet and discuss the situation. The meeting was set for 1 o'clock in the afternoon, and in the
meantime the cabinet repaired to the station house to consult with the marshal as
to the best means of keeping the peace. Everthing was found to be in readiness for
any disturbance that might arise. At the appointed time the cabinet met in the
foreign office with Mr. W. M. Giffard, representing Claus Spreckels; Mr. S. M. Damon
representing Bishop & Co.; Mr. J. 0. Carter, representing C. Brewer & Co.; Mr. S.
C. Alen, representing Allen & Robinson and the Robinson estate; Mr. F. A. Schaefer,




1356


AWAIIAN tISLANDS.


of F. A. Schaefer & Co., and E. C. Macfarlane. The situation was then discussed by
all present and methods proposed which would relieve it.
During this discussion Mr. S. M. Damon remarked, the subjecthaving been brought
up by the information as to the intentions of the committee of safety, that the
Boston's troops would land whether the Government liked it or not. It was finally
decided that the best course to allay public feeling, and one which must be satisfactory to the people at large and the business interests generally, was for the cabinet to procure from Her Majesty a statementthat no further attempt would be made
to promulgate a new constitution. This was accordingly done, and the next day,
Monday, such statement was sent to the different members of the diplomatic corps,
as well as printed and circulated throughout the town. Sunday evening Mr. Parker
and Mr. Peterson reported to the cabinet the result of an interview between Mr.
Stevens and themselves in which Mr. Stevens had stated that he would not assist
the Government as long as Mr. C. B. Wilson remained marshal, and a number of
other statements made by him showing his hostility toward the Government and
bearing out the information which had previously been received as to his friendly
attitude toward the committee of safety. On Monday morning, after the assurance of Her Majesty that no new attempt would be made to promulgate a new constitution was made public, a feeling of satisfaction was generally manifested and
an attempt was made by a number of leading citizens to postpone the mass meeting,
which had been called for that afternoon, as being unnecessary; but Mr. Thurston
protested and thought the meeting should go ahead and at least express their disapprobation of the course pursued by the Queen.
After the people attending the two mass meetings had quietly dispersed to their
homes, and the city was as quiet as Sunday, the cabinet were informed, late Monday
afternoon, that troops, armed with rifles and bringing Gatling guns, were being landed
from the U. S. S. Boston. They immediately asked Mr. Stevens what this landing of
troops meant, he not having asked the usual permission from the Government, and
he, although sending a written reply, did not answer the question, but evaded it.
The Boston troops took up a position commanding the Government building and the
palace, and a position which commanded no American property. Monday evening
was exceedingly quiet, the only disquietness being caused by the landing of foreign
troops, which was generally disapproved of. On Tuesday information was received
that the committee of safety were recruiting troops for the purpose of forming a provisional government, and were inducing men to enlist with them on the promise
that the Boston's troops would interfere and assist them without it being necessary
for them to fire a shot or incur any risk. Shortly after noon Mr. Parker and Mr. Peterson returned from an interview with Mr. Stevens, and reported that he (Mr. Stevens)
had said that if any number of what he called responsible citizens should take possession of any building in town and form a provisional government he should recognize them and assist them to the extent of his power, and that he should refuse any
assistance to the Queen's Government. The cabinet then made the station house
their headquarters, as has always been the custom in any troublous times, the Government building always having been considered untenable. They then sent for a
number of prominent citizens to consult with them.
Although being satisfied as to Mr. Stevens's position it was deemed best by the
cabinet to get something from him in writing, and accordingly they sent a letter to
him between 2 and 3 o'clock, asking whether the report was true that he had recognized the Provisional Government. In a little over half an hour his reply was
received which stated that he had done so. Shortly after this Mr. S. M. Damon and
Mr. C. Bolte came to the station house as messengers from the Provisional Government to consult with the Queen's cabinet as to an amicable settlement of the diffi-culty without resort to arms. Mr. Damon during the interviewsaid it would merely
be a waste of blood to resist, as the Boston and the Boston's troops stood ready to
assist the Provisional Government. The cabinet gave them no reply but agreed to
go with them and consult with the executive council of the Provisional Government at the Government building, which they accordingly did. At this meeting
President Dole stated that it was their desire to have the matter settled without
any resort to arms, and asked the Queen's cabinet to deliver up to them what Government property was in their possession. The cabinet replied that before any
answer could be given it would be necessary to consult with Her Majesty. This
was agreed upon, and the cabinet, accompanied by Mr. S. M. Damon, proceeded to
the palace and met the Queen. There were present at that time, besides Her Majesty
and her ministers, H. A. Widemann, Paul Neumann, E. C. Macfarlane, J. 0. Carter,
and S. M. Damon.
The question as to the surrender of the Queen was discussed by nearly all present,
and Mr. Stevens's attitude and letter recognizing the Provisional Government were
also spoken of, and the unanimous opinion of those present was, that although the
Queen's Government had possession of the station house, the barracks, and the palace, together with the greater part of the arms and ammunition in the Kingdom,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1357
and all the Gatling guns and field pieces except those under the control of foreign
nations, and men enough, both foreign and native, to make them absolutely impregnable so far as any force which could be brought against them from people resident
within the Kingdom was concerned, and with force enough to put down any disturbance and to keep the peace of the country, unless such disturbance was assisted by
foreign troops. Considering the position taken by the representative of the United
States it was useless to make war against that country, which any resistance on the
part of the Queen's Government plainly meant, and that the wiser course to pursue
was to surrender the Government property under a protest to the United States, the
superior force of that country having brought about the situation. The protest was
immediately drawn and signed by Her Majesty and her ministers and taken to President Dole, who indorsed the receipt of it. At a little after 7 o'clock that evening
the Provisional Government took possession of the station house and other Government buildings and of the arms and ammunition then in possession of the Queen's
Government.
SAMUEL PARKER,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
WM. H. CORNWELL,
M:inister of Finance.
JOHN F. COLBURN,
Minister of Interior.
A. P. PETERSON,
Attorney-General.
In view of the facts stated above, which can not be controverted, and in view of
the fact that your investigations concerning the matter are shortly likely to terminate, we, Liliuokalani and her cabinet, who formed the Government of the
Hawaiian Islands on the 17th of January last, having surrendered that Government
to the superior force of the United States of America, now most respectfully ask
that you use your good offices in undoing the acts of a representative of your great
country and place the Government of the Hawaiian Islands as Mr. Stevens found
them. Believing that the principle of justice which has ever dominated American
action will prevail in this instance, we remain,
Yours, respectfully,
LILIUOKALANI, R.
SAMUEL PARKER,.
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
WM. H. CORNWELL,
Minister of Finance.
JOHN F. COLBURN,
Minister of Interior.
A. P. PETERSON,
Attorney-General.
No. 12.
Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham.
No. 9.]              HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, J.une 6, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to report that the political conditions of the
Islands do not import any conflict of arms. The Government is very
alert in watching every movement which threatens it. Almost any
trifling assemblage of natives at night is the occasion of alarm.
The natives are favoring public order, and looking for some action
on my part favorable to them. Notwithstanding the publication of
my instructions, and my previous declaration that I had no power to
restore the Queen, there remains in the native mind a strong faith
that, owing to the interference of the American minister and the
American marines, resulting in the surrender to the Provisional Government by the Queen of her forces, the United States will ultimately
restore her to power.
The action of Admiral Thomas. in 1843, in restoring the Hawaiian
flag is written deeply in the minds of the native people. A public




1358                    HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
square has been set apart and beautified in honor of his memory and
action. This, and the friendly relations between our Government and
that of these Islands, seems to be the inspiration of buoyant hope in
their final independence.
Should this fail them, and they be left free from  interference by foreign powers, the peace of to-day may change into warlike action against
the existing order of things.
It can not be truthfully stated that the present peace is the result of
the power of the Provisional Government.
I deem it proper at this time to indulge in some observations in relation to landed property here.
To understand the present distribution it is necessary to understand
the ancient system of land tenure as well as the modern.
And now as to the first:
BEach island was divided into several districts. The next subdivision
is the Ahupuaa. Typically this is a long narrow strip extending from
the sea to the mountain, so that its chief may have his share of all the
various products of the mountain region, the cultivated land, and the
sea. It was generally, though not always, subdivided into ilis, each
with its own name and carefully defined boundary.
There were two kinds of ilis. The first was a mere subdivision of the
Ahupuaa for the convenience of the chief holding the same, who
received its revenues from his agent. The other class did not pay tribute
to a chief.
The ilis were again subdivided, and many of the larger patches had
individual names.
The patches cultivated exclusively for the chief were called koele or
hakuone. The tenants were obliged to work for him on Fridays. In the
"principles adopted by the land commission to quiet land titles,"
approved by the legislative council October 26, 1846, it is stated thatWhen the islands were conquered by Kamehameha I, he followed the example of
his predecessors, and divided out the lands among his principal warrior chiefs,
retaining, however, a portion in his own hands to be cultivated or managed by his
own immediate servants or attendants. Each principal chief divided his lands
anew and gave them out to an inferior order of chiefs, by whom they were subdivided
again and again, often passing through the hands of four, five, or six persons from the
King down to the lowest class of tenants. All these persons were considered to have
rights in these lands, or the productions of them, the proportions of which rights
were not clearly defined, although universally acknowledged. All persons possessing landed property, whether superior landlords, tenants, or subtenants, owed
and paid to the King not only a land tax, which he assessed at pleasure, but also
service, which was called for at discretion, on all the grades, from the highest down.
They also owed and paid some portion of the productions of the land, in addition
to the yearly taxes. A failure to render any of these was always considered a just
cause for which to forfeit the lands. The same rights which the King possessed
over the superior landlords and all under them, the various grades of landlords possessed over their inferiors, so that there was a joint ownership of the land, the King
really owning the allodium, and the persons in whose hands he placed the land,
holding it in trust.
The land taxes were really rents and went to the King as his private
income. The idea of a nation or government as distinguished from the
person of the King first began to be recognizedin the Constitution of 1840.
When the labor tax first began to be regulated by law, every tenant
was required to work one day in every week (Tuesday) for the King,
and one day (Friday) for the landlord.
The long reign of Kamehameha evolved greater permanency and
security in the possession of the lands.
On the accession of his son Liholiho no general redistribution of
lands took place.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1359
The common people were merely tenants at will, liable to be dispossessed at any time, and even to be stripped of their personal property
at the will of their chiefs.
Laws were passed in 1839 and 1840 to prevent evictions without
cause and the wanton seizure of the property of tenants.
The King and chiefs resolved to divide and define the shares which
each held in undivided shares of the lands of the Kingdom. The following rules were noted by the privy council December 18, 1847:
Whereas it has become necessary to the prosperity of our Kingdom and the proper
physical, mental, and moral improvement of our people that the undivided rights at
present existing in the lands of our Kingdom shall be separated and distinctly defined;
Therefore, We, Kahaehamea Ill, King of the Hawaiian Islands, and his chiefs, in
privy council assembled, do solemnly resolve that we will be guided in such division
by the following rules:
1. His Majesty, our most Gracious Lord and King, shall, in accordance with the
constitution and laws of the land, retain all his private lands as his own individual property, subject only to the rights of the tenants, to have and hold to him,
his heirs and successors forever.
2. One-third of the remaining lands of the Kingdom shall be set aside as the property of the Hawaiian Government, subject to the direction and control of His Majesty
as pointed out by the constitution and laws, one-third to the chiefs and konohikis
in proportion to their possessions to have and to hold, to them, their heirs and successors forever, and the remaining third to the tenants, the actual possessors and
cultivators of the soil, to have and to hold, to them, their heirs and successors forever.
3. The division between the chiefs or the konohikis and their tenants, prescribed
by rule 2d, shall take place whenever any chief, konohiki, or tenant shall desire such
division, subject only to confirmation by the King in privy council.
4. The tenants of His Majesty's.private lands shall be entitled to a fee-simple title
to one-third of the lands possessed and cultivated by them; which shall be set off
to the said tenants in fee simple whenever His Majesty or any of said tenants shall
desire such division.
5. The division prescribed in the foregoing rules shall in no wise interfere with
any lands that may have been granted by His Majesty or his predecessors in fee
simple to any Hawaiian subject or foreigner, nor in any way operate to the injury
of the holders of the unexpired leases.
6. It shall be optional with any chief or konohiki, holding lands in which the
Government has a share, in the place of setting aside one-third of the said lands as
Government property, to pay into the treasury one-third of the unimproved value
of said lands, which payment shall operate as a total extinguishment of the Government right in said lands.
7. All the lands of His Majesty shall be recorded in a book entitled "Register of
the lands belonging to Kamehameha III, King of the Hawaiian Islands," and deposited with the registry of land titles in the office of the minister of the interior; and
all lands set aside as the lands of the Hawaiian Government shall be recorded in a
book entitled " Register of the lands belonging to the Hawaiian Government," and
fee-simple titles shall be granted to all other allottees upon the award of the board
of commissioners to quiet land titles.
The division between the King and his chiefs was settled by a committee March 7, 1848. The book containing a record of this division
also contains releases signed by the several chiefs to the King, of the
lands they surrendered, and releases by the King to the several chiefs
of his feudal rights in the land remaining to them as their shares.
These formal awards were made, after evidence of title, which could
be converted into allodial title by payment of the consideration provided
for in rules 6 and 7, above cited.
On the 8th of March, 1848, the King set apart for the use of the Government the larger part of his royal domain, specified by name, and
reserved the residue for himself, his heirs, and successors. On June 7,
1848, the legislative council passed an act confirming and ratifying
what had been done by the King.
In 1850 most of the chiefs ceded a third part of their lands to the
Government to obtain an allodial title. This was accepted by the privy
council the same year.




1360                   HAWATIAN ISLANDS.
The Crown lands received their designation from the cession by the
King of his share, founded on rule 1, above cited, to the Government.
The Government lands were derived under rule 2 and from cession
from the chiefs in 1850.
In all awards of ahupuaas and ilis the rights of tenants are reserved.
The acts of August 6, 1850, and July 11, 1851, protect the common
people in the right to take wood, thatch, kileaf, etc. They were also
guaranteed the right to water and the right of way, but not the right
of pasturage on the land of the konohiki, or chief. The right of fishing in the sea appurtenant to the land and to sell the fish caught by
him was secured to every bona fide resident on land. The fee-simple
title, free of all commutation, to all native tenants was secured finally
by the act of August 6, 1850. The right of lords over tenants was thus
ended.
Mr. W. D. Alexander, superintendent of Government surveys,
defines Government lands in this language:
The great mass of the Government lands consists of those lands which were surrendered and made over to the Government by the King, Kamehameha III, and which
are enumerated by name in the act of June 7, 1848. To these must be added the
lands ceded by the several chiefs in lieu of commutation, those lands purchased by
the Government at different times, and also all lands forfeited to the Government by
the neglect of their claimants to present their claims within the period fixed by law.
By virtue of various statutes, from time to time sales of these lands have taken place.
The same authority says that between the years 1850 and 1860 nearly
all the desirable Government lands was sold, generally to natives. The
total number of grants issued before April 1, 1890, was 3,475.
In 1850 one-twentieth part of all the lands belonging to the Government was set apart for the purposes of education. Most of these have
been sold.
Mr. Alexander says: "The term 'Crown lands' is applied to those
lands reserved by Kamehameha III, March 8, 1848, for himself, his
heirs, and successors forever, as his private property."
Kamehameha III and his successors dealt with these as with their
private property, selling, leasing, and mortgaging the same, and conveying good titles.
The supreme court held that the inheritance to the Crown lands was
limited to the successors to the throne, and at the same time that the
possessor might regulate and dispose of the same as his private property.
Subsequently an act of the legislature made them inalienable and
declared that they should not be leased for a period to exceed thirty
years.
When the division of lands was determined upon the chiefs and tenants
alike were required to make proofs of the lands they occupied. Failing
in this, their rights were barred.
In view of the principles laid down for a division of the land, the inference is that the common people received their share of one-third. Now,
what are the facts I Before this division many natives lived with chiefs
and occupied no land. Others occupied small parcels for taro patches,
and took fish from the waters, and thus obtained their food. These
patches did not generally exceed 1 acre, and were designated as
kuleanas in the native tongue. Proof of this occupation of land had to
be made before the land commission, involving such forms and proofs
that the ignorant native failed in many instances to comply with the
regulations, and so lost his property. These little holdings were all
that they ever obtained.
The historian of land titles (quoted here as the highest authority)
omits this great fact. In examining his work with him, he admits what




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   1I61 
I have asserted in relation to the lands assigned to She common people.
This is also confirmed to me by the present minister of finance, Mr.
Damon (formerly vice-president of the advisory council).
Much is said here of the natives being wasteful, and in consequence
becoming landless. To my mind, when Japanese, Chinese, and Portuguese cheap labor was substituted for his own and he sought employment in other avocations more remunerative and turned from these
insignificant possessions, he followed only the suggestions which would
have come to any person of any race.
Subsequently natives purchased Government land under a law providing for the sale of portions of them to residents in lots from 1 to 50
acres. To this I shall recur hereafter.
The lands here are designated as Crown lands, Government lands,
the Bishop lands, and those owned by private parties.
The Government lands contain 828,370 acres; the Crown lands,
915,288 acres; the Bishop lands (a gift from a native, Mrs. C. R. Bishop)
are devoted to educational purposes and contain 406,829 acres. The
private lands amount to 1,854,018 acres. Of these Europeans and
Americans now own 1,052,492; natives, 257,457; half-castes, 531,545;
Chinese, 12,324 acres; Japanese 200 acres; other nationalities, none.
The Bishop lands mentioned above are included in the 531,545 acres
taxed as belonging to half-castes.
Mr. Albert Loebenstein, of Hilo, Hawaii, in a conversation with me,
written out and certified by him, says:
The Crown lands generally are leased to corporations for cane culture and grazing, at a very low price for a long term of years. Most of the Government lands
are in the hands of sugar-planters.
He estimates the award of kuleanas to natives at about 11,000 acres.
He estimates that the Government has sold 290,000 acres of land to residents, and that two-thirds of this was sold to natives, and is now
owned by corporations for cane culture. He thinks the natives sold
on account of their improvidence in encumbering themselves with debt.
It appears to me that, with small holdings and no right of pasturage,
they could find but little opportunity for a good living on them. They
are certainly engaged in labor in various employments offering a life of
more comfort.
if American laborers can not compete with Chinese and Japanese
contract labor it is not a sign of indolence that the Kanaka should fly
from its crushing competition. It is still less so when he sees his own
Government seeking cheap labor for cane-growers and enforcing its
efficiency by laws intended to compel them to fulfill their contracts.
Mr. C. R. Bishop tells in his statement the simple story of the land
division on which the real property of the country rests. He says a
land commission was created for the purpose of giving title to all the
people who had claim to lands. The King and chiefs made this division in 1847. It was agreed that the people should have their small
holdings, which they occupied and cultivated since 1839. That year
was fixed because it was the year in which the first draft of the constitution defining the rights of the people was made.
The principle upon which the lands were divided he states thus:
The chiefs had been given lands by former kings, by Kamehameha I, especially.
They could not sell or lease them without the consent of the King and premier.
There were other lands supposed to be the King's private lands. When the division
was made these lands, which he claimed were his own. were set apart and called
crown lands. That was his private estate really, and the others belonged to the Governmeaut, the chiefs, and the people. The people got theirs out of the Government. lanad
S. Rep. 227 — 86




1362                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
the King's land, and the chiefs' land. These were called kuleanas. The King's
lands were called Crown lands, from which he derived his support. The Government lands were for the support of the Government. The King had a right to and
did sell Crown lands at his pleasure until 1864.
In the division of lands the Crown lands were large in amount, the Government
received a large share, and the largest part of the remainder went to the chiefs.
The Government lands are nearly sold out. The kuleanas would not average more
than 2 or 3 acres. A great many natives were seamen, mechanics, fishermen,
teachers, and followers of chiefs, who received no land. The children of these
awardees of kuleanas generally have no land. The sugar planters derive their
titles from the Government and the chiefs.
The King and the chiefs were extravagant; got into debt, and then had to pay.
When they got the title to their lands these debts were paid by many of the chiefs
with lands. During their lifetime they got rid of a great deal of land. The plantations have come nearly altogether from the Government and the chiefs, and considerable of the land is leased from Crown lands.
Mr. Bishop's statement, which will be duly reported, though freed
from the technicalities and formalities of a trained lawyer, brings out
all that is practical and vital in the origin and progress of the land
system of the Hawaiian Islands.
Attention is here invited to the character of the early surveys and
surveys of grants from a report made by the Surveyor-General to the
legislature in 1891:
CHARACTER OF THE EARLY SURVEYS.
First in order are the old surveys made under the direction of the land commission, and commonly known as "kuleana" surveys. These had the same defects as
the first surveys in most new countries. These defects were, in great part, owing to
the want of any proper supervision. There was no bureau of surveying, and the
president of the land commission was so overwhelmed with work that he had no
time to spare for the superintendence of the surveying. As has been truly said,
there was little money to pay out and little time to wait for the work. Political
reasons also added to the haste with which the work was pushed through, and barely
completed before the death of Kamehameha III.
No uniform rules or instructions were given to the surveyors employed, who were
practically irresponsible. Few of them could be regarded as thoroughly competent
surveyors, while some were not only incompetent, but careless and unscrupulous.
The result was that almost every possible method of measurement was adopted.
Some used 50-foot chains, and others the 4-pole chain divided into links; some
attempted to survey by the true meridian, others by the average magnetic meridian,
while most made no allowance for local variations of the needle. There are some
surveys recorded which were made with a ship's compass, or even a pocket compass.
Few of them took much pains to mark corners or to note the topographical features
of the country. Rarely was one section or district assigned to one man. It is said
that over a dozen were employed in surveying Waikiki, for instance, not one of
whom knew what the other surveyors had done or tried to make his surveys agree
with theirs where they adjoined one another. As might be expected, overlaps and
gaps are the rule rather than the exception, so that it is generally impossible to put
these old surveys together correctly on paper without ascertaining their true relative
positions by actual measurements on the ground.
The board of commissioners to quiet land titles were empowered by the law of
August 6, 1850, not only to "define and separate the portions of land belonging to
different individuals," but "to provide for an equitable exchange of such different
portions where it can be done, so that each man's land may be by itself." This, however, was rarely done, and the kuleanas very often consist of several sections or
" apanas " apiece, scattered here and there in the most irregular manner imaginable.
No general rules were laid down in regard to the size of kuleanas, though mere
house lots were limited to one-quarter of an acre by the act just cited, section 5.
The consequence was that the responsibility was mainly thrown upon the surveyors,
and there was the greatest variety of practice among them in different districts.
The act above mentioned provided that fee-simple titles should "be granted to
native tenants for the lands they occupy and improve." This was differently interpreted by different surveyors, so that in fact the "kuleanas" vary from 1 to 40
acres in extent. General maps of whole districts, or even ahupuaas, exhibiting the
exact location of all the different claims contained within them, were scarcely
thought of, and hardly could have been made with the inferior instruments and
defective methods used by most of the kuleana surveyors of that time.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1363


Surveys of grants were of a similar character to those of kuleanas. Formerly it
was not the policy of the Government to have Government lands surveyed as
wholes, or to have their boundaries settled. Portions of Government land sold to
private persons were surveyed at the expense of the purchaser. It was seldom the
case that an entire " ahupuaa" was sold at once. The pieces sold were of all sizes
and shapes, sometimes cutting across half a dozen ahupuaas, and were generally
surveyed without reference to the surveys of adjoining land sales or awards. Hence
most Government lands at the present time consist of mere remnants left here and
there, and of the worthless and unsalable portions remaining after the rest had been
sold. It follows that, even supposing all the outside boundaries of a Government
land to have been surveyed and duly settled by the commissioner of boundaries, it would still be necessary to locate on the ground all the grants and awards
contained within the land in question in order to ascertain how much of it is left.
Nothing short of a general survey of the country will bring to light all these facts,
will exhibit the Government lands in their true position in relation to other lands,
and enable the minister of the interior as well as applicants for land to judge of
their actual value. It was considerations like these which induced the then minister of the interior, Dr. Hutchinson, to institute the Government survey in 1871.
An account of that survey, its objects, Ihethods, and results, was published in pamphlet form in 1889.
W. D. ALEXANDER,
Superintendent of Government Survey.
In view of the foregoing observations it appears to me that if a
humane feeling towards the native population of these islands is to
have place in American thought there will arise a conviction that instead of inviting immigrants from the United States or other countries
to these islands in the hope of obtaining homes, whatever of lands
may be used in this way are more than needed by the native population. They seem morever, to suggest that if the native has not
advanced in mental and moral culture up to the highest standard it
can not be denied that the policy of the Hawaiian Government in the
distribution of its lands has been a great hindrance to him.
His advancement in the future under the conditions now surrounding
him are by no means encouraging. If his advancement should reach
the most desirable stage there will in all probability arise a discontent
well calculated to unsettle any social fabric which sought to give it
permanency.
It has been made to appear in official reports of the Hawaiian Government, and in magazine and newspaper articles, that the native population was dying out and would in a few years become extinct. The
best opinion I can obtain here is that the death rate no longer exceeds
the birth rate, but that there is a gradual increase in the native population. The extinction of the native, therefore, can no longer afford
any excuse For any distribution of the land of the country on that
account.
Out of a population of 40,622 natives and half-casts, 23,473 are officially reported as able to read and write. They are generally allied in
their religious affiliations with the Protestant and Catholic churches.
Mr. Sereno E. Bishop, an ardent annexationist, and with an eye
quick to discern all their faults, in 1888 uses the following language:
The Hawaiian race is one that is well worth saving. With all their sad frailties,
they are a noble race of men, physically and morally. They are manly, courageous,
enterprising, cordial, generous, unselfish. They are highly receptive of good. They
love to look forward and upward, though very facile to temptations to slide backward and downward. In an unusual degree they possess a capacity for fine and
ardent enthusiasm for noble ends.
Can a Christian civilization doom such a people to annihilation by
any policy of legislation?
I see in the letters from here to the New York World and Sun statements that I had expressed my own opinions in reference to political




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,


questions in these islands, and declaring the opinion of the President
on the subject of annexation.
I send you herewith the statement of Mr. Fred. Wundenberg. He
is a gentleman of excellent sense and character. It touches upon several questions with so much aptness that I have thought it perhaps
might interest you.
I am, etc.,
JAMES H. BLOTJNT,
Speceal Commissioner of the United States.
[Inclosure 1 in No. 9.]
Interview of Mr. Wundenberg.
MAY 15, 1893.
Q. Where were you born?
A. On the island of Kauai.
Q. How long have you lived in the Islands?
A. I was born in 1850 and have lived here ever since.
Q. What are you engaged in?
A. At present I am deputy clerk of the supreme court.
Q. Have you been recently offered the position of collector-general of customs?
A. I have.
Q. Did you decline itt
A. I did.
Q. I see in the correspondence between the American minister at this point and
the State Department the allegation that Mr. Wilson is the paramour of the Queen.
What knowledge have you of the relations between these parties 
A. Queen Liliuokalani, before she was Queen was in the habit of providing for a
number of Hawaiian girls-in some cases educating them at her own expense;
bringing them into society, and teaching them manners, dancing and all that
sort of business and providing them with suitable husbands. Miss Townsend, the
present wife of Wilson, is one of her beneficiaries, and her marriage with Wilson
was brought about in the same way. Mrs. Wilson was Emmeline Townsend. She
was a particular personal friend of Liliuokalani-always attended her-acted as a
sort of maid of honor, and that relation has existed right up to the present time.
Wilson, in that way became the intimate acquaintance and friend of Liliuokalani,
and he also was the personal friend of Dominis. Wilson was fond of horse racing
and fond of shooting and rowing-and the old governor was a great sportsman. He
was fond of boats; he had the best boats. He tried to have the best horses;
prided himself on the best guns. Wilson was an admirer of all that sort of thing,
and they naturally drifted together in that way. That was prior to LilEuokalani
being Queen. After she became Queen, Dominis was in ill health, and the revolution of 1887 had taken place; the Wilcox riot had taken place, and the woman was
in constant dread of something of the kind, and Wilson, being near to her person,
and a reliable friend of hers, and a man of known courage, it was the most natural
thing in the world that she would want him to be marshal. She insisted upon it.
Loper at that time was marshal. Loper, as well as most of us, had taken a
hand in the affair of 1887. She wanted things in shape that she could feel she
had control of things. The station house was an arsenal. They kept arms there,
and ordnance; cannon, Gatling guns, etc., had been removed in 1887 down there and
placed under the charge of Marshal Loper, who was in sympathy and connection
with the 1887 party. So when she came in power it was one of the first demands
she made, that some of her friends should be placed in charge of that institution.
I was postmaster then, and one of the demands made was that I should be removed,
and I was removed on account of my affiliation with the 1887 party.
Q. The change from Loper to Wilson gave offense to the other side-the Reform
party?
A. There was a little interregnum in which another man named Hopkins, was put
in temporary charge before Wilson formally took office, but practically Wilson followed Loper. This little administration of Hopkins did not amount to anything.
Q. Wilson going in there gave offence to the Reform party?
A. No; nothing seemed to be said about it. After they began to find things were
going against them, and the results of the elections of 1890-the National Reform
party swept the field-then they began their old games of attacking through the
press. They attacked everybody and everything-not only Wilson, -but everybody.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1365
If a chicken thief was caught, Wilson was held up for ridicule. For every drunk,
robbery, etc., Wilson was blamed. They attacked him broadcast through the press.
Q. Any efforts made to impeach him?
A. I do not think so; not to my knowledge.
Q. Where was he born?
A. Wilson is the son of the English consul at Tahiti, by a Tahitian chieftess.
Q. Did he come here as a boy?
A. Yes. He is about the same age I am. I am rather better informed than anybody else regarding Wilson. My mother, the daughter of missionaries, was born in
Tahiti and was well acquainted with the Wilson family.
Q. How old was he when he came here?
A. His father was interested in shipping ventures, and among other places of trade,
I think either owned totally, or in connection with other parties, Fannings Island.
He had interests there, and it was in one of these trading voyages that he was lost.
Old Capt. English, who is here now, took the two boys-the brothers-and carried
them to Fannings Island. They lived there, and when they were old enough, the old
man brought them here and put them to school. That was in the early fifties. I
think they went to school with Captain Smith.
Q. How old would that make him.
A. About 43 years old. As was usually the case with half-whites of that class,
they did not have the best opportunities for education. After they got the ordinary rudiments they would be put to a trade. He was put to a trade. He learned
the blacksmith's trade. He was a man of strong character and ability. He dropped
that and went into Government employ. He was made superintendent of waterworks and made a good one.
Q. What sort of marshal did he make 
A. An exceptionally good one.
Q. Was that generally the opinion?
A. I do not think they have ever had a marshal here at any time who could equal
him, and I think it would be a hard matter to get anyone-with this one exceptionlike most of the natives Wilson was careless in money matters. I have to admit
that Wilson was careless.
Q. Behind in his accounts?
A. In his business arrangements he has been careless. When he was superintendent of waterworks he got behind considerably. I saw his difficulties. There was
a shortage of something like nine or ten thousand dollars. We advanced the money
for him, myself and the present Queen. That transaction was open to explanation.
I think Wilson was made the residuary legatee of a long series of old fossils. It had
been consideredaplace of no importance. They kept accounts very badly. They kept
a system of receipt books with stubs. The investigation was held by Gulick.
These stubs were added up and Wilson was made to account for it. I can not say
whether he was responsible for it.
Q. Did he ever live in the palace with the Queent
A. I do not think Wilson ever lived in the palace. Wilson and his wife occupied
the bungalow.
Q. How far is that from the palace?
A. It is located in the corner of Richard and Palace Walk, in the palace yard.
I know that Wilson and his wife occupied some of the apartments. The other
apartments were occupied by others of her household, servants and retainers. She,
occupied the palace herself, or lived in her own place, at Washington Place.
Q. How far is the bungalow from the palace?
A. Sixty or 100 yards. I used to visit him at times. The palace stands in the
middle of the square.
Q. Have you ever heard it stated from any reliable source that Mr. Wilson was
lodged in the palace 
A. Never.
Q. How was the Queen received here in society?
A. She was always received with the greatest respect.
Q. Please illustrate what you mean by that?
A. No entertainment of any importance-reception, ball-was considered complete without the presence of the Queen. The chiet justice on one occasion gave a
ball or entertainment of some kind; I think it was a reception to Armstrong. I was
present. The Queen was there. The chief justice was very attentive to the Queen.
W. R. Castle gave an entertainment not a great while ago at his residence to some
children, which the Queen attended. Castle was extremely attentive to her. Int
fact, whenever the so-called missionary party gave any entertainment they were
always desirous of having the Queen. She received the most marked attention from!
them.
Q. Were these ladies active in social life about the palace?
A. Yes; whenever the QueeZ, would give entertainments these people always
attended.




1366                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Q. With as much freedom as other classes of people 
A. I think so.
Q. You spoke of the Queen educating Hawaiian girls. At what school?
A. At a number of schools. The school I am most acquainted with is Kawaiahaa
Seminary.
Q. Who were the teachers there 
A. Miss Bingham was the principal. Latterly they have been compelled to send
abroad to get assistance. The management was always in the hands of the missionaries. It is a missionary institution.
Q. Did she generally prefer that institution for these girls?
A. I think most of the girls have been educated there. I think she has had several educated at Maui, at Makawaco Seminary, another institution,
Q. Are you a man of family?
A. No, sir; I am not a married man. We are a very large family. Ihave a number of sisters living here.
Q. Did they associate with the Queen without reserve, as other people here 
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Did you feel like they were with a reputable person 
A. Yes; I never felt anything out of the way. In fact, I know that a great many
people at times would feel slighted if they did not receive invitations to attend entertainments there.
Q. Were you one of the active participants in the revolution of 1887?
A. I was an active participator in the events of 1887. I was not a leader.
Q. Please tell me the cause of that revolution.
A. I want to say that the reasons and causes that actuated different participants
were no doubt numerous.  The mainspring was this same Missionary party. They
were smarting under defeats they had sustained repeatedly from Gibson. They had
used large amounts of money in attempting to control the elections, but Gibson
seemed to have a strong influence on the King and defeated them and held his
power, I think, over a period of six years, and the King, under his direction, was
allowed to go into all kinds of follies. This "Kaimiloa" escapade was one. The King
had the idea in his head for some time previous of causing a confederation of the
Pacific Islands. I have never heard him say he was ambitious of becoming Emperor
of the Pacific, as has been attributed to him. Gibson, who was too astute and farseeing to believe in anything of the kind, still felt it was necessary to humor him
in a number of these projects, of which this was one. That escapade is familiar with
everybody. They sent Bush down there and it resulted in disaster. That was
made one of the ostensible reasons. Also the opium scandal. There had always
been a great deal said regarding the opium business; some thought it should be
entirely prohibited others thought it was impossible to do so. They favored
licensing the business. A bill passed the Legislature authorizing licenses. Then
the Chinese began to bid for these licenses and that resulted in what is known as
the Ah Ki scandal, in which it is claimed that the King received sixty or seventy
thousand dollars to let a certain Chinese firm have the license. That was another
cause put forward.
Q. Did they make him pay that back?
A. Yes; his estate paid that back, eventually.
Q. Was it generally believed that he acted corruptly in that matter?
A. Yes; those are the ostensible reasons put forward, and general extravagance
and mismanagement of finances. That led up to this business.
Q. What do you mean by ostensible reasons; were there any other reasons behind
these?
A. I do not know that I would have any right to put forward convictions and
beliefs which lead from way back. I do not think that these reasons, though they
were powerful agents at the time, were the only cause. I think it was the persistent determination of a clique here to get the power again which Gibson had wrested
from it.
Q. They had been directing public affairs up to Gibson's time?
A. Yes.
Q. And during that time lost controlf
A. Yes. To go back a little farther: The same party had held power in various
forms and degrees up to about 1853. I think then that the decline of Dr. Judd's
power'began. He held despotic sway under Kamehameha III. In 1853 a committee
of thirteen, representing people who had become tired of this arbitrary rule of Dr.
Judd, waited on the King and demanded his removal from power. From that time,
over a period of twenty years, is where the country received the very best administration it ever got, from men like Robert C. Wiley, Judge Lee, and, in later days,
Harris and Hutchinson-men of that style. That carried through the reigns of
Kamehameha IV and V. The missionaries were out of power. These men would
not tolerate them at all.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1367
Q. Was there extravagance then t
A. That was the very best period of Hawaiian history. That was the foundation
of the Hawaiian Islands being received into the family of nations. She took her
standing under the guidance of Wiley and Harris. At the death of Kamehameha V,
Lunalilo came in and the missionaries regained their power through him. He was
the highest chief living, but an intemperate fellow. He was as good a fellow as
ever lived. He was a drunkard. Missionaries went into power under him. He
lived a year, then came Kalakaua. They continued their hold on affairs during the
early part of Kalakaua's reign, until Gibson came in. He overthrew them, I think,
in 1880. Gibson reigned supreme in 1880. He was returned to the Legislature in
1880 and held power to 1887. Kalakaua was extravagant, and Gibson, in order to
hold his power, had to yield to a good many of the King's foibles in that way. If
Gibson had received generous support from outside he would have been able to hold
the King in check, but in order to hold his power he had to yield to the King in
order to hold his position against opposition. The chamber of commerce, the
Planters' Labor and Supply Company-everything combined against him. It is a
marvel how he managed to hold his own against the tremendous odds that were
used against him.
While the natives had, as a rule, generally yielded the Government into the hands
of the whites, still they always felt that they should have some sort of representation in the Government, and a native Hawaiian usually occupied one of the cabinet
positions. In addition to the native Hawaiian there was a new element coming on
the field, which consisted of native born of foreign parents, and somewhere around
about 1884 we began to feel that we should have representation as well as the foreigners, and placed the proposition before Kalakana. He recognized the justice of this,
and C. T. Gulick was made minister of the interior in compliance with the wishes of
this element. This cabinet was overthrown in 1886 by Mr. Spreckels' influence. Mr.
Spreckels had advanced large sums of money to the Government, and demanded the
deeding over of the wharfage, the cityfront from the Pacific Mail to the Oceanic docks,
the Honolulu waterworks, and other governmental property in town. This proposition was acceded to by Gibson, but resisted by Gulick, who succeeded in frustrating the whole scheme, but which resulted in the overthrow of the cabinet
finally through Spreckels' influence. Spreckels was instrumental in forming a new
cabinet composed of Gibson, John T. Dare (a lawyer he brought from San Francisco), and, I think, Robert Creighton, and they put one Hawaiian in-some old
dummy, I forget now who he was. This was naturally offensive to the Hawaiian
element previously alluded to, and we reproached Gibson for his action in the
matter, and when the events of'1887 turned up, a large majority of the element
alluded to joined the movement to overthrow Gibson, and of course the other party
were only too glad to have additions to the strength of their party. I think that
answers the question why I joined the movement of 1887.
Q. What was the demand made upon Kalakaua as far as a new constitution went?
A. They made a demand that he should grant them a new constitution, which he
agreed to immediately.
Q. And that is the present constitution?
A. Yes; that is the present constitution.
Q. What sort of cabinet did he appoint then?
A. He appointed a cabinet to their dictation: L. A. Thurston, W. L. Green, C. W.
Ashford, and Jonathan Austin.
Q. Is Mr. Thurston native-born 
A. Yes.
Q. Educated here?
A. Yes; most of his education. He went abroad to study law.
Q. His life has been spent here 
A. Yes; he is identified with this community.
Q. Has he been an active member of the Planters' Labor and Supply Companyt
A. He has always been invited to their meetings. He never was a planter.
Q. Might he not have owned stock?
A. He may have owned some little stock.
Q. He is not an American citizen?
A. No, sir; he is a Hawaiian.
Q. Where is Mr. Green from?
A. He is an Englishman. He came here in early days. He is head of the firm of
Janior, Green & Company.
Q. Where is Mr. Ashford from 
A. Ashford is a Canadian. He arrived here in the early part of 1880.
Q. Was he especially active then in military movements?
A. Yes; very active in 1887.
Q. He commanded troops?
A. His brother, Volney V. Ashford; he was the man who put it through.




1368                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Q. What do you mean when you say that he was the man who put it throught
A. V. V. Ashford was the organizer and guide of the whole of the movement,
which was expected to have operated in the event of any open resistance having
occurred. Of course, the Missionary party-Thurston, Smith, Dole, and otherswere organizers of the movement, but when it came down to actual working V. V.
Ashford was one. He was colonel of the existing forces-four or five companies of
Hawaiian rifles, and this riffraff that you find around the Provisional Government.to-day-that was the crowd that flocked in around them. They were the ones that
would have been used. Whenever danger was in the way they were scarce, but
when it came to asking positions, they were there.
Q. Who was Jonathan Austin?
A. He was an American-a New Yorker, I think. He was a brother of H. L.
Austin, of Hawaii. He was a comparatively newcomer.
Q. None of these were of native blood?
A. None of them.
Q. They continued in power how long?
A. From immediately after the 30th of June, 1887, up to the Legislature of 1890.
The elections were in February. The house met in April or May, 1890. Shortly
after the house went into session they passed a vote of want of confidence.
Q. The reform element had been beaten in elections?
A. Yes.
Q. And that brought about an antireform cabinets
A. Yes.
Q. Now in the Legislature of 1892 there was a continual turning out of cabinets;
was that a struggle for power?
A. It was a struggle for power. This same reform or missionary element was
fighting to regain the reins of government. They united with a faction known as
Liberals. These two elements put together could vote out the other crowd, and
they voted them out until the G. N. Wilcox cabinet was formed.
Q. With this cabinet the Reform party was content?
A. Yes.
Q. How did the Liberals take it-did they get offended?
A. Yes.
Q. Did they make a combination with the National Reform party 
A. Yes.
Q. Was the Wilcox cabinet voted out as a result of that combination?
A. Yes.
Q. The Wilcox cabinet was voted out on the 13th of January, 1893 
A. Yes.
Q. The Legislature was prorogued on the 14th?
A. Yes.
Q. If this cabinet had not been voted out before the prorogation of the Legislature the Reform element through this cabinet would have had control of the Government for two years 
A. Yes.
Q. How did they receive the voting out of the Wilcox cabinet?
A. It was not liked.
Q. Did they feel like they had lost power?
A. Yes.
Q. Were you at Mr. W. O. Smith's office at the meeting on Saturday, January 14,
1893 
A. Yes; I was there in the afternoon.
Q. Was the subject of the dethronement of the Queen discussed?
A. No.
Q. Wap the subject of annexation discussed?
A. No.
Q. What was in the mind of that meeting; anything definite?
A. No; nothing definite. The idea was that this attempted proclaiming of a new
constitution was the cause of unsettling affairs, and that there was danger for the
public safety. This committee of public safety was organized for that purpose.
Q. Anything said about landing troops 
A. No.
Q. There were subsequent meetings of the committee of safety. Did you attend
any of them? Were you invited?
A. I attended one that was held at Henry Waterhouse's on Monday evening, the
16th.
Q. Did you attend any of any earlier date?
A. I attended one at Thurston's house on Saturday evening.
Q. Was the subject of the dethronement of the Queen discussed there?
A. I would not like to give any information regarding anything that took place




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1369
at Thurston's house that night, as I considered it as confidential. Thurston reposed
confidence in me, and I should not like to betray it.
Q. Where was the other meeting?
A. The only other meeting I attended was the meeting at Waterhouse's.
Q. Who was present? Any members of the present Provisional Government?
A. Most of the members of the committee of safety were there.
Q. Please give the names of such as you can remember.
A. H. E. Cooper, I think, was there; Andrew Brown was there; J. A. McCandless
was there; T. F. Lansing was there; I think John Emmeluth was there; C. Bolte
was there; Henry Waterhouse was there; F. W. McChesney was there; W. 0.
Smith was there; C. L. Carter was also present.
Q. Any others connected with the Government?
A. Mr. Dole was sent for and invited to be present and he attended.
Q. Was there anything said at that meeting on the subject of aid by the troops of
the United States and the American minister?
A. Yes; the general impression and the general talk all through the business was
the fact that they would obtain or receive both moral and material assistance from
the United States minister and from the troops from the Boston.
Q. Did they expect to fight?
A. No; Il4o not think they did.
Q. Their idea was that the sympathy of the American minister and troops was
with them?
A. Yes; the people knew if the United States minister, or any vessel in port, moved
in the matter that would be the end of the matter. If they sent one marine ashore it
would end the matter.
Q. Was that the drift of the meeting?
A. Yes; everybody knew that and felt that.
Q. Was there any portion of that meeting that went to see the American minister?
A. Yes. Mr. Loper was offered the position of commander in chief of what forces
they might get together. He did not see his way clear; he did not want to assume
any position which was not tangible, and the arguments put to him were about this
support we would receive.
Q. What sort of support?
A. The support from the United States minister and from the Boston. Loper still
hesitated. lie did not feel satisfied with the assurances. It was suggested that he
go over and see the minister himself, which he did in company with some of the
others. I think C. L. Carter was one-I do not know for certain.
Q. Henry Waterhouse was one?
A. I think so, but I do not know. I have an impression that Waterhouse and
Carter went there.
Q. Did they come back?
A. Yes.
Q. What did they report?
A. I understood them to say that Mr. Stevens had told them that if they would
take possession of the Government building and read their proclamation he would
immediately recognize them and support them, or, failing to get the Government
building, any building in Honolulu. They deny that, but I understood any building
in Honolulu. Anyway, from what Mr. Loper heard he was satisfied and accepted
the office.
Q. Was the city quiet when the troops came in?
A. Yes; quiet as Sunday.
Q. Women and children on the streets 
A. Yes; the public at large did not know what was going on. The band played
at the hotel. I do not think anyone knew what was going on except the politicians
and those who were behind the scenes, as you might say.
Q. How long after the proclamation was read before Mr. Stevens recognized the
Provisional Government 
A. That I do not know. The current report around there was that it was between
3 and 4 o'clock. I understood the United States minister had recognized the Government.
Q. Who said that?
A. It is impossible for me to say. It was common talk.
Q. How long after that before the station house and barracks were surrendered?
A. Somewhere, I should judge, between 6 and 7 o'clock. The lamps were lighted.
Loper said Wilson had agreed to turn over the station house. He said: "Will you
go down and take possession?" I said: "No; I have nothing to do with this concern." He said: "We must have someone to go down there." I said: "Take
some of your own folks; take McCandless down." He did. He had not been gone
long before he telephoned up, "I want you; you must come down; McCandless won't
stop." I think before I started I met McCandless. He said: "Loper wants you




1370                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
down there." I don't want to stop there. I considered the matter. A number of
friends of mine wanted me to go. They said: "It is a critical moment. We want
a Hawaiian who can talk to the natives and prevent any friction between the
natives and foreigners." I said: "In the interest of law and order I will go down,"
I went down. Most of the force that Wilson had was retiring. This guard of 20
men that Loper had taken down of this "German 500," had marched in. I went
in and was placed in charge. The street lamps were lighted.
Q. What was the occasion of your separating from the people who were at the
meeting at Mr. Waterhouse's 
A. The first proposition was made by Thurston himself. He asked me if I was
willing to stay in the movement for maintaining law and order, and try to preserve
the fundamental law of the land? I told him I would. We went over to the
attorney-general's office and met the cabinet, who had come over from the polls. I
heard the statements of Parker, Peterson, and Colburn. It was then proposed by
Thurston and others that we should support the cabinet against the overt acts of
the Queen, and that meeting at Smith's office was for that purpose. Peterson went
there.
Q. You separated from them, then, when it was developed that they meant to
overthrow the Queen?
A. Yes. I stopped on Wednesday, when I found it, began to developt. I began
to be suspicious. I simply went to this meeting at Waterhouse's and was a listener.
I was interested in affairs of the country.
Q. You took no part in the organization of the Provisional Government?
A. None whatever.
Q. How many troops did they have there at the time the proclamation was read t
A. When the proclamation was read there were two policemen taken off an ammunition wagon and put at the front door.
Q. How many troops did they have at the close of the reading of the proclamation 
A. None, excepting those two.
Q. How long after that before other troops arrived?
A. Just about 3 o'clock. This Capt. Zeigler, with about 30 men, marched in the
back way, indifferently armed.
Q. Then other troops came in afterwards?
A. After that another body of similar number-25 to 30-made up of young fellows
from around various offices, marched in. That was all there were. It was not until
it was generally known that the United States minister had recognized the Government that the crowd came flocking in-mostly men discharged from the station
house by Wilson. They jumped in there with a view of being paid. They enlisted
after being discharged by Wilson.
Q. Are those fellows in the service now?
A. Yes.
Q. Making part of the Provisional forces at this time t
A. Yes; and a great many of the citizens, those who compose the Annexation
Club, when they saw the thing was sure, the United States forces within pistol shot,
and that Wilson had given up the station house, and that the barracks would be
surrendered, then they wanted to be on the top side. They came in.
Q. Before that they had been quiet?
A. Yes; then they rushed in.
Q. Were you at the mass meeting on Monday 
A. Yes.
Q. How many people were there?
A. I should judge about 700 or 800, possibly 900.
Q. What nationalities?
A. Heterogeneous.
Q. Many Portuguese 
A. A great many.
Q. How is the white population in this city on the subject of annexation?
A. It is very hard to arrive at an exact statement. You can only get it by making your own views known. You will find out that men who are pretending to be
in with a party are really at heart opposed to it.
Q. How many people are not pretending to be with the party in power and are
opposed to annexation?
A. I should judge about half and half.
Q. People who are frank about their views?
A. Yes. You take the independent Americans who are not under the influence of
the Missionary faction, they are as a rule opposed to it, as are most of the English
people and some Germans, and almost all foreigners outside of the particular American class who are under the influence of the missionaries and planters.
Q. What part of the United States is this American element who favor annexfr
tion from 




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,                        1371
A. The New England States, generally.
Q. Are they in point of numbers in a majority of the Americans here?
A. I do not know. I do not think that they are, but their influence is the largest
in account of wealth.
Q. And intelligence?
A. I won't add intelligence; I beg to be excused from that.
Q. Do you know whether or not the committee that went up and organized the
Provisional Government sent anybody to the Government building to see if there
were any soldiers there or not?
A. I can not say that. I remained in my office until I felt something was going
on, and then I walked out on the street. What they did after leaving Waterhouse's I don't know.
Q. Was everything quiet at the Government building at the time the proclamation was read?
A. Oh, yes. All the offices were running right along very quietly; nobody knew
anything.
Q. None of the officers knew of the movement?
A. I do not think they did. Everything was going on just the same as usual.
They knew there were rumors, but I do not think much attention was paid to it.
The presence of the United States troops was a matter of curiosity and comment.
Q. Well, then, so far as the reading of that proclamation dethroning the Queen
was concerned it was known to very few people that it was to be done?
A. 1 do not think it was known to anybody except themselves. The whole thing
was a surprise to everyone. Wilson might have had some inkling of it. He was
trying his best to keep posted, but of course his actions would have been guided
entirely by what information he got regarding the attitude of the United States
troops.
JUNE 5, 1893.
Mr. BLOUNT. Mr. Wundenberg, I omitted to ask you as to the feeling of the
natives on the subject of annexation at the former interview. Please tell me now.
A. To the best of my knowledge and belief-and I am well acquainted with the
natives-I do not think there is a native in favor of annexation. Many may have
declared themselves so, but it is my belief that they have done so under pressurethat is, their interests were controlled by those who desire annexation; they are
afraid of offending them and of being deprived of privileges they now possess.
Q. What sort of privileges?
A. In a number of cases they have stock running on lands of large landowners
who would make them remove them, and that would deprive them of their means of
livelihood. Some of them hold positions under planters and others.
Q. Any of them in Government employ?
A. A good many of them are in Government employ. There is only one that I know
of who openly comes out and advocates annexation-a young man by the name of
Notley, who is employed in the waterworks. Others do it in a subdued manner. If
they advocate the matter at all they do it as a matter of policy. The natives have
the same love of country as you will find anywhere. The term they use is Aloha
aina.
Q. Are there any whites in the islands against annexation?
A. A great many.
Q. What proportion of them-I mean Americans and Europeans?
A. I think if a fair canvass was made that you would find fully one-half opposed
to it.
Q. Suppose the question of annexation was submitted to the people of these
islands, or such of them as were qualified to vote for representatives under the constitution just abrogated, and with the Australian ballot system which you had
adopted, what would be the result of the vote?
A. It would be overwhelmingly defeated-almost to a man by the native Hawaiians, and I think a great many of the foreigners who now are supposed to be in favor
of annexation would vote against it.
Q. What would be the proportion of annexationists to anti-annexationists?
A. All the native voters, with very few exceptions, would vote against it. I
think most of the native-born of Hawaiian parents would vote against it, with the
exception possibly of those few that are mixed up in the annexation movement here.
I think most of the foreign element that are independent and outside of what is
known as the Missionary party would vote against it, and I think a great many of
those who are now on the rolls of the Annexation Club would vote against it. Their
names appear there simply for policy.
I have carefully read the foregoing and find it to be an accurate report of my in.
terviews with Mr. Blount.
_HoNoLth,.Tu~eO 5, 189F. WUNDENBEBO,
HONOLULU, June 5, 1895.




1372                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
No. 13.
Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham.
No. 10.]          HONOLLUL, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, June 17, 1893.
SIR: To-morrow, June 18, the China leaves here for San Francisco,
Your letter of the 26th ultimo, informing me of a desire for my final
report, was received. Up to this time I have devoted myself to the
study of various questions here and the taking of testimony. The latter has been necessarily slow, because Mr. Mills had no aid in transcribing notes, which occupied a great deal of time.
I had supposed it was your wish that I should not undertake to prepare a report until the lapse of two or three months, in order that I
might assure myself of a correct comprehension of the situation here.
So little had been said in your correspondence with me that I feared
to commence too early lest you should suppose I was acting hastily.
Some recent information.has made it well that this delay has taken
place. I will immediately commence my report and devote myself to
it continuously until it is completed.
There is nothing of special importance occurring here now. There
is no indication of any movement against the Provisional Government.
There seems to be a universal acquiescence on the part of all partied
in the idea of awaiting the action of the Government of the United
States.
It may be of interest to you to know that in an examination this
afternoon of Col. Soper, commanding the military forces of the Provisional Government since the 17th of January last, he stated that at
a meeting at the house of Henry Waterhouse, on the night of the 16th
of January, composed of members of the committee of safety, and some
persons called in, he was offered the command of the military forces;
that he declined to accept it until the next day; that in this meeting it
was accepted by all as true that Mr. Stevens had agreed that if the
persons seeking to dethrone the Queen got possession of the Government building and proclaimed a new government he would recognize
it as a de facto government, that he (Soper) never accepted the command until after he had knowledge of this fact; that he is a citizen of
the United States and claims allegiance thereto.
I send you a copy of the oath Col. Soper and other foreigners take in
order to participate in public affairs in these islands.
I am, etc.,
JAMES H. BLOUNT,
Special Commissioner of the United States.
No..
HAWMIALN ISLANDS, lland of --, District of —, 8s:
I,-, aged -, a native of —, residing at, in said district,
do solemnly swear, in the presence of Almighty God, that I will support the constitution of the Hawaiian Kingdom, promulgated and proclaimed on the 7th day of
July, 1887, and the laws of said Kingdom, not hereby renouncing but expressly
reserving all allegiance and citizenship now owing or held by me.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this -- day of, A. D. 18 —.
Inspector of Electiom.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                       1373
No.-.
HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, Island of-, District of —, 88:
I, the undersigned, inspector of election, duly appointed and commissioned, do
hereby certify that -  -, aged —, a native of --—, residing at -, in
said district, has this day taken, before me, the oath to support the Constitution of
the Hawaiian Kingdom, promulgated and proclaimed on the 7th day of July, 1887,
and the laws of said Kingdom.
Inspector of Election.
—. —,18-.
1No. 14.
Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham.
No. 11.]                        HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
June 28, 1893.
SIR: On yesterday I found amongst the unfiled papers of the legation
a document, of which the inclosure sent herewith is a true copy.
My final report will be completed within the next ten days, probably
much earlier. It will be forwarded by the first opportunity.
In my dispatch to the Department of April 26 I said: " Mr. Paul
Neumann is generally regarded here as a bright, plausible, unscrupulous person."  I desire now to say that so far as the expression "unscrupulous" is concerned a better knowledge of public opinion satisfies me
that I was not justified in its use. I deem it my duty to place this on
the records of the Department.
Three persons have been arrested for conspiracy to overthrow the
Government. They are whites of the laboring class.
I see no reason to think that there is likely to be any movement
against the Provisional Government or the peace of society at this
time.
On the 18th of this month 1,757 Japanese contract laborers were
landed here for the sugar plantations. Of this number 1,410 were men
and 347 women.
I am, etc.,                          JAMES H. BLOUNT,
Special Commissioner of the United States.
[Inclosure in No. 11.]
Mr. Dole to Mr. Stevens.
GOVERNMENT BUILDING,
Honolulu, January 17, 1893.
His Excellency JOHN L. STEVENS,
United States Minister Resident:
SIR: I acknowledge the receipt of your valued communication of this day, recognizing the Hawaiian Provisional Government, and express deep appreciation of the
same.
We have conferred with the ministers of the late government and have made
demand upon the marshal to surrender the station house. We are not actually yet
in possession of the station house, but as night is approaching and our forces may be
insufficient to maintain order, we request the immediate support of the United
States forces, and would request that the commander of the United States forces
take command of our military forces so that they may act together for the protec.
tion of the city.
Respectfully, etc.,
SANFORD B. DOLE,
Chairman Executive Council.
(Note of Mr. Stevens at the end of the above communication: " The above request
not complied with.-Stevens.?"




1374                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
No. 15.
Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham.
No. 12.]                    HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
July 7, 1893.
SIR: The steamer Peru leaves Honolulu for San Francisco to-morrow.
It will take me three or four days longer to complete myreport, which
will be forwarded to you by the first steamer leaving here after that
time.
Recalling to your mind the letter from Mr. Dole to Mr. Stevens (a
copy of which was sent with my last dispatch) I ask you to examine a
statement made by the commissioners of the Hawaiian Provisional
Government on page 41 of Senate Executive Document, No. 76, Fiftysecond Congress, second session, designated as the "sixth" in the
statement of facts by them.
I wrote President Dole a communication asking for a copy of Mr.
Stevens's reply to this letter, omitting therefrom its reference to his
recognition.
Verbally he says he does not recollect writing the letter and has not
been able to find the reply. I have asked him for his reply in writing, which he has promised to give me after making a more thorough
search.
The annexation element have endeavored to utilize the celebration
of the Fourth of July in the advancement of their cause.
I am, etc.,
JAMES H. BLOUNT,
Special Commissioner of the United States.
No. 16.
JMr. Blount to Mr. Gresham.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
No. 13.]                                       July 17, 1893.
SIR: The report which is forwarded herewith has been delayed by
the slowness of movements of persons interested in either party; by
the difficulty of communication with the several islands, and by a desire to assure myself of the true import of the facts testified to from
time to time by a great number of persons.
Public documents had to be examined, as well as the testimony of a
great number of witnesses, which was delayed in being transcribed
from the stenographic notes from lack of clerical aid. This testimony
will be promptly forwarded.
Few quotations have been indulged in lest this paper should attain
inconvenient length,
I am, etc,,
JAMES H. BLOUNT,
p~ecial Commissioner of the United tatee.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1375
No. 17.
Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham.
HONOLULU, H. I., July 17, 1893.
SIR: On the 11th of March, 1893, I was appointed by the President
of the United States as special commissioner to the Hawaiian Islands.
At the same time the following instructions were given to me by you:
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, March 11, 1893.
SIR: The situation created in the Hawaiian Islands by the recent deposition of
Queen Liliuokalani and the erection of a Provisional Government demands the fullest consideration of the President, and in order to obtain trustworthy information
on the subject, as well as for the discharge of other duties herein specified, he has
decided to dispatch you to the Hawaiian Islands as his special commissioner, in
which capacity you will herewith receive a commission and also a letter whereby
the President accredits you to the president of the executive and advisory councils of the Hawaiian Islands.
The comprehensive, delicate, and confidential character of your mission can now
only be briefly outlined, the details of its execution being necessarily left, in great
measure, to your good judgment and wise discretion.
You will investigate and fully report to the President all the facts you can learn
respecting the condition of affairs in the Hawaiian Islands, the causes of the revolution by which the Queen's Government was overthrown, the sentiment of the people
towards existing authority, and, in general, all that can fully enlighten the President
touching the subjects of your mission.
To enable you to fulfill this charge, your authority in all matters touching the
relations of this Government to the existing or other government of the islands,
and the protection of our citizens therein, is paramount, and in you alone, acting
in cooperation with the commander of the naval forces, is vested full discretion and
power to determine when such forces should be landed or withdrawn.
You are, however, authorized to avail yourself of such aid and information as you
may desire from the present minister of the United States at Honolulu, Mr. John L.
Stevens, who will continue until further notice to perform the usual functions
attaching to his office not inconsistent with the powers entrusted to you. An instruction will be sent to Mr. Stevens directing him to facilitate your presentation to
the head of the Government upon your arrival, and to render you all needed assistance.
The withdrawal from the Senate of the recently signed treaty of annexation for
reexamination by the President leaves its subject-matter in abeyance, and you are
not charged with any duty in respect thereto. It may be well, however, for you to
dispel any possible misapprehension which its withdrawal may have excited touching the entire friendliness of the President and the Government of the United States
towards the people of the Hawaiian Islands, or the earnest solicitude here felt for
their welfare, tranquility, and progress.
Historical precedents, and the general course of the United States, authorize the
employment of its armed force in foreign territory for the security of the lives and
property of American citizens and for the repression of lawless and tumultuous acts
threatening them; and the powers conferred to that end upon the representatives of
the United States are both necessary and proper, subject always to the exercise of a
sound discretion in their application.
In the judgment of the President, your authority as well as that of the commander
of the naval forces in Hawaiian waters should be and is limited in the use of physical force to such measures as are necessary to protect the persons and property of
our citizens, and while abstaining from any manner of interference with the domestic concerns of the islands, youshould indicate your willingness to intervene with
your friendly offices in the interests of a peaceful settlement of troubles within the
limits of sound discretion.
Should it be necessary to land an armed force upon Hawaiian territory on occasions of popular disturbance, when the local authority may be unable to give adequate protection to the life and property of citizens of the United States, the assent
of such authority should first be obtained if it can be done without prejudice to the
interests involved.
Your power in this regard should not, however, be claimed to the exclusion of
similar measures by the representatives of other powers for the protection of tho
lives and property of their citizens or subjects residing in the islands.




1376                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
While the United States claim no right to interfere in the political or domestic
affairs or in the internal conflicts of the Hawaiian Islands otherwise than as herein
stated, or for the purpose of maintaining any treaty or other rights which they
possess, this Government will adhere to its consistent and established policy in relation to them, and it will not acquiesce in domrestic interference by other powers.
The foregoing general exposition of the President's views will indicate the safe
courses within which your action should be shaped and mark the limits of your discretion in calling upon the naval commander for co;peration.
The UInited States revenue cutter Rush is under orders to await you at San Francisco and convey you to Honolulu.
A stenographic clerk will be detailed to accompany you and remain subject to
your orders.
It is expected that you will use all convenient dispatch for the fulfillment of your
mission, as it is the President's desire to have the results before him at the earliest
possible day. Besides the connected report you are expected to furnish, you will
from time to time, as occasion may offer, correspond with the Secretary of State,
communicating information or soliciting special instruction on such points as you
may deem necessary. In case of urgency you may telegraph either in plain text or
in the cipher of the Navy Department through the kind offices of the admiral commanding, which may be sent to Mr. W. A. Cooper, United States dispatch agent at
San Francisco, to be transmitted thence.
Reposing the amplest confidence in your ability and zeal for the realization of the
trust confided to you,
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
W. Q. GRESHAM.
Hon. JAMES H. BLOUNT, etc.
On the 29th of the same month I reached the city of Honolulu. The
American minister, Hon. John L. Stevens, accompanied by a committee from the Annexation Club, came on board the vessel which had
brought me. He informed me that this club had rented an elegant
house, well furnished, and provided servants and a carriage and horses
for my use; that I could pay for this accommodation just what I chose,
from nothing up. He urged me very earnestly to accept the offer. I
declined it, and informed him that I should go to a hotel.
The committee soon after this renewed the offer, which I again
declined.
Soon afterwards the ex-Queen, through her chamberlain, tendered
her carriage to convey me to my hotel. This I courteously declined.
I located myself at the Hawaiian Hotel. For several days I was
engaged receiving calls from persons of all classes and of various political views. I soon became conscious of the fact that all minds were
quietly and anxiously looking to see what action the Government of
the United States would take.
The troops from the Boston were doing military duty for the Provisional Government. The American flag was floating over the government building. Within it the Provisional Government conducted its
business under an American protectorate, to be continued, according
to the avowed purpose of the American minister, during negotiations
with the United States for annexation.
My instructions directed me to make inquiries which in the interest
of candor and truth could not be done when the minds of thousands of
Hawaiian citizens were full of uncertainty as to what the presence of
American troops, the American flag, and the American protectorate implied. It seemed necessary that all these influences must be withdrawn
before those inquiries could be prosecuted in a manner befitting the
dignity and power of the United States.
Inspired with such feelings and confident no disorder would ensue,
I directed the removal of the flag of the United States from the govcnment building and the return of the American troops to their ve&



lAWAIIAN ISLA.TDS.                 1377
sels. This was accomplished without any demonstration of joy or grief
on the part of the populace.
The afternoon before, in an interview with President Dole, in response
to my inquiry, he said that the Provisional Government was now able
to preserve order, although it could not have done so for several weeks
after the proclamation establishing it.
In the evening of this same day the American minister called on me
with a Mr. Walter G. Smith, who, he said, desired to make am important communication to me, and whom he knew to be very intelligent
and reliable. Thereupon Mr. Smith, with intense gravity, informed
me that he knew beyond doubt that it had been arrranged between
the Queen and the Japanese commissioner that if the American flag
and troops were removed the troops from the Japanese man of war
Naniwa would land and reinstate the Queen.
Mr. Smith was the editor of the Hawaiian Star, established by the
Annexation Club for the purpose of advocating annexation.
The American minister expressed his belief in the statement of Mr.
Smith and urged the importance of the American troops remaining on
shore until I could communicate with you and you could have the
opportunity to communicate with the Japanese Government and obtain
from it assurances that Japanese troops would not be landed to enforce
any policy on the Government or people of the Hawaiian Islands.
I was not impressed much with these statements.
When the Japanese commissioner learned that the presence of the
Japanese man of war was giving currency to suggestions that his Government intended to interfere with domestic affairs here, he wrote to
his Government asking that the vessel be ordered away, which was
done. He expressed to me his deep regret that any one should charge
that the Empire of Japan, having so many reasons to value the friendship of the Government of the United States, would consent to offend
that Government by interfering in the political conflicts in these
islands, to which it was averse.
In the light of subsequent events, I trust the correctness of my action
will be the more fully justified.
The Provisional Government left to its own preservation, the people
freed from any fear of free intercourse with me in so far as my action
could accomplish it, the disposition of the minds of all people to peace
pending the consideration by the Government of the United States as
to what should be its action in connection with affairs here, cleared
the way for me to commence the investigation with which I was
charged.
The causes of the revolution culminating in the dethronment of the
Queen and the establishment of the Provisional Government, January
17, 1893, are remote and proximate. A brief presentation of the former
will aid in a fuller apprehension of the latter.
On June 14, 1852, a constitution was granted by Kaeamehameha III,
by and with the advice and consent of the nobles and representatives
in legislative council. This instrument provided for a house of nobles,
holding their seats for life, and that the number should not exceed
thirty, and a house of representatives composed of not less than twentyfour nor more than forty members. Every male subject, whether native
or naturalized, and every denizen of the Kingdom who had paid his
taxes, attained the age of twenty-one years, and had resided in the
Kingdom for one year immediately preceding the time of election was
entitled to vote for the representative or representatives of the district
in which he may have resided three months next preceding the day of
election.




1378                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
For convenience the following extracts from     that instrument are
inserted here:
ART. 32. He has the power, by and with the advice of his cabinet, and the
approval of his privy council, to appoint and remove at his pleasure any of the
several heads of the executive departments, and he may require information in
writing from any of the officers in the executive departments, upon any subject
relating to the duties of their respective offices.
ARt. 35. The person of the King is inviolable and sacred; his ministers are
responsible; to the King belongs the executive power; all laws that have passed
both houses of the legislature, for their validity, shall be signed by His Majesty
and the Kuhina Nui; all his other official acts shall be approved by the privy
council, countersigned by the Kuhina Nui, and by the minister to whose department such act may belong.
ART. 51. The ministers of the King are appointed and commissioned by him, and
hold their offices during His Majesty's pleasure, subject to impeachment.
ART. 72. The King appoints the members of the house of nobles, who hold their
seats during life, subject to the provision of article 67; but their number shall not
exceed thirty.
ART. 75. The house of representatives shall be composed of not less than twentyfour nor more than forty members, who shall be elected annually.
ART. 78. Every male subject of His Majesty, whether native or naturalized, and
every denizen of the Kingdom who shall have paid his taxes who shall have attained
the full age of 20 years, and who shall have resided in the Kingdom for one year
immediately preceding the time of election, shall be entitled to one vote for the
representative or rcpresen tatives of the district in which he may have resided three
months next preceding the day of election; provided that no insane person, nor any
person who shall at any time have been convicted of any infamous crime within the
Kingdom, unless he shall have been pardoned by the King, and by the terms of such
pardon been restored to all the rights of a subject, shall be allowed to vote.
ART. 105. Any amendment or amendments to this Constitution may be proposed
in either branch of the legislature, and if the same shall be agreed to by a majority
of the members of each house such proposed amendment or amendments shall be
entered on their journals, with the yeas and nays taken thereon, and referred to the
next legislature; which proposed amendment or amendments shall be published for
three months previous to the election of the next house of representatives. And
if, in the next legislature, such proposed amendment or andmdments shall be agreed
to by two-thirds of all the members of each house, and be approved by the King,
such amendment or amendments shall become part of the Constitution of this Kingdom.
In November, 1863, Kamehameha V was proclaimed King, on the
death of Kamehameha IV. He issued a proclamation for the election
of delegates to a constitutional convention to be held June 13, 1864.
The convention was composed of sixteen nobles and twenty-seven
elected delegates, presided over by the King in person. That body
decided it had a right to proceed to make a new constitution. Not
being in accord with the King on the question of a property qualification for voters, on the 13th day of August, 1864, he declared the constitution of 1852 abrogated and prorogued the convention. On the
20th of August following he proclaimed a new constitution upon his own
authority, which continued in force twenty-three years.
From this the following extracts are made:
ART. 45. The legislative power of the three estates of this Kingdom is vested in
the King and the legislative assembly, which assembly shall conaist of the nobles
appointed by the King and of the representatives of thle people, sitting together.
ART. 57. The King appoints the nobles, who shall hold their appointments during
life, subject to the provisions of article 53; but their number shall not exceed twenty.
ART. 61. No person shall be eligible for a representative of the people who is insane
or an idiot; nor unless he be a male subject of the Kingdom, who shall have arrived
at the full age of twenty-one years, who shall know how to read and write, who
shall understand accounts, and shall have been domiciled in the Kingdom for at least
three years, the last of which shall be the year immediately preceding his election,
and who shall own real estate within the Kingdom of a clear value, over and above
all incumbrances, of at least five hundred dollars, or wno shall have an annual income of at least two hundred and fifty dollars derived from any property or Qome
lawful emplimaent.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                      1379
ART. 62. Every male subject of the Kingdom, who shall have paid his taxes, who
shall have attained the age of twenty years, and shall have been domiciled in the
Kingdom for one year immediately preceding the election, and shall be possessed of
real property in this Kingdom to the value over and above all incumbrances of
one hundred and fifty dollars *-or of a leasehold property on which the rent is
twenty-five dollars per year-or of an income of not less than seventy-five dollars
per year, derived from any property or some lawful employment and shall know how
to read and write, if born since the year 1840 and shall have caused his name to be
entered on the list of voters of his district as may be provided by law, shall be entitled to one vote for the representative or representatives of that district; provided, however, that no insane or idiotic person, nor any person who shall have been
convicted of any infamous crime within this Kingdom, unless he shall have been
pardoned by the King, and by the terms of such pardon have been restored to all
the rights of a subject, shall be allowed to vote.
ART. 80. Any amendment or amendments to this constitution may be proposed in
the legislative assembly, and if the same shall be agreed to by a majority of the
members thereof, such proposed amendment or amendments shall be entered on its
journal, with the yeas and nays taken thereon, and referred to the next legislature;
which proposed amendment or amendments shall be published for three months previous to the next election of representatives; and if in the next legislature such
proposed amendment or amendments shall be agreed to by two-thirds of all the members of the legislative assembly, and be approved by the King, such amendment or
amendments shall become part of the constitution of this country.
On the 18th of February, 1874, David Kalakaua was proclaimed
King. In 1875 a treaty of commercial reciprocity between the United
States and the Hawaiian Islands was ratified, and the laws necessary
to carry it into operation were enacted in 1876. It provided, as you
are aware, for the free importation into the United States of several
articles, amongst which was nmscavado, brown, and all other unrefined
sugars. sirups of sugar cane, melada, and molasses, produced in the Hawaiian Islands.
From it there came to the islands an intoxicating increase of wealth,
a new labor system, an Asiatic population, an alienation between the
native and white races, an impoverishment of the former, an enrichment of the latter, and the many so-called revolutions, which are the
foundation for the opinion that stable government can not be maintaiinel.
(The deaths in all these revolutions were seven. There were also
seven wounded.)
The sugar export in 1876 was 26,072,429 pounds; in 1887 it was
212,763,647.  The total value of all domestic exports was in 1876,
$1,994,833.55, and in 1887, $9,435,204. The bounty paid on sugar by
the United States to the sugar planters in the remission of customs on
sugar before the McKinley bill was passed, is estimated by competent
persons as reaching $5,000,000 annually.
The government and crown lands were bought and leased and operated by whites of American, English, and German origin, and the
sugar industry went into the hands of corporations.
From 1852 to 1876 there had been imported 2,625 Chinese, 148 Japanese, and 7 South Sea Islanders, making a total of 2,780. From 1876
to 1887 there were imported 23,268 Chinese, 2,777 Japanese, 10,216
Portuguese, 615    Norwegians,   1,052 Germans, 1,998 South Sea
Islanders, making a total for this one decade of 39,926 immigrants.
The Government expended from 1876 to 1887 $1,026,212.30 in aid of
the importation of labor for the planters, who for the same period expended $565, 547.74. It negotiated with various governments treaties
under which labor was imported for a term of years to work at a very
low figure, and under which the laborer was to be compelled by fines
*The property qualification was removed by an amendment.




1380                 HIAWAIIAN ISLANDS
and imprisonment to labor faithfully and to remain with his employer
to the end of the contract term.
Of 14,439 laborers on plantations in 1885, 2,136 were natives and the
remainder imported labor. Generally, the rule has obtained of bringing
twenty-five women for every one hundred men. The immigrants were
of the poor and ignorant classes. The Portuguese especially, as a rule,
could not read or write and were remarkably thievish. The women of
Japanese and Chinese origin were grossly unchaste.
The price of all property advanced. The price of labor was depressed by enormous importations and by the efficiency accruing from
compulsory performance of the contract by the Government.
In the year 1845, under the influence of white residents, the lands
were so distributed between the crown, the Government, the chiefs, and
the people as to leave the latter with an insignificant interest in lands27,830 acres.
The story of this division is discreditable to King, chiefs, and white
residents, but would be tedious here. The chiefs became largely indebted
to the whites, and thus the foundation for the large holdings of the latter
was laid.
Prior to 1876 the kings were controlled largely by such men as Dr.
Judd, Mr. Wyllie, and other leading white citizens holding positions in
their cabinets.
A king rarely changed his cabinet. The important offices were held
by white men. A feeling of amity existed between the native and
foreign races unmarred by hostile conflict. It should be noted that at
this period the native generally knew how to read and write his native
tongue, into which the Bible and a few English works were translated.
To this, native newspapers of extensive circulation contributed to the
awakening of his intellect. He also generally read and wrote English.
From 1820 to 1866 missionaries of various nationalities, especially
American, with unselfishness, toil, patience, and piety, had devoted
themselves to the improvement of the native. They gave them a language, a religion, and an immense movement on the lines of civilization.
In process of time the descendants of these good men grew up in secular pursuits. Superior by nature, education, and other opportunities,
they acquired wealth. They sought to succeed to the political control
exercised by their fathers. The revered missionary disappeared. In
his stead there came the Anglo-Saxon in the person of his son, ambitious to acquire wealth and to continue that political control reverently
conceded to his pious ancestor. Hence, in satire, the native designated
him a " missionary," which has become a campaign phrase of wonderful
potency. Other white foreigners came into the country, especially
Americans, English, and Germans. These, as a rule, did not become
naturalized and participate in the voting franchise. Business and race
affiliation occasioned sympathy and cooperation between these two
classes of persons of foreign extraction.
Does this narration of facts portray a situation in a government in
whole or in part representative favorable to the ambition of a leader
who will espouse the native cause'? Would it be strange for him to
stir the native heart by picturing a system of political control under
which the foreigner had wickedly become possessed of the soil, degraded free labor by an uncivilized system of coolie labor, prostituted
society by injecting into it a people hostile to Christianity and the
ci ilization of the nineteenth century, exposed their own daughters to
the evil influences of anoverwhelning male population of a degraded
type, implanted Japanese and Chinese women almost insensible to
feelings of chastity, and then loudly boasted of their Christianity?




HAWAMAIIAN ISLANDS.S


1381


On the other hand, was it not natural for the white race to vaunt
their wealth and intelligence, their Christian success in rescuing the
native from barbarism, their gift of a Government regal in name but
containing many of the principles of freedom; to find in the natives de.
fective intelligence, tendencies to idolatry, to race prejudice, and a disposition under the influence of white and halt-white leaders to exercise
political domination; to speak of their thriftlessness in private life and
susceptibility to bribes in legislative action; to proclaim the unchasteness of native women, and to take at all hazards the direction of public
affairs from the native?
With such a powerful tendency to divergence and political strife,
with its attendant bitterness and exaggerations, we must enter upon
the field of inquiry pointed out in your instructions.
It is not my purpose to take up this racial controversy at its birth,
but when it had reached striking proportions and powerfully acted in
the evolution of grave political events culminating in the present
status. Nor shall I relate all the minute details of political controversy at any given period, but only such and to such extent as may
illustrate the purpose just indicated.
It has already appeared that under the constitution of 1852 the legislature consisted of two bodies-one elected by the people and the
other chosen by the King-and that no property qualifications hindered
the right of suffrage. The King and people through the two bodies
held a check on each other. It has also been shown that in 1864 by a
royal proclamation a new constitution, sanctioned by a cabinet of
prominent white men, was established, restricting the right of suffrage
and combining the representative and nobles into one body. This latter provision was designed to strengthen the power of the Crown by
removing a body distinctly representative. This instrument remained
in force twenty-three years. The Crown appointed the nobles generally
from white men of property and intelligence. In like manner the King
selected his cabinet. These remained in office for a long series of years
and directed the general conduct of public affairs.
Chief Justice Judd, of the supreme court of the Hawaiian Islands,
in a formal statement uses this language:
Under every constitution prior to 1887 the ministers were appointed by the King
and removed by him; but until Kalakaua's reign it was a very rare thing that any
King changed his ministry. They had a pretty long lease of political life. My
father was minister for seven or ten years and Mr. Wyllie for a longer period. It
was a very rare political occurrence and made a great sensation when a change was
made. Under Kalakaua things were different. I think we had twenty-six different
cabinets during his reign.
The record discloses thirteen cabinets. Two of these were directly
forced on him by the reformers. Of the others, six were in sympathy
with the reformers and eminent in their confidence. The great stir in
cabinet changes commenc ed with the Gibson cabinet in 1882. He was
a man of large information, free from all suspicion of bribery, politically ambitious, and led the natives and some whites.
It may not be amiss to present some of the criticisms against Kalakaua and his party formally filed with me by Prof. W. D. Alexander, a
representative reformer.
On the 12th of February, 1874, Kalakaua was elected King by the
legislature. The popular choice lay between him and the Queen Dowager.
In regard to this, Mr. Alexander says that "the cabinet and the
American party used all their influence in favor of the former, while
the English favored Queen Emma, who was devoted to their interest."




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Notwithstanding there were objections to Kalakaua's character, he
says: ' It was believed, however, that if Queen Emma should be elected
there would be no hope of our obtaining a reciprocity treaty with the
United States."
He gives an account of various obnoxious measures advocated by the
King which were defeated.
In 1882 he says the race issue was raised by Mr. Gibson, and only two
white men were elected to the legislature on the islands.
A bill prohibiting the sale of intoxicating liquors to natives was repealed at this session.
A $10,000,000-loan bill was again introduced, but was shelved in
committee. The appropriation bill was swelled to double the estimated
receipts of the Government, including $30,000 for coronation expenses,
besides large sums for military expenses, foreign embassies, etc.
A  bill was reported giving the King power to appoint district
justices, which had formerly been done by the justices of the supreme
court.
A million of dollars of silver was coined by the King, worth 84 cents
to the dollar, which was intended to be exchanged for gold bonds at
par, under the loan act of 1882. This proceeding was enjoined by the
court. The privy council declared the coin to be of the legal value
expressed on their face, subject to the legal-tender act, and they
were gradually put into circulation. A profit of $150,000 is said to
have been made on this transaction.
In 1884 a reform legislature was elected. A lottery bill, an opium
license bill, and an $8,000,000 loan bill were defeated.
In the election for the legislature of 1886 it is alleged that by the
use of gin, chiefly furnished by the King, and by the use of his patronage, it was carried against the reform party; that out of twenty-eight
candidates, twenty-six were office-holders-one a tax assessor and one
the Queen's secretary. There was only one white man on the Government ticket-Gibson's son-in-law. Only ten reform candidates were
elected. In this legislature an opium bill was passed providing for a
license for four years, to be granted by the minister of the interior with
the consent of the King, for $30,000 per annum.
Another act was passed to create a Hawaiian board of health, consisting of five native doctors, appointed by the King, with power to
issue certificates to native kahunas (doctors) to practice medicine.
A $2,000,000-loan bill was passed, which was used largely in taking
up bonds on a former loan.
It is claimed that in granting the lottery franchise the King fraudulently obtained $75,000 for the franchise and then sold it to another
person, and that subsequently the King was compelled to refund the
same.
These are the principal allegations on which the revolution of 1887 is
justified.
None of the legislation complained of would have been considered a
cause for revolution in any one of the United States, but would have
been used in the elections to expel the authors from power. The alleged
corrupt action of the King could have been avoided by more careful
legislation and would have been a complete remedy for the future.
The rate of taxation on real or personal property never exceeded 1
per cent.
To all this the answer comes from the reformers: "The native is unfit
for government and his power must be curtailed."
The general belief that the King had accepted what is termed the




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1383
opium bribe and the failure of his efforts to unite the Samoan Islands
with his own Kingdom had a depressing influence on his friends, and
his opponents used it with all the effect they could.
The last cabinet prior to the revolution of 1887 was anti-reform.
Three of its members were half castes; two of them        were and are
recognized as lawyers of ability by ail.
At this point I invite attention to the following extract from a formal
colloquy between Chief Justice Judd and myself touching the means
adopted to extort the constitution of 1887, and the fundamental changes
wrought through that instrument:
Q. Will you be kind enough to state how this new constitution was established?
A. The two events which brought this matter to a culminating point were (1)
the opium steal of $71,000 by which a Chinaman named Aki was made by the
King to pay him a bribe of $71,000 of hard coin in order to obtain the exclusive franchise for selling opium, and (2) the expense of the expedition to Samoa in the
"Kaimilea." A secret league was formed all over the islands, the result of which was
the King was asked to promulgate a new constitution containing those provisions
that I have before alluded to. It was very adroitly managed by the Ashfords, and
more especially by V. V. Ashford, who obtained the confidence of the King and Mr.
Gibson. He was the colonel of the Rifles, and he assured them that if he was paid
a certain sum of money and made minister to Canada that he would arrange it so
that the movement would be futile.
Q. How was he to do that?
A. By preventing the use of the military, I suppose; and he arranged with the
military authorities aild Capt. Haley that they should be called out to preserve
public order, although it was this large and well-drilled force which made the King
fear that if he didn't yield things would be very critical for him.
Q. Was that a Government force? T
A. It was organized under the laws.
Q. A volunteer organization?
A. Yes.
Q. So that the nen in sympathy with the movement of this secret league went
into it and constituted it under form of law.
A. Of course I do not know what was told the King privately, but I knew that
he felt it would be very dangerous to refuse to promulgate the new constitution. I
have no doubt that a great many things were circulated which came to his ears in
the way of threats that was unfounded.
Q. What was the outside manifestation?
A. One great feature of it was its secrecy. The King was frightened at this
secrecy. It was very well managed. The judges of the supreme court were not
told of it until just before the event took place. I think it was the 2d or 3d of
July, 1887.
Q. Was there then a mass meeting?
A. There was a large mass meeting held and a set of resolutions was presented to
the King requiring that a new ministry be formed by Mr. W. L. Green and one other
person, whose name I have forgotten.
Q. Was there any display of force?
A. The Honolulu Rifles were in detachments marched about in different portions
of the town, having been called out by the legal military authorities.
Q. Who were the legal military authorities?
A. The governor of the island, Dominis, and Capt. H. Burrill Haley, the adjutantgeneral.
Q. Were they in sympathy with the movement?
A. No, sir; the officers of the corps were in sympathy with the movement.
Q Who were they?
A. Ashford and Hebbard. I do not remember all.
Q. Did the governor order them out, not knowing of this state of things?
A. I think he did. I think lie knew it, but it was to prevent, as I believe, something worse happening. As I said, there were threats made.
Q. Of what sort?
A. I understood that at one time there was a very strong feeling that the King
should be forced to abdicate altogether, and it was only the more conservative men
born here who said that the King and the Hawaiians should have another opportunity.
Q. Were there not two elements in that movement, one for a republic and the
other for restraining the power of the King?
A. Yes.




1384                     IAWA1IAN ISLANDS.
Q. Were there not two forces in this movement cooperating together up to a cer.
tain point, to wit, those who were in favor of restraining the King by virtue of the
provisions of the constitution of 1887 and those who were in favor of dethroning the
King and establishing a republic?
A. I understand that there were, and that the more conservative view prevailed.
Q. And the men who were in favor of a republic were discontented at the outcome 
A. They were, and they didn't want the Hawaiians to vote at all; and the reason
that the Portuguese were allowed to vote was to balance the native vote.
Q. Whose idea was that-was that the idea of the men who made the new consti.
tution?
A. Of the men who made the new constitution.
Q. It was to balance the native vote with the Portuguese vote?
A. That was the idea.
Q. And that would throw the political power into the hands of the intelligence
and wealth of the country?
A. That was the aim.
Q. How was this military used?
A. It was put about in squads over the city.
Q. The officers of the corps were really in favor of the movement for the new
constitution and were called out by Governor Dominis to preserve order?
A. Yes. After the affair was over he was thanked by a military order from headquarters.
Q. Do you suppose that he was gratified with thanks under the circumstances?
A. Haley said to me when he showed me the order: "It is a little funny to thank
a man who kicked you out, but I suppose I've got to do it."
Q. The King acceded to the demand for a new constitution and of a cabinet of
given character?
A. In the first place he acceded to the proposition to make a new cabinet named
by Mr. Green. The former cabinet, consisting of Mr. Gibson and three Hawaiians,
had just resigned a day or two before. In three or four days the cabinet waited
upon him with the constitution.        v
Q. What cabinet?
A. The cabinet consisting of Mr. Green, minister of foreign affairs; Mr. Thurston, minister of the interior; Mr. C. W. Ashford, attorney-general; and Mr. Godfrey Brown, minister of finance. I was sent for in the afternoon of July 5 to
swear the King to the constitution. When 1 reached the palace they were all
there, and the King asked me in Hawaiian whether he had better sign it or not.
1 said, " You must follow the advice of your responsible ministers." He signed it.
Q. This ministry had been appointed as the result of the demand of the mass
meeting?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. And then having been appointed, they presented him with the constitution of
1887?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. And he signed it?
A. He did.
Q. Was that constitution ever submitted to a popular vote for ratification?
A. No; it was not. There was no direct vote ratifying the constitution, but its
Provisions requiring that no one should vote unless he had taken an oath to support
it, and a large nunber voted at that first election, was considered a virtual ratification of the constitution.
Q. If they voted at all they were considered as accepting it?
A. Yes, sir. I do not think any large number refused to take the oath to it.
Q. It was not contemplated by the mass meeting, nor the cabinet, nor anybody in
power to submit the matter of ratification at all?
A. No, it was not. It was considered a revolution. It was a successful revolutionary act.
Q. And, therefore, was not submitted to a popular vote for ratification?
A. Yes, sir. It had mischievous effects in encouraging the Wilcox revolution of
1889, which was unsuccessful. I think it was a bad precedent, only the exigencies
of the occasion seemed to demand it.
Without adding other testimony on the mode of extorting the new
constitution or accepting this statement as full and unbiased, it is
enough that it brings me to a point at which I may present important
changes in the Hawaiian constitution and their application to the social
and political conditions of the time. Your attention is now invited to
the following amendments in the constitution of 1887:
ART'. 41. The cabinet shall consist of the minister of foreign affairs, the minister
of the interior, the minister of finance, and the attorney-general, and they shall




HAWAIIAN    ISLANDS.                      1385
Ibe 11is Majesty's special advisers in the executive affairs of the Kingdom; and they
shall be ex officio members of His Majesty's privy council of state. They shall be
appointed and commissioned by the King, and shall be removed by him only upon
a vote of want of confidence passed by a majority of all the elective members of the
legislature, or upon conviction of felony, and shall be subject to impeachment. No
act of the King shall have any effect unless it be countersigned by a member of the
cabinet, who, by that signature, makes himself responsible.
ART. 42. Each member of the cabinet shall keep an office at the seat of Government, and shall be accountable for the conduct of his deputies and clerks. The
cabinet hold seats ex oficio in the legislature, with the right to vote, except on a
question of want of confidence in them.
ART. 47. The legislature has full power and authority to amend the constitution
as hereinafter provided, and from time to time to make all manner of wholesome
laws, not repugnant to the constitution.
ART. 56. A noble shall be ~ subject of the Kingdom, who shall have attained the
age of twenty-five years, and resided in the Kingdom three years, and shall be the
owner of taxable property in this Kingdom of the value of three thousand dollars
over and above all encumbrances, or in receipt of an income of not less than $600
per annum.
ART. 58. Twenty-four nobles shall be elected as follows: Six from the Island of
Hawaii; six from the Islands of Maui, Molokai, and Lanai; nine from the Island of
Oahu; and three from the islands of Kauai and Niihau. At the first election held
under this Constitution, the nobles shall be elected to serve until the general election
to the legislature for the year of our Lord 1890, at which election, and thereafter,
the nobles shall be elected at the same time and places as the representatives. At
the election for the year of our Lord 1890, one-third of the nobles from each of the
divisions aforesaid shall be elected for two years, and one-third for four years, and
one-third for six years, and the electors shall ballot for them for such terms, respectively; and at all subsequent general elections they shall be elected for six years.
The nobles shall serve without pay.
ART. 59. Every male resident of the Hawaiian Islands, of Hawaiian, American, or
European birth or descent, who shall have attained the age of twenty years, and
shall have paid his taxes, and shall have caused his name to be entered on the list
of voters for nobles of his district, shall be an elector of nobles, and shall be
entitled to vote at any election of nobles, provided:
First. That he shall have resided in the country not less than three years, and in
the district in which he offers to vote not less than three months immediately preceding the election at which he offers to vote;
Second. That he shall own and be possessed, in his own right, of taxable property
in this country of the value of not less than $3 000 over and above all incumbrances,
or shall have actually received an income of not less than $600 during the year next
preceding his registration for such election;
Third. That he shall be able to read and comprehend an ordinary newspaper
printed in either the Hawaiian, English, or some European language;
Fourth. That he shall have taken an oath to support the constitution and laws,
such oath to be aduinistered by any person authorized to administer oaths, or by
any inspector of elections;
Provided, however, That the requirements of a three years' residence and of ability
to read and comprehend an ordinary newspaper, printed either in the Hawaiian.
English, or some European language, shall not apply to persons residing in the
Kingdom at the time of the promulgation of this constitution, if they shall register
and vote at the first election which shall be held under this constitution.
ART. 60. There shall be twenty-four representatives of the people elected biennially, except those first elected under this constitution, who shall serve until the
general election for the year of our Lord 1890. The representation shali be based
upon the principles of equality and shall be regulated and apportioned by the legislature according to the population to be ascertained from time to time by the official census. But until such apportionment by the legislature, the apportionment
now established by law shall remain in force, with the following exceptions, namely:
There shall be but two representatives for the districts of Hilo and Puna on the
island of Hawaii, but one for the districts of Lahaina and Kaanapali on the island
of Maui, and but one for the districts of Koolauloa, and Waialua on the island of Oahu.
ART. 61. No person shall be eligible as a representative of the people unless he be
a male subject of the Kingdom, who shall have arrived at the full age of twenty-one
years; who shall know how to read and write either the Hawaiian, English, or some
European language; who shall understand accounts; who shall have been domiciled
in the Kingdom for at least three years, the last of which shall be the year iimediiately preceding his election; and who shall own real estate within the Kingdom
of a clear value, over and above all encumbrances, of at least $500; or who shall
have an annual income of at least $250, derived from any property or some lawful
employment.




1386                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
ART. 62. Every male resident of the Kingdom, of Hawaiian, American, or European birth or descent, who shall have taken an oath to support the constitution and
laws in the manner provided for electors of nobles; who shall have paid his taxes,
who shall have attained the age of twenty years; and shall have been domiciled in
the Kingdom for one year immediately preceding the election, and shall know how
to read and write either the Hawaiian, English, or some European language (if
born since the year 1840), and shall have caused his name to be entered on the list
of voters of his district as may be provided by law, shall be entitled to one vote for
the representative or representatives of that district, provided, however, that the
requirements of being domiciled in the Kingdom for one year immediately preceding
the election, and of knowing how to read and write either the Hawaiian, English,
or some European lanuage, shall not apply to persons residing in this Kingdom at
the time of the promulgation of this constitution, if they shall register and vote at
the first election which shall be held under this constitution.
ART 63. No person shall sit as a noble or representative in the legislature unless
elected under and in conformity with the provisions of this constitution. The
property of income qualification of representatives, of nobles, and of electors of
nobles may be increased by law, and a property or income qualification of electors
of representatives may be created and altered by law.
ART. 80. The cabinet shall have power to make and publish all necessary rules
and regulations for the holding of any election or elections under this constitution
prior to the passage by the legislature of appropriate laws for such purpose, and to
provide for administering to officials, subjects, and residents the oath to support this
constitution. The first election hereunder shall be held within ninety days after
the promulgation of this constitution, and the legislature then elected may be convened at Honolulu, upon the call of the cabinet council in extraordinary session at
such time as the cabinet council may deem necessary, thirty days' notice thereof
being previously given.
ART. 82. Any amendment or amendments to this constitution may be proposed
in the legislature, and if the same shall be agreed to by a majority of the members
thereof, such proposed amendment or amendments shall be entered on its journal,
with the yeas and nays taken thereon, and referred to the next legislature; which
proposed amendment or amendments shall be published for three months previous to
the next election of representatives and nobles; and if in the next legislature such
proposed amendment or amendments shall be agreed to by two-thirds of all the
members of the legislature, such amendment or amendments shall become part of
the constitution of this Kingdom.
These sections disclose:
First. A purpose to take fron~ the King the power to appoint nobles
and to vest it in persons having $3,000 worth of unincunbered property or an annual income above the expense of living of $600. This
gave to the whites three-fourths of the vote for nobles and one-fourth
to the natives.
The provisos to the fourth section of article 59 and article 62 have
this significant application.  Between the years 1878 and 1886 the
Hawaiian Government imported from Madeira and the Azores Islands
10,216 contract laborers, men, women, and children. Assume, for convenience of argument, that 2,000 of these were males of twenty years
and upward. Very few of them could read and write. Only three of
them were naturalized up to 1888, and since then only five more have
become so. The remainder are subjects of Portugal. These were
admitted to vote on taking the following oath and receiving the accompanying certificate:
No.HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
Island of --, district of ---, 88.
T,    -, aged, a native of ---, residing at -, in said district, do
solemnly swear, in the presence of Almighty God, that I will support the constitution of the Hawaiian Kingdom promulgated and proclaimed on the 7th day of July,
1887, and the laws of said Kingdom. Not hereby renouncing, but expressly reserving,
all allegiance and citizenship now owing or held by me
Subscribed and sworn to before me this -   day of ---, A. I). 18-.
Inspector of Election.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1387


No.-.
HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
Island of --   District of -—, s8.
I, the undersigned, inspector of election, duly appointed and commissioned, do
hereby certify that —, aged, a native of —, residing at --, in said
district, has this dlay taken before me the oath to support the constitution of the
Hawaiian Kingdom promulgated and proclaimed on the 7th day of July, and the
laws of said Kingdom.
Inspector of Election.
18-.
These ignorant laborers were taken before the election from the cane
fields in large numbers by the overseer before the proper officer to
administer the oath and then carried to the polls and voted according
to the will of the plantation manager. Why was this done?  In the
language of the Chief Justice Judd, "to balance the native vote with
the Portuguese vote." This same purpose is admitted by all persons
here. Again, large numbers of Americans, Germans, English, and
other foreigners unnaturalized were permitted to vote under the foregoing form.
Two-thirds of this number were never naturalized, but voted under
the above form of-oath and certificate. They were citizens of the United
States, Germany, and Great Britain, invited to vote under this constitution to neutralize further the native voting strength. This same
action was taken in connection with other European populations.
For the first time in the history of the country the number of nobles
is made equal to the number of representatives. This furnished a veto
power over the representatives of the popular vote to the nobles, who
were selected by persons mostly holding foreign allegiance, and not
subjects of the Kingdom. The election of a single representative by
the foreign element gave to it the legislature.
The power of appointing a cabinet was left with the King. His power
to remove one was taken away. The removal could only be accomplished by a vote of want of confidence by a majority of all the elective
members of the legislature. The tenure of office of a cabinet minister
henceforth depends on the pleasure of the legislature, or, to speak practically, on the favor of certain foreigners, Americans and Europeans.
Then it is declared that no act of the King shall have any effect
unless it be countersigned by a member of the cabinet, who by that signature makes hlimself responsible. Power is taken from the King in
the selection of nobles, not to be given to the masses but to the wealthy
classes, alargemajority of whom are not subjects of the Kingdom. Power
to remove a cabinet is taken away from him, not to be conferred on a
popular body but on one designed to be ruled by foreign subjects.
Power to do any act was taken from the King unless countersigned by
a member of the cabinet. This instrument was never submitted to the
people for approval or rejection, nor was it ever contemplated by its
friends and promoters, and of this no man will make issue.
Prior to this revolution large quantities of arms had been brought
by a secret league from San Francisco and placed amongst its members.
The first election under this constitution took place with the foreign
population well armed and the troops hostile to the crown and people.
The result was the election of what was termed a reform legislature.
The mind of an observer of these events notes henceforth a division of
the people by the terms native and foreigner. It does not import race
hostility simply. It is founded rather upon the attempted control of
the country by a population of foreign origin and zealously holding alle



1388


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


giance to foreign powers. It had an alliance with natives of foreign
parentage, some of whom were the descendants of missionary ancestors.
Hence the terms "foreigner" and "Imissionary" in Hawaiian politics
have their peculiar significance.
Foreign ships of great powers lying in the port of Honolulu to protect the persons and property of their citizens, and these same citizens
left by their Governments without reproof for participation in such
events as I have related, must have restrained the native mind or
indeed any mind from a resort to physical force. Its means of resistance was naturally what was left of political power.
In 1890 a legislature was elected il favor of a new constitution.
The calculation qf the reformers to elect all the nobles failed, owing to
a defection of whites, especially amongst the intelligent laboring
classes in the city of Honolulu, who were qualified to vote for nobles
under the income clause. The cabinet installed by the revolution was
voted out. A new cabinet, in harmony with the popular will, was
appointed and remained in power until the death of the King in 1891.
In 1892 another legislature was elected. Thrum's Handbook of
Information for 1893, whose author, a reformer and annexationist, is
intelligent and in the employ of the Provisional Government, and
whose work is highly valued by all persons, says, concerning this election:
The result brought to the legislature three rather evenly balanced parties. This,
with an admixture of self-interest in certain quarters, has been the means of much
delay in the progress of the session, during which there have been no less than
three new cabinets on "want of confidence" resolutions.
Judge Widemann, of the national reform party, divides the legislature up thus: "Three parties and some independents. The national
reform, reform, and liberal." There were nine members of the national
reform party, fourteen members of the reform, twenty-one liberals,
and four independents."
The liberals favored the old mode of selecting nobles; the national
reform party was in favor of a new constitution reducing the qualification of voters for nobles, and the reform party was in opposition to
both these ideas.
There were a number of members of all these factions aspiring to be
cabinet officers. This made certain individuals ignore party lines and
form combinations to advance personal interests. The reform party
seized upon the situation and made such combinations as voted out
cabinet after cabinet until finally what was termed the Wilcox cabinet
was appointed. This was made up entirely of reformers. Those members of the national reform and liberal parties who had been acting
with the reform party to this point, and expecting representation in
the cabinet, being disappointed, set to work to vote out this cabinet,
which was finally accomplished.
There was never a time when the reform party had any approach to
a majority of members of the legislature.
Let it be borne in mind that the time now was near at hand when
the legislature would probably be prorogued. Whatever cabinet was
in power at the time of the prorogation had control of public affairs
until a new legislature should assemble two years afterwards and
longer unless expelled by a vote of want of confidence.
An anti-reform cabinet was appointed by the Queen. Some faint
struggle was made towards organizing to vote out this cabinet, but it
was abandoned. The legislature was prorogued. The reform mem



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1389


bers absented themselves from the session of that day in manifestation
of their disappointment in the loss of power through the cabinet for
the ensuing two years.
The letters of the American minister and naval officers stationed at
Honolulu in 1892 indicate that any failure to appoint a ministry of the
reform party would produce a political crisis. The voting out of the
Wilcox cabinet produced a discontent amongst the reformers verging
very closely towards one, and had more to do with the revolution than
the Queen's proclamation. The first was the foundation-the latter
the opportunity.
In the legislatures of 1890 and 1892 many petitions were filed asking
for a new constitution.  Many were presented to the King and Queen.
The discontent with the constitution of 1887 and eagerness to escape
from it, controlled the elections against the party which had established
it. Divisions on the mode of changing the constitution, whether by
legislative action or by constitutional convention, and the necessity
for a two-thirds vote of the legislature to effect amendments, prevented
relief by either method. Such was the situation at the prorogation of
the legislature of 1892.
This was followed by the usual ceremonies at the palace on the day
of prorogation —he presence of the cabinet, supreme court judges,
diplomatic corps, and troops.
The Queen informed her cabinet of her purpose to proclaim a new
constitution, and requested them to sign it.
From the best information I can obtain the changes to the constitution of 1887 were as follows:
ART. 20. By adding to exceptions: Members of the privy council, notary public,
agents to take acknowledgments.
ART. 22. By adding Princes Kawananakoa and Kalanianaole as heirs to the throne.
ART. 46. Changing the session of the legislature to the month of April.
ART. 49. That the Queen shall sign and approve all bills and resolutions, even
to those that are voted when passed over her veto.
ART. 56. Pay of representatives raised to $500 instead of $250 for biennial term.
ART. 57. The Queen shall appoint the nobles, not to exceed twenty-four.
ART. 60. The representatives may be increased from twenty-four, as at present,
to forty-eight.
ART. 62. Only subjects shall vote.
ART. 65. The term of appointment of the supreme court judges, not for life, ae
before, but for six years.
ART. 75. The appointment of governors of each island for four-years term.
Her ministers declined to sign, and two of them communicated to lead.
ing reformers (Mr. L. A. Thurston, Mr. W. 0. Smith, and others) the
Queen's purpose and the position of the cabinet. Finding hersell
thwarted by the position of the cabinet, she declared to the crowd
around the palace that she could not give them a new constitution al
that time on account of the action of her ministers, and that she would
do so at some future time. This was construed by some to mean thai
she would do so at an early day when some undefined, favorable oppor.
tunity should occur, and by others when a new legislature should
assemble and a new cabinet might favor her policy, or some other than
an extreme and revolutionary course could be resorted to.
It seems that the members of the Queen's cabinet, after much
urging, prevailed upon her to abandon the idea of proclaiming a nem
constitution. The cooperation of the cabinet appears to have been
in the mind of the Queen, necessary to give effect to her proclamation
This method had been adopted by Kamhamaeha V in proclaiming th(
constitution of 1864.  The constitution of 1887 preserved this same




1390                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
form, in having the King proclaim     that constitution on the recom
mendation of the cabinet, which he had been prevailed upon by a com.
mittee from the mass meeting to appoint.
The leaders of the movement urged the membersof the Queen's cabinet not to resign, feeling assured that until they had done so the Queen
would not feel that the power rested in her alone to proclaim    a new
constitution. In order to give further evidence of her purpose to abandon the design of proclaiminlg it, a proclamation was published on the
morning of the 16th of January, signed by herself and her ministers,
pledging her not to do so, and was communicated to Minister Stevens
that morning.
The following papers were among the files of the legation when
turned over to me:
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Honolulut, H. I., January 16, 1893.
SIn: I have the honor to inclose to your excellency a copy of a " By Authority"
Notice issued this morning by HerMajesty's ministers under Her Majesty's sanction
and approval.
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, your excellency's obedient servant,
SAMUEL PARKER,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
To His Excellency JOHN L. STEVENS,
United States Envoy Extraordinarg and Minister Plenipotentiary, Honolulu.
BY AUTHORITY.
Her Majesty's ministers desire to express their appreciation for the quiet and
order which have prevailed in this community since the events of Saturday, and are
authorized to say that the position taken by Her Majesty in regard to the promulgation of a new constitution was under stress of her native subjects.
Authority is given for the assurance that any changes desired in the fundamental
law of the land will be sought only by methods provided in the constitution itself.
Her Majesty's ministers request all citizens to accept the assurance of Her Majesty
in the same spirit in which it is given.
LILIUOKALANI.
SAMUEL PARKER,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
W. H. CORNWELL,
Minister of Finance.
JOIN F. COLBURN,
Minister of the Interior.
A. P. PETERSON,
Attorney- General.
On the same day a mass meeting of between fifteen hundred and
two thousand people assembled, attended by the leading men in the
liberal and national reform parties, and adopted resolutions as follows:
Resolved, That the assurance of Her Majesty the Queen contained in this day's
proclamation is accepted by the people as a satisfactory guaranty that the Government does not and will not seek any modification of the constitution by any other
means than those provided in the organic law.
Resolved, That accepting this assurance, the citizens here assembled will give their
cordial support to the administration, and indorse them in sustaining that policy.
To the communication inclosing the Queen's proclamation just cited,
there appears to have been no response. On the next day, as if to
give further assurance, the following paper was sent to Mr. Stevens:
SIR: The assurances conveyed by a royal proclamation by myself and ministers
yesterday having been received by my native subjects, and by them ratified at a mass
meeting, was received in a different spirit by the meeting representing the foreign
population and interests in my Kingdom. It is now my desire to give to your excellency, as the diplomatic representative of the United States of America at my
court, the solemn assurance that the present constitution will be upheld and maintained by me and my ruinister, and no chlanges willbe made except by the methods
toreiin proviedo,




HAWAIIAN IsLANDS. 


1391


I desire to express to your excellency this assurance in the spirit of that fienldship which has ever existed between my Kingdom and that bf the Government of
the United States of America, and which I trust will long continue.
LILIUrOKALANI R.
By the Queen:
SAMUEL PARKER,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
WM. H. CORNWELL,
MIinister of Finance.
JOHN F. COLBURN,
Minister of the Interior.
A. P. PETERSON,
A ttorney-General.
IOLANI PALACE,
Honolulu, January 17, 1893.
His Excellency JOHN L. STEVENS,
United States Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Honolulu.
On the back of the first page of this communication written in pencil
is the word " Declined."  Immediately under the signature of the attorney-general, also in pencil, is written " 1.30 to 1.45," and at the end
of the second and last page this sentence, written in ink, appears:
" Received at the U. S. Legation about 2 p. m."
The cabinet itself could not be removed for two years, and the views
of its members were well known to be against establishing a new constitution by proclamation of the Queen and cabinet.
Nearly all of the arms on the island of Oahu, in which Honolulu is
situated, were in the possession of the Queen's government. A military
force, organized and drilled, occupied the station house, the barracks,
and the palace-the only points of any strategic significance in the
event of a conflict.
The great body of the people moved in their usual course. Women
and children passed to and fro through the streets, seemingly unconscious of any impending danger, and yet there were secret conferences
held by a small body of men, some of whom were Germans, some
Americans, and some native-born subjects of foreign origin.
On Saturday evening, the 14th of January, they took up the subject
of dethroning the Queen and proclaiming a new Government with a
view of annexation to the United States.
The first and most momentous question with them was to devise
some plan to have the United States troops landed. Mr. Thurston,
who appears to have been the leading spirit, on Sunday sought two
members of the Queen's cabinet and urged them to head a movement
against the Queen, and to ask Minister Stevens to land the troops, assuring them that in such an event Mr. Stevens would do so. Failing
to enlist any of the Queen's cabinet in the cause, it was necessary to
devise some other mode to accomplish this purpose. A committee of
safety, consisting of thirteen members, had been formed from a little
body of men assembled in W. O. Smith's office. A deputation of these,
informing Mr. Stevens of their plans, arranged with him to land the
troops if they would ask it "for the purpose of protecting life and property." It was further agreed between him and them that in the event
they should occupy the government building and proclaim a new government he would recognize it. The two leading members of the committee, Messrs. Thurston and Smith, growing uneasy as to the safety
of their persons, went to him to know if he would protect them in the
event of their arrest by the authorities, to which he gave his assent.
At the mass meeting, called by the committee of safety on the 16th
of January, there was no communication to the crowd of any purpose
to 4det4hro  the qaeen or tQ Change t'  form of goveYrnumet, but uoly




ud7a                    HlAWAIIAlN lVA3AlAJO.
to authorize the committee to take steps to prevent a consummation
the Queen's purposes and to have guarantees of public safety. T1
committee on public safety had kept their purposes from   the publ
view at this mass meeting and at their small gatherings for fear of pr
ceedings against them by the government of the Queen.
After the mass meeting had closed a call on the American minist
for troops was made in the following terms, and signed indiscriminate
by Germans, by Americans, and by Hawaiian subjects of foreif
extraction:
HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
Honolulu,.January 16, 1893,
To His Excellency JOIN L. STEVENS,
American Minister Resicdent:
SIR: We, the undersigned, citizens and residents of Honolulu, respectfully repi
sent that, in view of recent public events in this Kingdom, culminating in t
revolutionary acts of Queen Liliuokalani on Saturday last, the public saficyv
menaced and lives and property are in peril, and we appeal to you and the Uiill
States forces at your command for assistance.
The Queen, with the aid of armed force and accompanied by threats of violen
and bloodshed fromn those with whom she was acting, attenllmted to l)roclailm a (
constitution; and while prevented for the tirme from accomplishing her object, d
lared publicly that she would only defer her action.
This conduct, aid action was upon an occasion and under circumstances whi
aave created general alarm anld terror.
We are unable to protect ourselves without aid, and, therefore, pray for the pr
tection of the United States forces.
HENRY E. COOPER,
F. W. MCCIHESNEY,
W. C. WILDER,
C. BOLTE,
A. BRowN,
WILLIAM 0. SMITH,
HENRY WATERIIOUSE,
THEO. F. LANSING,
ED. SuHR,
L. A. IHURSTON,
JOHN EMMELUTH,
WM. R. CASTLE,
J. A. MCCANDLESS,
Citizen's Committee of Safety.
The response to that call does not appear in the files or on the re
ords of the American legation. It, therefore, can not speak for itsel
The request of the committee of safety was, however, consented to t
the American minister. The troops were landed.
On that very night the committee assembled at the house of Hem
Waterhouse, one of its members, living the next door to Mr. Steven
and finally determined on the dethronement of the Queen; selecte
its officers, civil and military, and adjourned to meet the next mornin
Col. J. H. Soper, an American citizen, was selected to command tl
military forces. At this Waterhouse meeting it was assented to I
all that Mr. Stevens had agreed with the committee of safety that i
the event it occupied the Government building and proclaimed a Pr
visional Government he would recognize it as a defaccto governmen
Whenl the troops were landed on Monday evening, January 16, aboi
5 o'clock, and began their march through the streets with their sma
arms, artillery, etc., a great surprise burst upon the Community. l
but few was it understood. Not much time elapsed before it was give
out by members of the committee of safety that they were designed 1
support them. At the palace, with the cabinet, amongst the leade:
of the Queen's military forces, and the great body of the people wl
were loyal to the Queen, the apprehension came that it was a mov




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1393
ment hostile to the existing Government. Protests were filed by the
minister of foreign affairs and by the governor of the island against
the landing of the troops.
Messrs. Parker and Peterson testify that on Tuesday at 1 o'clock
they called on Mr. Stevens, and by him were informed that in the event
the Queen's forces assailed the insurrectionary forces he would inter.
vene.
At 2:30 o'clock of the same day the members of the Provisional Government proceeded to the Government building in squads and read their
proclamation. They had separated in their march to the Government
building for fear of observation and arrest. There was no sign of an
insurrectionary soldier on the street. The committee of safety sent to
the Government building a Mr. A. S. Wilcox to see who was there, and,
on being informed that there were no Government forces on the grounds,
proceeded in the manner I have related and read their proclamation.
Just before concluding the reading of this instrument fifteen volunteer
troops appeared. Within a half hour afterward some thirty or forty
made their appearance.
A part of the Queen's forces, numbering 224, were located at the
station house, about one-third of a mile from the Government building.
The Queen, with a body of 50 troops, was located at the palace, north
of the Government building about 400 yards.' A little northeast of
the palace and some 200 yards from it, at the barracks, was another
body of 272 troops. These forces had 14 pieces of artillery, 386 rifles,
and 16 revolvers. West of the Government building and across a narrow street were posted Capt. Wiltse and his troops, these likewise having artillery and small-arms.
The Government building is in a quadrangular-shaped piece of
ground surrounded by streets. The American troops were so posted
as to be in front of any movement of troops which should approach
the Government building on three sides, the fourth being occupied by
themselves. Any attack on the Government building from the east
side would expose the American troops to the direct fire of the attacking force. Any movement of troops from the palace toward the Government building in the event of a conflict between the military forces
would have exposed them to the fire of the Queen's troops. In fact, it
would have been impossible for a struggle between the Queen's forces
and the forces of the committee of safety to have taken place without
exposing them to the shots of the Queen's forces. To use the language
of Admiral Skerrett, the American troops were well located if
designed to promote the movement for the Provisional Governnicnt and
very improperly located if only intended to protect Americai c.iizens
in person and property.
Th ey were doubtless so located to suggest to the Queen and her counsellors that they were in cooperation with the insurrectionary movement, and would when the emergency arose manifest it by active support.
It did doubtless suggest to the men who read the proclamation that
they were having the support of the American minister and naval
commander and were safe from personal harm.
Why had the American minister located the troops in such a situation and then assured the members of the committee of safety that on
their occupation of the Government building he would recognize it as a
government de facto, and as such give it support? Why was the
government building designated to them as the place which, when
their proclamation was announced therefromr would be followed by his
B. Bep. 227 — 88




1394                    HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
recognition. It was not a point of any strategic consequence. It did
not involve the employment of a single soldier.
A building was chosen where there were no troops stationed, where
there was no struggle to be made to obtain access, with an American
force immediately contiguous, with the mass of the population impressed with its unfriendly attitude. Aye, more than this-before any
demand for surrender had even been made on the Queen or on the
commander or any officer of any of her military forces at any of the
points where her troops were located, the American minister had
recognized the Provisional Government and was ready to give it the
support of the United States troops!
Mr. Damon, the vice-president of the Provisional Government and a
member of the advisory council, first went to the station house, which
was in command of Marshal Wilson. The cabinet was there located.
The vice-president importuned the cabinet and the military commander
to yield up the military forces on the ground that the American minister had recognized the Provisional Government and that there ought to
be no blood shed.
After considerable conference between Mr. Damon and the ministers
he and they went to the government building.
The cabinet then and there was prevailed upon to go with the vice.
president and some other friends to the Queen and urge her to acquiesce in the situation. It was pressed upon her by the ministers and
other persons at that conference that it was useless for her to make
any contest, because it was one with the United States; that she could
file her protest against what had taken place and would be entitled to
a hearing in the city of Washington. After consideration of more
than an hour she finally concluded, under the advice of her cabinet
and friends, to order the delivery up of her military forces to the Provisional Government under protest. That paper is in the following
form:
I, Liliuokalani, by the grace of God and under the constitution of the Hawaiian
Kingdom, Queen, do hereby solemnly protest against any and all acts done against
myself and the constitutional Government of the Hawaiian Kingdom by certain
persons claiming to have established a provisional government of and for this Kingdom.
That I yield to the superior force of the United States of America, whose minister
plenipotentiary, His Excellency John L. Stevens, has caused United States troops to
be landed at Honolulu and declared that he would support the said provisional government.
Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces and perhaps the loss of life, I do, under
this protest, and impelled by said force, yield my authority until such time as the
Government of the United States shall, upon the facts being presented to it, undo
the action of its representatives and reinstate me in the authority which I claim as
the constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands.
Done at Honolulu this 17th day of January, A. D. 1893.
LILIUOKALANI, R.
SAMUEL PARKER,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
WM. H. CORNWELL,
Minister of Finance.
JNO. F. COLBURN,
Minister of the Interior.
A. P. PETERSON,
Attorney-General.
All this was accomplished without the firing of a gun, without a de
mand for surrender on the part of the insurrectionary forces until they
had been converted into a defacto government by the recognition of
the American minister with American troops, then ready to interfere
in the event of an attack.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,


In pursuance of a prearranged plan, the Government thus established hastened off commissioners to Washington to make a treaty for
the purpose of annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the United States.
During the progress of the movement the committee of safety,
alarmed at the fact that the insurrectionists had no troops and no
organization, despatched to Mr. Stevens three persons, to wit, Messrs.
L. A. Thurston, W. C. Wilder, and H. F. Glade, "to inform him of the
situation and ascertain from him what if any protection or assistance
could be afforded by the United States forces for the protection of life
and property, the unanimous sentiment and feeling being that life and
property were in danger." Mr. Thurston is a native-born subject; Mr.
Wilder is of American origin, but has absolved his allegiance to the
United States and is a naturalized subject; Mr. Glade is a German
subject.
The declaration as to the purposes of the Queen contained in the
formal request for the appointment of a committee of safety in view
of the facts which have been recited, to wit, the action of the Queen
and her cabinet, the action of the Royalist mass meeting, and the peaceful movement of her followers, indicating assurances of their abandonment, seem strained in so far as any situation then requiring the landing of troops might exact.
The request was made, too, by men avowedly intending to overthrow
the existing government and substitute a provisional government therefor, and who, with such purpose in progress of being effected, could
not proceed therewith, but fearing arrest and imprisonment and without any thought of abandoning that purpose, sought the aid of the
American troops in this situation to prevent any harm to their persons
and property. To consent to an application for such a purpose without
any suggestion dissuading the applicants from it on the part of the
American minister, with naval forces under his command, could not
otherwise be construed than as complicity with their plans.
The committee, to use their own language, say: " We are unable to
protect ourselves without aid, and, therefore, pray for the protection
of the United States forces."
In less than thirty hours the petitioners have overturned the throne,
established a new government, and obtained the recognition of foreign
powers.
Let us see whether any of these petitioners are American citizens,
and if so whether they were entitled to protection, and if entitled to
protection at this point whether or not subsequently thereto their
conduct was such as could be sanctioned as proper on the part of
American citizens in a foreign country.
Mr. Henry E. Cooper is an American citizen; was a member of the
the committee of safety; was a participant from the beginning in
their schemes to overthrow the Queen, establish a Provisional Government, and visited Capt. Wiltse's vessel, with a view of securing the
aid of American troops, and made an encouraging report thereon. ITe.
an American citizen, read the proclamation dethroning the Queen and
tahlishing the Provisional Government.
Mr. F. W. McChesney is an American citizen; was cooperating in
the revolutionary movement, and had been a member of the advisory
council from its inception.
Mr. W. C. Wilder is a naturalized citizen of the Hawaiian Islands,
owing no allegiance to any other country. He was one of the original
members of the advisory council, and one of the orators in the mass
meeting on the morning of January 16.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. C. Bolte is of German origin, but a regularly naturalized citizen
of the Hawaiian Islands.
Mr. A. Brown is a Scotchman and has never been naturalized.
Mr. W. 0. Smith is a native of foreign origin and a subject of the
Islands.
Mr. Henry Waterhouse, originally from Tasmania, is a naturalized
citizen of the islands.
Mr. Theo. F. Lansing is a citizen of the United States, owing and
claiming allegiance thereto. He has never been naturalized in this
country.
Mr. Ed. Suhr is a German subject.
Mr. L. A. Thurstonis a native-born subject of the Hawaiian Islands,
of foreign origin.
Mr. John Emmeluth is an American citizen.
Mr. W. I. Castle"is a Hawaiian of foreign parentage.
Mr. J. A. MeCandless is a citizen of the United States-never having been naturalized here.
Six are Hawaiians subjects; five are American citizens; one English, and one German. A majority are foreign subjects.
It will be observed that they sign as "Citizens' committee of
safety."
This is the first time American troops were ever landed on these
islands at the instance of a committee of safety without notice to the
existing government.
It is to be observed that they claim to be a citizens' committee of
safety and that they are not simply applicants for the protection of the
property and lives of American citizens.
The chief actors in this movement were Messrs. L. A. Thurston and
W. 0. Smith.
Alluding to the meeting of the committee of safety held at Mr. W.
R. Castle's on Sunday afternoon, January 15, Mr. W. O. Smith says:
After we adjourned Mr. Thurston and I called upon the American minister again
and informed him of what was being done. Among other things we talked over
with him what had better be done in case of our being arrested, or extreme or violent measures being taken by the monarchy in regard to us. We did not know what
steps would be taken, and there was a feeling of great unrest and sense of danger
in the community. Mr. Stevens gave assurance of his earnest purpose to afford all
the protection that was in his power to protect life and property. He emphasized
the fact that while he would call for the United States troops to protect life and
property, he could not recognize any government until actually established.
Mr. Damon, the vice-president of the Provisional Government, returning from the country on the evening of the 16th, and seeing the troops
in the streets, inquired of Mr. Henry Waterhouse, "Henry, what
does all this mean "?' To which he says, if he "remembers rightly,"
Mr. Waterhouse replied, "It is all up!"    On being questioned by
me as to his understanding of the expression, "Itis all up," he said he
understood from it that the American troops had taken possession of
the island.
Mr. C. L. Carter, at the government house, assured Mr. Damon that
the United States troops would protect them. Mr. Damon was astonished when they were not immediately marched over from Arion Hall
to the government building and became uneasy. He only saw protection in the bodily presence of the American troops in this building.
The committee of safety, with its frequent interviews with Mr. Stevens,
saw it in the significance of the position occupied by the United States
troops and in the assurance of Mr. Stevens that he would interfere for
the purpose of protecting life and property, and that when they should




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1397
have occupied the government building and read their proclamation
dethroning the Queen and establishing the Provisional Government he
would recognize it.
The committee of safety, recognizing the fact that the landing of
the troops under existing circumstances could, according to all law
and precedent, be done only ou the request of the existing Government,
having failed in utilizing the Queen's cabinet, resorted to the new
device of a committee of safety, made up of Germans, British, Americ:ans, and natives of foreign origin, led and directed by two native
subjects of the Hawaiian Islands.
With these leaders, subjects of the Hawaiian Islands, the American
minister consulted freely as to the revolutionary movement and gave
them  assurance of protection from danger at the hands of the royal
Government and forces.
On January 17 the following communication, prepared at the station
house, which is one-third of a mile from    the Government building
and two thirds of a mile from the residence of the American minister,
was sent to him:
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Honolulu, January 17, 1893.
His Excellency JOHN L. STEVENS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, etc.:
SIR: Her Hawaiian Majesty's Government, having been informed that certain persons to them unknown, have issued proclamation declaring a Provisional Gov ernment
to exist in opposition to Her Majesty's Government, and having pretended to deposb
the Queen, her cabinet and marshal, and that certain treasonable persons at present
occupy the Government building in Honolulu with an armed force, and pretending
that your excellency, on behalf of the United States of America, has recognized such
Provisional Government, Her Majesty's cabinet asksrespectfully, has your excellency
recognized said Provisional Government, and, if not, Her Majesty's Government under
the above existing circumstances respectfully requests the assistance of your Government in preserving the peace of the country.
We have the honor to be your excellency's obedient servants,
SAMUEL PARKER,
Minister Foreign Affairs.
WM. H. CORNWELL,
Minister of Finance.
JOHN F. COLBURN,
Minister of the Interior.
A. P. PETERSON,
A ttorney-General.
In it will be observed the declaration that the Provisional Government is claiming to have had his recognition. The reply of Mr. Stevens
is not to be found in the records or files of the legation, but on those
records appears the following entry:
UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, January 17, 1893.
About 4 to 5 p. m. of this date-am not certain of the precise time-the note on
file from the four ministers of the deposed Queen. inquiring if I had recognized the
Provisional Government, came to my hands while I was lying sick on the couch.
Not far from 5 p. m.-I did not think to look at my watch-I addressed a short note
to Hon. Samuel Parker, Hon. Wm. H. Cornwell, Hon. John F. Colburn, and Hon. A.
P. Peterson, no longer regarding them as ministers, informing them that I had recognized the Provisional Government.
JOHN L. STEVENS,
United States Minister.
This communication was received at the station house and read by
all of the ministers and by a number of other persons.
After this Mr. Samuel,1. Damon, the vice-president of the Provisional Government, and Mr. Bolte, a member of the advisory council,
came to the station house and gave information of the proclamation




13S8


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


and asked for the delivery up of the station house, the former urging
that the government had been recognized by the American minister,
and that any struggle would cause useless bloodshed.
The marshal declared that he was able to cope with the forces of the
Provisional Government and those of the United States successfully,
if the latter interfered, and that he would not surrender except by the
written order of the Queen.
After considerable conference, the cabinet went with Messrs. Damon
and Bolte to the Government building and met the Provisional Government, and there indicated a disposition to yield, but said that they
must first consult with the Queen.
The members of the Queen's cabinet, accompanied by Mr. Damon,
preceded by the police, and met the Queen. There were also present
Messrs. H. A. Widemann, Paul Neumann, E. C. Macfarlane, J. 0.
Carter, and others.
As to what occurred there I invite your attention to the following
statement, made by the vice-president of the Provisional Government, and certified by him to be correct:
Q. In that conversation you asked for a surrender of the forces and the ministers
advised it?
A. The different ones spoke and they all recommended it. Each one spoke. At
first Judge Wideiann was opposed to it, but he finally changed his mind on the
advice of Mr. Neumann. Mr. Neumann advised yielding. Each one advised it.
Q. Was the advice of Neumann and the cabinet based on the idea that the
Queen would have to contend with the United States forces as well as the forces of
the Provisional Government?
A. It was the Queen's idea that she could surrender pending a settlement at Washington, and it was on that condition that she gave up. If I remember right I spoke
to her also. I said she could surrender or abdicate under protest.
Q. And that the protest would be considered at a later period at Washington?
A. At a later period.
*        *         *         *         *          *        v
I knew it was the Queen's idea that Mr. Stevens was in sympathy with this movement.
Q. But I am asking now as to what reasons the ministers gave for her acquiescence?
A. It was their idea that it was useless to carry on; that it would be provocative
of bloodshed and trouble if she persisted in the matter longer; that it was wiser for
her to abdicate under protest and have a hearing at a later time; that the forces
against her were too strong.
Q. Did they indicate the United States forces in any way?
A. I do not remember their doing so.
Q. Do you know whether or not at that time they were under the impression that
the United States forces were in sympathy with the revolution?
A. Beyond an impression I know nothing definite.
Q. What was the result of this conference with the Queen? What was agreed on?
A. She signed a document surrendering her rights to the Provisional Government
under protest.
She was reluctant to agree to this, but was advised that the whole s1b ect would
come up for final consideration at Washington.
*        *         *        *       *        *         *
I did tell her that she would have a perfect right to be heard at a later period.
Q. By the United States Government?
A. Yes.
All the persons present except Mr. Damon formally state and certify
that in this discussion it was conceded by all that Mr. Stevens had
recognized the Provisional Government. This Mr. Damon says he does
not clearly recollect, but that he is under the impression that at that
time the Provisional Government had been recognized. Save Mr.
Damon, these witnesses testify to the impression made on their minds
and on that of the Queen that the American minister and the American
naval commander were cooperating in the insurrectionary movement.




HAWAM~IIAN ISLANDS.


1399


As a result of the conference, there was then and there prepared the
protest which has been cited.
The time occupied in this conference is indicated in the following lan.
guage by Mr. Damon;
We went over (to the Palace) between 4 and 5 and remained until 6 discussing the
situation.
Mr. Damon and the cabinet returned to the Provisional Government,
presented the protest, and President Dole indorsed on the same:
Received by the hands of the late cabinet this 17th day of January, A. D. 1893.
SANFORD B. DOLE,
Chairman of the Executive Council of Provisional Government.
After this protest the Queen ordered the delivery up of the station
house, where was an important portion of the military forces, and the
barracks, where was another force.
The statements of many witnesses at the station house and at the
conference with the Queen, that the reply of Mr. Stevens to the cabinet
on the subject of recognition had been received when Mr. Damon and
Mr. Bolte called there, and also the statements at the conference with
the Queen that the recognition had taken place, are not contradicted
by Mr. Damon; but when inquired of touching these matters, he uses
such expressions as " I can not remember. It might have been so."
Mr. Damon says that he is under the impression that he knew when
he went to this conference with the Queen that the recognition had
taken place.
Mr. Bolte, another member of the Provisional Government, in a formal
statement made and certified to by him, shows very much confusion of
memory, but says: "C I can not say what time in the day Mr. Stevens
sent his recognition."  He thinks it was after sunset.
Mr. Henry Waterhouse, another member of the Provisional Government, says: "VWe had taken possession of the barracks and station
house before the recognition took place."
It will be observed that I have taken the communication of the
Queen's ministers and the memorandum of Mr. Stevens as to his reply
and the time thereof, to wit: "Not far from 5 p. m. I did not think
to look at my watch."
This information was then transmitted to the station house, a distance of two-thirds of a mile, and before the arrival of Messrs. Damon
and Bolte. This fact is supported by nine persons present at the interview with Mr. Damon and Mr. Bolte. Then another period of time
intervenes beween the departure of Mr. Damon and the cabinet, passing over a distance of one-third of a mile to the Government building.
Then some further time is consumed in a conference with the Provisional
Government before the departure of Mr. Damon and the cabinet to the
palace, where was the Queen. The testimony of all persons present
proves that the recognition by Mr. Stevens had then taken place.
Subsequent to the signing of the protest occurred the turning over of
the military to the Provisional Government.
Inquiry as to the credibility of all these witnesses satisfies me as to
their character for veracity, save one person, Mr. Colburn. He is a
merchant, and it is said he makes misstatements in business transactions. No man can reasonably doubt the truth of the statements of
the witnesses that Mr. Stevens had recognized the Provisional Government before Messrs. Damon and Bolte went to the station house.
Recurring to Mr. Stevens's statement as to the time of his reply to the




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


letter of the cabinet, it does not appear how long before this reply he
had recognized the Provisional Government. Some witnesses fix it at
three and some at half-past three. According to Mr. Damon he went
over with the cabinet to meet the Queen between four and five, and,
taking into account the periods of time as indicated by the several
events antecedent to this visit to the palace, it is quite probable that
the recognition took place in the neighborhood of 3 o'clock. This
would be within one-half hour from the time that Mr. Cooper commenced to read the proclamation establishing that Government, and,
allowing twenty minutes for its reading, in ten minutes thereafter the
recognition must have taken place.
Assuming that the recognition took place at half-past 3, there was
not at the Government building with the Provisional Government
exceeding 60 raw soldiers.
In conversation with me Mr. Stevens said that he knew the barracks
and station-house had not been delivered up when he recognized the
Provisional Government; that he did not care anything about that,
for 25 men, well armed, could have run the whole crowd.
There appears on the files of the legation this communication:
GOVERNMENT BUILDING,
Honolulu, January 17, 1893.
His Excellency JOHN L. STEVENS,
United States Minister Reesident:
SIR: I acknowledge receipt of your valued communication of this day, recognizing
the Hawaiian Provisional Government, and express deep appreciation of the same.
We have conferred with the ministers of the late government, and have made
demand upon the marshal to surrender the station-house. We are not actually yet
in possession of the station-house; hut as night is approaching and our forces may
be insufficient to maintain order, we request the immediate support of the United
States forces, and would request that the commander of the IT. S. forces take command of our military forces, so that they may act together for the protection of
the city.
Respectfully yours,
SANFORD B. DOLE,
Chairman Executive Council.
After the recognition by Mr. Stevens, Mr. Dole thus informs him of
his having seen the Queen's Cabinet and demaded the surrender of the
forces at the station-house. This paper contains the evidence that
before Mr. Dole had ever had any conference with the Queen's ministers, or made any demand for the surrender of her military forces, the
Provisional Government had been recognized by Mr. Stevens.
On this paper is written the following:
The above request not complied with.-STEVENS.
This is the only reference to it to be found on the records or among
the files of the legation.
This memorandum is not dated.
With the Provisional Government and its forces in a two-acre lot, and
the Queen's forces undisturbed by their presence, this formal, dignified declaration on the part of the President of the Provisional Government to the American minister, after first thanking him for his recognition, informing him of his meeting with the Queen's cabinet and
admitting that the station-house had not been surrendered, and stating that his forces may not be sufficient to maintain order, and asking
that the American commander unite the forces of the United States
with those of the Provisional Government to protect the city, is in ludicrous contrast with the declaration of the American minister in his




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                      1401
previous letter of recognition that the Provisional Government, was in
full possession of the Government buildings, the archives. the treasury,
and in control of the Hawaiian capital.
In Mr. Stevens's dispatch to Mr. Foster, No. 79, January 18, 1893, is
this paragraph:
As soon as practicable a Provisional Government was constituted, composed of
four highly respectable men, with Judge Dole at the head, he having resigned his
place on the supreme bench to assume this responsibility. He was born in Honolulu, of American parentage, educated here and in the United States, and is of the
highest reputation among all citizens, both natives and whites. P. C. Jones is a
native of Boston, Mass., wealthy, possessing property interests in the island, and a
resident here for many years. The other two members are of the highest respectability. The committee of public safety forthwith took possession of the Government
buildings, archives, and treasury, and installed the Provisional Government at the
heads of the respective departments. This being an accomplished fact, I promptly recognized the Provisional Government as the DE FACTO government of the Hawaiian Islands.
The English minister, the Portugese charg6 d'affaires, the French and the Japanese
commissioners promptly did the same; these, with myself, being the only members
of the diplomatic corps residing here.
Read in the light of what has immediately preceded, it is clear that
he recognized the Provisional Government very soon after the proclama
tion of it was made. This proclamation announced the organization.
of the Government, its form  and officials. The quick recognition was
the performance of his pledge to the committee of safety. The recognition by foreign powers, as herein stated, is incorrect. They are dated
on the 18th, the day following that of Mr. Stevens.
On the day of the revolution neither the Portuguese charg6 d'affaires nor the French commissioner had any communication, written
or oral, with the Provisional Government until after dark, when they
went to the Government building to understand the situation of
affairs. They did not then announce their recognition.
The British minister, several hours after Mr. Stevens's recognition,
believing that the Provisional Government was sustained by the American minister and naval forces, and that the Queen's troops could not
and ought not to enter into a struggle with the United States forces,
and having so previously informed the Queen's cabinet, did go to the
Provisional Government and indicate his purpose to recognize it.
I can not assure myself about the action of the Japanese commissioner. Mr. Stevens was at his home sick, and some one evidently
misinformed him as to the three first.
In a letter of the Hawaiian commissioners to Mr. Foster, dated February 11, is this paragraph:
Sixth. At the time the Provisional Government took possession of the Government
buildings no American troops or officers were present or took part in such proceedings in any manner whatever. No public recognition was accorded the Provisional
Government by the American minister until they were in possession of the Government buildings, the archives. and the treasury, supported by several hundred armed
men and after the abdication by the Queen and the surrender to the Provisional Government
of her forces.
Mark the words, "and after the abdication by the Queen and the
surrender to the Provisional Government of her forces."  It is signed
L. A. Thurston, W. C. Wilder, William    R. Castle, J. Marsden, and
Charles L. Carter.
)id the spirit of annexation mislead these gentlemen. If not, what
malign influence tempted President Dole to a contrary statement in
his cited letter to the American minister?
The Government building is a tasteful structure, with ample space
for the wants of a city government of 20,000 people. It is near the




1402


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


center of a 2-acre lot. In it the legislature and supreme court bold
their sessions and the cabinet ministers have their offices.
In one corner of this lot in the rear is an ordinary two-story structure
containing eight rooms. This building was used by the tax assessor,
the superintendent of waterworks, and the Government survey office.
In another corner is a small wooden structure containing two rooms
used by the board of health.
These constitute what is termed in the correspondence between the
Provisional Government and the American minister and the Government of the United States government departmental buildings."
Whatever lack of harmony of statement as to time may appear in
the evidence, the statements in documents and the consecutive order
of events in which the witnesses agree, all do force us to but one conclusion-that the American minister recognized the Provisional Government on the simple fact that it had entered a house designated
sometimes as the Government building and sometimes as Aliiolani
Hale( sic), which had never been regarded as tenable in military operations and was not so regarded by the Queen's officers in the disposition of their military forces, these being at the station house, at the
palace, and at the barracks.
Mr. Stevens consulted freely with the leaders of the revolutionary
movement from the evening of the 14th. These disclosed to him all
their plans. They feared arrest and punishment. He promised them
protection. They needed the troops on shore to overawe the Queen's
supporters and Government. This he agreed to and did furnish. They
had few arms and no trained soldiers. They did not mean to fight.
It was arranged between them and the American minister that the
proclamation dethroning the Queen and organizing a provisional government should be read from the Government building and he would
follow it with a speedy recognition. All this was to be done with
American troops provided with small-arms and artillery across a narrow street within a stone's throw. This was done.
Then commenced arguments and importunities to the military commander and the Qneen that the United States had recognized the
Provisional Government and would support it; that for them to persist involved useless bloodshed.
No soldier of the Provisional Government ever left the 2-acre lot.
The Queen finally surrendered, not to these soldiers and their leaders
but to the Provisional Government on the conviction that the American minister and the American troops were promoters and supporters
of the revolution, and that she could only appeal to the Government of
the United States to render justice to her.
The leaders of the revolutionary movement would not have undertaken itbutforMr. Stevens's promise to protect them against any danger
from the Government. But for this their mass meeting would not have
been held. But for this no request to land the troops would have been
made. Had the troops not been landed no measures for the organization of a new Government would have been taken.
The American minister and the revolutionary leaders had determined
on annexation to the United States, and had agreed on the part each
was to act to the very end.
Prior to 1887 two-thirds of the foreigners did not become naturalized. The Americans, British, and Germans especially would not give
up the protection of those strong governments and rely upon that of
the Hawaiian Islands. To such persons the constitution of 1887




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


declared: ' We need your vote to overcome that of our own native
subjects. Take the oath to support the Hawaiian Government, with a
distinct reservation of allegiance to your own." Two-thirds of the
Europeans and Americans now voting were thus induced to vote in a
strange country with the pledge that such act did not affect their citizenship to their native country. The purport and form of this affidavit appear in the citations from the constitution of 1887 and the form
of oath of a foreign voter. See page 12.
The list of registered voters of American and European origin, including Portuguese, discloses 3,715; 2,091 of this number are Portuguese. Only eight of these imported Portuguese have ever been naturalized in these islands. To this should be added 106 persons, mostly
negroes, from the Cape Verde Islands, who came here voluntarily several years prior to the period of state importation of laborers.
The commander of the military forces of the Provisional Government
on the day of the dethroning of the Queen and up to this hour has
never given up his American citizenship, but expressly reserved the
same in the form of oath already disclosed and by a continuous assertion of the same.
The advisory council of the Provisional Government, as established
by the proclamation, consisted of John Emmeluth, an American, not
naturalized; Andrew Brown, a Scotchman, not naturalized; C. Bolte,
naturalized; James F. Morgan, naturalized; Henry Waterhouse, naturalized; S. M. Damon, native; W. G. Ashley, an American, not
naturalized; E. D. Tenney, an American, not naturalized; F. W. McChesney, an American, not naturalized; W. C. Wilder, naturalized;
J. A. McCandless, an American, not naturalized; W. R. Castle, a
native; Lorrina A. Thurston, a native; F. J. Wilhelm, an American,
not naturalized,
One-half of this body, then, was made up of persons owing allegiance
to the United States and Great Britain.
The annexation mass meeting of the 16th of January was made up
in this same manner.
On the 25th of February, 1843, under pressure of British naval
forces, the King ceded the country to Lord George Paulet, " subject to
the decision of the British Government after full information." That
Government restored their independence. It made a deep impression
on the native mind.
This national experience was recalled by Judge Widemann, a German
of character and wealth, to the Queen to satisfy her that the establishment of the Provisional Government, through the action of Capt. Wiltse
and Mr. Stevens, would be repudiated by the United States Government, and that she could appeal to it. Mr. Damon urged upon her
that she would be entitled to such a hearing. He was the representative
of the Provisional Government, and accepted her protest and turned it
over to President Dole. This was followed by large expenditures from
her private purse to present her cause and to invoke her restoration.
That a deep wrong has been done the Queen and the native race by
American officials pervades the native mind and that of the Queen, as
well as a hope for redress from the United States, there can be no doubt.
In this connection it is important to note the inability of the Hawaiian people to cope with any great powers, and their recognition of it
by never offering resistance to their encroachments.
The suddenness of the landing of the United States troops, the reading of the proclamation of the Provisional Government almost in their




14U4                        HAWAIIAN     ISLAN1DS.
presence, and the quick recognition by Mr. Stevens, easily prepared
her for the suggestion that the President of the United States had no
knowledge of these occurrences and must know of and approve or disapprove of what had occurred at a future time.          This, too, must have
contributed to her disposition to accept the suggestions of Judge Widemann and Mr. Damon.          Indeed, who could have supposed that the
circumstances surrounding her could have been foreseen and sanctioned
deliberately by the President of the United States.
Her uniform conduct and the prevailing sentiment amongst the natives point to her belief as well as theirs that the spirit of justice on the
part of the President would restore her crown.
Attention is now invited to the following table, showing the census
of the Hawaiian Islands by districts and islands in 1890:
Latest official census of the Hawaiian Islands, taken December 28, 1890, by districts and
islands.
HAWAII.
Hilo............................................    9, 935
Puna.............................................  834
Kau..................................................  2, 577
North Kona....................                         1, 753
South Kona...........1, 812
North Kohala........................................ 4, 303
South  Kohala......................................    538
Hamakua..............................................   5,002
26, 754
MAUI.
Lahaina...................................   2,113
W ailuku.............................................  6,708
Hana...................................      3,270
Makawoo............................................  5,266
17, 357
Molokai...............................................  2,632
Lanai..............................................  174
OAITU.
Honolulu..............................................22, 907
Ewa..-..-........-..-...-..............................  2, 155
Ewa -i................................................  2,15
Waaiense. —. ---                —..................      903
Waialua.......-..................................... 1, 286
Koolaulol 4..............................................  1,444
Koolaupoko........................................... 2,499
31,194
KAUAI.
W aimea.............................................  2,523
Noihau..............................................  216
Koloa.................................................   1,755
Kawaihau............................................  2,101
Hanalci.............................................   2, 472
Lihue.............................................  2, 792
11,859




HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.                        1405
Total population, 1890, 89,990.     Total population, 1884, 80,578.
The island of Oahu, on which Honolulu is situated, appears, then, to
have bad a population of 31J194.        The total population was 89,970.
This total has been increased since by adding several thousand Japanese contractlaborers. Fifty-eight thousand seven hundred and ninetysix, a majority of the people, lived on the other islands.
Nothing was known of the revolutionary movement at Honolulu in
the other islands until several days after its accomplishment, and no
opportunity to consider and approve or reject it has been permitted.
Lieut. Fox, of Admiral Skerrett's staff, furnishes me the following
information, in the shape of a memorandum, showing the movements
of American troops to and from American vessels in Honolulu:
Account of the forces landed from the U. S. S. Boston at Honolulu, January 16, 1893,
together with those landed from and returned to the ship at different times:
Lauded at 4:30 or 5 p. m., January 16-.
Three companies of blue jackets, 36 each.................................. 108
One company marines and two musicianus.................................. 32
Musicians for battalion....................................................  12
Officers-9 naval, 1 marine................................................ 10
162
Extra men landedJanuary 24 for Camp Boston...........................   2
February 16 for Camp Boston..............................  1
March 15 for marine guard...........................................  1
March 17 for Camp Boston............................................ 14
-     18
Total number of men and officers landed for service..................... 180
Returned on board:
January  27, men.........................................................  2
January  30, men............................................   1
February 3, Lieut. Young's company...................................... 35
February  3, officers.....................................................  2
February 23, men.........................................................  2
February 27, mlen - -—. ---. ----    -. ---.....-.................... 2
February 28, one marine and one blue jacket.......2.....................  2
March 1, men...............-.-.................. —......................   1
March 13, men. —................-.........-.....-...... 1
March  15, men............................................................  2
March 18, men -.....-...... —.......-.......... —......-....... ---..  1
March 20, Lieut. Coinanll's cornpnny.....3.......................... 36
March 20, officers......................................-.......-.........  1
March  22, men............................................................  1
89
Total number of men and officers returned before April 1-...................... 89
Total number of men and officers landed before April 1......................... 180
Total number left on shore March 20, 1893.............................. 91
On February 15 Lieut. Young's company lanlded for the admiral's review and
returned after the review the same day. There were 36 men in the company and
2 officers.
The total number of men at Camp Boston.April 1, men..............................................................  52
April 1, officers.................................................  6
April 1, marines at Government building...................     33
April 1, officers...............................................     1
Total force withdrawn from shore April 1, 193                          92
The United States troops, it thus appears, were doing military duty
for the Provisional Government before the protectorate was assumed,
just as afterwards.    The condition of the community at the time of the
assumption of the protectorate was one of quiet and acquiescence,




1406


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


pending negotiations with the United States, so far as I have been
able to learn.
A few days before my arrival here news of the withdrawal by the
President from the Senate of the treaty of annexation and his purpose
to send a commissioner to inquire into the revolution was received.
An organization known as the Annexation Club commenced to obtain
signatures to a petition in favor of annexation.         This work has been
continued ever since.
The result is reportel on July 9, 1893, thus:
HEADQUARTERS ANNEXATION CLUB,
Honolulu, H. I., July 9, 1893.
Hon. J. H. BLOUNT,
U. S. E. E. & M. P.
In answer to your communication of May I would say that the names on our
great register to date are 5,500 and that we are advised of 190 odd on rolls not yet
entered on the other islands. 
Of those which are entered I would estimate that 1,218 are Americins, being
90 odd per cent of the total number of Americans on the islands and 20 odd per
cent of those on the club rolls.
English 251, being 26 per cent of those on the islands and 4 per cent of club rolls.
One thousand and twenty-two Hawaiians, being 11 per cent of those on islands
and 18 per cent of club rolls.
Two thousand two hundred and sixty-one Portuguese, being 73 per cent of Portuguese on islands alnd 41 per cent of club rolls.
Sixty-nine Norwegians, being 50 per cent of those on islands and 1 per cent of
club rolls.
Three hundred and fifty-one Germans, being 53 per cent of those on islands and
6 per cent on club rolls.
Others, 328, unclassified.
I have the honor to be your obedient servant,
J. W. JONES,
Secretary Annexation Club.
Compare this with the exhibit in the following table:
The census of 1890, by age and nationality, showing number of registered voters.
Nationality.         Underl 15 15 to 30  30 to 45 Over 45  Total.  egisteryears.  years.  years.  years.        ed voters.
Natives................................  10, 240  9, 329  6,716  8,151  34, 436  8, 777
Halfcastes..........................  3,427  1,744  742   273   6,186      777
Hawaiian-born foreigners..............  6, 797  471  143    84   7, 495    146
Americans.......-....................  225  554    662     487   1,928     637
British.................          76     375     515     378   1, 344    505
Germans...............................  115  293    392     204   1,034     382
French..............................12        22      36      70      22
Portuguese............................  2, 233  2, 862  2,426  1, C01  8, 602  2,091
Norwegians.........................  27    68     102      30     227      78
Chinese...............................  261  5, 951  6, 919  2,170  15,301.........
Japanese.........................  63  7, 0:9  5, 073  125   12, 360.........
Polynesians.........................  25  244     233      86     588      42
Other nationalities..................... 9  116    192     102     419     136
Total..23518.......                  29,18   24,137  13,217  89,990  13, 593
Denominations, as shown by the census of 1884, were: Protestants, 29,685; Roman
Catholics, 20,072; and unreported, 30,821. Of this latter 17,639 were Chinese and
116 were Japanese. At the recent census this feature of the work was omitted.
This shows the number of registered voters and the looseness of the
method of the Annexation Club.
After my arrival the adherents of the Queen commenced to obtain
signatures amongst the natives against annexation, under attacks from
the press and annexationists of treasonable purposes. They report
7,000 signatures.    In addition to this, petition against annexation by
whites, little circulated, contains 249 signatures.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1407


The Portuguese have generally signed the annexation rolls. These,
as I have already stated, are nearly all Portuguese subjects. A majority of the whites of American and European birth who have signed the
same roll are not Hawaiian subjects and are not entitled to vote under
any laws of the Kingdom.
The testimony of leading annexationists is that if the question of
annexation was submitted to a popular vote, excluding all persons who
could not read and write except foreigners (under the Australian-ballot system, which is the law of the land), that annexation would be defeated.
From a careful inquiry I am satisfied that it would be defeated by a
vote of at least two to one. If the votes of persons claiming allegiance
to foreign countries were excluded, it would be defeated by more than
five to one.
The undoubted sentiment of the people is for the Queen, against the
Provisional Government and against annexation. A majority of the
whites, especially Americans, are for annexation.
The native registered vote in 1890 was 9,700; the foreign vote was
3,893. This native vote is generally aligned against the annexation
whites. No relief is hoped for from admitting to the right of suffrage
the overwhelming Asiatic population. In this situation the annexation
whites declare that good government is unattainable.
The controlling element in the white population is connected with the
sugar industry. In its interests the Government here has negotiated
treaties from time to time for the purpose of securing contract laborers
for terms of years for the plantations, and paid out large sums for their
transportation and for building plantation wharves, etc.
These contracts provide for compelling the laborer to work faithfully
by fines and damage suits brought by the planters against them, with
the right on the part of the planter to deduct the damages and cost of
suit out of the laborer's wages. They also provide for compelling the
laborer to remain with the planter during the contract term. They are
sanctioned by law and enforced by civil remedies and penal laws. The
general belief amongst the planters at the so-called revolution was that,
notwithstanding the laws against importing labor into the United
States in the event of their annexation to that Government, these laws
would not be made operative in the Hawaiian Islands on account of
their peculiar conditions. Their faith in the building of a cable
between Honolulu and San Francisco, and large expenditures at Pearl
Harbor in the event of annexation have also as much to do with the
desire for it.
In addition to these was the hope of escape from duties on rice and
fruits and receiving the sugar-bounty, either by general or special law.
The repeal of the duty on sugar in the MlcKinley act was regarded
a severe blow to their interests, and the great idea of statesmanship has been to do something in the shape of treaties with the United
States, reducing their duties on agricultural products of the Hawaiian
Islands, out of which profit might be derived. Annexation has for its
charm the complete abolition of all duties on their exports to the United
States.
The annexationists expect the United States to govern the islands
by so abridging the right of suffrage as to place them in control of the
whites.
The Americans, of what is sometimes termed the better class, in point
of intelligence, refinement, and good morals, are fully up to the best
standard in American social life. Their homes are tasteful and distin



1408                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
guished for a generous hospitality. Education and religion receive at
their hands zealous support. The remainder of them contain good
people of the laboring class and the vicious characters of a seaport
city. These general observations can be applied to the English and
German population.
The native population, numbering in 1890 40,622 persons, contained
27,901 able to read and write. No country in Europe, except perhaps Germany and England, can make such a showing. While the
native generally reads and writes in native and English, he usually
speaks the Kanaka language. Foreigners generally acquire it. The
Chinese and Japanese learn to use it and know very little English.
Among the natives there is not a superior class, indicated by great
wealth, enterprise, and culture, directing the race, as with the whites.
This comes from several causes.
In the distribution of lands most of it was assigned to the King, chiefs,
some whites, and to the Government for its support. Of the masses
11.132 persons received 27,830 acres-about two and a half acres to an
individual-called Kuleanas. The majority received nothing. The
foreigners soon traded the chiefs out of a large portion of their shares,
and later purchased from the Government government lands and
obtained long leases on the crown lands. Avoiding details it must be
said that the native never held much of the land. It is well known
that it has been about seventy years since he commenced to emerge
from idolatry and the simplicity of thought and habits and immoralities
belonging to it. National tradition has done little for him, and before
the whites led him to education its influence was not operative. Until
within the last twenty years white leaders were generally accepted and
preferred by the King in his selections of cabinets, nobles, and judges,
and native leadership was not wanted.
Their religious affiliations are with the Protestant and Catholic
churches. They are over-generous, hospitable, almost free from revenge, very courteous-especially to females. Their talent for oratory
and the higher branches of mathematics is unusually marked. In person they have large physique, good features, and the complexion of the
brown races. They have been greatly advanced by civilization, but
have done little towards its advancement. The small amount of thieving and absence of beggary are more marked than amongst the best races
of the world. What they are capable of under fair conditions is an
unsolved problem.
Idols and idol worship have long since disappeared.
The following observations in relation to population are presented,
though some repetition will be observed:
The population of the Hawaiian Islands can best be studied, by one
unfamiliar with the native tongue, from its several census reports. A
census is taken every six years. The last report is for the year 1890.
From this it appears that the whole population numbers 89,990. This
number includes natives or, to use another designation, Kanakas,
half-castes (persons containing an admixture of other than native
blood in any proportion with it), Hawaiian-born foreigners of all races
or nationalities other than natives, Americans, British, Germans,
French, Portuguese, Norwegians, Chinese, Polynesians, and other
nationalities.
(In all the official documents of the Hawaiian Islands, whether in
relation to population, ownership of property, taxation, or 'any other
question, the designation "American," " Briton," " German," or other
foreign nationality does not discriminate between the naturalized citi



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   1409
zens of the Hawaiian Islands and those owing allegiance to foreign
countries.)
Americans number 1,928; natives and half-castes, 40,612; Chinese,
15,301; Japanese, 12,360; Portuguese, 8,602; British, 1,344; Germans,
1,034; French, 70; Norwegians, 227; Polynesians, 588, and other foreigners, 419.
It is well at this point to say that of the 7,495 Hawaiian-born foreigners 4,117 are Portuguese, 1,701 Chinese and Japanese, 1,617 other white
foreigners, and 60 of other nationalities.
There are 58,714 males. Of these 18,364 are pure natives and 3,085
are half-castes, making together 21,449.  Fourteen thousand five
hundred and twenty-two (14,522) are Chinese. The Japanese number
10,079. The Portuguese contribute 4,770. These four nationalities
furnish 50,820 of the male population.
Males.
The Americans.-............-...-......-..... 1, 298
The British. ---- -.....- -—.. --- —.. --- - --—.. —.- ---—.   982
The Germans... ---.... —....-.. --- -—. ---..-...-.-.   729
The French...........................................  46
The Norwegians. —....... -..... --- ------—. ----------—.   135
These five nationlalities combined furnish 3,170 of the total male population.
The first four nationalities when compared with the last five in male
poplulation are nearly sixteenfold the largest in number.
The Americans are to those of the four aforementioned group of
nationalities as 1 to 39-nearly as 1 to 40.
Portuguese have been brought here from time to time from the
Madeira and Azores islands by the Hawaiian Government as laborers,
oin plantations, just as has been done in relation to Chinese, Japanese,
Polynesians, etc. They are the most ignorant of all imported laborers,
and reported to be very thievish. They are not pure Europeans, but a
commingling of many races, especially the negro. They intermarry with
the natives and belong to the laboring classes. Very few of them can
read and write. Their children are being taught in the public schools,
as all races are. It is wrong to class them as Europeans.
The character of the people of these islands is and must be overwhelmingly Asiatic. Let it not be imagined that the Chinese, Japanese, and Portuguese disappear at the end of their contract term. From
the report of the inspector-in-chief of Japanese immigrants on March
31, 1892, it appears that twenty "lots" of Japanese immigrants have
been brought here by the Hawaiian Government, numbering 21,110.
Of these, 2,517 have returned to Japan; 8,592, having worked out their
contract term, remain, and 9,626 are still working out their contract
term. More than 75 per cent may be said to locate here permanently.
There are 13,067 Chinamen engaged in various occupations, to wit:
8,763 laborers, 1,479 farmers, 133 fishermen, 74 drivers and teamsters,
564 mechanics, 42 planters and ranchers, 776 merchants and traders,
164 clerks and salesmen, 12 professional men and teachers, and 1,056
in various other occupations.
The number of merchants and traders in the entire country is 1,238.
Of this number 776 are Chinamen and 81 are Americans.
The largest part of the retail trade seems to be conducted by Chinamen.
Of 20,536 laborers on sugar plantations only 2,617 are Chinese. Of
this latter number only 396 are contract laborers.
The Portuguese population in 1884 amounted to 9,377 and in 1890 to
8,602, a loss of 775. These have been leaving in considerable numbers
S. Rep. 227 —89




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


for the past eighteen months, making their way generally to the United
States. In 1890 the males were classified as to occupation thus: Laborers,   53; farmers, 12,;  fishermen, 3; mariners, 10; drivers and
teamsters, 63; mechanics, 167; planters and ranchers, 17; merchants
and traders, 56: clerks and salesmen, 13; professional men and teachers, 11; other occupations, 123; total, 3,266. On the cane plantations
there are of male Portuguese 277 under contract and 1,651 day laborers.
Of the population in 1892, 20,536 were laborers on sugar-cane plantations, 16,723 being Portuguese, Japanese, and Chinese. Of the whole
number, 10,991 are contract laborers. The remainder are designated
as day laborers. The total number of laborers in the islands by the
census of 1890 was 25,466.
In 1890 there were 23,863 male laborers. Of this number, 18,728
were Chinese and Japanese. At this period there were 41,073 persons
of all occupations. Of this number, 24,432 were Chinese and Japanese.
Of the total number of persons of European and American origin
in the various avocations, it appears that 1,106 were Americans, 819
British, 518 Germans, 45 French, and 200 Norwegians, making a total
of 2,688 persons.
The natives furnished 8,871 persons and the half-castes 884.
The Hawaiians, therefore, may be said to have furnished 9,755.
There are 196 persons designated as planters and ranchers. Of this
number, 18 are Americans, 30 are British, and 6 are Germans. The
remainder are principally Japanese, Portuguese, Chinese, and Hawaiians.
There are 5,181 persons designated as farmers. Of these 3,392 are
natives and half-castes and 1,500 are Chinese. These two furnish 4,779,
leaving a residue of 402 taken from all other nationalities. Of these, 26
are Americans.
It will be interesting if not pleasing to examine the number of the
sexes by nationalities.
The grand total of the population is 89,990. The male population is
56,714, the females are 31,276.
The natives and half-castes furnish 21,449 males and 19,174 females.
The Chinese furnish 14,522 males and 779 females.
The Japanese furnish 10,079 males and 2,281 females.
The Portuguese furnish 4,770 males and 3,832 females.
The American males are 1,298, females 630.
The British males are 982, females 362.
The German males are 729, females 305.
This disparity of the sexes applies to all nationalities save the native
race.
The most striking feature is that the Chinese men outnumber their
women by more than 18 to 1.
The Japanese men outnumber their women by nearly five to one.
In all foreign nationalities the males largely exceed the females in
numbers.
The natives and half-castes furnish nearly two-thirds of the women.
For a moment let us see how far this disparity of sexes in 1884 coInpares with that of 1890:
In 18i4 there were 51,539 males, 29,039 females, and a total population of 80,578.
In 1890 the males numbered 58,714, the females 31,276, and the total
number was 89,990.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1411


The males increased from 1884 to 1890, 7,175; the females inci eased
from 1884 to 1890, 2,237.
During this period there appears to have been the following gains
and losses by nationalities:
Gains: Half-castes 1,968; Hawaiian-born foreigners (mostly Portuguese), 5,455; British, 62; Japanese, 12,244.
Losses: Natives, 5,578; Americans, 138; Germans, 566; French, 122;
Portuguese, 775; Norwegians, 135; Chinese, 2,638; Polynesians, 368.
The net gain is 9,412. Had it not been for the large importation of
Japanese for plantation laborers there would have been a net loss of
2,832.
There was a net loss of Europeans and Americans combined nulmbering 899.
While the population is increasing in numbers the per cent of
females is largely decreasing.
In 1866 the percentage of females was 45.25; in 1872 it was 44.37; in
1878, 41.19; in 1884, 36.04; in 1890, 34.75.
This condition has been reached by the importation of contract labor
by the Hawaiian Government for the sugar plantations.
In 1890 there was in the island of Oahu a population of 31,194. Of
this number 1,239 were Americans.
There was in the island of Hawaii a population of 26,754. Of this
number 289 were Americans.
In the islands of Molokai and Lanai there was a population of 2,826.
Of this number 23 were Americans.
In the island of Maui there was a population of 17,357. Of this number 211 were Americans.
In the islands of Kauai and Niihau there was a population of 11,859.
Of this number 112 were Amexicans.
The total population was 89,990. Of this number 1,928 were Americans.
It appears that in 1890, the period of the last census, in a population
of 89,990 persons 51,610 were unable to read and write. The natives
and half-castes, numbering 40,622, had 27,901 able to read and write.
The Chinese, with a population of 15,301 persons, had 13,277 unable
to read and write.
The Japanese, with a population of 12,360, had 12,053 persons unable
to read and write.
The Portuguese, with a population of 8,602, had 6,276 unable to read
and write.
The minister of finance informs me that the taxes paid by Americans
and Europeans amount to $274,516.74; those by natives, $71.386.82;
half-castes, $26,868.68; Chinese, $87,266.10; J apanese, $67,326.07; other
nationalities, $729.82.
He also informs me that the acreage on which taxes are paid by
various nationalities is:
Europeans and Americans, 1,052,492 acres; natives, 257,457 acres;
half-castes, 531,545 acres; Chinese, 12,324 acres; Japanese, 200 acres;
other nationalities, none.
The surveyor-general reports the Crown lands for 1893 as containing 915,288 acres. Of these he reports 94,116 acres available for lease.
Of this latter number only 47,000 acres are reported to be good arable
land. He likewise reports the Government land as containing 828,370
acres. He reports these estimated in 1890 to be worth $2,128,850.
The annual income from them is $67,636. Of this income, $19,500 is
from wharfage and $7,800 from rent of land with buildings thereon.




1412


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


The cane and arable land is estimated at 35,150 acres.
It is important here to recall his statement made to the legislature
in 1891, in the following language:
Most Government lands at the present time consist of mere remnants left here
and there, and of the worthless and unsalable portions remaining after the rest had
been sold.
And in the same communication he declares that between the years
1850 and 1860 nearly all the desirable Government land was sold, generally to natives.
In 1890 the census report discloses that only 4,695 persons owned
real estate in these islands. With a population estimated at this time
at 95,000, the vast number of landless people here is discouraging to
the idea of immigrants from the United States being able to find
encouragement in the matter of obtaining homes in these islands.
The landless condition of the native population grows out of the
original distribution and not from shiftlessness. To them homesteads
should be offered rather than to strangers.
The census reports of the Hawaiian Islands pretend to give the
native population from the period when Capt. Cook was here until
1890. These show a rapid diminution in numbers, which, it is claimed,
indicate the final extinction of the race. Very many of these reports
are entirely conjectural and others are carelessly prepared. That oi
1884 is believed by manyintelligent persons here to overstate the native
strength and, of course, to discredit any comparison with that of 1890.
All deductions from such comparisons are discredited by an omission
to consider loss from emigration. Jarvis, in his history of the Hawaiian
Islands, published in 1847, says:
Great numbers of healthy Hawaiian youth have left in whale ships and other
vessels and never returned.
The number annually afloat is computed at 3,000. At one time 400
were counted at Tahiti, 500 in Oregon, 50 at Paita, Peru, besides
unknown numbers in Europe and the United States.
In 1850 a law was passed to prohibit natives from leaving the islands.
The reason for it is stated in the following preamble:
Whereas, by the census of the islands taken in 1849, the population decreased at
the rate of 8 per cent in 1848, and by the census taken in 1850 the population (lecreased at the rate of 5+ per cent in 1849; whereas the want of labor is severely
felt by planters and other agriculturists, whereby the price of provisions and other
produce has been unprecedentedly enhanced, to the great prejudice of the islands;
whereas, many natives have emigrated to California and there died, in great
misery; and, whereas, it is desirable to prevent such loss to the nation and such
wretchedness to individuals, etc.
This act remained in force until 1887. How effective it was when it
existed there is no means of ascertaining. How much emigration of
the native race has taken place since its repeal does not appear to
have been inquired into by the Hawaiian Government.      Assuming
that there has been none and that the census tables are correct, except
that of 1884, the best opinion is that the decrease in the native population is slight now and constantly less. Its final extinction, except by
amalgamation with Americans, Europeans, and Asiatics, may be dispenlsed with in all future calculations.
My opinion, derived from official data and the judgment of intelligent
persons, is that it is not decreasing now and will soon increase.
The foregoing pages are respectfully submitted as the connected
report indicated in your instructions. It is based upon the statements




IAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1413
of individuals and the examination of public documents. Most of chese
are hereto annexed.
The partisan feeling naturally attaching to witnesses made it necessary for me to take time for forming a correct judgment as to their
character. All this had to be done without the counsel of any other
person.
Mindful of my liability to error in some matters of detail, but believing in the general correctness of the information reported and conclusions reached, I can only await the judgment of others.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JAMES H. BLOUNT,
Special Commissioner of the United States.
No. 18.
Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
No. 14.]                                       July 19, 1893.
SIR: On the 28th ultimo I sent through Mr. Mills a communication
to President Dole, a copy of which is inclosed herewith.
Mr. Mills reported that President Dole said he did not remember the
letter to Mr. Stevens; that he would examine his papers and see if a
reply to such communication could be found. He asked if such a paper
was in the legation.
A copy of the letter in question was sent to you with my No. 11 of
the 28th ultimo.
The omission of a reference to the admission of Mr. Stevens's recognition was done to avoid informing him of my knowledge of this fact.
A great effort has been continuously made to suppress such information. Absolute falsehoods have in some instances been resorted to by
men of whom better conduct would have been expected.
Since Mr. Mills's conversation with President Dole I called on him in
person and asked him if he would not give me a reply to my letter. He
said he desired to talk with Mr. Damon, who had charge of some of their
private papers, which he had locked up in his bank, before he answered
me.
This was several days ago and I presume I shall hear nothing further from him on the subject.
Mr. W. O. Smith said to me on one occasion that he thought Mr.
Stevens had given to President Dole the letter of recognition of the
Provisional Government to be used on the happening of some event.
He represented that the matter was in his mind vaguely. This was
repeated on another occasion. It is quite possible that this reply may
in some way bring out other facts, and for that reason it is not desired
to furnish it.
There is a habit of mind amongst all people here, no matter how
careful of their conduct in other respects, to exaggerate and mislead in
political questions, and especially in relation to the present condition
of affairs.
Some of the papers from the United States arriving here contain a
letter of ex-Queen Liluokalani to Mr. Stevens, dated January 17,




1414


HIAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1893, published as part of his speech in Augusta, Me., on the 29th
ultimo.
It was a legation paper, and I can not understand by what meians
he acquired permission to make it public, and so have deemed it my
duty to call your attention to it.
I am, etc.,
JAMES H. BLOIJNT,
Special Commissioner of the United States.
[Inclosure in No. 14.]
Mr. Blount to Mr. Dole.
LEGATION OF THIE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, June 28, 1893,
SIR: Please be kind enough to send me a copy of Mr. Stevens's reply to a letter
addressed to him by you as chairman of the executive coun cil on the 17th of January
last, in which you request the immediate support of the United States forces, and
that the commander of those forces take command of your military forces so that
they may act together for the protection of the city.
I am, etc.,
JAMES H. BIOUNT,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister PlenIpotentiary of the United States.
Ilis Excellency SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
No. 19.
1Ur. Blount to llr. Gresham.
IHONOLLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
No. 15.]                                              July 26, 1893.
SIR: On the 28th ultimo I forwarded to you a copy of a letter from
President Dole to Mr. Stevens. On it was the entry, "The above
request not complied with. Stevens."
On the same day I addressed a communication to Mr. Dole, asking
for Mr. Stevens's reply to this letter.
On the 20th instant Mr. Dole inclosed me the communication annexed
hereto, (Inclosure No. 1).
This reply of Mr. Stevens is nowhere to be found in the legation
records or files.
I inclose also a communication (Inclosure No. 2) contailing information from the archives of the Hawaiian Islands, sent me by Mr.
W. D. Alexander, at my request, thinking it might be of some historical value.
The public in the United States has been led to believe that Mr. Marcy
had shown great individuality and sagacity as secretary of state in
his well-nigh consummated treaty of annexation of these islands.
These Hawaiian papers disclose that the project originated with the
King of the Hawaiian Islands from fears of the loss of their indepen
dence through various causes.
I am, etc.,
JAMES H. BLOUNT,
Special Commissioner of the United States.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1415
[Inclosure 1 in No. 15.1
Mr. Dole to M1r. Blount.
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Honolulu, Hawvaiian Islands, July 20, 1893.
SIR: Your communication of June 28, requesting a copy of Mr Stevens's reply
to a letter addressed to him by me, as chairman of the executive council, on the
17th of January last, in which I request the immediate support of the United
States forces and that the commander of these forces take command of our forces,
so that they may act together for the protection of the city has been received.  My
delay in replying has been in consequence of my failure to find the letter mentioned
and my hope of eventually procuring it. To-day I have succeeded in finding this
letter and herewith forward you a copy thereof.
I have, etc.,
SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
His Excellency JAMES H. BLOUNT,
United States Envoy Extiaordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Honolulu.
[Inclosure in inclosure 1 in No. 15.]
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Dole.
UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, January 17, 1893.
Think Capt. Wiltse will endeavor to maintain order and protect life and property,
but do not think he would take command of the men of the Provisional Government.
Will have him come to the legation soon as possible and take his opinion and
inform you as soon as possible.
Yours, truly,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
[Inclosure 2 to No. 15.]
W. D. Alexander to Mr. Blount.
SIR: I have the honor to submit to you the following account of the circumstances
attending the uncompleted treaty of annexation, negotiated in 1854 between Hon.
1). L. Gregg, representing the United States, and his excellency, R. C. Wyllie, representing the King of the Hawaiian Islands.
I will first briefly mention some of the causes which led to the application made
by Kamehameha III and his cabinet in 1854 for annexation to the United States.
THE APPLICATION FOR A PROTECTORATE IN 1851.
The subject of annexation to the United States was first seriously considered in
the islands in 1851. M. Em. Perrin had been sent to Honolulu as commissioner of
France, in the corve;te Serieuse, which arrived at Honolulu December 13, 1850, and
remained in port three months without exchanging salutes with the fort.
He persisted in pressing again the famous ten demands, presented by Admiral De
Tromelin in 1849, and his attitude was so menacing that the King and privy council
were finally driven to seek protection from the United States.
As is stated in my "Brief History of the Hawaiian People," p. 270, they passed a
proclamation, March 10, 1851, placing the islands provisionally under the protection of the United States.
On the next day a conditional deed of cession of the Kingdom to the United
States was drawn up, signed, and delivered in a sealed envelope to Hon. L. Severance, the commissioner of the United States, by two of the King's ministers. This
was to be opened and acted upon only in case of an emergency, the signal of which
was to be the raising of the flag of the United States above that of Hawaii over
the fort. In that case the sovereignty of the islands was to be ceded to the United
States, to be held in trust until a settlement of their relations with France, " compatible with the King's rights as an independent sovereign," could be made, and if
this should be found to be impracticable the said protectorate was to be declared
perpetual.




1416                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
The U.S. S. Vandalia, Capt. Gardner, was in port at the time. The deed of
cession was accepted by Mr. Severance provisionally, and referred to his Governnient. Mr. CW.. Park, the marshal, was directed to have the Hawaiian and
American flags sewed together, and kept in readiness to be hoisted at a moment's
notice. He remained in the fort night and day, on the watch, during the 15th and
16th of March. By some means, the British consul-general learned of what had been
done, and informed M. Perrin, who thereupon withdrew the most obnoxious of his
demands; and a joint declaration, comprising four articles, was signed by both
parties March 25.
It appears, however, that M. Perrin used language in his later dispatches which
threatened to reopen questions that had been supposed to be closed. An appeal to
the President of the United States was therefore drawn up and presented to Mr.
Severance, which was taken to Washington by Hon. E. H. Allen, then United States
consul, who sailed on this mission April 4. M. Perrin left for Paris May 24 to obtain
fresh instructions, and did not return until January 8, 1853. Nothing more was ever
heard of the rest of the ten demands. Mr. Webster, the United States Secretary of
State, made strong representations to the French Government on the subject, but
directed Mr. Severance to return to the Hawaiian Government the deed of cession,
which had been placed in his keeping.
A joint resolution was passed by both houses of the Hawaiian Legislature June
21, 1851, confirming the action of the privy council, and empowering the King
and privy council to place the Kingdom underthe protection of some friendly power,
if necessary, "to shield it from insult and oppression."
In the following year, in framing the new constitution, a clause was inserted in
Article 39, which empowered the King, by and with the approval of his cabinet and
privy council, to even alienate his Kingdom "if indispensable to free it from the
insult and oppression of any foreign power." This shows that the apprehension of
some impending danger was still present to the minds of the King and his advisers.
FILIBUSTERS.
The discovery of gold in California in 1848, which led to the speedy settlement of
that State and to the opening of new routes across the American continent, ushered
in a new era in the history of the Hawaiian Islands. It opened a new market for
their productions, and brought them into closer commercial relations with the
United States. Communication became frequent between them and California, and
American capital began to be largely invested here.
At that time California was resorted to by numerous lawless adventurers, who
planned a number of raids or filibustering expeditions into the neighboring countries. The notorious Gen. Walker headed a raid of this kind into Lower California
in 1853, and others into Nicaragua in 1855 and in 1861, in the last of which he was
taken prisoner and shot.
The Hawaiian Government received many warnings in the fall of 1851 that a band
of filibusters was being organized to invade this Kingdom. At the request of the
cabinet the U.S. S. Fandalia, Capt. Gardner, was kept at Honolulu ready to
seize any suspicious vessel, and a body of 100 native troops was drilled for several
months by Lieut. Read of the Vandalia.
About 25 suspicious characters, headed by Sam Brannan, came down from Saa Francisco in November 1851, in the ship Game Cock. During the voyage the mail bag
was rifled by members of the party and the letters thrown overboard. They were
under the false impression that this country was ripe for revolution, and that the
King was ready to sell his Kingdom and to retire from the cares of state. But they
soon found that they had been deceived in regard to the feeling of the natives, and
that the officers and men of the whaling fleet were also hostile to them. They were
closely watched; the King declined to see them, and the expedition ended in a
fiasco.
During the years 1853-'54 the country was disquieted by frequent rumors of filibusteriIg expeditions being fitted out, and British and American ships of war were
kept in port much of the time as a safeguard. Mr. Wyllie strongly advocated the
plan of organizing a force of 5,000 militia, to consist of natives armed withl pikes,
and a small contingent of cavalry, together with 100 regular troops, for defense
against filibusters, but it was rejected by the privy council.
THE POLITICAL AGITATION OF 1853.
During the years 1851-'54 a considerable immigration from California took place.
It embraced many restless, ambitious spirits, some of whom came for the purpose of
exciting revolution. They found the foreign community already split into factions,
between which bitter feuds existed of long standing. Many of the newcomers
naturally joined the opposition party, which claimed to be the liberal and progressive element in the country.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1417
The plan of the leaders of the new movement seems to have been to reconstruct
the Government, and then to turn it over to the United States. A secret committee
of thirteen was appointed to carry out their designs. Their first object was to bring
about the removal of two of the ministers, viz: Messrs. Armstrong and Judd. The
unsuccessful attempt to make political capital out of the smallpox epidemic of 1853
was disgraceful to all engaged in it. At the same time an active agitation was commenced in favor of annexation, and the two obnoxious ministers were accused of
being an obstacle in the way of it.
Threats were freely used to intimidate the King and chiefs into dismissing them.
In August a memorial in favor of annexation was presented to the King, which
was signed by seventeen respectable residents, who were supporters of the cabinet.
This called out a card; published September 10, signed by Revs. E. W. Clark and
P. J. Gulick, declaring that "the Protestant missionaries at the islands have never
engaged in any scheme of annexation. It has been their cherished wish that the
Government may remain independent under the present constitution and rulers.
Whatever may have been done by merchants, planters, and others, the Protestant
clergymen at the islands have neither advised nor signed any memorial to the King
touching annexation." In a letter published in August, 1864, Mr. Clark stated that at
the annual convocation in May, 1853, he had frequent conversations with other missionaries on this engrossing subject. "Not one of them expressed an opinion in its
favor, but on the contrary, they did express doubts as to its expediency, and grave
apprehensions of disaster to the natives from the influx of lawless and unprincipled
foreigners." With this agreed the known views of the French Catholic priests.
The memorial created no little excitement among the British and French residents. The representatives of Great Britain and France solicited an audience with
the King and privy council, which was granted September 1, when they presented
a joint address to the King, protesting against any attempt to annex the islands to
any foreign power as in contravention of existing treaties, as well as unconstitutional. This was replied to in an able dispatch addressed to the minister of foreign affairs by the United States commissioner, September 3.
A few days later the whole Cabinet resigned, but were all reappointed, with the
exception of Dr. Judd, who was succeeded by Hon. E. H. Allen, whose appointment
gave general satisfaction, and caused no change in the policy of the cabinet. The
result was a virtual defeat of the schemes of the "thirteen."
GROWTH OF ANNEXATION SENTIMENT, 1854.
Hon. L. Severance, the United States commissioner, returned to the United States
in l)ecember, 1853, and was succeeded by Hon. D. L. Gregg, of Illinois, who arrived
in Honolulu January 6, 1854.
Meanwhile the sentiment in favor of annexation seems to have been growing in
strength. There were strong commercial reasons in its favor. Three-fourths of
the business was in the hands of Americans, and the chief market of the islands was
then, as now, the Pacific coast of the United States. The hope of it stimulated
speculation, and led to new enterprises, some of which were afterwards abandoned.
The fearful decrease of the native population (several thousands of whom had
been carried off by the fatal epidemic of 1853), the rapid extinction of the order of
chiefs, who were the natural leaders of their race, the relapse of the King into
habits of gross intemperance, and the perils from without overhanging the feeble
Government disheartened many true friends of the nation and led them to favor the
preliminary steps then taken towards annexation. The objections of the missionaries to that measure have already been stated. They feared that the rights of the
natives might be trampled upon and their interests sacrificed. A new and liberal
constitution had just been adopted (in 1852) and they fondly hoped that the nativcs
would soon learn how to use their newly-granted lands and political rights.
The ministry, as a whole, favored annexation, but Mr. Wyllie acquiesced in it
unwillingly and only as a last resort in the case of an emergency. During the two
following reigns he developed a decided antipathy to American influence and American ideas.
The King, however, strongly favored annexation. He had long been harassed by
the threats of foreign powers; he had once been dethroned by a British naval force;
he had repeatedly been compelled to make humiliating concessions at the cannon's
mouth; he had recently seen his fort dismantled and his beautiful yacht carried off,
and his difficulties with France still remained unsettled. At the same time he was
kept in a state of alarm by rumors of filibusters from abroad and threats of conspirators at home to overturn his Government. He was deeply grateful for the
constant and generous friendship of the United States and for the benefits which
his people had received from.American citizens. Besides, he had reason to expect
for himself and his chiefs a sum equal to the revenue of his Kingdom and for his
people all the rights of a free State in the Union. As far as is known, most of
the higl chiefs agreed with him.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


The heir ap.arent, Prince Alexander Liholiho, however, was at heart opposed to
the treaty, and interposed every possible delay to its completion. It is said that he
and his brother, Lot Kamehameha, never forgave some incivility which they ll:
experienced on account of their color when traveling in America.  He was als,
moved by a laudable pride of country, a natural desire to reign, and a partiality to
England and her institutions.
The mass of the native population was never consulted, and was indifferent on
the subject. Race antagonism had not yet been developed to any extent. A newspaper in the Hawaiian language, called the Nuhou, edited by a Mr. Marsh, -was
sltarted in February, 1854, to prepare the native mind for annexation, and was conltinued for six months. Another memorial on the subject, numerously signed, wans
plresented to the King in January, 1854. It is singular that hardly an allusion to thle
subject can be found in the Honolulu papers of the time, and none in any of the
official reports of the minister of foreign affairs.
NEGOTIATION OF THE TREATY.
In February, 1854, the matter took 'a more definite shape. On the 6th of that
month, in view of danger from filibusters and conspirators, the King commanded
Mr. Wyllie to ascertain on what terms a treaty of annexation could be negotiated to
be used as a safeguard to meet any sudden danger that might arise. Every proposition was to be considered by the cabinet and Prince Liholiho, and the treaty as a
whole was to be submitted to His Majesty for his approval, modification, or rejection.
The negotiations were carried on between Mr. Wyllie and Mr. Gregg with the
utmost secrecy. At the second meeting, February 11, Mr. Gregg agreed to proceed with a negotiation ad referendum, and wrote to the United States Secretary of
State for instructions.
A basis for negotiations, framed by Judge Lee and approved by the King and his
ministers, was afterwards presented to Mr. Gregg, guarantying to Hawaiian subjects all the rights of American citizens, providing for the admission of the Hawaiian
Islands as a State into the Union, for a due compensation to the King and chiefs,
and a liberal sum for the support of schools. The amount of compensation to be
asked for had been referred to a committee, who recommended that a lump sum,
viz, $300,000, be distributed in the form of annuities by the King and his council.
At their sixth meeting, June 1, Mr. Gregg stated that he had received full powers
and instructions from his own Government. At Mr. Wyllie's request he then proceeded to draft an outline of the treaty. He was furnished with detailed statements
of the property owned by the Hawaiian Government and of the salaries paid by it.
An interval of two months followed, during which the treaty made very little progress.
In a private letter from Mr. Wyllie to Judge Lee, dated June 23, he says: "The
treaty is now before Prince Liholiho, with all the amendments suggested by you.
To be able to save the King and chiefs and people at a moment's warning it is
desirable that the treaty should be concluded diplomatically-I mean signed by the
plenipotentiaries, but subject to future ratification." Again, July 11, Mr. Wyllie
writes to Judge Lee as follows: "Liholiho keeps out of the way, and he has not
returned the treaties, though I have often asked him for them. Of my draft I have
no copy."
The Fourth of July was celebrated at Honolulu this year with unusual enthusiasm, and in Mr. Gregg's oration allusion was made to the prospect that a new star
would soon be added to the constellation of States.
On the 17th of July a combined British and French fleet of eight vessels arrived
from Callao, on their way to attack the Russian fortress of Petropaulovski. The two
admirals and their officers had a reception at the palace, at which the French
admiral said, at M. Perrin's suggestion, that he hoped there was no thought of alienating the sovereignty of the Kingdom, as that would lead to difficulties with France
and England, which it would be wise to avoid. The King made no reply.
In a letter from Mr. Gregg to the United States Secretary of State, dated July 26,
he states that "a meeting was held on the 17th, at which Prince Alexander was present, when it was agreed that the minister of foreign affairs should immediately
proceed. if possible, to arrange and sign a treaty to be submitted to the King for
ratification. Mr. Wyllie called on me the next day and we had several conferences,
but without as yet arriving at any definite result. Prince Alexander is responsible
for all past delay and he will not hesitate to incur the responsibility of still more,
unless his mind is brought tothe conviction thatit isimpossible forhim ever toweara
crown. I * * If a treaty is once signed he will not oppose its ratification directly
and openly, but strive to postpone it to the last moment compatible with safety."
The two principal difficulties were, first, the objection of the Hawaiian authorities
to a territorial form of government, and secondly, the question as to the amount of
the annuities to be paid, the Hawaiian Government insisting on $300,000 as a siw




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1419
qua non. One article provided for the payment of $75,000 per annum for ten years
for educational purposes, one-third of which was to be capitalized for the support
of a college or university.
Judge Lee expressed his views in regard to the treaty in a letter to Mr. Wyllie,
dated August 29, in which he stated that it was "the wish of the King and chiefs
to be admitted as a State, and they must not be deceived by any ambiguity in the
phraseology of the treaty. They wish by this article to shield the nation from
slavery, and it would be dishonorable to leave so vital a question involved in any
doubt." At that time the repeal of the Missouri compromise had begun to be agitated in Congress and party feeling was intense. It is said that Senator Sumner
wrote to an influential missionary in the islands warning the King and natives
against annexation on the ground that it would lead to the introduction of slavery
into their country. An article to this effect appeared in the New York Tribune of
July 20, 1854, and caused much excitement at the islands.
Mr. Gregg conceded the two disputed points, "ad referendum;" and a copy of the
treaty as completed was laid before the King in cabinet council September 4 and
fully explained to him in all its details. He fully approved of it, but wished to
consult a few of his chiefs before taking final action. Near the close of the legislative session of 1854, August 4, Mr. Kaholeku offered a resolution in the house of
representatives requesting the minister of foreign affairs to inform the house
whether the King had applied for annexation to the United States on account of
trouble with France and England, as reported in the New York Herald. The subject was referred to the committee on foreign relations, who never reported on it.
On the 26th of August Prince Liholiho, in the house of nobles, asked the minister
of foreign affairs whether it was true that England and France were making trouble, so as to force the King to annex his Kingdom to the United States.
In reply, Mr. Wyllie denied the statement, asserting that those powers were anx.
ious to maintain the independence of the islands, but he said that in the internal
condition of the Kingdom there was danger, and there was no saying what changes
that danger might lead the King to submit to.
PROCRASTINATION AND FAILURE OF THE TREATY.
On the 18th of September Gen. Miller, the consul-general of Great Britain, had
an audience of the King, when he delivered a tirade of more than an hour in length
against annexation and in denunciation of the Government and people of the
United States.
He read in full the article in the New York Tribune of July 20, to show that
the designs of the United States were unfriendly to Hawaiian interests. The King
in his reply said that he much preferred that such communications should be made
in writing, in order to prevent misunderstandings.
Meanwhile the Crown Prince Alexander remained at Hawaii to avoid signing
the treaty. Weary of the delay, Mr. Gregg wrote, September 12, complaining of
the procrastination and threatening to withdraw from further negotiations and to
declare those which had already taken place to be at an end. The prince was sent
for, but did not come.
Mr. Gregg wrote again November 1, remonstrating against further delay in the
conclusion of the treaty. He used the following language: "The strong arm of the
United States has been solicited for your protection. It has been kindly extended
and held out until at length self-respect must soon dictate its withdrawal." This
was regarded as a menace and gave much offense.
The U. S. S. Portsmouth, Capt. Dornin, and the St. Mary's, Capt. Bailey, were in
fact detained in port during the fall of 1854, awaiting the result of the negotiations.
The United States frigates Susquehannah and Mississippi also called on their way
home from Japan, in the latter part of October, 1854, and remained a week off the
port of Honolulu.
It would seem that an attempt was now made to intimidate the King into signing
the treaty at once. Mr. Wyllie afterwards stated that on the 12th of November he
was informed that there was imminent danger of a revolution; "that there were
dangerous men from California, well armed, who insisted on the King's immediate
sanction of annexation to the United States, without waiting for the arrival of the
Crown Prince or the consent of the Legislature; that they would be joined by 300
or more of the American residents here; that, if unsuccessful then, they would be
joined by 300 men of the same dangerous character, who were to arrive from California by the America, and 50 who would arrive by the lanthe; that if we attempted to
resist a force so determined, the King's Government would be upset, private and
public property plundered, and perhaps the town set on fire." "That three individuals should have a private conference with the King instantly, so as to convince
His Majesty of the truth of these dangers, and that he could only avoid them by annexation to the United States." A cabinet council was then called, at which Mr,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Wyllie was ordered to make these threats known to the representatives of the three
great maritime powers. Mr. Gregg had already written to Mr. Wyllie to assure
hia n that the forces of the United States were ready to cooperate "in repressing any
unlawful attempts of reckless adventurers, claiming to be American citizens, against
the peace and dignity of His Majesty's Government." Mr. Wyllie immediately applied to the representatives of France, Great Britain, and the United States, and was
promised the aid of 200 men from the United States ships Portnmouth and St. Mary's,
of 100 men from Her Brittanic Majesty's ship Trincomalee, and of 500 men from the
French frigate Artemise.
He further improved the opportunity to declare that "negotiations should be
suspended until they could be honorably resumed after every trace of coercion
had been removed." (See his letter of November 26, to Judge Lee.) On the 13th of
December he issued a proclamation in the King's name, declaring that His Mlajesty
had accepted the assistance of the three powers named above, and that his " independence was more firmly established than ever before." This called out from Mr. Gregg
a dispatch denying that the United States had any intention of entering into any
tripartite protectorate of the King's Government, or that his and Capt. Dornin's
offers should be taken as equivalent to a permanent guaranty of its independence.
The expected filibusters never appeared. The Crown Prince Alexander Liholiho
arrived at last from Hawaii December 1, and it is stated on good authority that he
agreed to sign the treaty and that a day was set for the ceremony.
The King is said by Mrs. Judd to have been "more eager than ever" to complete
the business, when he was suddenly taken ill, and expired in five or six days, on the
15th of December, 1854, in the forty-second year of his age. His untimely death
was undoubtedly hastened by excessive intemperance towards the last. Aside from
this unfortunate failing he had many noble traits.
As Mr. Severance truly said, "his partiality to Americans has always been strong,
and it will be universally conceded that by his death they have lost a faithful and
honorable friend."
His adopted son and heir, Alexander Liholiho, was immediately proclaimed King,
under the title of Kamehameha IV. Soon afterwards he expressed his wish that
the negotiations that had been begun with Mr. Gregg should be broken off, which
was done.
As Mr. Marcy afterwards stated, in his letter to Mr. Gregg of January 31, 1855, the
President would never have approved of a treaty admitting the islands into the Union
as a State, to say nothing of other objections of minor importance. In fact, the
whole movement, as we now look back upon it, seems to have been. premature and
unnecessary. But, as I have elsewhere said of Kamehameha III, "his purpose,
though it happily fell through, yet insured to his successor a more secure possession
of their inheritance."
W. D. ALEXANDER.
HONOLULU, July 18, 1893.
APPENDIX.
PROTECTORATE PROCLAMATION.
HONOLULU, March 10, 1851.
We, Kamehameha III, by the grace of God, of the Hawaiian Islands King:
By and with the advice and consent of our Kuhina Nui and council of native
chiefs, finding our relations with France so oppressive to our Kingdom, so inconsistent with its rights as an independent state, and so obstructive of all our
endeavors to administer the government of our islands with equal justice to all nations
and equal independence of all foreign control, and despairing of equity and justice
from France:
Hereby proclaim as our royal will and pleasure that all our islands, and all our
rights as a sovereign over them, are from the date hereof placed under the protection and safeguard of the United States of America until some arrangements can be
made to place our said relations with France upon a footing compatible with our
rights as an independent sovereign under the law of nations and compatible with
our treaty engagements with other foreign nations; or, if such arrangements should
be found impracticable, then it is our wish and pleasure that the protection aforesaid under the United States of America be perpetual.
And we further proclaim as aforesaid, that from the date of the publication hereof
the flag of the United States of America shall be hoisted above the national ensign
on all our forts and places and vessels navigating with Hawaiian registers.
(Signed by the King and Kuhina Nui.)
MARCH 10, 1851.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,                         1421
B.
Resolution about the joint declaration March 20, 1851.
Whereas in view of the declaration of the commissioner of France in his memorandurn of Feb. 1st, and in his dispatch No. 12 of Feb. 27th, that the difficulties with
France are reduced to two, viz, the liberty of Catholic worship and the trade in
spirits; and
Whereas the joint declaration sanctioned comprises a settlement of these two questions in the view of the King and council:
Resolved, That the minister of foreign relations is authorized and instructed to
sign the four articles of the said declaration, and to refer to the sole decision of the
President of the French Republic the question of indemnity to the King, as transinitted to Mr. Perrin in Mr. Wyllie's despatch No. 21, on the understanding that
this reference is to be acted upon only after the President shall have admitted that
all pending difficulties are thus settled.
C.
Joint declaration.
The President of the French Republic and the King of the Hawaiian Islands, animated by an equal desire to terminate the adjustment of pending difficulties between
the two countries, and to prevent their return for the future by assuring the just
and complete execution of the convention of the 26th of March, 1846, in regard to
the points in controversy, through a new official act, destined to interpret it, have
chosen for this purpose the undersigned commissioner of the French Republic and
the minister of foreign affairs of the Hawaiian Kingdom, the signers of the treaty
above mentioned, who, after having exchanged their full powers, found in good
form, have agreed to the terms of the following declaration:
1. The treaty of the 26th of March, 1846, will be faithfully adopted and interpreted
in the two texts, French and Hawaiian, the only ones officially signed. It remains
agreed in all the cases where the foreign judges not understanding French have to
decide the text of the English treaty, officially declared identical, under reserve of
the III article, shall be considered as an exact translation.
2. Without admitting that by the establishment of a custom-house duty of $5 per
gallon upon spirits the Hawaiian Government have gone beyond the exclusive power
which France herself has granted to them, through the means of the wording of the
VI article of the treaty above mentioned (an assertion in regard to which the
undersigned French commissioner makes all reserves), and after having proved
that the effects of that duty have been profitable to France and hurtful to the English
and American trade in spirits, the King of the Sandwich Islands declares himself disposed to submit the question of the reduction of duty to $2.50 per gallon, as
a maximum to the legislature, which is to assemble next month, as a measure of
political economy, which the chamber of commerce of Honolulu have recommended
on strong grounds.
3. The Government of the King can not recognize, on the part of any foreign
nation, the right of dictating or prescribing laws to them on matters which affect
only the religious belief or secular education of the native subjects of the King.
Nevertheless, disposed to admit the third of the demands presented by M. Perrin,
on the 1st of February last, as a friendly suggestion, destined for the examination
of the Legislature which is to assemble this year, the Hawaiian Government will
place these assemblies in a position to decide whether the equality between the
Protestants and the Catholics, under the protection of the constitution and the laws,
of which numerous proofs have been furnished, does not yet require something for
its perfect application.
4. Documents presen ted by French citizens, in their own language, will be received
in all the cases in which documents in the English language are received; but in
the cases where the employees whose duty it is to make use of these documents do
not understand French it shall be incumbent, provisionally, on the party interested
to furnish a translation of the document produced, which, to prevent all error and
discussion, shall be certified by him as true.
Honolulu, 25th March, 1851.
R. C. WYLLIE,
Minister of Foreign Relations,
La Commissaire de la Republiqne Fran9aise, EM. PERRIN.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


D.
Appeal to the President of the United States.
The undersigned, minister of foreign relations of His Majesty the King of the
Hawaiian Islands (having), unavoidably produced to the undersigned, commnis
sioner of the United States, an imperative order, under the great seal of the
Hawaiian Kingdom, in Hawaiian and English, signed both by His Majesty and s,'al:ed
by the royal signet and countersigned by His Highness Keoni Ann, the "Kuhinla
Nni," and both dated the 28th of this month, proceeded to make the following
statement to the undersigned commissioner:
That the King and chiefs, remembering the events of 1839 and 1849, distrust
France and fear her.
That they consider that France has not kept her engagement with Great Britain
of the 28th November, 1843, and does not mean to treat this Kingdom as under the
protection of international law.
That their fears had been abated, but were again revived by Monsieur Perrin's
despatch No. 18, of the 22d inst., and his " verbal note" of the 15th, to the undersigned minister, which were laid before His Majesty and his cabinet on the 28th.
That the King from a conversation with Her Britannic Majesty's consul-general,
believes that Great Britain is so fettered with France that she can afford him no
certain hope of present relief.
That the King, therefore, unable to protect the large American and other national
interests in this Kingdom, appealed in his helplessness to the Commissioner of the
United States, and now solemnly appeals to the President.
The King would prefer the following alternatives in the order in which they are
placed:
1. To secure those large interests equally against all possible danger from foreign
powers, under the safeguard of the Republic of the United States, and (if it can be
arranged by the President of the United States without unsafe delay), under the
safeguard of Great Britain, also, and of France.
2. Unless the last conform with the other two, then under the protection of the
United States and England only.
3. If England do not consent, then of the United States only.
4. The King would prefer that this Kingdom be received as an independent state,
under protection merely from foreign aggression.
If that can not be done, rather than continue to be the victim of foreign aggression, the mere shadow of a King without the power, but with responsibilities measured out by the arbitrary rule of the strong, we will resign the sovereignty of these
islands into the hands of the United States, inder their guaranty of his private
rights and hereditaments, a due provision for himself, his Queen, the heir apparent,
his chiefs, his high officers, all private property and rights, and of all engagements
of whatsoever kind lawfully incumbent upon him to fulfill and discharge.
6. The King desires that a secret arrangement be made with the authority and
consent of the United States on the basis of one or other of these alternatives, to be
instantly acted upon on the emergency of any sudden danger, and not to be acted
upon or even mentioned, if through the good offices of the President of the United
States, France and other maritime powers will engage to let him alone, with power to
govern and seek the protection of his people in his own way, and to protect foreign residents and their interests, without persisting in exacting of him greater responsibilities than can be required of any sovereign under the laws of nations.
7. The King, with the full experience of Capt. Laplace in 1839 and of Admiral
de Tromelin in 1849, acknowledges his utter want of power to protect the citizens
of the United States and their large interests in his islands under a repetition of
such lawless invasions; and as lie has no confidence that they will not be repeated
on the most trifling complaint against his Government, His Majesty would be glad
to see such a provisional occupation of his islands by the armed forces of the
United States, as may in the judgment of the President be adequate to the protection of all citizens of the United States and their interests, until time be afforded
to mature some permanent arrangement in one or other of the ways hereinbefore
mentioned.
The undersigned, Commissioner of the United States, having heard and considered
these solemn proposals made in the name and by imperative order of His Majesty
King Kamehameha III, agrees to transmit a copy thereof immediately to the Government of the United States, asking for full power and authority how to act, and
that in the meanwhile the utmost possible secrecy shall be observed, and that he
will continue to do all in his power for the protection of American interests and to
uphold the King's dignity and rights as an independent sovereign in friendly relations with the United States and appealing to them for protection.
Done in duplicate in the city of Honolulu this 31st day of March, 1851.
[His official seal.]                              LUTHER SEVERANCE.
[Seal of foreign office.]                         R. C. WYLLIE,
Minister of Foreign Relations.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         14Zo
E.
Joint resolution.
Be it resolved by the Nobles and Representativos of the Hawaiian Islands in legislative
council assembled, That in the sense of this House the demands of Franee are so
clearly unjust and contrary to the laws of nations and to treaty, and the course pursued by her so incompatible with the existence of a regular independent government in these islands, if France should persist in such a course it will be the duty
of the King to shield himself and his Kingdom from insult and oppression by placing this Kingdom under the protection of some friendly state; and that should such
emergency be so urgent as not to admit of the legislative council being convened,
it shall be left to His Majesty by and with the advice of his privy council, under
such emergency, to consult the honor and safety of his Kingdom according to
his Majesty's best judgment; and that whatever he may do will be binding upon
the nation.
Passed both houses of the Legislature June 21, 1851.
W. L. LEE,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
KEONI ANA,
Priesident of the House of Nobles.
Approved by the King August 4, 1851.
KAMEHAIMEHA.
KEONI ANA.
F.
Order of the King to Mr. Wyllie, February 6,1854.
Whereas it has come to our knowledge through the communications made to us
by divers discreet men, who we have reason to believe are true friends to the
Hawaiian nation, and through various other sources, that plans are on foot inimical
to the peace of our Kingdom and the welfare of our people, and such as if carried out
would be wholly subversive of our sovereignty, and would reduce us to the most
deplorable of all states, a state of anarchy; and
Whereas exigencies may arise of such a nature as to render it imperative upon
us for the security of the just rights of our chiefs and people that we should seek the
alliance of the United States of America:
We do hereby command you, our minister of foreign relations, to take such immediate steps as may be necessary and proper, by negotiation or otherwise, to ascertain
the views of the United States in relation to the annexation thereto of these islands,
and also the terms and'conditions upon which the same can be effected, with the
object of being fully prepared to meet any sudden danger that may arise threatening the existence or independence of our Kingdom.
(Signed)
KAMFHAMEHA III.
JOHN YOUNG.
Liholiho consents to the above royal command.
Approved by Wm. L. Lee.
G.
Extractfrom instructions of February 21, 1854.
You will immediately enter upon a negotiation ad referendum with the Commissioners of the United States, the object of which is the annexation of our Kingdom
to the United States of America, in case of necessity, and which shall fully secure
our rights and the rights of our chiefs and people, being assured by the protocol
No. 2, submitted to us, of the willingness of the Commissioner of the United States
to enter upon such negotiation. The constitution of our Kingdom has made our
ministers special advisers in the executive affairs of the Kingdom, and therefore
you will submit to their consideration every proposal and every proposition that
may be interchanged between you and the Commissioner of the United States, and
your conduct will be governed by their decision.
Prince Liholiho will join in the deliberations of the cabinet council, vote therein,
and make his views known to us. When the treaty ad referendum, as aforesaid, is




1424                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
completed, you will submit the same to us, which will be subject to our approval,
modification, or rejection, and, in case we shall deem it wise and necessary, to submit it to the representatives of our people, subject also to their approval.
(Signedl)                                        KAMEIIAMEIA III.
I hereby approve of the above instructions.
LII1OLIttO.
LinoLihio.
Signed by Ic()KON  ANA,
and all the ministers.
H.
PROTOCOLS.
Protocol XNo. 1.
WEDNESDAY, February 8th, 1854.
The undersigned met this day at 12 noon in the house of the commissioner of the
United States. Mr. Wyllie submitted the written commands of the King to him
of the 6th instant, also the letter of same date from the Hon. Wm. L. Lee, chancellor of the Kingdom, and invited Mr. Gregg to exchange powers with him, with a
view to the objects expressed in the King's command aforesaid.
Mr. Wyllie further submitted to Mr. Gregg the appeal to the President of the
United States of March 31st, 1851, signed by him and the late commissioner, Mr.
Severance.
Mr. Gregg stated to Mr. Wyllie that he was in possession of no formal powers to
negotiate or declare the views of the Government of the United States upon the
matter submitted for his consideration; that from the peculiar circumstances of the
case it was impossible for the Government of the United States to anticipate the
necessity of special replies to such questions, or the existence of a state of affairs
making it desirable on the part of the King to bring up for discussion with him
(Gregg) a subject of such magnitude and interest to both nations, without an
opportunity of referring to the authorities at Washington, which he trusted could
readily be done without prejudice. But if the exigencies of the present or future
should demand it, he was willing to negotiate ad referendum on the subject embraced
in the commands of the King, but not otherwise.
Mr. Gregg further stated, that having been verbally informed yesterday by Mr.
Wyllie of this matter, he had written to the State Department at Washington relative thereto, with the expectation of obtaining the views and instructions of his
Government as early as might be practicable. Mr. Wyllie begged Mr. Gregg to send
a duplicate of his letter and to enclose copy of the comnimands of the King, that the
President might understand exactly what His Majesty desired, for which purpose
he left a certified copy with Mr. Gregg. Mr. Wyllie also left with Mr. Gregg the
appeal of 31st March, 1851, before alluded to, for Mr. Gregg's fuller information.
The undersigned, on behalf of their respective Governments, agreed to consider the
protocol as the initiation of a negotiation with the Government of the United States
for the purpose expressed in the King's command to his minister of foreign affairs.
The undersigned agreed to adjourn till they should have occasion to meet again.
D. L. G:eGG, etc., etc.
R. C. WYLLIE, etc., etc.
Protocol No. 2.
SATURDAY, February 11, 1854 —1 p. m.
The undersigned met, in the house of the Conmmissioner of the United States. Mr.
Wyllie stated that he had, by the advice of Prince Liholiho and the cabinet, to add
to the King's orders of the 6th instant the signatures of His Majesty's chief justice
and of his ministers approving thereof.
Mr. Gregg, with reference to what he said in protocol No. 1, stated that in view of
his declaration therein contained, and the matters contained in the preamble to the
King's commands to Mr. Wyllie, bearing date on the 6th instant, he felt himself justified in declaring explicitly that if it was the wish of HiswMajesty's Government to
negotiate ad referendum he was willing to enter upon such negotiation at any time
that might be agreed on for that purpose.
He also said that although he had no formal powers to that effect, yet from his
knowledge of the views and policy of his Government, derived from the highest
sources, he considered himself warranted, under the state of facts expressed in said
preamble and by the exigency of the case, to discuss for reference, the terms of an




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                          1425
arrangement between the two powers of the character indicated in such commands.
Mr. Gregg further remarked to Mr. Wyllie that after careful consideration he had
deemed it advisable to make this specific declaration in order that no wrong
impression might exist as to the nature of the authority with which he regarded
himself invested on the part of his Government, to act ad referendum, in regard to
the exigencies contemplated in His Maijesty's commands to Mr. Wvllie.
R. C. WYLLIE.
D. L. GREGG.
Additional instructions.
HONOLULU, February 21st, 1854.
SIR: We have examined the protocols, numbers 1 and 2, executed by our minister
of foreign affairs and the Colmmissioner of the Unitea States initiated by our
minister, in pursuance of our commands of the 6th of February; and more fully to
carry out the purposes and intentions thereof, we hereby give you the following
instructions additional. You will immediately enter upon a negotiation with the
Commissioner of the United States of a treaty ad referendum, the object of which is
the annexation of our Kingdom to the United States of America, in case of necessity,
and which fully secure our rights and the rights of our chiefs and people, being
assured, by the protocol No. 2, submitted to us, of the willingness of the Commissioner of the United States to enter upon such negotiation.
The constitution of our Kingdom has made our ministers special advisers in the
executive affairs of the Kingdom, and therefore you will submit to their consideration every proposal and every proposition which may be interchanged between you
and the Commissioner of the United States, and your conduct will be governed by
their decision.
Prince Liholiho will join in the deliberations of the cabinet council, vote therein,
and make its views known to me.
When the treaty ad referendum, as aforesaid, is completed, you will submit the
same to us, which will be subject to our approval, modification, or rejection, and in
case we shall deem it wise alnd necessary to submit it to the representatives of our
people, subject also to their approval.
(Signed)                                              KAMEIAMEIIA.
Approved by Liholiho, W. L. Lee, and the cabinet.
Protocol No. 3.
THURSDAY, March 23rd, 1854-2 P. M.
The undersigned met at the house of the Commissioner of the United States, and
after comparing the two originals of Protocol No. 2 of the date of February 11th,
1854, which since that time had been in the hands of His Majesty the King for consideration and approval, respectively, signed and exchanged the same.
Mr. Wyllie at the same time communicated to Mr. Gregg the further orders of the
King to him (Mr. Wyllie), bearing date on the 21st day of February last, but signed
by His Majesty yesterday, and countersigned by His Royal Highness the Crown
Prince, His Highness the Kuhina Nui, the chief justice, and by His Majesty's minister of state.
Mr. Gregg having heard the same, expressed a wish to have a copy thereof for
transmission to his Government on account of the close relation of such instructions
to the royal commands of the 6th of February last, a copy of which he had already
transmitted.
The undersigned then adjourned to meet again as occasion might require.
(Signed)                                               R. C. WYLLIE.
D. L. GREGG.
Protocol No. 4.
SATURDAY, March 25th, 1854-10 a. m.
The undersigned met at the house of the Commissioner of the United States, and
after comparing the originals of protocol No. 3, respectively signed and exchanged
the same.
Mr. Wyllie, in accordance with Mr. Gregg's request as expressed in protocol No. 3
produced the King's additional orders of the 22nd of February last, of which a copy
was taken for Mr. Gregg's use, and duly verified by comparison with the original
S. Rep. 227-    90




1426                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Mr. Wyllie then read the following brief memorandum, submitted to him yesterday
by Mr. Gregg, for consideration, viz:
" 1. The cession of the sovereignty of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States.
"2. The most ample guarantee of all the personal and private rights of the King,
the chiefs, and people, securing to them the footing of citizens of the United States,
on terms of perfect equality with all other American citizens.
"3. As a consideration in part for such cession, a suitable provision for the King,
the Queen, the Crown Prince, those declared next in succession, the chiefs, etc.
'4. A provision for the support of schools and education.
"5. A provision for the fulfilment of all engagements lawfully incumbent upon
the King's Government to fulfil or discharge. Mr. Gregg said he had submitted the
preceding brief memorandum for Mr. Wyllie's consideration in order to elicit his
views on the subject and as a very general basis of the discussions between them,
which must necessarily arise in providing for the objects expressed in the King's
commands of the 6th and 21st of February last.
" Mr. Wyllie then presented and read a memorandum, which he proposed as a basis
for negotiation in the following terms:
' 1. The admission of the Hawaiian Islands as a sovereign State into the American
Union, subject to the Federal Government, the same as the State of Massachusetts,
and extending to the King and chiefs, and all his subjects, the same rights, civil,
political, and religious, as are enjoyed by that State.
"2. A due provision to be made for the King, the Queen, the proclaimed heir to
the throne, those declared next in succession by the King's will, the high chiefs
enjoying salaries, all the salaried officers of the King, with some regard to the length
of service, and for the exercise of the King's bounty in those cases where he may wish
to exercise it.
"3. All rights of possession, inheritance, or expectancy to be respected and provided for.
"4. All engagements, of whatever kind, lawfully incumbent upon the King or the
nation to discharge, to be religiously fulfilled.
"5. The existing constitution to be maintained, subject only to those alterations
without which the islands could not be admitted as a sovereign State into the Union."
(Signed)                                               R. C. WYLLIE.
D. L. GREGG.
Protocol 7Vo. 5.
FRIDAY, April 21st, 1854-9 a. m.
The undersigned met in the house of the commissioner of the United States, and
signed protocol No. 1.
Mr. Wyllie submitted the following bases of arrangement which had been framed
by the King's chief justice and had been approved of by the Princes of the blood,
the Kuhina Nui, and the members of the King's cabinet, viz:
"1. The admission of the Hawaiian Islands into the American Union as a sovereign State, subject to the Federal Government, the same as any other State of the
Union.
"2. The most ample guarantee of all the rights of the King, the chiefs, and the
people, whether civil, political, or religious, and securing to them all the privileges
of citizens of the United States, on terms of perfect equality with other American
citizens.
"3. A suitable provision to be made for the King, the Queen, the proclaimed heir
to the throne, those declared next in succession by the King's will, the chiefs, and
all other persons for whom provision should be made.
"4. A provision for the faithful fulfillment of all engagements of whatsoever kind
lawfully incumbent upon the King's government or the Hawaiian nation to discharge.
"5. A provision for the support of schools and education."
Mr. Wyllie stated that the members of the King's cabinet on the 29th of March
had agreed to refer the amount of compensation to be determined by a select committee composed of the two Princes of the blood, the Kuhina Nui, and the King's
chancellor and chief justice, the Hon. W. L. Lee, who had reported yesterday as
follows: 
" The undersigned, a committee appointed to fix upon the amounts to be asked for
compensation to the King and chiefs, under the new treaty contemplated with the
United States, beg to report: That they have found great difficulty in every attempt
they have made to fix a just compensation for the several chiefs, who, including
the second class, number upwards of thirty persons; and therefore they would respectfully recommend that a gross sum, say three hundred thousand dollars, be asked for,
to be distributed among the King and chiefs, in the form of annuities, as they may determine, it being expressly understood that from the above suma of three hundred




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1427
thousand dollars no deduction whatever shall be made on the plea of any claim or
claims alleged against the Hawaiian Government or authorities by any American
citizen, or on any other pretense whatever.
" Signed by Liholiho, Lot Kamehameha, Keoni Ana, and W. L. Lee."
Mr. Gregg remarked to Mr. Wyllie that, so far as the basis of arrangements j list
submitted was concerned,   he had then no objection to interpose, unless it might be
to the first clause, which he thought was capable of a construction inconsistent with
the Constitution of the United States (act 4, section 3). But if, as he supposed
probable, its intention was simply to provide for the admission of the Hawaiian
Islands into the American Union as a State, as soon as might be consistent with the
principles of the American Constitution, it was free from the difficulty suggested.
For the purpose, however, of removing all cause of doubt, he would propose as a
substitute for such clause the following:
" The incorporation of the Hawaiian Islands into the American Union, and their
admission, as soon as may be consistent with the principles of the Federal Constitution, to all the rights, privileges, and immunities of a sovereign State, the same as
any other State of the Union."
Mr. Gregg further remarked that, although the amount fixed by the committee as
a compensation was considerably higher than he had anticipated, and more, he
feared, than would be regarded reasonable by his Government, yet he would for the
present assent to it as the basis for the formation of a treaty ad referendunm, reserving
to himself the right, however, of submitting a counter proposition, if he should
deem it incumbent upon him so to do, at any time before the final arrangement of
the terms of such treaty.
For the purpose of enabling him to form a satisfactory opinion on this subject of
compensation, he begged Mr. Wyllie to cause him to be informed as to the names
and ages of the parties to whom annuities were proposed to be paid, the quantity
and character of the public laud and other public property, the resources and capacities of the islands, &c., &o. The undersigned adjourned to meet as occasion might
require.
(Signed)
R. C. WYLLIE.
D. L. GREGG.
Protocol No. 6.
The undersigned met at the house of the Commissioner of the United States at 2
p. m. on the 1st of June. The undersigned compared the two originals of Protocol
No. 5, but agreed not to sign it till the King's pleasure thereon be made known to
them. Mr. Gregg stated that since the date of Protocol No. 5 he had been advised
of the views of his Government in regard to the King's orders of the 6th of February
last, and had received full powers, which he now produced iu exchange for those
previously presented by Mr. Wyllie. The undersigned proceeded to verify and compare their respective powers and exchange the same. Mr. Gregg stated to Mr.
Wyllie that, under the powers now conferred upon him, he was ready to proceed
immediately to the discussion of the measure contemplated alike in the powers held
by him and in the powers held by Mr. Wyllie, and to conclude the same in conformity
with the wish of the two high contracting parties.
Mr. Wyllie replied that so soon as he could obtain the data requested by Mr.
Gregg in protocol No. 5, he would be prepared to enter upon the negotiation, and
with a view to save time suggested that Mr. Gregg should draft the outline of a
treaty, leaving blanks for the details which were wanting, so as that Mr. Wyllie,
knowing Mr. Gregg's views, might carefully consider them with the assistance of
his colleagues, of the princes of the blood, and of the King's chief justice, for submission to His Majesty the King, along with proctol No. 5, to which his sanction
was still to be obtained.
(Signed)                                          R. C. WYLLIE.
DAVID L. GREGG.
Protocol No. 7.
The undersigned met in the house of the Commissioner of the United States on
Wednesday, the 7th of June, at 1 p. m.
The undersigned compared and executed protocol No. 6, leaving it and protocol
No. 5 still unsigned, until after the approval of the King shall have been obtained.
Mr. Wyllie stated that the King's chief justice and the other ministers of the
King, on the 2nd of June, had concurred in the view that the powers of Mr. Gregg and
Mr. Wyllie, which they had exchanged on the 1st of June, were equal and sufficient




1428                      HAWAIIAN    ISLANDS.
for the formation of a treaty ad referendum for the annexation of the Hawaiian
Kingdom to the United States of America, agreeable to the King's instructions to
Mr. Wyllie of the 21st of February, 1854, approved by the Crown Prince. by the
Kuhina Nui, by the King's chancellor and chief justice, and by all of His Majesty's
ministers on the 22nd of March, 1854.
With a view to enable Mr. Gregg to proceed in the preparation of the draft of
such a treaty, so as that the transfer of sovereignty may be beneficial to the King
and all his subjects, and if possible, not prejludice the interests of any of such subjects, Mr. Wyllie with the lull approval of the Kuhina Nui and of his colleagues,
delivered to Mr. Gregg the following, viz:
No. 1. Civil list..... --- —-.... —.....-..............-............... $32,900.00
2. List district justices...........................................  9, 550.00
3. List circuit judges......... -........................  4, 800.00
4. List clerks of governors..............................  1, 200. 00
5. List tax collectors...................................  7, 000. 00
Total............................................................  55, 450.00
Also No. 6, a statement of Government houses, forts, lands, bonds, &c., transferaable to the sovereignty of the islands, amounting to $1,522,379.
No. 7. Claims on France.......................................... 462, 372.73
8. Claims on Great Britain..................................  32, 101.61
Total of Nos. 6,7, and 8........................................ 2, 016, 853.34
Mr. Wyllie begged Mr. Gregg to understand distinctly that he could neither make
himself nor the Hawaiian Government responsible for the correctness of the items
forming the above sum of $2,016,853.34.
Mr. Wyllie further delivered to Mr. Gregg No. 9, being a list of annuities payable
by this Government, amounting to $2,040.00 per annum; and stated that he had still to
receive and deliver to Mr. Gregg a list of natives employed in the department of
public instruction', who would lose the amounts of their respective salaries under a
surrecder of the native sovereignty. To save time Mr. Wyllie delivered all these
documents in the original requesting Mr. Gregg to return them after making the
use of them intended in protocol No. 6.
(Signed)                                           R. C. WYLLIE.
DAVID L. GREGG.
Protocol No. 8.
The undersigned met at the house of. the Commissioner of the United States on
Thursday, the 17th day of August, 1854.
Mr. Wyllie begged to make known to Mr. Gregg the following agenda founded on
instructions.from his colleagues and the Crown Prince, viz:
1st. That a treaty should be forthwith concluded according to diplomatic usage,
and submitted to the King.
2. That the second article of Mr. Wyllie's draft of a treaty should be adopted
with the addition of the following words, viz: " But the King of the Hawaiian
Islands reserves to himself the power to ratify it, in any moment of danger." Such
article also to express in clear and specific terms, the admission of said islands, as a
sovereign State in the usual sense of Statesovereignty.
3. The payment of seventy-five thousand dollars per annum, for a period of ten
years, for the benefit of schools, one-third of which to be capitalized, and the interest annually applied to the support of a college or university, and fifty thousand
dollars appropriated to the use of common schools, in the discretion of the legislative authority of the Hawaiian Islands, when admitted into the Union as a State.
The substitution in Article VIII of the words " and all others whom the King may
wish to compensate or reward," in place of the words " and other persons now in
the service of the Hawaiian Government or formerly in such service."
Mr. Gregg thereupon stated that he would take into consideration the different
points contained in such agenda, and submit his remarks and conclusions thereon
with the least possible delay. The undersigned then adjourned, to meet as occasion
might require.
(Signed)                                             R. C. WYLLIE,
D. L. GREGG.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1429
Protocol No. 9.
The undersigned met at the house of the Commissioner of tie United States on
tlie 1lth of August, 1854, at 9 a. m. Mr. Gregg read a nemorandum on Mr. Wyllie's
agenda, which he had submitted to Mr. Wyllie yesterday afternoon, as follows viz:
"Mr. Gregg has carefully considered the agenda submitted to him by Mr. Wyllie
this day as expressing the views of the Hawaiian cabinet and of the Crown Prince.ipon the drafts of a treaty of annexation under consideration. From conversations
with Mr. Wyllie and other members of the cabinet he fully understands and appreciates the object proposed to be accomplished by the addition of the following
words, viz: " But the King of the Hawaiian Islands reserves to himself the power to
ratify it in any moment of danger." There are grave and serious objections, as he
believes, not only to the article as originally drawn up, but to the vagueness and
indefiniteness of the additional clause. In regard to the former he has already
taken occasion to indicate to Mr. Wyllie his views.
He is convinced that the President and Senate of the United States would regard
it as so objectionable that any treaty containing it would be rejected on that account,
and he can not, therefore, assent to it. He suggests that the object pointed at in
the clause proposed to be added could be better reached by the protocols of the negotiation, or by a separate and perhaps secret article, and he submits to Mr. Wyllie a
proposition to that effect, and also a modification of said article No. II, as follows,
viz:
'"The Kingdom of the Hawaiian Islands shall be incorporated into the American
Union as soon as, in the judgment of Congress, it can be done in consistency with
the principles and requirements of the Federal Constitution, with all the rights,
privileges, and sovereignty of a State, the same as, and on terms of perfect equality
with, the other States of the United States." To this part of Mr. Gregg's memorandum Mr. Wyllie replied that no disrespect or distrust whatever was intended to
apply to the United States in the words which the colleagues and the Crown Prince
had agreed should be added to the second article of his draft of the treaty. The
intention was to provide instantly and effectually for the sudden danger contemplated in the preamble. He admitted that that great object could be as well or better effected by a separate and secret article; but he added that his instructions having been precise as to the addition of these ipsissims verba, he could not take upon
himself to make any change without a further reference to his colleagues and to
the Crown Prince. Mr. Gregg then continued his memorandum as follows, viz:
Mr. Gregg has no hesitation in assenting to the substitution in Article VIII of the
words " and all others whom the King may wish to compensate or reward," in-place
of the words "and other persons now in the service of the Hawaiian Government,
or formerly in such service." In order to approach more nearly to the views of Mr.
Wyllie, the cabinet, and the Crown Prince he (Mr. Gregg) is willing to modify the
latter part of said article so as to make it read as follows:
As a further consideration for the session herein made, and in order to place within
the reach of the inhabitants of the Hawaiian Islands the means of education, present and future, so as to enable them the more perfectly to enjoy and discharge the
rights and duties consequent upon a change from monarchial to republican institutions, the United States agree to set apart and pay over the sum of $75,000 per
annum, one-third of which shall be applied to constitute the principal of a fund for
the benefit of a college or university, or colleges and universities, as the case may
be, and the balance for the support of common schools to be invested, secured, or
applied as may be determined by the legislative authority of the Hawaiian Islands,
when admitted into the Union as aforesaid."
Mr. Gregg thinks the term of five years ample to secure an adequate provision for
schools, especially in connection with the appropriation of lands to a similar object.
But few states are as well provided for in this respect. He can not recognize the
propriety of limiting the proceeds of this college or university fund to a single institution, but he is willing to leave their appropriation open to legislative discretion. So far as other questions were concerned, Mr. Wyllie was in possession of his
views already, and he did not deem it necessary to enter upon their discussion at
present. Aug, 17, 1854.
The undersigned then adjourned to meet again when Mr. Wyllie had consulted his
colleagues and the Crown Prince in regard to the foregoing views of Mr. Gregg.
Protocol No2. 10.
The undersigned resumed their meeting at the house of the commissioner of the
United States on the 18th of August 1854, at 4 p. m. Mr. Wyllie stated that, having
conferred with his colleagues on the subject of Mr. Gregg's observations in Protocol
No. 9, he bad to make known their views as follows, viz:




1430                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
1. That the amount of seventy-five thousand dollars ($75,000) for schools must be
for ten instead of five years.
2. That his colleagues and the Crown Prince decline to admit Mr. Gregg's ploposed substitute for Mr. Wyllie's recent article, and propose the following amendment to stand in its place, viz:
' The Kingdom of the Hawaiian Islands shall be incorporated into ihe American
Union as a sovereign State and admitted as such as soon as it can be done in consistency with the principles and requirements of the Federal Constitution to all the
rights, privileges, and immunities of a State, as aforesaid, and perfect equality with
the other States of the Confederation."
Mr. Gregg expressed dissatisfaction with the phraseology of the proposed amendment, but promised to take the subject into early consideration and to advise Mr.
Wyllie fully of his views thereon. Mr. Wyllie then stated that Protocols 5, 6, and 7
had been submitted to the King, and they were therefore signed in accordance with
Protocol No. 6. The undersigned thereafter adjourned to meet again as soon as Mr.
Gregg has maturely considered the amendment proposed to the second article.
Honolulu, 27th September, 1854.
(Signed)                                             R. C. WYLLIE.
D. L. GREGG.
Protocol No. 11.
The undersigned met at the office of the minister of foreign affairs at 10 a. m., on
August 19th, 1854, and proceeded to settle the terms of the treaty of annexation referred to and discussed at the preceding conferences.
Mr. Gregg expressed himself still dissatisfied with the terms of the amendment
submitted to him yesterday as the agreement of the cabinet and Crown Prince for
the second article of the treaty. He did not object to the omission of the words "in
the judgment of Congress," as contained in his original draft and the one Mr. Wyllie
had proposed, as it was well understood and agreed by all the parties to the negotiation that the power of admitting new States into the Union is vested by the Constitution solely in the Congress, and it was not intended to attach to the article any
other sense.
He thought the expression "sovereign State" inaccurate and exceptional.  The
states were, it is true, sovereign in a limited sense; they had full jurisdiction and
control over their own local and domestic affairs. But the national sovereignty was
vested in the General Government alone, and he thought it improper to designate a
State, in a public treaty, by terms not strictly applicable in the sense of the Federal
Constitution. He also objected to the word "confederation," as being at least of
doubtful propriety, and proposed "union" as a substitute. The following was
finally agreed upon and adopted, as being within the meaning of and subordinate
to section III of Article IV of the Constitution of the United States, viz:
"The kingdom of the Hawaiian Islands shall be incorported into the American
Union as a State, enjoying the same degree of sovereignty as other States; and
admitted as such, as soon as it can be done, in consistency with the principles and
requirements of the Federal Constitution, to all the rights, privileges, and immunities of a State, as aforesaid, with the other States of the Union."
When Article VIII came up for consideration, Mr. Gregg renewed the proposal
heretofore made by him to insert $100,000 instead of $300,000 as a suitable amount
to be paid in annuities. Mr. Wyllie stated in reply that the revenue of the Kingdom was in rapid augmentation; from $48,842 in 1843, it had increased in only 8
years to $315,735 in 1851; that in 1853, notwithstanding the fearful ravages of the
smallpox, it was $326,620; that this increase had taken place without any development of the agricultural resources of the. country worthy of the name; that only
capital and labor were wanted to develop them to a great extent whereby the
revenue would be proportionately increased, and that he (Mr. Wyllie) saw no reason to doubt that in ten years from this date the revenue of the islands would exceed $1,000,000 annually.
Mr. Wyllie added that for this reason he did not consider $300,000 an extravagant
demand for compensation, considering the present and prospective value of the
islands intrinsically, and much less in view of their political value to any great naval
and commercial power, since the treaty effected with Japan. Mr. Wyllie added his belief that this value was fully understood, and that a higher compensation for thirty
years might be procured by a surrender of the sovereignty to another great nation.
Besides the $300,000 had been fully agreed upon by the King's cabinet and the
crown prince, and further $75,000 for the purpose of education, to be continued for
10 years, and he (Mr. Wyllie) did not think they would recede from these terms.
Mr. Gregg said that, as the negotiation was ad referendum, he felt himself, under
the peculiar circumstances of the case, authorized to assent, although he did




HAWAIIAN    ISLANDS.                      1431
it with reluctance, to the insertion of the sums proposed by Mr. Wyllie, leaving his
Governmelntto consider and determine whether they were responsible and proper or
not. The same consideration would lead him to agree to the time fixed by the
cabinet and Crown Prince for the continuance of the payment for the benefit of
schools, etc.
But he objected to the phraseology of the the first paragraph of this Article VIII.
which he thought did not express clearly and definitely enough the idea which was
in the mind of all parties, viz, that the aggregate amount of annuities should be
apportioned once for all by the King and privy council and to remain apportioned forever-each annuity falling off on the death of the party entitled to it and
the aggregate sum being diminished to the extent of such annuity or as each life
falls in. Any other construction would be different from that intended and lead to
misunderstanding and difficulties, which should be clearly provided against.
Mr. Wyllie stated that it undoubtedly was the understanding that the annuities
were to be strictly life annuities, terminable with the life of each annuitant, although
he himself would have preferred that the annuities should have been for a given
period of time, so as that in the probable case of the early death of any annuitant,
the benefit of his or her annuity might go to his or her children or other heirs for
the years or period of time that the annuity might still have to run. But as his
colleagues and the Crown Prince had waived the point, Mr. Wyllie had yielded to
the general sense that the annuities were to be life annuities only, with the sole
exception of that of the immediate heir to the throne which is specially provided for.
The article was finally, after some amendments, assented to by Mr. Gregg.
The draft of a treaty having been completed to the mutual satisfaction of the
undersigned, it was agreed that three copies should be made in English and three
in Hawaiian, and that the same should be signed and sealed as soon as convenient
in the presence of thle Crown Prince and members of the cabinet, and if possible,
with the approval of the chief justice. The said treaty having been negotiated
and drawn up in the English language, it was understood and agreed that all disputes arising under it, should be decided by the English text.
The undersigned further agreed that a separate and secret article should be framed
and added to the treaty, providing effectually for the prevention of anarchy and
the preservation of peace and order, in case the emergency contemplated in the preamble should suddenly occur, without which the treaty itself would fail in one of
its main objects.
Honolulu, 27th of September, 1854.
(Signed)   R. C. WYLLIE
D. L. GREGG.
Protocol No. 13.
The undersigned met in the office of the minister of foreign affairs at 2 p. m. on
Monday, September 4th. The undersigned compared their respective copies of the
treaty, which they had agreed to, subject to the King's approval on the 19th of
August.
Immediately afterwards they discussed and agreed to the separate and secret article
provided for in Protocol No. 11, and added the same to the said copies of the treaty.
Whereupon the undersigned agreed that the treaty was completed for submission
to the King, in conformity with His Majesty's instructions to Mr. Wyllie of the 21st
of February, 1854, and they adjourned to meet again as occasion may require.
(Signed)
HONOLULU, September 27, 1854.
From appendix to Protocol 7, containing civil list, as follows:
The  King.................................................................  $10, 000
The Queen...............................................................  1 000
H. R. H. Liholiho....................................................... 2,  000
Prince Lot Kamehameha..................................................  800
C. Kanaina...............................................................  800
K. Kopaakea............................................................  800
800
B. Namakeha..................-....................-.......            800
I. Kaeo.....................................................800
A. Paki (chamberlain)..............................................000
John  Young  (minister of interior)................................   00
M. Kekuanaoa (governor of Oahu).......................................  2500
P. Nahaolelua (governor of Maui).......................................  1500




143Z                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
G. L. Kapeau (governor of Hawaii)....................................  $1, 200
P. Kanoa (governor or Kauai)............1....................  1, 200
John Li (second associate justice supreme court)... --- —....... —....... 2, 000
J. Kekaulahao (second associate iustice suprelme court)..-..............  1, 500
J. Piikoi (clerk Honolulu Market).................................  1, 000
32, 900
CORRESPONDENCE.
Letter from Wyllie to Lee of March 8, 1854.
[Extract.]
At the last privy council on the 6th I announced the fact that the consul-general
Miller and Mr. Perrin had received by last mail dispatches from their respective
Governments fully approving of their joint address of the 1st of September, stating
that each Government had written to the United States Government on the subject,
inviting the latter to join Great Britain and France in a tripartite treaty to support the independence and neutrality of this Kingdom, and ordering the consulgeneral and Mr. Perrin to act in concert.
Mr. Wyllie then speaks of an alleged conspiracy of Government clerks in the
legislature to oust him from office, of which C. C. Harris was said to be the leader.
He adds: "I think a feeling is being industriously propagated that I am the only
bar to annexation. Upon that point, I believe, my opinion and sense of duty agree
fully with your own, and, as far as I can judge, Prince Liholiho and all my colleagues agree with us."
Wyllie to Lee, June 23, 1854.
The treaty is now before Liholiho, with all the amendments suggestedby you. To
be able to save the King and chiefs and people at a, moment's warning, it is desirable that the treaty should be concluded diplomatically, I mean signed by the plenipotentiaries, but subject to future ratification. Armstrong's zeal presses the letter
with indiscreet haste, and I fdar makes everything known to J. and B. Armstrong's
grand idea is that you and I should go to Washington with the treaty ratified here,
to have it ratified there.
It would, no doubt, be very convenient to some people to get rid both of you,
me, and of Allen, too; but the question is, would the King's honor and the rights of
the natives be as safe in other hands, or when a treaty is made as a safeguard against
sudden treason or rebellion, is there any place so proper for the King's ratification
as his own court, where the danger would first be felt, or any form more proper or
decorous than that the act of ratification should be witnessed and signed by all who
have signed the powers and protocols from the first by the King's own desire. To
my mind the treaty admits of no dispute whatever, but I should like to know yours.
Lee to Wyllie, July 5, 1854.
[Private.]
The treaty should be concluded at once, so that we may be prepared for emerpeneies. but I agree with you about the final ratification.
Wyllie to Lee, July 11, 1854.
[Extract.]
Liholiho keeps out of the way and has not returned the treaties, though I have
often asked for them. Of my draft I have no copy. Unless I perform the duty
which on the 6th of February was imposed on me imperatively, if any sudden emergency were to occur, I would be subject to blame. Therefore one of two things;




HAWAIIAN    ISLANDS.                      1433
either I must perform that duty or the royal order must be withdrawn. The final
ratification is quite another matter. That I would be as unwilling to press on the
King, except in the presence of an immediate emergency, as you would be.
Under such a clear necessity colonial subjection to any European power would not
be so favorable to the interests of the islands as their admission as a sovereign State
of the United States. There are no markets in Europe likely to afford such a consuumption of island produce at high prices as those of California and Oregon.
Besides, contiguity and the superior magnitude of present interests in the islands
are considerations not to be overlooked. This view of mine I made known to the
consul-general fully and frankly in 1851 or 1852. In judging of such abstract questions I know of no nationality whatever.  Under a pressing necessity I would advise
the King to annex himself and his Kingdom to Japan if I thought that it would be
best for him, the prince, the chiefs, the Hawaiians generally, and the future interests of the islands as an agricultural and mercantile state.
But to the treasonable creation of a necessity for the extinction of the native sovereignty I never will be a party. As the house of representatives is going on it
appears to me that they will bring on the necessity soon enough, although all we
ministers remain faithful to our oaths up to the very moment of its supervention.
Such are my views, and from what I can recollect of our confidential conference
at Rosebank, in January last, I think you will not be far different. Hoping soon to
hear that you are better or to see you here, I remain, my dear Lee,
Yours, truly,
R. C. WYLLIE.
P. S.-Before the 6th of February last my idea of saving the King from sudden
treason and rebellion was always to hoist the united flags of the United States, Great
Britain, and France. But our dangers are internal, and a tripartite treaty would
fail to keep the King permanently on his throne unless each of the powers were to
consent to keep up a permanent garrison of, say, 100 men, in all 300.
Wyllie to Lee, August 83, 1854.
MY DEAR LEE: * * * I am anxious to have your approval before I sign. Reflecting upon the matter, it is a most deplorable thing that we should be driven to
give up at the time when our means of governing independently, and that well, too,
are so much greater than they were in 1843, our revenue being increased from $18,842
yearly to $326,620.
Our constitution, our laws, and our land tenure are vastly improved since you have
been the King's chief justice. The administration of justice compares favorably with
that of California or any of the Southwestern States. Education is more generally
diffused than it is in many old nations of great civilization, and the Kings rights of
sovereignty and neutrality are fully acknowledged by the great powers of the earth.
Yet all these advantages and ameliorations go for nothing against the secret machinations and agitation of wretches whose loyalty, whose conscience, and whose
religion are at the bottom of their pockets, instigated by some half dozen traitors
that one month of a strong, energetic government would clear the country of forever. Yet, looking to the King's safety, and the absence of all physical force to
insure it, we have yet to take things as they are, not as they ought to be.
Mem.-Letter about annexation in the New York Tribune July 20, 1854. Gen.
Miller and Mr. Perrin much excited by it.
From the King to W7yllie, August ~9, 1854.
SIR: Referring you to my orders and instructions relating to the treaty with Mr.
Gregg, hearing that it is nearly completed, I order you to send me a copy in native,
and a copy of all the protocols in native, that I may consider what amendments and
suggestions I may have to make before you sign the treaty.
(Signed)                                           KAMEHAMEIIA III.




1434                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Lee to Wyllie, Agt 29, 1854. Torbertville. ( lupalakua, Mani.)
MY DEAR WYLLIE: Mr. Ii has just touched here on his way to Hilo, leaving me
your notes of August 20 and 23, with a copy of the treaty. You wish, before signing, to have my views of the treaty, and I will give them to you, though I have
very little time for reflection. They are briefly as follows: I see no objection to
the treaty, except the second article, which strikes me as being indefinite, ambiguous, and, to a certain extent, contradictory. This article is intended to secure a
very important point, the most important, in my opinion, involved in the whole
treaty, and, as it is now framed, it seems to me to dodge the question, or at least to
leave room for future controversy.
It is the wish of the King and chiefs, so far as they have spoken on the subject,
to be admitted as a State and not as a Territory, and they must not be deceived by
any uncertainty of expression in the treaty. They wish by this article to shield the
nation from slavery, and it would be as dishonorable to us as unjust to them to
leave so vital a question involved in doubt.
I may not rightly understand this article, but, as I read it, it is left to the American Congress to say when we may be admitted as a State, and that may be one, ten,
or twenty years hence. Much as I am in favor of a treaty of this kind, yet knowing as I do the views of the King, chiefs, and people on this subject, it would be
treacherous and criminal in me to let this point pass unnoticed. In my opinion the
article should read that the Hawaiian Islands shall be incorporated into the American Union, not as a Territory, but as a State, etc., and omitting the clause "and admitted as such as soon," etc.
The conditions and requirements precedent to our admission as a State, if any,
should be distinctly specified. In my opinion, as the article now stands, it leaves
room for any amount of delay and double dealing, and does not meet the wishes of
the King and chiefs.
In what I have said I mean no reflection whatever on Mr. Gregg, who doubtless
intended and understands this article in a sense fair and just to the Hawaiian
nation, but it may be left to others, perhaps less honorable than himself, to give it
a construction. I can not tell you how much I should regret throwing the slightest
obstacle in the way of the conclusion of this treaty, but I should be false to my
own conscience and to the nation I serve, to keep silence.
The treaty has been greatly modified since I saw it, and perhaps for the better in
all respects, except the article above mentioned. I am sorry you did not send me
a copy of it at an earlier date. I shall write to Liholiho, giving him authority to
act aa my proxy, and referring him to this letter for my views. I shall return to
Honolulu in two or three weeks, and if there is no pressing emergency, why not
postpone the matter until I can make my views more fully known? Of course I
write you this in confidence, but I wish you to show it to Mr. Allen, Mr. Armstrong,
Liholiho, and Mr. Young. I should not say "in confidence," if I had not heard from
several sources that the doings of the cabinet and Mr. Gregg in this matter were
town talk.
Wyllie to Lee, November 14, 1854.
[Extract.]
We seek from the United States some other remedy than revolvers at our ears and
bowie knives at our breasts. If the United States authorities can not protect us
from such comforters before annexation, what hope we reasonably after annexation?
This is the common-sense view of the case, and I wonder that Gregg and Dornin
don't see it.
Wyllie to Lee, November 15, 1854.
MY DEAR LEE: While in the middle of my preceding note of this same date Mr.
Young brought down a fresh order from the King dated yesterday, suggesting certain amendments in the treaty. We had a meeting of the cabinet upon the order,
and have requested Armstrong to prepare a careful translation of it, to be considered to-morrow at 10 a. m.
The effect will be to justify Mr. Gregg in assuming that if the amendments suggested by the King be adopted he virtually pledges himself to ratify the treaty.
Now, are we prepared for this, after the new phase given to things by Mr. Gregg
and Capt. Dorrin themselves, well known to you-commented on in my accompanying note, especially after the alternative, put to us by Mr. Gregg himself in the




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1435
separate dispatch of the 22d September (which you saw), to be either off or on with
the treaty?
How otherwise can we understand the following:
"I am authorized to insist upon the conclusion of such negotiations according to
diplomatic usage. The alternative seems to me plain and imperative. This result
must be consummated or I shall feel myself obliged to withdraw from any further
negotiations, and to declare those which have already taken place at an end."
And still more objectionable is the following, because it seems to imply a threat
and license for the fillibusters to overthrow us: " The strong arm of the United
States has been solicited for your protection. It has been kindly extended and held
out, until at length self-respect must soon dictate its withdrawal." What think
you of that? I must confess that I regret thatthe King has sent me the order (which,
however, w:th the consent of my colleagues, I will respectfully obey) before we had
all in presence of the King, Liholiho, and yourself, considered whether "self-respect"
after undisguised intimidation attempted, does not require us to do something very
different to what they would drive us to by intimidation.
We never in this world will have such an opportunity to take dignified ground.
We can take it now with absolute safety to the King and national sovereignty. But
good has arisen out of intended evil. Are we to miss the opportunity or turn it to
the King's advantage  I have no time to write to Liholiho, but you will inform him
of everything. Let me know as soon as possible what you think. Mr. Young and
I unite in begging you not to attempt so much labor in one day. Calculate carefully
your strength, and measure your work accordingly.
Yours, truly,
R. C. WYLLIE.
P. S.-Yesterday Consul-General Miller and Perrin promised to send instantly,
when required, all the disposable force of the Trincomalee and Artemise, and to-day
Mr. Gregg handed to me a note from Capt. Dornin, promising to land 200 men, fully
armed.
Wyllie to Lee, November 26, 1854.
The effect of the application authorized by the cabinet and by the King for assistance, when the danger threatened, has been to elicit from the commissioners of
France and the United States and the consul-general of Great Britain such assurances as to amount virtually to a tripartite military protectorate of the King, if
His Majesty should be pleased so to understand the official offers severally made.
Would it not be well for the King to take that ground, to proclaim the fact, to
make the treaty public (which Mr. Gregg, it appears, has already submitted, to the
cognlizance of the United States officers here, of American residents here, and even
of filibusters from California), ald to advise as to his present and future policy with
the Governments of the three great naval powers of the world? If we take this
ground we sacrifice no right of the King, we do not necessarily lose the treaty, we
free ourselves effectually from all violence and threatenings of violence, and we
obtain another and, I think, a very good chance of preserving the King and the
native dynasty in the enjoyment of their natural rights as the sovereign rulers of
this land.
After the threats made and the ridicule thrown upon our means of resistance, we
have agreed to make something of a military demonstration on the anniversary of
the 28th.
There is net one of us who doubts our present perfect safety, and the promises officially m sle to us. We now stand on strong ground; we can breathe freely; we can
efficiently put down all filibusters, rebels, and traitors. Are we to show ourselves
equal to the emergency or not  This is for you and the privy council to consider, and for us all to consider. * * *
If the negotiation is to go on with Mr. Gregg one thing I must insist upon, which
is, that pending the negotiation he, as Commissioner of the United States, must bind
himself to keep American citizens quiet. No treaty can be made under duress. If
made so it is not valid.
R. C. WYLLIE.
Letter from Mr. Gregg of September 12.
[Memoranda.]
Cromplaining of procrastination in regard to the treaty which he said was completed August 19 satisfactorily.
Remonstrates again November 1 as above.




1436                      HAWAIIAN    ISLANDS.
Wyllie to Capt. Dornin, November 27, 1854.
MY L'EAR SIR: It was only this day that I heard that you were to leave us so soon.
I am sorry that your departure has become necessary, and having the utmost regard
for you personally I am anxious that you should not retire under a wrong impression of my feeling in consequence of the communications made to me on the 11th
and 12th instant.
The one hundred and fifty-seventh section of Vattel, chapter 12, book 2, is as follows:
" A treaty is valid if there be no defect in the manner in which it has been concluded; and for this purpose nothing more can be required than a sufficient power
in the contracting parties, and their mutual consent sufficiently declared."
Therefore, by international law the highly confidential and delicate negotiation
between Mr. Gregg and me, in progress since the 6th of February, became suspended under the coercion made known on the 11th and 12th instant.
Who is it who has seen the proclamation of the President against filibustering to
Cuba, his proclamation of the 18th of January, 1854, against unlawful expeditions
in the Pacific, his inaugural message, and the official declarations of preceding
administrations relating to these islands in particular, that could doubt for one
moment that if the President, had he heard what I heard on the 11th and 12th, he
would not instantly have ordered that all negotiations should be suspended until
they could be honorably resumed after every trace of coercion had been removed
and the King's liberty to consent or not to consent fully and unquestionably reestablished.
The only course that I could pursue under circumstances, the parallel of which, as
far as I know, is not to be found in the history of any other nation, and certainly
never in the past experience of this humble Kingdom, is unmistakably designated
in the above quotation of Vattel, and in Chapter xvim, sections 200, 201, 202.
Respect to, the United States Government, duty to the King and to my colleagues,
and, I may add, to myself, all alike required, in the most imperative manner, that
the unlawful threats of foreign intruders should be instantly met by the most determined resistance.
In less than forty-eight hours we were prepared effectually and certainly to put down
the insurrectionary attempt that was threatened, even had it come upon us in the
formidable shape in which it was represented. With the assistance kindly promised
by yourself, through the Hon. David Gregg, and that which was promptly promised
by others, the result of a struggle could not have been doubtful, the rights of the
King would have been vindicated, and from all I have seen of the generous and merciful character of His Majesty I would venture to say that the prisoners would have
experienced at his hands a clemency so much beyond what the law and usage of
nations allow in such cases as would have filled them with remorse for having ever
attempted and conspired to overturn his throne.
I speak in the supposition that such men can be susceptible of generous and ennobling sentiments, which, considering the designs imputed to them where they neither
had suffered nor could have suffered any wrong whatever, may be very doubtful. Ever
since I have been on these islands I have welcomed the ingress of American citizens;
I have made it a rule, even in political debate, never to be wanting in personal
respect to those who held diplomatic or consular commissions from the President;
but I have no such feeling of respect or consideration for filibusters; and if for that
I am to be blamed, then let the censure commence with the President himself, for
my sentiments correspond with his proclamations, and so, I hope, will ever my acts.
In a private note like this I am forced to speak of myself only; I have no right to
put words in the mouths of my colleagues, but I know them to be at heart gentlemen
and men of honor, and if you believed them to be such in every point of their official
duty to the King, you can foretell precisely what course they will pursue. I am
quite sure that you, whose prompt and energetic conduct in the Peninsula of "Bassa
California" will be recorded in history as one of the brightest pages, in a moral
sense, of the annals of the brave American navy, can never blame those gentlemen
born in your own country, who act with me as the joint depositaries of the confidence of King Kamehameha III, for uniting their efforts with mine, with the protection of God and of all the friends whom the Almighty had given to us to repel with
loathing, disgust, and indignation all filibusters who may come among us with the
insolent pretension of throwing the weight of their revolvers into the balance of
our honorable deliberations.
Since the 12th you have several times remarked that I was too much excited. I
beg to assure you that neither then nor since have I known any excitement whatever, beyond that of a strong indignation. As for fear, I never had one particle of
it; but I can assure you that, had I yielded to such an unworthy impulse and
debased myself to the degree of surrendering the King's rights under the threats
of filibusters, and in accordance with the advice of those residents, seemingly act



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1437
ing in connivance with them, my own dearest relations in Scotland would have
shunned me as afilthy thing, and if my American-born colleagues had permitted me
to make that ignominious surrender, more plainly to perpetrate the treason, the
stigma of Arnold would have clung to them and to me in every part of the United
States luring life.
I hope negotiations will soon be resumed on the honorable basis on which they
were commenLced, and free from the influence or control of parties Who never ought
to have known anything about them. It was to you only that I approved of cognizance being given.
I remain, my dear sir, yours ever truly,
R. C. WYLLIE.
Gregg to Wyllie, January 26, 1856.
SIRn It is my duty to inclose to you a copy of a letter addressed to me yesterday
by Commander Bailey, of U. S. S. St. Mary's, relative to the proclamation of the late
King. issued on the 8th of December last. I can not suppose that there is any misunderstanding on the part of the Hawaiian Government as to the precise extent and
meaning of Capt. Dornin's offer of aid. It had reference to the special emergency
apprehended about the middle of November, and, of course, fell to the ground with
the dangers which it was designed to ward off. Neither he nor I had any authority
to enter into an arrangement looking beyond the crisis then supposed to be immediately impending.
Our action was strictly pro hac vice and to that extent alone. Popular construction gives to the proclamation a sense which could never have been officially
intended. It bears date long after the apprehensions of violence had ceased to
exist, and when the independence of the Islands was supposed to be "more firmly
established than ever before." The formal acceptance of offers of assistance made
three weeks previously could only have been designed as an act of courtesy and
acknowledgment to the powers whose friendly intentions had been manifested on an
occasion when they were peculiarly acceptable.
Such was my view of it, founded, as I supposed, upon a just appreciation of facts.
Had I thought that the existence of a permanent tripartite protection was designed
to be intimated, my protest against such an inference would have been prompt,
imperative, and unqualified. Such a thing was never thought of on my part, and
could not have been understood from any circumstance which transpired, officially
or otherwise. As the proclamation is still kept standing in the columns of the
"Polynesian" newspaper, I must beg to inquire how far it is to be understood as
assuming an existing guaranty of protection by the United States of America. I
am anxious to remove all occasion of misapprehension and to preserve unimpaired
not only the substance but the semblance of entire good faith and perfect concord, etc.
(Signed.)                                        DAVID L. GREGG.
Capt. Bailey wrote as follows:
"It would appear from the proclamation that England, France, and the United
States had agreed to a joint protectorate of the late King. Such an agreement
would have been directly opposed to the policy that has ever been maintained by
the United States, and would be in direct violation of the course adopted in refusing
to unite with England and France in securing the possession of Cuba to Spain.
Proclamation.
Whereas it has come to my knowledge from the highest official sources that my
Government has been recently threatened with overthrow by lawless violence, and
whereas the representatives at my court of the United States, Great Britain, and
France, being cognizant of these threats, have offered me the prompt assistance of
the naval forces of their respective countries, I hereby proclaim my acceptance of the
aid thus proffered in support of my sovereignty. My independence is more firmly
established than ever before.
KEONI ANA.                                          KAMEHAMEHA III.
PALACE, December 8, 1854.                           R. C. WYLLB,




1438


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Extract from an address delivered by Judge Lee before the Royal Hawaiian Agricultural
Society in August, 1850.
Until within the last year the Hawaiian held his land as a mere tenant at suffer.
ance subject to be dispossessed at any time it might suit the will or caprice of his
chief or that of his oppressive luna. Of what avail was it to the common people to
raise more than enough to supply the immediate wants of their subsistence? Would
the surplus belong to them, or furnish the means of future independence? Far
from it.
It would go to add to the stores of their despotic lords, who claimed an absolute
right in all their property, and who periodically sent forth their hordes of lunas to
scour the country and plunder the people, without the shadow of right or mercy.
Often did these ravagers, these land-pirates, leave the poor makaainana (peasant) with
little else than his maro (breechcloth), his digger, and his calabash. I thank God
that these things are now at an end, and that the poor Kanaka may now stand on
the border of his little taro patch, and, holding his fee-simple title in his hand, bid
defiance to the world. Yes, I thank God that He has moved the hearts of the King
and chiefs of these islands to let the oppressed go free.
[Personal.]
Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, July 31, 1893.
DEAR SIR: The condition of parties in the islands is one of quiescence. The action of the United States is awaited by all as a matter
of necessity. This condition, it can be assumed, will remain until the
proposition to annex is accepted or rejected. In the latter contingency
no sudden movement is likely to occur. The present Government can
only rest on the use of military force, possessed of most of the arms in
the islands, with a small white population to draw from to strengthen
it. Ultimately it will fall without fail. It may preserve its existence
for a year or two, but not longer.
My own private affairs make it necessary for me to return home.
The distance between us, and consequent difficulty of communication,
is too great for me to wait for any further correspondence. It is not
pleasant to reveal one's private affairs, nor do I intend to do so now. I
assume that neither you nor the President under existing circumstances could urge my further continuance here.
I have discharged my duty the best I could considering 1 was surrounded by persons interested in misleading me, and in my inability to
compel answers from witnesses.
I amin etc.,
JMEGS sH. BLOUNT.




LIST OF AFFIDAVITS.
1. John F. Colburn and A.. P. eterson.
2. John F. Calburn and A. P. Peterson, May 3, 1893, printed with Mr. Blount's No,
4, dated May 4, 1893.
3. William H. Cornwell.
4. John A. Cnummlins and W. T. Seward.
5. Charles L. Honkins.
6. Charles L. Hopkins, May 3, 1893, printed with Mr. Blount's No. 4, dated May 4,
1893.
7. John Lota Kaulukou.
8. E. C. Macfarlane.
9. Paul Neumann.
10. Samuel Nowlien.
11. P. M. Rooney.
12. John Ross.
13. Charles B. Wilson, May 4, 1893, printed with Mr. Blount's No. 4, dated May 4,1893.
14. C. B. Wilson, 6th May, 1893, 6th May, 1893.
15. C. B. Wilson, 6th May, 1893, May 9, 1893.
PART II-AFFIDAVITS.
No. 1.
Affidavits of J. F. Colburn and A. P. Peterson.
HONOLULU, OAHU, Hawaiian Islands, ss:
J. F. Colburn and A. P. Peterson, being duly sworn, on oath depose and
say, that on Sunday, January 15,1893, they were members of Her Majesty's
cabinet, and that on that Sunday morning at 6:30 o'clock Mr. L. A.
Thurston came to the house of Mr. Peterson and stated in the presence of
Mr. Peterson and Mr. Colburn that he wished to have a talk with them.
He said that the committee of safety had had a meeting the night
before and had come to the conclusion that things could not go on as
at present, and that the committee had decided that the Queen should
be dethroned and a Provisional Government established. He said that
Mr. Stevens, the American minister would land his troops and support
the movement, if a proclamation to that effect was issued from any
building in town.
He then asked Mr. Peterson and Mr. Colburn if they would, without
consulting with their colleagues, as he said they were not to be trusted,
take control of the situation and in their own names ask the American
minister to assist in carrying out their programme and stated that the
document already drawn up by him, a copy of which is annexed, could
be changed to suit this proposition.
JOHN F. COLBTRN,
A. P. PETERSON.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 27th day of June, 1893.
[SEAL.]                                          F. J. TESTA,
Notary PabliQ First Judicial Circuit.
1439




1440                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
To His Excellency JNO. L. STEVENS, American Minister Resident, and
Captain -    WILTSE. Commander U. S. S. Boston:
GENTLEMEN: On behalf of the Hawaiian cabinet, you are hereby
informed that certain persons, without authority of law, have prepared
and caused to be promulgated a document purporting to be a new constitution subversive of the rights of the people and contrary to the law
and constitution of the land.
That such illegal action is taken in the name of Her Majesty Lilluokalani, and is proposed to be supported by force. That the cabinet
maintain that such action is revolutionary and treasonable, and they
hereby request the assistance of the United States troops to maintain
order and support the Government.
No. 2.
Affidavit of John F. Colburn and A. P. Peterson, May 3, 1893, printed
with Mr. Blount's No. 4, dated May 4, 1893.
No. 3.
Affidavit of William H. Cornwell.
His Excellency J. H. BLOUNT,
United States Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary:
SIR: In supplementing the statements which I have already had
the honor to present to your excellency, I beg to represent the following facts as they came within my personal observation during the late
disturbances here:
On Monday, the 16th of January, the cabinet met at 10 o'clock a. m.
and made the necessary arrangements providing for the Queen's proclamation, in which she gave her assurance, guaranteed by us, her constitutional advisers, that no further attempts would be made in regard
to obtaining a new constitution except by the way provided in the constitution itself.
The proclamation as presented to your excellency was issued, and
the two political meetings took place. About 5 p. m. the cabinet received information that American forces were being landed from the
U. S. S. Boston, and after a short consultation among the members of
the cabinet, Messrs. Parker and Colburn, with Hon. A. S. Cleghorn, the
governor and commander in chief of Oahu, departed to interview Minister Stevens to ask for an explanation of this'remarkable and uncalledfor step of the American representative, and to protest against the landing of the troops as being contrary to international law, courtesy, and
custom. Mr. Parker returned shortly afterwards and told us that he and
the other gentlemen mentioned had performed their mission and that
Mr. Stevens had answered them that he knew "what he was doing," and
that the troops had been landed at the request of an alleged committee
of safety and that he would file the protest of the ministers. Mr. Parker immediately went to his office and issued a protest in writing to the
above effect. Later, a meeting of the " law and order " committee supporting Her Majesty's Government was held at the Government building, at which the cabinet were present, After some discussion, it was




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1441
decided to encourage the Hawaiians to keep quiet and await further
developments.
On Tuesday, the 17th, the cabinet met in the morning and arrange.
ments were made for calling a meeting of the diplomatic corps to take
place at noon. The different foreign representatives, except Minister
Stevens, who sent his excuses, met together at the time appointed.
Shortly after I saw Marshal Wilson, who emphatically told me that
from a military standpoint he was perfectly able to cope with the situation, and that he and his followers were ready to stop any insurrection, and, if necessary, prepared to resist and successfully fight (as he
expected to have to do) the United States forces then ashore. Having
the fullest confidence in the good judgment of Marshal Wilson, I concurred with his ideas, and from that moment advised my colleagues to
resist by force any attempt that might be made to overthrow the Government. About 2:45 p. m. we were informed that a proclamation had
been issued to the effect that the Queen had been deposed and that her
ministers and the marshal had been dismissed.
The cabinet immediately proceeded to the American legation.
Messrs. Parker and Peterson went into Minister Stevens's office while
Mr. Colburn and myself remained in his sitting room. Our colleagues
soon returned and told us that Minister Stevens could grant us no
assistance, as the committee of thirteen representing, as he said, the
respectability and wealth of the community, had requested his support.
Upon a straight question of the attorney general he answered that if
ialled upon for assistance by the alleged newly-established Government
le would respond to such call with the forces at his command. A little
ifter 3 p. m. Mr. Charles Hopkins was sent to Minister Stevens from
bhe station house (where the cabinet had taken up their headquarters)
with a letter in which the cabinet wished to know in black and white
how Minister Stevens proposed to act in the matter.
Mr. Hopkins returned about half an hour later and brought Minister
3tevens's answer, in which he informed us that he had already recognized the Provisional Government because they were in possession of;he departmental buildings, the archives, and the treasury, and that
ie would stand ready to support them as the de fjcto government.
Messrs. E. C. Macfarlane and Neumann were then in consultation with;he cabinet in regard to what action should be taken. About this time
Alessrs. Samuel M. Damon and C. Bolte came to the station house and
isked the cabinet to go with them to the Government house, that the
)fficers of the Provisional Government wished to talk over the situation
ivith us.
Mr. Parker and I went there and found Messrs. Dole, Damon, W. 0.
smith, and others, and we were told that the Provisional Government
iad been recognized by Mr. Stevens, and we were asked as true Hawaiians to do the bestfor our country and surrender, to avoid bloodshed.
We told them that we could give them no answer before seeing Her
iajesty the Queen, and were then requested to go to the palace and do
ur best to induce the Queen to surrender. Shortly after 5:30 p. m. we
Vent to the palace and found the Queen in the blue room, and soon
ifter Messrs. J. O. Carter, H. A. Widemann, Paul Neumann, and E. C.
Macfarlane arrived. There were also present my colleagues, Messrs.
Dolburn and Peterson, and the two princes.
Mr. Damon Was likewise present representing the Provisional Government. The Queen told us that she had sent for the gentlemen pres1nt to consult with them in this crisis, and requested them all to remain
Vith her until everything was settled. Mr. Damon stated that he was
A OwlD007    fl\




1442.    HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
sent by the Provisional Government to inform the Queen that she had
been deposed, that her ministers and marshal had been dismissed,
and that the Provisional Government had been recognized formally by
Mr. J. L. Stevens, the U. S. Minister. As a friend and also as a privy
councillor, he urged her to surrender peaceably, and expressed the opinion that it would perhaps be well to surrender under protest to the
United States. Mr. J. O. Carter then expressed his views at some
length. He saw no other course for the Queen to pursue after the
recognition of the new government by Mr. Stevens and the landing of
the United States troops.
In his opinion, any resistance under the circumstances would be
equivalant to a declaration of war against the United States. He
advised making the protest and leaving the matter in the hands of
the United States. After a short consultation, in which all present
took part and all concurred in the remarks of Mr. Carter the Queen
agreed to surrender under a protest, and the necessary document was drawn up by Messrs. Neumann and Carter. Mr. Carter
and I thereupon proceeded to the Government building, where we
presented the protest to Mr. Dole, who indorsed it as having been
received, noting the date and time it was received.  We then
requested the attorney-general to go to the Station House and inform
the marshal, who was there, of what had taken place at the Palace,
and to notify him to surrender the forces under his command. We
were informed shortly after that Marshal Wilson refused to act upon
such instructions, demanding a written order from the Queen and
Cabinet before he would surrender. He reiterated that he was fully
prepared to cope with the situation, and was ready to fight the
insurgents and the forces of the United States, then ashore, and
would do so, unless he should first receive such written order for his
surrender.
The whole cabinet then proceeded to the station house and in the
presence of Mr. Neumann and others handed the written orders to the
marshal and explained the situation to him. He thereupon dismissed
his forces with a short address. The large crowd -of Hawaiians
gathered outside of the station house were dispersed quietly, after a
short address in Hawaiian by one of the police captains, by order of the
marshal, after which we left the station house, but up to the time of
leaving no officer of the Provisional Government had taken charge.
WM. H. CORNWELL.
Subscribed and sworn to this 27th day of June, A. D. 1893, before me,
[SEAL.]                                   F. J. TESTA,
Notary Public, First Judicial Circuit.
No 4.
Afidavits of John A. Cummins and W. T. Seward.
HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, Island of Oahu, City of Honolulu, ss:
On this 19th day of June, A. D. 1893, personally appeared before me
John A. Cummins and Major W. T. Seward, who being by me duly
sworn, deposed and said, that on Saturday, the 14th day of January, A.
D. 1893, the city of Honolulu was perfectly quiet, there being nothing
unusual and no signs of disturbance; that on Monday, the 16th day of




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1443


said month of January, a small faction of foreign residents called a
meeting in the Rifles Armory, on Beretania street, at 2 o'clock p. m.,
which was attended by from six to seven hundred persons, a large proportion of whom were neither voters nor taxpayers; that at the same
hour a mass meeting attended by about twenty-five hundred persons
(mostly Hawaiians) was held in Palace square, at which resolutions
were unanimously passed and ordered to be presented to Her Majesty
the Queen assuring her of the loyalty and cordial support and sympathy of her people; that both of said meetings were orderly, and no
sign or threat of disorder was seen or heard anywhere throughout the
city; that, at about five o'clock on the same afternoon, a strong force was
landed from the U. S. S. Boston and quartered on property belonging to an Englishman; that no portion of the force landed was assigned to the protection of either American lives or property; that
said forces were camped in virtual possession of the Government
building, within less than one hundred yards of the front entrance of
said building; that the landing of the American forces was a matter
of great surprise to the public generally; that a band concert was
held at the Hawaiian Hotel at eight o'clock in the evening which was
very largely attended by the general public, men, women, and children turning out in large numbers to enjoy the music, as it was a
beautiful moonlight evening; that no disturbance or breach of the peace
occurred at any time now under consideration, except the shooting of a
policeman while in the discharge of his duty at Hall's corner by a man
in the employ of the conspirators; that said policeman was endeavoring, in accordance with orders, to prevent the transportation of arms
from Hall & Son's store to the armory on Beretania street, and was
unarmed; that the Provisional Government did not issue their proclamation till after they had consulted with both Minister Stevens and
Captain Wiltse.
J. A. CUMMIINS,
W. T. SEWARD,
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 19th day of June, A. D. 1893.
|SEAL.]                          CHARLES T. GULICK,
Notary Public, Island of Oahu.
No. 5.
Affidavit of Ch. 1. Hopkins.
HONOLULU, O AHU, Hawaiian Islands, ss:
And now comes Charles L. Hopkins, a subject of the Hawaiian Kingdom, and upon oath deposes and says:
That after the delivery of Minister Stevens's answer to Her Majesty's
cabinet's letter, your affiant remained at the police station until Mr.
J. H. Soper, at the head of the Provisional troops, numbering about 30
men, arrived at the police station, which was about 7:40 p. m. of the
17th day of January, 1893. Marshal Wilson and J. H. Soper made
addresses to the police in the yard, and on the return of J. H. Soper in
the marshal's office your affiant shook hands with him and then took
the 8 p. m. street car for home.
CHARLES L. HOPKINS.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 6th day of May, A. D. 1893.
A. ROSA,
Notary Public, First Jud, Circuit




1444                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
NO. 6
(Affidavit of Charles L. Hopkins, May 3, 1893, printed with Mr.
Blount's No. 4, dated May 4, 1893.)
No. 7.
Affidavit of John Lota Kaululcou.
HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, Honolulu, Island of Oahu ss8:
And now comes John Lota Kaulukou, and on his oath deposes and
says: That he is a native Hawaiian by birth and is a resident of Honolulu for a long time last past; that he is a lawyer by occupation and
at present practicing law in Honolulu aforesaid; that on or about 2:30
p. m. of the 17th day of January last, it had been declared in front of
the Government building a new form of government for Hawaii nei
known as the "Provisional Government;" that at the said time the
troops of the Boston were lined between the Government building and
the Arion Hall, and well supplied with ammunition and Gatling guns,
which were faced to the palace, where Her Majesty the Queen, was then
residing; that the Provisional Government at the aforesaid time had
only 50 armed men, more or less, and it could have been suppressed by
the guards of the Queen's Government in a short time; that at the
aforesaid time Her Majesty Queen Liliuokalani was residing in the
palace and had charge of that building, the barracks, the guards, and
the ammunition, and also the police station, where Marshal Chas. B.
Wilson, the constables, and those who lent their assistance to Her
Majesty the Queen's Government, who have been well armed.
That at the aforesaid time the said buildings, the police force, and
the other public buildings were not under the charge of the Provisional Government, and that in or about 2:45 p. m. of said date, one
Chas. L. Hopkins took a communication from the Queen's cabinet
from the police station, where they were then, to J. L. Stevens, envoy
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States of
America, residing at the court of the Hawaiian Islands; and that on
or about 3:15 p. in. of said date the said Chas. L. Hopkins returned to
the said police station with a letter from said J. L. Stevens; and that
after that it had been announced to the public, who were there then,
that said United States minister, J. L. Stevens, had recognized the
Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, and will back and
help the said Provisional Government, and not to Her Majesty the
Queen's Government.
That at the recognition of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands by the said J. L. Stevens, United States minister in
Hawaii nei, the palace was in the possession of Her Majesty Queen
Liliuokalani and she was living in there; and under the charge and
authority of the Queen's Government were the barracks, the guards,
and the ammunition; under the care of Capt. S. Nowlien, the police
station; under the charge of Marshal Chas. B. Wilson, as aforementioned, the custom-house, the Oahu prison, and other public buildings,
and also the protection of the lives and property of the people without
trouble.
JOHN LOTA KAULUTKOU.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 18th day of May, A. D. 1893.
GEO. LUCAs, Deputy Clerk, Supreme Court.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1445
No. 8.
Affidavit of E. C. Macfarlane.
I hereby depose that on Tuesday, the 17th day of January, 1893, at
about 4 p. m. of that day, I was present in the station-house at Honolulu, when Mr. S. M. Damon came to me and asked me to use my
influence with Mr. C. B. Wilson (the marshal of the Kingdom) to surrender the station-house, which was the stronghold of Her Majesty's
Government, urging that any attempt to resist the Provisional Government, which had already been proclaimed, would result in bloodshed and considerable loss of life. I agreed with Mr. Damon that that
was the only course to pursue, inasmuch as the United States minister,
Mr. Stevens, in a letter to the Queen's cabinet, which letter had been
shown to me by Mr. A. P. Peterson, the attorney-general, had already
recognized the Provisional Government, and I felt sure that the U. S.
forces from the Boston would undoubtedly resist any attempt made
to dislodge the Provisional Government, who were already in possession of the Government building.
I was convinced that it would be useless for the marshal to offer any
resistance, for such an attempt would most certainly bring about a
conflict with the United States forces, and accordingly I urged Mr.
Wilson to give up the station house. He stoutly refused, saying that
he was prepared for any conflict which might arise, and that under no
circumstances would he surrender unless by written instructions of the
Queen and her ministers..
Toward sundown I was summoned to the palace and there met the
ministers and other gentlemen whom Her Majesty was consulting
about the situation.
Beside the ministers and the two princes there were present Mr.
Damon, H. A. Widemann, J. O. Carter, and Paul Neumann. In a few
words Her Majesty said she had sent for them to advise with her upon
the situation-that the Provisional Government, which had been recognized by the United States minister-had made a demand to surrender
the station house and the barracks and asked their advice in the matter.
Mr. Damon said that he was sent as a committee from the Provisional
Government to inform Her Majesty that she had been deposed, her
ministers dismissed, and likewise the marshal, Mr. Wilson; that the
Provisional Government was established and recognized by the United
States minister and a demand made by the Provisional Government
that the station house and barracks be surrendered.
For himself he would advise her to that course, suggesting that she
could make a protest if she desired to do so.
Mr. Carter stated that, in his opinion, there was only one course to
pursue, and that was for Her Majesty to comply to the demands, stating that the Provisional Government having been recognized by the
United States minister, any attempt to resist would undoubtedly bring
about complications with the United States Government. He favored
peaceful submission and advised that she make a protest and leave the
matter in the hands of the United States Government.
Mr. Widemann advised to the same effect, and referring to the restoration of the islands by Admiral Thomas in 1843, expressed the
opinion that the United States, upon a proper representation of all the
facts leading up to the present situation, would in thle end repeat the
action of the British Government and restore the independence of
Hawaii.




1446                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
The protest was prepared by Mr. Neumann and Mr. Carter.
Written instructions were then addressed to the marshal, Mr. Wil.
son, signed by the Queen and her four ministers, notifying Mr. Wilson
that he must surrender the station house to the Provisional Government.
This letter was taken to Mr. Wilson by Mr. Peterson. I accom
panied him to the station house. The letter was handed to Mr. Wilson
with a verbal message from the Queen that he should make a brief
statement to those with him that the Queen had yielded under protest, relying upon the justice of the United States Government to restore her authority, and that she wished her supporters to disperse
peaceably and keep quiet. Mr. Wilson spoke a few words to that
effect. I remained in the building for some time afterwards and left
about 7 o'clock, up to which time no agent of the Provisional Government had arrived to take possession of the station house.
I have the honor to remain, etc.,
E. C. MAXFARLANE.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 6th day of May, 1893.
F. J. TESTA.
Notary Public, First Judicial Circuit.
No. 9.
Affidavit of Paul Neumann.
HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, Island of Oahu, ss:
Paul Neumann, being duly sworn, on his oath deposes and says:
That he is a citizen of the United States of America, residing at
Honolulu, on the Island of Oahu, and that he has resided there during
the last nine years prior to this date.
Affiant says that he was in Honolulu on the 14th, 15th, 16th, and
17th of January, 1893. That on the 14th day of January, about 2
o'clock p. m.. Hon. W. O. Smith, the present attorney-general of the
Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, invited this afflant
to come to his (Smith's) law office, where a number of other citizens
called shortly after affiant's arrival, and the persons assembled were
then informed that the Queen had requested her cabinet to join her
in proclaiming a new constitution, which the cabinet refused to do,
and wished to know whether the community would sustain the ministers in their refusal. A unanimous expression of those present
followed that they would sustain the ministers in their course.
Some one then suggested that Mr. Stevens be requested to land troops
from the Boston to assist the people in resisting the desire of the Queen.
A few of the persons present opposed this movement, and affiant can
not state what steps. if any, were taken by those who sought the armed
intervention of the United States forces.
The persons assembled as aforesaid prepared a list of those who
decided to sustain the Queen's cabinet in their course, and said list was
signed by a number of persons, including affiant, at that time and place.
On Monday, the 16th of January, in the afternoon, troops of the U.
S. S. Boston were landed, and after one squad had been left at the U.
S. consulate and another at the U. S. legation, the main body, including the battery, were stationed between the government building Ad




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                    1447
the palace, at the instance, as we were informed, of Mr. John L. Stevens,
then U1. S. minister plenipotentiary, etc.
On the preceding Saturday and Sunday, and on the Monday when
the troops were landed, as well as at all times thereafter, the town and
country was in profound peace and tranquillity, and the sudden and
unexpected landing of a large body of troops and the battery created
great surprise, and was ascribed generally to the intention of Mr.
Stevens and Captain Wiltse to assist in the establishment of a Provisional Government, a movement which had been hinted by Wiltse
and Stevens at various times, acccording to the information which a
number of people had at that time.
The pretext that the troops were landed to protect American lives
and property was spurious and false; both lives and property were as
safe here and as unlikely to be threatened or disturbed as in Kennebec,
Maine, and the sole object of Mr. Stevens and Captain Wiltse was to
abet and assist, not alone by intimidation, but by actual violence the
revolutionary movement headed by Mr. L. A. Thurston and other persons belonging to his party.
In making this statement affiant refers to the replies of Mr. Stevens
to the protest of the cabinet and of the governor of Oahu, copies of
which affiant believes are in the possession of the U. S. Government.
Mass meetings of foreigners and natives were respectively held on
Monday afternoon, which in themselves showed that no outbreak of
any kind was impending, and both meetings had peaceably and quietly
adjourned before the Boston forces were landed.
On Tuesday, the 17th of January, Mr. Peterson and Mr. Parker,
members of Queen Liliuokalani's cabinet, about 3 o'clock in the afternoon,irlformed affiant that Mr. Stevens had told them categorically that
he would support with the Uniedd States forces a Provisional Government if such were proclaimed, and Mr. Peterson, when asked by affiant
what reply Mr. Stevens had made to their protest against the landing
of the Boston forces, showed to affiant the letter from Mr. Stevens
recognizing the new government.
The following is a copy of Mr. Stevens' reply to Mr. Cleghorn:
UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, Jan. 17th, 1893.
SIR: Yours of yesterday, the 16th, regarding the landing of the United States
naval force at Honolulu, is received. I have carefully read its terms and import.
My responsibility as the United States minister plenipotentiary at this critical time
in Hawaiian affairs it is impossible for me to ignore. I assure you that, in whatever
responsibility the American diplomatic and naval representatives have assumed or
may assume, we shall do our utmost to regard the welfare of all persons and interests
concerned.
Yours sincerely with kindest consideration,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Hon. A. S. CLEGHORN,
Governor of Oahu.
Affiant suggested to Peterson and Parker to obtain from Stevens a
written declaration of his intention to support the revolutionary movement by the U. S. troops, but affiant can not state if such a declaration
was delivered to them. About two hours after affiant had been made
aware of Mr. Stevens's attitude toward the lawful Hawaiian Government, and of his instantaneous recognition of the revolutionary government, if in fact that recognition was not made and delivered to the leaders
of the revolution before any Provisional Government was at all proclaimed, affiant was requested to call at the Palace, when he met the Queen




1448>                HAWAIIAN ISLANDS8
and her Cabinet and a number of citizens, including Mr. J. O. Cartel, Mr.
Macfarlane, Judge Widemann, and Mr. S. M. Damon, who discussed the
situation, and after the statement was repeated that Mr. Stevsens had
unqualifiedly stated that he would by force of arms sustain the Provisional Government, and had in fact given it official recognition before it
had a lawful existence, and the further fact was stated to affiant that
the U. S. legation had been at various times the meeting place of the
persons who conspired to overthrow the Hawaiian Government, affiant
among others advised the Queen to accede under protest to the request
of Mr. Dole to surrender the station house and barracks, and advised
to disband the persons who had been sworn in and armed to preserve
law and order.
Affiant drafted the protest, and after Mr. Dole, the President of the
revolutionary faction, had acknowledged in writing the receipt of the
Queen's protest, the order was given to the marshal, who thereupon.
between 7 and 9 o'clock p. m., disbanded the men and subsequently,
but whether that night or the next day affiant does not know, delivered
the possession of the station house and its contents to some representative of the Provisional Government. Affiant can not state when the
barracks were delivered to the revolutionary party but believes that
it was done on Wednesday the 18th of January.
PAUL NEUMANN.
Subscribed and sworn to this 27th day of January, A. D. 1893, before
me.                                    CHAS. T. GULIOK,
Notary Public, Island of Oahu.
No. 10.
Affidavit of Samuel Nowlien.
HONOLULU, OAHU, Hawaiian Islands, ss:
And now comes Samuel Nowlien, a subject of the Hawaiian Kingdom,
and upon oath deposes and says:
That he was captain commanding the Household Guards and was
stationed at the Government Barracks and was also in control of the
royal palace on the 16th and 17th days of January, A. D. 1893, with a
total armed force of 272 men of all ranks, of which 72 men were regulars of the Household Guards and 200 men were native Hawaiian volunteers, fully armed and equipped with 12 breech-loading rifled cannons (Austrian make) and one Gatling, 111 Springfield rifles (U. S. A.),
and 165 Winchester repeating army rifles, with 21,580 rounds of ammunition. That your affiant was in possession and in charge of said barracks and the palace yard up to and between 4 and 5 o'clock p. m. of
the 18th of said January, when said premises were turned over to J.
H. Soper and the regulars were then and there disbanded.
SAMUEL NOWLIEN.
Subscribed and sworn to this 8th day of May, A. D. 1893, before met
[SEAL.]                                  F. J. TESTA,
Notary Public, First Judicial Circuit.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1449


No. 11.
Affdavit of P. M. Rooney.
HONOLULU, OAHIU, Hawaiian Islands, ss:
And now comes P. M. Rooney, an American citizen, and a resident of
Honolulu aforesaid, and upon oath deposes and says that he was a special police on the 16th and 17th days of January, A. D. 1893, having
been engaged by Marshal Wilson as such; that your affiant was at the
police station up to 7 o'clock p. m. of the 17th day aforesaid, and up to
that time Marshal Wilson was in possession and in charge of the police
station aforesaid with all of his men. The Provisional troops had not
at that time taken charge of the place.
P. M. ROONEY,
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 6th day of May, A. D. 1893.
A. ROSA,
Notary Public, First Judicial Circuit.
No. 12.
Affidavit of John Ross.
HONOLULU, June 20, 1893.
His Excellency JAMES H. BLOUNT,
U. S. Minister, etc., etc.
SIR: I am again enabled to present to you, on behalf of truth and
justice, an affidavit from a Captain John Ross, for four years, and latterly an executive officer, in the four years' war of American Revolution.
Believing it to be useful he has placed the affidavit at my disposal,
which I have given him to understand shall be sent to you immediately.
He is in communication with me, and can be seen any time you should
so desire further acquaintance of the gentleman. I have the honor to be
Your obedient, humble servant,
JNo. E. BUSH.
From an experience of twenty years' residence in the Hawaiian Islauds I hereby state, without bias or prejudice, that there was no demonstration or disturbance or threats made that there would be disturbance on the sixteenth day of January, 1893, that would call for
the landing of troops either to protect life or property; in fact the
landing of men from the U. S. S.  " Boston " was so unlooked for that
when the report came to the Hawaiian Hotel, where I was at the time
of their landing, about 5:30 p. m., that it was received as a canard
until the battalion was seen marching past on King street and came to
a halt on the sidewalk east of the main entrance to the Royal Palace
and facing the south. About 7 p. m. the battalion formed and marched
eastward about three-quarters of a mile to the suburbs and broke
ranks on the premises of J. B. Atherton, where it appeared they were to
bivouack for the night. Next morning they occupied Harmony Hall, a
small wooden building about eighty teet west of the Government building. The Hawaiian Government band played as usual its Monday
evening concert to the populace and the usual assembly of men, women,
and children were therB as well as on the streets.




1450                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
The circumstance of the landing of the marines was generally ao
cepted as part of the schemes of the Revolutionists or Missionary party
as understood to be arranged between them and Mr. Stevens and Captain Wiltse of the U. S. S. "Boston," as shortly before the battalion
landed Messrs. Thurston, W. R. Castle and Henry Waterhouse were
seen going to the U. S. legation, and returning from there, and to the
office of L. A. Thurston and W. O. Smith's office, the headquarters ot
the Revolutionists. But at no time before, on, or after the 16th of January was life or property in danger more than ordinary. Such is my
belief and statement.
JOHN Ross.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 19th day of June, 1893.
[SEAL.]                                 CHAS. T. GULICK,
Notary Public, Island of Oahu.
No. 13.
(Affidavit of Charles B. Wilson, May 4, 1893, printed with Mr.
Blount's No. 4, dated May 4, 1893.)
No. 14.
Affidavit of Charles B. Wilson.
HONOLULU, OAHU,
Hawaiian Islands, ss.
And now comes Chas. B. Wilson of Honolulu, aforesaid, and upon
oath deposes and says:
That on the 17th day of January, A. D. 1893, between the hours of
7 and 8 p. m. of that day, he surrendered, by order of the Queen and
Cabinet to Jno. J. Soper, as commander-in-chief of the forces of the Provisional Government, and representing that Government, the police station with all the arms and munitions of war, the control of the police
force and Oahu jail, together with all Government property under his
control as marshal of the Kingdom.
CuAS. B. WILSON.
Sworn and subscribed before me this 6th day of May, A. D. 1893.
F. J. TESTA,
Notary Public, First Judicial Circuit.
No. 15.
Affidavit of Charles B. Wilson.
HONOLULU, OAHU, Hawaiian Islands, ss.
And now comes Chas. B. Wilson, of Honolulu, aforesaid, and upon
oath deposes and says:
That he was at the police station and had full charge and control of
the station, Oahu jail, and the police force throughout the kingdom on




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1451


the 17th day of January, A. D., 1893, as marshal of the Kingdom of
Hawaii; that on the date aforesaid at about 2 p. m. he had at the
police station under his control a total of two hundred and twentyfour (224) men fally armed and equipped for active service, one hundred
and ten (110) of said number having been instructed in military tactics
and drilled in the use of firearms for nearly two years last past, who
also had practice at target shooting and have contested in team shooting with the household troops, and were victorious, winning the team
trophy and all prizes competed for during the contest.
That on the aforesaid day were armed with Springfield rifles (of
late U. S. A. pattern) and one Gatling gun with twenty thousand
and five hundred (20,500) rounds U. M. Co.'s fixed ammunition. That
one hundred and fourteen (114) of the 224 were volunteers armed with
repeating rifles, 74 of which were of army pattern, 20 army carbines
and 20 sporting, all of the Winchester make, with (9,000) nine thousand rounds of fixed ammunition, also two thousand (2,000) rounds
of fixed ammunition loaded with buckshot for 10 and 12 gauge breechloading shotguns for the use of extra men.
The make-up of the force under his control is as follows: From the
regular patrol, 74; special reserve force, 36; volunteers, 114. Total
armed force at police station on the aforesaid date (224) two hundred
and twenty-four.
CHAS. B. WILSON.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 9th day of May, A. D. 1893.
[SEAL.]                                         F. J. TESTA,
Notary Public, First Judicial Circuit.
LIST OF STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS.
1. W. D. Alexander.
2. Same.
3. Same.
4. W. D. Alexander, July 18, 1893, (printed with Mr. Blount's No. 15, dated July
26, 1693, ante).
5. Volney V. Ashford.
6. Same.
7. H. P. Baldwin.
8. C. R. Bishop.
9. S. E. Bishop.
10. William Blaisdell.
11. Same.
12. C. Bolte.
13. W. P. Boyd.
14. J. 0. Carter, May 3, 1893 (printed with Mr. Brount's No. 4, dated May 4,
1893, ante).
15. J. 0. Carter.
16. H. Center.
17. D. W. Coffman.
18. John F, Colburn.
19. W. H. Cornwell.
20. S. M. Damon.
21. Lieut. Herbert L. Draper (printed with Mr. Blount's No. 5, dated May 6, 1893,
ante).
22. C. T. Gulick.
23. Same.
24. Same.
25. F. H. Hayselden.
26. C. M. Hyde.
27. C. P. Jankea.
28. A. F. Judd.




1452                       HAWAIIAN    ISLANDS.
29. Hlui Kalaiaina.
30. J. W. Kalna.
31. J. Kanoho.
32. John Lot Kauluikon.
33. Queen Liliuokalani.
34. A. B. Loebenstein.
35. Curtis J. Lyons.
36. Same.
37. E. C. Macfarlane.
38. George Mundon.
39. Samuel Parker.
40. Hawaiian Patriotic League.
41 Same.                 t
42. Hawaiian Patriotic League, May 2, 1893 (printed with Mr. mlount's No. 4,
dated May 4, 1893, ante).
43. A. P. Peterson.
44. Wxm. Hyde Rice.
45. Antone Rosa.
46. M. M. Scott.
47. Admiral Skerrett, April 5, 1893 (printed with Mr. Blount's No. 2, dated April 5,
1893, ante).
48. W. 0. Smith.
49. J. H. Sopor.
50. Claus Spreckels.
51. Same.
52. Lieut. Commander William Swinburne, May 3,1893 (printed with Mr. Blount's
No. 4, dated May 4, 1893, ante).
53. L. A. Thurston, March 16, 1893 (printed with Mr. Blount's No. 2, dated April 5,
1893, ante).
54. Dr. Trousseau.
55. Henry Waterhouse, May 2, 1893 (printed with Mr. Blount's No. 4, dated May 4,
1893, ante).
56. C. B. Wells.
57. H. A. Widemaun.
58. Same.
59. Robert W. Wilcox.
60. C. B. Wilson.
61. F. Wnndenberg.
62. F. Wnndenberg (printed with Mr. Blount's No. 3, dated April 26, 1893, ante).
63. F. Wundenberg, May 15,,1893 (printed with Mr. Blount's No. 9,, dated June 6,
1893, ante).




PART III INTERVIEWS AND STATEMENTS.
No. 1.
Statement of W.D. Alexander.
A STATEMENT OF FACTS RELATING TO POLITICS DURING KALAKAUA~S
REIGN.
It is true that the germs of many of the evils of Kalakaua's reign
may be traced to the reign of Kamehameha V. The reactionary policy
of that monarch is well known. Under him the "recrudescence" of
heathenism commenced, as evinced by the Pagan orgies at the funeral
of his sister, Victoria Kamamalu, in June, 1866, and by his encouragement of the lascivious hulahula dances and of the pernicious class of
kahunas or sorcerers. Closely connected with this reaction was a
growing jealousy and hatred of foreigners.
INTRIGUES DURING LUNALILO'S REIGN.
During Lunalilo's brief reign, 1873-'74, this feeling was fanned into
a flame by several causes, viz, the execution of the law for the segregation of lepers, the agitation caused by the proposal to cede the use
of Pearl Harbor to the United States, and the famous mutiny at the
barracks. This disaffection was made the most of by Kalakaua, who
was smarting under his defeat in the election of January 8, 1873.
Indeed, his manifesto previous to that election appealed to this race
prejudice. Thus he promised, if elected, "to repeal the poll tax," " to
put native Hawaiians into the Government offices," to "amend the constitution of 1864," etc. "Beware," he said, "of the constitution of 1852,
and the false teaching of the foreigners, who are now seeking to obtain
the direction of the Government, if Lunalilo ascends the throne."
Walter Murray Gibson, formerly Mormon apostle and shepherd of
Lanai, then professional politician and editor of the scurrilous paper,
Nuhou, was bitterly disappointed that he had been ignored in the formation of Lunalilo's cabinet. Accordingly he took the role of an agitator
and attached himself to Kalakaua's party. They were both disappointed at the result of the barracks mutiny, which had undoubtedly
been fomented by Kalakaua.
THE ELECTION OF KALAKAUA.
Upon Lunalilo's untimely death, February 3, 1874, as no successor
to the throne had been appointed, the Legislature was summoned to
meet on the 12th, only nine days after his death. The popular choice
lay between Kalakaua and the Queen-Dowager Emma. The cabinet
and the American party used all their influence in favor of the former,
while the English favored Queen Emma, who was devoted to their
1453




1454                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
interest. At the same time Kalakaua's true character was not generally understood. The natives knew that his family had always been
an idolatrous one. His reputed grandfather, Kamanawa, had been
hanged, October 20, 1840, for poisoning his wife, Kamokuiki.
Under Kamehameha V he had always been an advocate of absolu tism and also of the removal of the prohibition of furnishing alcoholic liquors to natives. While he was postmaster a defalcation occurred,
which, was covered up, while his friends made good the loss to the Government. Like Wilkins Micawber, he was impecunious all his life,
whatever the amount of his income might be. He was characterized
by a fondness for decorations and military show long before h6 was
thought of as a possible candidate for the throne.
It was believed, however, that if Queen Emma should be elected
there would be no hope of our obtaining a reciprocity treaty with the
United States. The movement in favor of Queen Emma carried the
day with the natives on Oahu, but had not time to spread to the other
islands. It was charged, and generally believed, that bribery was used
by Kalakaua's friends to secure his election. Be that as it may, the
Legislature was convened in the old court-house (now occupied by
Hackfeld & Co.) and elected Kalakaua King by 39 votes to 6.
THE COURT-HOUSE RIOT.
A howling mob, composed of Queen Emma's partisans, had surrounded the court-house during the election, after which they battered
down the back doors, sacked the building, and assaulted the representatives with clubs. Messrs. C. C. Harris and S. B. Dole held the main
door against them for considerable time. The mob, with one exception,
refrained from violence to foreigners, from fear of intervention by the
men-of-war in port.
The cabinet and the marshal had been warned of the danger, but
had made light of it. The police appeared to be in sympathy with the
populace, and the volunteers, for the same reason, would not turn out.
Mr. H. A. Pierce, the American minister, however, had anticipated the
riot, and had agreed with Commodore Belknap, of the U. S. S. Tuscarora,
and Commodore Skerrett, of the Portsmouth, upon a signal forlandingthe
troops under their command. At last Mr. C. R. Bishop, minister of
foreign affairs, formally applied to him and to Maj. Wodehouse, H. B.
M.'s commissioner, for assistance in putting down the riot.
A body of 150 marines immediately landed from the two American
men of war, and in a few minutes was joined by one of 70 men from
H. B. M.'s corvette Tenedos, Capt. Ray. They quickly dispersed th(
mob, and arrested a number of them without any bloodshed. Th(
British troops first occupied Queen Emma's grounds, arresting severa
of the ringleaders there, and afterwards guarded the palace and bar
racks. The other Government buildings, the prison, etc., were guardei
by American troops until the 20th.
INAUGURATION OF KALAKAUA.
The next day at noon Kalakaua was sworn in as King, under thb
protection of the United States troops. By an irony of fate the lat
leader of the antiAmerican agitation owed his life and his throne t
American intervention, and for several years he depended upon th
support of the foreign community. In these circumstances he did no
venture to proclaim a new constitution (as in his inaugural speec
he had said he intended to do), nor to disregard public opinion i




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1455
his appointments. His first minister of foreign affairs was the late
Hon. W. L. Green, an Englishman, universally respected for his integrity and ability, who held this office for nearly three years, and carried
through the treaty of reciprocity in the teeth of bitter opposition.
THE RECIPROCITY TREATY.
The following October Messrs. E. H. Allen and H. A. P. Carter were
sent to Washington to negotiate a treaty of reciprocity.
The Government of the United States having extended an invitation
to the King, and placed the U. S. S. Benicia at his disposal, he embarked November 17, 1874, accompanied by Mr. H. A. Pierce and
several other gentlemen. They were most cordially received and
treated as guests of thenation. After a tour through the Northern States,
the royal party returned to Honolulu February 15, 1875, in the U. S. S.
Pensacola. The treaty of reciprocity was concluded January 30, 1875,
and the ratifications were exchanged at Washington June 3, 1875.
The act necessary to carry it into effect was not, however, passed
by the Hawaiian Legislature till July 18, 1876, after the most stubborn
opposition, chiefly from the English members of the house and the
partisans of Queen Emma, who denounced it as a step toward annexation. It finally went into effect September 9, 1876.
THE ADVENT OF SPRECKELS.
The first effect of the reciprocity treaty was to cause a "boom" in
sugar, which turned the heads of some of our shrewdest men and
nearly caused a financial crash. Among other enterprises the Haiku
irrigation ditch, 20 miles in length, which taps certain streams flowing
fown the northern slopes of East Maui and waters three plantations,
were planned and carried out by Mr. S. T. Alexander, in 1877. About
that time he pointed out to Col. Claus Spreckels the fertile plain of
Central Maui, then lying waste, which only needed irrigation to produce immense crops. Accordingly, in 1878, Mr. Spreckels applied to
the cabinet for a lease of the surplus waters of the streams on the
northeast side of Maui as far as Honomanu. They flow through a
rugged district at present almost uninhabited. The then attorneygeneral, Judge.Hartwell, and the minister of the interior, J. Mott
Smith, refused to grant him a perpetual monopoly of this water, as
they state it. Up to this time the changes in the cabinet had been
caused by disagreement between its members, and had no political
significance.
In the meantime, Mr. Gibson, after many months of preparation, had
brought in before the Legislature a motion of want of confidence in the
ministry, which was defeated June 24 by a vote of 26 to 19. On the
night of July 1 Messrs. Claus Spreckels and G. W. Macfarlane had a
long conference with Kalakaua at the Hawaiian Hotel on the subject
of the water privilege, and adjourned to the palace about midnight.
It is not necessary to give the details here, but the result was that letters were drawn up and signed by the King, addressed to each member
of the cabinet, requesting his resignation, without stating any reason
for his dismissal. These letters were delivered by a messenger between
1 and 2 o'clock in the morning. Such an arbitrary and despotic act
was withou t precedent in Hawaiian history.
The next day a new cabinet was appointed, consisting of S. G.
Wilder, Minister of the Interior, E. Preston, Attorney-general, Simon
Kaai, Minister of Finance, and John Kapena, Minister of Foreign Affairs.




1456                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                ' 
The last two positions were sinecures, but Kaai as a speaker and poli.
tician had great influence with his countrymen. The new cabinet
granted Mr. Spreckels the desired water privilege for thirty years at
$500 per annum. The opium-license and free-liquor bills were killed.
The actual premier, Mr. Wilder, was probably the ablest administrator
that this country has ever had. He infused new vigor into every
department of the Government, promoted immigration, carried out
extensive public improvements, and at the legislative session of 1880
was able to show cash in the treasury sufficient to pay off the existing
national debt. But his determination to administer his own department in accordance with business methods did not suit the King.
Meanwhile Gibson spared no pains to make himself conspicuous as
the soi-disant champion of the aboriginal race. He even tried to
capture the " missionaries," "experienced religion," held forth at Sunday prayer meetings, and spoke in favor of temperance.
CELSO CESAR MORENO.
The professional lobbyist, Celso Cesar Moreno, well known at Sacramento and Washington, arrived in Honolulu November 14, 1879, on the
China Merchants' Steam Navigation Company's steamer Ho-chung, with
the view of establishing a line of steamers between Honolulu and China.
Soon afterwards he presented a memorial to the Hawaiian Government
asking for a subsidy to the proposed line. He remained in Honolulu
about ten months, during which time he gained unbounded influence
over the King by servile flattery and by encouraging all his pet hobbies. He told him that he ought to be his own prime minister, and to
fill all Government offices with native Hawaiians. He encouraged his
craze for a 10-million loan, to be spent chiefly for military purposes,
and told him that China was the " treasure house of the world," where
he could borrow all the money he wanted. The King was always an
active politician, and he left no stone unturned to carry the election ot
of 1880. His candidates advocated a 10-million loan and unlimited
Chinese immigration. With Moreno's assistance he produced a pamphlet in support of these views, entitled "A reply to ministerial utterances."
THE SESSION OF 1880.
In the Legislature of 1880 was seen the strange spectacle of the King
working with a pair of unscrupulous adventurers to oust his own constitutional advisers, and introducing through his creatures a series of
bills, which were generally defeated by the ministry.
Gibson had now thrown off the mask, and voted for everyone of the
King and Moreno's measures. Among their bills which failed were the
10-million loan bill, the opium-license bill, the free-liquor bill, and
especially the bill guaranteeing a bonus of $1,000,000 in gold to Moreno's
Trans-Pacific Cable Company.
The subsidy to the China line of steamers was carried by the lavish
use of money; but it was never paid. Appropriations were passed for
the education of Hawaiian youths abroad, and for the coronation of
the King and Queen.
At last on the 4th of August, Gibson brought in a motion of " want
of confidence" which after a lengthy debate was defeated by the
decisive vote of 32 to 10. On the 14th, the King prorogued the Legislature at noon, and about an hour later dismissed his ministers without
a word of explanation, and appointed Moreno premier and Minister of
Foreign Affairs; J. E. Bush, Minister of the Interior; W. 0. Jones,
Attorney-general, and Rev. M. Kueea, Minister of Finance.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS


1457


FALL OF THE MORENO MINISTRY.
Moreno was generally detested by the foreign community, and the
announcement of his appointment created intense excitement.
For the first time the discordant elements of this community were
united, and they were supported by a large proportion of the natives.
The three highest and most influential chiefs-Queen Dowager Emma,
Ruth Keelikolani, and Bernice Pauahi Bishop-joined in condemning
the King's course. Two mass meetings were held at the Kaumakapili
Church, and a smaller one of foreigners at the old Bethel Church, to
protest against the coup tdtat. The diplomatic representatives of the
United States, England, and France-Gen. Comly, Maj. Wodehouse,
and M. Ratard-raised their respective flags over their legations, and
declared that they would hold no further official intercourse with the
Hawaiian Government as long as Moreno should be premier. On the
side of the King, R. W. Wilcox, Nawahi, and others harangued the
natives, appealing to their jealousy of foreigners. The following manifesto is a sample:
WAY-UP CELSO MORENO.
To all true-born citizens of the country, greeting: We have with us one Celso Cesar
Moreno, a naturalized and true Hawaiian. His great desire is the advancement of
this country in wealth, and the salvation of this people, by placing the leading
positions of Government in the hands of the Hawaiians for administration. The
great desire of Moreno is to cast down foreigners from official positions and to put
true Hawaiians in their places, because to them belongs the country. They should
hold the Government and not strangers. This has been the cause of the decrease of
the people. Positions have been taken from Hawaiians and given to strangers. C.
C. Moreno desires to throw down these foreigners and to elevate to high positions
the people to whom belongs the land, i. e., the red-skins. This is the real cause of
jealousy on the part of foreigners, viz., that Hawaiians shall be placed above them
in all things in this well-beloved country. C. C. Moreno is the heart from whence
will issue life to the real Hawaiians.
After four days of intense excitement, the King yielded to the storm.
Moreno's resignation was announced on the 19th, and his place filled
ad interim by J. E. Bush. On the 30th Moreno left for Europe, with
three Hawaiian "youths" under his charge, viz., R. W. Wilcox, a
member of the late legislature, 26 years of age, Robert Boyd, and
James K. Booth. It was afterwards ascertained that he bore a secret
commission as minister plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary to
all the great powers, as well as letters addressed to the governments of
the United States, England, and France demanding the recall of their
representatives. A violent quarrel had broken out between him and
his disappointed rival, Gibson, who purchased the P. C. Advertiser
printing office with Government money September 1, and conducted
that paper thenceforth as the King's organ.
Mr. W. L. Green was persuaded to accept the vacant place of minister of foreign affairs September 22. In a few days he discovered
what had been done, and immediately notified the representatives of
the three powers concerned of the insult that had been offered them.
A meeting was held at his office between the foreign representatives
on the one side and himself and J. E. Bush on the other, at which the
letters in question were read. The result was that Mr. Green resigned
and compelled the resignation of his colleagues.
THE GREEN-CARTER MINISTRY.
Mr. Claus Spreckles, who arrived September 5, took an active part
in these events and in the formation of the new ministry, which coU.
S, Rep. 227 —9




1458                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
sisted of W. L. Green, Minister of Foreign Affairs; HI. A. P. Carter, Min.
ister of the Interior; J. S. Walker, Minister of Finance, and W. N. Arm.
stron g, Attorney-general.
The first act was to annul Moreno's commission, and to send dispatches, which were telegraphed from San Francisco to Washington,
London, and Paris, disavowing the demands which he had sent.
Moreno, however, proceeded on his journey and finally placed the
Hawaiian youths, one in a military and two in a naval school in Italy.
THE KING'S TOUR AROUND THE WORLD.
The King immediately began to agitate his project of a trip around
the world. As it was known he was corresponding with Moreno, it was
arranged that Mr. C. H. Judd should accompany him as Chamberlain,
and Mr. W. N. Armstrong as Commissioner of Immigration. He was
received with royal honors in Japan, Siam, and Johore. On the King's
arrival in Naples, Moreno made an audacious attempt to take possession of His Majesty and dispense with his companions, but he met with
more than his match in Mr. Armstrong. The royal party visited nearly
all the capitals of Europe, where the King added a large number of
decorations to his collection, and took particular note of military matters and court etiquette. An Austrian field battery which took his
eye afterwards cost this country nearly $20,000. During the King's
absence his sister, Mrs. Dominis, styled Liliuokalani. acted as regent.
He returned to Honolulu October 29, 1881, where he had a magnificent
reception, triumphal arches, torches blazing at noonday, and extravagant adulation of every description.
TRIUMPH OF GIBSON.
During the King's absence he had kept up a correspondence with
his political workers at home, and after his return he produced another
pamphlet in Hawaiian, advocating a ten-million loan. Gibson's paper
had been filled with gross flattery of the King and of the natives, and
had made the most of the smallpox epidemic of 1881 to excite the populace against the ministry.
Just before the election of 1882 a pamphlet appeared, containing a
scathing exposure of his past career (especially in connection with the
Morman Church), backed by a mass of documentary evidence. Gibson's only reply was to point to his subsequent election by a large
majority of the native voters of Honolulu. Only two other white men
were elected on the islands that year. It was the first time that the
race issue had superseded all other considerations with the native
electorate.SESSION OF 1882.
The Legislature of 1882 was one of the weakest and most corrupt that
ever sat in Honolulu. At the opening of the session Minister Carter
was absent in Portugal, negotiating a treaty with the Government of
that country. It was soon evident that the ministry did not control a
majority of the House, but that the King did. After an ineffectual
attempt to quiet Gibson by offering him the Presidency of the Board of
Health with a salary of $4,000, they resigned, May 19, and Gibson
became Premier.
His colleagues were J. E. Bush, lately of Moreno's cabinet; Simon
Kaai, who drank himself to death, and Edward Preston, attorney-general, who was really the mainstay of the Cabinet.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1459


One of their first measures was an act to convey to Claus Spreckels
the crown lands of Wailuku, containing some 24,000 acres, in order to
compromise a claim which he held to an undivided share of the crown
lands. He had purchased from Ruth Keelikolani, for the sum of $10,000,
all the interest which she might have had in the crown lands as being
the half sister of Kaam ameha IV, who died intestate. Her claim had
been ignored in the decision of the Supreme Court and the Act of 1865,
which constituted the crown lands. Instead of testing her right by a
suit before the Supreme Court, the Ministry thought it best to accept
the above compromise and carried it through the Legislature.
The prohibition against furnishing intoxicating liquor to natives was
repealed at this session, and the consequences to the race have been
disastrous. The ten-million loan bill was again introduced, but was
shelved in committee and a two-million loan act substituted for it.
The appropriation bill was swelled to double the estimated receipts of
the Government, including $30,000 for coronation expenses, $30,000
for Hawaiian youths in foreign countries, $10,000 for a Board of Genealogy, besides large sums for the military, foreign embassies, the palace, etc.
At the last moment a bill was rushed through giving the King sole
power to appoint district justices, through his creatures, the governors, which had formerly been done only "by and with the advice of
the Justices of the Supreme Court." This was another step toward
absolutism. Meanwhile Gibson defended the King's right to be an
active politician, and called him "the first Hawaiian King with the
brains and heart of a statesman."
At the same time it was understood that Claus Spreckels backed the
Gibson ministry and made them advances under the Loan Act.
THE CORONATION.
Kalakaua had always felt dissatisfied with the manner in which he
had been sworn in as King. He was also tired of being reminded that
he was not a king by birth, but only by election. To remedy this defect
he determined to have the ceremony performed over again in as imposing a manner as possible. Three years were spent in preparations for
the great event, and invitations were sent to all rulers and potentates
on earth to be present in person or by proxy on the occasion. Japan
sent a commissioner, while England, France, and the United States
were represented by ships of war. The ceremony took place February
12,1883, nine years after Kalakaua's inauguration. Most of the regalia
had been ordered from London, viz, two crowns, a scepter, ring, and
sword, while the royal feather mantle, tabu stick, and kahili or plumed
staff, were native insignia of rank.
A pavilion was built for the occasion, as well as a temporary amphitheatre for the spectators. The Chief Justice administered the oath of
office, and invested the King with the various insignia. This ceremony
was boycotted by the high chiefs, Queen Emma, Ruth Keelikolani, and
Mrs. Bernice Pauahi Bishop, and by a large part of the foreign community, as an expensive and useless pageant intended to aid the King's
political schemes to make himself an absolute monarch. The coronation was followed by feasts, a regatta, and races, and by a series of
nightly hulahulas, i. e., heathen dances, accompanied by appropriate
songs. The printer of the Coronation Hula programme, which contained the subjects and first lines of these songs, was prosecuted and
fined by the court on account of their gross and incredible obscenity.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


EMBASSIES, ETC.
During this year Mr. J. M. Kapena was sent as Envoy Extraordinary
to Japan, while Mr. C. P. laukea, with H. Poor as secretary, was sent
to attend the coronation of the Czar Alexander III at Moscow, and
afterwards on a mission to Paris, Rome, Belgrade, Calcutta, and Japan,
on his way around the world.
Kalakana was no longer satisfied with being merely King of Hawaii,
but aspired to what Gibson termed the "Primacy of the Pacific."
Capt. Tripp and F. L. Clarke were sent as royal commissioners to the
Gilbert Islands and New Hebrides, to prepare the way for a Hawaiian
protectorate; a parody on the "Monroe doctrine" was put forth in a
grandiloquent protest addressed to all the great powers by Mr. Gibson,
warning them against any further annexation of islands in the Pacific
Ocean, and claiming for Hawaii the exclusive right " to assist them in
improving their political and social condition," i. e., a virtual protectorate of the other groups.
THE HAWAIIAN COINAGE.
The King was now impatient to have his " image and superscription"
on the coinage of the realm, to add to his dignity as an independent
monarch. As no appropriation had been made for this purpose,
recourse was had to the recognized " power behind the throne." Mr.
Claus Spreckels purchased the bullion, and arrangements were made
with the San Francisco mint for the coinage of silver dollars and fractions of a dollar, to the amount of one million dollars' worth, to be of
identical weight and fineness with the like coins of the United States.
The intrinsic value of the silver dollar at that time was about 84 cents.
It was intended, however, to exchange this silver for gold bonds at par
under the loan act of 1882. On the arrival of the first installment of
the coin the matter was brought before the Supreme Court by Messrs.
Dole, Castle, and W. O. Smith. After a full hearing of the case, the
court decided that these bonds could not legally be placed except for
par value in gold coin of the United States, and issued an injunction to
that effect on the Minister of Finance, December 14, 1883. The Privy
Council was then convened, and declared these coins to be of the legal
value expressed on their face, subject to the legal-tender act, and
they were gradually put into circulation. A profit of $150,000 is said
to have been made on this transaction.
THE FIRST RECONSTRUCTION OF THE GIBSON CABINET, 1883.
Mr. Gibson's first cabinet went to pieces in a little over a year.
Simon Kaai was compelled to resign in February, 1883, from ' chronic
inebriety," and was succeeded by J. M. Kapena. Mr. Preston resigned
the following May from disgust at the King's personal intermeddling
with the administration, and in July Mr. Bush resigned in consequence
of a falling out with Mr. Gibson. For some time "the secretary stood
alone," being at once Minister of Foreign Affairs, Attorney-General,
and Minister of the Interior ad interim; besides being President of the
Board of Health, President of the Board of Education, and member of
the Board of Immigration, with nearly the whole foreign community
opposed to him. The price of government bonds had fallen to 75 per
cent with no takers, and the treasury was nearly empty. At this juncture (August 6), when a change of ministry was looked for, Mr. C. T.
Flick was persuaded to take the portfolio of the Intaior, aa4  sm al




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1461


loan was obtained from his friends. Then to the surprise of the public,
Col. Claus Spreckels decided to support the Gibson cabinet, which was
soon after completed by the accession of Paul Neumann.
THE LEGISLATURE OF 1884.
Since 1882 a considerable reaction had taken place among the natives,
who resented the cession of Wailuku to Spreckels, and felt a profound
distrust of Gibson. In spite of the war cry " Hawaii for Hawaiians,"
and the lavish use of Government patronage, the Palace party was
defeated in the elections generally, although it held Honolulu, its
stronghold. Among the Reform members that session were Messrs.
Dole, Rowell, Smith, Hitchcock, the three brothers, Godfrey, Cecil, and
Frank Brown, Kauhane, Kalia, Nawahi, and the late Pilipo, of honored
memory.
At the opening of the session the Reform party elected the speaker
of the house, and controlled the organization of the committees.
The report of the finance committee was the most damaging exposure ever made to a Hawaiian Legislature. A resolution of "want of
confidence" was barely defeated (June 28) by the four Ministers themselves voting on it.
THE SPRECKELS BANK CHARTER.
An act to establish a national bank had been drawn up for Col.
Spreckels by a well-known law firm in San Francisco, and brought
down to Honolulu by ex-Governor Lowe. After " seeing" the King,
and using the usual methods in vogue at Sacramento, the ex-Governor
returned to San Francisco, boasting that " he had the Hawaiian Legislature in his pocket." But as soon as the bill had been printed and
carefully examined, a storm of opposition broke out. It provided for
the issue of a million dollars' worth of paper money, backed by an equal
amount of Government bonds deposited as security. The notes might
be redeemed in either silver or gold. There was no clause requiring
quarterly or semiannual reports of the state of the bank. Nor was a
minimum fixed to the amount of cash reserved in the bank. In fact,
most of the safeguards of the American national banking system were
omitted. Its notes were to be legal tender except for customs dues.
It was empowered to own steamship lines and railroads, and carry on
mercantile business, without paying license fees. It was no doubt intended to monopolize or control all transportation within the Kingdom,
as well as the importing business from the United States.
The charter was riddled both in the house and in the chamber of
commerce, and indignation meetings of citizens were held until the
King was alarmed, and finally it was killed on the second reading by
an overwhelming majority. On hearing of the result the sugar king
took the first steamer for Honolulu, and on his arrival " the air was
blue-full of strange oaths, and many fresh and new." On second
thought, however, and after friendly discussion he accepted the situation and a fair general banking law was passed providing for banks of
deposit and exchange, but not of issue.
THE LOTTERY BILL, ETC.
At the same session a lottery bill was introduced by certain agents
of the Louisiana company. It offered to pay all the expenses of the
leper settlement for a license to carry on its nefarious business, besides




1462


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


offering private inducements to venal legislators. In defiance of the
public indignation, shown by mass meetings, petitions, etc., the bill
was forced through its second reading, but was stopped at that stage
and withdrawn, as is claimed, by Col. Speckels' personal influence with
the King.
Kalakauals famous I Report of the Board ofGenealogy " was published
at this session. An opium license bill was also killed, as well as an
eight million dollar loan bill, while a number of excellent laws were
passed. Among these were the currency act and Dole's homestead
law. The true friends of the native race had reason to rejoice that so
much evil had been prevented.
PRACTICAL POLITICS UNDER GIBSON.
During the next few years the country suffered from a peculiarly
degrading kind of despotism. I do not refer to the King's personal
immorality, nor to his systematic efforts to debauch and heathenize
the natives to further his political ends.
The coalition in power defied public opinion and persistently endeavored to crush out, buy out, or disarm all opposition, and to turn the
Government into a political machine for the perpetuation of their power.
For the first time in Hawaiian history faithful officers who held commissions from the Kamehamehas were summarily removed on suspicion of
" not being in accord" with the cabipet, and their places generally filled
by pliant tools. A marked preference was given to unknown adventurers and defaulters over natives and old residents. Even contracts
(for building bridges, for instance) were given to firms in foreign
countries.
The various branches of the civil service were made political
machines, and even the Board of Education and Government Survey
came near being sacrificed to "practical politics." All who would not
bow the knee received the honorable sobriquet of "missionaries."
The demoralizing effects of this regime, the sycophancy, hypocrisy,
and venality produced by it, have been a curse to the country ever
since. The Legislature of 1884 was half composed of officeholders,
and wires were skillfully laid to carry the next election. Grogshops
were now licensed in the country districts, to serve as rallying points
for the "National party." The Gibsonian papers constantly labored
to foment race hatred among the natives and class jealousy among the
whites.
Fortunately, one branch of the Government, the Supreme Court, still
remained independent and outlived the Gibson regime.
THE ELECTION OF 1886.
The election of 1886 was the most corrupt one ever held in this Kingdom, and the last one held under the old regime. During the canvass
the country districts were flooded with cheap gin, chiefly furnished by
the King, who paid for it by franking other liquor through the customhouse free of duty, and thereby defrauding the Government of revenue
amounting to $4,749.35. (See report of attorney-general for 1888, and
the case of the King vs. G. W. Macfarlane, 1888.) Out of 28 Government candidates 26 were officeholders, one a last year's tax assessor,
and one the Queen's secretary. A list of them is appended herewith.
There was only one white man on the Government ticket, viz, the premier's son-in-law.




1463


HIAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


List of Government candidates for the election of 1886 for representatives.


Island.
Hawaii..............
Maui................
Molokai and Lanai...


District.
North Kona.........
South Kona........
Kau...............
Puna..............
Hilo...............
Hilo................
Hamakua...........
]Kohala..............
Lahaina...........
Lalaina............
Hana..............
a:llaawao...........
Wailuku -..-.......
Kaanapali.....................................


Name.


Office.


J. K. Nahale.......
D. H. Nahinu.......
Kaaeamoku........
A. Kekoa...........
Kaulukou.........
A. Pahia...........
Kaunamano........
Z. Kalai............
L. Aholo...........
Kai Nahaolelua.....
S. W. Kaai..........
J. Kamakele........
G. Richardson......
J. Kaukau..........
INakaleka.........
Kupiliea...........
F. H. Hayselden....
James Kea.u.......
Lilikalani.........
J. T. Baker.........
J.P. Kama........
Kauahikana.......
F. Kaulia..........
J. Amara...........
Palohau...........
T. Kalaeone........
E. Kauai...........


Tax collector.
Deputy sheriff and tax collector.
Tax collector.
Sheriff.
Tax collector.
Do.
District judge.
Police judge.
Tax collector.
District judge.
Tax collector.
Road supervisor and tax collector.
Deputy sheriff and tax collector.
Tax collector.
District judge.
Secretary of the board of health
and tax assessor.
Poi contractor.
Queen's secretary.
Captain of King s guards.
District judge.
Tax collector.
District judge.
Deputy sheriff and tax collector.
Do.
District judge.


Oahu................. Honolulu...........


Honolulu...........
Honolulu......
Honolulu........
Ewa and Waianae-.
Koolauloa.......
Koolaupoko.......
Waialua...........
Hanalei.............
Koloa..............
Waimea............


Kauai.................


In order to prevent Pilipo's election, the King proceeded to his district of North Kona, taking with him a number of soldiers and attendants (who voted at the election), besides numerous cases of liquor. He
took an active part in the canvass, and succeeded in defeating Pilipo
by a small majority. The King's interference with the election nearly
provoked a riot, which was averted by Pilipo's strenuous exertions.
The matter was investigated by a Legislative committee, whose report
is on file. Mr. E. Kekoa, the member elected from Puna, was afterwards tried and convicted of gross violations of the election laws, but
the house refused to declare his seat vacant.
Only ten Reform candidates were elected, viz: Messrs. Cecil Brown,
W. R. Castle, C. H. Dickey, S. B. Dole, J. Kauhane, A. Kauahi, J.
Kalua, A. Paehaole, L. A. Thurston, and J. Wight.
THE SESSION OF 1886.
The session of 1886 was a long one, and a vacation of two weeks was
taken, from July 26 until August 9, to allow the tax assessors in the
Legislature to go home and nominally perform the duties of their office.
About this time certain creditors of the Government in San Francisco
brought pressure to bear upon the ministry to cede or hypothecate the
Honolulu waterworks and part of the wharves to a California company. The pressure became so great that the ministers opposed to
the project were requested by the King to resign, and a new cabinet
was formed June 30, 1886, consisting of W. M. Gibson, Minister of the
Interior; Rt. J. Creighton, a journalist, lately arrived from California,
Minister of Foreign Affairs; J. T. Dare, another recent arrival, AttorneyGeneral; and P. P. Kanoa, Minister of Finance, in place of J. Kapena,
who had succumbed to the same failing that had destroyed Simon
Kaai.
The two new members of the cabinet were respectable gentlemen,
bau soon found themselves in a false position.




1464


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


THE OPIUM BILL.
An opum-license bill was introduced towards the end of the session
by Kaunamano, one of the King's tools, and after a long debate carried
over the votes of the ministry by a bare majority. It provided that a
license for four years should be granted to " some one applying therefor" by the Minister of the Interior, with the consent of the King, for
$30,000 per annum. The object of this provision was plainly seen at
the time, and its after consequences were destined to be disastrous to
its author. Mr. Dole proposed an amendment that the license be sold
at public auction at an upset price of $30,000, which, however, was
defeated by a majority of one, only one white man, F. H. Hayselden,
voting with the majority.
Another act was passed to create a so-called "Hawaiian Board of
Health," consisting of five kahunas, appointed by the King, with power
to issue certificates to native kahunas to practice "native medicine."
THE LONDON LOAN.
The King had been convinced that, for the present, he must forego his
pet scheme of a ten-million loan. A two-million loan bill, however, was
brought in early in the session, with the view of obtaining the money in
San Francisco. The subject was dropped for a time, then revived again,
and the bill finally passed September 1.
Meanwhile, the idea of obtaining a loan in London was suggested to
the King by Mr. A. Hoffnung, of that city, whose firm had carried on the
Portuguese immigration. The proposal pleased the King, who considered that creditors at so great a distance would not be likely to trouble,themselves much about the internal politics of his little Kingdom. Mr.
H. R. Armstrong, of the firm of Skinner & Co., London, visited Honolulu to further the project, which was engineered by Mr. G. W. Macfarlane in the Legislature.
Two parties were now developed in that body, viz, the Spreckels
party, led by the Ministry, and the King's party, which favored the
London loan. The small knot of independent members held the balance
of power.
The two contending parties brought in two sets of conflicting amendments to the loan act, of which it is not necessary to give the details.
As Kaulukou put it, "the amendment of the Attorney-General provides
that if they want to borrow any money they must pay up Mr. Spreckels first. He understood that the Government owed Mr. Spreckels
$600,000 or $700,000. He has lent them money in the past, and were
they prepared to say to him, 'We have found new friends in England'to give him a slap in the facet?"
On the other side, Mr. J. T. Baker " was tired of hearing a certain gentleman spoken of as a second king. As this amendment was in the
interest of that gentleman he voted against it." Allusions were also
made to the reports that the waterworks were going to be pledged to
him. When the decisive moment arrived the independents cast their
votes with the King's party, defeating the ministry by 23 votes to 14.
The result was that the cabinet resigned that night, after which Gibson went on his knees to the King and begged to be reappointed.
The next morning, October 14, to the surprise of everyone and to
the disgust of his late allies, Gibson reappeared in the house as
premier, with three native colleagues, viz, Aholo, Kanoa, and Kaulukou. But from this time he had no real power, as he had neither
moral nor financial backing. The helm of state had slipped from his




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1465


hands. Mr. Spreckels called on the King, returned all his decorations
and shook off the dust from his feet. The Legislature appropriated
$100,000 for a gunboat and $15,000 to celebrate the King's fiftieth birthday.
In this brief sketch it is impossible to give any idea of the utter
want of honor and decency that characterized the proceedings of the
Legislature of 1886.
The appropriation bill footed up $3,856,755. 50, while the estimated
receipts were $2,336,870.42.
W. D. ALEXANDER.
[Second part.]
SKETCH OF POLITICS IN KALAKAIUAS REIIGN-continued.
THE SEQUEL OF THE LONDON LOAN.
From the report of the Minister of Finance for 1888 we learn that
Mr. H. R. Armstrong, who had come to Honolulu as the agent of a
London syndicate, was appointed agent of the Hawaiian Government
to float the loan. He was also appointed Hawaiian Consul-General
for Great Britain, while Mr. A. Hoffnung, previously referred to, was
made Charg6 d 'affaires.
In the same report we find that the amount borrowed under the loan
act of 1886 in Honolulu was $771,800 and in.London $980,000. Of
the former amount $630,000 was used to extinguish the debt owed to
Col. Spreckels. By the terms of the loan act the London syndicate
was entitled to 5 per cent of the proceeds of the bonds which they
disposed of as their commission for guaranteeing them at 98 per cent.
But it appears that in addition to this amount ~15,000, or about
$75,000, was illegally detained by them and has never been accounted
for. The Legislature of 1.888 appropriated the sum of $5,000 to defray
the expenses of a lawsuit against their financial agents to recover the
$75,000 thus fraudulently retained. The matter was placed in the
hands of Col. J. T. Griffin, who advised the Government that it was
not expedient to prosecute the case. The $75,000 has therefore been
entered on the books of the treasury department as a dead loss. Since
then Mr. Armstrong's name has ceased to appear in the Government
directory among those of the Consuls-General.
ROYAL MISRULE.
As before stated, the King now acted as his own prime minister,
employing Gibson to execute his schemes and defend his follies. For
the next eight months he rapidly went from bad to worse. After
remaining one month in the cabinet Mr. Kaulukou was transferred to
the Marshal's office, while Mr. Antone Rosa was appointed AttorneyGeneral in his place and J. M. Kapena made Collector-General. The
limits of this brief sketch forbid any attempt to recount the political
grievances of this period. Among the lesser scandals were the sale
of offices, the defrauding of the customs revenue by abuse of the royal
privilege, the illegal leasing of lands in Kona and Kau to the King
without putting them up to auction, the sale of exemptions to lepers,
the gross neglect of the roads, and misapplication of the road money,
particularly of the Queen street appropriation.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Efforts to revive heathenism were now redoubled under the pretense
of cultivating " national " feeling. Kalhunas were assembled from the
other islands as the King's birthday approached, and " night was made
hideous" with the sound of the hula drum and the blowing of conchs
in the palace yard. A foreign fortune teller by the name of Rosenberg acquired great influence with the King.
THE HALE NAUA ALIAS TEMPLE OF SCIENCE, ALIAS BALL OF TWINE SOOIETY.
This was founded September 24, 1886. A charter for it was obtained
by the King from the Privy Council, not without difficulty, on account
of the suspicion that was felt in regard to its character and objects.
According to its constitution it was founded forty quadrillions of years
after the foundation of the world and twenty-four thousand seven
hundred and fifty years from Lailai, the first woman.
Its by-laws are a travesty of Masonry, mingled with pagan rites.
The Sovereign is styled Iku Hlai; the secretary, Iku Lani; the treasurer,
Iku Nuu. Besides these were the keeper of the sacred fire, the anointer
with oil, the almoner, etc. Every candidate had to provide an " oracle,"
a kauwila wand, a ball of olona twine, a dried fish, a taro root, etc.
Every member or "mamo" was invested with a yellow malo or pau
(apron) and a feather cape. The furniture of the hall comprised three
drums, two kahilis or feathered staffs, and two puloulous or tabu sticks.
So far as the secret proceedings and objects of the society have
transpired it appears to have been intended partly as an agency for
the revival of heathenism, partly to pander to vice, and indirectly to
serve as a political machine. Enough leaked out to intensify the general disgust that was felt at the debasing influence of the palace.
KALAKAUA'S JUBILEE.
The sum of $15,000 had been appropriated by the Legislature of 1886
towards the expenses of the celebration of His Majesty's fiftieth birthday, which occurred November 16, 1886.
Extensive preparations were made to celebrate this memorable occasion, and all officeholders were given to understand that every one of
them was expected to "hookupu" or make a present corresponding to
his station. At midnight preceding the auspicious day a salute was
fired and bonfires were lighted on Punchbowl hill, rockets were sent
up, and all the bells in the city set ringing.
The reception began at 6 a. m. Premier Gibson had already presented the King with a pair of elephant tusks mounted on a koa stand
with the inscription: "The horns of the righteous shall be exalted."
The Honolulu police marched in and presented the King with a book
on a velvet cushion containing a bank check for $570. The Government physicians, headed by F. H. Hayselden, Secretary of the Board
of Health, presented a silver box containing $1,000 in twenty dollar
gold pieces. The Custom-House clerks offered a costly gold-headed
cane. All officials paid tribute in some shape. Several native benevolent societies marched in procession, for the most part bearing koa
calabashes. The school children, the fishermen, and many other
natives marched through the throne room, dropping their contributions
into a box. It is estimated that the presents amounted in value to
$8,000 or $10,000.
In consequence of the Hale Naua scandal scarcely any white ladies
were seen at this reception. In the evening the palace was illumi



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1467
nated with electric lights, and a torchlight parade of the Fire Department took place, followed by lireworks at the Palace.
On the 20th the public were amused by a so-called historical procession, consisting chiefly of canoes and boats carried on drays, containing
natives in ancient costume, personating warriors and fishermen, mermaids draped with sea moss, hula dancers, etc., which passed through
the streets to the Palace. Here the notorious Hale Naua or ' Kilokilo"
society had mustered, wearing yellow malos and paus or aprons over
their clothes, and marched around the Palace, over which the yellow
flag of their order was flying.
On the 23d a luau or native feast was served in an extensive lanai
or shed in the palace grounds, where 1,500 people are said to have
been entertained. This was followed by a jubilee ball in the Palace on
the 25th. The series of entertainments was closed by the exhibition
of a set of "historical tableaux" of the olden time at the opera house,
concluding with a hulahula dance, which gave offense to most of the
audience. No programme was published this time of the nightly
hulahulas performed at the Palace.
THE SAMOAN EMBASSY.
In pursuance of the policy announced in Gibson's famous protest to
the other great powers, and in order to advance Hawaii's claim to the
" primacy of the Pacific," Hon. J. E. Bush was commissioned on the
23d of December, 1886, as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the King of Samoa and the King of Tonga, aVd High Commissioner to the other independent chiefs and peoples of Polynesia.
He was accompanied by Mr. H. Poor, as Secretary of Legation, and J.
D. Strong, as artist and collector for the Government museum. They
arrived at Apia January 3, 1887, and were cordially received by King
Malietoa on the 7th, when they drank kava with him and presented
him with the Grand Cross of the Order of Oceania. Afterwards, at
a more private interview. Bush intimated to Malietoa that he might
expect a salary of $5,000 or $6,000 under a Hawaiian Protectorate. A
house was built for the Legation at the expense of the Hawaiian Government.
A convention was concluded February 17 between King Malietoa and
the Hawaiian Envoy, by which both parties bound themselves " to enter
into a political confederation," which was duly ratified by Kalakaua
and Gibson, "subject to the existing treaty obligations of Samoa,"
March 20, 1887.
"The signature was celebrated," says Robert Louis Stevenson, "in
the new house of the Hawaiian Embassy with some original ceremonies.
Malietoa came attended by his ministers, several hundred chiefs
(Bush says 60), 2 guards and 6 policemen. Laupepa (Malietoa), always
decent, withdrew at an early hour; by those that remained all decency
appears to have been forgotten, and day found the house carpeted with
slumbering grandees, who had to be roused, doctored with coffee, and
sent home. * * * Laupepa remarked to one of the Embassy, "If you
have come here to teach my people to drink, I wish you had stayed
away." The rebuke was without effect, for still worse stories are told
of the drunken orgies that afterwards disgraced the Hawaiian embassy.
THE KAIMILOA
About this time Mr. J. T. Arundel, an Englishman, engaged in the
copra trade, visited Honolulu in his steamer, the Explorer, a vessel of




1468                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
170 tons, which had been employed in plying between his trading stations. The King, who was impatient to start his new Navy, to maintain "Hawaiian primacy," had put the reformatory school under the
charge of Capt. G. E. Jackson, a retired navigating lieutenant in the
British navy, with the view of turning that institution into a naval
training school. The old Explorer was purchased for $20,000, and
renamed the Kaimiloa. She was then altered and fitted out as a manof-war at an expense of about $50,000, put into commission March 28,
and placed under the command of Capt. Jackson. The crew was
mainly composed of boys from the reformatory school, whose conduct
as well as that of their officers was disgraceful in the extreme.
The Kaimiloa sailed for Samoa May 18, 1887. On the preceding
evening a drunken row had taken place on board, for which three of
the officers were summarily dismissed. The after history of the expedition was in keeping with its beginning. As Stevenson relates: " The
Kaimiloa was from the first a scene of disaster and dilapidation; the
stores were sold; the crew revolted; for a great part of a night she
was in the hands of mutineers, and the Secretary lay bound upon the
deck."
On one occasion the Kaimiloa was employed to carry the Hawaiian
embassy to Atua, for a conference with Mataafa, who had remained
neutral, but she was followed and watchedby the German corvette, Adler.
"Mataafa was no sooner set down with the embassy than he was summoned and ordered on board by two German officers."
Another wtll-laid plan to detach the rebel leader, Tamasese, from his
German "protectors," was foiled by the vigilance of Capt. Brandeis.
At length, Bismarck himself was incensed and caused a warning to be
sent from Washington to Gibson, in consequence of which Minister
Bush was recalled July 7, 1887. Mr. Poor was instructed to dispose of
the legation property as soon as possible, and to send home the attaches,
the Government curios, etc., by the Kaimiloa, which arrived in Honolulu September 23. She was promptly dismantled, and afterwards sold
at auction, bringing the paltry sum of $2,800. Her new owners found
her a failure as an interisland steamer, and she is now laid up in the
' naval row."
THE OPIUM BRIBE.
The facts of this case were stated in the affidavit of Aki, published
May 31, 1887, and those of Wong Leong, J. S. Walker, and Nahora
Hlpa, published June 28,1887, as well as in the decision of Judge Preston in the case of Loo Ngawk et al., executors of the will of T. Aki, vs.
A. J. Cartwright et al., trustees of the King (Haw. Rep., Vol. vii, p. 401).
I have already spoken of the opium license law, which was carried
by the Royalist party in the Legislature of 1886, and signed by the
King in spite of the most vigorous protests from all classes of the community. As this law had been saddled with amendments, which rendered it nearly unworkable, a set of regulations was published October
15, 1886, providing for the issue of permits to purchase or use opium
by the Marshal, who was to retain half the fee and the Government the
other half.
The main facts of the case, as proved before the court, are as follows: Early in November, 1886, one Junius Kaae, a palace parasite,
informed a Chinese rice-planter named Tong Kee, alias Aki, that he
could have the opium license granted to him if he would pay the sum
of $60,000 to the King's private purse, but that he must be in haste
because other parties were bidding for the privilege. With some dif



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1469
iculty Aki raised the money, and secretly paid it to Kaae and the King
in three installments between December 3 and December 8, 1886.
Soon afterwards Kaae called on Aki and informed him that one Kwong
Sam Kee had offered the King $75,000 for the license, and would
certainly get it, unless Aki paid $15,000 more. Accordingly Aki borrowed the amount and gave it to the King personally on the 11th.
Shortly after this another Chinese syndicate, headed by Chung Lung,
paid the King $80,000 for the same object, but took the precaution to
secure the license before handing over the money. Thereupon Aki,
finding that he had lost both his money and his license, divulged the
whole affair, which was published in the Honolulu papers. He stopped
the payment of a note at the bank for $4,000, making his loss $71,000.
Meanwhile Junius Kaae was appointed to the responsible office of registrar of conveyances, which had became vacant by the death of the
lamented Thomas Brown.
As was afterwards ascertained, the King ordered a $100,000 gunboat
from England, through Mr. G. W. Macfarlane, but the negotiations for
it were broken off by the revolution.
On the 12th of April, 1887, Queen Kapiolani and the Princess Liliuokaiani, accompanied by Messrs C. P. Iaukea, J. H. Boyd, and J. 0.
Dominis, left for England to attend the celebration of the jubilee held
upon the fiftieth anniversary of the accession of Her Majesty Queen
Victoria. They returned on the 26th of July, 1887.
THE REFORM LEAGUE.
The exposure of the two opium bribes and the appointment of the
King's accomplice in the crime as registrar of conveyances helped to
bring matters to a crisis, and united nearly all taxpayers not merely
against the King, but against the system of government under which
such iniquities could be perpetrated.
In the spring of 1887 a secret league had been formed in Honolulu,
with branches on the other islands, for the purpose of putting an end
to the prevailing misrule and extravagance, and of establishing a. civilized government, responsible to the people through their representatives. Arms were imported, and rifle clubs sprang up all over the
islands. In Honolulu a volunteer organization known as the "Rifles"
was increased in numbers, and brought to a high state of efficiency
under the command of Col. V. V. Ashford. It is supposed that the
league now numbered from 800 to 1,000 men, while its objects had the
sympathy of the great majority of the community. It was at first
expected that monarchy would then be abolished, and a republican
constitution was drawn up.
As the time for action approached, the resident citizens of the United
States, Great Britain, and Germany addressed memorials to their
respective governments, through their representatives, declaring the
conditions of affairs to be intolerable. As is the case in all such movements, the league was composed of average men, actuated by a variety
of motives, but all agreed in their main object. Fortunately, the
"spoils wing" of the party failed eventually to capture either branch
of the Government, upon which a number of them joined the old Gibsonian party and became bitter enemies of reform.
THE GREAT REFORM MEETING.
Some members of the league, including Col. Ashford, were in favor
of a sudden attack upon the Palace, but this advice was overruled, and
it was d4ceded to first bold a public ms  meeting to state teoir griev.




1470                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
auces and to present specific demands to the King. Accordingly. on
the afternoon of the 30th of June, 1887, all business in Honolulu was
suspended, and an immense meeting was held in the armory, on Beretania street, composed of all classes, creeds, and nationalities, but
united in sentiment as never before or since. The meeting was guarded
by a battalion of the Rifles fully armed. A set of resolutions was passed
unanimously declaring that the Government had "ceased through
incompetency and corruption to perform the functions and to afford
the protection to personal and property rights for which all governments exist," and demanding of the King the dismissal of his cabinet,
the restitution of the $71,000 received as a bribe from Aki, the dismissal of Junius Kaae from the land office, and a pledge that the King
would no longer interfere in politics.
A committee of thirteen was sent to wait on His Majesty with these
demands. His troops had mostly deserted him, and the native populace seemed quite indifferent to his fate. He called in the representatives of the United States, Great Britain, France, and Portugal, to
whom he offered to transfer his powers as King. This they refused,
but advised him to lose no time in forming a new cabinet and signing
a new constitution. Accordingly he sent a written reply the next day,
which virtually conceded every point demanded. The new cabinet, consisting of Godfrey Brown, Minister of Foreign Affairs; L. A. Thurston,
Minister of the Interior; W. L. Green, Minister of Finance, and C. W.
Ashford, Attorney-General, was sworn in on the same day, July 1.
THE CONSTITUTION OF 1887.
As the King had yielded the republican constitution was dropped,
and the constitution of 1864 revised in such a way as to secure two
principal objects, viz, to put an end to autocratic rule by making the
Ministers responsible only to the people through the Legislature and
to widen the suffrage by extending it to foreigners, who till then had
been practically debarred from naturalization.  I have given the
details in another paper.
Mr. Gibson was arrested July 1, but was allowed to leave on the 5th
by a sailing vessel for San Francisco. Threats of lynching had been
made by some young hot heads, but fortunately no acts of violence or
revenge tarnished the revolution of 1887.
An election for members of the Legislature was ordered to be held
September 12, and regulations were issued by the new ministry, which
did away with many abuses, and secured the fairest election that had
been held in the Islands for twenty years. The result was an overwhelming victory for the Reform party, which wasavirtual ratification
of the new constitution. During the next three years, in spite of the
bitter hostility and intrigues of the King, the continual agitation by
demagogues, and repeated conspiracies, the country prospered under
the most efficient administration that it has ever known.
W. D. ALEXANDER.
APPENDIX.
FINAL SETTLEMENT OF THE AKI CASE.
It has been seen that on the 30th of June, 1887, Kalakaua promised
in writing that he would ' cause restitution to be made " of the $71,000
which he had obtained from Aki, under a promise that he (Aki) should
receive the license to sell opium as provided by the act of 1886.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1471
The Reform cabinet urged the King to settle this claim before the
meeting of the Legislature, and it was arranged that the revenues from
the Crown lands should be appropriated to that object. When, however, they ascertained that his debts amounted to more than $250,000
they advised the King to make an assignment in trust for the payment
of all claims pro rata. Accordingly, a trust deed was executed November 21, 1887, assigning all the Crown land revenues and most of
the King's private estate to three trustees for the said purpose, on condition that the complainant would bring no petition or bills before the
Legislature, then in session.
Some three months later these trustees refused to approve or pay
the Aki claim, on which Aki's executors brought suit against them
before the Supreme Court.
After a full hearing of the evidence, Judge Preston decided that the
plea of the defendants that the transaction between Aki and the King
was illegal could not be entertained, as by the constitution the King
"could do no wrong," and "can not be sued or held to account in any
court of the Kingdom.' Furthermore, as the claimants had agreed tc
forbear presenting their claim before the Legislature in consideration
of the execution of the trust deed, the full court ordered their claim to
be paid pro rata with other approved claims.
W. D. A.
No. 2.
Statement of W. D. Alexander.
A BRIEF STATEMENT OF THE CAUSES WHICH LED TO THE LATE
REVOLUTION IN HAWAII NEI.
The writer of the following statement, a citizen of the islands by
birth, is a conservative both in principle and by natural inclination.
It is generally admitted that revolutions are not justifiable except as
a last resort when all constitutional methods of redress have been
thoroughly tried and failed and when the most vital and necessary
rights of citizens are at stake. Hence, we condemned the coup d'etat
of Kamehameha V in 1864 because it was unnecessary, and because it
unsettled the foundations of the Government.
The experiment of carrying on constitutional government of the
Anglo-Saxon type in a country with a mixed population like that of
these islands was a difficult and doubtful one, but it was entered upon
by men of rare ability and unselfish patriotism, and for thirty years it
was fairly successful.
It was then well understood that in order to maintain an independent
government it was necessary to combine the foreign and native elements
in one common organization for the good of all classes.
The Kings of the Kamehameha dynasty were sincere patriots and
had some conception of their position as constitutional sovereigns and
of their true policy towards foreigners.
It seemed for awhile as if these islands would give the world a lesson
in the art of combining widely different races on equal terms in one
government. The Government in those days has been called an
oligarchy, but if so, it was a just and beneficent oligarchy.
It was simply the legitimate Influence exercised by superior intelligence and chartcter, without which the experiment would have failed




1472                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
in the outset. Undoubtedly Kamehameha V was right in saying that
privileges and duties had been bestowed upon the common people for
which they were wholly unprepared.
During his reign from various causes a retrograde tendency began
to show itself among the native population and the former good understanding between the races began to be impaired.
One cause was the partial withdrawal of the American board from
its mission to these islands, the evil effects of which have been felt morally, socially, and politically. There has passed away a class of white
residents devoted to the interests of the natives and possessing their
confidence, who acted as mediators between them and that portion of
the white population which had less regard for the rights and the welfare ofthe aborigines.
Another cause was the premature extinction of the order of chiefs,
who were the natural leaders of their race, and whose part could not
be filled by plebians or foreigners.
The scourge of leprosy, which compelled the enactment of severe
segregation laws, helped to widen the breach between the races.
The consequences were first seen in the lawlessness and race hatred
which broke out during Lunalilo's brief reign, 1873-'74.
The next reign was signalized by an extraordinary development of
the resources of the country, produced by foreign enterprise and capital and by a large increase of the foreign element in the population.
King Kalakaua, however, seemed to be blind to the course of events
and to the true interests of his people. His chief object appears to
have been to change the system of government into an Asiatic despotism on the pattern of Johore, in which the white " invaders," as they
were called, should have no voice in its administration.
In pursuance of this policy systematic efforts were made, with too
much success, to demoralize the native population by the revival of
heathen superstitions and the encouragement of vice, and to foment
race jealousy and hatred under the guise of " national" feeling. The
patronage of the Government was abused without stint, and the corrupt arts of Tammany were employed to carry elections and to pack
legislatures with subservient officeholders.
A number of patriotic ' sons of the soil" of both races labored with
small success to stem the tide of corruption and to avert the impending
ruin of their native land.
At last affairs reached such a crisis that on the 30th of June, 1887,
an uprising of nearly the whole foreign population, supported by the
better class of natives, took place, which compelled the King to sign
a constitution that was intended to put an end to personal rule. By
this instrument the administration of public affairs was placed in the
hands of a Cabinet, responsible only to the Legislature, while officeholders were made ineligible to seats in that body.
The remaining three and a half years of his reign teemed with
intrigues and conspiracies to restore autocratic government. One of
these ended in the deplorable insurrection and bloodshed of July 31,
1889, which did much to aggravate the ill-feeling existing between the
two races, and was made the most of by reactionary politicians to fire
the native mind.
In spite of Kalakaua's faults as a ruler he was kind-hearted and
courteous in private life, and there was mourning in Honolulu at the
news of his death, received January 29, 1891.
Grave apprehensions were then felt at the accession of his sister,
Lili pkalani, weh,? however, wAre partially relihed by ihe promptly




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1473


taking the oath to maintain the constitution of 1887. Notwithstanding
her past record it was hoped by many that she had sufficient good sense
to understand her position and to abide by the spirit as well as the letter of the constitution. This hope has been disappointed.  Her ideal
of government is the same as that of Kalakaua, and her determination
to realize it has cost her the Throne.
I have not the heart to recapitulate the shameful story (with which
the newspapers lare filled), of the protracted struggle in the late Legislature, culnlilnating ill the triunmph of the lottery and opitum rings,
allied with the Crown, and in the attempted coupcd'tat of the 14th
instant.
Tlhe experiment spoken of in the beginning of this article, seems to
have broken down at last.
The utmost eilfrts of able and patriotic men have only prolonged its
life a few years.
Considering the character of our mixed population, the intensity of
race jealousy, the concentration of one-fourth of the populationl, co011 -prising its most turlblent elements in the capital city, it seems vail to
expect a stable, self-governing, independent state under such conditions. It is time one of the great Powers should intervene, and it is
needless to ask which power hais its illhands unfettered by conventions,
and1 already holds paramount interests and responsibilities in this
arclhilpela go.
W. D. ALEXANDER.
JANUARY 28, 1893.
No. 3.
Slatcieent of W. D. Alexander.
ttHAWA TIAN GOVERNMENT SURvEY,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, April 12, 1893.
DEAr: SIr: By the permission of the attorney-general, I take the
liberty of inclosing a brief statement on the title of the Crown lands
of tlis country.
If you desire further information on this or other subjects, I am
entirely at your service.
I remain yours faithfully,
WV.. ALEXANDER.
Hon. J. H. BLOUNT.
HONOLULU, March 31S 1893.
His Excellency W. 0. SMITH,
A tlorneiy- (General:
DEJAR SIR: In regard to the status of the crown lands, I beg leave to report as
follows:
The term crown lands is applied in this country to certain lands reserved by
Kamehanieha III in the great division of lands March 8, 1848, "for himself, his heirs,
and successors forever."
The circumstances were briefly as follows:
Under the ancient feudal system the allodiumn of all lands belonged to the King,
not however, as an individual, but " as the head of the nation, or in his corporate
right," to quote the language of the land commission. The constitution of 1840
declared that the land of the Kingdom was not the private property of Kamehanhela I.
" It belonged to the chiefs and people in common, of whom Kamehameha I was the
head, and had the management of the landed property."
S. Ree. 227-93




1474                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Thus all lands forfeited for nonpayment of taxes reverted to him. His consent
was necessary for any transfer of real estate in the Kingdom, and for real mortgages
also. and for the seizure of land for debt. (Old laws, p. 179.)
When the labor tax first began to be regulated by law every tenant was required
to work one day in every week (Tuesday) for the King and one day (Friday) for his
landlord. But this was afterwards reduced to thirty-six days in the year for the
King and an equal number for the landlord. (Old laws, p. 27.)
The idea of a government as distinct from the person of the King first began to be
clearly recognized in the constitution of 1840.
From that time it was seen more and more clearly that the King held a two-fold
character-first, as an individual chief, and, secondly, in his official capacity as head
of the Government.
It was in virtue of both titles that the land commission decided that one-third of
the lands ithee Kingdom belonged to the King. It is hardly necessary for our present purpose to give the history of the land commission and of the great division of
1848. Suffice it to say, that in 1848 a committee was appointed to effect the division
between the King as feudal suzerain and the chiefs, his feudatories, which conmpleted its work in forty days. Partition deeds were signed and sealed by the King
on one side and the several chiefs on the other side, who were then entitled to
receive awards from the land commission for the lands thus partitioned off to them.
At the close of this division the King held in his possession about half of all the
lands in the Kingdom.
But it was evident, to quote from the decision of the Supreme Court (in the matter of the estate of His Majesty Kamehameha IV) in 1864, that the lands held by
the King at the close of the Mahele were not regarded as his private property,
strictly speaking. Even before his division with the landlords a second division
between himself and the Government was clearly contemplated, and he appears to
have admitted that the lands he then held might have lbeen subjected to a commutation in favor of the Government, in like manner with the lands of the chiefs.
Accordingly, on the very day after the Mahele, or division with his chiefs, was closrd,
viz, the 8th day of March, 1848, he proceeded "to set apart for the use of the Government the larger part of his royal domain, reserving to himself what he deemed
a reasonable amount of land as his own estate."
This latter class of lands "he reserved for himself and his heirs forever " as his
own private estate, and they are now known as Crown Lands.
On the 7th day of the following June, 1848, the legislative councilpassed the "act
relating to the lands of His Majesty the King and of the Government," which confirms and ratifies the division which had already been made by the King, thus making it an act of the nation through its representatives. In this act the said lands
are designated by name, and declared "to be the private lands of His Majesty
Kamehameha III, to have and to hold to himself, his heirs, and successors forever;
and said lands shall be regulated and disposed of according to his royal will and
pleasure, subject only to the rights of tenants."
It is well known that both Kamehmeha III, and his immediate successor, Kamehameha IV, dealt with these lands as their private property, selling, leasing, or
mortgaging them at pleasure. These royal deeds of sale constitute titles equally
valid with Royal Patents.
At the death of Kamehameha IV, it was decided by the Supreme Court, in April,
1864, that the lands reserved to the Sovereign by the act of June 7, 1848, "decend in
fee, the inheritance being limited, however, to the successors to the throne, and that
each successive possessor may regurIlate and dispose of the same according to his
will and pleasure as private property, in like manner as was done by Kameliameha
III."
At the same time the Court decided that Queen Emma was lawfully entitled to
dower in the said lands, there being nothing in said act, taking away her right to
dower in the lands therein named.
Afterwards an act was passed January 3, 1865, "to relieve the royal domain fromn
encumbrances and to render the same inalienable." This act provided for the
redemption of the mortgages on the estate by the issue of exchequer bonds not to
exceed $30,000, and enacted that so many of the lands reserved by the act of June 7,
1848, as remained at that time unalienated, should be thenceforth "i inalienable, and
descend to the heirs and successors of the Hawaiian Crown forever;" and that "it
shall not be lawful hereafter to execute any lease or leases of said lands for any
term of years to exceed thirty." A board of commissioners of crown lands was then
created, "to consist of three persons, to be appointed by the King, two of whom
should be appointedl from among the members of his cabinet council, and serve without any remuneration, while the other should act as land agent, and be paid out of
the revenues of said lands such sum as may be agreed to by His Majesty the King."
The foregoing acts were approved and signed by Kamehameha  V, who was the
heir to the estate as well as successor to the throne.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1475
He thereby renounced for himself and his successors the power to alienate any of
the crown lands, in consideration of the payment by the Legislature of the debts
withlwhich the estate had become encumbered, and of the settlement of a permanent
annuity upon Queen Emma in lieu of her claim of dower in the royal domain.
By the same act he concurred. with the Legislature and the court in constituting
them a class of national lands, set apart for the successors to the throne, instead of
being governed by the general laws of inheritance.
The correctness of the foregoing settlement has been contested by some of our
best lawyers. They have denied that it carried out the intention of Kamehameha
III, and have even held it to have been unconstitutional, and that an action in
equity might be brought in behalf of the heirs of the estate of Kamehameha III.
On the death of Kamehameha V his half-sister, Ruth Keelikolani, inherited his
private lands, but the Crown Lands were held by the commissioners for the benefit
of his successors.
Col. Claus Spreckels, being desirous of obtaining a fee-simple title for the Hawaiian
Commercial Company to the lands of Wailuku, Maui, and having taken legal advice,
purchased from Ruth Keelikolani, the sister and heir of Kanmehameha V, all her
interest or claim in and to the Crown Lands for the sum of $10,000.
The conveyance is dated September 13, 1880, and is recorded in Vol. 64.
After due investigation, the Gibson cabinet agreed to compromise this claim without taking it before the Courts, and an act was carried through the Legislature of
1882, and approved July 21, 1882, by which the commissioners of crown lands were
authorized to convey to Claus Spreckels "the Ahupuaa of Wailuku, Maui, with the
Ilis therein or thereunto belonging, which were estimated to contain 24,000 acres,
or thereabouts."
Accordingly, on the 11th of August, 1882, Mr. Spreckels executed a deed, releasing
to the Commissioners of Crown Lands all of the undivided interest claimed by him
in said lands by virtue of the conveyance made to himself by Ruth Keelikolani.
At the same time a royal patent, viz, No. 3343, for the Ahupuaa of Wailuku, was
signed by the King and delivered to Claus Spreckels.
This transaction satisfied any claim on the crown lands that could be raised by
any heirs of Kamehameha III, and no further claim on them has been raised since
that time.
They have remained, as was settled in 1865, National Lands, to be administered for
the benefit of the occupant of the throne, who is entitled to receive the revenues of
said lands only by virtue of his or her official position as chief magistrate.
The Kalakaua dynasty had no claim on them whatever by the general law of
inheritance. In fact no claim of that kind exists at present.
In the Legislative Session of 1890 it was suggested that the vested rights of the
reigning Sovereign in the crown lands should be provided for by issuing bonds, the.
interest upon which should be equal to his annual receipts from said land, and which
should expire at his death.
The object of this proposal was to enable the Government to open these valuable
lands. embracing about 876,000 acres, to settlement by industrious farmerm of sma I
means.
In view of the above facts it would seem that, upon the abolition of the office for
which the revenues of the Crown Lands were appropriated, the lands would escheat
to the Government, and it would then be in order for the Legislature to repeal the
act of January 3, 1865, and to use the said lands thenceforth for the purpose of building up a class of industrious and thrifty farmers, owning their lands in fee simple.
Such a class is the mainstay of every free country.
I remain, yours, respectfully,
W. D. ALEXANDER,
Surveyor- General.
No. 4.
(Statement of W. D. Alexander, July 18, 1893, printed with Mr.
Blouut's No. 15, dated July 26, 1893.)




1476


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


No. 5.
Statement of Volney V. Ashford.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, March 8, 1893.
Hon. JAMIES H. BLOUNT,
United States Ambassador to Hawaii:
SIR: You ask me to put in writing the substance of my information
to you in re Hawaiian affairs on the 3d instant. In order to fully
understand the situation, it seems necessary to refer to political developments which led to the conditions existing on January 14 last past.
Since the time of King Kamehameha V, in 1864, the political status
of the Hawaiian Islands was that of a constitutional monarchy with
succession to legitimate heirs, failing which, the sovereign nominated
his own successor, such nomination to be ratified by the majority of the
nobles. Failing both these alternatives, it rested with the entire Legislature (nobles and representatives) to elect a new sovereign. This
latter was the case upon the death of Lunalilo, known as the last of
the Kamehamehas, in 1874. The candidates were Kalakaua and the
Queen Dowager Emma, widow of Kamehameha IV. The latter was
the favorite of the natives, while Kalakaua was selected by the foreign
element-then chiefly American-who feared the islands would drift to
England if under the rule of Queen Emma, who had spent much time
in visiting that country, and was anti-American in all her sentiments.
Kalakana was not selected for his virtues, but simply because he
could be controlled. The Legislature, which was chiefly composed of
natives, was bribed to vote for Kalakaua, whose election was thereby
secured, but the native population created a riot which resulted in
several fatal casualties and was only quelled by the intervention of
British and American men-of-war's men in port. Thus the late King
began his reign, under conditions accomplished by fraud and sustained
by foreign force, with the bitter hostility of the great majority of his
countrymen. His extravagances and corruptions, as subsequently developed, helped him but little with the natives, who looked on him as
a usurper and outside the real chiefhood, while the foreign population became gradually more estranged, until the ante-revolutionary
condition of 1887 stared the country in the face. But with all the King's
recklessness he was careful to keep within the letter of the law, though
continually violating its spirit. He was enabled to do this from the
peculiar privileges and prerogatives allowed by the then constitution.
The legislative body consisted of two so-called "'houses" (though
they sat together in one). Half the Legislature consisted of the
"nobles," appointed for life by the sovereign. This process, abused
to favor royal lickspittles regardless of their merits, gradually changed
the general character of the house of nobles, so that the great majority of them were absolutely the creatures of the King, whose powerful
influence over the majority of the representatives also, through his
manipulating and distributing offices, and all kinds of public favors
among them, gave him the literal ownership of the entire Legislature in pushing all his corrupt measures through Parliament, so that
revolution became the only possible remedy. All government patron,
age was in the King's hands, through his power of appointing and dismissing his ministers at will. Such a thing as independence of Parliament was utterly unknown; while laws were passed at the King's nod,
appropriating vast sums for such revels and indecencies as his lewd
and extravagant tastes suggested; while orgies, debauchery, hulas,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1477
and "sounds of revelry by night," made the neighborhood of the royal
palace offensive to all but the royal debauclhees.
The plan of the movement of 1887, into which the distracted populace
were thus driven, embraced the establishment of an independent republic, with the view to ultimate annexation to the United States. All
foreigners, even the British, were practically unanimous in this, while
the natives stood by, and said to us: " This is not our king; he is yours.
You forced him upon us against our protest. Do with him as you will."
Had it not been for this passive attitude of the Hawaiians, it is doubtful if the movement of 1887 would have succeeded.
Even as it was, the movement came well nigh dismal failure by reason of the desertion of several of the " missionary" wing of the revolutionary league, when the time for action arrived. The term "Missionary" party is now used in the islands in a political sense. It consists of the early white inhabitants and their immediate descendants,
who have become a family compact in religious, social, commercial,
professional, and political matters, in which they are opposed to the
larger part of the white population, and almost all the natives.
The missionary deserters, and the influence the deserters forced upon
the balance of the league, resulted in a compromisein shapeof ademand
for certain political rights from the King, preliminary to actual revolt
(June 30, 1887). He promised to grant the concessions demanded; and
thereupon in pursuance of such promise, so wrested from him, he
promulgated a new constitution (July 7, 1887), which deprived the
sovereign of many prerogatives, chief of which were (1) the right to
appoint nobles; (2) the power to dismiss ministers without consent of
the legislature; (3) the absolute right of veto. The general franchise
for representatives (composed of twenty-four members from an equal
number of electoral districts), was extended to all residents, aliens
included (except Asiatics), who registered within certain dates, etc.,
regardless of property qualifications. Twenty-four nobles were also
to be elected in sets, or series, by those of the general or representative electors, who owned $3,000 worth of real estate unincumbered, or
received $600 of income. Thus, the election of one-half the Legislature
was put in the power of a small minority of aliens, most of whom had
been enfranchised by the new constitution; for the conditions were such
that very few natives had the required amount of property left, and
few Hawaiians received from personal services the amount of $600 per
annum. Practically all aliens, however (except Asiatics) received
much more. Thus, the control of the Legislature passed to aliens,
most of them without any property interests, but servants in different
lines of the planting and commercial element, who all belong to the
Missionary party, and were hostile to the native Hawaiians.
The nobles and representatives sat and voted together; and, though
the Native party were to the revolutionary or Reform party, as four
or five to one, yet the latter succeeded, by the differential franchise, in
controlling, by a large majority, the Legislature returned nextafter the
revolution. This condition naturally exasperated the Hawaiian people,
while many white men took up the native cause, some from sentiments
of pure justice, others as a matter of political expediency, to restore
domestic contentment, yet the tremendous advantage given by conditions which enabled a small minority to elect half the Legislature clear,
and gave them even chances in the election of the balance, has kept
political power in the hands of the few, and the country has continued
in a constant and growing state of ferment.
When the revolution of 1887 took place the ex-Queen Kalakaua's sis.




1478                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
ter was absent in England at the Victorian jubilee. On and after her
return she evinced, on every opportunity, her disgust at the turn of
affairs, and her determination to reestablish the royal prerogat;ves at
the first opportunity. She did not await her own succession. She
eagerly accepted a proposition from fiiends of the then cabinet to
enter into a conspiracy to force the King to abdicate. The intention
of the cabinet of the day was to intimidate the King by a division
in the royal family, he being then unmanageable, and continually
violating the conditions of the new constitution respecting the veto,
during the legislative session of December, 1887.
The object being accomplished by the submission and promised loyalty of the King, Mrs. Dominis continued the conspiracy to a point
where some 300 armed conspirators, all natives, had assembled in thie
barracks of the royal guards (the guardsmen having already been won
over) and sent a committee to the King to demand his abdication. This
was in January, 1888. The King induced this committee to give him
forty-eight hours to deliberate. During the interveningtimetheconspiracy was discovered by a Government official by the purest accident. The
leaders were quietly brought one by one before notaries and sworn confessions taken which are now among the Government archives. On
account of personal relations between Mr. Thurston (then minister of
the interior) and some of the half-white leaders in this affair, the Government did not prosecute anyone, or even divulge the facts to the
public, only insisting that Wilcox, one of the leaders, should leave the
country. This was done, but events showed that the then princess
immediately reembarked in a further conspiracy in the same direction,
and which resulted in the Wilcox insurrection of July 30,1889. Besides
Wilcox, the committee who, on theoccasion above mentioned, were sent
by the conspirators to force the King's abdication, were Maj. Nowlein
and C. B. Wilson. The latter had been for many years notoriously one
of Liliuokalani's paramours. The former was commanding officer of
the Second Battalion, Hawaiian volunteers, an organization of native
Hawaiians, which was subsequently disbanded by the Government for
disloyalty, disobedience, and insubordination in refusing to turn out to
suppress the insurrection of 1889; and later on (until the abrogation
of the monarchy) was commander of the royal guard.
Ever since the year 1887 the political record of R. W. Wilcox has
been so closely interwoven with Hawaiian events that it is proper to
make a passing reference to him at this point. A native of the island
of Maui, of mixed Hawaiian and American parentage, his father came
from the State of Connecticut, and still follows the occupation of a
rancher on MIaui. The young man taught school in his youth, and at
20 years of age (which is legal age in Hawaii) represented his native
district in the Legislature. He was subsequently selected by the Government as one of the young Hawaiians to be sent abroad to be scientifically educated at the public expense, according to the line of policy
then in vogue, and had been seven years in the best military and engineering schools of the Italian Government, and was serving in the
Italian artillery as a subaltern when the revolution occurred. Thereupon our Government issued an order of recall to a number of their
students abroad, and with others Wilcox returned to Honolulu in November, 1887. Being refused employment by the Government and
boycotted by the "Missionary" party, he readily fell in with the ideas
of the Princess Liliuokalani, as above stated.
After going to California, on the failure of the first or "Dominis"
conspiracy, he sought employment as engineer in the Spring Valley




HAWArfIIAN ISLAnNDS.,


1479


waterworks till April, 1889, when Liliuokalani called him back to again
assist her to "restore thle rights of the native chiefs." iTe at once
responded and, arriving at Honolulu in April, 1889, took up his abode
at the princess Palama residence where she herself then lived apart
from her husband. Here he organized the movement, held revolutionary meetings, gatlered arms and munitions, collected men for the expedition, and moved out in regular military order on the early morning of
July 30, 1889, with about 100 armed men to the Government headquarters. After taking possession of the parliament buildings and
palace grounds, recruits were collected by messengers hastily sent out,
and by daylight (which was the first the authorities knew of themovement) he had possession of everything, with an armed force of 400 to
500 men.
In addition to this, the royal guard were all on his side, although
their captain held immediate possession of the palace itself with 30
men, and with orders from the King to allow none to enter till further
instructed. Kalakata was in the conspiracy. He had joined issues
with his sister (the princess), the plan being to restore, by force, the
constitution of 1864. His suspicions as to his sister's bona fides had
been strongly aroused, however, and on the preceding evening they
had been confirmed by some native friends, who persuaded him that
Liliuokalani's real object was to compel his abdication as soon as the
act of promulgating the proposed constitution should be carried out.
He thereupon, at midnight, moved from the palace to Honuakaka, his
Queen's private residence, taking 12 of the most trustworthy men
of the guard, leaving 30 men at the palace, as above stated, and when
the report camne that Wilcox was on the move, he took refuge in his
boathouse in the harbor, but a stone's throw from the U. S. S. Adams.
In this position he could avoid all chances of capture, as the only
access to the boathouse was over wooden causeways of considerable
length, giving him time to escape to the Adams on the least alarm.
There he remained till the battle was over and the insurgents dispersed or captured.
Two days previously the King himself had taken Wilcox through
the palace and barracks, and showed him the position of the cannon,
reserve small arms, ammunition, etc., and on the afternoon of the 29th
of July he sent word to Wilcox to move at once, as, for certain reasons connected with a quarrel which happened the day previous
between the King and cabinet, in regard to the transfer of Gatling gun
carriages from the royal guard to the police authorities, and which the
King refused, he considered immediate action necessary. When, therefore, the expedition arrived at the palace, and Wilcox found the King
had gone, leaving instructions for the guard to hold the palace subject
to his further orders, he was paralyzed. However, he seized every
point of vantage, posted cannon, and sent a message to the King thus:
4"Your Majesty: We are here, at the palace, according to the plans
agreed upon;" to which Kalakaua replied: " Remain there and complete your part of the undertaking. I will be there when the proper
moment arrives." The above was developed at the subsequent trial of
Loomens, a Belgian ex-artilleryman, for treason for participation in the
insurrection. He was convicted, sentenced to death, had his sentence
commuted to life imprisonment, and was subsequently turned loose on
condition he should leave the Kingdom. At the same trial the letter
mentioned above, from Liliuokalani to Wilcox calling him home to
"restore the chiefs, etc.,7 came to light. It was discovered in a pocket
of his clothing, in Liliuokalani's house, upon search being made on the




HAWAITAN ISLANDS.


night of the 30th July, after the defeat of the movement and Wil.
cox's capture.
After this, the princess deserted Wilcox, denied all knowledge of
his plans and of the conspiracy, and showed her entire willingness
that the men who had taken their lives in their hands at her solicitation should now hang. This treacherous conduct of the wonman was
the beginning of Wilcox's conversion from " chief" rule to the rule of
the people. His disgust for her was also heightened by her treachery
to her brother, whose place she was ready at any moment to occupy by
any means necessary to replace him. In fact, her conduct succeeding
the failure of the Wilcox insurrection alienated many of her old-time
friends, and was the beginning of her downfall in the affections of
the natives. Naturally Wilcox has ever since been an advocate of
annexation to the United States, although his idea was to accomplish
this end by first establishing an independent republic, and proceeding
as in the case of Texas.
It should be here mentioned that some 10 Hawaiians were killed in
the action, or died of wounds, and as many more wounded; the abovenamed Loomens was the only man convicted by the courts, most of
the others having been either acquitted or discharged, while a few
pleaded guilty to minor charges and received light sentences. Wilcox
himself, after his acquittal, became the acknowledged leader, both in and
out of parliament, of the Hawaiian people, who composed the great
bulk of the new Liberal party, whose shibboleth was equal civil rights.
Under this as a first principle, the Liberals rolled up an immense
majority of the entire vote at the general election of February, 1890,
and actually secured a handsome majority of the legislature, with which
they succeeded in ousting the so-called Thurston cabinet, in June of
the same year. But a number of those foreigners whom the natives
had elected on the Liberal ticket deserted to the " Missionary" party,
and, forming a coalition cabinet, carried on the Government in a way
which increased the discontent of the people, till the death of the
King, in San Francisco, on January 20, 1891.
The magnificent manner in which the King-alive and dead-had
been treated in America by the governments of the Republic and of the
State of California, by the city of San Francisco, and by the people at
large, mollified in very great measure the hereditary aversion of the
Hawaiians towards American political affiliation-a feeling growing
out of their dislike for the mercenary land-grabbing qualities of the
"missionaries" on whom they mistakenly looked as specimens of Americanism. For although their aloha for the King was not the aloha they
formerly bore to their real chiefs, yet each Hawaiian seemed to look
upon the ourtesies of Americans to the sovereign as a personal compliment to himself. It was long well known that large numbers of both
whites and natives had determined that Kalakaua should be the last
Hawaiian monarch. But the surprise accompanying his almost tragic
return completely balked any organization till his successor was
nailed won, as it were. It was also well known that Liliuokalani was
determined that the constitution of 1887 should be abolished, at latest,
on the moment of her accession. But the same surprise had a similarly
opposite effect (if the term be allowable) upon her.
The cabinet of the day, realizing that delay would cause a movement
for the abolition of monarchy on the one hand or the reeestablishment
of the royal prerogatives on the other, promptly went in a body to the
then Princess Regent and compelled her to take the oath to the existing constitution. She has since repeatedly said that she was so taken




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1481
by surprise that she was cowed into obedience, especially as some of
the ministers threatened her that in case of refusal a republic would
be at once established and she would become a political prisoner. She
has further stated to friends that she would have refused and at once
proclaimed a new constitution, containing all the old (and added)
prerogatives, had she but received sufficient warning to prepare herself; but, even as it was, that she swore with a mental reservation.
This, then, was the status of monarchy in Hawaii when Liliuokalani
became Queen-a reigning sovereign who had at least twice striven to
supplant her brother even at the expense, if necessary, of walking
over his strangled corpse to the throne; a woman notoriously loaded
with the grossest social vices, such as had contributed so largely to
the late King's downfall in 1887, but still strongly upheld by the
majority of the native people, who believed her professions and promises to restore them to an equal franchise; possessed, as her friends
claimed, of qualities of justice, firmness, and courage, which events
proved to be but selfishness, mulishness, and savage ignorance; a
hater of whites and a promoter of race prejudices; an idolatress, a
ka;.huna worshiper, and an advocate of the most abominable methods
which distinguished the ante-Christian epoch. The natives soon turned
fiom her in disgust.
The so-called "Reform"7 party, consisting chiefly of the "Missionaries," could do nothing with her. Foreigners, generally, feared and
lhated her. She gradually began to interfere in official appointments
and Parliamentary elections, and to usurp autocratic authority in all
directions. Her dismissal of Government officials and appointment of
known thieves, vagabonds, and vicious ignoramuses from among her
personal favorites and paramours to the most lucrative and responsible positions exasperated everyone outside her personal following.
H-er tour in state about the islands (as is the custom of Hawaiian monlarclls upon their succession) was marked by the studied absence or the
op)en insults of the great body of the Hawaiian people. Her retainers
could not procure a supply of food from the natives and had to rely on
the whites, while the hookuou, or giving of presents (an ancient
Hawaiian custom), was a pitiable failure, only participated in by officitls, or those otherwise dependent on royal favor. Secret leagues were
torlned, both among the whites and the Hawaiians, to remedy the
existing conditions. Of these the Hui Hawaii Alohaaina (Hawaiian
Patriotic League) was the most prominent,,from the arrest of nearly one
hundred of its members and their trial for treason.
I was myself a member and one of the organizers of this league, as
also of a white league (under the same name), among the latter ot
whose members were most of those who actually "carried guns" in the
overthrow of the monarchy last January. The mass of Hawaiians had
by this time become possessed of a bitter hatred to the ruling dynasty.
Of the most stable class of natives, the following sentiment, related to
me by one who, under Kalakaua, had held in succession all the most
distinguished positions in public and political life, is a sample of the
then prevailing thought: 4"I have been trained from childhood to love
and obey my alii (chiefs); no one would more gladly give his very life
for them. But the days of the alii are past; they are no more; their
successors are unworthy the name; my aloha for them has withered.
I weep for Hawaii. The Kingdom must come to an end; and who can
say what will be the best for our country-annexation or a republic?"
And amid such sentiments the "Hui Hawaii Alohaaina" came into
existence the 1st day of March, 1892.




1482                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
But before entering into the details of this league, reference may be
made to some of the Queen's official acts which had a strong bearing
upon its origin and development. Though she took the oath to the
constitution as above, the event proved it to be with a mental reservation, as she had claimed to her friends, and she at once laid plans to
overturn it. She first refused to recognize the ministers, on the ground
that they were the King's cabinet and "died with the King", thus
voiding the constitutional provision rendering it necessary to precede
dismissal by a vote of want of confidence of the legislature. Then followed several weeks of practical anarchy, political unrest, and severe
business stagnation, during which the opposing parties literally slept
on their arms. Finally, at the importunities of the mercantile class,
who were most anxious to avoid such troubles as would ruin commerce,
the cabinet were induced to refer the matter to the supreme court,
under a constitutional provision which permits such reference by either
the sovereign or cabinet, although the opinions promulgated in such
instances are not conclusive, but merely advisory. The decision went
against the cabinet, on the ground that as the constitution made no
provision for the contingency the cabinet died with the King and the
prerogative of appointment lay with the sovereign.
The Queen's obstinacy was caused by her determination to appoint
C. B. Wilson to the portfolio of interior, where the great bulk of the
public moneys are controlled and expended. This scheme was so
grossly objectionable to the people, however, that, fearing a revolution
if she carried it out, she selected men who were either personal friends
of Wilson, or from whom she obtained a promise in advance that they
would appoint Wilson to the marshalship of the Kingdom. This official had, by law, absolute command of the entire police force of the
Kingdom, complete and unrestrained power in all appointments in
that department, and practically controlled the administration of justice. Both his appointment and dismissal must be by the attorneygeneral, "c by and with the advice and consent of the cabinet," according to law passed by the revolutionary (or "reform"') legislature of
1887-'88. It was openly stated at the time that she compelled the
incoming attorney-general to sign a commission for Wilson in advance,
before receiving from her his own commission as a minister, though
the attorney-general subsequently denied this charge on the floor of
Parliament.
Wilson's "pull" on the Queen consisted in the fact that for many
years he has been her favorite paramour (she has several). He openly
and in the most shameless manner assumed family relations with her
years before the death of her husband; and, although himself a man
with a family, he moved into the dead man's own house and occupied
his bed almost before his corpse was cold. The Queen had a private
gateway cut through the palace wall immediately contiguous to her
apartments in the "bungalow," that he might alone enter by a near
and more convenient way-a scandal at which even the most obtuse of
the native people drew the line. The pair openly lived together in the
Queen's cottage at Waikiki (a suburb of Honolulu) during and succeeding the "sandbag" episode at the palace, just preceding the
descent upon the league. This place was formerly al assignation house,
built by the Queen, and openly used for that purpose, under the personal charge of her business manager, formerly her native coachman.
All these and many other equally scandalous acts are matter of public
notoriety at the capital, and have been aired and commented upon in
scathing terms by the native press of Honolulu; but the English press




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1483


were either gagged by the palace party or kept silent to avoid the
effects of the scandal abroad.
Through the Queen's influence over her brother (during his absolute
power of official patronage) Wilson was given the superintendency of
the Honolulu waterworks, though he was utterly ignorant of all theory
regulating hydraulics, and the real work was necessarily done by
another highly paid official. Wilson collected the water rates, however,
and an investigation being demanded by a member of the Legislature
of 1886, a parliamentary committee found he had stolen in the neighborhood of $16,000 from the receipts. Then through the same influence
the cabinet of the day entered into a stipulation whereby the matter
was compromised, Wilson repaying into the treasury $10,000. The
princess paid over $5,000 of this amount in cash, and by her further
influence, exerted in the same direction, prevailed on the Legislature to
pass an " act of indlelnity " restoring to her the $5,000 out of the public
funds. To save further scaldal, friends of the ministry indorsed Wilson's notes for another $5,000 on the Government's pledge to retain onehalf of his salary till the amount was recouped, while he himself of
course retained the office, although members of the Legislature, from
their place on the floor of the house, expressed the opinion that he
should be breaking stones on the street with a ball chained to him.
At the revolution of 1887 the fellow was a spy on both sides.
Whether he gave truthful information to either is hard to say; but the
King subsequently informed friends that he at least betrayed him into
the enemy's hands as soon as the revolutionary cause began to promise
success. He was in the "Dominis conspiracy," so-called, in 1888, already
described, and was the man to run over his coconspirators to first
reach the Government officials and betray his comrades when he suspected the plot was discovered. Unless the official documents were
stolen while he and his tools were in power, there are still confessions
of his own, under oath, in the Government archives, "which would
hang him" —to use the words of the then minister of the interior. The
particulars of this conspiracy were suppressed by the Government of
the day to prevent a lowering of Hawaiian bonds then selling in.
London on a two-million dollar loan, and for other reasons already
stated. He was in the Wilcox insurrection of 1889, but kept out of
harm's way; and it was developed at the trial of Loomens that it was
he who introduced Loomens to the King, and sent him, by the King's
order, to join the conspirators.
During the Queen's reign and his incumbency of the marshalship he was the absolute dictator in Hawaii. It is known that no act
of importance in governmental functions transpired without either
emanating from him or receiving his approval. He over and over
again insulted the people, the Legislature, and the cabinet by openly
commanding the Queen to disregard the premier, on behalf of the cabinet, when that minister was urging upon her the adoption, modification, or rejection of contemplated public acts. (By the way, the law
recognizes no "premier," but the Queen insisted on so calling that
minister who officially communicated with her outside her meetings
with the entire cabinet.) Boodle, thievery, blackmailing, bribe taking,
and general disregard of the laws were alarmingly common, and gambling houses, dives, illicit liquor dens, opium joints, and the wholesale
importation of that deadly drug have been positively traced to his
acquiescence for monetary considerations. He kept a body guard
about him, composed in part of fugitives from justice from  other
countries, accused of all degrees of crime. He is a half-breed Tahi




1484                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
tian, who, as a waif, was brought to Honolulu by an old Hawaiian sea
captain. He grew up here, learned the blacksmith trade, and followed
it till his physical development attracted the attention of Mrs. Dom.
inis, who at once procured a Government office for him and advanced
him as occasion offered. Though physically large, active, and wellproportioned, he is morally and intellectually of a low order-a circumstance which is true of all the ex-Queen's favorites, and illustrates
her savage tastes.
The feeling of disgust resulting from the palace scandals, as well as
the general repugnance to having the laws maladministered by such
notorious corruptionists and worthless paramours, combined to originate the league "to promote justice and equal rights in the political
government of Hawaii" (as the oath expressed it)-the exact means
being left to the development of events and the personal directions of
the league leaders, to whom all swore obedience, but to include in any
event the suppression of the monarchy, with close political connection
with the United States as the ultimate object. Among the wrongs to
be remedied was of course the differential franchise; and it was this
belief of the Hawaiian leaguers that annexation would mean equal
civil rights, which most strongly tended to bring the annexation view
into prominence among them as the true solution of the question. At
first the palace party encouraged the league. They thought to use
them in the promulgation of a new constitution by throwing to them
the sop of "equal rights" in exchange for their actual cooperation in
the Queen's intended coup; or at least relied on their non-interference,
or perhaps upon their preventing the reform party from interfering,
while the Queen's party, supported by the royal guard and the
Honolulu police (both under direct command of tools of the Queen,
Nowlein and Wilson), would proclaim the instrument and set matters
running thereunder.
The constitution was prepared, being identical with that which Her
Majesty attempted to promulgate on January 14, so far as evidence of
the latter's contents can now be furnished. It was practically the constitution of Kamehameha V, with the added prerogative of dismissal
and appointment of the supreme court at will-a project dear to Liliuokalani since long before her accession-as that body had always
been regarded, both by sovereigns and people, as the bulwark against
unconstitutional encroachment upon the liberties of the masses by
Hawaiian monarchs. The league preferred to take chances of getting
equal rights by their own methods, especially as one of their greatest
complaints had been as to certain unconstitutional acts already exercised by the Queen, through her hated paramours, with the connivance
of a servile cabinet-acts involving interference in official appointments
and with the administration of justice. The league, however, did not
at once openly quarrel with the Queen's representatives, but " negotiated" at arm's length, with the object of being left unmolested by the
authorities, or, rather, by Wilson, who was directing the "new constitution" conspiracy, from the Queen's side, and giving only such infornmation to the ministers of the Government as the Queen's party chose
they should know.
The league rapidly increased in numbers, and included many of the
best natives and half-whites in the country. By May 1st there were over
300 sworn members. There was a quasi-military organization, controlled mostly by ex-officers or non-commissioned officers of late native
volunteer companies, or of the guard; spies reported that the leaders
of the league had arranged for a large supply of arms, to be landed




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1485
by smuggling from small craft at out-of-the-way points; the Legislature
was about to meet, and it was the Queen's plan that the new order
of things must be inaugurated in time to prevent its meeting. Evidently something must be done, and done quickly. The introduction,
also, of a large number of "Queen Emma" men into the league-men
who were known to be hostile to the house of Kalakaua-increased
the suspicions of the palace party, and Wilson instructed his spies to
report the "arms" story, to compel the Government to move, as soon as
he became satisfied that the league was against the monarchy. The
members of the Government were strongly opposed to it at first, but succumbed to the personal pressure of Wilson and the Queen. Certain
of the ministers told me this themselves, and others sent their personal
friends to me to assure me of the fact. They said, in effect, "Wilson
is the Queen; the Queen is absolute; we cannot control Wilson." One
member of the cabinet used those very words.
On the morning of May 19th two confidential friends of the Queen,
Kanui and Kekipi, both defeated parliamentary candidates on the
Queen's side at the elections in the previous February, came to Wilcox
(representing the league), and the three had a long interview. These
emissaries represented that they had been authorized and instructed
by Her Majesty to request his immediate presence at the palace to consult with Her Majesty in regard to the new constitution which she had
prepared, and which she now held for his perusal and advice before its
promulgation; further, that the time had arrived when the league
must commit itself positively and irrevocably to this plan, or be considered enemies of the Crown. It is now positively known that Kanui
and Kekipi came directly from the Queen's presence when they visited
Wilcox, who was taken by surprise by this ultimatum, and tried to
ledge by further "negotiating," there being special reasons why he
should not at that time give a positive refusal. The Queen's men, however, forced the game, and finally the natives and Wilcox quarreled
and a definite answer being insisted upon under a threat; and, Wilcox
thereupon sent to Her Majesty a positive refusal, accompanied by a
defiance, upon which, being reported at the palace, warrants were
immediately made out for every member of the league whom the spies
had " located "-some 87 in number.
Plans were laid to attack and shoot down in cold blood the executive
council of the league, who were (according to information from spies) to
hold a meeting at my rooms that night. This was to be done under
cover of an alleged but bogus resistance to arrest in face of warrants;
and to make the thing complete, martial law was to be at once declared,
and the " disturbing element," who were not already assassinated, to be
disposed of by court-martial, composed of officers of Her Majesty's personal staff and the royal guard. But the league had friends in the
palace and at the headquarters of most of the Government departments,
and were from time to time informed as to what was there transpiring;
so the meeting did not take place; but, instead, Wilcox and other
league leaders attended a public meeting of the liberal party on that
evening and denounced the Government, the Queen, and royalty in the
bitterest terms. If there was basis for the "arms" story no evidence
was found in the searches by the police of residences of all known to
belong to the league. But the details of the first move having failed,
it was still contemplated by the Queen to remove at all hazards those
she considered her enemies. It is positively known that a proclamation of martial law was drafted by one of the advisers of the Queen, and
passed for revision through the attorney-general's office, and was




1486                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
carried for some days in the pocket of one of the Queen's staff, while
the authorities were busily engaged in hunting up more evidence.
The palace party calculated to stifle all necessity for such evidence
as would convict in a court of justice by establishing a "military"
court composed of ignorant kanaka partisans and body servants of
the Queen. In this search for evidence (after the arrests) the authorities threw parties into prison without warrant or form of law, kept
some without food for days, plied prisoners with promises of reward
and offices if they would perjure themselves in such way as to make a,
"case" against the liberal leaders, and with threats of death in case of
refusal, and used means to extort "evidence" of the kind they wanted
in a manner which would disgrace brigands. These facts were proven
at the trial by witnesses for the prosecution. But the failure of the
Queen to destroy all opposition to her abominable course is due chiefly,
after all, to the interference of Maj. Wodehouse, British commissioner
(now minister), on my behalf, as a Canadian, by compelling the Government to try the conspirators in one of the courts of law instead of
by a so-called military tribunal.
Passing over the trying period of danger and uncertainty of the legislative session, and the bitter fight of the Queen against the constitutional party, we come to the 14th of January and succeeding events, so
near in time (and therefore in memory), coming down to the status in
quo. The existing facts imply a Provisional Government treating with
the Government of the United States for aunnexation." Now, what
is annexation? It has been years discussed in this country as a possible outcome of the near future, but always on the basis that it would
necessarily include equal civil rights in the management of all affairs
not in their nature under Federal control-as, for instance, in Texas,
or in the Territory of Arizona. There is in this country a bitter objection on the part of the majority against any unusual system such as
proposed in the treaty laid before the United States Senate. This I
firmly believe-and such, I feel sure, is the belief of the great majortiy-that a governing commissioner (say) from Washington would, nay,
must be influenced by the missionary party here, and that it would
result in a plutocratic rule of a half dozen or dozen men of a political
family compact, who came here poor to serve the cause of religion on
starvation salaries, and have developed by their superior thrift into a
moneyed aristocracy, owning allthe valuable lands and industries of the
country.
This class has always been considered the enemies of not only the
native race, but of all classes denizened in the islands who are not of
themselves. Their attempted monopoly of politics; their alternative
subservience and hostility to the monarchy, according to their hold on
office for the day; their changing to the cause of "Americanism," or
their "Hawaiian patriotism," according to whether they are begging
for differential duties, or fixing " a deal " withroyalty; their contemptible
airs. of superiority over those not so rich as themselves; and their continually repeated efforts to grind the natives to inferior political position have alienated all classes against them. But having stolen in,
like jackals, on the executive offices under the present regime, a great
number of annexationists fear to openly object to their methods, lest
it place the whole plan of annexation on the basis of swapping horses
while crossing the stream. The commissioners arrived at San Francisco with the war cry, "Down with the Hawaiians." This has turned
nearly all Hawaiians against annexation, many hundreds of whom
were formerly open and active in its advocae. If even now assured




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1487


that annexation would make them American citizens, as such is the
case in say Texas or Arizona, they would forever abandon the thought
of royalty and hail annexation with delight as the ultimate destiny of
Hawaii.
Will the people of the United States, as represented in Congress or
either branch thereof, permit the vast majority of the Hawaiian people
to be driven by armed force into a distasteful political condition by
a handful of political jackals of the missionary party, simply because
the Hawaiians are poor and the other own the property? And this is
prrctically the reason advanced by the commissioners.  Does the
action of the United States' Government on the Samoan question indicate that America will use her armed forces to permit a minority of
foreigners to coerce a majority of the native people; and would such
a course be creditable to the American people? Would it be an exponent of the American principle of justice to the weak? But the entire
question could be settled by forming a treaty which would remove
the objections referred to, by interfering with no vested rights, and by
giving political privileges to the rich and the poor alike. And while
this might not altogether please the monopolists, an accommodation
which would give equal civil rights to the Hawaiians in the management of local Hawaiian affairs is the one only which is just, beneficial, or practical from the standpoint of the future, from either the
American or Hawaiian point of view.
It is not necessary to refute the arguments of that portion of the
American press which opposes annexation on sentimental or economical
grounds. That issue I assume to be already settled. It will be a sorry
day for both America and Hawaii if annexation should now be
deferred. Nevertheless, it will be a source of great grief to Hawaii
and of future disgrace to the proclaimed political righteousness of the
American people if the latter refuse us conditions which represent a
fullness of political rights. The only hope of a condition of affairs
which will make Hawaii a country in which a white man of self-respect
and loving liberty can live and prosper is annexation, accompanied by
an equal franchise to Hawaiians in matters of local administration.
Referring to the idea of an American protectorate, this would be
bitterly repulsive to the great majority of the Hawaiian people, native
and foreign, as many degrees worse, if possible, than "' annexation7
under the Thurston-Harrison treaty, with carpetbag government controlled by the family-compact oligarchy. It would, to our minds, mean
the presence of a foreign armed force to bayonet into submission any
resistance to tyranny, however great, if only perpetrated in the name of
law and by the authority of the Government for the time being. It
would mean the engrafting of a moneyed aristocracy into place and
power, who, representing only the Missionary party, could, by their
unlimited wealth, drown the cries of the people of this country from
consideration of any man or body of men holding the power of review.
Our appeals would not likely reach the Congress. This is the view
which caused the unanimous uprising of the people against what is
generally known as the "Blaine treaty" in 1889-'90.
This was a treaty drafted, as was said, by Mr. Blaine, then Harrison's Secretary of State, and brought from Washington by H. A. P.
Carter, then Hawaiian minister to the United States. A majority of
the cabinet were in favor of it, and tried to force the King to sign it;
but C. W. Ashford, who was attorney-general, resisted it on the
ground that it contained a "troops" clause, permitting the United
States to land forces to "preserve law and order," which, he contended,




1488


HAAWAIIAN ISLNNDnS.


would place il absolute power, backed by a foreign military force, any
cabinet for the time being in office. The provisions of the proposed
treaty having leaked out mass meetings were held, at which the entire
planl was denounced by all classes, and in order to save forcible ejection by the populace the majority of the cabinet were obliged to
repudiate the entire undertaking. Later development proved the whole
scheme to be one for the establishment of all power in the hands of an
oligarchy of the Missionary party, with practical disfranchisement to
all other classes of Hawaiians, whether native or foreign. This experience satisfied everybody, including the Missionary party, that any
'protectorate," from whatever source, must be imposed upon the H awaiian people by superior force.
Itegarding the protectorate proclaimed by Minister Stevens truth
compels the statement that under no rule of international law or military or other necessity was there any cause for such action. On
many statements of facts not materially differing the Provisional
Government was stronger on February 1st than April 1st, for at the
former date all annexationists were united (if the Government's claim
is true), while at the last-named day disintegration was fast creeping
in as a result of the methods pursued in relation to the annexation
question-the opinion being very strong now in Honolulu that the
Provisional Government have thus far thrown serious impediments in
the way thereof by their treatment of the native side of the question
and their mugwumpery, if not, indeed, their treachery, in official
appointments. The threatening aspect of the Japanese question had
not entered into the calculations, because no knowledge or suspicions
existed on February 1st of the pending arrival of the Naniwa from
Yokohama.
It is not the intention to herein discuss the arguments in favor of
annexation from an American standpoint; but in this connection some
reference should be made to the attitude of Japan. The possibilities
from that quarter, as well as the chances of an English occupation (ini
case annexation falls through), have no doubt been given due weight
from the American side. But observation of developments on the spot
has convinced most people here that the invasion from Yokohama, which
commenced some seven or eight years since, was designed as a means
of turning Hawaii into a Japanese colony. As long as four years ago
I had written articles, which appeared in Eastern and European newspapers, pointing out the approaching danger from Japan, and outlining
a trend of events which has been fully justified by developments to date.
I notice the American press has not apparently considered that any
importance attaches to this question; but nothing seems more certain
than this, that these islands must, upon any refusal of the United
States to take advantage of the supreme moment now at hand, at once
become au advance post of the empire of the rising sun and a hostile
sentinel over the American Pacific coast. This is on the supposition
that England would not interfere. But supposing she does interfere;
what is the difference, in case the United States let go, whether
Hawaii falls to a rival (and perhaps hostile) power of the old civilization or the new, when the power which dominates Hawaii will dominate the Pacific, the future home of the world's commerce I?
To revert, in conclusion, to the purely Hawaiian side of the case,
monarchy is now dead, and Hawaii knocks for admission to America's
door. Give us not an oligarchy. Give us democratic government.
Give us a government of the people, for the people, and by the people.
I remain, yours truly,
VOLNEY V. ASHFORIP.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1489
No. 6.
Statement of Volney V. Ashford.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
April 8, 1893.
Ron. JAMES H. BLOTINT,
United States Ambassador to Hawaii:
DEAR SIR: I inclose herewith a review of the political situation here,
from the formation of the constitution of 1887 to its attempted abrogation by Liliuokalani on January 14 last. I can scarcely say that this
covers all the points discussed, or upon which you requested information, though it probably includes most of them.
There is, however, a strange circumstance which I now see I omitted,
to wit, that the men, as individuals and as a class, into whose hands
fell the executive offices and entire control of this movement, are those
who (aside from the thick-and-thin apologists of monarchy at all haz
ards) have always heretofore been the bitterest enemies of those who
were suspected of favoring annexation. Dole himself, though a member of the revolutionary league of 1887 and a member of the "Council
of Thirteen" therein, tried his best to " throw" the whole scheme just
as the supreme moment arrived. Failing in this, he resigned his place
on the council and deserted the league, and tried his best to pull others
out. He did manage to pull out P. C. Jones, who was also a member
of the "Thirteen," which position he resigned and deserted the league
the same as Dole had done.
About the same time W. O. Smith, who, through his great personal
intimacy with Dole, Jones, and others of the league, was acquainted
with the general plan, and had given his adhesion to it and arranged
to swear in before the council, but had deferred it several times, did
come before that body. After hearing a part of the oath repeated, he
drew his hand from the bible, made a contemptible, cowardly speech
in favor of the continuance of monarchy, and withdrew, and never
became a member of the league. Other prominent members of the
Missionary party worked with all their energy against the cause. It
was subsequently learned that just about the time of the withdrawal
of Dole and Jones, the King, suspecting the dangerous strength of the
league, made overtures, through prominent members of the Missionary
Colony, to recede from certain objectionable positions he had assumed,
to dismiss the Gibson cabinet, and form one from the Missionary party.
The above desertions, the consequent narrow escape of the league from
ruin, and the resulting enforced modification of the entire plan (as
referred to in my statement) only saved the leading non-Missionary
leaguers from the gallows, as we then, and always since, believed.
It is needless to say that this perfidy of that political element, at
the supreme moment, convinced the non-Missionaries that treachery
was the moving cause. When the demands for reform were made,
under the compromise agreement, only the abject cowardice of the
King and his chief advisers saved us from a bloody battle, in which,
on account of delay resulting from the Missionary defection above,
the King would have had an overwhelming advantage, having thereby
time to fortify and strengthen his position. When the new constitution catme into effect, the cabinet soon became a Missionary body, by
pressure brought upon the King in making appointments to fill the
vacancies of Godfrey Brown and W. L. Green, who resigned, and their
whole line of official conduct to the time of their resignation, in June,
8S. Rep. 227- — 9




1490


IHAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1890, was a series of insults and abuses to all the non-Missionary
members of the league, and the filling of all the important offices of the
kingdom between their brothers, the uncles and the cousins, etc., on
the one hand, and the most vicious favorites of roy alty on the other.
One of these latter was C. B. Wilson, whom Thurston, as minister
of interior, kept in the office of superintendent of waterworksthough he had already been proven guilty of serious embezzlements
(as related in "statement"); and although Thurston, then an opponent
of Gibson, had said from his place in the legislature that Gibson, by
retaining Wilson in that very office, was harboring a criminal who
should be breaking stones, with a ball chained to him, Thurston continued to make this vagabond his chief favorite, and it was to save
him, as a member of the "eDominis conspiracy," that he refused to prosecute the conspirators, as heretore stated. Of course, this was with a
view to control Mrs. Dominis, when she should come to the throne.
Such conduct as the abovehelped to alienate the non-missionary whites,
who had belonged to the revolutionary or "Reform" party.
So long as the Missionary party could hold all the political offices,
Kalakaua, and after him Lilioukalani, were good enough, and it was only
when that faction lost all hope of a prevailing influence over royalty
that royalty became unbearable. During the organization of the
Hawaiian Patriotic League, a year ago, one of the leading missionary
politicians said to me: "Your charges against Liliuokalani are, no
doubt, true; but what does it matter so long as we have the prevailing
influence over her. A republic or annexation would lead to the dominance of the natives."
This party, almost without exception, tried to hunt down all participators in the attempt against the monarchy last year. I have heard
from several sources, though not able to prove it juridically, that Dole,
then justice of the supreme court, was in conference with Wilson
many times, advising him what course to pursue, and what line to
work up against us. Finally, he was the one who issued the warrants,
a thing unheard of in the Hawaiian criminal practice, our criminal
cases then all originating in the police or district courts. Mr. Justice
Dole not only violated this precedent, but issued the warrants, (and
then tried the cases) without consultation with any of the other
judges, and against the advice (to Wilson-and known to Dole, as is
said) of almost every attorney in town, and on the same statement of
facts as were laid before himself. During the examination which
lasted (with intermissions) for three weeks, he overruled every ruling of
the common law courts of the United States and England-both on
points of admission and rejection of evidence, as well as of construction-against the defense, and invoked the rulings of the courts of
Bloody Mary and her times, in construing the law of treason, especially as to what constituted an overt act. His hatred to any and all
who favored a change from monarchy was so marked as to excite general comment. And a chain of known facts points most strongly to
the conclusion, at that time very generally believed, that the discharge
of most of the defendants (including myself) was in accordance with a
secret understanding that Wilcox and I should not expose at the trial
the complicity of the Queen and her negotiations with the league in
regard to their assisting her in promulgating a revolutionary and retrogressive constitution.
Of the "Councils" who now "rule" the country under the Star
Chamber process, there are only three men, at most-possibly not a
single one-who are independent of the sugar ring. In fact, fifteen of




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1491
Eighteen, in addition to all the commissioners, are either entirely or in
very great measure dependent upon sugar for their very existence,
commercially speaking. This class has always been bitterly opposed
bo any ideas tending to an abolition of monarchy. The cause of their
change may be correctly judged from an American point of view, but
this I can not help saying, that my personal knowledge of these people
refuses to admit that "Americanism" has anything to do with it; and
I have the word of many of them to the effect that they would prefer
England to the United States, unless the latter give them terms which
will exclude the Hawaiians from the franchise, and any apparent tendency they or any of them have recently exhibited towards admission
of Hawaiianm to vote has been caused by the lesson they have learned
as to the sentiments of people in the United States.
The natives distrust the whole missionary element, and it is very
doubtful if those now at the helm can "deliver the goods," except
under some process of compulsion.
In expressing this want of confidence in the governing faction, I
desire to say that it is fear for annexation, through the mismanagement of the present regime, which induces me to speak on this subject.
I am, and always since my advent here, have been an annexationist,
from both a Hawaiian and American standpoint.  I openly spoke,
wrote, and acted in favor of annexation, when annexation meant
treason, and when Dole, the present President, judicially construed
a discussion of the possible future necessity for the same as an "overt
act."
I hope these additional points may be of some service or interest to
you as bearing on the whole case under review.
And I remain, yours truly,
VOLNEY V. ASHFORD.




INTERVIEWS ARRANGED ALPHABETICALLY.
No. 7.
Interview with H. P. Baldwin, Mau^i, April 26, 1893.
Mr. BLOUNT. Please give me your name and residence.
Answer. H. P. Batldwin. I live really on Maui, where I am interested
in two plantations, and also one in Makaweli.
Q. Suppose you were cut off from the power to make contracts to
bring labor into this country; what would be the effect on your plantations?
A. Some of the planters consider it absolutely essential for us to
have contracts, but I think that in order to bring about annexation
most of them would be ready to yield that point.
Q. How would they get labor?
A. That is one of the most difficult questions to the planters here.
The people have the same prejudice against the Chinese that you have
in the United States. We imported a large number of Portuguese and
a great many have left. I think if we were allowed Japanese and Portugese we might get along. We got Norwegians here. They stood
it fairly well for awhile, but they got ill working in our hot cane fields.
The Portuguese have been very good labor for us.
Q. With the property qualification, such as now obtains, and add
thereto a qualification requiring that the voter shall read and write,
what sort of a local government would you have here? Could you have
a satisfactory government?
A. I do not think we would have a satisfactory government-as 1
said in my letter to you. I am convinced that it would be a very difficult thing to form a local government to stand.
Q. Suppose you were admitted as a State into the Union, what sort
of Government would you expect?
A. I think a State government would be undesirable for us.
Q. Well, what would you think, in the event of annexation, the
form of government should be?
A. My choice would be for a Territorial government. I mean the
governor and secretary of state to be appointed by the Federal Government, the legislature elected by electors with a limited franchise.
Q. Giving the controlling vote to the intelligent clashes?
A. As far as possible.
I have read the foregoing and pronounce it a correct report of my
interview with Mr. Blount.
It. P. BALDWIN.
HONOLULU, H. I., June 13, 1893,
149S




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1493


No. 8.
Interview with 0. R. Bishop, of ffonolulu, April 27, 1893.
Mr. BLOUNT. How long have you lived in these islands?
Mr. BISHOP. Since October 12, 1846.
Q. You have spent your life here since then?
A. Mostly. A year and four months is the longest time I have been
iway. 1 was here twenty years before I went away at all. I was marfied in 1850.
Q. To whom?
A. Bernice Pauahi. She was a high chief's daughter. Her mother
was a descendant of Kamehameha I.
Q. You have large landed interests here?
A. Yes; I owned considerable land at times. I had control of large
land interests.
Q. And your wife had large interests?
A. Yes; you might call it large interests. Quite large interests by
inheritance not very long before she died.
Q. You have had occasion then to give more than ordinary attention
to lands in the kingdom?
A. Yes; I think so. I was intimately associated with Judge Lee,
who was president of the land commission. We came here together.
We roomed together.
Q. You spoke of the land commission; for what purpose was it
created?
A. It was created for the purpose of giving title to all the people
who had claims to land-the chiefs and the people.
Q. On what principle did they act in giving title?
A. The King and chiefs made this division in 1847. It was then
agreed that the people should have the small holdings which they had
occupied and cultivated since 1839. That was conceded by the King
and clhiefs on the advice of the foreigners in the Government and the
friends of the natives outside.
Q. Why do you say it was occupied since 1839 
A. That date was fixed ulpon because it was the year in which the
first draft of the constitution defining the rights of the people was
made at Lahina. That is the reason why they took this date as a
starting point. That was only the draft made there as I understand
it. The land commission was for the purpose of giving titles to the
chiefs and to the people for the lands which belonged to the chiefs,
and which came to the natives under this concession.
Q. What was the principle upon which the lands were divided?
A. The chiefs had been given lands by former kings-by Kamehameha I, especially. They could not sell or lease them without the
consent of the King and premier. There were other lands supposed
to be the King's private lands. When the division was made these
lands which he claimed were his own were set apart and called crown
lands. That was his private estate really, and the others belonged to
the chiefs and the people-the Government, the chiefs and the people.
The people got their's out of the Government land and out of the King's
land and out of the chiefs' land. These Kuleanas-it did not matter
whether in the King's land, the chiefs' land or the Government landthey got them all the same by putting in a claim and having them surveyed. There were days set for them to come to prove claim. The




1494                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
land commissioner took down evidence and made awards according
to evidence.
Q. What do you designate lands which belonged to the King as his
private estate?
A. They were called crown lands.
Q. Well, Government lands wereintended to support the King in his
administration of public affairs?
A. No; he was expected to support himself mostly out of crown land.
The appropriations made forthe King were comparatively small. The
expenses of Government would be paid out of sales of land, rents.
taxes, and duties. The Kings down to 1864 had the right and did sell
more or less of these lands. They were really their private pioperty.
Q. Well, in this division you speak of made by this land commission,
the lands went to what class of persons?
A. They confirmed only the rights of the people to whom mostly the
lands belonged. The crown lands was a large amount; the Government
got a large share, and the largest part of the remainder belonged to the
chiefs.
Q. You make a distinction between Government lands and crown
lands?
A. The crown lands belonged to the sovereign. The Government
lands belonged to the Government for the support of the Government.
Q. Were the Government lands leased out?
A. Yes, they were leased and they were sold. You might say they
are nearly sold out. The Government appointed land agents in nearly
every district of the islands, with authority to sell small pieces of land
to the natives. It was intended to give land to the natives who were
not entitled to lands under the law giving them lands occupied since
1839. It was intended to give them an opportunity to purchase lands.
They cut up a large number of the large lands into small holdings, and
sold them to natives at very low prices. A large part of them were
sold at half a dollar an acre.
Q. Where one had already a holding did they sell to him, too?
A. Yes; I think so. I do not think it was confined strictly to those
who did not own lands.
Q. Now, you spoke of the small holdings of land occupied by the
natives from 1839 onwards being confirmed by this commission. Did
the native occupiers of these Kuleanas generally take steps to have
their lands set apart, or did many of them lose their lands by failure to
comply with the mode of asserting and fixing their titles?
A. Most of them put in their claims, and had the lands surveyed and
got their awards.
Q. You said a moment ago that the government sold land to natives
at low prices on account of the fact that they had not gotten the lands
assigned to them under the distribution authorized in 18397
A. No; not lands assigned to them, because in most cases they had
not shown any right to take lands.
Q. You mean to say that they were not occupiers of land?
A. They had not been occupiers and cultivators-that is, all the
time since 1839, if at all.
Q. Then the natives, under that arrangement, who had not been
occupiers of land were homeless?
A. Let me say this: Before this division and before this concession
to the natives, allowing them to put in claims which would give them
the title to land, they had certain understood rights in the places
where they lived, for which they were to do a certain amount of work




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   1495
for the chief, and so long as they did that they had the right to stay
where they were, and that has always been recognized. It is even
now, Thlere were three days a month of labor. He had no land that
he could dispose of.
Q. Was not that true as to all the common class of natives?
A. Yes, that was the title they all had. There would be a familya number living together.  The head of the family would put in a
claim for the land which he had occupied and cultivated.  Then
he had grown-up sons who would want land, and this sale of land to
natives gave them an opportunity to become land owners-and gave
an opportunity to those who had not been constant occupiers and cultivators of land to buy land for themselves.
Q. Up to that time they had no land?
A. They had no land.
Q. Can you give me some idea of what proportion of the people were
not occupiers of land at the time of this sale of lands-1839 
A. Tlat would be difficult; I don't know that I can.
Q. I do not expect a definite, mathenmatical alnswer.
A. But I can not do it. The natives never would have put in these
claims and followed them up, if they had not been advised alid urged
to it mainly by American missionaries and other friends. They were
pretty well satisfied to live on in that old-fashioned way. They were
slow ill sending in these claims and time was extended more than once
to give them opportunity to make their claims. I should say that a
very large proportion of the heads of families got land either by putting in their claims, or by purcha.sing sm'a11 1holdings.
Q. Please let me invite your attention to this question. You have
alluded to a class of persons who were occupiers of land and those who
were not occupiers of land. %What was the mode of life of the persons
who were not occupiers of land? Wrere they migratoryl
A. More or less so. A good many of them were a sort of servantsAttach6s of some chief, and there were a considerable number of them
sailors. Somei were mechalnics and fishermen. Some were educated
and eimployed as teachers.
Q. What per cent would you say were not located on lands?
A. There were a good many people who lived;about with one another.
The natives were very free with eatch other's calatbashes. A good many
Ilied together-one man having the land and the others living with
him. They were exceedingly liberal with each other. One man had
plenty of food and the other hadn't any. The man who had any shared
with the man who had none. It was as with the Indians-so long as
there was food in camp they all had some. There was a class who
spent a large part of their time in fishing, and I do not think that these
were cultivators of land, not many of them. The people in the early
timles before my time became cultivators and fishermen. Those who
weref fishermen did not do much cultivating.
Q. What was the theory upon which these 1lands were divided between the King, chiefs, and people-in what proportion?
A. I do not know as to proportion.
Q. About what amount of land was there in a kuleana?
A. All the way from half an acre to ten acres. Some of them perhalim more than tenl acres.
Q. What would you say the average wast
A. I should say the average would be between two and three acres.
Q. Was this division in which the nlative got his first title brought




1496                  IAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
about through the influence of the missionaries with the Crown or Government?
A. Largely by the missionaries and by other foreigners in the Government or out of the Government. It was a foreign idea. They were
given in addition half an acre on which to build a house. They could
not build on taro land. They had in addition to the land which they
cultivated the right to go to the mountains for timber for house and
fence building and for the ti leaf and for thatch grass. The ti leaf
is used in cooking and in packing food and carrying it. They also
had the right to fish in the sea belonging to the land of the chief,
within certain limits and to certain kinds of fish.
Q. You mean that they got this under this 1839 settlement?
A. Yes; they had all that defined in the law.
Q. He lived principally upon his taro patch and fish?
A. Yes, principally; but in some districts they had some lands on
which they cultivated sweet potatoes and bananas. Taro, fish, and
sweet potatoes were the principal thing. They raised hogs.
Q. What was their clothing made of?
A. The clothing was formerly made of tapa. At the time I speak of,
1839, they used mostly foreign material-cotton and woolen goods.
Q. Were they generally clothed, or were most of them in a comparatively nude state?
A. In towns they were pretty generally clothed. In the country,
except on Sunday, they were partially clothed. They wore very little
clothing. You would see a well-educated native in the morning with
his malo (a strip of tapa or cloth worn around the loins). After he
had gotten through with his work he would wash himself and put on
something of clothing. If he was a teacher he went to his school completely clothed, but very likely barefooted-most likely barefooted.
The clothing in the country was a good deal a matter of ornament and
show. On Sunday they dressed up and went to church and came
home and threw off their clothing.
Q. Do the natives own much land?
A. There are a good many natives who do.
Q. I do not refer to the descendants of chiefs-I mean the common
people.
A. There are a large number of the common people who own lands.
Q. What per cent of them, would you say?
A. That is very difficult to say. These small holdings that were acquired at the time I speak of were too small to be divided-generally
were not divided. The young men who have come on since that time
do not own land. Many of them have not tried to get any land. These
small holdings have descended to heirs, and in many cases are still in
possession of the heirs of the original holders.
Q. You do not know the percentage of the land owned by the natives?
A. I do not. The tax collector or assessor could give you a pretty
good estimate by taking a little time.
Q. These lands were divided originally so that the Crown got a portion, the chiefs a portion, and the common people a portion.
A. Yes.
Q. These great sugar-planters-from whom do they derive their title?
Who were the original patentees of these lands?
A. Mostly the Government and the chiefs; and those chiefs are
nearly all of them dead. Scarcely one of them from whom these lands
have come is living.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1497


Q. Do you mean that they have died without making a will or leaving heirs?
A. In very few instances have they any heirs remaining. Some of
them made wills and some didn't. The high chiefs who received these
titles and their heirs are mostly dead.
Q. And the lands themselves have gone where?
A. Many of them were sold by those chiefs themselves.
Q. To whom?
A. To different foreigners; to graziers Some natives bought land.
Q. Much?
A. Not so very much.
Q. The bulk of them were sold or given to foreigners?
A. They were not given; they were sold, to a large extent.
Q. I saw some statements in some of your publications that the
chiefs generously gave away large areas to foreigners.
A. I do not remember any such case. Kamehameha I gave land to
Young and Davis and to other chiefs. He gave them lands, but I do
not think Kamehameha III or other Kings or the chiefs ever gave very
much land to foreigners. The chiefs were an extravagant people.
They had very little idea of economy, and lands to them had but little
value;. Large tracts of land had but small value. They were not used
for anything. They were covered, many of them with grass or ferns,
or shrubbery of some sort, and the first use to which these large tracts
of land were put was for grazing. The horses increased rapidly; the
cattle increased, and a good many lands were occupied for grazing.
The chiefs from the first were careless about property. They had
no idea about saving. They got into very extravagant habits during
the sale of sandalwood. There was a large sandalwood trade from
1810 to 1825. Traders came here and tempted them with all sorts of
handsomle goods-sold them vessels and sold them goods. The kings
and chiefs got very much into debt, and then had to pay. The only
thing they could pay with was sandalwood. I believe the trade here
one year amounted to something like $400,000 in sandalwood. They
bought broadcloths and satins and vessels and all manner of thingsand a good deal of liquor. They got into extravagant habits. They
kept on with that kind of habit. They kept getting into debt, and
when they got the titles to the land so that they could dispose of them
many paid their debts by selling land. They would sell large tracts of
land without surveying-sell them by name. The chiefs took titles to
their lands by name.
The land commission awarded them by name. The chiefs themselves, during their lifetime got rid of a great deal of land. Some of
them left, when they died, debts to be paid. I had the settling of my
wife's father's estate. He did not own as much land as many of the
chiefs. He built a house where the Boston's sailors have been staying on King street. He built many houses for his people. He was a
popular chief and very kind to his people, who were attached to him.
He supported a company of soldiers. He had quite a large company
-perhaps fifty to one hundred men. So in building and in fine clothing, horses, furniture, etc., they got into debt. I had to sell off in settling his estate quite a quantity of land-fish ponds, and so forth, to
get the estate clear. The plantation lands have come nearly altogether from the Government and the chiefs, and considerable of the
land is leased.
Q. Who owns what is called the Bishop estate lands 




1498


IHAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


A. It is in the hands of five trustees for the purpose of establishing
and maintaining two schools; one for boys and the other for girls.
Q. How many acres are there in these lands?
A. About 430,000 acres, a good deal of which is of no value.
Q. What is the income derived from themI
A. About $50,000.
Q. They were lands left by your wife?
A. Yes.
Q. You have been out of the country for some timet
A. Yes; six months.
Q. You were not here during the period of the revolution?
A. No.
Q. What is the feeling of the masses of the people towards the Provisional Government and annexation-those two ideas seemo to run
together-or have you been here enough to be able to answer?
A. Do you mean natives or people generally t
Q. You can answer it as to people generally.
A. Well, I should think that a large majority of the natives would
be against annexation if left to them. Of course the Chinese and
Japanese don't think much about it one way or the other. The Portuguese seem to be in favor of it. As near as I can get at it a large proportion of Americans, a considerable number of Germans, and some
English are in favor of it.
Q. If it was left to the people to pass on under your Australianballot system, with the present qualification of a voter for the house
of representatives, that would likely be the result 
A. They would vote against annexation, I think. They would vote
against annexation unless they could see some immediate personal
advantage in some way. I do not think they would consider very
much what the advantage or disadvantage would be to them. It is a
sentiment against any change.
Q. Is there anything of a race feeling in it; that they would rather
the Government be under native princes?
A. Yes, I think so. Their preference would be to be ruled by their
own people even if everything went to the bad. Things might go to
the dogs, they would adhere to that.
Q. Well, your political contests which you have had since 1886 -have they been largely on the lines of a struggle for power between the
native and the white races?
A. That has been growing. For a long time back there has been
something of that disposition on the increase. That feeling has been
growing. It has been used more or less through native newspapers
and in the elections.
Q. Prior to the constitution of 1887 the Crown appointed noblest
A. Yes.
Q. Then it was quite easy, with the native vote outnumbering the
white, for the Crown and native people to control thelegislative body,
was it not?
A. Yes; if they had so determined.
Q. Well, in 1886 was not the legislature in control of the crown and
native people 
A. I do not remember now how they stood. We have always had a
considerable number of foreigners as nobles, and a number always hav(
been elected to the house of representatives. Some years the numbel
of foreigners has been pretty large, and then again not so large. Kala




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1499
kaua was inclined more to appoint natives. I was madea noble in 1860.
I sat in the house when there were two houses for several sessions.
Q. Well, the complaint in the revolution of 1887-one of the complaints-was against his exercise of that power of appointing nobles,
was it not?
A. I do not remember.
Q. The constitution of 1887 took it away?
A. Yes. That is, the power which he got partly through the appoint.
ment of nobles. They felt he was abusing the power which he had.
They complained of him for interfering in the elections and for getting
people who he thought would favor any schemes of his, and also in interfering in the appointment of all the minor officers-like tax assessors,
tax collectors, and district justices-getting everything as much as
possible into his own hands, and of his extravagance. Through such
a legislature he could get appropriations made to suit him.
Q. The revolution of 1887 was to change that?
A. Yes; it was to change that. Now, a man can not be elected who
is holding any office at all. Giving men these minor offices was one
way of paying them.
Q. Has there been discontent with the constitution of 1887 on the
part of the Crown and native population more or less since then?
A. Yes; but I do not think the people generally were discontented
if they had been let alone. The Crown was discontented all the time
from the time of the revolution. It wanted to get power back again.
The shorthand notes of the foregoing have been read to me by Mr.
Mills, and it is a correct report of my interview with Mr. Blount.
CHAS. R. BISHOP.
(Mr. Bishop was on the point of leaving Honolulu for the United
States.)
No. 9.
Interview with Sereno E. Bishop, Honolulu, Tuesday, April 11.
Mr. BLOUNT. Mr. Bishop, will you be kind enough to tell me-be
cause I know you are a thoughtful man-the causes immediate and
remote which led to the recent revolution?
Mr. BISHOP. The immediate cause was a succession of aggressions
upon liberty and good government by the Queen, and the final act of
attempting to overthrow the existing constitution by violence.
Q. Will you be kind enough to refer to these acts specifically?
A. The first definite act was the refusal of the Queen to appoint a
cabinet in accordance with the choice of the legislature.
Q. What day was that?
A. I can not give you the precise date. There was a series of these
proceedings from, I think, August to November, during which time
the legislature rejected, successively, three Cabinets which she had appointed by vote of want of confidence, she persisting in sending in
again and again men that the legislature considered unfit for the office.
Q. You mean by that that the individual members of a cabinet were
repeatedly rechosen and rejected?
A. In some cases the same individuals were rechosen, but generally
not more than one at a time. Other men equally objectionable were
substituted in their places. They were men in whom the business




1500                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
community had no confidence. The next act of distinct importance
was the manifest collusion of the Queen with the lottery ring. It
finally appeared that the passage of the lottery bill was a definite part
of her policy by which to render herself independent of the business
people by means of a subsidy of $500,000, which that lottery paid to
the government.
Q. How would that render her independent?
A. It would furnish a means of revenue of such an amount that she
hoped to be able to dispense with the support of the banks.
Q. Get along without taxation of other property 
A. No; not get along without taxation, but to get along without the
support of the business men, which was necessary to supply money in
case of stringency, which has often arisen here.
Q. Well, please proceed on that line.
A. The matter culminated during the absence of the American Minister and the ship-of-war Boston by the passage of the lottery bill,
driven through the House in the absence of several of the best members, and especially by the removal of the excellent Cabinet, in which
all had great confidence, and which had restored financial confidence
in the government and business prosperity. They were removed by a
vote of confidence, the vote of the same men who passed the lottery
bill. The Queen proceeded immediately to appoint another cabinet
composed of the worst elements of previous cabinets which had been
successively rejected by the House.
Q. Can I interrupt you here? Who were the members of that ob.
jectionable cabinet~
A. They were four men-Parker, Colburn, Cornwell, and Peterson;
every one of which men, I am compelled to say this
Q. I want to know the truth.
A. Not one of these men possessed any confidence of the public.
They were men of notorious character in some respects, especially as to
their business reliability. Not one of them could by any means at his
command have raised $10,000 for his own use, owing to his personal
deterioration of character and failure in business. That was the general character of them.
Q. Were they truthful men in their ordinary relations?
A. I should speak differently about different ones. I should say that
Mr. Parker might be regarded, for anything I know, as an honorable
man in his ordinary relations, but a prodigal man. Mr. Colburn, the
minister of the interior, was notably a falsifier in business matters, so
that he would not be trusted in any business matter.
Q. What do you mean by falsifier?
A. He would give false weights and measures.
Q. What was his business?
A. He was a feed dealer. The next man was Cornwell, minister of
finance; I should say that he was a wreck financially and morally in
every way. As to his character for truthfulness, I do not know.
Q. What do you mean by a wreck morally?
A. I mean that he was so far degraded in his personal character as
to licentiousness and gambling that he had lost the ordinary shame
which men possess. 1 am sorry to speak in that way, but you wish to
be answered truthfully.
Q. I do. I want to see the situation. I don't care what it is. I
want to see it.
A. He was in possession of large property which he has wasted.
He has to my knowledge-not to my personal observation, but to my




HAWA~AIIAN ISLANDS.S


1501


knowledge-displayed himself in public matters in a very gross way
personally-particularly in connection with Hula dances.
Q. You mean going to see Hula dances!
A. No; but in cheering and publicly commending the vilest por.
tions of it before the people present. Licentiousness is a common
practice in a country where most of the women are weak, but he carried it to an excess of grossness. He has run through his property,
so that he has hardly anything left.
Q. And the next manll?
A. The fourth man, Peterson, is of very old family-a native of the
island, I believe. IHe was one of our promising lads, but when he
came back here from the United States he fell into association with the
lottery and opium rings, and he lost character and lost ground.
Q. On that account 
A. On that account mainly. I do not know of any individual transactions of his. I never heard of any that indicated dishonesty, but he
was associated with them in their proceedings and he was supposed
to have dealings with them in opium smuggling. I do not know what
the fiacts are about that. He was intimately associated with them, especially with Paul Neumann, who was the reputed chief of that company
and has been for a long time. Paul Neumann was for many years
the chief adviser of the King. He was a back stair adviser-a private
counsellor of King Kalakaua in all his arbitrary proceedings toward
the establishment of arbitrary power. It is unpleasant for me to speak
evil of men. I said before, the culminating act was one which took the
public by surprise. It was the drawing up of the household troops in
line in front of the palace, which I personally witnessed, and the attempt to promulgate an entirely new constitution by arbitrary means.
Q. What do you mean by attempt to promulgate a constitution by
unlawful means?
A. I mean that she presented such a constitution to her ministers
and they demurred. She used violent language toward them. They
fled, and after several hours of contest with them she finally yielded so
far as to give an announcement to the natives that she would not promulgate it-to her intense regret. She added it was her intention to
promulgate that constitution in a short time. She gave the people
hopes that she would do it. That act of the Queen put her in a position which practically wrecked her Government; that is, no further confidence or reliance could in any way be placed inher or her administration from that time on. It was felt by the whole intelligent community
to have gone to pieces. There was an absolute necessity for substituting some other government in its place. I became informed of an element in the Queen's proceedings which awakened an apprehension in
my mind of some fanatical excitement. I heard that she was under
the influence of Kahunas; that she had been for two weeks in consultation with Kahunas before her endeavor to submit the constitution,
and that on that very day she was conducting sacrificial worship.
Q. How did you get that?
A. I do not remember how the information came to menow. There was
a good deal of excitement about the idolatrous doings in the palace.
I was going on to say that my alarm was excited, that I handed in a
note to Mr. Stevens on Sunday expressing my sense of the probable
need of protection from the American forces for fear of some kind of a
fanatical uprising among the natives. I never heard from Mr. Stevens
on the subject. I do not know what he thought of it or what influence
it ha4 upon him. I was only speaking of my own apprehensions. I




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


would say that it had been the custom on previous occasions to have
the American forces landed for protection and public safety. On two
previous instances, in 1887 and 1889, American forces were landed by
the American Minister.
There was a determined resistance of every effort to remove the
marshal (who has the reputation of being her present favorite),Marshal
Wilson, and this opposition was led more by John E. Bush than any
other person in the legislature. A majority of the legislature was insisting upon it. It was one of their grounds for voting out ministersbecause she would not agree to remove Wilson.
Q. What was their objection to Wilson?
A. It was not so much that he was her personal favorite, but that
be was obnoxious to them, especially to Wilcox. He had been active in
the arrest of Wilcox for conspiracy. I do not know whether the
grounds of opposition were sound or not. I know Mr. Thurston was
not very ardent in the matter of having him removed. It was John
E. Bush and Wilcox. John E. Bush was in the habit of calling her
all kinds of foul names.
Q. What is your opinion of the credibility of Bush?
A. He has no character for veracity or morality of any kind. It is
as bad as it can be. I have known his record for a long period. He
has about as bad a record as anybody in these islands in every respect.
I will say about Bush that his earlier progress in public life was owing
to the fact that his wife was at the King's service entirely. That was
the secret of his success. It was a notorious fact.
Q. What country was she from?
A. She was a native.
Q. Dead?
A. Yes. When she died his influence with the King somewhat declined. In reference to this matter of the marshal it should be added
that the Queen declared publicly to a committee sent to ask her to keep
Wilson in office that he should be kept in office. It was an unconstitutional declaration. I give this as one of her unconstitutional acts.
Q. The Provisional Government was established on the 17th?
A. The 17th.
Q. Three days, then, afterwards it was the avowed purpose to seek
annexation with the United States?
A. Yes; that, is a matter of record.
Q. Out of what did that declaration in favor of annexation come?
Did it come out of the moment, or had there been a progress of opinion
for years on the line of connecting this country with the Government
of the United States?
A. There had been a progress of opinion growing for a good many
years in favor of annexation to the United States, and looking to it as
a certain event of the future. I would say that the royalist paper
" Bulletin" distinctly avowed that as a certainty in a year-either last
year or the year before.
Q. Now, was there a feeling in the mind of the people in that meeting reaching back through a period of months, looking forward to some
opportunity of connection with the Government of the United States?
A. There was nothing said about annexation in that meeting.
Q. I do not know that I gave you my idea.
A. As to what feeling existed among individuals or among leaders in
that meeting-I suppose that is what you wish to know-it would be
a matter of opinion with me. I should say that at that meeting there
was na definite thought about annexation among the people; that that




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                1503
was an afterthought which grew up perhaps during the next day —
thalt is, of actually proposing annexation as an immediate thing. I
know that it was not in my own mind. I was not thinking about that.
I was thinking about what kind of a government would be put up. It
was quite evident there was going to be a change. Annexation might
or might not come. People had to act and think rapidly. We had had
some training in the revolution of 1887. That had been an education
to our leading men.
Q. What do you mean by education? In what particular?
A. An education in planning for a form of government. An education in promlpt action of the right kind.
Q. What do you mean by prompt action of the right kind?
A. I mean such action as was actually taken. Experience had taught
the people that no confidence was to be placed in any royal promise;
that there was only one thing to be done-to make clean work and
sweep the monarchy away. The people here had a very distinct education in what may be termed the strategy of a revolution.
Q. Do you mean that the white element here had learned what they
could accomplish by courage and organization?
A. Yes; exactly. I would add to that also that the native population got an education in the impossibility of resistance to a determined
action on the part of the whites.
Q. Now, Mr. Bishop, was this change of Government brought about
by any action from the other islands-or was it done entirely on this
island?
A. Entirely. There was no time to communicate with the other
islands. The white population of the other islands were as thoroughly
in sympathy as the white population of Honolulu.
Q. Did they have any knowledge of it?
A. None.
Q. Did the native population on the other islands know anything of
the movement?
A. I think they knew of the movement to proclaim a new constitution.
Q. That is not what I meanA. Well, they could not. The whole thing was done so rapidly.
There was no vessel going up to the other islands during those days.
I think no vessel went up during that period.
Q. In the education you say the whites received here and the natives
received in connection with revolutions, was there in the minds of the
whites to enable them to succeed, and in the minds of the natives to
induce them to submit, any calculation as to the aid of the forces of
any foreign government?
A. I should say there was none whatever. I was myself fairly intimate with the public sentiment in that matter, and I am certain that
there was no calculation of any such aid. There was a calculation on
the maintenance of the usual practice of landing troops to maintain
order against mob violence, and to protect the property of citizens.
There was an expectation of that.
Q. How was that force to be applied? The Queen's Government was
in existence up to the time of your recognition?
A. It may be said to have had no manner of existence. It had no real
existence. It was wrecked by the panic produced by the unconstitutional acts of the Queen. All persons had ceased to look to it; at
least, all owners of property and intelligent people.
Q. Then you did not expect the use of troops to enforce or sustain
any action on the part of the Queen?




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


A. We did not expect they would. We did not regard the Queen's
Government as a source of order. The attitude of the Queen herself,
as shown on the morning of that Monday, the 16th, in this terrified
proclamation, showed that they themselves were in a state of panic.
Q. The people then did not expect that in the use of foreign troops
that the Queen's Government would derive any support from that
quarter.
A. No; they did not. Mr. Stevens' sympathies were well known by
various manifestations. They were known to be in favor of the progress of constitutional government. He had so declared himself on
public occasions like the 4th of July.
Q. What do you mean by that. Please be more specific.
A. I mean that on at least two public occasions-one of which was
the 4th of July-Mr. Stevens had made addresses in which he spoke of
the necessity of the Hawaiian monarchy conforming itself to constitutional progress.
Q. How did that apply to any condition of things here?
A. It applied because Kalakaua's Government and the Queen's Government were manifestly seeking to establish absolutism.
Q. And the condition of things here induced the interpretation of
these two speeches to mean that —
A. He was heartily in sympathy with the movement of constitutional
government. He was going to show himself as a good American. It
was kindness in him to exercise his influence as the American representative.
Q. You did not think the forces were going to be used when they
came on shore in the interest of protecting the property and persons
of American citizens in connection with the Queen's government, or in
support of it.
A. I was well satisfied they would not be used to support that government.
Q. Did you think that the new government was likely to be recognized and that in the protection of person and property the troops
would likely act on a line in harmony with the new government?
A. I did not suppose-I had some indications that led me to believe
that the troops would not be used in any way to assist in establishing
the Provisional Government. They would be left entirely to their
prowess or strength to accomplish the end.
Q. Were the troops landed before that government was recognized?
A. They were landed before the govern ment was formed. They were
landed on the evening of the 16th. The government was not formed
until the morning of the 17th.
Q. Now, suppose disorders had broken out, in that condition of
things-in executing the power-the purpose of protecting persons and
property here-what was expected as to the tendency of the action of
these troops-that it would be with the white population or with the
native element-with the new political movement or with the Queen's
Government?
A. Well, it was expected that they would repress any mob violence
whatever-that they would assist in preventing any incendiarism in
town, or attacks upon private property.
Q. Suppose there had been a conflict on the streets-a battle on the
streets-what side do you suppose the United States would have taken t
A. My belief was at that time that the United States would have
remained entirely neutral, I have no doubt of that. I had no doubt
then,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1505


Q. Did you look for any trouble at the time these troops were put on
shore?
A. We were apprehensive at that time of secret disturbance-attempts to create insurrection and disturbances. We were apprehensive
about incendiarism.
Q. Insurrection against what?
A. Attempt on the part of the natives to injure the whites.
Q. You mean race conflict rather than insurrection?
A. Well, I do not mean any organized insurrection-we were afraid
of local disturbances in town. We were in a state of uncertainty and
apprehension. We felt we needed protection. We had not organized
Government forces.
Q. You wanted these forces here to preserve order until you had
organized?
A. And after that if they chose. We were accustomed to have such
forces landed-Mr. Merrill had had such forces.
Q. I am not questioning the propriety of it, but I am trying to find
out the public mind in this situation.
A. I understand. Now I am expressing what my own view is as an
intelligent person, knowing what the customs and proprieties of things
would be internationally. I am only giving you my opinion.
Q. I am only asking your opinion. I am inquiring from you because
you have the reputation of being an intelligent man, a man of character. These troops were landed at the instance of whom?
A. I understand that they were landed at the request of the committee of public safety-organized before the Provisional Government
was organized. It was felt that the community was in great danger,
and it was necessary to take immediate steps.
Q. The protectorate was established to continue during the progress
of negotiations, was it not?
A. So far as it was a protectorate. I do not know how far it was
entitled to be called a protectorate. I think the proclamation of Mr.
Stevens settles that matter. I do not know anything outside of that.
I think it was pending orders from the United States Government.
Q. Was there a fear here that were the troops aboard, the government would not be able to protect property-the Provisional Government?
A. The troops had been on shore all the time to assist in maintaining order. They took no active part then and were always confined to
their barracks.
Q. Do you think that during all that period and up to the establishment of the protectorate that these troops were necessary on shore in
order that order might be preserved?
A. Well, it is hard to say. I cannot judge. I will say this: I know
from my personal knowledge of volunteers of the force that they considered themselves very hard worked in controlling the town, and while
they encountered hardly any signs or disposition to make disturbance
they had a sense of insecurity. They were called off from their business
to a degree that was a great trial to them, and the putting up of the
American flag enabled martial law to be dispensed with and gave a
feeling of general confidence and security which was agreeable to us all.
Q. Martial law and the United States troops you felt necessary to
give adequate protection and restore confidence here. Is that true or
not?
A. I should not say that the presence of the United States troops
S. Rep. 227 —95




1506                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
was a necessity. It was very desirable. I think that the Provisional
Government could have maintained our security without them.
Q. Mr. Bishop, there has been a controversy (if I am not correct you
can correct me) for a good many years on the part of the people of the
white race here and the native race in the matter of governing the
country. Is that true or not?
A. It is true.
Q. Have the political alignments here been as a general rule racialwhite race against other races?
A. Not until recently.
Q. How recently?
A. My first recollections of any indications of such an alignment I
should say were early in the reign of Kalakaua, about eighteen or twenty
years ago.
Q. And did it take shape in the form of questions of taxation, or
what form did it take 
A. In the shape of appointments to public office. They claimed that
natives should hold a larger proportion of public office than they had
been accustomed to.
Q. And the other side did not like it?
A. The other side did not feel that the natives were fit for office.
They were notoriously incompetent. The first indication I remember
of such a feeling was one day seeing Samuel Parker-then a young
man —landing at Lahaina from a vessel from Honolulu and proclaiming
loudly that Kalakaua was going to do the right thing bythe Hawaiians
-give them a proper share in the Government.
Q. What had been the share before this announcement of Parker?
A. It had been customary to have one or two natives or half whites
in the King's cabinet of four.
Q. How about the court?
A. The supreme court?
Q. Yes.
A. It has always been customary to have three white judges.
Q. Because they were learned in the law?
A. Yes; the natives were incapable of being learned in law.
Q. That had for some time been accepted as proper?
A. It has ever since it has been the rule. It has never been changed.
Q. How are your judges selected?
A. Appointed by the Sovereign with the advice of the cabinet
There has been a very satisfactory administration of law and justice.
Q. How about your foreign ministers-any rule obtained?
A. They were always white men.
Q. And appointed by the Crown?
A. Yes.
Q. On confirmation by anybody else?
A. The cabinet, I think.
Q. Not confirmed by the legislative body?
A. No; a large part of the offices sought to be occupied by native:
were subordinate civil offices.
Q. Was that what Parker had in mind, or did he want to enlarge it
A. He wanted to enlarge it, to have more natives in the cabinet.
Q. In the constitution of 1887 did the qualifications of electors leav,
the whites in the majority in the election of nobles, or the natives?
A. The whites in the majority; that is, a majority of nobles.
Q. The constitution allowed citizens of other countries who were liN




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1507
ing here at that time to vote, not thereby forfeiting their citizenship in
other councries. Was that intended to strengthen the white vote?
A. It was intended to strengthen the white vote by enabling them
to vote, as they were not willing to renounce their citizenship.
Q. With a view of giving the white element strength in political
controversies?
A. Yes; to give them adequate representation in the legislature, so
that they should not be entirely overridden by the native representatives.
Q. This constitution was extorted from Kalakaua by a mass meeting?
A. Yes; by force of public sentiment manifested through a mass
meeting. That demonstration of the determination and unity of the
white citizens so terrified him that he was ready to do what he was
wanted to do.
Q. Now, is it to he inferred from transactions like that that the intelligent people here are of the opinion that the native population as a
mass are qualified for government, capable of carrying on a government?
A. I should say quite the contrary.
Q. Referring to the mass meeting which extorted the constitution
from Kalakaua and to the recent mass meeting which brought about
the change here-are we to believe from these that the intelligent
classes in this community-the whites-do not believe that the mass of
the native population are capable of self-government?
A. Not without assistance.
Q. What is your view about that? I do not know these people at
all. I am trying to get at the inside facts of the case.
A. My view is that, while the native people here are lacking in adequate intelligence and force of purpose to conduct self-government
long, they are so well disposed that with a sufficient power of white
guidance-white coiperation-and the removal of racial contention,
which has been sedulously cultivated by the late dynasty, they will usefully cooperate in republican government. They possess sufficient intelligence and good disposition so to do.
Q. On that point of being led by the white element, and easily in the
absence of attempts to excite racial feelings, could you trust to universal suffrage?
A. Without limitations we could not.
Q. What limitations could you trust to in the matter of suffrage?
A. I think the limitations would have to be quite high, as to education and property qualifications.
Q. What would you put them at?
A. As to education, I should require a good knowledge of the English language-sufficient to enable the voter to read and understand
the Constitution of the United States.
Q. In regard to property qualifications?
A. I think it should be made so high as to exclude unskilled laborers.
Q. You have about 9,000 voters among the native population-how
many would that exclude?
A. The educational qualification worla exclude two-thirds-the
number qualified would rapidly increase.
Q. What property qualification?
A. The same property qualification as now required of voters for
nobles-$600 income. That would exclude unskilled laborers.
Q. How many skilled laborers do you think would vote?
A. I do not know. There has been very great carelessness in admit



1508                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
ting such voters. I think the number of such voters having that property qualification would be about one-fifth.
Q. That is your opinion?
A. Yes; my private opinion.
Q. What wuld you think would be the opinion of the intelligent
people here on this question?
A. I think they would generally agree with it, except as they are
governed by a strong American prejudice of universal suffrage.
Q. A majority of the whites, would they adopt your opinion or the
manhood suffrage idea?
A. I think the great majority of the whites would adopt my idea as
a matter of necessity, although contrary to their theoretical principles.
They would sacrifice their theory for obvious necessity.
Q. Mr. Bishop, what would be the effect on values here if you were
to go into the United States-property values?
A. I think there would be an appreciation of most property values
within two years of at least 50 per cent.
Q. Why do you think that?
A. On account of the immediate restoration of financial confidence.
It would put into operation at once a great variety of new enterprises,
such as the proposed railroad around Oahu, which is now waiting for
the result of the present negotiations,
Q. Anything else?
A. Yes; there are other causes. The rapid immigration here of energetic whites from America, from the United States, which would follow
annexation.
Q. What would bring them?
A. The sense that they were going to be in the United States, that
they were coming to their own country-the protection of the American flag.
Q. They have that already there. I mean what would bring them
here?
A. Attractions of land. Opening to enterprise. They are deterred
from doing so now by the political uncertainty of the country.
Q. Any other causes?
A. I think those are the main causes.
Q. The sugar bounty-has it had any influence at all in the matter?
A. In promoting annexation?
Q. Yes.
A. Ever since the bounty has been put on it has increased, I think,
the desire for annexation, but at the same time there was an apprehension that the bounty would soon be removed, so that it was not a very
powerful influence.
Q. What would be the effect on your labor here?
A. Very unfavorable to sugar-planters. It is apprehended it would
be. I think it would be. I think the planters would suffer a good deal
in reference to their contract labor.
Q. Suppose they had no contract labor, could not they bring Japanese here and Portuguese in sufficient quantities to supply plantations?
A. Their passage would have to be paid by the planters.
Q. You think they would not do that unless there was a contract?
A. No; they could not get their money back unless they were bound.
Q. That would seem so to me. I saw a statement from Mr. Paul
Neumann, in which he took a different view, but did not give his reasons for it.
A. Paul Neumann would say anything that would suit the occasion.




IIAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1509


Q. You think the contract labor system would be done away with
if there was annexation 
A. It is so understood.
Q. When these contracts are out do the laborers leave the country?
A. Not necessarily.
Q. Some of them-the Chinese-would have to go back, would not
they, under your last legislation?
A. I am not very familiar with the last legislation. My attention
has been taken up with other political aspects.
Q. Do you think the Chinese would remain here?
A. They have remained here in very large numbers. There has been
a very large decline in Chinese population.
Q. Would you expect the United States Government to permit the
Chinese population to remain here in the event of annexation 
A. Just as theypermit the Chinese population to remain in the United
States. I suppose on the same terms.
Q. The Japanese population-would you expect them to remain
mostly when their term of service was out?
A. I believe the Japanese are under some obligation to their own
Government in the matter, which may constrain them.
Q. Do you think if that is not true that they would like to remainmost of them?
A. I think they would.
Q. Well, the Portuguese element-is that permanent here?
A. I think it is-unless they are compelled to leave here for want of
employment.
Q. Now, taking your native population-the Portuguese population
and the Japanese population that remain here-it would be overwhelming in point of numbers against the white element?
A. The Portuguese we count as whites. They are whites. They are
whites in intelligence when they receive education.
Q. I do not care whether you call them whites or not.
A. I am disposed to insist that they are whites. They have the
European Christian ethics. They belong to Christian civilization by
inheritance.
Q. With the Japanese population living here, and the Portuguese
population here, and the white population here, what would you do
with the question of suffrage"? Would you be inclined to the lines you
have already indicated in that condition of things?
A. Well, it would establish English as an absolute condition of suffrage.
Q. And the property qualification?
A. Yes; but the English would exclude the ignorant Portuguese,
and exclude the Japanese and Chinese almost entirely.
Q. You mean the qualifications for reading English would 'exclude
most of the Portuguese and most of the Japanese?
A. Yes; it would exclude Portuguese who were not educated. I was
going to say that it is my opinion that there should be an exception
made from the educational qualification in reference to all persons who
had voted hitherto for a considerable number of years-say fifteen. It
would be an injustice to a large class of intelligent and excellent natives,
not to let them exercise suffrage.
Q. You desired to express some views a while ago on some subject?
A. On the question of the expectation of intelligent people here in
respect to the action of the troops of the Boston. On the Sunday following the establishment of the Provisional Government Mr. P. C.




HAWAIIAN TILANDS.


Jones, the minister of finance, and myself held a conversation on the
steps of the Stone church, where we were about to conduct Bible
classes. Mr. Jones expressed himself confidentially to me about his
feelings on the occasion of assuming office. He stated to me that he
thought he had never had such a sense in his life of personal peril he
felt at the time when he and the other members of the Provisional
Government left Fort street to proceed to the Government house for
the purpose of seizing the Government. From that I am convinced that
the members of the Provisional Government expected no assistance
whatever from the United States forces.
Q. What day was this?
A. It was the Sunday following the day they took the Governmentwas Tuesday, the 17th. It was the 22d of January.
Q. The American flag was then up?
A. No; the American flag was not put up for two weeks afterwards.
Q. Were the troops on shore all the while.
A. Yes; they were on shore all the time. They were out of sight
mostly on the premises which they occupied. My son-in-law, Jonathan
Shaw, was active as a volunteer from the moment of the assumption of
power by the Provisional Government. He has always spoken to me
of experiencing a great sense of danger at the time that he took up arms
to assist the Provisional Government in occupying the government
house. He had no expectation of support at that time from the United
States troops. He is a bookkeeper and general business man of intelligence. I would urge the point that the proclamation made by the
Queen and her cabinet on Monday morning, the 16th, demonstrated a
condition of panic on the part of the Queen's Government. It was a
most humiliating proclamation for her to make. It proves that the Government had practically gone to pieces-and this supports the theory
that the reason why not the slightest opposition was offered by the
large force assembled and armed on the Queen's side to the Provisional
Government. It was due entirely to a state of panic on the part of the
natives.
Q. The natives here in the city of Honolulu?
A. The organized native forces. They could not possibly have been
brought up to face the whites. This feeling was enhanced by actual
experience they had had of being shot down by the whites in the insurrection of 1889, in which no white man was wounded. Twelve natives
were shot down.
Q. Was that the Wilcox insurrection 
A. Yes.
Q. Now let me ask you there, was that an insurrection against Kalakaua?
A. It is hard to say what the inside intention of the revolution was,
but my opinion is that Kalakaua was privy to it. It was purely an
attempt to restore the old constitution in the interests of absolutism.
Q. Where was he at the time; was he at the palace?
A. No; he was not at the palace; he was at his house on the beach.
and at an early hour he went on board the American ship-of-war, which
was in port.
Q. For what purpose?
A. For safety.
Q. From whom 
A. I do not know. His royal guard in the palace was instructed to
keep WVilcox and his men out of the palace so as to save the palace from
injury. Wilcox made no attempt to gain possession of the palace,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1511
although he went to the barracks, in the rear of the palace, and obtained all tile rifles and cannon he could use. They were freely given
to him by the King's forces in the barracks.
Q. Now, did the whites suppress the insurrection 1
A. Yes; it was done entirely by the whites. It was done by authority
of the Thurston cabinet. The King's own cabinet suppressed the insurrection as being an insurrection against the King. They understood it
very well that the King was conniving at it. It was also stated that
Liliuokalani aimed to destroy the King and put herself on the throne.
Q. How much was that believed here among the white people t
A. I think the general concensus of opinion was in favor of the former
theory that the King was privy to the whole thing.
Q. Now, you say that the shooting down of the natives on the part of
the whites in the Wilcox insurrection was probably the cause of the
panic in the royal troops in the late movement?
A. I think it contributed to it. No native would face a combination
of white volunteers. The men who shot down the natives were volunteers-not organized, but riflemen gathered for the moment.
Q. Mr. Bishop, I notice in correspondence between the minister here
and the State Department a, letter in which he speaks of arms being
landed here from San Francisco for the whites in connection with the
movement of 1887 
A. Yes; there was. That was an organized movement.
Q. What became of those arms? I do not want you to answer it
unless you feel perfectly free about it. Were they retained by private
citizens?
A. My impression is that they were retained by private citizens. I
think they were owned by private citizens.
Q. Is it true or not that the white people here with a view to their
own security keep themselves supplied with arms in their houses? I
mean as a general rule?
A. I think it is quite extensive, but I do not think it is universal.
Q. That would indicate a feeling on the part of the whites that it
was necessary for them to be in a condition always to protect themselves by force, although they might never have it to do?
A. That is the feeling undoubtedly.
Q. I was led to ask you that question by a man named Lillie. He
spoke of keeping arms in his house..
A. I would say that apprehension is felt solely in regard to the
adherents of royalty. There is no fear from other sources.
I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate
report of my interview with Mr. Blount.
SERENO E. BISHOP.
HONOLULU, May 1, 1893.
No. 10.
Interview with William Blaisdell of Kealia and Kapaa Kauai, Wednesday, April 19, 1893.
Mr. BLOUNT. Mr. Blaisdell, please tell me your occupation 
Mr. BLAISDELL. I am a plantation manager.
Q. What plantation?
A. The McKee Sugar Company.
Q. What is the amount of capital involved?




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. W


A. About $1,000,000.
Q. How many hands employed?
A. An average of 700.
Q. Where are they from-what race?
A. Principally Japanese, Chinese,,Portuguese, Hawaiians, and a fed
South Sea Islanders.
Q. How many Japanese?
A. About 400.
Q. About how many Chinese?
A. About 100.
Q. About how many Portugese?
A. Something like 120.
Q. How many natives?
A. Not more than about 75 or 80 at present.
Q. You are here representing an annexation organization?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. As a delegate?
A. Yes.
Q. Who were the gentlemen who came up with you representing the
annexation organization on the island?
A. H. P. Baldwin, George N. Wilcox, George Mundon, and J. Konoho.
Q. What is the occupation of Mr. Baldwin?
A. He is a sugar planter.
Q. Do you know anything of the capital he represents?
A. He represents from that island a capital stock of something like
$2,000,000.
Q. Does he represent any interest on any other island?
A. Yes; he is the principal owner of several plantations on Maui.
Q. Is he from the State of Maine?
A. I do not know. His father was one of the original missionaries.
Q. Well, Mr. Wilcox, is he interested in sugar?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. What is his business?
A. He is a planter,
Q. How much capital does he represent?
A. Well, in the sugar business he is estimated at being worth something like $1,000,000, and his plantation business I should think is
something like half a million.
Q. Do you mean in addition to his sugar interest?
A. No, sir; his sugar interest would amount to about half a million
dollars. He has other interests besides. He is a principal shareholder
in the Inter-Island Steam Navigation Company. In fact, he has interests all over the islands. He has a great deal of sugar stock outside
of his own plantation.
Q. You are speaking of Mr. Wilcox?
A. Yes.
Q. He is the principal owner of the steamship line also?
A. I don't know that he is the principal owner. I know he owns
considerable stock.
Q. Is he the Wilcox known in connection with the phrase, "Wilcox
Cabinet?"
A. Yes. His father was one of the early missionaries.
Q. What is the business of those two natives who came with you?
A. George Mundon does a little business in the way of hauling wood,
cutting wood, and supplying wood to the plantations.
Q. What plantations?




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1513


A. Ours principally.
Q. Is he in your employ?
A. Not directly-well, I suppose he is.
Q. The other native. His business?
A. He is a minister of the Gospel.
Q. You all came in together yesterday evening. Did you represent
the same organization?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Do you represent the same locality?
A. No, sir; we represent about the whole of the island.
Q. Will you tell me the causes which led to the dethronement of the
Queen 
A. Well, poor government.
Q. Could you not be more specific? Poor government is a veri loose
phrase, and won't carry much information with it.
A. Of course it was something that has been coming for some time,
but what decided the question was the Queen's wishing to put a new
constitution on the people-force a new constitution on the people.
Q. What do you mean by the phrase, "has been coming for some
time? "
A. Things had been drifting into disorder and corruptness in government matters.
Q. What sort of disorder?
A. Mismanagement.
Q. Well, was life and property safe?
A. No, sir; well, I won't say that altogether, but things were drifting
that way. We felt that property at least was not safe.
Q. Was there a looking forward to a change of government on account of the discontent with the political condition in the islands?
A. Well, I do not think so. Of course we are not as well posted on
the other islands, away from the capital here.
Q. You were not here during the scenes immediately preceding and
during the dethronement of the Queen?
A. No, sir.
Q. Then, on that question you can not answer?
A. No, sir.
Q. You have already said you are representing annexionists?
A. Yes.
Q. What is your opinion as to the feeling in favor of the existing
Government with a view towards annexation?
A. When the Queen was first overthrown there were very few in
favor of annexation, very few of the planters especially. I was one
that did not see that we could be improved, especially in view of the
contract-labor system which is our mainstay.
Q. You mean mainstay for sugar interests or for the islands?
A. Well for the islands, because it is the main industry of the islands;
but as things developed, and after looking over the matter carefully
and talking over the matter with other interested parties-that is,
planters principally-we came to the conclusion that we would rather
take our chances on the labor question than to take the chances of an
independent government. We were in hopes that if annexation was
secured that the United States would take our labor question into consideration and allow us some privileges in that way.
Q. In what way?
A. In bringing in Asiatic labor or not interfering with our present
system of labor. We feel, of course, that good government is the




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


foundation of prosperity, and that without good government we have
no use for labor. I think if we could have been assured of a good independent government we should have preferred it.
Q. What sort of an independent government?
A. A thoroughly reliable home government.
Q. Without annexation?
A. Yes, sir; because the benefits we might get are very obscure. We
didn't feel that we could depend on that at all.
Q. What would be a reliable government here do you think?
A. I do not think it is possible to have good government and free
suffrage.
Q. Just there I would be glad if you would give me your views with
precision.
A. KBowing the native race as well as I do-have worked them for
years, was raised among them and had them in responsible positionsI know their character and know they can not be relied upon. They
are not educated to it.
Q. They are not educated to what?
A. To manage themselves-to govern themselves.
Q. You mean for participation in governmental affairs?
A. Yes; a native can never conduct any business for himself. In no
instance that I know of has a native attempted to go into business for
himself and made a success of it-that is, any business of any extent.
He has always been associated with some foreigner and the foreigner
at the head always. It is very hard for them to understand business.
They have not got the knack of acquiring, and what they do acquire
they can not hold on to. They are very weak in this matter.
Q. Well, now, when it comes to voting, how are they?
A. Very easily led, one way or the other. Up to within the last
three or four sessions of the legislature they were very indifferent about
it, but since then there has been a little race prejudice.
Q. For ten or twelve years?
A. I won't go back as far as that. I will say six years. Of course
it was anything to beat the Howle (the white man). Very often now in
elections, especially outside of Honolulu, you ask them how they expect to vote, they say, "Oh, it makes no difference to us. As long as
the plantations are running of course we can always expect employment, and we look to the plantations for support."
Q. How long is it since the Australian ballot law was enacted?
A. Only the last election.
Q. In your legislature you have nobles and representatives. Now I
want to speak as to representatives. Were a majority of the representatives elected to the last legislature in sympathy with the reform
party or against them?
A. Against them.
Q. What was the effect of the Australian ballot system on the native?
Was he more or less easily influenced under this system as compared
with the former?
A. I think that if the candidate was a Hawaiian; that is, if there
were two candidates, a white man and a Hawaiian, he would, of course,
vote for the Hawaiian.
Q. Under the secret ballot system?
A. Yes, sir; that is, speaking of the majority.
Q. Suppose the question was left to the native population to determine by ballot under the Australian system whether they desired to
return to royalty or annexation, what do you think that vote would show I




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1515


A. I think it would show a return to royalty-that is at the present
time. In talking with natives I found a great many were in favor of
annexation, but they are afraid that they would lose their civil rights,
that is, they think they would have to forfeit that.
Q. Let me ask you if this is the situation. That when they are
approached by their employers, desiring to be in accord with them, they
declare themselves willing for annexation subject to an expression of
fear that they will lose the right of suffrage?
A. I do not quite get your question.
(Question repeated.)
A. Yes, sir.
Q. In other words you think you can influence a considerable native
vote by reason of the relations existing between you, but for the fear
that they would lose the right of suffrage under annexation?
A. I can hardly answer that. Of course there is their regard for
their Queen on the one hand. They feel that anr exation is inevitablea good many of them-and they would express themselves as in favor
of annexation provided they were allowed their free suffrage. But I
think under any circumstances if it was put to a vote and no financial
interests involved, if they were not dependent upon others for support,
they would vote against annexation.
Q. Do you think they are in favor of the restoration of the Queen?
A. A majority of them? No, sir. You cannot depend upon the Hawaiians. They say one thing to-day and another to-morrow.
Q. Now, the class of men they elect to the legislature-are they intelligent, reliable people?
A. Not always; no, sir.
Q. Your constitution provides that a voter for nobles shall have unincumbered property of the value of $3,000 or an income of $600?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. If the nobles were elected by persons having the same qualifications as those who elect representatives, would that place the control
of the nobles in the hands of the native voters?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. You have said that they elect a majority of the representatives?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. The same thing then would obtain as to the nobles?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Then that body would likely sustain a ministry in accord with
native ideas?
A. Yes, sir, decidedly.
Q. And that would leave the property of the Kingdom and the rights
of foreigners to the disposition of native voters?
A. Yes, sir, entirely. Property would not be secure.
Q. Property would not be secure?
A. No, sir.
Q. Please tell me why?
A. I would have to answer that in a general way-that no property
can be secured under bad government.
Q. You think a body elected in the way last indicated would be a corrupt body of men?
A. I do.
Q. You think it would be an ignorant body of men?
A. Yes, sir; as regards the science of government.
Q. You think the business conditions of the islands would be disre
garded in legislation?




1516                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
A. Yes, sir; I think the natives would be controlled by unscrupulous
people. The natives are very easily influenced, one way or another.
Q. Do you think the animosity towards the white people would continue?
A. I have no doubt of it.
Q. Please tell me this-do you think that it is necessary to the preservation of order and the making and enforcement of good laws that
the foreign element should give direction to political affairs on these
islands?
A. Yes, sir; I do. Of course, in speaking of the lHawaiians, I speak
of the majority, There are exceptions, of course. There are some very
good Hawaiians that I have a great deal of respect for, but their not
being interested to any extent financially-having nothing to lose in
that way and being dependent upon others for support-they are not
careful, they are easily influenced.
Q. Are they easily influenced with liquor in elections?
A. Since the Australian ballot system was adopted, not so much so.
Previous to that and previous to the formation of the Reform Party, it
was a' custom for the candidates outside of the polling places to have
feasts-laaus-and the native would get a free feed and a free glass of
gin provided he would vote for a certain representative. His ballot
would be handed to him and he would go to the polls and put it in.
There was a great deal of that. I think that was one of the main reasons for the formation of the Reform Party.
Q. Were there a majority of them subject to this influence you have
just spoken of?
A. Yes, sir. I have seen it open and aboveboard.
Q. That thing, then, often determined the election of a representative 
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Was that generally the case in elections for representatives prior
to the Australian ballot law?
A. I think it was a good deal so.
Q. Well, is there anything else you want to add?
A. We have been charged as sugar men with being at the bottom of
this movement. I want to contradict that emphatically.
Q. Was it not really a Honolulu movement?
A. Yes, sir. Although of course we felt that something of the kind
might happen. In talking over matters with our president, Colonel
Spaulding, I told him I thought something might be done to oust the
Wilcox cabinet. He said he didn't think the Queen would dare to do it.
Q. Well, if she did oust them did you expect any trouble to come out
of it?
A. I did. Things had gone so far and we had had so much of it,
that I felt sure something would come of it. At the same time I was
surprised that she did do it.
Q. That she did remove the Cabinet?
A. Yes, sir; and that she signed the lottery bill and the opium bill.
Q. You think the peace of -the islands depends on the power of the
white element to direct this government?
A. Yes, sir; I think so, I feel so-decidedly so. Of course, we are
at a little disadvantage, as property holders with large interests away
from Honolulu. We feel at a disadvantage compared with the Honolulu people. There we are pretty much at the mercy of the people at
large, that is, the natives, and our property being scattered over thousands of acres, and being very easily destroyed by fire, of course we




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1517
feel concerned. We can not call for protection from any force-naval
force or anything of that kind. A few natives with a match could destroy thousands and thousands of dollars' worth of property in a short
time. Fire in the sugar cane is very hard to fight. A great deal of
property would be destroyed in a short time. Therefore, of course, we
feel justified in asking for annexation or for protection against civil
disorder.
Q. Is there anything else you want to add?
A. I want to deny again the charges made, that the planters are at
the bottom of this movement. You can easily see how annexation
would affect us. It would undoubtedly do away with our contract system of labor.
Q. What would be the effect on you of laws prohibiting contract
labor a
A. It would require 25 per cent more labor to keep up the supply.
Q. Suppose the United States should prohibit contracts being made
by corporations with people in Asiatic countries, what would be the
effect of that T
A. It would raise the price of labor. 
Q. What would the effect be on crop products?
A. It would increase the cost of a ton of sugar.
Q. Can you get any European labor of any amount here; could
you look to Europe as a source for labor 
A. No. sir. We have tried that. It was a failure. We got some
German families, but we had to give it up. They did not seem suitable. They could not stand working in the sugar cane.
I have carefully read through the foregoing and pronounce it a correct report.
W. BLAISDELL.
HONOLULU, April 20, 1893.,
No. 11.
Statement of William Blaisdell.
KEALIA, KAUAI, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
May 9, 1893.
DEAR SnR: I hereby take advantage of the privilege granted me by
you to communicate by letter anything of interest in addition to my
statement made to you K fortnight or so ago.
If I remember rightly, I forgot to reply, in answer to a question asked
me, "Whether the planters had introduced any other nationalities than
Asiatics in this country as laborers," that for several years during the
time we received 2 cents a pound for our sugar several thousands of
Portuguese families were induced to come to the Islands from Azores
under contract to this Government, and then transferred to the planters.
They proved to be the best and most reliable class of laborers brought
to this country; no other class of labor has given as good satisfaction.
But when the price took such a tumble and we were obliged to make
sugar for $40 a ton less, we were compelled to look elsewhere for less
expensive laborers, or go to the wall.
The first cost of importing Portuguese was a considerable expense as
the distance is so great between the two countries; that expense had
to be borne by the planters. They also received higher rates of wages
than any other class of labor in the country, and, in addition, were fur



1518                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
nished free house room, fuel, medical attendance for the whole family.
Notwithstanding their greater expense to the Planters as laborers
than the Japanese or Chinese, they were, on the whole, a more desirable
class of employes than any other class of labor, and I hope that, if we
are annexed to the United States of America, our circumstances will
be so much better, financially, that we can again encourage the immigration of that class of labor to this country. There may be some
trouble in getting them here, if the contract-labor system is abolished,
for they have not the funds wherewith to defray the expense of bringing
their families out here, let alone themselves. The Planters, therefore,
would have to advance them that much, and the binding of the laborer
to serve for a certain time is the only security the employer can obtain
for the refunding the amount of the advance, which is deducted from
his wages in monthly installments, and as the new settler can spare
but a very small portion of his earnings each month, he is as a rule two
years working out the debt.
Much has been said against the contract-labor system by people who
do not understand it; much more can be said in its favor by those who
do. As a rule the contract laborer is better off in every respect than
the noncontract man. A contract man is free to do as he pleases when
his ten hours of work are over. It is true he is compelled to work
when physically able, and if a man claims to the contrary, he reports
to the physician, and if, after an examination, the physician finds the
least thing ails the laborer, he is excused from work, and if, on the
contrary, he is sound in health, is lazy, and feigns illness for an excuse
to get a day or two to idle or gamble, he is ordered to work, which
order should he disregard, he is taken before a magistrate, and, if he
fails to prove that he is physically unable to work, he is ordered by the
court to go to work, and, should he still refuse, he is sent to jail, there
to remai? until he agrees to do as ordered.
It is a common rule on all plantations to occasionlly grant a leave of
absence for several days to a man who has proved himself worthy of it.
A good man is seldom, if ever, denied that privilege.
The fact of the laborer being compelled to work when able, enables
him to earn more wages than the noncontract men. He, therefore,
always has money laid by for a rainy day; whereas the day laborer or
noncontract man does not work more than 80 per cent of his time, and
spends that time, when not at work, in idleness and gambling, and in
running from one part of the country to another.
I maintain that where there is a large number of the lower class, as
there is in this country, and also where the rate paid to the laborer is so
far in excess of what it costs them to live, that some such system is
necessary in order to discourage idleness and its consequent evils. In
fact, it is as necessary as compulsory education is in this country.
Every Government school has a truant officer and he is kept busy
bringing in truants and recruits. That will explain my reason for the
statement made you that "if the contract-labor system is abolished
we will require 25 per cent more laborers in the country to supply the
demand as well as it is supplied at present."
Since my return from Honolulu I have been from one end of this district to the other (50 miles) to ascertain as near as possible what the
sentiment is among the natives in regard to Annexation. The Royalist
politicians have sent several agents down here from Honolulu to influence the natives against it by every means possible. A certain Capt.
Ross, a noted character, of whom, no doubt, you have heard much, was
one of them. The misleading statements that he has made to thes




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1519


simple-minded people regarding America, its people, and form of government, and saying everything possible that a base-hearted person can say
to encourage race prejudice, is enough to disgrace him in the eyes of
every American, or anyone else that can boast of having an enlightened mind.
He has told them that America can not take care of her poor people,
of which there are many thousands in every city in the Union, and
that they are dying off by the hundreds for the want of something to
eat. It is that class of people, he has told them, that the United
States will send here among you, and as they have nothing, they will
kill off you natives in order to get your lands, etc. You will be treated
like slaves, and run over by the white people. The above is only a
sample of what he told the natives, and although the better class do
not place much confidence in all that he told them, yet they are somewhat alarmed at what he said, and do not know which way to turn.
As they are not directly interested in any of the industries and enterprises of the Islands, and are only small landowners, they therefore
feel that they can not be materially affected by bad government, and
that it would be better for them to take their chances in that, rather
than Annexation and its doubtful benefits. And, again, the exciting of
race prejudice, which has been intensified by the Royalists, has been
an important factor in influencing them against desiring to annex their
country with that of a white man. They are a timid and simpleminded lot of people as a rule, and are therefore easily influenced
against anything foreign that they imagine may do them harm.
Almost all of the better educated natives are officeholders, such as
district judges and policemen, and they, for fear of losing their positions under a new form of government, do all they can to encourage
their less fortunate countrymen against annexation, and this is not a
difficult task when you understand that they have never read the Constitution of the United States, and all they know of America is that
there is such a place some 2,000 miles away from the Islands, where all
manner of crime is committed, and that there is a possible chance of
such criminals coming to the Islands to flee from justice, consequently
the islands will be overrun with all sorts of bad characters; this, in
fact, has been told them by the Royalists.
I have worked hard to explain away such delusions and stories, and
am also having the Constitution of the United States translated into
the Hawaiian language, and will distribute copies of same to all natives
on the Island, and will have it explained thoroughly to them. I feel
sure that this course will do much to dispel many points of doubt that
they now adhere to. I also feel sanguine that, after a few years of
Annexation, and they enjoy all the benefits and privileges thereof, few,
if any, will be willing to give it up.
But to ask them to decide in favor of it under the present circumstances would be very similar to asking the Indians of America a hundred years ago whether all the white people should be allowed to remain
in that country or not, and if they had had an idea that their decision
would result in expelling the whites, every one of them would have had
to emigrate from whence they came. The result would undoubtedly be
the same in the present case here on the Islands if the question of Annexation were put to a popular vote, as the natives and dependents upon
Royalty are in the majority.
But it must be acknowledged by the whole world that the foreigners or white people have done all in their power to educate the
Hawaiian race to rule and govern their own country; made all effoirts




1520                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
to guide them on to prosperity and develop their resources; acted as
their advisors and only took part of managing the affairs and occupy.
ing such positions themselves as the natives were incapable to conduct. A number of attempts have been made in the course of the last
fifty years by the white people to place well-educated Hawaiians in
those positions, but for the lack of strength of character (a natural
failing of the whole Hawaiian race) the experiments have proved
utter failures, and the positions filled again by honest and reliable
white men.
All positions that natives were competent to fill have been given
them; even then they would have disgraced themselves were they not
held in check by the white men at the head of the several departments in which they were employed. But a short time ago, not over a
month, it was proved beyond a doubt that the deputy sheriff of this
district and subordinates (all Hawaiians) were paid a regular salary
by keepers of Chinese dens to wink at their operations, and to permit
the carrying on of same, free from molestation. One of the gambling
dens was in the house owned by the deputy sheriff and rented to Chinese for that express purpose by him.
A proprietor of one of the dens refused to pay the sum of money
won by one of his countrymen at one of their games; the cheated party
threatened to expose the place if he did not get the money due,him,
but the threat did not alarm the offender, inasmuch as he thought the
matter would be reported to the deputy sheriff, the landlord, with whom
he felt secure. But the injured party knew of the local police being
bribed and reported the whole matter to Mr. Wilcox, the sheriff of the
Island. He sent a constable from another district to make a haul on
the den. They succeeded in doing so and exposed the whole matter.
The foregoing is an illustration of the character of a native, even when
placed in a responsible position.
Is it a matter of wonderment that the white people, and especially
those who have so much at stake in this country, and whose patience
has been so sorely tried and confidence abused, have at last taken
matters into their own hands and ask for protection' from those whom
we are sure can give it.
Any independent form of government will not stand very long under
existing circumstances; we can not see any way out of the predicament
than annexation with the United States. Those who have extensive
investments in this country can not depend upon the future security
against corrupt legislation until the United States has the management
of public affairs and the handling of the revenues of the Islands; and
I claim that we have the right and are justified to ask the United
States to protect us, and to accept the trust, for patience has ceased
to be a virtue.
As an example to illustrate how far the native will allow his feelings
to be influenced by race prejudice, I will mention a circumstance that
occurred here in this district, and, as I am familiar with every detail
connected therewith, I have no hesitancy in giving it to you as a fact.
During the last election for representatives for election in this district
two candidates were in the field, one a Hawaiian-born white man, Mr.
A. S. Wilcox, brother to G. N. Wilcox, of the "Wilcox cabinet," and
in opposition a native by the name of Kahilina. A. S. Wilcox was
nominated by the foreigners and those natives of the better class.
Kahilina was asked to run by the Queen.
A. S. Wilcox is a man with an irreproachable character and his conduct as a man throughout his life is an honor to human nature. He




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1521


was born and raised in this district, where he has always lived, and
has been a sugar-planter for the past twenty-five years, employing
natives in preference to any other class of labor, and his conduct
toward them has won their love and respect. He has never let an
opportunity go by to do the native a favor.
A few years ago a number of natives in the neighborhood of his
home, Hanalei, desirous of replacing their grass huts with wooden
houses, and not having funds to carry their plans into effect, went to
Mr. Wilcox for aid, as has always been their custom in such cases.
He gave them the necessary funds and as security for the payment
of same they gave him mortgages on all their lands and other property.
They built their houses and, native-like, the time for the redeeming of their mortgages came around and found them unprepared to do
so. Mr. Wilcox allowed the matter to go on for years and finally, tiring of carrying it along on his books, he canceled all the mortgages,
on which he had never received a cent of interest let alone the principal. Likewise in many other instances, too numerous to mention, he
has befriended the native and does so to this day.
The other candidate, Kahilina, is a full-blooded Hawaiian, well
educated. For a while he held a position as district judge in Hanalei,
Kauai. But that position was taken from him before many months
had elapsed, as it was proved that he accepted bribes and apipropriated
court funds for personal use and lived in open adultery. This is the
character of the man that the Queen and her party put up as their
representative to run against Mr. Wilcox. I may here state that Mr.
Wilcox refused the nomination, but when he learned that Kahilina
was to run for election, and rather than to have such a man go to the
Legislature to represent a district where the foreigners had invested so
many millions and had so much at stake, he consented to contest the
election against Kahilina. The first thing Kahilina did when he found
that Mr. Wilcox was in the field against him was to run down the
white man, and did all in his power to excite race prejudice, as he could
find nothing in the character or past life of Mr. Wilcox with which to
weaken his chances with the natives.
Prior to the day of election Kahilina went into the precinct where
Wilcox was born, and among the natives he had befriended, as mentioned above, knowing that there Wilcox was a favorite, and there-he
told the natives not to vote for a white man. " Wilcox may be all right,
and a, good man himself, but he represented the white people, and they
would treat the natives as the white people treated the Indians in America; they were overrunning the country and would soon gobble up all
their land." This had the desired effect. When the election was over
and the count made of the votes cast in each precinct of the district it
was found that very few natives voted for Mr. Wilcox, and none of those
whom he had befriended. Mr. Wilcox was elected, but by only the foreigners, Americans, English, Germans, and Portuguese. When the
natives were upbraided for voting against Mr. Wilcox, after all his kindness toward them, they acknowledged their indebtedness to him for all
past favors, but they did it "because he was a haole (white man) and
represented the white people."
Only in political matters is that sentiment expressed; outside of that
the natives acknowledge their dependence upon the foreigner, and
will go to them first to ask a favor in preferelce to one of their own
nationality. There is not a foreigner on this Island, and I will go as
far to state on any of the Islands, but what feels that the native is a
special charge and do all in their power to administer to their comfort
S. Rep. 227 —96




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


and welfare. A visit through the Islands would convince you of that
fact at every step. Leave the race to themselves and they would
drift right back to where they were fifty years ago. They would do so
now were it not for the fact that the foreign element is continually tug.
ging at the other end. They have no conception of the great watchword of the enlightened world, "progress;" they have no objection,
however, to be carried along with it so long as they are pampered like
a lot of children.
To a person who thoroughly understands the character of a Kanaka
it is no surprise that matters have taken the turn that they have in the
past two months. According to all rules of progression, it had to come
some time, and now that it has arrived, we who have the welfare of
the country at heart, and for the good of all concerned, feel that there
is no hope for domestic tranquillity in the future unless the United
States will accede to the prayers of the respectable people of this
country. Left to ourselves domestic strife is inevitable, and will ruin
the whole country in a very short time. This must not be permitted.
It is the unquestionable duty of the United States to ward off that
danger and consequent destruction of homes and interests of thousands of her citizens, and if she should not do it she would be shrinking
from a duty that she would always regret. She will have to do it
sometime and probably not at a time so favorable to all concerned.
"A stitch in time will save nine."
This country's resources can be increased tenfold if the large tracts
of Government and crown land were taken out of the hands of large
leaseholders and divided up among enterprising citizens as homesteads.
There are thousands of acres of the richest land to be found on the face
of the globe in the hands of a few, and only a small portion of which is
under cultivation, whereas if settled upon by enterprising people with
small means, they can be made to produce millions of dollars annually, as
sugar and rice are the only products that are admitted into the United
States free of duty. Those industries alone have received attention, consequently on an extensive sugar estate there are thousands of acres of
land that could be made to produce almost anything else under the sun,
but are given up to cattle grazing, because they are not altogether
suitable for either cane or rice.
Upon such lands thousands of families could build beautiful homes
live in a climate second to none on the face of this globe, where flowers
bloom and all kinds of vegetables grow all the year round. This will
surely come about with good government and an available market for
all products of the Islands.
I would give much if you could visit this, the garden Island of the
Group; you would then learn from your own observations the truth of
the above statements. You could see from your carriages some of the
grandest scenery to be found on the Islands-a beautiful country
covered with verdure from the tops of the mountains to the water's
edge, and an abundance of water everywhere, and yet there are miles
and miles of this beautiful country unsettled, with the exception of the
rich valley bottoms.
I shall regret very much if you leave this country without honoring
us with a visit; you could do it and be absent from Honolulu only three
or four days. I therefore on the part of all the people on Kauai cordially invite yourself and party to pay us a visit. Everything possible
in a quiet way will be done for your comfort, etc. I fear that I have
already imposed too much upon your patience and valuable time, and
will therefore close, trusting that you will do all in your power to gain




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1523
for us the protection that we feel so much the need of and is our only
hope for future prosperity.
I have the honor to be, your obedient servant,
W. BLAISDELL.
Col. JAMES H. BLOUNT,
United States Commissioner, Honolulu.
No. 12.
Interview with Crister Bolte, of Honolulu, May 5, 1893.
Mr. BLOUNT. What is your occupation, Mr. Bolte?
Mr. BOLTE. I am a merchant in the corporation of Grinbaum & Co.
Q. Are you connected with the Planters' Labor and Supply Assosociation I
A. I am.
Q. Are you a stockholder in sugar plantationst
A. I am.
Q. Is the Planters' Labor and Supply Association made up of persons interested in planting, either directly or by owning stock?
A. Yes; it is made up of persons owning stock in plantations and
plantations themselves. There is hardly any person of property in
this country who is not an owner of some sugar stocks.
Q. Are the members of this Planters' Labor and Supply Company
all owners of sugar stocks 
A. I believe so.
Q. Were you here on the 14th, 15th, 16th, and 17th of January, 1893 
A. Yes.
Q. Please tell me what you know about the occurrences during that
time?
A. Previous to the 14th of January we had a cabinet consisting of
Wilcox, P. C. Jones, Cecil Brown, and Mark Robinson. These were
all people of intelligence, integrity, and property. They commanded
the confidence of the whole community. Various attempts had been
made by the legislature to get rid of them. Finally, on the 13th of
January, they did oust them.
The cabinet, consisting of Sam Parker, Billy Cornwell, John Colburn,
and Peterson, was appointed by the Queen, and on the 14th of January
the legislature was prorogued. These people did not command the confidence of the business community. Sam Parker has squandered away
all his money. He is considered a big boy; no stability in him. Billy
Cornwell is of the same character also; has no property. John Colburn
is a man of property, but of very doubtful character-not considered
honest and straightforward. Peterson is an able lawyer. He has had
the best of chances here to be a respectable man, but he seems naturally inclined towards associating with a class of people who have no
respectability to them.
Q. What do you mean by the word "respectability "
A. A man who leads a pure family life, pays his bills, keeps his
word, and various other ways.
Q. What is his business?
A. He is a lawyer. He goes off on carousals. Does not go home at
night. There is trouble in his family. Now to proceed: The legislature was prorogued on the 14th at 12 o'clock, aud before that time news




1524


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


came down town that the Queen was going to proclaim a new constitution and abrogate the old one. The business men down town came to.
gether and talked matters over.
Q. At what place?
A. W. 0. Smith's office. They came to the conclusion that if the
Queen can alter the constitution to suit herself she might as well alter
any other law to suit herself. Anyway through altering the constitution alone she would get perfect centrol of the affairs of the country,
because, in this constitution it says-as Minister Colburn told us at
this meeting-that she intended to appoint the nobles, which is onehalf of the legislative body. We decided to let things go on for a
while to see how it would end up. At 4 o'clock we had another
meeting, which was largely attended.
Q. At the same place?
A. At the same place. It was then stated by Minister Colburn and
Minister Peterson that she had not proclaimed a new constitution; had
told the people to go home, abide their time, be of good cheer, and she
would give them a new constitution anyhow. At the first meeting
Paul Neumann was present and said the Queen was going to proclaim
a new constitution. At this last meeting it was decided that the
people who were there could not be satisfied with the Queen just withdrawing from this as if nothing had happened, and they came to the
conclusion that the people must have guarantees for the future, and
appointed a committee of thirteen people, of which I was a member, to
devise ways and means by which such guarantees could be gotten.
This committee met several times at various places, and decided that
the only perfect safeguard against future occurrences of this kind
would lie in annexation to the United States, or in a protectorate, or
in anything of that kind, but that we could not go on with the form of
government as it was then. They decided to call a mass meeting of
citizens on Monday afternoon at 2 o'clock, and see what people there
would say about it. At this meeting were various speakers, some of
the committee of thirteen and also others. The people were asked by
the speakers if they were satisfied with the promises the Queen had
made and let the matter drop-let everything go on as it was before,
or if they wanted a change and guarantees for the future. They
desired guarantees for the future, and appointed the committee of
thirteen-or rather continued the committee-to take such further
steps as might be necessary.
Q. Let me ask you what you meant and what people meant by sayiug they wanted guarantees 
A. I meant a change of government. What the people meant I can
not say, but I am fully convinced that they meant the same as it has
been very often spoken of during the last few years.
Q. What has been spoken of so often?
A. Annexation to the United States has been advocated publicly in
the papers-I meant change of government.
Q. Why didn't you use language that conveyed distinctly the idea —
dethronement of the Queen and annexation to the United States?
A. The Hawaiian Government, as it was then, was still in existence,
and in stating there publicly we wanted to dethrone the Queen and
have a government of our own with an intention of being annexed to
the United States, might be going a little too far.
Q. You mean making you liable to interference on the part of the
local authorities?
A. Yes.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1525
Q. And that you were trying to avoid at that time?
A. Yes, especially for this reason. We did not know whether the
action of the committee would be indorsed by this large majority of the
people at the mass meeting. We thought it would.
Q. Was there any expression in that meeting asking for guarantees
for the future in a shape of a vote?
A. Yes; the resolution was all prepared.
Q. It was a resolution indorsing the report of the Committee of
Safety?
A. Yes. The meeting dispersed, and the committee of safety went
back to W. O. Smith's office to talk matters over.
Q. What time in the day was that?
A. About half past 3. After talking matters over and seeing that
the Queen had concentrated her forces-meaning thereby that the
soldiers were all in the barracks-the palace barricaded with sand
bags and the station house barricadedQ. How about the Government house?
A. I didn't notice anything going on there. The station house has
always been considered the stronghold of the Government. It looked
as if there might be trouble. 'So we came to the conclusion to ask Mr.
Stevens if he would protect the life and property of the citizens by
sending some soldiers ashore, stating that we considered the situation
very grave-even dangerous. After a short while Mr. Stevens sent
his answer that he would.
Q. Sent it to the meeting?
A. Yes; sent it to the meeting, and then at 5 o'clock the soldiers
came ashore. They were quartered at various places. That same
evening, Monday, January 16, the Committee of Safety had another
meeting.
Q. Where?
A. At Mr. Henry Waterhouse's house. They called in, besides the
Committee of Safety, a few other gentlemen.
Q. Who were they?
A. Mr. Young, Fred Wundenburg, Cecil Brown, and John H. Soper.
We talked matters over to see what would be best to do, and came to the
conclusion we would form a Provisional Government and ask Mr. Dole'
if he would be the President, and that this Provisional Government
should try to get annexation with the United States, because so far as
we could make out at that time that was the only solid basis on which
we could safely rely. Mr. Dole was not at the meeting. I had my
horse with me. I was detailed to speak to Mr. Dole. I arrived at his
house about half past 8, I think.
I told him what decision we had come to, and asked him if he would
accept such an office. He was utterly surprised at it. He had had
nothing to do with the affair before, only had been at second meeting
at W. 0. Smith's. He said he could not then quite see that the view
we had was quite correct, but still he had not given the matter much
consideration. After a lengthy discussion I induced him to go along
to the meeting, so that he could hear what they had to say. After
everything at the meeting had been thoroughly explained to him and
discussed with him he said that he felt it was his duty, as well as the
duty of any other citizen of these islands, to do all they could to get
pure and stable government, but he was not quite convinced then that
it was necessary to take so radical a step as to overthrow the old Government. Later on, at about 12 o'clock that night, he had come to the
conclusion we could not go on the way we were, but whether he would




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


become President or not he would not say until 10 o'clock the next
morning.
The next morning at 10 o'clock we met at W. O. Smith's office, and
he said he had resigned his position as judge and would do what he
was requested to do by us. We then proceeded to form the Government. It took us up to about 12 o'clock. We made all the necessary
arrangements and adjourned to meet again at half past 1. At halfpast 1 we talked all matters over again for a little while and went to
the Government house and took possession of it. At the Government house there was nobody, no armed men, supporters of the
Queen, except Charles McCarty, who was doing some clerical work for
the lately adjourned legislature. He said he was waiting for some.
body to come to help him defend the Government house.
Q. To you!
A. No.
Q. You don't know that he said itf
A. Only from friends who told me.
Q. Who did he tell?
A. I think Andrew Brown.
Q. What does he do?
A. He is a coppersmith. He worked in the Honolulu Iron Works.
Lately became superintendent of the water works. At 2 o'clock when
we arrived at the Government house there came our supportersbrought their rifles and pistols with them.
Q. Do you mean at the same time, or do you mean that they got
there a little before or a little after you?
A. There was preconcerted action. We told them we would go to
the Government house at 2 o'clock.
Q. Had you commenced to read the proclamation before your troops
got on the ground?
A. I do not recollect distinctly. They were there before we finished
reading the proclamation. The chief clerks at the different departments were called in to confer with the newly-appointed ministers,
among them Mr. Hassenger and Mr. Hastings. They were told to go
right on with their work. Letters were written at once to the representatives of foreign countries informing them that the Provisional
Government was now the Government of the Hawaiian Islands. After
a short time they answered, recognizing this Government.
Q. That same day?
A. Mostly the same day. When we arrived at the Government house
the ministers were not there. Mr. Hassenger, chief clerk of the interior department, said he believed they had gone over to the palace.
He telephoned for them, but he got no answer, or they answered they
were not there. Later on in the afternoon-I should think about 4
o'clock-Deputy Marshal Mherton came to the Government house to
ask some question of Mr. Dole. I forget now what the question was.
He then said, incidentally, that the ministers were at the station
house, and he was handed a copy of the proclamation to give it to the
old ministers. They had not been officially informed of anything,
because we could not find them. Also a verbal invitation was sent to
them to come over to the Government house to talk. Sam Parker
came over to the Government house. He said in effect this: "You
have possession now. We can not do anything." He was asked to get
his colleagues. He said they did not like to come, but would some of
us come to the station house and talk there?
Q. Had you then been recognized by the United States minister?




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1527


A. No. We had not been recognized by anybody at that time. Sam
)amon and I were appointed and we went there to talk with them.
Q. To try to induce them to give up 
A. Yes.
Q. What reason did you give them?
A. That we had possession of the Government house now and that
t would be useless shedding of blood if we got into a fight over this
ihing.
Q. Did you give any other reason?
A. No; only just stuck to facts.
Q. Any mention of United States troops on your part or the part of
mnybody during that conversation?
A. No; I did not say anything about it.
Q. Did anybody?
A. I can not say whether Sam Damon said anything.
Q. Did they say anything to anybody in your presence?
A. No.
Q. How did they answer you? Did you have no discussion?
A. Not there. We invited them to come to the Government house
and talk with Mr. Dole.
Q. Did they make any agreement with you, or did they postpone it
and go to the Government house?
A. Peterson said if we would guarantee him his liberty —
Q. Safe-conduct?
A. Yes. We promised him that and all went together to the Government house.
Q. What time of day was this?
A. About 5 o'clock.
Q. What time is it dark at that season of the year?
A. Between 6 and 6:30. At the station house was Ned Macfarlane. He said to me that he thought the old government would give
up or the Queen would give up if we would accept a protest of her.
He said, "I know such a protest does not amount to anything, but still
she wants it and so you had better accept it." I told him that so far as
I was concerned in the matter they could put all the protests they
wanted.
Q. Was this conversation at the barracks or Government house?
A. At the station house. The four ministers, Sam Damon, and I took
two hacks and went to the Government house. All said about the
same thing, that they would have to give up, but they wanted to enter
a protest. Then Sam Damon went with the ministers to the Queen.
He reported after he came back that the Queen had said in substance
the same thing.
Q. What time was it when they came back?
A. Fully 6 o'clock.
Q. About quarter of an hour before sunset?
A. Yes. Very soon after Billy Cornwell came over bringing the
protest that you know of. Mr. Dole acknowledged the receipt of the
protest on the back of it, stating the hour, and he then said the Queen
would send orders to the station house that her people should vacate
the premises. Very soon after that Captain Zeigler with a number of
our men went to the station house and took possession, and the others
went away leaving their arms.
Q. Who was in command of the station house?
A. Charles B. Wilson, marshal.




1528


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Q. What do you mean by very soon after? 'What time was the station house given up?
A. About five minutes after Billy Cornwell delivered the protest.
Q. How do you know that? Were you at the station house?
A. No.
Q. You did not know then what time it was given up?
A. We heard immediately. They telephoned from there.
Q. How long after?
A. I ean not say. It was all done in a short time. I went home and
got dinner. I was home about 7 o'clock.
Q. You said that same day Mr. Stevens and all the foreign governments recognized your Government. At what time in the day did
they recognize you?
A. First came Mr. Woodhouse and Mr. Fuji.
Q. What time was that?
A. Four o'clock.
Q. What time in the day did Mr. Stevens send his recognition?
A. I can not say.
Q. Won't you try to approximate?
A. I can not.
Q. Had the sun set or not?
A. If Mr. Pringle brought the letter then the sun had set, and I think
he was the one to bring the letter.
Q. When did you learn of the recognitions How long before you
went home 
A. Just before I went home. That was what I was waiting for.
Q. How did you learn that?
A. By letter being read aloud.
Q. Who had the letter?
A. Mr. Dole.
Q. Do you know how long he had that letter?
A. He did not have it until-I think-Mr. Pringle brought it in.
Q. Are you sure about that?
A. I am not positive about that.
Q. You do not know that Pringle brought that letter at all?
A. No; but I am under that impression. I believe he delivered the
letter, but I did not see him hand it over.
Q. Now will you say how long before you went home before you
heard of that letter?
A. I was waiting for that letter to go home.
Q. You do not know who brought the letter?
A. I think Mr. Pringle.
Q. You do not know but what that letter was there half an hour
before that?
A. I did not see the letter unless it was Pringle who brought it.
Q. You do not know but what that recognition was delivered to Mr.
Dole sometime before you knew of it?
A. No; but I have reason to believe not, because some way or other
I know that they said we can not be recognized as fully in possession of
the Government until we had the station house and barracks in our
possession. We were among ourselves wondering why Mr. Stevens did
not send his recognition. This was what my friends said.
Q. What friends? Mr. Dole didn't say that —Mr. W. O. Smith
didn't?
A. He may; I don't know who.
Q. Did Mr. Thurston tell you anything of that sort?




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1529
A. It is impossible to tell you what individuals said. There were so
many there; it was not like a regular well conducted quiet meeting.
Q. How many attempts were made to oust the Wilcox cabinet before
it was voted out?
A. Only one definite attempt.
Q. You were speaking of the character of members of the last cabinet
of Liliuokalani. What do you say as to Mr. Parker's character for
truth and veracity?
A. I do not know. I have never had dealings with him.
Q. What is his reputation?
A. I do not know. Nobody expects very much out of him. They
look upon him as an overgrown boy.
Q. What do you say as to Mr. Peterson's reputation for truthfulness?
A. I would say myself that I do not believe he is a truthful man.
Q. What is his general reputation in that way?
A. That question I do not like to answer. I would rather state from
personal knowledge.
Q. What about Mr. Colburn? What is his reputation for truth?
A. His truthfulness and honesty is very poor, I know.
Q. What is Cornwell's reputation for truth and veracity?
A. The same as Sam Parker's. He is considered a boy. With regard to truthfulness I can not say.
Q. How many persons were present in Mr. Smith's office at Saturday's first meeting?
A. Perhaps thirty.
Q. How many at the second meeting?
A. More than one hundred. People standing out in the street.
Could not get in there.
Q. You talked of annexation to the United States in there, did you
or did you not, on Saturday?
A. Yes.
Q. Why did you think of annexation to the United States; was there
a disposition of that sort in the country?
A. Yes; it has been discussed openly in newspapers over the signature or name of various people, among them, Hartwell, Sereno Bishop,
and others.
Q. Was that the general disposition amongst the whites in this
country?
A. It is.
Q. Was it at that time t
A. It was.
Q. So you felt sure of that on that day-Saturday t
A. We knew that was the feeling of all who were at the two meet
ings on Saturday, as well as the large meeting in the skating rink.
Q. Before that, was it the general inclination of the whites in the
Hawaiian Islands 
A. Yes; I should consider it so.
Q. You had a meeting on Monday about 3 o'clock of the committee
of safety, after the mass meeting?
A. Yes; about half-past three.
Q. You were present?
A. Yes.
Q. At that time how many arms did you have?
A. They were not collected, but they were all over town. I had seen
some of my friends on Saturday, and at one house they told me that
they had between 50 and 60 men armed.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Q. Of course you made some estimate of your arms. How many
men do you think you had and how many guns do you think you had?
A. I can say what I thought myself. My own opinion was that we
could have three or four hundred easily.
Q. You appointed a committee to wait on Mr. Stevens and ask that
troops be brought on shore?
A. Yes.
Q. Who carried that communication to Mr. Stevens?
A. I am not sure. I think Thurston and Waterhouse. I am not
sure. It may have been somebody entirely different.
Q. Did you see Mr. Stevens that day?
A. No.
Q. Who reported Mr. Stevens' reply about troops 
A. The same committee.
Q. What did they say?
A. They said that Mr. Stevens had heard their request and con
versed with them about matters, and he considered that the situation
was sufficiently dangerous to send troops ashore.
Q. Was he informed of h prp      f the purposes of the mass meeting 
A. He did know about it. Everybody in town knew.
Q. And knew of the purposes of the movement?
A. I can not say.
Q. You say everybody in town knew?
A. That we desired annexation had not been said by us at the mass
meeting. We said we wanted stable government. The committee was
to devise ways and means to get stable government.
Q. Was it known that one of the methods of getting it was to get rid
of the Queen? Was that the impression of the meeting?
A. Yes.
Q. That meeting was composed of a large class of whites, and it is a
fair inference that the white people here knew what it meant?
A. Yes; I think so.
Q. The meeting that called for troops-they determined then and
there to dethrone the Queen-the meeting after the mass meeting?
A. After the mass meeting we said we have to decide what to do
about this, and thefirst thingwe have to do is to get things into safety,
and it was only in the evening on Monday, the 16th of January, at
Henry Waterhouse's house, that we definitely made up our minds
which course to pursue.
Q. What course?
A. The course we have pursued-dethroning the Queen and forming
the Provisional Government.
Q. Your committee that met after the mass meeting were all in favor
individually of dethroning the Queen?
A. Yes, individually.
Q. Why did not you determine to do it then instead of postponing
it until night?
A. Because we wanted to go home to get our dinner and come back
after dinner.
Q. Then, the night meeting was a continuation of the discussion
which began after the mass meeting, and concluded with the determination to dethrone the Queen and establish the Provisional Government?
A. The night meeting was an adjourned meeting of the 3 o'clock
meeting.
Q. What did you do at the 3 o'clock meeting?
A. We said we are a committee of safety. We must get things safe




HAWAIAIAN ISLANDS.,


1531


first. We will appoint a committee to wait upon Mr. Stevens and ask
him to send soldiers ashore.
Q. And having done that you adjourned?
A. We waited until the committee came back. The committee said
Mr. Stevens was willing-the soldiers would come ashore at 5 o'clock.
Then we adjourned to meet in the evening.
Q. Was there any communication between any of the gentlemen who
met at Mr. Waterhouse's house that night and Mr. Stevens?
A. None to my knowledge.
Q. No committee went to see him?
A. No.
Q. Why did you want the troops to come on shore? What was the
idea of the committee?
A. Tlie idea of the committee was this: The natives were armedat least the soldiers and friends of the Queen were all armed-that
evening. We didn't have any armed forces in readiness. Each individual had his own arms, but we had no organized forces; so in case
of a row we would not be able to resist anything.
Q. Suppose they had made an attack on the committee of safety,
what would you have done?
A. We could not have done anything. They would simply have
caught us. We had our men out watching. We were afraid of an
attack.
Q. By the government troops?
A. No, by the natives, because there were some among the natives
who had been preaching for them to set houses on fire.
Q. You wanted troops to keep them from setting houses on fire?
A. Yes; as soon as the natives in this country know that there is a
strong force anywhere which they can not subdue or will show real
fight it is then their character to be very quiet and keep still.
Q. If the troops had not been landed you would not have been safe?
A. We would not have considered ourselves safe.
Q. If you had not gotten a favorable answer from Mr. Stevens about
the landing of the troops, what would you have done then?
A. That is impossible to answer, because we had not made any plans.
Q. You were not willing to do anything until you got the answer.
A. That is a question I can not give an answer to. We did not
decide about it.
Q. You said you met to do one thing-to ask for troops and to stay
there until you got Mr. Stevens's answer, and then you adjourned. Is
that correct.
A. Yes.
Q. Having gotten that answer and the troops on shore you assembled at night, and at that night session you determined to dethrone
the Queen and establish the Provisional Government?
A. Yes.
Q. You never took up that subject until you got the troops on shore?
A. At previous meetings. Saturday afternoon we were appointed.
Sunday we had a meeting. At this meeting we talked over matters.
The general feeling was that annexation to the United States would be
the best solution of the whole question, and this, of course, would necessitate the overthrow of the Queen's Government.
Q. That was knownat Saturday's meeting and at Sunday's meeting?
A. Yes.
Q. Did you have any meeting before the mass meeting on Monday?
A. We had another meeting on Monday morning.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Q. And still the same feeling?
A. Yes.
Q. Was there anything said in this meeting with reference to the
use of troops 
A. No; although I can not state so positively.
Q. Was anything said on Sunday about the use of troops?
A. Only that we expressed the wish that we could get the troops to
make things safe.
Q. Then on Monday before the meeting, was there anything mentioned about the troops?
A. It was still said if we could get annexation to the United States
and have United States troops on shore there would be no trouble.
Q. You thought if you got troops on shore everything would be
quiet?
A. Yes.
Q. Did you think it at the mass meeting?
A. Yes; still thought the same thing.
Q. And you thought at night when you assembled and determined
on dethroning the Queen that you would have no trouble, the troops
being on shore?
A. Exactly so.
Q. You thought the presence of United States troops-an organized
armed body of men-would prevent any hostile movement on the part
of the government forces?
A. Not of the forces, but of an excited mob.
Q. You went up to the government building-the troops were near
by. Did you still feel that the presence of those troops would likely
restrain hostilities?
A. No; I can hardly say that. I expected that there would be
somebody in the Government building-that there might be some formalities.
Q. What sort of formalities?
A. The same formalities as we have had before at the 1887 revolution.
They trotted out with their guns and talked.
Q. You expected there would be a talk and they would surrender?
A. Yes.
Q. The opinion you have expressed about the presence of troopswas that the general opinion in the meeting of the committee of safety?
A. The committee of safety thought that as soon as the United
States troops were on shore the property of everybody would be safeno house-firing; no plunder.
Q. When the troops came on shore what did you expect of them in
the event of a conflict between the Provisional Government forces and
the Queen's Government?
A. We did not expect them to do anything.
Q. Just to stand and see the fight?
A. I do not know. My opinion is that they came on shore to protect
life and property. Their presence would avoid any attack upon
property or life.
Q. How would they accomplish it? You are proposing to depose the
Queen; she has armed forces. Suppose those forces had gotten into
battle. What did you expect the United States troops to do in the
way of protection of person and property during the battle?
A. This is a peaceable country. We only scare one another. No
blood shedding happens here. This is the third revolution since I am
here. At the first revolution not a shot was fired. At the second




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1533


there were two or three young native men who had had a military
training in Europe. They fired a few guns that they had. There
were seven or eight native people killed-wounded and killed. As
soon as these people had been wounded and killed the rest of the
natives ran away. Hid away in the house in the palace yard-the
bungalow it is called. During the whole afternoon was kept up a
fusillade from both sides. Nobody was hurt. In this instance I personally expected there would be something similar to either the first or
second revolution.
Q. What were the deliberations of the committee of safety in that
meeting?
A. No further than this: We must get the soldiers on shore. Their
very presence on shore without doing the least thing will make life and
property safe. We did not expect any resistance, because we had as
many men as they, or more. But their being there, there would not be
any trouble at all. But even without them we did not expect any
trouble.
Q. Then why did you determine to try to get them there before you
determined to dethrone the Queen?
A. Because we wanted to protect property.
Q. What need had you of the protection of property if you did not
expect the people to fight? Suppose the troops had not been on shore,
what danger was there to property? You just expected to march up
and take the Government building without fighting?
A. Y es; but we wanted to have the troops.
Q. And you determined to ascertain whether you could get the
troops before you went further. Is not that true?
A. Yes; if we could not get them we must make our own arrangements.
Q. Do you mean to say that if Mr. Stevens had said you should not
have the trooDs you had determined to go on anyway?
A. We didn't come as far as that, we were waiting for Mr. Stevens's
answer before we decided anything further.
Q. If you did not think the natives would fight, whether the troops
were on shore or off shore, why did you need the United States troops
to prevent the burning of houses and other riotous acts?
A. We wanted them to stay over night, because things of that nature
are generally done at night.
Q. Was it your idea that those troops were just to protect you that
night?
A. No; it was our idea to have them on shore and keep them on
shore as long as possible, until everything was quiet again.
Q. Now let me ask you, did the committee or not, in their deliberations, consider the presence of those troops on shore as important to
your success in the effort to dethrone the Queen and set up a new government?
A. When we asked for them we had not made up our minds to
dethrone the Queen. We had not made up our minds to anything
definite. A change of government was to come, but we had not decided
as to what means should be taken.
Q. They had to be quartered somewhere. You had to have a large
house. What did you do?
A. Arion Hall was vacant. It was the handiest place and we chose it.
Q. Did you all think that was the best place?
A. Yes.
Q. To whom does it belong?




1531                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
A. Arion Hall belongs to Mr. Waller.
Q. And in the meeting after the mass meeting you concluded that
was the best place to put them 
A. Yes.
Q. Did you all think that the natives and the Queen and her follow.
ers would think that those troops were in sympathy with your movement?
A. I do not know what was in their minds.
Q. You said the meeting of the committee of safety in the afternoon
of Monday was assembled to do its first work, to wit, to ask for troops.
A. Yes.
Q. Was it not the idea in the minds of you gentlemen at that time
to do away with the royal government?
A. Why certainly. It has been in our minds for many years.
Q. Did it show itself in your discussions?
A. At the very first meeting at W. 0. Smith's office they talked
about such things.
Q. I invite your attention to the meeting of the committee of safety
at half past 3 o'clock on Monday afternoon. In the interchange of
views that took place there was there an expression in favor of the landing of the troops, and of taking up in the night session the question of
dethroning the Queen?
A. What is our first duty? It is to make things safe. For that
purpose we must ask Mr. Stevens to let us have his soldiers. The
committee came back and said the soldiers would be on shore at 5
o'clock.
Q. Was not anything said in that meeting about taking steps towards
dethroning the Queen at the night session?
A. Not by me or to me, nothing definitely said, but it was the prevailing idea since the first meeting.
Q. It was in the minds of the mass meeting and in the minds of the
committee of safety at the time that call took place, so that there was
no occasion to interchange any opinion on that subject at that time?
A. Yes.
Q. So, understanding each other, your object was first to get the
troops on shore. Is that true?
A. Yes; to get things safe. I say that the intention of getting
troops on shore that afternoon was only considered from a standpoint
of safety.
Q. And that consisted in the fact that you thought the presence of
the troops would prevent the burning of houses.
A. Or any disturbances of any kind.
Q. Suppose the Queen's troops should have been ordered to arrest
people, what would you expect?
A. We knew most likely they would not be ordered to arrest anybody.
Q. But suppose they had commenced to make arrests of the committee of safety and other persons, or commenced to fight against the
followers of the committee of safety, what did you expect the troops
to do at such a moment?
A. Nothing. I fully understand the situation. These people did not
come to prevent anything by the existing Government, but knowing the
character of the Hawaiian people so well there was small risk that we
took.
Q. What time did the committee of safety adjourn on Monday afternoon?




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1535


A. I think about half-past 4 or quarter to 5, something like that.
Q. What time did it assemble in the evening?
A. Half-past seven, about.
Q. In your evening session after the troops were landed, did you
take up the question of dethroning the Queen?
A. We di4.
Q. And determined to dethrone her, and determined on a Provisional
Government for the purpose of annexation?
A. We did then definitely determine these things, and more especially
decide upon the manner in which it should be done, but about annex.
ation was spoken at the first meeting at W. 0. Smith's.
Q. At whose house was this meeting?
A. Henry Waterhouse's.
Q. How far is that from the American minister's house 
A. Next door.
Q. What is the distance between the houses?
A. Twenty yards-maybe thirty yards.
Q. Were many Americans in this movement in the mass meeting?
A. People of all nationalities.
Q. Which nationality had the largest number there 
A. I believe Americans.
Q. How many Americans do you think were there?
A. It is impossible to say.
Q. Would you say that the great body of Americans in Honolulu
were there-all the men?
A. I believe so-I can not say. It is impossible to recognize each
person. I will say that I saw many Americans, many Germans, many
English, and some Portuguese.
Q. How many Portuguese.
A. I took a Portuguese friend of mine, Mr. Mendonga. There were
not many Portuguese. Some of them do not understand English very
good. There was a large crowd of people, which has been estimated
by different people at different numbers. I estimated it at 1,200.
Others claimed there were more. How they were divided I do not
know.
Q. Did you ask any other power to send troops on shore?
A. No.
Q. Anything said about it in the meeting of the committee of safety?
A. Nothing that I know of. There were no other warships anyway.
Q. Well, you had troops on shore on Monday night, and your idea
was to prevent the burning and destruction of property that night?
A. For the future. Not only for that night, but until things were
settled.
Q. Do you mean until you could organize the affairs of government?
A. Yes.
(Mr. Bolte was at this point shown the letter from the committee of
safety to Mr. Stevens-dated January 16, 1893-and asked in regard to
the nationality of the signers thereof.)
Q. What nationality is Mr. Cooper?
A. American.
Q. Mr. McChesney?
A. American.
Q. Mr. Wilder.
A. American.
Q. Mr. Bolte 
A. German.




1536                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
Q. Mr. Brown 
A. American.
Q. Mr. W. 0. Smith?
A. Hawaiian.
Q. Mr. Waterhouse?
A. Hawaiian.
Q. Mr. Lansing?
A. American.
Q. Mr. Suhr?
A. German.
Q. Mr. Thurston?
A. Hawaiian.
Q. Mr. Emmelutht
A. American.
Q. Mr. Castle?
A. Hawaiian.
Q. Mr. McCandlesst
A. American.
Q. Do they all vote here?
A. Yes; they all vote here.
Q. This was a call, then, from Germans, Hawaiians, and American
citizens for troops, was it not?
A. Yes.
Q. And they were landed to protect all classes?
A. Yes.
Q. Who drew up the application to the American minister?
A. Either Mr. Thurston or Mr. Smith.
Q. In this paper you set out your reasons for your application?
A. Yes.
A. With a requirement that each elector shall be able to read and
write could you have stable government on these Islands 
A. What language?
Q. Either Hawaiian or English.
A. We could not.
Q. Tell me why.
A. Because the Hiwaiians are indolent people. They do not want to
do any work to earn money. They prefer easy jobs, such as Government offices of any kind-either as clerks in the Government house, as
judges, sheriffs, policemen, poundkeepers, or anything of that nature.
That gives them a living and also a sort of authority-a sort of power
of domineering over others-which they like immensely. They know
that they can get this power only by keeping together and getting a
government of Hawaiians-whether they be brown-skinned or whiteskinned-I mean with Hawaiian sentiment. They want to domineer
over people who have some property. They let their horses go into the
sugar cane of others, let their cattle run on the pasture of others, and
various things of that sort. You cannot get justice when they are
brought into court. Hawaiian judges will let them go, or fine them
such a small amount that property holders do not care to go into court.
You cannot get justice in jury cases with Hawaiian jurymen. They
never convict anybody on testimony. They judge by sentiment.
Q. Do you think you could have and maintain an independent government here with the population you have without aid from outside
power?
A. I do not think so.
Q. Why?




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1537


A. Ever since 1887 there have been attempts at revolution from the
native Hawaiian side. One real outbreak occurred in 1889-the Wilcox
insurrection. At that time the people who were implicated in this
revolution were found not guilty in court by a jury of their own countrymen, and only one man of the revolutionists, who was a Belgian or
German, I do not remember now, was found guilty by a white jury and
punished. You will see anywhere and on all occasions that the native
element runs together like mercury to confront anything that comes
from the side of the white people.
Q. You mean in politics?
A. In anything, and it is a very strange thing to see that the halfwhites almost invariably go with the natives.
Q. Do you ever have any white men of intelligence and courage and
ambition for place-without property-who will go with them and lead
them?
A. We have men of ambition, intelligence, courage, and no property.
The last point I can not say, but the first three applies to V. V. Ashford. There are others. I could give you a whole string.
Q. I only wanted to know if the native population could get and
accept that class of white men as leaders of their race and party?
A. They would, because they have done so already.
Q. Have you been troubled much with this class of men I
A. Very much indeed.
Q. For how long?
A. Ever since I have been in the country-since 1879.
Q. And for these causes you have felt that to have stable government you have to look to some power outside the islands 
A. Yes.
Q. You still feel that way?
A. I do.
Q. Now, without indicating anything by my question as to the disposition of the United States (for I have no right to do so), suppose
you should undertake annexation to the United States, what form of
government would you think necessary in order to maintain order,
security, life, and property in these islands?
A. I should prefer personally an oligarchy-submitting my interests
to the judgment of respectable men.
Q. Appointed how?
A. I suppose after we were annexed the President of the United
States would appoint a governor, and let this governor or the President of the Unites States appoint three or four secretaries and let them
appoint advisory boards, but I do not think that would satisfy the
people.
Q. What property qualification would you consider sufficient for a
voter?
A. I think a man ought to earn $2 or $2.50 a day.
Q. That would be about how much in the course of a year?
A. Between $600 and $750 a year.
Q. Would that disqualify enough of the natives to give you political
power?
A. I think if it was about $2.50 a day that it would, because people
who earn $2.50 day are mechanics, and people who earn less than that
are mostly laborers. Mechanics are naturally of a higher class than
laborers.
Q. Are there mally mechanics among the natives?
A. Very few in proportion to their large number.
&8 Rep. 227 —97




1538


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Q. What proportion of them would you say are mechanics-one in
fifty?
A. No; one in twenty-five.
Q. What would be your idea about the American notion of not allowing anybody to hire labor from abroad?
A. I want stable government first. Annexation to the United States
in any way, and I will take my chances as to the rest.
Q. Suppose you were not allowed to send agents abroad and the individual citizen was not allowed to send abroad to bring laborers to the
sugar plantations, what would be the result on the value of the product
and the value of the property?
A. The United States laws permit a board of immigration to make
known in other countries how things are there with reference to
laborers, what wages they may expect, and how much work there is.
T'he laws also permit that people may come as free immigrants; also,
that personal friends and relatives may assist their friends and relatives
to come to this country, and I know a good many people among the
laboring classes here who are willing and ready to do so. I think there
are a great many among the Japanese as well as the Portuguese, who
are most desirable classes, who would assist their friends to come here,
but it will be necessary that these people should he entitled to a small
piece of land after they have been in the country for a certain number
of years; say three or five years. They do not require much.
A Portuguese family would be satisfied with a piece of three acres.
We would establish villages all over the country in the neighborhood
of plantations. The men and boys would go down to the plantation to
work, and the women and children stay at home to look after the
garden, etc. The men go home from their work at 5 o'clock, so there
are almost two hours of daylight. They can do whatever hard work
there is after that time.
I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate report of my interview with Colonel Blount.
HONOLULU, June 10, 1893.                        C. BOLTE.
(This page was handed in by Mr. Bolte June 21, 1893):
The answers which I have given to Mr. Blount's questions," "VWhen
was for the first time anything said about deposing or dethroning the
Queen," might lead to misunderstandings ii reading this report. I
desire, therefore, to hereby declare as follows: Words to the effect that
the Queen must be deposed or dethroned were not uttered to my
knowledge at any meeting of tile committee of safety until Monday
evening, January 16, 1893; but at the very first meeting of citizens at
W. O. Smith's office, on Saturday, January 14, at about 2 p.m., or even
before this meeting had come to order, Paul Neumann informed the
arriving people that the Queen was about to promulgate a new constitution. The answer then given him by Mr. W. C. Wilder, by me. and by
others was: That is a very good thing and a splendid opportunity to
get rid of the whole old rotten Government concern, and now to get
annexation to the United States. Paul Neumann thought that that
might be going a little too far. At the second meeting at W. O. Smith's,
between 3 and 4 p. m. on Saturday afternoon, January 14, 1893, when
the committee of safety was appointed, sentiments of the same nature,
that this is a splendid opportunity to get rid of the old regime, and
strong demands for annexation, or any kind of stable government
under the supervision of the United States, were expressed.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1539


Therefore, even if the words that the Queen must be deposed or
dethroned were not spoken, surely the sentiment that this must be
done prevailed at or even before the very first meeting, on January 14,
1893.
C. BOLTE.
HONOLULU, June 10, 1893.
No. 13.
Interview with W. Porter Boyd, consular clerk, Honolulu, Tuesday, June
13, 1893.
Q. Mr. Boyd, what is your occupation?
A. I am in the consular service.
Q. In what position?
A. I am a consular clerk and vice-consul-general at this place.
Q. Were you at your office on the 16th of January. 18931
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Were you on the streets on that day?
A. Not until the afternoon about the time of the meeting.
Q. Where was the meeting held?
A. At the armory.
Q. Was there any signs of disturbance on the streets?
A. No, sir.
Q. Business going on as usual?
A. Yes, up to the time of the mass meeting, when they closed to go
there.
Q. Women and children on the street as usual?
A. I think there were very few women and children about.
Q. Was there any excitement looking like disorder?
A. No; I do not think there was. I didn't see any of that.
Q. Was there any suggestion of disorder except what might come
from the movements of the committee of safety?
A. So far as I know there was not.
Q. What I wish to know-was there anything exciting the public
mind except those events growing out of the movement of the committee of safety?
A. I should say there was not.
Q. Was there any indication of hostility manifested by the carrying
of arms or threats on the part of what may be termed the royalists?
A. To my knowledge there was not.
Q. Did you attend the mass meeting?
A.Yes, sir.
Q.As an observer?
A. Yes.
Q. How many people do you suppose were there?
A. I should say from eleven to twelve hundred.
Q. Many Portuguese there?
A. I can not answer. I do not know.
Q. What did you understand to be the object of that mass meeting
from what you saw and heard?
A. It was first to hear the report of that committee of thirteen, and
then take other steps for the protection of the persons and property of
citizens of the islands.




1540                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Q. What did you understand them to mean by the protection of the
persons and property of citizens?
A. I understood that it was to prevent the change of the Constitution.
Q. Did you understand that it was to dethrone the Queen and set
up another government?
A. That was not my understanding at the time.
Q. Was that the understanding in the community so far as you can
gather from contact with people?
A. I should say that of the very pronounced annexationists that was
their wish-that was their object-but whether this meeting was for
that purpose I do not know.
Q. There was no expression in the crowd, so far as you could gather,
containing the idea that this was a movement to dethrone the Queen
and set up another government?
A. No, sir.
Q. Had you heard of any meeting of the committee of safety before
that meeting?
A. I had heard that they had had meetings, and that they had a
report to make.
Q. Did you hear what it was to be?
A. No, sir; and I do not believe any one else did.
Q. After the mass meeting, what did the people do? Did they go
to work again that afternoon?
A. I think they did-I think the stores were open.
Q. Don't you know?
A. No; but that is my impression now. On second thought I am
sure that they opened their places again.
Q. Do you think that the crowd that came to that meeting and then
went away and went back to their business had any impression that
the Queen was going to be dethroned the next day?
A. I do not believe that they thought that. Everything was left in
the hands of the committee. The mass meeting gave the thirteen
power to go ahead and do what they thought best; and only that thirteen knew, so far as I can learn.
Q. But there was no mention that the power to do what they thought
best went so far as to dethrone the Queen?
A. Not any further than the way they denounced the action of the
Queen on the Saturday before.
Q. But would that indicate that they meant to dethrone her by denouncing her action?
A. Yes: it was my impression that it would be either that or she
would remain on the throne under certain restrictions.
Q. Was there any excitement when the troops landed that evening
other than that growing out of the fact of seeing troops landed?
A. Yes; of course much more than if troops had been landed as they
have been before for drill.
Q. Were many people down at the wharf when they landed?
A. I do not think so. They did not seem to know until the troops
were landed. Both central offices rang us up and asked us why the
Boston troops were landed.
Q. Was it understood that they landed at the request of the committee of safety?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Why did the committee of safety want them to land if every.
thing was quiet I




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1541


A. They knew what they were going to do, and they feared some
trouble or some interference in their plans.
Q. Now, was it understood, so far as you could gather byboth annexationists and antiannexationists, that those troops were friendly to the
movement of the committee of safety?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Was it encouraging to one side and depressing to the other?
A. I should say it was-for the reason that it was at the request of
this committee, and the others did not know what it was for.
Q. Did antiannexationists seem to be depressed when they found
the troops had been landed?
A. Yes.
Q. Were they apprehensive that they would be favorable to the other
side?
A. I should say they were.
Q. Was this a continuing feeling up to the dethronementl
A. Yes.
Q. Now, Mr. Boyd, in view of what you have stated and what you
observed that day, would you suppose that this feeling restrained
action on the part of the Queen and her friends against the committee
of safety 
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Did you see Mr. Stevens on Monday, the 16th of January?
A. Yes.
Q. Had he been aboard the Boston?
A. I was told he had been there all afternoon,
Q. By whom?
A. Mr. Severance.
Q. How did Mr. Severance know it?
A. Mr. Stevens, I believe, had told him.
Q. Did he say what he was there fort
A. No, he didn't.
Q. Was Mr. Stevens at the consulate?
A. Yes. He said the Boston boys were going to land and would detail a guard for the consulate.
Q. Had Mr. Severance any desire for it?
A. No; it was the first knowledge he had of it.
Q. Had you any uneasiness at the consulate-general?
A. None whatever.
Q. Did you hear anything from the telephone or otherwise in reference to the landing of the troops?
A. Only that they were landing, and asked why they were landed.
Q. Who asked?
A. The central office asked first.
Q. Did the people in the city make any inquiry?
A. Yes; some.
Q. Did it seem to be a surprise generally?
A. Yes.
Q. Was it a surprise to you?
A. It was.
Q. There was nothing in the city to indicate the need of military
forces, so far as you could see?
A. Nothing, so far as I could see.
Q. Did you have any conversation with Judge Hartwell January 14,
1893; did you hear any conversation between him and Lieut. Young?
A. Not further than that he said that something would drop about




1542                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
3 o'clock, and asked if he was going to be aboard. He said all the
officers will know.
Q. Are you sure that was on Saturday?
A. That was immediately after the prorogation on Saturday.
Q. Did Mr. Atherton say anything on the day of the proclamation
dethroning the Queen T What did he say?
A. Mr. Draper, I think, Mr. Severance, and myself were with some
others in the office, as was Capt. McCullough of the W. G. Irwin. We
were all impatient. Everybody was anxious to know what was going
to happen. He said something was going to happen about 3 or 4
[o'clock.]
Q. He didn't say what it was?
A. No. I had no idea what it was. Of course I had some idea.
Q. Were you not thinking about dethronement?
A. Yes; I was.
Q. Is this Mr. Atherton the man in whose yard the Boston men
stopped when they first landed?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. After they landed they went up by the palace?
A. Yes. The main body went on up to Atherton's yard. They
stopped there a few hours. It was after dark before they went back to
Arion Hall-back of the opera house.
Q. Did Mr. Atherton seem to be satisfied over what was going to
happen?
A. Yes. He seemed to be satisfied that everything was coming out,
as he wished.
Q. Any excitement on the street before the pistol shot?
A. No; just the ordinary crowds walking about.
Q. Did they seem to know what was going on?
A. No.
Q. Were the stores open?
A. Yes.
Q. Any ladies on the street 
A. Very few.
Q. Any children?
A. I do not know that I noticed any children.
Q. What time did they close the stores?
A. They closed them when the report of the pistol was heard, so far
as I remember.
Q. What did they do then?
A. They went out on the street, towards where the shot was fired.
Q. Did they go armed?
A. Not to my knowledge.
Q. As if they were going to fight, or only as if to see what was going
on?
A. Just for curiosity.
Q. No manifestation of any hostile movement?
A. None whatever. A Mr. Paris, connected with the "Advertiser,"
was our authority. We used to question him, and h3 used to tell us
what was going on. In the afternoon he told us there were three different places where they were enlisting to support any movement the
committee wished to make.
Q. Did those men who were enlisted have arms?
A. He didn't say so, or where they were going to get them.
Q. Was that after the proclamation or before 
A. It was before.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1543
Q. Did he say what they were enlisted for?
A. To carry their point. He did not say what it was.
I have read the foregoing and it is a correct report of my interview
with Mr. Blount.
W.. P. BOYD.
HONOLULU, June 13, 1893.
No. 14.
(Statement of J. O. Carter, May 3, 1893, printed with Mr. Blount's
No. 4, dated May 4, 1893.)
No. 15.
Intervieuw with J. O. Carter, Honolulu, May 13, 1893.
Mr. BLOUNT. Are you a brother of the Mr. Carter who was at one
time minister to the United States 
A. I am.
Q. What business are you engaged in?
A. I am a sugar factor and commission merchant.
Q. I see in the correspondence between the American minister at
this point and the State )epartment, during Mr. Harrison's administration, reference to the relations between the ex-Queen and Mr. Wilson, the ex-marshal. Please tell me what you know of the character
of the Queen.
A. So far as I know I have always found her to be a gentlewoman,
very kindly and generous, and I do not know anything against her,
except what parties have circulated in Honolulu.
Q. Do you give any credit to these stories?
A. No; knowing this community as well as I do, I do not credit them.
Q. In what way do you mean?
A. There is more loose talk about men and women in this town than
any place I have ever seen in my life. I never knew such a place for
loose talk.
Q. Was she invited to private houses to entertainments by Americans and Europeans?
A. She was.
Q. Did the ladies of these nationalities resort freely to the palace
and manifest respect for her t
A. They did to my certain knowledge.
Q. To any considerable extent 
A. It was limited only by her.
Q. She was welcome at any house?
A. I never knew anything against her being invited. She was most
certainly welcome.
Q. What is the foundation of these rumors against her character?
A. I suppose the fact that Wilson and his wife resided in that bungalow and resided in the cottage at Washington Place when she was
there.
Q. Did they live in the house with her?
A. Not to my knowledge. I understand that Wilson and his wife




1544                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
lived in the bungalow at the palace and in the cottage at Washington
Place.
Q. The bungalow was 30 or 40 yards from the palace 
A. Certainly; all of that.
Q. Did Mr. Wilson and his wife live in that bungalow 
A. I understand so. 1 never called on them.
Q. What were the relations between the Queen and Mrs. Wilson?
A. I think she very largely brought Mrs. Wilson up. Mrs. Wilson
was the daughter of an American, John S. Townsend. He deserted
his wife and family, and the Queen showed her kindness to the girl.
But that was before she was Queen; before she was heir apparent.
Natives have a way of bringing up children in that way.
Q. She took this Mrs. Wilson up at about what age?.
A. Ican not say; but at quite an early age. There are two kinds
of children among the natives-Keikehanai and Keikehanau. The latter is a child of the body the former an adopted child.
Q. Has she (Liliuokalani) ever had a child?
A. She never had any children.
Q. What do you know of Mr. Wilson?
A. I know that he is reputed to be half Tahitian; that he was a
blacksmith and that he was marshal of the Kingdom.
Q. His father was of what nationality?
A. I do not really know.
Q. Does he seem to be about the same type of person as the halfcastes are?
A. Just about.
Q. His associations generally are with those people?
A. Yes.
Q. Did he come here as a child 
A. That I can not tell you.
Q. What reason did the Queen have for appointing this person to
the office of marshal and for having him to live in the palace grounds
when she was at that place and in the cottage when she was at Washington Place?
A. She believed thoroughly in his loyalty. He has the reputation of
being courageous, and she believed that he would protect her against
persons who were disposed against her.
Q. Protect her in what sense  Was she apprehensive of any assault?
A. I think she has been from all that I could gather.
Q. Of what?
A. Of this party of revolutionists.
Q. Do you mean that she has not felt sure but what some movement
would be made looking to her dethronement?
A. Whether it was that or overturning of the State I can not say.
Q. And you think that was the reason, in connection with Wilson's
loyalty to her and his courage, that she persisted in holding him in
office?
A. I can not think of any other reason.
Q. What was the reason of the desire on the part of the opposition
or Reform party to get Wilson out of that place? What sort of officer
did he make?
A. He was in charge of the police. He was a very good marshal,
and the proof of that is that when the Reform party came into power
they did not put him out.
Q. In 1887 
A. I do not mean that. I mean lately-in the Legislature they did




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1545
not put him out. Mr. Neumann invited them to come before him and
a committee and make their complaint about Mr. Wilson; said that he
would listen to them, and if they gave sufficient reason why he should
be deposed they should do it. Neumann told me so himself.
Q. What reason do you suppose they had for the attacks on Wilson?
A. He was in their way.
Q. In their way in what thing? Do you imagine that there was any
annexation movement in the minds of the Reform party?
A. Individuals in the party were always pronounced annexationists.
Hartwell was; Mr. Gren was; Mr. Thurston-l1 won't say that of Thurston. The only insight I got as to his feelings was that he remarked to
me one day that he believed in bringing things to a smash.
Q. How long ago was that?
A. During the session of the Legislature. It was at a meeting of the
company we were in. He said, "I believe in bringing things to a smash
and then we will rebuild."
Q. What is your interpretation of all that turning out of cabinets
and putting in of cabinets? Did it illustrate that smashing-up policy?
A. Thurston was a ringleader in all that work and I believe it was
to that end.
Q. How in point of intelligence did the Wilcox cabinet compare with
the Macfarlane cabinet, take them as a whole?
A. In point of intelligence there was not much difference. In the
matter of having the confidence of men of wealth the Jones-Wilcox
cabinet was undoubtedly the superior.
Q. What is the character of Mr. Samuel Parker as to truthfulness?
A. I have never heard it questioned. He is a frank, open sort of
person, and such persons are not liars as a rule.
Q. Does he circulate in the best society in Honolulu, he and his
family?
A. Yes, they can circulate wherever they want to.
Q. He and his wife are both half-castes?
A. They are.
Q. Vhat is Mr. Peterson's character as to truthfulness?
A. I would always accept his statements.
Q. Is that generally true here?
A. That I can not tell you.
Q. Do you know his general reputation for truth and veracity?
A. I think I do.
Q. From that character would you believe him on oath?
A. I would.
Q. Do you regard him as a truthful man?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Do you know the general reputation of Cornwell as to truth and
veracity?
A. I have never heard it questioned.
Q. From that reputation would you believe him on his oath?
A. Certainly.
Q. How about Mr. Colburn; from your general knowledge of his
reputation for truth and veracity, would you believe him on his oath?
A. He has the reputation of being sharp in business practices. I
am loath to say I would not take his word under oath.
Q. Has it been the practice of any foreign nation or nations to land
troops here in case of disturbance?
A. I never saw it done except on the part of American forces. When




1546


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Kalakana was put on the throne both English and American forces
were landed. Admiral Skerrett was the captain of the Portsmouth.
Q. What effect was produced on the mind of the native population
by the landing of American marines on the 16th of January, 1893?
A. The effect was to intimidate them.
Q. Was that intimidation helpful to the movers in the revolution?
A. Most certainly.
Q. Could they have succeeded without the impression that they
were backed by the United States forces?
A. They would not have undertaken it without. I feel sure of that.
Q. What was the condition at that time in the city as to peaceful
ness?
A. It was the most peaceful, law-abiding community you would see
anywhere.
Q. The stores open as usual?
A. Yes. They closed the stores on the 16th so as to let everybody
attend the mass meeting.
Q. Were women and children going about on the streets as usual?
A. Yes.
Q. Did the people go back to their stores after the mass meeting?
A. I think not. It was late in the afternoon.
Q. Was it on account of the lateness of the hour that they did not go
back to their stores?
A. Yes; that was the only reason. There was no disorder. Women
and children on the street.
Q. The next morning, the morning of the 17th, were people going
about as usual?
A. I saw no difference. Our place opened up and I think all the rest
of the places on Queen street opened up.
Q. Sometime during the day of the 17th were you sent for to go to
the Government building?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. What time in the day was that?
A. About 6 o'clock, I think. I dine at half past 5, and during dinner I was rung up, and went down to the Government building with
Mr. Mehrtens, who came for me.
Q. Were you sent for by the parties in this new movement?
A. I do not know that. I was taken by Mehrtens right to the Gov
ernment building.
Q. And brought in the presence of whom?
A. The Provisional Government.
Q. Please state what occurred there?
A. There was a deal of excitement. I asked why I had been sent
for. I do not know who answered me. I was told a committee was
going over to the Queen-that I was to go with the committee. I
went with the committee.
Q. They didn't ask you to go, just told you you were to go?
A. I was told that there was a committee to be sent to the Queen
and I was wanted to go.
Q. For what purpose?
A. To state to her that the Provisional Government had been formed
and that she was deposed, and to assist her in making any protest she
might want to make.
Q. Did you go?
A. Yes.
Q. Please state what occurred?




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1547
A. We went into the blue room. Her Majesty and one or both of
the princes were there. Her ministers were there-Mr. Widemann,
Mr. MacFarlane. Mr. Damon I suppose was the committee. I do not
know whether there was more than one. I went with him. Mr. Damon
made a few remarks, in which he said that the Provisional Government had been formed; that she was deposed, and that she could make
a protest if she desired. There was a pause. I spoke up and said it
was an unpleasant thing to be present on such an occasion. She
had my sympathy; that it was a question of yielding to force; that if
she would accept my advice she would yield and counsel her people to
be quiet and orderly; that I should advise the surrender of the station house and barracks; that in case she acted in the line I marked
out, I believed her case would be a better one for presentation at Washington.
Q. What force did you refer to?
A. The forces of the Provisional Government, backed by the Boston.
Q. Was it your impression that the Boston forces would coiperate
with the Provisional Government forces?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Had the Provisional Government been recognized?
A. That is a matter of hearsay. It was commonly reported so on the
street.
Q. You were in the crowd at the Government building when they
sent for you?
A. I overheard that Mr. Stevens had recognized the Provisional Government.
Q. Was it the common acceptation in that crowd, so far as you could
see or hear?
A. In the afternoon it was the understanding on the street that Mr.
Stevens had recognized the Government. I heard a rumor that Stevens
had recognized the Government and that a steamer was to be chartered and sent with commissioners to Washington.
Q. That occurred on the streets?
A. Yes; I heard it on the streets before I went to dinner.
Q. In a conversation with me you referred to certain newspaper
articles pointing to the character of the Queen. What were they?
A. A sermon in the Commercial Advertiser of February 17, 1893,
preached by the Rev. E. G. Beckwith on the accession of the Queen.
Q. Who is he?
A. Pastor of the Central Union Church.
Q. Is he an Englishman?
A. An American.
Q. What denomination is his church.
A. Congregational.
Q. What was the other article?
A. A leading article in the same paper of February 5, 1891, and the
Bulletin of June 26, 1891, containing an account of the Oahu College
jubilee, naming the persons present, among whom was the Queen.
Q. Did you ever attend a breakfast given by the American minister
to the ex-Queen?
A. 1 did, with my wife.
Q. When was that?
A. April 19, 1892.
Q. Who was present besides the Queen?
A. Hon. Jonathan Austin; Ion. S. M. Damon and wife; Hon. and
Mrs. Samuel Parker; Mr. Haines, of San Francisco; Mr. and Mrs. H.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


W. Severance; Mr. and Mrs. Mizner, late United States minister to
Guatemaa; Hon. and Mrs. W. G. Irwin; Lieut. Dyer, U S. Navy; Dr.
Clarke, U. S. Navy; Mrs. Henry Waterhouse and others.
Q. These people were invited to meet the Queen, were they?
A. Yes, sir.
I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it to be an accurate
report of my interview with Mr. Blount.
J. O. CARTER.
HONOLULU, June 10, 1893.
No. 16.
Interview with H. Center, Honolulu, June 24, 1893.
Q. Where do you reside?
A. Spreckelsville, Maui.
Q. What is your occupation.
A. Manager of the Hawaiian Commercial and Sugar Company.
Q. How long have you been in the Hawaiian Islands?
A. Nearly sixteen years.
Q. When a laborer works carelessly, what remedy have you under
the law to compel him to work?
A. We sue him for damages in court. If I can prove what is a
proper day's work, and a man does not do it, I can sue him for the
amount of work not performed. You can not deduct by law from their
pay. We do sometimes deduct and the man stands it because he escapes thereby the cost of court, which is about $3.50 in addition to the
loss of pay. If they were paid 50 cents a day, if he did only half a
day's work, we should only sue him for 25 cents, but if he lost his case
he would have to pay $3.50 in addition.
Q. If a laborer leaves his employer during the contract term what
remedy does the law furnish to compel him to return to his employer?
A. Upon producing the contract before the district judge and entering a complaint the judge issues a warrant, which is served by the
Government police, and the party must be tried forty-eight hours after
being put in jail. If convicted and it is his first offense on that contract he will be reprimanded, ordered back to work, and charged costs.
On the second offense on the same contract he is fined or imprisoned
and charged costs if convicted, and after the expiration of his imprisonment ordered back to work. The third offense he is fined or
imprisoned three months, and all further offenses are punished at the
discretion of the court.
Q. Can the natives generally read and write?
A. Yes; it is very seldom you find a native who can not read and
write very well. Generally the Kanaka language, but very frequently
English. They are learning more English now.
Q. What is the disposition of the native population towards the
Provisional Government?
A. Hostile, altogether hostile, so far as I have come in contact
with them. They dread to lose their ancient customs and rights, and
also because there was an attempt made to disfranchise them.
Q. What is their general character for uprightness?
A. They are honest and straightforward. They are remarkably ture
to any one who is true to them. They would steal nothing.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1549
Q. How do they compare in fitness for the use of the elective franchise with the laboring class of the United States 
A. They compare very well indeed.
Q. If the question of annexation were left to the people of these
Islands by a ballot under the Australian system, with the qualification of reading and writing, what, in your opinion, would be the result?
A. There would be an overwhelming majority against annexation.
No native who was not influenced would vote for it.
Q. Can you get labor here from European countries to work your
plantation successfully?
A. We can not to raise sugar at the world's price. Of course under
the protection of the United States it might be a little better for us.
We have now no advantage from the United States.
The shorthand notes of this interview have been read to me by Mr.
Mills and they are correct.


UL. UJENTER.


HONOLULU, June 26, 1893.


No. 17.
Statement concerning number of troops landed and returned to the Boston.
Guns landed: One 37 m HH.R. C.; one Gatling.
I have looked the log over and find the following to be a pretty accurate account of the forces landed from the U. S. S. Boston at Honolulu, January 16, 1893, together with those landed from and returned
to the ship at different times:
Landed at 4:30 or 5 p. m., January 16:
Three (3) companies of blue jackets, 36 each............................... 108
One (1) company of marines and (2) music................................ 32
Music for battalion ---------—.. --- —......... --- —---—.. ----......-.... 12
Officers (9 naval, 1 marine)...............................................  10
162
Extra men landed:
January 24, for Camp Boston -2... —......-....-...-................. 2
February 16, for Camp Boston. —.. --- —--- -...... ---.-..  1
March 15, for Marine Guard.-.. —. —.... —.. —................ 1
March 17, for Camp Boston -..............-............................   14
18
Total number of men and officers landed for service......................  180
Returned on board:
January  27, men..........................................................  2
January 30, men.. —.. —.....-.........-.............. --- —-...... ----   1
February 3, Lieut. Young's company -....-................................ 35
February 3, officers.-......-..............-..... --- —-—. ----...... —..... 2
February 23, men —..-.... —. ---.. ---.. ----... ----.. —..-.... ---....-   2
February 27, men.-... ---. --. --- --------—... --- --- -- --. -. —. —.-  2
February 28, men (1), marine (1), blue jacket....-......................... 2
March 1, men...................... —.....................................  1
March  13, men................-......................-.................   1
March 15, men..........-... -—. - --------- ---—. --- —-- -—. —.....  2
March  18, men.................................................  1
March 20, Lieut. Coffman's company............... —.....................  36
March 20, officers........-.............. —...... --  —.............  1
March  22, men...........................................................  1
Total number of men and officers returned before April 1.............. 89
Total number of men and officers landed before April 1.....................  180
Total number of men and officers left on shore March 20, 1893.................. 91




HAWAIIAN 1SLANDS.


On February 15 Lieut. Young's company landed for the Admiral's
review, and returned after the review the same day. There were 36
men in the company and two officers.
The total number of men at Camp Boston April 1:
M en......................................................................  52
Officers.... ---..... --- —---—.. --- —-------—.. ----..... 6
Marines at Government building-..........................................  33
Marine officer...........................................................  1
Total force withdrawn from on shore April 1, 1893.................. 92
I think this is very near a true state of facts.
Yours, etc.,
D. W. COFFMAN.
No. 18.
(Statement of John F. Colburne, April 15, 1893, printed with Mr.
Blount's No. 3, dated April 2, 1893.)
No. 19.
(Statement of William H. Cornwell, April 24, 1893, printed with Mr.
Blount's No. 3, dated April 26, 1893.)
No. 20.
(Statement of S. M. Damon, April 29, 1893, printed with Mr. Blount's
No. 4, dated May 4, 1893.)
No. 21.
(Statement of Lieut. Hebert L. Draper, May 5, 1893, printed with
Mr. Blount's No. 5, dated May 6, 1893.)
No. 22.
Interview with Charles T. Gulick, Honolulu,3iay 13, 1893.
Q. What is your occupation, Mr. Gulickl
A. Notary public and business agent.
Q. For whom 
A. General; that is carrying on business agency. Agent for Pitt
and Scott's express, and for the Burlington railroad. My business is
also negotiating loans as well as real estate.
Q. Have you been a minister in any reign?
A. Under Kalakaua, 6th of August, 1883, to 30th of June, 1886.
Q. At any time since then?
A. Under Liliuokalani from September 12, 1892-about two months.
Q. I see in the correspondence between the American minister and




IAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1551


the State Department some statements as to Wilson, the ex-maishal
being the paramour of the ex-Queen. I wish to ask you as to your
knowledge of her character in point of chastity?
A. I would say to begin with that I know nothing against her character in that line.
Q. Was she received in all of the best families in this city-among
the whites 
A. She was; she always has been.
Q. Were they pleased to have her accept invitations to their enter.
tainments?
A. They always have been.
Q. Did they accept invitations to entertainments at the palace?
A. Not only accepted them, but were always anxious to get them.
Q. Did you ever hear of anybody keeping away from there on account of her character?
A. I have not.
Q. Do you know anything of the history of Mrs. Wilson?
A. I do.
Q. Please state it.
A. Mrs. Wilson is a half white woman who, at the early age of 10
or 12 was taken by the present Queen and educated. Was admitted into her household as a member. As she grew to womanhood
Charles B. Wilson, her present husband, met her, took a fancy to her,
and, with the approval of the Queen, he married her. When the
Queen came to the throne Mrs. Wilson became one of her ladies in
waiting, which position she held up to the overturn of the Governmrent.
Q. Where did Mr. and Mrs. Wilson live?
A. In the bungalow.
Q. That is a building in the palace yard?
A. Yes.
Q. What distance between the bungalow and the palace?
A. Two hundred and fifty feet I should think.
Q. You have heard some scandal about the Queen and Mr. Wilsont
A. I have.
Q. Did they grow out of the political campaigns here or did they
have a firmer basis?
A. I think they grew out of the political campaign entirely.
MONDAY, June 19, 1893.
Q. When the American troops were landed here on the 16th of
January, 1893, was there any indication of disorder on the part of the
population?
A. None whatever.
Q. Were ladies and children on the streets as usual?
A. They were.
Q. When it was known these troops had been landed, what was the
impression made on the minds of the royalists by that fact?
A. There was a feeling of bewilderment, as they were unable to'
account for it. The people in the streets followed along inquiringly
and people in their offices went out. I was at my office. I went out
to see what it all meant. Nobody seemed to know how to account for
it-what the object could be. It inspired all who were royalists
with concern and apprehension.
Q. Apprehension of what sort?




1552


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


A. Apprehension of some impending disaster to the nation or
encroachment upon their rights and independence. The feeling at that
time was vague.
Q. The next day what was generally the feeling on the part of the
Royalists 
A. There was a feeling that it was a high-handed, unjustifiable move,
and that there was no call for it.
Q. Was there any opinion that it was in aid of the movement of the
committee of safety a
A. I may say that that was the general impression; but matters at
that day had not formed themselves, had not crystallized, so that everyone was looking around and asking his neighbor and inquiring as to
what would come next.
Q. Was that the condition of mind the day after the troops were
landed?
A. I think I may safely say it was.
Q. What was the feeling on the part of the foreign element here?
A. My communication was principally confined to those who were in
sympathy with my own feelings and views. All of us who were in
sympathy with the Government and country and desired to see its
perpetuation as an independent country were, as I said before, impressed with the fact that it was a high-handed move. With regard to
the other people, those who might properly be considered revolutionits, there was an activity apparent on the street which would seem to
indicate that they were making preparations for some definite move.
This was in the forenoon of the 17th, the day following the landing of
the American troops.
Q. What was the impression made on your mind when the troops
were landed on the 16th as to the object of their being landed?
A. The impression left on my mind was that they were landed in
support of a revolutionary measure having in view the overturning of
this Government.
Q. What time did that impression obtain generally in the community; did it commence before the Provisional Government was proclaimed V
A. Yes; early in the day.
Q. How long before the proclamation of the Provisional Government
dethroning the Queen 
A. To my knowledge six or eight hours. I would qualify that by
saying that it is altogether likely a number had that view the night
before.
Q. When the American protectorate was proclaimed here, was the
condition of the public mind one of quiescence, awaiting the action of
the Government of the United States, or otherwise 
A. I should say that the public was quite ready to await the result
of deliberations in Washington.
Q. Was there in the minds of the opponents of the Provisional Government any disposition to commence hostilities against it?
A. Not at all.
I have read the foregoing and they are accurate reports of my interviews with Mr. Blount.
(Mr. B. said it was unnecessary for Gulick to certify to this. —E. M.)




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   1553
No. 23.
Statement of Charles T. Gulickc.
Col. J. H. BLOUJNT,
United States Commissioner, etc.:
DEAR SIR: I send you by bearer a very hastily prepared sketch of
some features of Hawaiian History with our present condition in view.
Time has not permitted of as careful an arrangement and comparison of facts and analysis of motives as I could have wished, but if the
sketch assists in the most humble way in arriving at a true understanding of our situation, my object will be fully attained.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
CHAS. T. GULICK.
MAY 8, 1893.
A FOOTNOTE TO HAWAIIAN HISTORY-MAY 8,1893.
In order to arrive at anything like a true understanding of the present condition of affairs in our little Kingdom  and the conflicting
influences and interests to which may be attributed the unfortunate
order of things now existing, it would seem necessary to take a brief
glance at the last seventy years of the nation's history with that object
in view.
In the year 1820 a little band of Puritan missionaries, in number fours
with their wives, landed on these shores, the ostensible object of their
visit being to evangelize the heathen, or, in the words of a quotation
frequently made by themselves from their principal text-book, to
preach "glad tidings of good things."
They seemed to wish it understood that they were actuated by a selfsacrificing charity and devotion rivaling, if not superior to, that of Paul
and his associates and followers when he started out on a similar
errand, and this view of the case does not seem so unreasonable when
we take into condsideration the fact that our Puritan friends were taking their chances in what was to them a veritable terra incognita, while
the first apostle,instead of pointing for Scythia with his momentous message, preferred to work the most brilliant centers of ancient civilization,
where he would be much more likely to find people and conditions congenial to his cultivated tastes.
The worldly goods of the newcomers were few indeed, and their
intellectual stock in trade was almost as beggarly, consisting for the
most part in a number of trite quotations from the Puritan Bible, worn
threadbare with constant and injudicious use. They were welcomed
by a race of incomparable physique, open-hearted, generous, and hospitable to a fault, qualities which to the average New Englander (such, for
instance, as were sent here with the Redeemer's message seventy years
ago), accustomed to the withering narrowness and penury of his native
land, were as strange as a quadratic equation to a Hottentot. In fact,
the newcomers were so overshadowed by the importance of their
"'tmessage," as well a:s themselves, that they had no time to throw away
on the amenities of life which are so highly valued under conditions of
our more advanced civilization, and not wholly despised by even barbarons people.
They found the Hawaiian in that state of mental evolution, which
would have gladdened the heart of the earnest philosophical teacher.
S. Rep. 227 -98




1554


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


He had already realized that he had outgrown the trammels of his
idolatrous religion, and that the mysteries and mummeries of its priesthood were worse than folly, and had just returned from a gleeful dance
around the bonfire of the trumpery connected with the superstitions of
the past. He received the newcomers with open arms, in the similicity of his heart, not doubting but that they would give him something better than what he had just thrown away that would satisfy,
morally and mentally, the craving of his better nature.
Our Puritan friends were more fortunate than their brethren of the
South Seas, where tradition would have us believe that missionary on
toast was a favorite delicacy.
They had no war to wage against the Prince of Darkness, no settled
evil notions and vices to combat, no idolatrous or pagan religion to
overturn, no conquest to make conquering " foot by foot from barbarism," as Gen. Armstrong would have us believe in his letter to the
New York Independent, of May 30, 1889.
They found the doorwideopen. A pleasant expectant face and beckoning hand encouraged them to enter; they did not hesitate a moment,
but dropping their manners outside with that exasperating brusqueness which they have taken fine care to hand down to their children's
children even to the present day, they bounced right in.
The simple islanders crowded around them, loaded them with
presents, gave them lands of their own selection, built them houses
and churches, furnished them with food, and besought them for instruction. The immense council houses of the chiefs were not large enough
to hold the vast throngs which assembled to hear them relieve themselves from time to time of a portion of the "message;" consequently
open air meetings were resorted to, the size of the audiences being
limited only by the range of the speaker's voice, and as the stomach
and lungs of our friends were the best developed organs of their
equipment, they sometimes spoke to immense gatherings.
The mental development which prompted the Hawaiian to destroy
his wooden deities and relegate the priests to more useful employment
enabled him to discover at a very early stage that something was lacking in the new teachers. To his disgust, he found that the veneering
was very thin and that from his standpoint at least, in accepting the
new doctrines and forms in place of those just cast aside, he was trading one set of mummeries for another without any perceptible gain or
advantage. He found that the new teachers were not only human
(which of course he expected, as the duy when his grandfather had
looked upon Capt. Cook as a deity had long gone by), but he found,
also, that they were prompted by motives and guilty of actions which
he and his race despised and was endeavoring to rise superior to.
His knowledge of the world, outside of his own people, being limited
to the few visitors who had touched on his shores during the twenty or
twenty-five years preceding the advent of the newcomers, and the still
fewer foreigners who had made their homes with him during that time,
did not help him to determine where the difficulty lay, whether in the
teachers, the doctrines taught, or' in both, and he desired to see something of the outside world for himself.
The King and a strong delegation were accordingly sent to England.
While there it was learned that there were other teachers equally capable or possibly better, and other religions more ancient and very likely
more satisfying to the hungry soul than those he had so rashly taken
to his bosom iu 1820. These things could not be known without a trial,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1555


and accordingly an invitation was extended to the Catholics to send
teachers, who in due course of time arrived at the islands.
Our Puritan friends hald about ten years the start of their Catholic brothers in the race to deliver the "message" to the simple
islander, during which time they had made good use of their opportulities. Notwithstanding this great advantage, they did not look with
favor on the advent of their Catholic brethren. In the first place there
was one quotation from their text-book peculiarly applicable to the
present case (and they were nothing, if not strong on quotations),
which was, "Thou shalt have no other Gods before me," and then the
Catholic brother had a little different version of the " message."  The
encouragment which our Puritan friends had received at the start had
made them aggressive, and they had, by successive steps, directed
with more skill than has been shown by any of their descendants,
secured the virtual control of the Government, which has, however,
been continually denied by them all until the appearance of Armstrong's letter in the Independent of the 30th May, 1889, referred to
above. The Government at that time (about 1830) was a monarchy
assisted by a council of Chiefs.
During the decade following 1830, the little original band of "message 7 bearers received very considerable additions to their ranks, all
being recruited from the same uncompromising, intolerant stock from
which the first were drafted, the recruits, with one or two exceptions,
being of the $200-a-year class of New England Parsons. They were
never noted for individual aggressive courage, but numbers, as with
(baser mortals), gave them assurance, and a taste of power sharpened
their cupidity. The Catholic (or anyone, for that matter, outside their
own pale) was an interloper who must be routed at all hazards. This
they endeavored to do through the agency of the chiefs, while keeping
themselves in the background, so that should odium or failure attend
their efforts, they could disclaim any responsibility in the matter.
Their machinations resulted in the disastrous occurrences of 1839, 1843,
and 1848, the details of which can be gleaned from the newspapers and
histories of those times, and are entirely in keeping with the recorded
characteristics of the gentle Puritan from the first day that his dirty
paw smudged the pages of European history.
They managed in a degree, hardly comprehensible at this date, to
retain their hold on not only the chiefs but the common people, and their
dictum was supreme in every sphere, social, moral, governmental,
and even individual. As a consequence some of the most absurd regulations were promulgated, the ears and claws of a few still showing
themselves in the Hawaiian statutes of to-day. The country was dotted
all over with unnecessary churches, Kawaiahao among the number,
built by the painful labor of the uncomplaining native to satisfy the
wishes of his teachers and everything was subordinated to the one
idea of religion as they taught it. The advantage of teaching their
willing pupils any of the arts of civilization and at the same time
instructing them how to avoid the pitfalls of the new order of things
never seems to have entered their heads. The consequence was that
as far back as 1840 there were graduates of Lahainaluna (the mission
high school on Maui) who had passed creditable examinations in Conic
sections, who had to don the malo and go into the taro patch if they
desired to earn an honest living, not having been taught a single
practical idea which would assist them in earning a living in a civilized
way.
As a matter of fact such genuine benefactors of the Hawaiian race




1556


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


as Locke of Waialua, Oahu, Goodrich of Hilo, Whitney of Waimea,
Kauai, and Shipman of Kau, Hawaii, who endeavored to teach the
people of their respective districts to work as civilized nen, with modern tools, and to improve their homes and take a, civilized and intelligent
care of their families, were frowned upon and denounced by the balance
of their devout brethren for neglecting the all-important " message."
The unwavering loyalty of the people to their teachers, under the circumstances, speaks volumes for the constancy of the old-time Kanaka.
About the beginning of the decade commencing with 1840, the commercial interests of the country demanded a more formal government
and governmental methods conforming in a measure to those of the
nations with whom  it was in communication. Persons capable of
assisting in the work of reorganization were not plentiful and the
chiefs naturally looked to their spiritual advisers for assistance, as
they had been instructed from the beginning that there was nothing
on the earth or in the heavens above or in the waters under the earth
beyond their ken.
Again luck favored our Puritan friends. It would never do to have
it appearthattheysoughtsecular empl oym ent and preferment. Equally
impossible would it be for them to permit any except the Lord's anointed
to embrace such an opportunity. Consequently, under cover of the
plea of the necessity of getting the permission of the A. B. C. F. M.,
which at that time took a whole year, they perfected their plans, and
Judd, Richards, Armstrong, and Andrews rather ostentatiously severed
their outward connection with the mission and took positions under the
Government, or more properly speaking, took the Government. This
was just into their hands; nothing could have been finer. And from
this time on, through all the various changes and vicissitudes of fortune, they looked upon the little kingdom as the veritable promised
land, and taught their descendants to recognize and claim it and all
belonging to it, together with the reversion and reversions, remainder
and remainders, rents, issues, and profits thereof as their rightftul heritage for all time.
The development of the whale fisheries of this ocean and the increased
commerce resulting therefrom brought to these shores quite a number
of visitors of various nationalities during the decade under consideration, some of whom became permanent residents. Many of these people
were men of education, knowledge of the world. and more than' usual
ability.
These were confronted by a singular social condition of things not a
little puzzling to the uninitiated. Our Puritan brethren had by this
time increased in numbers to such an extent as to form a community
of their own, and, as before remarked, were drafted from a Stratum of
society which was not only destitute of the advantages of social training and polish, but which with genuine loyality to their creed and
their history, affected to despise the manners and courtesies which
amongst civilized nations are the evidences of good breeding. With
them the sum of all the virtues consisted in the exhibition of those
Puritanical characteristics so familiar to the reader of English history, and the moral obliquity which prompted them  to haze the
Catholic out of the vineyard caused them to surround themselves with
a barrier of social exclusiveness as impenetrable as an East Indian
caste. AT exception, however, was made in favor of those who were
sufficiently hypocritical to make a pretense of adopting their creed and
outwardly conforming to their ways.
These being the conditions of social recognition, it will be readily




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1557


seen that the recruits from what they were pleased to term the " world's
people" were, with scarcely an exception, the most unworthy sneaks
whom greed of gain had tempted so far from home. And in some
cases, family and business alliances the most incongruous were made
with persons of more than doubtful morality, if judged by the Puritan standard. It must not be forgotten, however, that deviations
from their generally exclusive rule had, in almost all cases, solid mate.
rial advantages to commend them-considerations which the Puritan
has never yet been known to ignore.
The Hawaiian, at this period, presents many interesting and curious
features to the student of history. The memories of the great Kamehameha had not lost their influence, and the ruling chiefs, in many
cases, proved themselves not unworthy successors to the founder of
Hawaiian unity, giving evidence of firmness, moderation, and judgment which challenge the admiration of all who are acquainted with
the complicated problems demanding their solution at this stage of
their national existence.
Their reception of the white men was altogether unique. History
furnishes no parallel. While in all time and in every part of the world
the colonization of a superior race has been vigorously resented and
repelled by force of arms, usually resulting in the ultimate subjugation or extinction of the aborigines, the Hawaiian welcomed his white
visitor, encouraged him to remain, adopted his religion and dress, aped
his manners, sought his instruction, and finally asked his assistance in
framing a government on a civilized model. A reception so unusual
was quite to the taste of our " message " bearing friends, who did not
fail to make the most of it, while some of the world's people were more
modest, as appeared at the time of the election of representatives to
the first Legislature in 1845, when the Hawaiians urged their white
friends to accept their suffrages and show them how to carry on the
business of legislation, they themselves being desirous of learning the
methods of representative government before assuming any responsible
part in its management.
All the lands, without exception, belonged to the Crown and to the
heads of the powerful chiefly families. Without hesitation the chiefs
enfranchised the common natives and divided the lands between the
Government, themselves, and the people, giving titles in severalty on
terms which have commanded the approval of all acquainted with the
conditions.
Up to this time the nation had encountered no serious difficulties
excepting those occasioned by following the advice and instructions of
the "message" bearers, which were prompted by a selfish jealousy of
all others in the field.
In arranging the machinery and perfecting the methods of government it was very soon discovered by everyone outside their own following that the unassisted efforts of the "message" bearers were wholly
unequal to the task; consequently the services of such men as Wyllie,
Rlobertson, Record, Lee, and others, professional men, not of the fold
however, were secured, and the little nation very soon took its place in,he great family of independent states by virtue of treaties negotiated
with rare tact and good judgment, chiefly through the efforts of Wyllie,
By 1853 the little ship of state was fairly under way. Representative
Government was running smoothly, and the common people were
learning their duties as freeholders, and taking such part in public
tffairs as their intelligence fitted them for. Honolulu had become an
important shipping port not unknown in the business centers of the




1558                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
world. The permanent white population of the city and the Kingdom
had rapidly increased, and in cultivation and general intelligence was
probably above the average of communities of its size, as people who
go to settle so far away from home are usually the most enterprising
among their fellows. This class of people was sufficiently numerous in
the city itself to form a separate community or society, as it were, who
were in the habit of thinking and acting for themselves, and to whom
the little country owed most, if not all, the standing it held abroad.
This class lived on the best of terms with.the Hawaiian chiefs and
people, some of them having formed matrimonial alliances with the
native families of the higher grades. Our Puritan friends did not look
with any more favor on this class than they did on the Catholics, meting out to them but scant courtesy, and but little, if any, of that Christian charity of which they were presumed to be the exemplars. In
fact, they had no use for anyone whom they could not bully and browbeat into a cringing sycophant or a willing tool. They took the most
offensive ways of reminding people of their supreme hold on the King
and Government, quite in keeping with their early training, or the lack
of it, wholly and contemptuously ignoring such men as Wyllie and
Robertson, who had done the work and gave character to the Government under the new conditions.
This state of things could not last long and resulted in the appointment, after several popular meetings, of a committee of 13 citizens
(some of them now living), who waited on His Majesty Kamehameha
III, demanding the dismissal of Judd and his associates. This was
readily acceded to, but not without some expressions of surprise on
the part of the King and his native advisers at the existence of
such a bitter antagonism between people of a race claiming so great a
superiority to the Hawaiians. The common natives were bewildered at
the exhibition. They attended the meetings without taking part. As
their fathers, shortly after welcoming the first sky pilots, saw reason
to repent of their rashness, the sons began to entertain grave doubts
with regard to the wisdom of the new tinkers in Governmental affairs,
as well as to the results of their tinkering. The effect on our "message" bearers was indescribable. Each one of the 250 odd men,
women, and children belonging to their guild looked upon the downfall of the Judd cabinet as a personal calamity. They realized that
the heritage was in danger. This was the first genuine setback they
had ever experienced.
For the next twenty years the Government, while by no means perfect, was, under the virile rule of the last of the Kamehamehas, administered with evenhanded justice, having regard for the interests of all
and endeavoring to secure the greatest good to the greatest number.
During this time the most capable men in the realm, regardless of
nationality or creed, were called upon to assist the head of the nation
with their counsel. This call did not, however, at any time during this
period include any member of the Puritan guild, whose interests were
not by any means ignored, as some of their members were honored
with subordinate appointments, where they could do no harm. During
all this time-to the annointed an eternity, to the rest of the nation a
respite-there was no publication which would admit their drivel but
was loaded with their complaints, and no pulpit into which they could
climb but resounded with their wails and maledictions.
Another page of history is completed and the Puritan is again in
luck. The last of the Kamehamehas is gathered to his fathers at the
close of 1872, and as the Hawaiian saw the last representative of his race




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1559


who had strength and genius enough to keep ahead of the wheels of the
juggernaut of human progress enter the family mausoleum there is little
wonder that his grief was inconsolable and that he gave himself up to
despair. Poor Lunalilo, a weak, but in some respects brilliant, offshoot
of the old stock, was unanimously elected to the vacant throne, as by
law provided. Our " message," bearing friends, all but famished from
their long fast, were at his collar in a moment and never let go their
hold till they dropped him in the grave, after only one brief year of
power. As was their traditional custom, they had again made the most
of their opportunities, securing as many as possible of the subordinate
offices, positions on the various boards, Privy Council, House of Nobles,
etc.
During the reign of Lunalilo the course of events was somewhat
modified by an element not altogether unknown, but exceedingly distasteful to our friends, in the person of Walter Murray Gibson.
The throne was again filled by the election of Kalakaua in 1874.
As Prince Lunalilo was, according to the Hawaiian standard, of a
chiefly rank superior to that of any one living at the time of his election to the throne, he had no competitors, and his elevation to an
heretofore hereditary throne by a popular election seemed in no way
to affect the current of events. The position was looked upon as
almost his by right of inheritance. and was cheerfully confirmed to
him by legal formalities. When, however, it became necessary to fill
the throne a second time in the same way the whole situation was
quite different.
The oft repeated statement that "Paris is France" might with perfect propriety be paraphrased to apply, during the period under consideration, to the little capital city of Honolulu, which, in almost every
sense, was to all intents and purposes the Hawaiian Kingdom. The
only safe harbor for deep-water vessels was here, all the business
agencies were located here, and all the enterprises throughout the
Kingdom centered in and were controlled from the city. During the
twenty years since we last noticed the make-up of its society, the conditions had somewhat changed and should claim our attention for a
moment.
Social and business methods had, so to speak, crystallized; several
commercial houses had been established, which, in all respects, would
compare favorably with the best in any large seaport; a bank had been
opened, having correspondence with all the principal business centers
of the world; newspapers in the Hawaiian and English languages had
been established, and had a wide domestic circulation; foreign churches,
benevolent societies; Masonic and other lodges were organized and in
a flourishing condition; the American, English, and German people
had representatives amongst the permanent residents of the city from
almost every grade of society in their respective nations; in fact, the
city was as fairly a representative cosmopolitan community on a small
scale as San Francisco or New York.
The whaling business had declined, and attention of late had been
directed to agricultural and grazing ventures which were fairly remunerative, and if the American tariff were not in the way (European
markets being beyond our reach) would to all appearances be opulence
itself. Serious efforts had therefore been made for several years to, in
some way, get over this tariff by annexation, reciprocity, or a remission
of duties on Hawaiian products entering American markets. The first
method was not popular with the Hawaiian nation at large, the third
was impossible from an American standpoint, consequently the inge



1560                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
nuity of the best contrivers in the little Kingdom was strained to the
utmost to convince American statesmen that 2 and 2 made 5, and that
great material advantages would inure to the Republic through a
commercial treaty of reciprocity with Hawaii. The native Hawaiian
understood little or nothing of the force of the project, and failed to
see wherein he would be benefited, but as his white friend and guest
so greatly desired its consummation, he, as usual, good-naturedly
assented and rendered such assistance as he could to bring about the
desired end.
The foregoing in brief was the condition of things, business generally slack, profits uncertain, and the reciprocity treaty hanging fire in
Washington, when the 12th of February, 1874, arrived. This was the
day appointed by Ministerial proclamation for the Legislature to assemble and fill by ballot the place made vacant by the death of Lunalilo.
The Legislature met. There were but two candidates, Queen Emma
and David Kalakaua.
Queen Emma was the choice of the native Hawaiian population,
almost to a man; but saint and sinner for once met on common ground
and decided to, if possible, defeat the wish of the people by securing
the election of Kalakaua. The reasons for the union of effort, on the
part of people so radically antagonistic, to compass the election of
Kalakaua are worthy of attention. As has been heretofore mentioned,
a recipocity treaty with the United States, or something equivalent
thereto, had for some time been looked upon by the majority of the
business community as being the only salvation. This view had been
almost universally adopted by the American Missionaries, their descendants and associates. It may be here remarked as a significant fact
that with two exceptions, the children of the missionaries neglected
to enter the chosen field of their fathers, they seeming quite content
to let the souls of the gentle islanders take their chances, while for
themselves they generally preferred lines which gave promise of more
tangible rewards for thrift and energy.
The wisdom of their choice being at the present time amply demonstrated by the enormous annual gains of some of their number, which
far outrun the wildest dreams of romance, as for instance, Baldwin,
with a net gain for the year 1889 of over $300,000. followed closely by
the Wilcoxs, Bailey, Alexander, Castle, Cooke, Rice, and a number of
others hardly less fortunate. It may also be remarked at this time that
the term "missionary," which to those acquainted with the general
relationship of individuals, business enterprises, etc., is quite clear and
definite, to the uninitiated is likely to be misleading and requires a word
of explanation. The nature of their society and the methods of recruiting from the " outside world " have been before alluded to, and with this
in mind it will be readily seen that the missionaries, at the time of which
we are treating, included in their fold a large number who could lay no
claim to this designation except in so far as they acted with the saints
when the balance of the world was to be beaten, and made a pretense
of covering their moral nakedness from time to time as suited their
convenience with a cloak of religious hypocrisy.
The members of this guild, more especially the original missionaries,
considered themselves and taught their children to feel that they
occupied a moral and social plane far above not only the native
Hawaiian, but all " outsiders" of their own race. In fact, the missionary placed between his own family and the generous-hearted islander
whom he came across the sea to pilot the way to everlasting life, a
chasm far more difficult to bridge than ever existed between the




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1561


t"haughty" Southerner and his African slave. Fortune favored the
guild with material wealth, and it might with truth be said that the
financial resources of the country were practically in their hands. It
did not take long for this class to be designated the "Missionary
party," by which term it is now generally known. This is, however,
periodically resented by members of their guild in the newspapers'of
the day-sometimes snappishly, and at others with a whine.
The foregoing little digression seems necessary to explain the situation and, to be brief, the Missionary party espoused the cause of
Kalakaua with the view of reinstating themselves in the position they
enjoyed before the downfall of Judd, not doubting that the new King
would prove a willing tool to act their bidding. David's impecuniosity
and other social disabilities seemed to them sufficient ground for
believing that ordinary gratitude, if no other motive, would induce him
to heed their instructions. On the other hand, Queen Emma was surrounded by and under the control of individuals and influences not
only inimical to the " Missionary Party," but to a treaty of reciprocity
with the United States, or, in fact, any other compact which might,
even remotely, threaten the autonomy of the Kingdom.
She was a member of the Anglican Church in Honolulu, and her
principal advisers and associates were British people, all of whom were
opposed to any American alliance, excepting a certain few whose interests were such as to be favorably affected by a modification of the
tariff on Hawaiian products entering American ports, in their case selt
interest triumphed over patriotism and they either remained silent or
sided with the " Missionary Party" which was, by the way, at this time,
the only class which deserved the name of a " party", all others were
simply "outsiders".
By law, the election was in the hands of the Legislature, consisting
of about fifty members, over two-thirds of whom were native Hawaiians.
This simplified the manipulation of the business very much, and for
the first time in the history of the nation the white man applied to the
most important election ever held in the Kingdom the methods so
common in the ward politics of New York and other American cities
thereby grossly deceiving the people, controventing the popular will
and ultimately gaining the desired end by the election of Kalakaua.
For the first time in his experience, more than fifty years after he
had first welcomed his white brother to his shores and besought his
instruction in the ways of civilization and religion, the Hawaiian
found himself face to face with the bugbear of race prejudice. It was
a new and strange element to him which he did not understand and
for which he was not responsible. The men like Wyllie, Robertson,
Harris, and their associates who had formulated for him methods of
government, forseeing the possibility of the intrusion of this prejudice
in the affairs of state, had diligently guarded against such a catastrophe and as long as their counsels prevailed the danger was averted.
From this time on the internal relations of the heterogeneous commonwealth rapidly changed, and the aboriginal Hawaiian, who had
been so long the subject of prayerful solicitude was forgotten, his interests and rights ignored and despised, and as from time to time he
appeared in the Legislature of his native land, he was either cajoled,
bullied, or bought into supporting the schemes of his white brother.
The basket of loaves and fishes was small, the hungry maws numerous,
manners scarce, and consequently the scramble for spoils and plunder
was savage. Our Puritan friends and their allies, with the sentiment
strong within them of rightful inheritance to everything in sight, were




1562


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


not to be indifferently dealt with. After the usual wire pulling the
game was called and the saints showed up with the practical control
in almost every branch of the public service, Cabinet, Supreme Court,
Board of Education, Bureau of Surveying, etc.
The inchoate American reciprocity treaty was a matter of so much
importance, meaning as it did success or failure to almost every enterprise in the Kingdom outside of the capturing of fish and the manufacture of poi, that after the first grab and snarl over the plums, all
whose interests were to be affected by the change of tariff, united in
as cordial a manner as might, for instance, the fiercer animals of a
menagerie when confronted by a common danger in a supreme effort to
secure its ratification. The aged Chief-Justice Allen, of the Supreme
Court, was relieved of his duties on the bench and dispatched to Washington armed with a high-sounding title to represent the interests of
the little country (or rather its moneyed and planting interests), and
urge on the treaty to its final ratification. A better choice could not
have been made, as Judge Allen was a typical American politician of
large experience in his native land before coming to Hawaii, and both
training and self-interest united in causing him to put forward his best
efforts to ensure the success of the mission entrusted to his care. A
trump card in the game was to send the King to Washington and
show to the Republicans the anomaly of (as Barnum would have put
it) the only King on earth who owed his throne to, and reigned by the
will of the people, and not by the grace of God.
Accordingly the King, accompanied by a staff of officers selected
for the trip, visited America's capital, also several other principal
cities, and for the time being, in physical proportion to say the least,
was a "bigger man than Grant."
During the period of waiting for Uncle Sam to make up his mind to
grant their request, our little insular community put in the time pulling faces at one another, intriguing for and securing positions for
themselves and their favorites. In this contest the Missionary party
were generally consistent and loyal to themselves, whilst outsiders had
to fight their battles singly, having only the support of their personal
friends. The Honolulu newspapers of the years 1875 and 1876 contain
some spicy reading of a personal nature, giving evidence of more than
usual bitterness, which, in the Legislature of 1876, culminated in an
open feud. A majority of the assembly was native Hawaiians, with
six or seven British, and the remainder Americans, German, and halfctste.
The native Hawaiian leaders were not all dead, and some of the
brightest then living were in the house; amongst them were Aholo and
Pilipo. The quarrel was confined to the white members, and took the
form of a determined effort to unseat the cabinet. The wrangle was
boisterous, filled with bitter personalities, and in every way unseemly.
It continued for three days, the native members remaining mute spectators during the whole time. In the afternoon of the third day, all
the contestants being blown, question was called. The native members glanced around to Pilipo as one who might say a word for them
touching the situation. Pilipo arose with great deliberation, addressed
the chair, asked the indulgence of the house for a few moments, and
reminded the interpreter that as what he was about to say was intended
especially for his " white brethren," he wanted his views made very
clear to them.
Pilipo proceeded, and as he warmed to the subject, his few moments
extended to an hour and a half, compassing one of the most scathing,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1563
eloquent addresses ever heard in the house, and what proved to be
almost the last effort of the kind by a Hawaiian Orator worthy of
notice. The interpreter did his duty well, and the word pictures presented for the consideration of Pilipo's " white brethren" were very
sharply outlined and anything but flattering to their vanity. The
orator briefly reviewed the history of the intercourse of foreigners with
his own race, something after the fashion of this sketch, amplifying
where it best suited his purpose. He dwelt at length on the errand of
the missionary to these shores and his agency in instructing the
Hawaiian in the ways of religion and civilization. He painted in vivid
colors the picture of the three days' wrangle just past, making sarcastic comparisons and comments on the whole.
The effect of the speech was indescribable. Those of his hearers who
had not taken part in the quarrel could scarcely restrain themselves
from violating the dignity of the house by giving the orator an ovation.
Even at this time the Hawaiian did not realize that his " white brother"
and guest had got tired of him, and had been so long the recipient of
his hospitality that he looked upon his privileges as vested rights and
preferred to enjoy them to the exclusion of the host.
At last the good news came. The treaty was a reality. Then came
the rejoicing, firing of guns, display of fireworks, and the like. Those
who were to be the most benefited by it and who made the most noise
over its consummation never in the wildest flights of fancy dreamed of
the success in store for them. Had they been told that they, descendants of shirt sleeves, with no more claim to a pedigree than a Government mule, would, each one of them, be within a decade in the yearly
receipt of an annual income equal to many of the noble families of
Europe, who trace their lineage through a host of distinguished ancestors for hundreds of years back, they would have been offended as being
made game of.
This, however, is the fact, and until "the frost, the killing frost," of
the McKinley bill "nipped their root" there was every prospect of a
very material increase of their prosperity from year to year as long as
the terms of the treaty were in force. Coal Oil Johnny's success has
had several counterparts in the Paradise of the Pacific, not followed,
however, by Johnny's improvidence, as it is hardly likely that should
the descendants of the penurious New Englander suddenly find that
the earth beneath his feet had turned to gold he would spurn it on
account of its abundance. This phenomenal good fortune was turned
into the laps of the few, however, the many having to be content with
the crumbs, so that the condition of the little paradise is in many
respects somewhat similar to that of Athens under the thirty tyrants.
In the struggle for position and power the churchman forgot his
creed and the sinner gave rein to his passions, while both ignored the
interests and rights of the Kanaka. These facts were seized upon by
Gibson (of whom mention has already been made) and shown up in
both Hawaiian and English newspapers with great clearness and skill.
The thorough literary Bohemian that he was, he also possessed a much
greater knowledge and experience of men and affairs, diplomacy, and
statesmanship than people of his class usually have, and, in fact, had
forgotten more moves and tricks in the game now on the board than
all the rest of the players ever knew. Among the native Hawaiian
population he, of course, very soon gained a large following, which was
supplemented by a not inconsiderable portion of the foreign residents
of various shades of opinion, who supported his views to a greater or
less degree. It hardly needs mentioning that the missionary party from




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


the first looked with aversion and distrust on his appearance in the
political arena.
These sentiments in a short time ripened into enmity and hatred, and
for the genuine, consistent passion there is hardly a shadow of doubt
the Puritan stands ahead, more especially when it is directed against
an opponent of greater ability than he possesses himself, or, in other
words, who draws too much water for him. Gibson was elected to the
assembly in 1878, and, being returned each session till called upon to
form a cabinet, he displayed many of those qualities which are so
essential to the success of the political worker, and worried the souls
of all the saints and quite a number of the sinners without rest or
intermission. The prizes were getting larger and the points of vantage
more important every day, and the contest waxed fiercer all the time.
Lands, contracts, and franchises were increasing in value and must be
secured at all hazards-by fair means if possible, by foul if necessary.
Fair means were out of the question, as the arena was so small that
no move could be made without the knowledge of all the contestants,
and the native officials and legislators soon learned a new lesson (new
to them) in politics, to wit, that official position had a money value.
conveniently measured by the purses of those requiring their assistance. In a short time the native Hawaiian, from the most obscure voter
to the King himself, was so thoroughly debauched by the white man's
gold that his standard of right and wrong was almost if not wholly
destroyed, and his moral sense of personal rectitude was completely
dulled by sophistry, gin, and coin. A truly deplorable condition, for
which saint and sinner are about equally responsible.
As an example of the methods adopted by those who would violently
resent the charge of anything bordering on dishonorable conduct or
unfair means, it may be mentioned that one of the numerous ministries (cabinets) of this period, one that was as fairly representative as
any that ever filled the position, and who were earnestly endeavoring
to perform their duties, while consulting with and receiving advice
from prominent members of the business community were being undermined by the very men with whom they were in communication, and
who were fairness itself to the faces of the cabinet. Compensation
came, however, in a singular way. The two-faced gentlemen did not
feel themselves strong enough to carry out their plot single-handed, so
they made overtures to Gibson, making all sorts of fair promises, which
no one knew better than Gibson himself were never intended to be fulfilled.
They were not wise in approaching a player so far their superior in
a game of this kind. After playing one crowd against the other until
he learned what each held, Gibson, with the most bland and easy manner imaginable, dropped both sides, stepped in and took the bun without any trouble whatever, formed a cabinet of his own, much to the
amusement of the native Hawaiian, who as heretofore-was nota partyto
the contest. The disappointment and rage of the defeated contestants
were truly pathetic. To be beaten was bad enough, but to be caught
in one's own trap, sold, and laughed at by even the Kanakas was too
much. " Eternal enmity to Rome and fealty to Carthage" was but an
empty vow in comparison with the oath by which the schemers bound
themselves each to the other to compass the final ruin of the man who
had held them up to public ridicule.
Fort Street Church (now Central Union Church) was organized in
1852, the Honolulu Chamber of Commerce a few years later, and the
Plantersa Labor and Supply Company soon after the ratification of the




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


treaty, the three together containing the whole of the missionary
party, together with a small sprinkling of those who did not wholly
sympathize with their views and aspirations. On the accession of
Gibson to position and power a general tarpauline muster of all the
brains in the crowd was made, committees were appointed, resolutions
passed, memorials prepared, appeals and petitions drawn; in fact the
maggot bed had a spasm which threatened as serious consequences to
the patient (i. e., the maggot bed) as sometimes follows a congestive
chill. They appealed to the American Minister resident (Daggett),
carried in solemn procession their memorials and petitions to the King,
and prayed to the Lord Almighty-all without any apparent result.
Gibson compassed the whole in replies and dispatches which were
respectful, polished, and diplomatic, and which might have served as
forms for them in their future correspondence. He remained unshaken.
It very soon became apparent that he was the rallying point for the
native Hawaiians, who, under his guidance and tutelage, were beginning to learn, and in a measure appreciate the relation of matters,
and to assert their rights in the land of their birth. No sooner did
the Missionary party understand this new feature of the game than
without hesitation they unblushingly proclaimed that the Kanaka must
go. They conveniently forgot the errand which ostensibly brought
their forefathers to these shores, despised the rights of hospitality,
and, blinded by cupidity, worked themselves up to the point where
they were prepared to override and trample upon any and all rights
and interests not in harmony with their own. In short, certain of their
number did not hesitate to say that the money and thrift of the white
men having made the country what it was, it was high time that it
should be made in fact, as well as appearance, a white man's govenment.
This was the attitude assumed in the face of the fact that ever since
the foundation of the Government under its present form, the chief
judicial, executive, and diplomatic offices had been voluntarily conferred upon foreigners, the Hawaiian having a laudable desire to be
represented by at least one position in the cabinet.
Up to this time no demand on his generosity had been refused. The
sugar plantations of his white brother required cheap labor. He, without hesitation, voted from the public treasury large sums to defray the
expense of scouring the world to satisfy the demand. China, Japan,
the South Seas, Germany, and Norway, were in turn thoroughly tried
as sources of supply. The demand far exceeded the supply, and at the
urgent request of his white brother, he threw open the flood gates in
1881 and thousands of Chinese swarmed on his shores in a yellow tide
that brought with it not only all the vices of the pagan Asiatics, but
also an epidemic which laid 300 native Hawaiians corpses forever to rest
in the sands of the quarantine station at Honolulu, and cost the public treasury $110,000 in cash.
The production of sugar by Chinese coolies was not looked upon
with favor by our California friends, but labor must be had, and the
Hawaiian was again called upon to lend his assistance to the introduction of the less objectionable Japanese. Again he yielded, only to
find that he had at last practically voted away the avenues of occupation for his own countrymen, and had, at the crafty solicitation of
those whom he had supposed to be his friends, filled his country with
a heterogeneous horde of pagans and worse, far outnumbering his own
people, with whom they had little or nothing in common, and who,




1b6t                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
like his white brother, were beginning to look upon the Hawaiian as an
intruder on his own soil.
To the saintly Puritans and their successors all this had no weight and
was unworthy of their notice. There was too much in the pot to run
the risk of any accidents, and the only sure way to success was to
blow out the lights, snatch the pot, and jump the game. But while our
friends of the "Missionary party" possessed wealth enough to corrupt
the Russian Empire, and were actuated by all the sentiments required
to overturn the world, they yet lacked two very essential elements to
success, which were intelligent leadership and pluck sufficient to carry
the scheme into execution. While they longed for the possession of
the coveted prize, they were in no hurry to risk their own precious carcasses in securing it, and consequently cast about for some accommodating cat to reach after the chestnuts for them. The right kind of a
cat was not just to hand, and our friends had to content themselves,
for a few years longer, with putting up their money lavishly on elections and subsidizing every vagrant Bohemian blackguard within
reach to write libelous matter for the local and foreign press, denouncing the Government and every one connected therewith.
By continual hammering, a sentiment of antagonism to the Hawaiian
Government and more especially to the native Hawaiians themselves
was propagated, chiefly amongst comparatively new comers who knew
nothing, and cared less, of the history of the country and who were
quite ready to look upon the native much in the same way as the
western pioneer does on the Comanche Indian. A suitable cat was at
last found in the person of a Canadian adventurer, who possessed the
necessary ability to organize and encourage, to execute the plans of
usurpation, and who far surpassed his employers in the possession of the
common honesty to frankly avow at the start that, while glory might
have had some attractions for him in his tender youth, coin was at
present his strongest incentive to action, and that his zeal would be
measured by the amount in sight. All was satisfactorily arranged with
little delay, the cat receiving a handsome subsidy from both side without the knowledge of the other, and the conspiracy was in running
order in a short time.
Our missionary conspirators justified their course with the hollow
pretense that they were seeking the adoption of governmental reforms
which could be secured in no other way than by violence. They raised
their hands in holy indignation and horror at such ill-advised schemes
as the 'kaimiloa" the genealogy board, and royal cemeteries, and
words failed them in expressing their detestation of the Aki opium
swindle and kindred irregularities. While little or nothing can be said
in defense or extenuation of the follies referred to, it would seem not
out of place to note the fact that, from a moral and financial standpoint,
their injury to the commonwealth was trifling in comparison to the
damage done by the eccentricities of the conspirators' favorites, which
left their marks on the waterworks of Nuuanu Valley, the reservoir
and land damages in Makiki, the quarantine graveyard at Honolulu,
the South Sea immigration venture of the barque Hawaii, the
"Likelike" and bellows opium business, and a score of other outrages
of a similar nature which were hushed up, whitewashed, or hidden from
the public as far as possible.
During the first half of the year '87 the conspirators were busy perfecting their plans. A league was formed, a large fund subscribed, and
members sworn in, at first with some care, but as their numbers grew
they gained confidence and relaxed their circumspection. Waifs from




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1567


all parts of the world, temporarily stranded on these shores, were
attracted by all sorts of impossible promises of official employment as
soon as the move became a success. The 1' Honolulu Rifies," a battalion
of four companies, wholly composed of Europeans, armed and equipped
at the expense of the IHawaiian treasury, was organized and drilled
incessantly. Arms and ammunition in large quantities were imported
and distributed. Mention should not be omitted of the fact that during all the excitement of these stirring times the quality of thrift was
not for a moment lost sight of by the saints, as they generously
imported military equipments, costing $6.50 per man, which they supplied to the members of the league and such others as they thought
could be trusted at $18 and upwards.
Nor must it be lost sight of that the sentiment of self-preservation
was always strong in the breasts of the saints, and on this occasion
was developed in a rather quaint and amusing way. When their commander began making assignments to duty he overlooked this quality
in a portion of his band and made a pardonable mistake of distributing to some of our friends tasks the fulfillment of which might be
attended with a possibility of personal danger. He was quickly
reminded that in great enterprises affecting the fate of nations it was
not usual to expose the Marlboroughs and Napoleons of the movement
to the possibility of being snuffed out; in other words, our friends
recognized themselves as the brains of the crowd, and they did not propose to run any personal risk, but would at all times hold themselves
in readiness to give chin music in unlimited quantities, seasoned from
time to time with small allowances of coin.
The organization of the conspiracy was much more complete perhaps
than movements of this kind usually are. It had its military commander; council of thirteen, otherwise known as the committee of
'public safety," and which was the fountainhead for all orders; its
military force, uniformed, fully equipped, and drilled, ready at a
momnent's notice to obey without question any orders from the committee of "public safety;" a large body of citizens, fully armed and
supplied with ammunition, who had familiarized themselves with the
use of their weapons by frequent target practice during several months
past-in fact, it was as completely organized as the Hawaiian Government itself, and, as it turned out, much better handled. Of all the foregoing the Government was from time to time fully informed, and the
indifference or pretended disbelief of Gibson in the existence of anything out of the usual course, or which would be likely to make trouble,
is difficult to reconcile with his habitual astuteness.
However, this was about the condition of things during the latter
days of June, 1887. Fully prepared as the organization was for
immediate action, the leaders were at a loss just how to begin. The
country was apparently at peace with all the world, and more especially
with itself. All the functions of the Government were being performed
as usual, the courts were disposing of the business brought before
them without interruption, and to a stranger just arrived nothing
unusual would appear to be in the wind. Consequently, it was not
quite clear how to proceed. A committee of public safety was bent
double with the weight of an indefinable responsibility, and yet it was
not quite apparent just what they were called upon to save, as the
public peace and safety did not somehow appear to be in any immediate
danger, unless from the committee themselves and their satellites.
But something must be done, and that very soon, as it would never do




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


to allow of even a little time for thought, which would inevitably lead
to a reaction, when all would be lost.
In order to make the initiatory movement appear to the outside
world as springing from a popular demand for the correction of abuses,
it was decided to hold in the Rifles Armory, on the 30th of June, a
public meeting to which all were invited without regard to nationality,
and in order to guard against any miscarriages in their designs the
Rifles in uniform, with arms and ammunition, were on hand, ostensibly
to preserve order. Some of the speakers addressed the assembly while
in uniform, holding their weapons in one hand, while they frantically
sawed the air with the other and ranted about reform. The subject
introduced, and on which they intended to justify their course, was a
wholesale amending of the faulty constitution of 1864. This, by the
way, was the hollowest of all their hollow pretenses, as a constitution
had already been prepared by them for a republican form of government, and which, of course, contemplated the deposition of the King
and complete remodeling of the governmental machinery.
The meeting was attended pretty generally by the European residents, and a few Hawaiians, attracted by curiosity as their fathers had
been on a somewhat similar occasion thirty-four years before. It was
quite evident from the very beginning that there was no intention on
the part of the conspirators to permit of anything like a free discussion
of the subjects of public interest, as a speaker was listened to and permitted to speak only so long as he echoed the sentiments of the league.
Any suggestion of a constitutional convention or of a submission of a
constitution to a vote of the people was immediately drowned in angry
yells. (See " Sketch of Recent Events," p. 15.) The object which the
meeting was advertised for, to-wit, discussion, was not allowed. A
number oftharangues, sounding strangely in these latter matter-of-fact
years of the nineteenth century, were followed by the reading and
adoption of an already prepared set of demands on the Kin g, which were
intended to be so exacting as to ensure their immediate rejection. The
meeting adjourned, and the committee presented the demands to the
King, who immediately yielded to them all without modification. The
" committee of public safety " charged themselves with the care of the
town, and the little pretorian guard of the Honolulu Rifles were assigned
to various points.
The ready acquiescence of the King to their demands seriously disconcerted the conspirators, as they had hoped that his refusal would
have given them an excuse for deposing him, and a show of resistance
a justification for assassinating him. Then everything would have
been plain sailing for their little oligarchy, with a sham republican
constitution.
Now, the only thing to be done, so far as they could see, was to make
without delay a constitution conforming to tleir demands and submit
it for his (the King's) signature. This was no small job for the class of
workmen at their command. There seemed to be no help for it, and
the maggot bed took another spasm. The little hole in the corner,
self-constituted constitution-framers tackled the business off hand and
wrestled with their self-imposed task for a whole week. "Parturient
montes," etc., was distances, anrd on the 6th of July, 1887, they presented a constitution which was signed by the King with as little delay
as he had shown a week previous-a constitution which, until signed
and promulgated, had not been seen even, to say nothing of being
studied and discussed, by more than two score of people, and these
being exclusively conspirators.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1569


This hardly deserves the qualifying statement that the conspirators'
constitution was shown to some of the judges of the Supreme Court
before it was signed and promulgated, as it was shown to them in
about the spirit that many people seek advice from their friends when
they have no intention of following any advice at all at variance with
their own views.
A cabinet from the "committee of public safety " took the portfolios.
Gibson and his son-in-law lieutenant were arrested and placed under a
guard of the Rifles and league, which were now in undisputed possession
of the Government and all belonging to it.
The anomalous condition of affairs now for the first time began to
dawn on the more thoughtful participants in the conspiracy, a number
of whom had gone into the scheme with an honest desire for reform
and a general correction of abuses, and to whom the awkardness of their
position now became apparent.
The ease with which the overturn had been effected proved a source
of embarrassment to the revolutionists, who found themselves in possession of everything in sight without striking a blow or firing a shot, and
the heterogeneous crowd now began to eye each other suspiciously with
the view of determining who could be dropped out in the distribution
of the spoils.
The instincts of the Puritan marred the success of the scheme almost
from its birth. The native Hawaiians had no part in the business, and
within a week after the promulgation of the new constitution the saints
were devising methods for ridding themselves of the inconvenient partnership of those of their own race who were outside the pale, but whose
presence and help had made the undertaking possible.
During the whole period of incubation of the precious conspiracy they
(the saints) held meetings to which only the elect were called. These
select gatherings were continued after their accession to power, and at
one of them, held on the 7th or 8th of July, 1887, Dole (the present chief
of the Provisional Government) made the remark, while treating of the
unfortunate necessity to which the Lord's anointed had been subjected
of accepting the assistance of the unwashed, that in a short time, as
soon as they had settled themselves fairly into the saddle, they would
be able to get rid of the presence of the Canadian "as one would throw
away a dirty dishrag," accompanying the remark with a fitting gesture
and suggestive grimace.
The only justification of the revolutionists for seizing the reins of
power and overturning the Government was the crying necessity for
the correction of abuses and the immediate prevention of continued
malfeasance in the administration of the several departments. Consequently they lost no time in employing an expensive staff of experts
and proceeding to an exhaustive examination in every direction which
would be likely to prove anything irregular against either or both the
King and his prime minister, Gibson. In spite of their most strenuous
efforts, extending over a period of more than two months, the scheme
resulted in a miserable failure, as their ferrets could find nothing on
which to base a charge.
But they were not to be foiled in their determination to get revenge
on the man who had so long held them at bay. An adventurous strumpet
was induced by them to bring a suit for $10,000 damages for a breach
of promise of marriage against Gibson, he being out of the country at
the time. A jury was easily found to assist isn the fraud, and the
amount claimed was awarded in full. A greater outrage on an indiS, Rep, 227- 99




1570                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
vidual, or a more abominable travesty of justice, never before received
the sanction of a HawIaiian court.
ThIe new cabinet, backed by the pretorian guard of "Hoonolulu
rifles," decided on making a show to the world and at the same time
demonstrati-n to the native Hawaiians how ilisignificant a factor they
had become in the land of their birth. A general election of members
of the Legislature was ordered for the 15th September, 1887, within the
lines of the new constitution, and under regulations which the revolutionists were confident would preclude the possibility of any failure
in their schemes. The division of the whole country into "districts,"
" wards," and "precincts," and the organization of political clubs, with
the peculiar technical slang of the ward bosses, were new and novel
features in the Paradise of the Pacific; but the business was pushed
forward with a zeal worthy of a better cause, and a whole crop of
McLeans, McLeods, McStockers, O'Raffertys, and the like, bloomed out
like magic as managers and instructors in the science of how to beat
an overwhelming majority of the honest citizens at the polls.
Nor were any of the minor details overlooked. The swaggering
gait, tilted hat, humped shoulder, and leering stare of the ward
bosses made the stranger from New York and San Francisco feel quite
at home, and gave unmistakable assurances of our being fully abreast
of the age. The missionary of the present generation became an
apt pupil of the scoundrel, who was an adept in all the black arts
by which the will of the people is defeated at the ballot box. In due
course the election was held, and the results showed how perfectly the
organization of the revolutionists had been carried out. Only two
independent native Hawaiians out of forty-eight elected members
were returned to the assembly, and these two were practically under
the control of the machine. The average standard of intelligence of
the Legislature was much lower than that of any Hawaiian Legislature
either before or since, and included such men as Notley, Wall, Mla.kee,
the two Dowsetts, father and son, the Wilcox brothers, George and
Albert Deacon, and the like; men who were selected because they could
be depended upon to vote straight without any danger of their giving
trouble by having views of their own.
The mental and moral obliquities of the lawgivers were plainly outlined in their physical deformities, as seven-eighths of the whole number were either pigeontoed, knock-kneed, or bow-legged, and served as
excellent illustrations of the well-known physiological principle or
truth of the general harmony of mental and physical attributes. The
history of the session and the character of the work done did not in
any way disappoint those at all acquainted with the personnel of the
honorable body. The speakers and leaders in the Assembly, without
exception, were members of or under control of, the Missionary
party, and the whole business of the session was carried through on
the "cut-and-dried" principle. The main object in view was to emphasize their contempt for the King, his native subjects, and all others
who were not in sympathy with the revolutionists, and at the same
time to strengthen, by suitable legislation, their hold of the situation.
When they felt they had attained their object they adjourned, "subject to the call of the President of the Legislature," avoiding prorogation, thereby still further showing their determination to arrogate to
themselves all the functions of government.
The community, the nation at large, soon realized that instead of
being ruled over by one king, who, however injudicious he might be
at times, never failed to realize that he was the first gentleman of the




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1571


realm, they were being ruthlessly dominated by four kings who were
personifications of arrogance and boorish ignorance. Their management of the several departments, distribution of patronage. and lhaughlty
indifference to the wishes of those who had helped them to power
caused an inevitable revulsion amongst their own adherents, to say
nothing of the increased alienation of the rative Hawaiians, who now
began to understand and feel the indignities heaped upon them.
It was plain to be seen that the coming election, not far distant,
would show a decided change very likely disastrous to the saints. In
the meantime a few ill-advised natives, witlh R. W. Wilcox at their
head, and secretly supported and encouraged by some disaffected
foreigners, made an abortive attempt to emulate the example of the
Missionary party by presenting to the King a constitution which would
restore the conditions previous to June 30, 1887. The leaders had
reckoned without their host. They led a few hundreds of natives to tle
palace before daylight in the morning, expecting by 7 o'clock they
would have several thousands to support them. In this they were disappointed, as the movement was not popular with the Hawaiians generally. And by 8 o'clock those in the palace yard realized their situation and would have gladly surrendered to anyone having authority
to demand it.
When the news of the affair spread over town our missionary friends
were dismayed, and had no idea of what to do, as there seemed to be
little inclination on the part of the public to help themn out. However,
their old tactics stood them in good service, and by 10 o'clock in the
forenoon, by the time-honored trick of promises and coin, they got
together a motley body of sharpshooters to attack the comparatively
defenseless people in the palace grounds. The attacking party occupied the buildings surrounding the palace yard, and from safe point of
vantage began a fusilade fatal to the Kanaka, the missionaries themselves taking the greatest delight in "picking them off;" as Dole and
and others of his ilk who participated in the sport expressed it.
If the Hawaiian needed any further proof of the true sentiments
cherished for himself by the descendants of the old missionary teachers,
the savage alacrity with which they seized the first opportunity to shoot
him like a rat in a hole from safe cover would seem to have been sufficient to dispel any remaining doubt.
The general election of 1890 came off in due time, and, as was anticipated, a cold wave swept over t]ie hopes and plans of the revolutionists
and left them without a majority in the house. They plainly saw that
all their expenditure of time and pains and (what to them wasthe most
heartsickening of all) money was a total, dismal failure, as, with all
their talk about free and representative government, they had no
grounds for complaint if they could not control the necessary votes.
Consequently they imlmediately began to scheme on a different line,
having in view the extinction of the nation, as such, and accordingly
laid their plans for annexation to the United States. Just exactly
what advantages the saints expected to secure to themselves by such
a move is not quite clear when it is remembered that the very essence
of the Government of the great republic is that the voice of the majority shall rule.
It can only be presumed that they had their own selfish ends alone
in view, as in this respect they had always been thoroughly consistent,
and their past history precludes the possibility of supposing that any
consideration for the welfare of thfe nation had cut any figure in their
scheme. It has been suggested that the 2 cents per pound bounty made




1572                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
their mouths water. To imagine this to have been the prompting
motive would be to place them on about the same plane of intelligence
with the African ostrich with his beak in the sand, or the Irishman who
sawed off the limb on which he was standing, between himself and the
trunk of the tree. Whatever the true causes may Ihave been which led
to this course, the fact remains that they bent their energies with untiring zeal to the accomplishment of the object, and Col. Spalding, Judge
Hartwell, and Thurston, each in turn, made special visits to Washington on this errand, with what success the public, of course, never
learned; but from later developments there would seem to be reason
for believing that the revolutionists' emissaries found some comfbrting
warmth in the bosom of that statesmanship which conceived, and
endeavored to put in force, the peculiar views with regard to the Monroe doctrine a dozen or so years since and the Pan-American scheme of
a later date.
As soon as they found that the Queen was not disposed to yield a
blind obedience to their bidding the saints transferred to her all the bitter malevolence which they had heaped upon her brother (notwithstanding the fact that she had very lately been so much of a favorite with
them that they had seriously contemplated setting her up in his place),
and the measure of their vindictiveness knew no bounds. They had
cheerfully accepted her always liberal contributions to their church,
educational, and charitable objects, and no sacred or social function
was complete without her presence, and for years past they had sought
her membership of all their benevolent and church societies.
The greatest show of deference and obsequious homage was always
made by them all when before her, and no opportunity was lost by
any of them to secure invitations to the palace, and they took especial
pains to have strangers understand that they were on the best of
terms with the head of the nation. But when their emotional tide
turned there was nothing too gross for their devilish ingenuity to lay
to her charge. Moral depravity and superstition too coarse for description by any except their own filthy scavengers were imputed to her
and paraded in their publications in the most offensive and loathsome
manner. As an example of what the motherly members of the Central
Union Church have been in the habit of retailing to strangers with
regard to her, the following choice bit may serve as a type:
For several years passed the Queen has supported at her own expense
upwards of 20 destitute native Hawaiians girls at Kawaiaho and
other mission schools, and when they graduated, in many cases, she
settled them in life, assisting them in securing homes with suitable
husbands. When the saints frowned on her they could see nothing
but the most contemptible motives back of her philanthropy, and
they did not hesitate to say that the girls were merely supported
by the Queen for the sole purpose of being distributed amongst her
favorites when their charms were sufficiently developed.
Illustrations like the foregoing might be multiplied indefinitely.
The feature most difficult to account for in the attitude of the saints is,
that while the Queen might naturally come in for a large share of their
ill-will as having been a marplot to their schemes, why should they
show hatred for the native Hawaiian race. Their local publications,
the Friend, Gazette, Daily Advertiser, etc., seldom appeared without
containing some heartless libel or ungenerous slur against the Hawaiians either as individuals or as a race or nation. Descendants of the
old stock, such as S. E. Bishop, S. C. Armstrong, H. M. Whitney, W.
E. Castle, and a number of others, who screened themselves from identi



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,                 1573
icatioti by Writing ainonymously-prepared elaborate libels on the Hawaiian people for publication in American periodicals. They worked
with the genius of inspiration and the industry of honest men to in
every way defame the people for whom one would thinlk they could
entertain only the most friendly and generous sentiments to the latest
generation.
A notable example of their efforts in this line is the screed prepared
by Bishop entitled (See page 3 of pamphlet herewith) " Why are the
Hawaiians dying out?" The author endeavored to shield himself from
criticism behind the specious pretext of ' scientific investigation," and
first made public his diatribe by reading it before one of the numerous
admiration societies controlled by the saints in Honolulu, known as
the " Social Science Assoniation." The document is a model of ingenious combination of truth and falsehood, which are sufficiently well
interwoven to give a certain air of severe scientific fairness to the
heartless production. Affecting a display of analytical acumen, the
author proceeds to divide up and classify the reasons for his belief
that the final extinction of the Hawaiians (so devoutly hoped for by
him and his friends) is near at hand. First amongst the causes selected
is " unchastity" —under which heading he tells us that " the Hawaiian
female was aggressive in solicitation," and that this astounding and
unseemly peculiarity " was a matter of good form."
The writer hereof can only say, in reply, that a continuous residence
of over forty years in this Kingdom and an intimate association with
the natives of every grade from the peasant to the head of the nation
has discovered to him no such custom or weakness, and it would seem
not unreasonable that the author of the libel should be called upon to'
raise his hand and make affidavit whether at any time during his long
experience-from tender infancy (for unfortunately he was born here)
to the hoary old age now vouchsafed to him-he ever met an Hawaiian
damsel who had so far forgotten the instincts of womanhood as to voluntarily seek his loathsome embraces. It is altogether unlikely that
the aged traducer would face the proposition. The charge coming
from this source seems all the more gratuitous when it is remembered
that a large number'of half-castes of both sexes, ranging from infancy to
middle age, throughout the Kingdom are living proofs of the moral
weaknesses of some of the annointed and their white descendants.
If tht saints prove anything they would seem to prove too much by
their continued efforts to belittle the Queen and her race. If she and
her people are as bad now as they represent them to be what is to be
said of all the prayerful work of the good missionary fathers and
mothers during the last seventy years? If their picture is a true one
then the million and a half of money, made up from 5 and 10 cent
American sabbath-school subscription, together with a few death-bed
legacies of Puritan fanatics, which has been expended for the evangelization of the Hawaiians would seem to have been worse than wasted.
The impartial observer is not, however, led to this conclusion. He
finds that the Hawaiian has made very commendable progress on the
road to civilization during the two and a ]talf generations last past;
that for a half century he has had a representative government, which,
so far as he himself (the Hawaiian) is concerned, would compare favorably with that of any nation on the face of the globe; that the little
Kingdom occupies an honored position in the family of nations, having
treaty relations with all the commercial nations of the earth and being
a member of the Universal Postal Union, with a representative in the
congress at Geneva; that the standard of intelligence amongst the




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


native Hawaiians is higher than that in any other nation in the world,
illiteracy being practically unknown; and that, above all, he finds the
native Hawaiian a peaceab;le, law-abidilng citizen, not nearly so prone
to violence and riot as his white bro-thler. tHe finds further that, notwithstanding their unfortunate experience with some of the foreign
residents in their midst, the people are endowed with a genial friendliness and hospitality, frankness and courtliness of manner, which, in
many respects, makes them the peers of any race living, and strikes
the stranger with wonder who has become familiar with the libelous
charges so industriously circulated against the Hawaiians.
Returning to the political attitude of the saints, we find that the
arrival of United States Minister Stevens gave a new impulse to their
machinations. On his first presentation to the King, lie presumed to
give His Majesty a lecture in such an offensive manner as to tempt the
King to abruptly terminate the interview and to request his recall.
Actual rupture on the occasion was, however, narrowly avoided and
from this time on the American legation was the rallying poin t for the
missionary annexation party. During the session of the Hawaiian
Legislature of 1892, Hartwell, Smith, Castle, Waterhouse, 'Thurston,
Dole, Judd (the chief justice), and other leaders of the party were in
the habit of meeting there from time to time to plan the overthrow of
the monarchy without endangering their own precious carcasses. They
had secured, at no little expense, the services of a cat in 1887 to get the
chestnut for them, which through ignorance and carelessness they subquently lost. It had been an expensive and sorrowful lesson to them.
Now if they could only induce Stevens to take the part of the cat in
the new venture it would be a great improvement on their first effort.
In the first place it would be much less expensive (which to the saints
was of prime importance), and in the next place, they imagined that
the backing of the United States troops would give greater assurance
of success than the undisciplined and ungovernable rabble of volunteers, of whom they had had a disagreeable experience in the times
subsequent to their first revolution. Stevens was only too glad of the
opportunity to act as the cat, and with a powerful war vessel in command of a willing tool, the setting of the game was easily completed.
The attitude of the American minister and his satellite, the Commander of the U. S. S. Boston, also the clandestine meetings at the American legation above referred to, were matters of public notoriety and
as early as August or September of last year it was at first mysteriously hinted and later more openly asserted that the American minister would recognize without delay any movement for the overthrow of
the monarchy and would give it the physical support of the men from
the Boston, and it was further generally understood and spoken of,
thaeft the revolutionary annexationists, with Stevens and Wiltse (the
commander of the Boston) at their backs, or more properly in the
lead, were only waiting for a favorable opportunity to strike. The
opportunity, or excuse, came on the 14th of January, A. D. 1893, culmiuiating in the events of the 16th and 17th days of the same month.
The revolutionists proclaimed a Provisional Government from the steps
of the Governmentbuilding at 2:40 o'clock in the afternoon of the last
named day, which was immediately recognized by Stevens with the
assurance that the new Government would receive the support of the
Boston's men who had been quartered the day before alongside of and
in practical possession of the Government building.
The revolutionary annexationists. in justification of their action, have
raised the old cry of 1887, of the necessity of stable government, proper




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1575


representation, honest administration, prevention of riot and bloodshed, maintenance of law and order, etc., when as a matter of fact there
is not now, Land never has been, the least danger of disorder or opposition to law except at the hands of revolutionists themselves. The rant
in the speeches at their meeting in the Rifles' armory on the 16th of
January, and in their "proclamation," and the mock heroic utterances
of Wilder (see Two Weeks of Hawaiian History, pages 15 and 16) when
he assumed the chairmanship of the meeting are amongst the poorest
examples imaginable of a stale herring drawn across a trail. There has
been no fraud discovered nor malfeasance unearthed, nor great wrong
righted; on the contrary thefts and spoliations have been committed
under the very noses of the Provisional Government with apparent
impunity, the probability being that exposure would be disagreeable,
as it would be likely to implicate more or less distinguished members
of their own precious crew.
The bald fact stands out in plain view to-day, exactly as it did in 1887,
that the sole prompting motive of the missionary revolutionists was in
both cases a lust of power coupled with a desire to possess themselves
of the property of another without giving compensation therefor, sentiments which they enjoy in common with the vulgar highwayman and
his more gentlemanly prototype, the filibuster. As they could not
have held together for an hour without the assistance of the United
States officials and forces, the singular spectacle is presented of a
United States naval commander in Honolulu protecting a band of filibusters with the forces under his command while they overturn and
destroy a Government between which and his own country special
treaty relations of amity and commerce were in full force and unimpaired, and at the same date, due east about 5,000 miles as the crow
flies, another naval commander, under the same flag, blockades a filibustering force in Key West to prevent it from making a descent on a
friendly power. The question naturally arises: Why this difference?
What had little Hawaii done that she should merit such treatment?
About 5 o'clock in the afternoon of Monday, the 16th day of January,
A. D. 1893, a large detachment of marines and sailors from the United
States ship Boston, lying in the harbor of Honolulu, landed without
permission or request from the Hawaiian Government, and took position
in King street between the Government building and the palace. The
United States troops were fully armed and carried double cartridge
belts filled with ammunition, also haversacks and canteens, and were
accompanied by a Gatling gun battery, also a field hospital corps.
Between 7 and 8 o'clock the same evening the force was quartered in
the building immediately in rear of the Music Hall, being within half
pistol shot, and in practical possession of tlhe Government building.
At the date above mentioned, and for many years immediately preceding the landing of this force, the Hawaiian Kingdom was at peace
with all nations. With all the great powers, and with many of the
smaller Governments, Hawaii sustained treaty relations which were in
fill force and effect. This was more especially true in the case of the
United States, with whom the most friendly relations of amity and commerce had existed from the date of the first treaty, dated December 23,
1826, to the above-mentioned date, and for whom little Hawaii (rulers
and people alike) had always cherished the most friendly feelings.
Diplomatic and consular representatives of various countries were
accredited to the Hawaiian court and raised the flags of their respective governments in Honolulu. The Hawaiian Government was represented at various capitals and seaports throughout the world by diplo.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


matic and consular agents duly recognized and accepted by the several
governments to whom they were accredited by the Hawaiian foreign
office.
The Hawaiian Kingdom held an honorable position in the family of
nations as an independent government. The courts of justice throughout the Kingdom were disposing of the business brought before them
without menace, let, or hindrance. Business of all kinds was being
carried on as usual without interruption. The banks, newspaper offices,
and commercial houses were attending to business in their several lines
without unusual incident. Perfect quiet and good order existed throughout the city, there being not even a suggestion of disorder or danger to
the life or property of either citizen or alien. A band concert was given
at the Hawaiian Hotel at 8 o'clock in the evening, which was largely
attended by men, women, and children of all classes, as it was fine
weather and near full moon.
At 2:40 o'clock p. m. on the following day, January 17, 1893-nearly
twenty-four hours after the American troops landed-thirteen white
men, several of them lately arrived in the country and not entitled to
vote, appeared in front of the Government building, and the leader
proceeded to read a proclamation deposing the Queen and establishing
a provisional government. The only audience to this function was composed of a few loungers in the corridors of the building. Near the
close of the reading some twenty-seven armed men ran in from the
back and side entrances of the premises and gathered around the thirteen men above mentioned, apparently as supporters of the movement.
This supporting force was composed of vagrants and ex-convicts who
were at that moment under police surveillance, deserters from merchant
ships inport, and the like, only two or three being known as residents
of the town. Before the arrival of the thirteen men in front of the
Government building the American troops quartered near by (as already
described) were under arms; the crews of the Gatlings were handy by
their respective places; everything seeming to indicate complete readiness for any emergency.
At the time when the proclamation was being read the Hawaiian
Government had 87 regular troops at the barracks, well drilled, officered,
and equipped, having a battery of breech-loading field guns and a
large supply of extra arms and ammunition for all arms. There was
also a very efficient police force, drilled as a military company, and a
large supply of arms, equipments, and ammunition, including a Gatling gun, with boiler-plate shield, at the station house in Honolulu.
The commander at the barracks and the marshal were ready and
anxious to proceed immediately to take the Government building and
arrest the parties in possession. But the presence of the American
troops, and certain rumors with regard to the attitude of the American
minister, caused the Hawaiian cabinet to confer with that official before
taking action. They learned from him in writing that he recognized
the Provisional Government and would support it with the United
States troops.
As any action on the part of the Hawaiian troops or police meant a
collision with the United States troops, the cabinet decided to surrender
to the United States and await a settlement of the case on a presentation of the facts to the authorities in Washington. The surrender was
made about sundown, at which time there had assembled at the barracks over a hundred and fifty members of the old volunteer companies
disbanded in 1887 by the Reform cabinet, and between one hundred and
fifty and two hundred citizens, accustomed to the use of arms, many of




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1577


them old soldiers, assembled at the station house, volunteering their
services to the marshal. There was an ample supply of arms and
ammunition at both the barracks and station house to supply all comers.
At*the time of the surrender there were, all told, over five hundred men
ready and anxious to assist the Hawaiian Government in enforcing
law and order.
The foregoing statement of facts can be easily supported by affidavits,
if necessary, and would seem to show plainly that the movement can
in no sense be justly termed a revolution, but was simply the action of a
handful of filibusters made possible only by the active cooperation of the
American minister and the American troops, and that the Hawaiian
Government was at the time fully prepared and capable of regulating
its domestic affairs, maintaining order, and giving ample protection to
life and property within its borders. Consequently, as the defiance of
Hawaiian laws, the deposition of the sovereign, and the spoliation of
the treasury were effected-infact were only possible-through the active
agency of the American officials and troops, it seems but just that afull
and complete restoration of affairs to the statu quo of January 1&, 1893,
previous to the landing of the United States troops, should be made
with as little delay as possible, as each day's delay is adding to the
legal and financial complications which will have to be met and composed by the Hawaiian people and their rulers.
CHAS. T. GULIOK.
HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, Island of Oahu, ss:
Charles T. Gulick, being duly sworn, on his oath deposes and says,
that during the ten years from A. D. 1869 to A. D. 1879 he was chief
clerk of the interior department of the Hawaiian Government; that during the period from August 6, 1883, to June 30,1886, he was minister of
the interior of said Hawaiian Government; that during the above-named
periods the rolls (or polling lists) of qualified voters for members of the
Legislature were returned to said Interior Department; that from the
opportunities thus offered for gaining information on the subject, affiant
is confident that less than 20 per cent of American and European foreigners (i. e., foreigners other than Asiatics) domiciled in the Kingdom
prior to the revolution of 1887 became naturalized under the Hawaiian
laws.
CHAS. T. GULICK.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 7th day of July, A. D. 1893.
[SEAL.]                                     J. H. THOMPSON,
Notary Public, Island of Oahu.
WHY ARE THE HA VAIIANS DYING OUT OR ELEMENTS OF DISABILITY
FOB SURBVIVAL AMONG THE HA IAIIAN PEOPLE t
BY REV. S. E. BISHOP.
[Read to Honolulu Social Science Association, November, 1888.]
Mr. Darwin supplied an expression which has been much in vogue, "The survival
of the fittest." This is scarcely applicable in the present case, since in Hawaii
there is no competitive " stirggle for existence" between weaker and stronger races
of men. The Hawaiian Islands have been far more than sufficiently productive for
the ample supply of the needs of all the people living here since the beginning of
this century. So far all the different races have lived in plenty, and in amity with




1578                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
each other. A crowded condition might lie conceived as possible in the future,
when the thrifty and capable classes would push the inefficient and improvident
classes into penury. In such case, one would think the Chinese to be the best fitted
for the " struggle for existence," and the Polynesian the least fitted. The former
inherits an education of hundreds of generations in living on the minimum of necessaries, also an unequaled patience of industry and tactful thriftiness for procuring
those necessaries. The latter, thriftless and indolent in comparison, would be
crowded out of the land.
No such conditions exist. There is no struggle to find subsistence. One race is as
fit to survive as another, so far as obtaining a living is concerned, in a country where
the wages of one day's unskilled labor will purchase all indispensable food and
raiment for a whole week. Neither is the climate of Hawaii less favorable to the
health of one race than to that of another. It is comparatively a perfect climate,
absolutely devoid of extremes of temperature, free from humidity, swept by the
ever purging ocean airs, and seemingly incapable of long harboring malarial or
zymotic diseases. Possibly an Esquimaux might not thrive here. For all other
races it is an Eden in salubrity.
Yet it is the strange fact-inview of the amiable and attractive qualities of Polynesians, the distressingly sad fact that, simultaneously with the arrival of white men
in these islands, the Hawaiian people began rapidly to melt away, and that this
waste has continued up to the present with substantial steadiness. At the date of
the discovery, Captain Cook estimated the population at 400,000. Later historians
have leaned to the more moderate estimate of 250,000. My father who was one of
the first party of white men to travel around Hawaii in 1824, then observed such
evidences of recent extensive depopulation in all parts of that island that he very
decidedly supported the estimate of Cook. There are now less than 40,000 pure
Hawaiians surviving. The later counts have been taken with reasonable accuracy.
One is led to suspect that the earlier ones omitted considerable numbers, when
one observes the comparative sparseness of native population in every district, as
compared with the relatively dense population fifty years ago, when only 125,000
were counted, or little more than three times the present number. With the exception of the towns of Honolulu, Hilo, and Wailuku, every large and populous town
in the islands has dwindled to a hamlet since my boyhood, and the then frequent
and considerable hamlets scattered everywhere, have almost all disappeared. The
recollections of fifty years since are of throngs and swarms of natives everywhere.
Yet even then all the talk was of how the islands had become depopulated; even
then, in traveling, the deserted sites of villages and hamlets with abandoned plantations were constantly pointed out. Have we now one in six of the ancient numbers of natives, or have we only one in ten. It is immaterial; the fact remains of
an enormous depopulation.
And yet, in the total absence of any struggle for existence, all the more or less
civilized races migrating here appear to thrive and multiply abundantly, and the
children surpass their children in health and stature. At first sight these foreigners
do not average as equal to the Hawaiian. The Chinaman is vastly his inferior in
strength, in stature, in symmetry, and in apparent soundness. But the Chinaman
lives and propagates, while the Hawaiian dies easily,and leaves few or no offsprings.
The Caucasian also comes with his family and multiplies amain.
The query then is, under what peculiar disabilities does the Hawaiian labor, as
to vitality and power of propagation, from which the foreign races living here are
exempt? This inquiry is farther complicated by the fact that these disabilities,
whatever they are, seem to have lirst sprung into efficiency upon contact with the
white race. The coming of that race appears to have introduced new deleterious
influence, and created new conditions, under which the Polynesian, somewhere
weak, succumbs. We are to seek to clearly define what these unfavorable conditions are, and wherein the weakness of the native race to withstand these adverse
influences, consists.
1 here limit our inquiry to the Hawaiians, because with this people only do we
possess any intimate acquaintance. A similar state of tilings prevails more or less
throughout Polynesia, and ultimate extinction appears to threaten the native population of most of the groups of Polynesia. We are to endeavor to define the precise
causes of depopulation. We should strive to indicate exactly what adverse influences have been steadily at v ork for five generations to kill off the Hawaiian people.
There has been a great deal of vague generalization-of indefinite talk about a
weak race succumbilng to the stronger. We want to qu;t vagueness and generalities, and find the answer to the question, "In what respects, particularly and precisely, are the Hawaiian people weaker than their white, or their Mongoloid guests T"
This will prepare us for the further inquiry, by what means can this weak race be
so invigorated that it will again multiplyt Our first effort-perchance unskilled
and misdirected, is to diagnose the deadly malady which is slaying the people.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1579
As the leading and most efficient element of weakness in the Hawaiian race, tending to physical decay, we predicate:
(1) Unchastity.*-This has always been general among females as well as lmales.
The Hawaiian female was, like males of other races, aggressive in solicitation. It
was matter of good form that all proposals should be expressed by the female. It is
still so, except to the extent that foreign ideas have permeated society. The records
of Cook's discovery of the group indicate that state of things as originally existing.
The account written by Dr. Ellis, Cook's chief surgeon, states how at Kauai, where
they first touched, Captain Cook was determined, on account of serious disease
among his men, to permit no intercourse with the women, so as not to introduce
disease among the Hawaiians. It was, however, impracticable to prevent the women
from swarming over the ships. The native account received from participants by
the early missionaries, states that it was arranged in public council that the women
should take this course, as the easiest way of obtaining iron and other prized articles
from the ships.
Proceeding from Niihau to Alaska, and returning nine months later, Cook's ships
made the coast of Hamakua, Hawaii. He again sought to keep the women from his
crew, but discovered that they were already infected with the malady. So promiscuous were the habits of the people, that from the first center of infection at
Waimea, the malady had in nine months, spread like a fire to the other extremity
of the group. This, again, is corroborated by the information obtained by the early
missionaries as to the spread of the disease. Dr. Ellis describes, in words undesirable to here reproduce, the grossly aggressive and impetuous action of the females.
It was the universal practice of ordinary hospitality to visitors to supply them
during their sojourn with the women of the family. Such a matter-of-course tender
was a frequent cause of annoyance to the early missionaries in their tours in remoter
districts, enjoying the cordial hospitality of the most well-to-do people, in their
neat thatched cottages. I am not prepared to say how far this heathen custom has
now lapsed into disuse. It is certainly one of the old customs sought to be maintained and revived together with the hulas and idolatrous practices. One of the
painful experiences of missionaries in the out districts, was to hear of this practice
being carried out in the chief households of his parish when some great man came
along with his suite. I speak from repeated personal experience as a missionary
pastor.
It may be said in general that chastity had absolutely no recognition. It was
simply a thing unknown and unthought of as a virtue in the old domestic life of
Hawaii. A woman who withheld herself was counted sour and ungracious. This
did not exclude more or less of marital proprietorship, involving an invasion of the
husband's right in enjoying his property without his consent. There was no impurity in it any more than among brute animalb.
There was, however, a salutary limitation of some importance in a frequent stringent guarding of early virginity. Young maidens were quite commonly put under
tabu for first use by the chief, after possession by whom all restriction ceased. No
sense of a sacredness in chastity seems to have been involved in this, nor any sense
of profanation in the contrary. It was only the thought of a special choiceness in
an article that was fresh and unused. In the tremendous disturbances of life ensuing upon the advent of the white man, even this solitary restriction perished.
No severe moral reprobation is due to the primitive Hawaiian for what seems to
have been an ignorant innocence of easy, promiscuous living, like the free life of
animals, without sense of evil. None the less must we deem this social condition
more than any other to have incapacitated the Hawaiians from holding their own
after the advent of the white man. During the simplicity of aboriginal life, and in
the total absence of sexual diseases, the evils resulting from promiscuous intercourse
would be minimized. Procreative force remained largely in excess of mortality, so
that the teeming population was kept down by infanticide. But to them a lady which
the white man imported, the unguarded social condition was as tow to the flame.
The scorching and withering disease ran like wildfire through the nation. Multitudes died at once, while the survivors remained with poisoned bodies and enfeebled
constitutions.
A general impairment of constitutional vigor in the people by venereal disease
caused them to fall early victims to other maladies, both native and foreign. All
diseases ran riot in their shattered constitutions. They became especially incapacitated to resist pulmonary maladies. The greatly increased prevalence of colds and
consumption is doubtless due to this syphilitic diathesis rather than to change of
habits as to clothing, although the latter may have had some unfavorable effect.
Probably the pestilence called Okcut, whatever its nature, which carried off such a
bulk of the population in 1804, owed most of its virulence to the impaired physique
of the people.
* See "Foot-note to Hawaiian history," page 35.




1580                      HAWAtIAN    ISLANDS.
Another destructive effect of the syphilitic taint is believed to have been an
inflaming of sexual passion. It may have acted as n ferment thrown into the
former more quiet pool of promiscuous social living. There can be no doubt that
the advent of foreigners in large numbers was attended by an immense increase of
debased and bestial living. Ten thousand reckless seamen of the whaling fleet
annually frequented these islands and used it as their great brothel. This enormously aggravated and inflamed the normal unchastity of the people. In the presence of the white hordes life became hideously brutalized. To multitudes of young
women, gathered into the seaports for profit, from half the households in the country, life became a continuous orgie of beastly excess. All the former slender limitations and restrictions upon an indiscriminate commerce fell to pieces. The stormy
and reckless passion of the white man, exulting in his unwonted license, imparted
itself to the warm but sluggish Hawaiian nature. Life became a wasteful riot of
impurity, propagated from the seaports to the end of the land. There was thus no
defense against the new and trying conditions of life through any existing sentiment of the sacredness of chastity. The inevitable consequence was depopulation.
The population of brothels and slums has no internal power of multiplying.
In the report on the subject of purity, adopted by the 144 bishops convened in
the late Pan-Anglican Conference at Lambeth Palace, are the following words:
"We solemnly record our conviction that wherever marriage is dishonered, and sins
of the flesh are lightly regarded, the home life will be destroyed, and the nation
itself will sooner or later decay and perish." The source of this language will
lend it great weight. The Hawaiian nation is a sad witness to their truth.
One of the most destructive consequences of the new physical taint was the enfeeblement of infancy, rendering it difficult for the diseased babes to survive the ignorant and careless dealing of their nurses. The largest increase in the mortality of
the Hawaiians was undoubtedly among their infants. The external influences
adverse to infant survival among Hawaiians are very great. Chief among these are
the practice of feeding with unsuitable nutriment in early infancy, the prevalence
oi unchecked cutaneous maladies, general lack of watchful care, and evil doses
administered by ignorant or superstitious friends. Healthy and vigorous infants,
as of the old times, would in good numbers survive all these hostile conditions.
Those born into the taint of syphilis, with its inward and outward corrosions, had
little prospect of surviving other maltreatmnents, unless some missionary or other
beneficent foreigner came to their aid with his simple regimen and alleviations.
Under this general head of unchastity, as the chief cause of the depletion of the
race, a considerable share must be attributed to the extensive loss of procreative
power in the males. This loss was probably due in part to syphilitic taint, but is
mainly owing to early sexual excess during puberty. In the aboriginal condition
there would seem to have been less tendency to very early indulgence among
the males. The nervous irritations of the syphilitic taint and the exciting excesses
pervading native society may have been causes extending debauching influences
even to the children. It is certain that in many districts deplorable excesses have
been found to exist among the school children. It seems to be true that a majority
of young Hawaiian men never have children. Those placed early under the discipline of foreigners, in boarding schools or otherwise, show exceptions to the common
rule. The incapacity seems to be mainly on the part of the males. Young women
united to Chinamen or white men are usvally quite as fruitful as women of other
races. Per contra, it is to be noted that such men are apt to select the best-conditioned females, also that they are accustomed to restrain and to protect their wives,
as Hawaiians do not, and so keep them in healthier condition.
The common record of Hawaiian families is few or no children born, or perhaps
several born, most or all of whom die in infancy. It is exceedingly rare to find a
large family surviving to adult age. Nearly all such that I have known were families
under the immediate and very parental control of some missionary, with whom the
parents had lived from early youth, learning habits of industry, self-control, and
civilized domestic living. They were themselves kept in vigor and health, their
children were well cared for, and well doctored in sickness. Natives so situated very
frequently not only raised large families, but by means of their superior industry,
skill, and thrift acquired considerable substance. Being thereby placed in a high
social rank among their countrymen, it has too commonly resulted that most of their
children became dissolute, like the children of the wealthy elsewhere, and the family failed to be continued.
Among other disastrous effects of the universal syphilitic taint was the frequency
of miscarriages. It has been the testimony of missionaries and physicians that a.
very considerable proportion of native births have been prevented by that cause.
In my inquiries in native households this has been assigned as frequently as any
other as the cause of the absence of children. To make such inquires is indeed
melancholy. One becomes glad to hear that even one or two children are surviving
in a household.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1581
Abortion is often attributed to active horseback exercise during pregnancy. As:native females used to be continually galloping about, no doubt this has contributed
to the evil since 1850, when the common people began generally to possess horses.
With the developement of good roads, wheels are now coming into very common use,by all classes.
(2) Drunkenness.-This should be assigned to no inconsiderable place among dis-.abling conditions. Before the haole arrived the favorite narcotic was awa (piper
methysticum), more commonly known throughout Oceanica as kava. A beer of some.strength was made by fermenting sweet potato. The sirupy Ki-root (Draccena Ti)
was also macerated and fermented, becoming still more alcoholic than the potato.
This was less acceptable, tending to produce irascibility, while the sour-potato
swill only inflamed sexuality. No great orgies of drunkenness resulted from the use,of any of the foregoing. The vice existed only in mild forms. Awa in excess;tended to waste and paralyze the system.
With the foreigner came the products of the still. Only then did drunkenness
begin to reign. Drunken orgies were an essential part of the beach-comber's paradise on Hawaiian shores. He found the Hawaiian an apt disciple, save that, like all
savages, he did not know how to stop. The story of the early missionaries is one of
constant impediment in their labors from the inebrity of the King and chiefs and
of frequent annoyance and disturbance from the riotous orgies of the common people.
While Kamehameha lived he put considerable check upon both his people and himself as to temperance. His youthful successor, Liholiho, plunged, with his people,
into a carnival of excess.
The contribution of drunkenness to depopulation was mainly indirect, although
powerful. It tended to overturn and destroy whatever remaiLs of wholesome social
order and domestic life survived the general wreck consequent upon foreign inter-.course. It stimulated the passions; it solved the remaining bonds of self-restraint;
it flung prudence to the winds; thus it enhanced the effectiveness of the causes previously described. Iltemperance is always a chief ally of impurity. The gin-mill.and the brothel are close partners.
(3) Oppression of the chiefs.-There was a considerable mortality during the first
quarter of this century, when the sandal-wood trade was active, caused by the
heavy exactions of the King and chiefs upon the common people to procure this
precious commodity wherewith to liquidate their immense debts to the traders,
incurred for yachts and costly luxuries. Great numbers of men were driven into
the mountains upon this errand, passing many nights in cold and rain with slight
protection and little food. The result was great waste of life and the almost entire
extirpation of the precious tree. Other severe exactions of labor were common.
Great levies of labor and supplies were frequently made at a chief's caprice from the
tenants of remote estates, to be brought to the island capital. This was an evil
much increased by the temptations of foreign trade. No doubt it materially contributed to the decimation of the people. Oppression by chiefs has ceased to be
an operative cause for nearly half a century, or since constitutional government
began to exist.
(4) Infectious and epidemic diseases.-These have largely added to the destruction
of the population. There seems to be good reason for accepting the theory that new
diseases attack with more severity and greater fatality races who are unaccustomed
to them or to their like. No doubt any race becomes in time somewhat hardened to
the diseases which infest it, the weaker and more susceptible individuals being
weeded out, and the hardier ones transmitting their resisting power to descendants.
Measles first appeared here in 1849. Great numbers died in all parts of the group.
The excess of mortality was attributed to the patients' bathing in order to alleviate
the external heat and irritation of the malady.
Smallpox first arrived in 1853. Before vaccination could be efficiently administered to the natives the infection had spread over the island of Oahu, and onehalf, or 15,000, of the people on that island, perished in a few weeks. After their
manner they rushed to visit their friends when attacked by the disease. Isolation
and precaution against infection is foreign to their natures. By the energy of the
then "missionary" Government quarantine measures wore vigorously enforced
on the.other islands, and the people thoroughly vaccinated, so that only a few hundred deaths occurred. Foreigners were all promptly vaccinated, and nearly all
escaped.
Malarial and other epidemics have been repeatedly introduced, and from time to
time have produced extensive mortality among the natives. The admirable climate,
with its sea air and the ozone of the mountain land breezes, seemed in each case
rapidly to mitigate the virulence with which earlier cases of the new malady would
be characterized, later cases assuming milder forms, until the disease seemed to
slowly die out. This was very marked in the instance of what was known as the
"boo-hoo" fever, which attacked all newly arrived foreigners. It was quite severe
at its first appearance in 1851, but by 1857 had become a very trifling malady,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Leprosy has been something of a scourge. Probably 4,000 lepers have died in these
Islands during the past thirty years. The number at present suffering from the
disease can not be more than 1,500, or 4 per cent of the native population. For
more than a year, or since the end of 1887, there has been a radical improvement in
the work of segregating the lepers. There seems reason to believe that soon nearly
every leper will have been removed to the excellent asylum at Molokai. The lepers
are nearly all natives. The disease very rarely appears among the white or the Mongolian races living here, owing to their carefully avoiding intercourse with lepers.
Hawaiiaus, on the contrary, mingle freely with lepers in the most intimate daily
intercourse. They commonly regard the segregation of their leprous relatives as a
cruel and uncalled-for severity. This is only one illustration of the habitual indifference of this people to sanitation, whether in physics or In morals.
Indeed, the idea of disease being a product of natural agencies and a thing to be
averted by physical preventives, seems to be one quite foreign to the Hawaiian's
mind and contrary to his mode of thought. In common with other uncivilized
races the world over they were accustomed to attribute all diseases to the iuimmediate agency of some personal demon, who enters the patient and malignantly distresses and destroys him. This brings us to another and one of the most destructive
of the agencies contributing to the diminution of the Hawaiian people.
(5) Kahunas and sorcery.-The kahuna is the medicine man. He is properly a sorcerer or wizard, whose chief reliance for the relief of disease is the employment of
supernatural agenciesalthough he will also perhaps use drugs and hygienic treatment.
From ancient times these men and their arts have been powerful agencies of death,
although not seldom effecting a species of "faith cure." When a Hawaiian is ill,
his superstitious relatives and friends immediately seek to persuade him that his
sickness is owing to the malign presence of solle demon, who must either be propitiated or expelled by force. Some kahuna is called in to accomplish this object. He
is believed to enjoy special power with some patron demon, who may be the one
needing to be propitiated, or whose agency may be called in to expel and overcome
the perhaps less powerful agent of the disease. If one kahuna proves insufficient to
the task others must be found who possess the special influence needed. The processes employed are always expensive to thepatient, andvery commonly quite severe.
There are sacrifices of pigs and fowls; there are complex incantations. There are
doubtless various efforts allied to mesmeric or hypnotic phenomena. Violent sweatings and purgings are frequently used to promote the expulsion of the demon, with
great physical severities of different kinds, such as often are of themselves fatal to
the patient. The tension of anxiety and dread is terrible and very weakening. A
great mortality results directly from this violent and terrifying treatment. Furthermore, there is a large mortality caused by pure mental apprehension where no
disease originally existed. The sufferer is told that a sorcerer is at work against
him; he at once sickens, and is prostrated, and soondies. Or he is solemnly warned
by a learned kahuna that he has symptoms of dangerous disease impending. Or
he is conscious of having committed some act, such as the violation of a vow, which
has offended the family deity, or aumakua, and through mental apprehension, the
same effect of sickening ensues. All these things play into the hands of the medicine man, bring him dupes and victims, increase his revenue, and multiply the mortality of the people. It is difficult to determine to what extent these superstitious
agencies are still at work. There is a painful reason to believe that their activity
has been greatly revived of late years. There is much ground for thinking that a
large proportion of the more intelligent and educated Hawaiians, when they fa.ll ill,
are prone to succumb to the inherited superstition. It is commonly remarked thlat
the Hawaiian, when sick, shows a strange lack of recuperative power. He dies
easily. He becomes depressed and surrenders where other men would recover.
Probably in most such cases the cause is his superstitious belief in a demon whom
he feels working at his vitals and whom it is hopeless to resist.
(6) Idolatry.-This is intimately connected with the above-named agency. Its
chief importance, however, in this discussion, is in its character as the most efficient
of all the agencies that disorder the mental and debase the moral action of the
people, and which frustrate and neutralize remedial influences. It resembles drunkenness in this respect, but I think very far exceeds it in its evil ethical efficiency.
All thinkers, of whatever creed or type of skepticism, consider a people's religion
to have an immense formative power upon them. The institutions,the custonms, and
the conduct of a people are certain to be shaped and patterned, in a great degree,
after whatever embodiments of moral ideals they believe in, such as deified heroes,
and deities of whatever sort whom they fear and worship. If the gods of any
nation, like those of early Egypt, are understood to exercise substantial justice, to
reward virtue, purity, and temperance, and to punish vice, treachery, and cruelty,
such a nation will continue to cherish the higher and to despise the baser qualities.
Righteousness has the sanction of religion, and the nation grows and prospers. The
Polytheisms of Egypt, of Greece, of Rome, of Chaldea, in their earlier and less cor



IAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1583
rnpted forms, exalted much of the higher elements of character; hence a good
degree of civilization became possible under these religions. This was also tiule of
the earlier Brahminism of the Vedas. There is strong evidence that these religions
were all corruptions fromn an original Monotheism, retaining something of that
earlier religious recognition of the righteousness and benevolence of the HeavenFather, the Dyaus-Pitar, Zeus-Pater, or Jupiter of the Aryan races. It is most
noticeable how, from debased races, these nations imported successively the worship
of evil gods-the Baals, Molochs, Astartes, Kalis, gods of lust, cruelty, falsehood,
debauchery. These fastened as parasites upon the earlier and cleaner Polytheisms,
and so corroded and poisoned the social:and political life of those great nations.
Whether, as Fornander maintains, any traces of an ancient monotheism can be discerned in the Polynesian Pantheon, may be considered doubtful. It is certain,
however, that the prevailing characteristics attributed to even the highest gods,
such as Fornander's Trinity of Ku, Kane, and Kanaloa, were wretchedly evil and
unclean. There are not merely strong tendencies to animnalism and cruelty, with
frequent lapses into crimes of lust and revenge, such as disfigure Greek mythology.
These gods of the Hawaiians become absolute embodiments of bestiality and
mallignity, like Moloch and other gods of the Canaanites.
The impure and malignant essence of Hawaiian deities is visibly embodied in
their images. In contrast to the personal beauty of the Greek gods, the aim and
the effort of the carver is to depict an extreme of malignity and sensuality. The
lineaments are made as revolting and horrific as the artist can combine them from
vicious types of animal savagery, such as the shark or the boar. The first impression is a just one, that a people who worshiped such deities as these images represent could not be otherwise than profoundly perverted in their ethical sentiments.
The various legends of the chief gods abound in attributes of the most excessive
bestiality. They are generally incapable of being printed without extensive expurgation. A loathsome filthiness is not mere incident, but forms the groundwork of
character, not merely of the great hog-god Kamapuaa, but even of the more humanlike Ku and Kane of the chief Trinity.
The moral ideas of the worshipers of such gods could not fail to suffer extreme perversion. Justice and purity were in contempt. Cruelty and lust were exalted into
religion. The late Matthew Arnold, eliminating personality from the idea of the
God of Christendom, defined Deity as "The stream of tendency in the universe that
makes for righteousness." If we could eliminate these horrific personalities from the
Hawaiian Pantheon, we might well count the ideal residuum to stand for the stream
of tendency that makes for all wickedness. It was an embodied diabolism.
As a shaping force upon character, and a moving force upon conduct, this diabolic religion takes its energy from sorcery. Sorcery brings these evil gods down
as living active powers interposing in all circumstances of life. By the arts of the
kahunas the people were held, and, to a considerable extent, are still held, in habitual fear of these powerful gods and their subordinate demons. Their lives are continually threatened by them. Every internal sense of illness is the deadly touch,
sensibly felt, of a god. So the people were held in abject slavery to their gods,
and to the priests who could influence them. Slaves to such unclean beings, they
tend to be like them; their moral sentiments are overturned; evil becomes good.
and good evil. Lewdness, prostitution, indecency, drunkenness, being god-like,
are exalted into virtues. Recent practical illustrations of this are not lacking.
One of the foul florescences of the great poison tree of idolatry is the hula. This
is most intimately connected with the whole system, and forms an essential part of
its services, just as sacred music does of Christian worship. The hula dances are
habitually idolatrous in practice, having their special patron gods, whom the
dancers invoke and worship. The chief posturings and movements of the hulas are
pantomimes of unnameable lewdness, illustrated and varied with elaborate art, and
accompanied with chants of unspeakable foulness of diction and description. This
is the sacred music of idolatry, its opera and its drama. The multitudes of men,
women, and children who throng to these royal hula operas there drink in the
heathen ethics of social life in unmitigated directness and grossness, made sensational with vivid pantomime of beastliness, and embellished with foul wit and jest
in song, extolling and dramatizing impurity. Against such schooling, it must be a
powerful civilizing force that can make head and redeem any Hawaiian homes from
becoming brothels.
(7) Wifeless Chinese.-This is an evil of recent growth, which acts most perniciously upon the social life of Hawaiians. There are some 20,000 Chinamen of the
lowest class, without their women, distributed throughout the islands in close contact with the natives, and in many districts outnumbering the Hawaiian males.
The effect is necessarily very destructive to the purity of native families, although
not more so than the presence of a similar number of unmarried whites would be.
There is no doubt but that many native households in all parts of the country are
maintained in comparative affluence by the intimacy of Chinese with their females.




1584                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Some of the heads of these families are members in good standing in the Protestant
churches, whose easy-going native pastors lack the energy and authority to deal
with the offenders, while the moral sentiment prevailing both within and outside of
the church is too feeble to put them to shame.
The catalogue of destructive elements making for the death of the Hawaiian
people, as enumerated above, is an appalling one. It certainly suffices to account
for any amount of infertility and mortality. On the other hand there are many
sanative and restorative agencies at work which inspire hope for the repression
of these evils and afford prospect for the reinforcement and augmentation of healing
agencies. I briefly name some of the most efficient:
(1) Government medical aid.-Paid physicians are within reach of most of the
people, whose services to them are free of charge. Their help should save many more
lives than they do, or than they will, so long as the people are taught idolatry and
to trust in the kahunas. It is not in itself a very easy thing for a skilled physician
to gain the confidence of the native people in the degree that he needs for any considerable success. It is nearly impossible for him to do so, when contending as he
generally is with active superstition in the minds of his patients and their friends,
and with the army of kahwltab working with all their arts against him. His prescriptions will very commonly be neglected and his injunction disobeyed.
I have not the slightest doubt that a hearty reception by the Hawaiian people of
the medical aid now provided, discarding their kahunas, would at once cause births
to preponderate over deaths.
(2) Hygienic instructton.-There has been a great deal of instruction given upon
the laws of health and simple remedial treatment in the schools and churches and
by means of books. Dr. Judd's translation of Cutter's Anatomy and Physiology
was printed nearly fifty years ago and used as a text-book in the leading high
school. Such instruction has done great service. It has proved insufficient, however, to make head against the inveterate belief in the supernatural cause of disease.
It is likely to continue inadequate, so long as the kahunas are encouraged to ply
their arts.
(3) School education.-Book knowledge, and even the much vaunted education in
English, have sadly failed to arm Hawaiians against succumbing to superstition
and its kindred impurity, either in the ranks of the lowly or the lofty.
Domestic and industrial, training in boarding schools has accomplished much
more, and is doing excellent work for both sexes by their practical training in the
ethics, the conduct, and the industry of Christian civilization. Several hundred
youth of each sex are now enjoying the advantages of such schools conducted by
Protestants, Anglicans, and Catholics. Adversely, the youth who go out of these
schools are at once plunged into a sea of indescribable temptation. Yet much of
our best hopes for the future of the race is in the increasing numbers of these welltrained Hawaiians. They tend to form an elevated and civilized social class of their
own. This is opposed and disintegrated by a Hawaiian social leadership, whose
tendencies are all adverse.
(4) Christian instruction will continue to be regarded by earnest believers in
Christianity as the chief effective agency in healing the nation's maladies. They
hold that faith in Christ has power to emancipate from fear of demon-gods; they
believe that the implanting of the high ideal of righteousness, of which Jesus of Nazareth is the source, will in the end erect in all minds a standard of integrity and
purity which will be more effectual than anything else in securing moral and healthy
living among the people. Probably the most of the many true and earnest friends
of right living who do not accept the supernatural element of Christian doctrine
would agree that for the Hawaiian, in his present mental stage of development, such
a faith would be a more efficient antidote than any scientific or philosophical teaching could be.
If it be asked why sixty-eight years of Christian teaching has not availed to lift
the Hawaiian people out of the mire of impure living if it be thus efficacious, its
teachers would point to the great increase of adverse influences for the last thirty
years and to the direct fostering of sorcery and hulas by authority during that time,
and latterly to the promotion of hardly concealed worship of the gods. They would
also point to the immense growth of foreign elements whose unfavorable influence
has been illustrated in the case of the Chinese. They would also call special attention to the fact that during the period of powerful missionary ascendency, say from
1833 to 1853, while nearly the whole people became nominal adherents of (Christianity,
only a minority become actual members of the churches, whil e the great majority,
although outwardly assenting, remained wedded to their habitual vice and secretly
to their superstitions, and that the more Christian minority gave place by death to
another generation far less strongly impressed and less fervid in religious interest.
In accordance with the foregoing statement of facts, as I clearly understand them,
and whose substantial correctness I think can not Ie gainsaid, there seems to be no
~dical remedy for the two great causes of ipfertility and mortality, viz, tunchastitf




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1585
and sorcery, except a system of vigorously extirpating those two allied agencies in
which they generate and are nourished, the hulas and the kahunas. Both are purely
heathen institutions of the most pronounced and detestible type, and are totally
incompatible with any true and wholesome civilization. They should both be hunted
down and exterminated like the venomous reptiles that they are, poisoning and
slaying the people. Until this is done with determined thoroughness I see little
prospect of arresting the decrease of the Hawaiian people.
The Hawaiian race is one that is well worth saving. With all their sad frailties,
they are a noble race of men physically and morally. They are manly, courageous,
enterprising, cordial, generous, unselfish. They are highly receptive of good. They
love to look forward and upward, even though very facile to temptations to slide
backward and downward. In an unusual degree they possess a capacity for tine
and ardent enthusiasm for noble ends. Should the Hawaiian people leave no posterity, a very sweet, generous, interesting race will have been lost to the world. They
can be saved. They have deserved too well of mankind-they have been too kindly,
too friendly, too trustful and magnanimous not to merit the most devoted efforts to
avert their threatening fate and to set them forward in a hopeful course. It seems
as if this might most easily be accomplished if there were only a wise and resolute
purpose to do it.
TWO WEEKS OF HAWAIIAN HISTORY.
[A brief sketch of the revolution of 1893. Illustrated. Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands. Published by
the Hawaiian Gazette Company, 1893.]
A BRIEF SKETCH OF THE HAWAIIAN REVOLUTION OF 1893.
PREFATORY.
The course of Hawaii's political development has in general been peaceful.
Under the reign of Kamehameha III the fundamental changes in social organization, in the private rights of individuals, in the tenure of land, and in the constitution of government were effected without disturbunce or bloodshed. The reign of
the third Kamehameha witnessed the beginning and the completion of the great
series of changes which transformed Hawaii from a feudal and savage despotism
into a free and civilized state. Without the cordial cooperation of an enlightened
monarch these reforms could not have been, as they were, speedily and peacefully
effected.
With the failure of the Kamehameha line, a change came over the spirit of the
monarchy, and the new dynasty refused to walk in the footsteps of the old. The
sound sense which had tempered the despotic spirit of Kamehameha V was wanting to Kalakaua, and his reign brought with it a long series of extravagances and
abuses which finally exhausted the patience of the people. The uprising of 1887
resulted in the promulgation of a new and more liberal constitution, but the
patience and moderation of the people gave to royalty one last chance, and.left the
monarchy standing.
Five years of bitter experience under the new r6gime have proved that the revolution of 1887 had one fatal fault. It did not go far enough. The constitution
which it secured was indeed liberal, its guarantees of political and private right
appeared sufficient, it seemed to introduce a system of government, for and by the
people, responsible to the people. Had the throne been filled by a ruler like Kamehameha III, the expectations founded upon the new instrument would not have
been disappointed and Hawaii might perhaps have continued for a generation
to enjoy the substantial blessings of prosperity and freedom under a monarchical
form of government. The constitution was, however, so drawn that a willful and
stiff-necked sovereign might easily obstruct its workings. Immemorial usage had
neither defined its intent nor fixed its meaning beyond the reach of quibbling subterfuge and cavil. White men were found to misinterpret its provisions, and pervert its plain meanings in the interest absolutism. The closing years of Kalakana
were occupied with a stubborn rcsistence by the King to his cabinet, and while the
opening days of Liliuokalani gave birth to fairer hopes, it was soon obvious that
the Queen had all the despotic instincts of her brother, with far more than his
tenacity of will. She was determined to govern by herself without consulting the
will of the people, and had no idea of accepting the rOle of the constitutional head
of a free state.
Such is a brief sketch of the events which serve as a prologue to the revolutionary
drama which was soon to be enacted. This can not be fully understood, however,
without an account of the events, or rather, of the secret intrigues, which led to
the downfall of the Wilcox cabinet.
R    Rn 997 __I n




1586                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
EVENTS IMMEDIATELY PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION.
The Wilcox cabinet was appointed November 8, but it was not until about
Christmas time that rumors commenced to circulate in town, that the relations
existing between the Queen and her cabinet were not as smooth as they might he.
She had attempted to dictate to them, an interference which they resented, and the
first rumors were that she wanted to get rid of her cabinet on the pretense that
they were under the influence of the American and Annexation party, fearing that
if they remained in power after the prorogation of the Legislature she would be
sure to lose her throne. These fancies were found to have been instilled into her
mind by the opium and spoils ring which had been making such a fight for existence during the term of the legislative session. The leaders of this ring were
clever enough to perceive that their influence with the Queen lay in using the marshal as a cloak for their designs, and, making friends with him, they held the key
to the situation. But they still lacked strength, and cast about for means to carry
out their designs. Some self seekers joined their ranks, and the Queen now commenced to take an active part in affairs, and her minions, notably Captain Nowlein,
of her guard, were in constant communication with the native members of the
House.
The Queen's legal advisers were in constant consultation with her, and engaged
in the preparation of a new constitution. At the same time the lottery bill was
revived and used as a lever, and promises of money payments for. the passage of the
first, second, and third reading of appointments as agents in the several districts and
of blocks of stock soon brought a change over the native members. The Queen was
now engaged in making personal appeals to these members, cases being reported of
her fortifying her entreaties with tears. She sent for prominent white members
whom she thought she could influence and asked outright for their support against
her ministers. Expostulations were in vain, and she showed her determination to
brook no delay; still not much fear as to the stability of the cabinet was felt, as
without C. O. Berger's vote she could not secure the necessary 25. It was
clearly explained to Mr. Berger what her actions meant, and he was told who would
constitute a new cabinet if she succeeded in getting the Wilcox one out, and he
promised not to lend his assistance to such schemes. He was advised to consult his
father-in-law (Mr. Widemann), and it is a notable fact that after doing so Mr. Berger went to the Palace, aid to the consternation of the ministerial supporters,
appeared in the House after swearing he would never go near it again during the session. The 25 votes necessary to pass a resolution of want of confidence were thus
obtained, and on Thursday, January 12, at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, the Wilcox
ministry was voted out of office.
The downfall of the cabinet was received with universal disgust throughout the
community, but when the following day the places of the ministers were supplied
by the Parker-Peterson-Colburn-Cornwell cabinet, the disgust was seasoned with
indignation of the strongest kind. The universal feeling found, however, only
peaceable expression, and none thought of anything but law-abiding acquiesence in
the change, fraught with injury to the public interest though it was known to be.
THE FIRST DAY.
Saturday, the 14th of January, 1893, dawned clear and beautiful, and no one
dreamed that it was to be one of the eventful days of Hawaiian history. The prorogation of the Legislature was to take place at noon, and the members opposed to
the new cabinet, though they absented themselves from the ceremony, had no idea
of attempting anything against the ministry. It did not seem possible that the
Queen, after having gained everything for which she had been striving, would
imperil her gains by violating the constitution. And yet she did.
THE RUMORS.
Saturday afternoon, between 1 and 2 o'clock, the community was startled by the
information that a coup d'gtat was in progress, and that the Queen was endeavoring
to force her cabinet to sign a new constitution, which she then proposed to promulgate immediately to the people. The information was at first disbelieved by some,
but it was speedily confirmed.
The political changes of the past few days, the renewed vote of want of confidence, the secret attempt made by the Queen to secure the overthrow of her ministers, her secret interviews with Noble IDreier and others, the signing of the opium
and lottery bills, coupled with the rabid talk of certain native members in the
house, had produced a feeling of great unrest in the community. The remarks of
Kamamooha in the house were felt by some to give a hint as to what was to be looked
for in the future, and many shared these forebodings. On Saturday morning rumor




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1587
was busy, and it was freely stated that a new constitution was to be prolmulgated
in the afternoon. At a meeting of business men, held ill the room of the chamber of
commerce, reference was made to this possibility, but still it was not generally believed
until in the afternoon the unexpected happened, and doubt was transformed into
certainty.
THE IISTORY.
Three days before the coup d'gtat was, attempted, a gentleman who enjoys the
confidence of the Queen told one of the members of the newly appointed cabinet
(who was then in private station) that the blow was to be struck, and that the
persons of the ministers would be secured. In the anticipation that the new cabinet
would not make any resistance to the revolutionary blow, the precaution of arresting them was not taken. Saturday morning one of the ministers received positive
information that a blow was to be struck that afternoon. He immediately proceeded
to consult two prominent citizens on the course to be taken. After a conference,
the gentlemen referred to advised the cabinet to refuse to sign a new constitution
and to decline to resign if their resignations should be demanded. The prorogation
of the legislature was the last chapter in the story of the morning. It went off
tamely and quietly enough, but those who were acquainted with the real situation
felt that the Government and the nation were sleeping on the crest of a volcano.
THE AFTERNOON.
In the afternoon, immediately after the Legislature had been prorogued, the Hui
Kalaiaina (a native Hawaiian political society), marched over to the palace in order
to present a new constitution to the Queen, with the petition that the same be promulgated to the people as the fundtamnental law of the land. The natter of the new
constitution and petition had been prearranged, and there was little spontaneity
about it. It really originated with the Queen and a few of her adherents. Activity had been noted for several days among some of the native retainers of Her
Majesty. Several have since stated that they were ordered to appear before her and
ask for a new constitution. One case particularly worthy of note is that of an old
native resident of Nuuanu Valley, who was seen going home on the evening of the
prorogation in an old working suit of clothes. On being asked where his tall hat,
longblack coat, and black pants were, he replied, "In the basket," pointing to one
which he was carrying on his arm. Proceeding, the native said that he, with
others, had been ordered to go and ask for a new constitution, and went prepared
to ask, never dreaming of having the request granted, but before the delegation
could present the petition the Queen intimated that their prayer would be granted,
without giving them time even to read the petition. The old man said he knew
that was treason, and he thought he had better get home.  So he got his wife to
bring him his old clothes again, which he immediately donned, shuffling his finery
into the basket. He further stated that he and the rest had no desire for a new constitution.
LIFTING THE HAMMER FOR THE COUP.
In the meantime a large crowd of Hawaiians had gathered around the palace gates
and in the grounds near the great flight of steps, and natives were also gathered in
large groups in the Government-building yard and elsewhere in the neighborhood.
The Queen retired to the blue room and summoned the ministers, who repaired at
once to the palace. The Queen was at a table, still dressed in the magnificent costume of the morning, and sparkling in a coronet of diamonds. She at once presented them with the draft of the new constitution, demanded their signatures,
and declared her intention to promulgate the same at once. Attorney-general
Peterson and Minister of Interior Colburn decidedly refused to do so, and Ministers
Cornwell and Parker, though more hesitatingly, joined their colleagues in this refusal.
All the cabinet now perceived the expediency of advising Her Majesty not to violate
the law, but she was not to be dissuaded from her mad coulrse. Bringing her clenched
hand down upon the table Queen Liliuokalani said: "Gentlemen, I do not wish to
hear any more advice. I intend to promulgate this constitution, and to do it now."
Proceeding, she told the cabinet that unless they abandoned their resistance at once
she would go out upon the steps of the palace and tell the excited crowd there
assembled that she wished to give them a new constitution. but that her ministers
were inside the palace, hindering her from doing it. The ministers remembered the
riot at the court house, and the fate of the unlucky representatives who fell into
the hands of the mob. They knew what the threat might mean, and before it could
be put into execution they retired from the palace.
THE APPEAL TO THE CITIZENS.
From the Government building, the minrsters immediately sent word down town
king the citizens what support the cabinet could expect in its resistance to the




1588                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
revolutionary movement begun by the Queen. Leading citizens of every political
complexion hurried together at Hon. W. O. Smith's office, and, while their numbers
were every instant augmented by fresh accessions, held a hurried consultation as to
the course to be pursued. There was but one mind among all those gathered together.
Tradesmen, lawyers, mechanics, merchants, were of one opinion. A unanimity of
sentiment reigned such as has not been witnessed here for years, and it was agreed,
without a dissenting voice, thnat it was the duty of every good citizen, without distinction of party, to support the law and the liberties of the people and to resist the
revolutionary encroachments of the Queen. A message to this effect was at once
dispatched to the cabinet.
A NEW STRUGGLE WITH THE QUEEN.
The ministers now revisited the palace, not without the apprehension that their
persons would be taken into custody even if they suffered no bodily harm. Great
pressure had been brought upon Her Majesty to induce her to go no farther and to
retrace the revolutionary steps she had already taken. While her troops stood
drawn up before the palace, waiting for the final word of command, the Queen hesitated and hesitated. The conference in the blue room was a long one. For two
hours the result trembled in the balance. She could not be induced to give up her
unlawful project, but finally consented with bitter reluctance to a temporary postponement of the premeditated coup.
THE QUEEN'S SPEECH.
The Queen was a very angry woman, when at 4 p. m. Saturday she returned to the
throne room, where were assembled the Hui Kalaiaina with most of the native
members of the Legislature, the cabinet, the governor of Oahu, the young princes,
Chief-Justice Judd and Mr. Justice Bickerton, the staff, ladies of the court, kahili
bearers, etc. She ascended the dais and spoke substantially as follows:
" PRINCES, NOBLES, AND REPRESENTATIVES: I have listened to the thousands of
voices of my people that have come to me, and I am prepared to grant their request.
The present constitution is full of defects, as the chief justice here will testify, as
questions regarding it have so often come before him for settlement. It is so faulty
that I think a new one should be granted. I have prepared one, in which the rights
of all have been regarded-a constitution suited to the wishes of the people. I was
ready and expected to proclaim the new constitution to-day, as a suitable occasion
for it, and thus satisfy the wishes of my dear people. But, with deep regret, I say
that I have met with obstacles that prevent it. Return to your homes peaceably and
quietly and continue to look towards me, and I will look towards you.  Keep me
ever in your love. I am obliged to postpone the granting of the constitution for a few
days. I must confer with my cabinet, and when, after you return home, you may
see it, receive it graciously. You have my love, and with sorrow I now dismiss
you."
Mr. White replied, thanking the Queen and assuring her of the love of the people,
and that they would wait patiently until their desires should be fulfilled, to which
the Queen responded with thanks, and left the throne room.
Mr. Kaunamano then began in a loud voice an inflammatory harangue which was
suppressed. He demanded the lives of the members of the cabinet who had opposed
the wishes of Her Majesty, and declared that he thirsted for bloodshed.
A few moments later the Queen went out upon the upper balcony of the palace and
addressed the crowd. She told them that on account of the perfidy of her ministers
she was unable to give them the constitution which she had promised them, but
that she would take the earliest opportunity of procuring it for them. (The crowd
then gave three cheers.)
Representative White then proceeded to the steps of the palace and began an address.
He told the crowd that the cabinet had betrayed them, and that instead of going home
peaceably they should go into the palace and kill and bury them. Attempts were
made to stop him, which he resisted, saying that he would never close his mouth
until the new constitution was granted. Finally he yielded to the expostulations
of Col. Boyd and others, threw up his hands and declared that he was pau, for the
present. After this the audience assembled dispersed.
The constitution which the Queen wished to force upon the people deprived them
of all voice in the choice of the house of nobles, the appointment of which was vested
in the sovereign. The system of cabinet responsibility was abolished, the choice
and removal of ministers being vested solely in the Queen. Native Hawaiians
were to be exempt from the payment of personal taxes, and all white men were to
be deprived of the franchise except those who were married to native wives.
News was brought to the citizens down town that the attempt to carry the revo



HAWAtIAN ISLANDS.                         1589
lution tllronght hlad for the moment failed. The meeting, however, appreciating the
fact that the trouble hld but just begun, did not break up, but continned the consideration of the emergency. A committee of public safety was formed, to which
the further consideration ofthe situation was delegated, after which the assembly,
which had been animatedby one heart and soul from the beginning, dispersed.
The committee of public safety did not delay in their performance of the task
intrusted to them by the citizens, but proceeded to hold a conference on the spot.
At first everything was in the air, there being no definite plan of operations. The
committee adjourned at 6 p. m. to meet again on the following (Sunday) norning.
On this occasion the situation was discussed in all its bearings, and it was decided
to call a mass meeting, to make a report, and then to ask this general gathering
of all the citizens to confirm the appointment of the committee of safety, and
to authorize it to take whatever steps might seem necessary to further the public
welfare and secure the rights of the people from aggression once and for all. It
was the unanimous sentiment of the members of the committee that a proclamation should be issued abrogating the monarchy, and a provisional government
established, if the tone of feeling developed at the mass meeting should clearly indicate that such a course would be in accord with public sentiment. In case the
expectations of the committee as to the state of public feeling were realized, it would
be necessary to be prepared to take immediate steps. The committee, therefore, continned its meetings and began the work of organization and preparation. Monday
morning it was decided to request the American minister to land troops for the protection of property, and a request to that effect was forwarded to the American minister.
THE QUEEN'S PARTY.
In the meanwhile the Queen's party were not idle. They were frightened at the
tone of feeling manifested in the city, and began to cast about for means of averting the catastrophe which seemed to threaten the throne. The Queen patched up a
peace with her cabinet and forgave them, for the time being, for their "perfidy."
In the morning of Sunday she held a meeting at the palace, and charged the native
pastors present to pray for her, as evil-minded foreigners were endeavoring to
deprive her of her throne. In the evening a secretmeeting washeld at the office ofthe
attorney-general, in the government building, at which, besides the cabinet, Paul
Neumann, Marshal Wilson, Hon. R. W. Wilcox, E. C. Macfarlane and Antone Rosa
were present, besides some others. At this meeting Marshal Wilson proposed the
arrest of the committee of thirteen, but Paul Neumann and others opposed the
proposition on the ground that it would cause friction. Posters for the mass meeting of citizens being already out, it was decided to call a counter mass meeting of
tawlaiians at Palace Square, and the tone to be adopted at this meeting was decided
upon. A "by authority" notice was drafted, to besigned by the Queen and cabinet,
announcing that her intention to abrogate the constitution by force had been abandoined, and that in future any changes she might desire would be affected by
constitutional means only. In accordance with the terms of this announcement,
the speaking at Palace Square was to be temperate and peaceable.
Monday morning the Advertiser appeared with a long account of the coup d'etat
attempted by the Queen on Saturday, and with an editorial counseling the people
to stand firmly by their rights. Late in the morning the "by authority notice above
referred to was distributed. It was as follows:
BY AUTHORITY.
Her Majesty's ministers desire to express their appreciation for the quiet and order
which has prevailed in this community since the events of Saturday, and are authorized to say that the position taken by Her Majesty in regard to the promulgation of
a new constitution was under the stress of her native subjects.
Authority is given for the assurance that any changes desired in the fundamental
law of the land will be sought only by methods provided in the constitution itself.
Her Majesty's ministers request all citizens so accept the assurance of HerMajesty
in the same spirit in which it is given.
LILIUOKALANI.
SAMUEL PARKER
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
W. H. CORNWELL,
Minister of Finance.
JOHN F. COLBURN,
Minister of the Interior.
A. P. PETERSON,
IOLAM PALcA, Jtanuary 16, 189A. Attorney-General.
IOLA.i PAl~CB, January 16, 1893.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


THE CITIZENS MASS MEETING,
At 2 p. m. Monday, January 16, the Honolulu Rifles Armcry was the scene of the
largest and most ellthusiastic mass meeting ever held in Honolulu. It was c.lled
by the committee of public safety for the purpose of protesting against the revolutionary aggressions of the Queen. At half-past 1 citizens began to assemble,
and before 2 o'clock the large building was crowded to its utmost capacity, 1,260
being present by actual count, while many others came later. Every class in the
community was fully represented, mechanics, merchants, professional men, and artisans of every kind being present in full force. The meeting was intensely enthusiastic. being animated by a common purpose and feeling, and most of the speakers
were applauded to the echo. Hon. W. C. Wilder, of the committee of safety, was
the chairman.
Mr. WILDER said: * Fellow-citizens, I have been requested to act as chairman of
this meeting. Were it a common occurrence, I should consider it an honor, but
to-day we are not here to do honor to anybody. I accept the chairmanship of this
meeting as a duty. [Applause.] We meet here to-day as men-not as any party,
faction or creed, but as men who are bound to see good government. It is well
known to you all what took place at the Palace last Saturday. I need not tell you
the object of this meeting, and no such meeting has been held since 1887. There is
the same reason now as then. An impromptu meeting of citizens was called Saturday to take measures for the public safety. The report of the committee will be
read to you. We do not meet as revolutionists, but as peaceful citizens who have
the right to meet and state their grievances. [Loud applause.] We will maintain
our rights and have the courage to maintain them. [Universal cheers.]
Noble Thurston, being introduced by the chairman, read the following
REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF SAFETY.
To the citizens of Honolulu:
On the morning of last Saturday, the 14th instant, the city was startled by the
information that Her Majesty Queen Liliuokalani had announced her intention to
arbitrarily promulgate a new constitution, and that three of the newly-appointed
cabinet ministers had or were about to resign in consequence thereof.
Immediately after the prorogation of the Legislature, at noon, the Queen accompanied, by her orders, by the cabinet retired to the palace; the entire military
force of the Government was drawn up in line in front of the building and remained
there until dark, and a crowd of several hundred native sympathizers with the new
constitution project gathered in the throne room and about the palace. The Queen
then retired with the cabinet, informed them that she intended to promulgate it,
and proposed to do so then and there and demanded that they countersign her signature.
She turned a deaf ear to their statements and protests that the proposed action
would inevitably cause the streets of Honolulu to run red with blood, and threatened that unless they complied with her demand she would herself immediately go
out upon the steps of the palace and announce to the assembled crowd that the reason she did not give them the new constitution was because the ministers would not
let her. Three of the ministers, fearing mob violence, immediately withdrew and
returned to the Government building. They were immediately summoned back to
the palace, but refused to go on the ground that there was no guarantee of their
personal safety.
The only forces under the control of the Government are the household guards and
the police. The former are nominally under the control of the minister of foreign
affairs and actually under the control of their immediate commander, Maj. Nowlein, a personal adherent of the Queen.
The police are under the control of Marshal Wilson, the open and avowed royal
favorite. Although the marshal is nominally under the control of the attorneygeneral, Her Majesty recently announced in a public speech that she would not
allow him to be removed. Although the marshal now states that he is opposed to
the Queen's proposition, he also states that if the final issue arises between the
Queen and the cabinet and people he will support the Queen.
The cabinet was absolutely powerless and appealed to citizens for support.
Later they reluctantly returned to the palace, by request of the Queen, and for
nearly two hours she again endeavored to force them to acquiesce in her desire, and
upon their final refusal announced in a public speech in the throne room and again
from the upper gallery of the palace that she desired to issue the constitution but
was prevented from doing so by her ministers and would issue it in a few days.
' See "Foot Note to Hawaiian History," p. 38.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1591


The citizens responded to the appeal of the cabinet to resist the revolutionary
attempt of the Queen by gathering at the office of William 0. Smith.
Later in the afternoonl it was felt that bloodshed and riot were imminent; that
the comnmunity eould expect no protection from the legal authorities; that on the
contrary they would undloubtedly be made the instruments of royal aggression. An
impromptu meeting of citizens was held, which was attended by the attorney-general and which was addressed among others by the minister of the interior, J. F.
Colburn, who stated to the meeting substantially the foregoing facts.
The meeting unanimously passed a resolution that the public welfare required the
appointment of a committee of public safety of thirteen to consider the situation
and devise ways and means for the maintenance of the public peace and the protection of life and property.
Such committee was forthwith appointed, and has followed its instructions.
The first step which the committee consider necessary is to secure openly, publicly, and peaceably, through the medium of a mass meeting of citizens, a condemnation of the proceedings of the party of revolution and disorder, and a confirmation from such larger meeting of the authority now vested in the committee.
For such purpose the committee hereby recommends the adoption of the following
RESOLUTION:
1. Whereas Her Majesty, Liliuokalani, acting in conjunction with certain other
persons, has illegally and unconstitutionally, and against the advice and consent of
the lawful executive officers of the Government, attempted to abrogate the existing
constitution and proclaim a new one in subversion of the rights of the people;
2. And whereas such attempt has been accompanied by threats of violence and
bloodshed and a display of armed force; and such attempt and acts and threats are
revolutionary and treasonable in character;
3. And whereas Her Majesty's cabinet have informed her that such contemplated
action was unlawful, and would lead to bloodshed and riot, and have implored and
demanded of her to desist from and renounce such proposed action;
4. And whereas such advice has been in vain, and Her Majesty has in a public
speech announced that she was desirous and ready to promulgate such constitution,
the same being now ready for such purpose, and that the only reason why it was not
now promulgated was because she had met with unexpected obstacles, and that a
fitting opportunity in the future must be awaited for the consummation of such
object, which would be within a few days;
5. And whereas at a public meeting of citizens, held in Honolulu on the 14th day
of January instant, a committee of thirteen, to be known as the " committee of public safety," was appointed to consider the situation, and to devise ways and means
for the maintenance of the public peace and safety, and the preservation of life and
property;
6. And whereas such committee has recommended the calling of this mass meeting
of citizens to protest against and condemn such action, and has this day presented a
report to such meeting, denouncing the action of the Queen and her supporters as
being unlawful. unwarranted, in derogation of the rights of the people, endangering the peace of the community, and tending to excite riot, and cause the loss of
life and destruction of property;
Now, therefore, we, the citizens of Honolulu, of all nationalities, and regardless
of political party affiliations, do hereby condemn and denounce the action of the
Queen and her supporters;
And we do hereby ratify the appointment and indorse the action taken and report
made by the said committee of safety; and we do hereby further empower such
committee to further consider the situation and further devise such ways and means
as may be necessary to secure the permanent maintenance of law and order, and
the protection of life, liberty, and property in Hawaii.
Mr. THURSTON said: Mr. Chairman, Hawaii is a wonderful country. We are
divided into parties and nationalities and factions, but there are moments when we
are united and move shoulder to shoulder, moved by one common desire for the public good. Three times during the past twelve years this has happened-in 1880, 1887
and to-day. They say it is ended, it is done, there is nothing to consider. Is it so?
[Calls of No! No!] I say, gentlemen, that now and here is the time to act. [Loud
cheers.] The Queensays she won't do it again. [Cries of humbug!] Fellow citizens,
have you any memories? Hasn't she once before promised-sworn solemnly before
Almighty God to maintain this constitution? What is her word worth? [Calls of
Nothing! Nothing!] It is an old saying that a royal promise is made to be broken.
Fellow citizens, remember it. We have not sought this situation. Last Saturday
the sun rose on a peaceful and smiling city; to-day it is otherwise. Whose fault is
it-Queen Liliuokalani's? It is not her fault that the streets have not run red with
blood. She has printed a proclamation expressing her repentance for what she has




1592                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
done, and at the same time-perhaps sent out by the same carriers-her organ
prints an extra with her speech with bitterer language than that quoted in the
Advertiser. She wants us to sleep on a slumbering volcano, which will some morning spew out blood and destroy us all. The constitution gives us the right to assemble peacefully and express our grievances. We are here doing that to-day without
arms. The man who has not the spirit to rise after the menace to our liberties has no right to keep them. Has the tropic sun cooled and thinned our blood,
or have we flowing in our veins the warm, rich blood which makes men love liberty
and die for it? I move the adoption of the resolution. [Tumultuous applause!]
Mr. H. F. GLADE: The Queen has done an unlawful thing in ignoring the constitution which she had sworn to uphold. We most decidedly protest against such
revolutionary proceedings, and we should do all we possibly can to prevent her
from repeating actions which result in disorder and riot. We now have a promise
from the Queen that proceedings as we experienced on Saturday shall not occur
again. But we should have such assurances and guaranties for this promise as will
really satisfy us and convince us of the faith and earnestness of the promise given,
of which we now nave no assurance. What such guaranties and assurances ought
to be I can not at this moment say or recommend. This should be referred to the
committee of safety for their careful consideration. I second the motion.
Mr. A. YOUNG, in addressing the meeting, spoke as follows: Mr. Chairman and
fellow citizens: In June, 1887, 1 stood on this same platform and addressed an audi
ence almost as large as the one now before me. At that time we had met to consider a resolution that looked toward a new constitution, which proposed constitution was considered the most effectual method of removing some flagrant abuses in
governmental affairs practiced by the King and his cabinets prior to the time that
the constitution was promulgated. To-day we have met to consider the action of
Her Majesty in attempting to set aside the constitution we all worked so hard to
have promulgated, in the best interests of the Sovereign and the people at large, as
well as for the redemption of the credit of the kingdom abroad. It has long been
reported that at some favorable opportunity the Queen would spring a new constitution upon the people and place matters even more in the hands of the Sovereign than they were before the revolution of 1887. Some did not believe the rumors,
but the actions of the Queen in the last few days have convinced the most skeptical
that the rumors were well founded, and that she had been pregnant with this
unborn constitution for a long time, but it could not be born till under the propitious star. The Queen's Kahunas, together with her would-be advisers, had no
doubt told her that the auspicious time for the advent had arrived. In trying to
promulgate this long-promised constitution, the Queen has therefore premeditatedly
committed a breach of faith with one portion of her subjects, in order to satisfy the
clamors of a faction of natives urged by the influence of a mischievous element of
foreigners who mean no good to the Queen or the people, but simply for the purpose
of providing avenues for carrying out more perfectly the smuggling of opium and
diverting the contents of the treasury into their own pockets. A "by authority" circular has now been handed around, setting forth that the Queen and her cabinet had.
decided not to press the promulgation of a new constitution, but can we depend on
this promise of Her Majesty? Is this promise any more binding upon her than the
oath she took before the Almighty God to support and maintain the present constitution? Has not the Queen resorted to very questionable methods in an underhanded
way to remove what, to the people, was one of the most acceptable cabinets ever
commissioned by any sovereign in this Kingdom, in order that four other ministers
might be appointed that would carry out her behest, treasonable or otherwise, as
might be most conveniently within their scope. I say, have we any reasonable
assurance that the Queen and her ministers have abandoned finally the new constitution promulgation scheme? [Roars of No! from the audience.] My fellowaitizens, while the Queen and her cabinet continue to trifle with and play fast and
loose with the affairs of state there can be no feeling of security for foreign families residing within these domains. There can be no business prosperity here at
home, and our credit abroad must be of the flimsiest and most uncertain nature.
And you business men who are toiling honestly for your bread and butter will have
to put up with thin bread and much thinner butter if this farcical work is continued.
In order that matters may be set to rights again and that honest, stable, and honorable government may be maintained in Hawaii, I support the resolution, and trust
that it will be passed unanimously by this meeting.
Mr. C. BOLTE. Since the resolution which was read here has been written things
have changed. On Saturday the Queen promised the native people that she would
give them a new constitution under all circumstances; she did not say exactly when,
but as soon as possible. This morning a proclamation was issued, in which she
says that her attempt to promulgate a new constitution last Saturday was made
under stress of her native subjects, but that she will not do it again. An attempt
to change the fundamental law of the land is a very serious matter, a matter that




nIAWAItAN ISLANDS.                        1593
requires a good deal of consideration, and I am well convinced that this matter has
been weighed and considered for more than a day by the Queen, and that there was
no acting on the spur of the moment under the stress of her native subjects about
it. It was her well premeditated conclusion that she would change the constitution, so as to suit herself, on the day of prorogation of the Legislature. Many people knew this several days ago, but there have been so many rumors about all sorts
of things that not very much attention was paid to it; it was expected that she
might change her mind before that day would come. But she did not change her
mind as soon as that; she told the native people that she was ready to give them a
new constitution right then and there, but that she could not do itbecause her ministers
would not let her. Now she has changed her mind; she makes a sort of excuse for
what she did, and says she will never do it again. It seems to me that the question
that your committee has to ask now, and which is for you gentlemen here in the
meeting to decide, is this: Are you satisfied with the assurance given in to-day's
proclamation signed by the Queen and the four ministers, and will you consider this
matter ended, or do you desire greater and stronger guarantees for the safety and
preservation of your life and liberty and property? I am one of the citizens' coumittee of public safety; my views on the situation are expressed in the resolutions
which have just been read, and I trust that you will show that you are of the same
mind as the committee by adopting these resolutions.
Hon. H. P. BALDWIN. I feel with the rest of youthatactions of the Queenhave put
the country in a very critical situation. Before thisrevolutionaryact ofHer Majesty
we were getting along. A ninistry had been appointed which would probably have
been able to pull us through. The McKinley bill had put the whole country into a
critical situation. We were working up new industries. Mr. Dillinlgham is trying
to build a railroad around this island. The Queen seems to have blinded herself to
all these things. She has followed a whim of her own-a whim of an irresponsible
body of Hawaiians-and tried to establish a new constitution. We must stop this;
but we must not go beyond constitutional means. I favor the resolution, but think
the committee should act within the constitution. There is no question thatthe Queen
has done a revolutionary act-there is no doubt about that. The Queen's proclamation has not inspired confidence; but shall we not teach her to act within the constitution? [Loud calls of "No."] Well, gentlemen, I see that you do not agree with
me; I am ready to act when the time comes.
J. EMMELUTIH wished to say a few words on the situation. He had heard the
Queen's speech at the palace, and noted the expression of her face. It was fiendish.
When the petitioners filed out he reflected on the fact that thirty men could paralyze the business of the community for twenty-four hours. It was not they that
did it, but the schemers behind them, and perhaps a woman, too. It was not the
Hawaiians that wanted the new constitution; not those who worked. This was the
third time that he had shut his doors, let his men go, and come up to this building.
It would be the last time. If we let this time go by we would deserve all we would
get. An opportunity came once in every lifetime. It had come to us, and if we finished as we should, a repetition of last Saturday would never occur in this country
again. [Applause.] We must stand shoulder to shoulder. There was but one
course to pursue, and we would all see it. The manifesto of this morning was bosh.
"I won't do it any more; but give me a chance and I'll do it again." That is the
real meaning of it. If the Queen had succeeded last Saturday myself and you would
have been robbed of the privileges without which no white man can live in this community. " Fear not, be not afraid," was written in my Bible by my mother twentyive years ago. Gentlemen, I have done. As far as the Hawaiians are concerned I
have an aloha for them, and we wish to have laws enabling us to live peaceably
together.
R. J. G1rEENE. Fellow citizens, among the many things I never could do was to
make an impromptu speech. I have tried it over and over again and never succeeded
but once, and that was after five weeks' preparation. Our patience has been
exhausted. We all agree about the case. The question is the remedy. John Greene,
of Rhode Island, entered the war of the Revolution and served throughout. His
son, my father, served through the war of 1812, until that little matter was settled.
In 1862 John Greene, my father, stood before a meeting like this, and said he had
four sons in the war, of whom I was the youngest, and would serve himself if he
was not too old. This experience has biased my judgment as to some matters of
civil government. It is too late to throw obstacles across the path of its progress
here. I have adopted this flag and am loyal to it, but I am not willing to go one
step back in the matter of civil liberty, and I will give the last drop of Rhode
Island blood in my veins to go forward and not back. [Cheers.]
Chairman WILDER read the latter part of the resolution.
It was passed by a unanimous standing vote, without a dissenting voice and amid
tremendous cheers, after which the meeting broke up.




1594                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
AT PALACE SQUARE.
While the mass meeting was in session at the armory a:ounter demonstration was
attempted by the Queen's party at Palace square. The spe;ikers ha;d been carefully
coached and advised to express themselves with the utmost caution. The tone was
an unnatural one and the enthusiasm correspondingly small. A resolution was adopted
accepting the royal assurance that she would no longer seek a new constitution by
revolutionary means. The same meeting, however, expressed by cheers its approbation of the attempt by the Queen to carry out her coup d'itat, and one of the speakers
gave vent to the expression of a wild thirst for bloodshed.
MORE COMMITTEE MEETINGS.
Immediately after the mass meeting a session of the committee of public safety
was held. All the members felt that their action had been more than indorsed by
the citizens, and that the moment a Provisional Government was established the
foreign community would rally to its support.
It should have been mentioned that Marshal Wilson had warned all persons from
attending the mass meeting. The indications of approaching trouble were serious,
and at 5 o'clock in the afternoon, Minister Stevens deemed it proper to comply with
the request of the committee of safety, and at the hour named the ship's battalion,
under Lient. Commander William T. Swinburne, landed, and troops were stationed
for the protection of the consulate and legation, while a detachment encamped at
Arion Hall. The presence of the troops did much to prevent disorder and to tranquilize the fears of the timid.
In the evening the committee of safety again convened, and elected the executive
council and officers. In the morning, the memlbers of the executive council consented to serve, and John H. Soper was induced to accept the responsible position
of military chief of the new Government. Judge Sanlford B. Dole, the new executive head, sent his resignation to the cabinet, and this act was, so to speak, the first
shot of the counter revolution. At 1 p. m., the formation of the advisory council
was complete, and shortly after the proclamation was signed by the committee of
safety. The first act of the Provisional Government was then to sign the commission of J. H. Soper as commander of the forces. Just as the committee had finished
considering the question when the coup should take place, and had decided on
immediate action, a shot was fired on Fort street, a crowd ran up to the spot, the
story flew through the street, "Good has shot a policeman," and the committee hastened to the Government building.
TIIE SHOT ON FORT STREET.
The shot fired on Fort street precipitated the revolution. In order to understand
this event, it is necessary to return a little and pick up a new thread in the narrative. In the morning J. Good had been appointed ordnance officer, and in the discharge of his duty it became necessary for him to gather up the guns and amimunition available at the different stores, and transfer them to the armory. Half-past
2 in the afternoon was the hour set for the renoval of the ammunition from E. 0.
Hall & Sons. Mr. Good selected Mr. Benner, of Castle & Cooke's, to drive the wagon,
detailing Edwin Paris and Fritz Rowald as guards. The ammunition had been
packed in the morning, the packing having been more or less supervised by some
policemen who were hanging around with instructions to watch closely what was
goin g on. At 2:20 Mr. Good proceeded to execute the transfer, and ordered Mr. Benner to drive rapidly out of the rear entrance. As the wagon came out of the gate, a
policeman grabbed at the reins and ordered a halt. As the order was disregarded
the officer blew his whistle, which was immediately answered by four or five other
policemen who came running up and joinetd in the effort to stop the wagon.
The Fort street car had just crossed King and alongside of it was a dray. This
completely barred the progress of the wagon. One of the policemen seized the bit,
but was warned off by Mr. Good, revolver in hand. Another endeavored to climb
up but received a smart cut with the whip from Mr. Benner. In the meanwhile
two policemen in the rear had been kept off by Paris and Rowald. On the rear platform of the street car were J. A. McCandless and Mr. Martin, the tailor. The latter
covered one of the officers with his revolver, but did not fire. In the meantime came
from MeCandless on the street car, from E. O. White at Hall's and others, calls of
" Pull, pull." Warned by these, Mr. Good now faced square around. One of the
officers was coming up at a run, and when a few feet distant, put his hand behind
him as though to draw a revolver. The indications being that some one would be
shot, Mr. Good promptly fired and the man fell, with a bullet in the shoulder. This
ended the effort to capture the ammunition. The horses started forward and the




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1595
wagon proceeded up Fort street, followed by two policemen in a hack who were
kept at a respectful distance by Paris, who leveled his rifle at them. The wagon
proceeded up Fort to School stieet, and then down Punchbowl to the armory, where
they were glad to see Zeigler's men already in line.
TIHE NEW GOVERNMENT DECLARED.
In the menntime the committee of public safety witl the members of the provisional (lGoveI mlleent had proceede to the Government building, Judge Dole and Mr.
Cooper leading the way up Merchant street. All the committee were unarmed.
When the building was reached, inquiry was made for the ministers but they were
not to be found. Mr. Cooper then made demand upon Mr. Hassinger, the chief clerk
of the interior office, for possession of the building, and the demand was immediately
complied with, there being no force with which any resistance could have been
made. The committee now proceeded to the public entrance, and Mr. H. E. Cooper
read to the gathering crowd the following proclamation:
PROCLAMATION.
In its earlier history, Hawaii possessed a constitutional government honestly and
economically administered in the public interest.
The Crown called to its assistance as advisers able, honest, and conservative men,
whose integrity was unquestioned even by their political opponents.
The stability of the Government was assured; armed resistance and revolution unthought of; popular rights were respected and the privileges of the subject from time
to time increased and the prerogatives of the Sovereign diminished by the voluntary
acts of the successive kings.
With very few exceptions this state of affairs continued until the expiration of the
first few years of the reign of His late Majesty Kalakaua. At this time a change was
discernible in the spirit animating the chief executive and in the influences surrounding the throne. A steadily increasing disposition was manifested on the part
of the King to extend the royal prerogatives; to favor adventurers and persons of
no character or standlig in the community; to encroach upon the rights and privileges of the people by steadily increasing corruption of electors, and by means of the
power and influence of officeholders and other corrupt means to illegitimately influence the elections, resulting in the final absolute control of not only the executive
and legislative, but to a certain extent the judicial departments of the Government
in the interest of absolutism.
This finally resulted in the revulsion of feeling and popular uprising of 1887, which
wrested from the King a large portion of his ill-gotten powers.
The leaders of this movement were not seeking personal aggrandisement, political
power, or the suppression of the native Government. If this had been their object
it could easily have been accomplished, for they had the absolute control of the
situation.
Their object was to secure responsible government through a representative cabinet, supported by and responsible to the people's elected representatives. A clause
to this effect was inserted in the constitution and subsequently enacted by law by
the Legislature, specifically covering the ground that, in all matters concerning the
state the sovereign was to act by and with the advice of the cabinet and only by
and with such advice.
The King willingly agreed to such proposition, expressed regret for the past, and
volunteered promises for the future.
Almost from the date of such agreement and promises, up to the time of his death,
the history of the Government has been a continual struggle between the King on
the one hand and the cabinet and the Legislature on the other, the former constantly endeavoring by every available form of influence and evasion to ignore his
promises and agreements and regain his lost powers.
This conflict upon several occasions came to a crisis, followed each time by submission on the part of His Majesty by renewed expressions of regret and promises
to abide by the constitutional and legal restrictions in the future. In each instance
such promise was kept until afurther opportunity presented itself, when the conflict
was renewed in defian.ce and regardless of all previous pledges.
Ulpon the accession of Her Majesty Liliuokalani for a brief period the hope prevailed that a new policy would be adopted. This hope was soon blasted by her
immediately entering into conflict with the existing cabinet, who held. office with
the approval of a large majority of the Legislature, resulting in the triumph of
the Queen and the removal of the cabinet. The appointment of a new cabinet
subservient to her wishes and their continuance in office until a recent date gave no




1596                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
opportunity for further indication of the policy which would be pursued by Her
Majesty until the opening of the Legislature in May of 1892.
The recent history of that session has shown a stubborn determination on the part
of Her Majesty to follow the tactics of her late brother, and in all possible ways to
secure an extension of the royal prerogatives and an abridgment ot popular rights.
During the latter part of the session the Legislature was replete with corruption;
bribery and other illegitimate influences were openly utilized to secure the desired
end, resulting in the final complete overthrow of all opposition and the inauguration
of a cabinet arbitrarily selected by Her Majesty in complete defiance of constitutional principles and popular representation.
Notwithstanding such result the defeated party peacefully submitted to the situation.
Not content with her victory, Her Majesty proceeded on the last day of the session
to arbitrarily arrogate to herself the right to promulgate a new constitution, which
proposed among other things to disfranchise over one-fourth of the voters and
the owners of nine-tenths of the private property of the Kingdom, to abolish the
elected upper house of the Legislature, and to substitute in place thereof an appointive one to be appointed by the sovereign.
The detailed history of this attempt and the succeeding events in connection
therewith is given in the report of the committee of public safety to the citizens
of Honolulu, and the resolution adopted at the mass meeting held on the 16th
instant, the correctness of which report and the propriety of which resolution are
hereby specifically affirmed.
The constitutional evolution indicated has slowly and steadily, though reluctantly,
and regretfully, convinced an overwhelming majority of the conservative and
responsible members of the community that independent, constitutional, representative, and responsible government, able to protect itself from revolutionary uprisings and royal aggression is no longer possible in Hawaii under the existing system
of Government.
Five uprisings or conspiracies against the Government have occurred within five
years and seven months. It is firmly believed that the culminating revolutionary
attempt of last Saturday will, unless radical measures are taken, wreck our already
damaged credit abroad and precipitate to final ruin our already overstrained financial condition; and the guarantees of protection to life, liberty, and property will
steadily decrease and the political situation rapidly grow worse.
In this belief, and also in the firm belief that the action hereby taken is, and will
be for the best personal, political, and property interests of every citizen of the land,
We, citizens and residents of the Hawaiian Islands, organized and acting for the
public safety and the common good, hereby proclaim as follows:
1. The Hawaiian monarchial system of Government is hereby abrogated.
2. A Provisional Government for the control and management of public affairs
and the protection of the public peace is hereby established, to exist until terms of
union with the United States of America have been negotiated and agreed upon.
3. Such Provisional Government shall consist of an executive council of four
members, who are hereby declared to be S. B. Dole, J. A. King, P. C. Jones, W. O.
Smith, who shall administer the executive departments of the Government, the
first named acting as president and chairman of such council and administering
the department of foreign affairs, and the others severally administering the
department of interior, finance,and attorney-general, respectively, in the order in
which they are above enumerated, according to existing Hawaiian law as far as
may be consistent with this proclamation; and also of an advisory council which
shall consist of fourteen members who are hereby declared to be S. M. Damon, A.
Brown, L. A. Thurston, J. F. Morgan, J. Emmeluth, H. Waterhouse, J. A.
McCandless, E. D. Tenney, F. W. McChesney, F. Wilhelm, W. R. Castle, W. G. Ashley,
W. C. Wilder, C. Bolte. Such advisory council shall also have general legislative
authority.
Such executive and advisory councils shall, acting jointly, have power to remove
any member of either council and to fill such or any other vacancy.
4. All officers under the existing Government are hereby requested to continue to
exercise their functions and perform the duties of their respective offices, with the
exception of the following-named persons:
Queen Liliuokalani.
Charles B. Wilson, marshal,
Samuel Parker, minister of foreign affairs,
W. H. Cornwell, minister of finance,
John F. Colburn, minister of the interior,
Arthur P. Peterson, attorney-generalt
who are hereby removed from office.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1597
5. All Hawaiian laws and constitutional principles not inconsistent herewith shall
continue in force until further order of the executive and advisory councils.
(Signed) HENRY E. COOPER, Chairman.     W. C. WILDER,
ANDREW BROWN,                  F. W. MCCHESNEY,
THEODORE F. LANSING,           WMA. O. SMITH,
JOIN EMMELUTH,                 LORRIN A. THURSTON,
C. BOLTE,                     WM. R. CASTLE,
ED. SUfInR,                    J. A. MCCANDLESS,
HENRY WATERHOUSE,                       Committee of Safety.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, January 17, 1893.
During the reading of the proclamation armed adherents of the Government began
to gather, and it is stated that Oscar White was the first man in the grounds with a
gun. By the time that the reading was finished Capt. Ziegler reached the spot with
his men.
THE VOLUNTEER FORCES.
The armory on Beretania street was the spot selected for the assembling of the
volunteers, and here arms and ammunition were furnished to those who required
them. The first body of men who were ready for active work was a company composed of German citizens who were under command of Capt. Charles Ziegler.
They were at the spot about 2:30 o'clock, just one-half hour earlier than the
appointed time, but they were soon joined by two companies which were rapidly
formed until a good-sized detachment was made up. The last-mentioned companies
were under the command of George C. Potter and J. H. Fisher. Eachman was armed
with a rifle and had a cartridge belt around his waist. When they were mustered
together, an order came from Commander J. H. Soper to march at once to the Government building to prevent any possible uprising. The oompanies at once repaired in
squads to Aliiolani Hall. Orders were given to clear the yard and sentries were at
the gates to prevent outsiders from entering.
As soon as it was generally known about town that a new Government was established, citizens of all classes rallied to its support, and before nightfall, four companies under arms were organized to uphold the new order and carry it through.
During the afternoon a temporary military organization was formed, with J. H.
Soper at the head. He named as his aids, George F. McLeod, D. B. Smith, John
Good, Fred. Wundenberg, and J. H. Fisher. Captains Hugh Gunn, George C. Potter,
Charles Ziegler and J. M. Camara jr., were placed in command of the different
companies.
Pickets were at once stationed all over the city to carry out the provisions of martial law which had been proclaimed by the new Government.
After the reading of the proclamation, the new Government at once took possession of the treasury and all the departments. The following orders were issued:
HONOLULU, H. I., Jan. 17, 1893.
PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
[Orders No. 1.]
All persons favorable to the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands are
hereby requested to forthwith report to the Government at the Government building
to furnish the Government such arms and ammunition as they may have in their possession or control, as soon as possible, in order that efficient and complete protection to life and property and the public peace may immediately and efficiently be
put into operation.
(Signed)                                      SANFORD B. DOLE,
J. A. KING,
P. C. JONES,
W. 0. SMITH,
Executive Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islabds.
JOHN EMMELUTHI,           E. D. TENNEY,
ANDREW BROWN,             F. W. MCCIIHESNEY
C. BOLTE,                 W. C. WILDER,
JAMES F. MORGAN,          J. A, MCCANDLESS8
HENRY WATERHOUSE,         W. R. CASTLE,
S. M. DAMON,              LORRIN A. TnURSTON,
W. G. ASHLEY,             F. J. WILHELM.
Advtsory Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.




1598                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
HONOLULU, H. I., Jan. 17, 1893.
PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF TIE IIAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
[Order No. 2.]
It is hereby ordered and decreed that until further ordered, the right of the writ
of habeas corpus is hereby suspended, and martial law is hereby declared to exist
throughout the Island of Oahu.
SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
J. A. KING,
Minister of the Interior.
P. C. JONES,
Minister of Finance.
WILLIAM 0. SMITII,
Attorney-General.
Executive Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islantds.
THE ROYALIST SURRENDER.
The cabinet were summoned to surrender the palace, police station, and barracks.
They endeavored to gain time, but the Provisional Government insisted upon an
immediate unconditional surrender. The police station was accordingly given up at
once, the Queen retiring from the palace and the barracks being taken into possession the next day. The cabinet noted the following protest:
I, LILIUOKALANI, by the Grace of God, and under the constitution of the Hawaiian
Kingdom, Queen, do hereby solemnly protest against any and all acts done against
myself and the constitutional Government of the Hawaiian Kingdom by certain persons claiming to have established a Provisional Government of and for this Kingdom.
That I yield to the superior force of the United States of America, whose minister
plenipotentiary, His Excellency John L. Stevens, has caused the United States troops
to be landed at Honolulu and declared that he would support the said Provisional
Government.
Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces, and perhaps the loss of life, I do under
this protest, and impelled by said force yield my authority until such time as the
Government of the United States shall, upon the facts being presented to it, undo the
action of its representative and reinstate me in the authority which I claim as the
constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands.
Done at Honolulu this 17th day of January, A. D. 1893.
(Signed)                                     IILIUOKALANI, R.
(Signed)                                     SAMUEL PARKER,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
(Signed)                                    WM. H. CORNWELL,
Minister of Finance.
(Signed)                                     JNo. F. COLBURN,
Minister of the Interior.
(Signed)                                     A. P. PETERSON,
Attorney- General.
To S. B. DOLE, Esq., and others composing the Provisional Government of the
Hawaiian Islands.
[Indorsed.]
Received by the hands of the late cabinet this 17th day of January, 1893.
(Signed)                                     SANFORD B. DOLE,
Chairman of Executive Council of Provisional Government.
BUSY DAYS.
Wednesday, the 18th, was another busy lay about the Government building.
Recruits kept constantly pouring in from all quarters until about 500 names were
enrolled, which spontaneous action on the part of the citizens proved that the new
Government had the sympathy and support of the general community.
In the meantime the taking of the barracks and the police station furnished the
Government with a large amount of ammunition and arms, which were immediately
distributed among the forces of the Government.
The interior of the Government building was transformed into a barracks through
the efforts of W. W. Hall, who had been appointed commissary. Beds and bedding




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1599
were supplied for the men, and arrangements were made with the different hotels to
provide food for the volunteers. The legislative hall and other rooms in the building were assigned as quarters for the members of the different companies and everything possible was done for their comfort.
For days everything went along with military precision, and on the 23d the
executive and advisory councils of the Government decided to organize a national
guard of four companies, one company to be a permanent force under pay and to
consist of 100 men, while three companies were to be volunteers. On the same day
commissions were issued to J. H. Soper as the commander of the forces with the
rank of colonel,,John Good as captain, and Arthur Coyne as first lieutenant.
On the 24th, the active work of enlisting men for the permanent force commenced
in Arion Hall, where Chief-Justice Judd, Associate Justice Bickerton, and Circuit
Judges Whiting and Frear were present to administer the oath of allegiance.
On the same day additional appointments were made as follows: J. H. Fisher as
lieutenant-colonel; George F. McLeod as major; W. W. Hall as quartermaster;
W. P. Tilden as ordnance officer; Ira A. Burgess as second lieutenant of the regular
forces.
On the same evening, at the Government building, an important event took place
when the three volunteer military companies were organized. Each company will
probably consist of 100 men. They will be uniformed and armed with rifles, and as
soon as possible meeting places will be provided for the companies.
Following is the list of officers:
Company A.-Captain, C. W. Ziegler; first lieutenant, A. Gartenberg; second
lieutenant, Karl Klemme.
Company B.-Captain, Hugh Gunn; first lieutenant, Arthur Brown; second lieutenant, L. T. Kenake.
Company C.-Captain, J. M. Camara, jr.; first lieutenant, J. M. Vivas; second
lieutenant, A. G. Silva, jr.
THE BOSTON MEN.
The battalion from the Boston was composed as follows:
Marine Guard.-First Lieut. H. L. Draper, commanding, 30 men armed with
Springfield rifles.
Artillery Company.-Lieut. Lucien Young, commanding, 34 men, with two gatlings.
First Company Infantry.-Lieut. Charles Laird, commanding, 34 men armed with
Lee rifles.
Second Company Infantry.-Lieut. D. W. Coffman, commanding, 34 men armed with
Lee rifles.
Adjutant of the battalion, Lieut. W. R. Rush.
When the battalion fell in line it marched up Fort street to the office of Mr. H. W.
Severance, consul-general for the United States, when a halt was made.  One company was detached and sent to guard the American legation on Nuuanu street. A
guard was also left at the consul's office, after which the battalion moved out
Merchant street to King, and came to a halt in front of Mr. J. A. Hopper's residence. About sundown another move was made to Mr. J. B. Atherton's residence in
the same street, and after a stay of several hours a return march to Arion Hall was
made, where the battalion made its headquarters for several days. In the meantime the old Bishop premises on King street had been prepared for the officers and
men, and on Thursday, January 19, they were installed, and they have been there
ever since.
THE NEW GOVERNMENT RECOGNIZED.
As soon as the Provisional Government was in possession, it sent notifications of
the situation to all the representatives of the foreign powers. Recognitions began
to pour in as soon as it became clear that the Government was a genuine de facto one,
until all the powers had accepted the situation. The list includes Sweden, Germany, the United States, Austro-Hungary, Belgium, Russia, Peru, Italy, the Netherlands, France, England, Japan, China, Portugal, Chile, Denmark, Spain, and Mexico.
It was also decided to dispatch the Claudine to San Francisco with a commission
empowered to negotiate a treaty of union with the United States. She left this port
Thursday morning at about half past 9 o'clock for San Francisco with the special
commission to Washington on board. The Wilder dock was crowded with people to
witness the departure of the vessel, and when she left the dock three hearty cheers
were given for Messrs. Thurston, Wilder, W. R. Castle, Marsden, and Carter, the
gentlemen who compose the special commission. Many prominent citizens were
present on the dock to bid the gentlemen good luck and a successful mission. The
vessel had been carefully guarded for a couple of days previously to prevent any
stowaways from getting on board, and on her departure a thorough search wr  aile.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


The voyage was prosperous. Saturday morning, January 28, the commissioners
landed in San Francisco, proceeding on the following day to Washington.
The eleven days immediately following the departure of the Claudine were not distinguishced by any event of special importance. The Provisional Government was
busily occupied in adjusting the administration to the new conditions. A few bills
were passed, but no legislation has been attempted except such as was called for by
the exigencies of the situation. A strong guard was kept upon the Government
building, as well as at the palace, barracks, and police station. The neighborhood
of the Government building was also picketed, and a regular street patrol, horse and
foot, was maintained during the night. One or two fires, suspected to be of incendiary origin, were started, but they were promptly extinguished, and no damage
resulted. Under martial law the streets of the city were quiet as they seldom have
been before. The saloons were at first closed, but everything remained so quiet that
even this simple measure was found unnecessary. The excitement of the first two or
three days passed away, and business resumed its customary course. Recruits flowed
in steadily, though no special effort was made to obtain them.
THE PROTECTORATE.
This state of things lasted eleven days, when the Government resolved upon a new
move, which had been the subject of deliberation for several days. The incessant
agitation on the part of certain whites of the class who have always been the curse
of this country, coupled with the efforts of one English and one or two native newspapers to discredit the Government, to block its efforts toward the establishment of
order, and in general to bring it into disrepute and contempt, had been the chief
agency in spreading through the town a feeling of uneasiness and disquietude. It
was thought wise, therefore, to secure the direct assistance of the United States Government in the preservation of property and the maintenance of order, and a request
was forwarded by the Government to the American minister to establish a protectorate pending the settlement of the negotiations at Washington.
In accordance with the terms of this request, at 8:30 a. m. February 1, Capt. Wiltse
proceeded to the Government building, and a few moments later the battalion of the
U. S. S. Boston, Under Lieut. Commander Swinburne, marched up the street, entered
the grounds, and drew up in front of the building.
Detachments from the three volunteer Companies A, B, and C were drawn up in
line, under the command of their respective captains, Ziegler, Gunn, and Camara.
Just before 9 o'clock Lieut. Rush read in a loud voice the following proclamation,
and punctually at 9 o'clock, amid the breathless silence of all present, the flag,
saluted by the troops and by the cannon of the Boston, was raised above the tower
of Aliiolani Hall.
The following is the text of the proclamation:
To the Hawaiian people:
At the request of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, I hereby,
in the name of the United States of America, assume protection of the Hawaiian
Islands for the protection of life and property and occupation of public buildings
and Hawaiian soil, so far as may be necessary for the purpose specified, but not interfering with the administration of public affairs by the Provisional Government.
This action is taken pending, and subject to, negotiations at Washington.
JOHN L. STEVENS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States.
UNITED STATES LEGATION, February 1, 1893.
Approved and executed by
G. C. WILTSE, Captain, U. S. 2.,
Commanding the United States Ship Boston.
The wisdom of the Government's course in requesting the protectorate was justified by the result. A feeling of general relief spread itself throughout the community. The maintenance of the citizen soldiers, many of whom could ill spare
the time and strength which they required for their daily bread, had been sonmewhat burdensome. While these soldiers were willing to support the Government
as long as necessary, most of them were glad to be able to return to the ordinary
occupation. The power of the Provisional Government to maintain itself against
all comers was never doubted for a moment, but it was naturally felt that the safest
course was to be in constant readiness for an attack, even though the probability of
any being made might be very small. As a matter of fact, it is not likely that an
armed attempt to overthrow the Government would have been made.
On Sunday, the 5th of February, martial law was abrogated and the right of the




HAWAIIAN    ISLANDS.                       1601
writ of habeas corpus restored. No use had been made of its suspension, and no
political arrests of any kind were found necessary.
The steamer arrived from San Francisco February 10, bringing the news that the
propositions of this Government were very favorably received by the press and
people of the United States. The arrival of this intelligence produced a feeling of
general satisfaction throughout the community, which was raised to the highest
pitch when the China came in Monday, February 20. six days from San Francisco, and
brought the further news of the arrival of the commissioners in Washington, their
favorable reception, and formal recognition by the administration, and the rapid
progress of negotiations for an annexation treaty at Washington.
On Washington's birthday the Australia arrived, confirming previous dispatches,
and adding to them the fact that the treaty had been signed by the President, and
that it would be submitted to the Senate for ratification immediately. The resultant state of feeling is one not merely of the keenest personal satisfaction, but of
general security. Business confidence is being restored, sugar stocks are recovering,
the money market is easier, and there is a well-founded anticipation among all
classes that Hawaii, as a part of the American Union, is about to enter upon a
career of prosperity without a parallel in her history.
THE MEN WHO DID IT.
The foregoing sketch, brief as it is, would not be complete without a word or two
as to the character of the men who have brought the cause to a successful issue. Of
Lorrin A. Thurston it is not necessary to speak. His indomitable resolution and energy
are recognized by all as prime factors in the movement. The proclamation, which
may well be called the new charter of Hawaiian liberty, he dictated from a sick bed,
but its ringing words have nothing in them but the health and strength of full
manhood. The fact that Sanford B. Dole is the executive head of the Government
has furnished from the beginning one of the strongest guarantees of its success. No
man in all the Hawaiian commonwealth is the object of more universal respect.
He stands for equity, for moderation, for prudence, and for firmness as well, in all
the actions of the executive.
The military department possesses a thoroughly reliable head in John H. Soper.
The pluck and determination of J. Good, captain of the regulars, who fired the
first and last shot of the revolution, have been invaluable to the cause. Capt.
Ziegler, with his Germans, has been a host, and the zeal of Captains Gunn and
Camara, of the volunteers, who have devoted day and night to the service, as well
as the officer's of the commander's staff, is above praise. With the police station
in the charge of Fred Wundenberg, during the first doubtful and trying days,
everyone felt that stronghold to be safe.
No attempt is made here even to enumerate more than a fraction of those who
have served the cause with devotion. Many of those chiefly worthy of mention
must pass unnamed. The host of volunteers, though their roll is not called here,
should not be forgotten, for their service, though humbler, was not less necessary
than the service of the leaders.
A SKETCH OF RECENT EVENTS.
[Being a short account of the events which culminated on June 30, 1887, together with a full report of
the great reform meeting, and the two constitutions in parallel columns. Honolulu: Published by
A. M. Hewett. Hawaiian Gazette Print, 1887.]
A RETROSPECT.
The origin of the events which had their culmination in the revolution of July 1,
1887, must be sought for in the Moreno episode of 1880. The teterrima causa, of course,
was the vicious and worthless constitution of 1864; but, as the Hon. C. R. Bishop
said in the now historical meeting of June 30, 1887, he had lived under it during the
reign of five Kings and had not found out that it was a bad one until the last few
years when it had been so thoroughly misused. We may, for the moment, dismiss
that, and concentrate our attention on the last eight years, when it became patent
to one designing mind how the "worthless rag" of a constitution might be used by
an unscrupulous man for private aggrandizement.
C. C. Moreno came here in 1880 with a scheme for a transpacific cable and a plan
for a set of Chinese steamers, which were to touch here on their way between San
Francisco and the Flowery Kingdom. He soon found his way to the ear of the King,
and put before him some dazzling schemes. Moreno was a keen politician, and made
use of Mr. W. M. Gibson, who was then leading the opposition in the Legislature, to
O    C! - __ A nd -~ -   -




1602                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
further his views in the house, and also learned Gibson's plans, some of them, accord.
ing to his story, very desperate ones, for acquiring power. The cabinet at that time
consisted of Messrs. S. G. Wilder, interior; J. M. Kapena, foreign affairs, Simon
Kaai, finance, and Edward Preston, attorney-general. An attempt was made to
overthrow this cabinet in the Legislature by a vote of want of confidence, but it
was defeated and the session came to a close. Within a few hours after the prorogation the cabinet was summarily dismissed by the King, and commissions were
signedi(August 14) for John E. Bush, interior, C. C. Moreno, foreign affairs, Kaai,
finance, and Claude Jones, attorney-general. The change called forth a perfect
storm. A mass meeting was held, the diplomatic corps intervened, and the most
objectionable feature in the ministry, C. C. Moreno, was forced to resign August 19,
and left for San Francisco in the Ho Chung, a steamer belonging to the Chinese
Navigation Company. By September 27, 1880, an entirely new ministry was formed
with Messrs. W. L. Green, H. A. P. Carter, J. S. Walker, and Mr. W. N. Armstrong
joined them later as attorney-general.
This was but an episode, but it showed what could be done. If a stranger could
drop, as it were, from the clouds and do what Moreno had done, why should not
another, who was a resident here, do likewise? The seed sown by Moreno took rapid
hold in the mind of Gibson, and from the moment of Moreno's fall he resolved to
work on the lines of the wily Don.
It took some time to organize his scheme, but Gibson kept his aim steadily in view.
On May 19, 1882, during the first weeks of the legislative session, the Green-Carter
ministry resigned, and Gibson was called to the head of affairs. His colleagues were
Messrs. Simon Kaai, interior; J. E. Bush, finance, and Edward Preston, attorneygeneral. From 1882 to June 30, 1887, a system of gradual extension of royal prerogatives, a using of the public funds for private ends, has steadily gone on. The changes
in the cabinet have been so frequent that it acquired the name of kaleidoscopic; but
whatever change took place, one central figure always remained, and that was W.
M. Gibson. During his career he occupied every place in the cabinet, and on one
occasion he filled three positions at the same time, viz, foreign affairs, interior, and
the attorney-generalship.
The policy at first adopted was to play upon the King's vanity, and for that purpose a gorgeous coronation pageant was arranged, which took place February 14,
1883. The bills incurred on that occasion were enormous, how large has never
yet been learned, but at the sesion of 1886 the outstanding accounts under this head
still amounted to some $20,000. The coronation, however, was but the thin end of
the wedge. In every way that could add to the tinsel and glitter of the Kingdom,
money was spent.
It became very clear that to do this it was necessary to "hold" the Legislature.
To this end political heads were chopped off in all directions and the places of the
former incumbents filled by men devoted to the new rdgime without reference to
their fitness for the positions. Thus Mr. Godfrey Brown was summarily dismissed
from the finance office and Col. Allen from the collector-generalship of customs,
while the board of education, consisting of Messrs. C. R. Bishop, E. O. Hall, Godfrey
Rhodes, and J. Kawainui were turned out in an insulting manner. The name and
influence of the King were freely used in the elections, and the Government calldidates for election were chosen from among tho office-holders. In the Legislature of
1884 an effort was made to meet the evil but the opposition was not united enough;
it needed that the governing powers should more plainly show their evil qualities
before all men would unite in a solid phalanx against them.
The appropriation bill of 1884 far exceeded any previous one. Money was voted
for many useless things; the expenses of the privy purse were swelled; so was the
military vote, the vote for foreign missions, and, throughout the whole session and
long after it, the Spreckels' influence was supreme. The following two years told
the same tale of extravagance only the Government were becoming more bold.
Jobs of the most flagrant description were constantly being brought before the public through the press, and the cabinet calmly smiled and asked the complainants
what they were going to do about it 
The leprosy question, also, had been growing into a crying evil. Lepers were let
free, either on the authority of Mr. Gibson or the King, and these permits were used
for political purposes. To quell the feeling in this direction, for it was growing
serious, Dr. Arning, a specialist, was sent for from Germany. He came, instituted
a set of valuable experiments, and then, proving only a scientific man and not a
political tool, was dismissed, under circumstances which are fresh in the minds of
all our readers. Debt, too, began to accumulate rapidly, and to bolster their
failing finances, loans were obtained from Mr. Spreckels.
For the Legislature of 1886 a gallant fight was made to have a body of men elected
who would vote money with some sense of its value, and who should, in some degree,
represent the capital and brains of the country. The effort was abortive. Every
scandalous means was used to secure a victory for the men in power. Bribery was




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1603
employed, liquor was allowed to run in a tide, promises of office were given, intimidation was resorted to, and in one district a number of soldiers were taken up to
outvote the opposition candidate, while in another the voting lists were openly tampered with.           ~
With a Legislature composed of such materials, and obtained by such means, it is
not surprising that the right of free speech was cut off, and that a reckless disregard
for the rights of capital and brains reigned supreme.
The session lasted from April 30 to October 16-a period of 170 days. The results
were an appropriation bill of somewhat over four and a half millions of dollars,
the income of the country being about two millions. A loan bill was passed authorizing the Government to borrow $2,000,000, the affair to be managed by a syndicate
in London. A free-liquor bill had been passed in the Legislature of 1884, and that of
1886 gave an opium bill, which was so framed that bribery could be freely used
to obtain the license. The results of this bill will be seen later on. Then there
was an army bill, authorizing the expenditure of a very large sum of money, and
creating generals, colonels, intelligence officers, and no end of frippery. The buying
and fitting out of a man-of-war was authorized, and the vote for foreign missions
was still further increased. One thing was made clear, during the session, and that
was the ministerial view of the constitution. In open debate the question was
argued: "' Where lies, or should lie, the preponderating, the actual ruling power "
One of the independent members maintained "In the legislature;" the ministry
held "In the crown;" and the latter theory was acted upon.
Great dissatisfaion was felt at the close of the Legislature; but matters were not
so bad yet as to cause all men to unite. What the Government intended to do soon
began to be developed. An embassy, under charge of John E. Bush, was sent at
great expense to Samoa. A large sum of money was expended over festivities in
honor of the King's birthday. The Explorer (re-named the Kaimiloa)-a vessel
totally unsuited for the purpose-was purchased by the Government for $20,000,
and some $50,000 or $60,000 were expended in turning her into a man-of-war.
The crew was largely made up of boys from the Reformatory School, and
their conduct, together with that of some of the officers, created a perfect scandal.
On the evening before the day appointed for the sailing of the vessel a mutiny broke
out, and several of the officers were summarily dismissed. Meantime, money was
very scarce, the loan was bungled, and though the money had been subscribed in
England, it was not forthcoming in Hawaii. The roads all over the group were in a
terrible condition; the harbor had not been dredged for months, no funds being
forthcoming for the purpose; the landings were neglected and Government indebtedness was not liquidated.
So bad had things become that men set seriously to work to right them, and early
in the present year a number of gentlemen in Honolulu and on the other islands
began to consider the best means for putting an end to the then state of affairs, and
placing the Government of the country on a basis which should for the future do
away with the system of corruption and fraud which had ruled so long. For this
purpose arms were imported, and every preparation made beforehand. The organization took the name of the Hawaiian League, and had enrolled among its members
some of the weightiest men in the city.
The agitation was progressing favorably, when a weapon was put into the hands
of the patriotic party which served to unite the whole population as one man against
the r6gime under which such iniquities could be perpetrated.
We have spoken above of the opium law which was passed in the Legislature of 1886,
and which had received the King's signature in spite of the most vigorous protests
from all classes of the community. The bill provided that a license for the sale of
opium, at the rate of $30,000 per annum, should be given to whomsoever the minister of the interior might choose.
The facts in the matter, furnished on undeniable authority, were published in the
Hawaiian Gazette of May 17, and from that paper we quote. The paper said:
"Early in November, 1886, one Junius Kaae, heretofore conspicuous for nothing
except being a 'palace hanger-on' (since promoted to the office of register of
deeds), went to a Chinese rice-planter named Aki and asked him if he did not want
the opium license. Aki said he did. Kaae then informed him that he could help
him to get it, and that the first step necessary was to pay the King the sum of
$60,000, but that he must hurry up about it, because there were others trying to get
the King to give it to them. After some discussion, Aki agreed to act upon Kaae's
suggestion. About the 6th of December, in the afternoon, $20,000 were taken to the
palace in a basket. The King, seeing others around, told the bearers to come in the
evening. They came in the evening and met the King, who directed them to see
Kaae. Kaae, being present, conferred with the King, and then went to the King's
private office, and he there received the $20,000, and put it in the King's private
drawer. A few days after, the King stated to the owner that he had received the
$20,000. Shortly after a check on the bank for $10,000 was handed to the King
peraonally. The same day Kaae returned it, saying that they preferred coin to




1604                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
cheeks. The same evening the coin to that amount was delivered to Kaae. A day
or two later $30,000 in gold coin and certificates of deposit, in two baskets, were
taken to the palace and delivered, together with a present of a little baked pig, to
the King personally. This completed the $60,000. Finding how easily $60,000 was
made, probably there were some qualms of conscience about letting the license go
so cheap. Aki was therefore informed by Kaae that John S. Walker was backing
another Chinaman, and that unless $15,000 more was forthcoming, Walker's Chinaman would get the license. Aki reluctantly raised the amount, and it was paid to
the King personally."
Shortly after this, Aki heard that the license had been given to another Chinese
syndicate, at the head of which was Chun Lung.
The fact that he had lost his money and his license, made Aki tell, and the whole
circumstances were drawn up in a series of affidavits. On May 31 the Gazette
published Aki's affidavit, giving the matter more fully in detail, and likewise
exposed an illegal land transaction in which the minister of foreign affairs, W. M.
Gibson, while acting minister of interior, had been engaged.
It had also transpired that the minister of interior, J. Aholo, had drawn a sum of
money out of the treasury, certifying that it was for the work done on the continuation of Queen's street, when it was known, for a fact, that no such work had been
done.
These publications created an immense sensation, and the entire press united in
denouncing the venality and corruption of the Hawaiian Government. Preparations
were made for holding a public meeting on Monday, June 27, but it was deemed
advisable to postpone the meeting till Thursday, June 30. Early on Tuesday,
June 28, it was rumored that the ministry had resigned. This was found to be a
fact. During that day and the next the ex-attorney-general made efforts to get
together a coalition ministry, but without success, and on Thursday, June 30, the
mass meeting was held. The account of it, which appeared in the Gazette, is
reproduced here, corrected by the accounts published in the Commercial Advertiser
and Herald. It reads as follows:
THE GREAT MASS MEETING.
The most enthusiastic, largest, and yet most orderly meeting ever held in Honolulu
took place on Thursday afternoon, June 30. The meeting had been advertised
June 29 by posters in English, Hawaiian, and Portuguese, and long before the
appointed hour, 2 p. m., the approaches to the armory of the Honolulu Rifles,
corner of Punchbowl and Beretania streets, were thronged with crowds of people
of all classes, hurrying to the rendezvous. All the stores in town were closed by 1
p.m., and all work on buildings or in machine shops was brought to a close. Passing the palace a considerable stir was noticed, and as the Gazette reporter passed, a
native with half a dozen rifles on his shoulder was proceeding thither from the
barracks.
Outside the armory the Honolulu Rifles were drawn up under arms with fixed
bayonets, and each man carrying fifty rounds of ammunition. Our citizen soldiers
looked a fine body of men, "ready," as one of the speakers afterwards said in the
meeting, "to defend their rights or enforce them."
In the armory seats had been arranged, and by 2 o'clock the building was filled in
every part, while a large crowd blocked up every opening. The platform was
placed on the mauka or land side of the building. On the table was the Hawaiian
flag, while at the back the flags of the United States and Great Britain were intertwined, fit emblems of the mother and daughter country standing shoulder to
shoulder.
Those who werepresent.-The assemblage was thoroughly representative —mechanics, merchants, day-laborers, planters, professional men, all were there. Of nationalities there were Americans, Britons, Colonials, Germans, Hawaiians, Portuguese,
Chinese, and Japanese. In numbers, a good many estimated the crowd as being
about 2,500. With but a few exceptions, all were animated by the same feelings,
the same determination, to put an end, once and for all, upon the present iniquitous
system of misrule and extravagance.
The following list of names was compiled by Mr. Dan Logan, of the Herald, Dr.
Emerson, and Mr. Alatau T. Atkinson, of the Gazette, and though necessarily imperfect, will serve to show the material of which the meeting was composed:
Bepresentative names.-Jonathan Austin, Hon. W. F. Allen, Alatau T. Atkinson,
J. B. Athertoli, L. C. Ables, H. J. Agnew, L. Aseu, F. E. Atwater, W. Alexander,
Hon. C. R. Bishop, Maj. Benson U. S. Army; Hon. Cecil Brown, Godfrey Brown
Frank Brown, W. P. A. Brewer, Rev. Dr. Beckwith, W. R. Buchanan, P. Butler, J.
E. Brown, J. Bushee, Rev. S. E. Bishop, Geo. C. Beckley, A. J. Cartwright, sr., H.
W. Schmidt, R. J. Creighton, Hon. John A. Cummins, James Campbell, Hon. W. R.
Castle, G. P. Castle, Kwong Hang Cheng, Yuen Chong, J. O. Carter, E. S. Cunh,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1605
Lan Chong, Robert Catton, C. K. Cooke, E. C. Damon, M. Dickson, W. E. H. Dever.
ill, J. A. Dower, J. Dowsett, Dr. N. B. Emerson, G. D. Freeth, W. S. Forsyth, Chas.
Foster (Maui), W, E. Foster, C. J. Fishel, Hon. W. L. Green, H. F. Glade, Sir A.
Gooch (Englhnd), Robt. Gay, R. Jay Greene, W. Robinson, R. Grieve, Capt. W. B.
Godfrey, Chr. Gertz, Frank Gertz, Walter Hill, A. Hoffnung (England), Julius Hoting, Major Hills, C. Hammer, F. M. Hatch, W. W. Hall, W. L. Holokahiki, C. W.
Hart, Thos. Hughes, W. E. Herrick, Maj. A. B. Hayley, Hon. P. Isenberg, A
Jaeger, P. C. Jones, E. W. Jordan, W. A. Kinney, Geo. Kim, A. Kraft, Capt. J. King,
Prince Albert Kunuiakea, M. Louisson, R. W. Laine, D. Logan, H. R. Macfarlane,
E. C. Marfarlane, Fred W. Macfarlane, M. Mclnerny, Rev. W. C. Merritt, Alex McKibbin, Capt. Mist, R. N., E. Muller, Rev. Alex Mackintosh, Dr. J. S. McGrew, A.
Marques, J. A. McCandless, M. D. Monsarrat, Dr. Robt. McKibbin, Captain Macaulay, John Nott. P. Neumann, Rev. W. B. Oleson, Hon. Sam Parker, R. W. Purvis,
John H. Paty, W. C. Peacock, W. H. Rice, Mark P. Robinson, Dr. C. T. Rodgers, H.
Riemenschneider, H. Renjes, Capt. Ross, L. F. Stolz, Capt. Harry S. Swinton, J. H.
Soper, S. Savidge, F. M. Swanzy, G. M. Stillman, Dr. Tucker, H. S. Tregloan, J. G.
Tucker, T. G. Thrum, Fred Turril, H. S. Townsend, R. von Tempsky, J. M. Vivas,
J. T. Waterhouse, E. M. Walsh, William C. Wilder, J. Hay Wodehouse, H. M. Whitney, Henry Waterhouse, C. L. White, J. A. Wilder, T. Rain Walker, G. L. Wilcox,
Rev. George Wallace, C. B. Wilson, R. N. Webster, Chief Engineer Whittaker, U.
S. Army; A. S. Wilcox, A. Young.
At the reporters' table were Messrs. Daniel Logan, editor of the Daily Herald; Walter Hill, editor of the Bulletin; Alatau T. Atkinson, editor of the Gazette; Messrs.
Taylor and Gilbert, of the P. C. Advertiser; Mr. S. Kaaikaula, of the Pae Aina; Mr.
Ho Fon, of the Chinese News, and Mr. F. J. Testa, of the Elele.
The meeting.-Shortly after the stroke of 2 Hon. S. B. Dole came on to the platform
and calling the meeting to order, nominated Mr. P. C. Jones as chairman. The nomination was accepted unanimously, and amid loud applause the genial gentleman,
who has presided over so many a social gathering, took charge of the most important
meeting that has ever been known in Hawaiian history.
Mr. Jones, on ascending the platform, said: I feel honored at being nominated
chairman of this, the largest and most important meeting that has ever assembled in
this city. We have assembled in a constitutional manner, and propose to conduct it
in a constitutional manner. We are here for the purpose of asking for good government, a thing we have not had, but which we earnestly desire. We, representatives
of all nations, are assembled here and we can afford to conduct ourselves in a firm and
dignified manner, because we are firm and determined in what we ask. [Applause.]
A set of resolutions have been prepared which will be read to you by Mr. L. A.
Thurston, and also a communication from the King which has just been received by
the Hon. C. R. Bishop. Then there will be short speeches. As there are many speakers and the place is warm and we are warmed up, they will be limited to five minutes. We must make the work short, sharp, and decisive. [Loud cheers.]
Hon. Lorrin Thurston apologized for appearing in uniform, but he had been so
ordered by his commanding officer, and he obeyed his orders. He then read the following:
RESOLUTIONS.
We, the citizens, residents, and taxpayers of Honolulu, acting, as we firmly believe,
in sympathy with and in behalf of all right-minded citizens, residents, and taxpayers of this Kingdom, and being assembled in mass meeting in the city of Honolulu, on
the 30th day of June, 1887, do resolve as follows:
1, That the administration of the Hawaiian Government has ceased, through
corruption and incompetence, to perform the functions and afford the protection to
personal and property rights for which all governments exist.
2. That while some of the evils of which we complain can not be at once adequately
redressed and their recurrence prevented, and many others are incurable except by
radical changes in the present constitution, yet there are some evils which we feel
must be remedied at once, before a permanent reform movement can be inaugurated
with any reasonable prospect of success.
3. Holding these views, we request of the King:
First. That he shall at once and unconditionally dismiss his present cabinet from
office, and we ask that he shall call one of these persons, viz, William L. Green,
Henry Waterhouse, Godfrey Brown, or Mark P. Robinson to assist him in selecting
a new cabinet, which shall be committed to the policy of securing a new constitution.
Second. That Walter M. Gibson shall be at once dismissed from each and every
office held by him under the Government.
Third. In order, so far as possible, to remove the stain now resting on the Throne,
we request of the King that he shall cause immediate restitution to be made of the
sum, to wit, seventy-one thousand dollars ($71,000), recently obtained by him in
violation of law and of his oath of office, under promise that the persons from whom




1606                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
the same was obtained shall receive the license to sell opium, as provided by statute
of the year 1886.
Fourth. Whereas one Junius Kaae was implicated in the obtaining of said
seventy-one thousand dollars ($71,000), and has since been, and still is, retained in
office as registrar of conveyances, we request, as a safeguard to the property interests of the country, that said Kaae be at once dismissed from said office, and that the
records of our land titles be placed in hands of one in whose integrity the people
can safely confide.
Fifth. That we request a specific pledge from the King(1) That he will not in the future interfere either directly or indirectly with the
election of representatives.
(2) That he will not interfere with or attempt to unduly influence legislation or
legislators.
(3) That he will not interfere with the constitutional administration of his cabinet.
(4) That he will not use his official position or patronages for private ends.
Resolved, That Paul Isenberg, W. W. Hall, J. A. Kennedy, W. H. Rice, Capt. Jas.
A. King, E. B. Thomas, H. C. Reed, John Vivas, W. F. A. Brewer, W. B. Oleson,
Cecil Brown, Capt. John Ross, J. B. Atherton, are hereby appointed to present
the foregoing resolutions and requests to the King; and said committee is hereby
instructed to request of the King that a personal answer to the same be returned
within twenty-four hours of the time when the same are presented; and to further
inform the King that his neglect so to answer the same within said time will be
construed as a refusal of the said requests.
Resolved, That said committee, in case of the King's refusal to grant said requests,
or in case of his neglect to reply to the same, is authorized to call another mass
meeting at this place on Saturday, July 2, at 2 p. m., to further consider the situation.
When the second request, relative to the summary dismissal of Walter M. Gibson,
was read, a perfect storm of cheers swept through the building.
Hon. C. R. Bishop then read the communication he had received from the King,
premising that it had reached him at 1 p. m.
THE KING'S LETTER.
Hon. C. R. BISHOP,
Member of the House of Nobles, Privy Councillor of State, etc.:
MY DEAR SIR: Reposing especially confidence in your loyalty and sound judgment as a councillor, and knowing your regard for our people, we are moved to call
upon the Hon. W. L. Green to form a cabinet and a ministry which he may select
and will be acceptable to the respectable and responsible majority of our people, will
be welcome to us; and any guaranties which may be reasonably required of us under
the constitution and laws of our Kingdom will be at once conceded to such administration.
Your friend,
KALAKAUA.
The chairman reread the letter for the benefit of those who were far off, Mr.
Bishop's voice not being strong enough to reach the whole assemblage.
Mr. W. A. Kinney read a translation of the resolutions in Hawaiian, the reader
being frequently interrupted by applause.
Hon. W. L. Green, on being called, was received with great applause. He said a
speech from him was impossible. He could not tell, no one could tell, what the
course of events would be. He knew no more than any one present about the letter
from the King. The meeting had assembled to express themselves as to the past
and in regard to the future, and he urged upon the speakers to keep their language
firm and decisive. He remembered a meeting held some three years ago, he thought,
at the Lyceum. It was a large meeting, though not so large as this, and its object
was to protest against the maladministration of the Gibson cabinet. He was not
there, not being well, but sent a letter, in which he expressed himself in strong language. He need not go into the details-that could be done better by others; but
they were met again to-day, because from that day to this that same administration
had been getting worse and worse until at last it had become intolerable. He considered that their united attitude to-day was one which would teach His Majesty
that he must turn over a new leaf, and see that this country is governed as a constitutional monarchy. He thought the King's letter precluded his saying anything
further on this point. If he should be called upon to head a ministry, it should be
one pledged to the common good, and which would carry out the resolutions passed
there that day.
Mr. W. A. Kinney, before addressing the meeting in Hawaiian, spoke in English.
He said that he had been born here and please God he was going to die here, and




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1607
would try to live here under this flag, but he wanted that flag to be clean. It would
not be clean unless they went much further than the removal of the Gibson admin
istration. He had been reminded of the words of Lord Chatham, "It is time that
the Crown were addressed in the language of truth." It is the height of folly to put
four men into a hostile camp, and support the tension to try and keep them there.
(Mr. E. M. Walsh-" We will support them!") The speaker had a great deal of
confidence in Mr. Walsh, but he preferred a good constitution, a new constitution,
every time, and anything less than a new constitution would not suit him.
The miserable rag of a constitution we had did not afford adequate representation
nor impose proper restrictions upon the power of the Throne. He believed it was
written on the hearts of those before him, " a new constitution, and that speedily."
It was the height of folly to suppose that commercial men and others in the community could stand and hold these men in their places. We had tried this kind of
things for the last six years. With a good constitution we would have peace-peace
flowing like a river. The franchise will be reconstructed and the king will have
power as great as the Queen of Great Britain, and that ought to be enough for him.
If to his own rights he wants to add the rights of 75,000 subjects he is not going to
have them. The revolution of thought would be followed by a revolution of arms,
as it always had been, if our reasonable requests were not granted. He pledged his
life, every cent that he possessed, and his sacred honor under that flag that sheltered him from his birth. (Cheer.) If the men would not put this thing through
the women would. He referred to the mental agony the women had endured these
passed years for want of proper protection against disease, many having had to isolate their children in foreign lands. No man can stop or stay this movement now.
The sails are set, the ship is in motion; we can not go back. Push her forward into
the open sea. (Cheers.)
Mr. Kinney then spoke several minutes in Hawaiian.
Hon. S. B. Dole, being called upon, said: Fellow citizens: There are two thoughts
to which I will call your attention in our constitution. First, " The King conducts
his Government for the common good." The second is like unto it, "All men are
allowed to assemble to consult upon the common good." We have a right to be here,
and we have assembled according to law; but we would not be here to-day if the
King had conducted the Government for the common good. He has not done so.
This meeting has come together to consider the public interests, and is composed of
men who are determined to have good government. As I understand the situation,
this meeting is called to give the King one chance to fall into line for political reformjust one chance. I do not say he will take the chance. I am not here to talk about
the ministers, but about the King (loud cheers), for he is not conducting the Government for the benefit of the people. I need not detail the fact of bad government
by the King to you; it relates to all departments of the administration; interference
with everything appertaining to government has been his rule, and he has sold his
sacred oath of office to the highest bidder. We are here for no unlawful purpose; we
are here to demand that the King cleanse the Government, and that he return this
money-which every man, woman, and child in the country believes he took unlawfully-not for the sake of the parties to whom it belongs, but to show that the
Government is to be conducted henceforth upon clean principles. We remember the
last six years, during which the rights of the people have been trampled under foot,
the representative principle of government has been practically destroyed, the principle of ministerial responsibility interrupted, and public moneys recklessly squandered. These things cannot go on. This movement means political reform, and it
has gone so far that, from the talk I hear as I go along the street, opposition or
hostility to it is in the public mind something akin to treason.
Mr. J. A. McCandless, whom the chairman introduced as a gentleman who went
down into the bowels of the earth, spoke next. He said he supported these resolutions, and in doing so he believed that he represented some 1,500 people. He was
ready to support them with the last drop of his blood. All were united-merchants,
mechanics, laborers, and all. He believed that there was a unanimity which had
never before been attained. Fifteen hundred persons had been disfranchised for no
other reason than they were white men, and they were not going to have this much
longer. They had a right to have their franchise granted unconditionally. [A
voice, We'll take them.] He was afraid there were some among them who were
weak-kneed. One man had got his gun and taken it home, and left a note upon the
table with the woeds "Good-bye; shall be out of town till next Sunday." That
there were some who wanted bracing up. There were men among them the grandchildren of those who had fought at Waterloo, and made it what it was, of the noble
six hundred at Balaklava. - They had among them some of the heroes of Appomattox,
and also of the Franco-German war. These were the kind of men this community
is made up of. Abraham Lincoln had remarked on the eve of the late war, " it may
be necessary to set the foot down hard." And a great newspaper correspondent who
was present said that he knew then for the first time that the great North was




1608                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
ready, and, concluded the speaker, from what I see here to-day I know that we
are ready to put our foot down. (Applause.)
Hon. C. R. Bishop said: This is unquestionably an important meeting, the most
important ever held in Honolulu. I see before me mechanics, merchants, professional
men. They are not here for amusement, but because they feel that the course of
affairs calls for prompt and determined action. We should discuss matters in a peaceable manner without any threats; we do not need any threats. The fact that so
many men have come here shows that we do not need any threats. I came here in
1846, became naturalized in 1849, and have lived under five kings. We thought we
had really a liberal constitution, because those kings did not encroach upon the
rights of their subjects. But we have found out within the last few years that our
constitution is defective, partly on account of bad advice to the King, but largely on
his own account. The King has encroached on our rights. We have had very few
mass meetings, but when we have one like this I believe it means either a new constitution or one with material reforms, which I am sure we shall have. I come here
as a Hawaiian, not for any class or clique. If it was any class or clique, I would not
come here at all. (Applause.)
Mr. Henry Waterhouse spoke in native in substance as follows:
Fellow-citizens of Hawaii nei-Hon. C. R. Bishop says the constitution is full of
faults. If so, let us have a new constitution. Therefore, let us stand by the resolutions. We shall see from those who stand by these resolutions who are the friends
of the Hawaiian people. My counsel is to stand firm and go before the King without fear, and make our demands fearlessly.
Mr. R. Ja:y Green said: Gentlemen, fellow-citizens, friends, neighbors, and
brothers: I was not aware that I should be asked to speak here or I should have
put on my other coat. But the boys left me to come here, and I had to follow them,
and all I want to say is that I expect to keep on following the boys. (Applause.)
Hon. L. A. Thurston said: Gentlemen, you and I have been waiting a long time
for this day, but it has come. It is a long lane that has no turning, but we have
come to the turning of our lane. There are persons here to speak to all of you, but
I am here to speak as a Hawaiian. My ancestors came here in the reign of Kamehameha I. I was born and brought up here, and I mean to die here. Hawaii is good
enough for me. I speak for Hawaiians, because you foreigners can speak for yourselves and can look out for yourselves, but many of these Hawaiians are ignorant
and have been deserted by their leaders. I am the representative of the constituency of Molokai, and spent some weeks there last summer, and I wish to say that
the Hawaiians on Molokai are with us to a man. It may be that this letter from
His Majesty was meant to head off these resolutions. I remember reading somewhere
of a man who was going to shoot a coon, and the coon said, "Don't shoot; I'll come
down." The King is the coon and this meeting the gun. [Great applause.] History repeats itself. We all remember the King's message to the Legislature in 1884,
recommending economy, and asking that it should begin with His Majesty's privy
purse. That message was accepted in good faith, and there was a grand torchlight
procession to the palace to thank him-I carried a torch in that procession myself
-but it was followed by appropriations enormously in excess of the revenue. And
again, kn 1886, came another message for retrenchment, but this time it didn't wash.
There was a meeting during the Moreno time to protest against bad government,
and into the midst of it someone came and said, "It's all right; the King has appointed a new ministry," and there were three cheers for the King, and that was
the last of it. Are there any cheers to-day? (Loud cries of No! No!) The King
was taken at his word. I noticed that there were no cheers proposed for the King
to-day. It is not sufficient to have the King accept these resolutions; we must
have a new constitution, and must have it now. A constitution is a contract, and
if the King and the people both agree to change it, there is no violation of constitutional rights and no revolution. If we have let things come to this pitch, and
take the King at his word, it is to rely on wind. Let a change in the constitution
be the first and last and only request, if necessary, but let that be the one to be
insisted on till the last moment.
* Hon. Paul Isenberg said that on many points he agreed to these resolutions, but
as far as the new constitution was concerned he was somewhat doubtful. Let it be
done legally. The subject had been broached the previous day of his entering a
new ministry. If so, he would not be a party to pushing a new constitution through
in a hurry. It would not be legal unless carried by the Legislature  (. (.. 
Rodgers: What assembly gave us our present constitution?) We could have an extra session to pass the constitution, and another extra session to ratify it. (Hisses
and applause.) He hoped all would be peaceful and not hasty. (A voice: We have
been waiting six years.) If so, we could very well wait another. (Great uproar
and cries of "No, no." Dr. Emerson: "We won't wait another year." A voice;
"We mean to have it now." Cries of " Sit down.") The speaker took his seat.
*See "Footnote to Hawaiian History," p. 27.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1609
H. L. Swinton said, in Hawaiian: I am not going to speak in the English language, because the haoles all think as I do. It has been said that this meeting is
called to incite to kill the Hawaiians. I have always been called a rebel. This is
because I am not afraid to speak my mind, and my mind is firm and clear that the
Government is false and corrupt. My advice is to stand by the resolution for a new
constitution, and let us not be satisfied with promises by the King. Let us not be
satisfied when the King tells us he has turned out the cabinet, what more do you
want. Let us follow the lead of Thurston, and demand a new constitution.
Mr. Alexander Young, who represented the Honolulu Iron Works, said he was
proud to stand upon the platform and look so many honest men in the face. They
were men who not only looked what they meant, but meant what they looked. He
was no speaker, but a thinker. He came here twenty-three years ago, and at one
time, when traveling, he was proud of living here. Lately he had done some traveling, and had to hide his face when he found this flag stinking abroad. He represented a large class of men not only in this country, but all over the world. The
class he represented were the horny-handed sons of toil, who earned their
honest dollar and could lie down and sleep without it burning them. He was
ready to shoulder a musket to defend Kalakaua, and not a knave. Some had
counseled them to wait; but he said wait not, strike the iron while it is hot. Kalakaua had had a great many years to let us see whether he was a man or not. The
tension about our hearts had long been strained, and to-day the strings had broken,
and we must express ourselves. He was not a lawyer, and could not tell whether
we could have a constitution in five minutes; but necessity was the mother of invention, and we must get it as soon as possible. There was not a coward in that assembly-not one, though it was not always wise to rush into mischief. If the King
would not do what was wanted, he must be made to do it. Let us exercise patience
and put the matter in the hands of people able to deal with it. Let us have a new
constitution, and if it is not legal, the same power would make another.
Dr. Tucker said that when he came to this country there were mutterings of discontent, and it was all Walter Murray Gibson. We arraign the King. He does not
know that this assembly-largely composed of men who think that kings are not of
much account anyway-he does not know that if it was not for the wise counsel of
men in this movement his head would have been off before this. They could not
wait any longer for reform. The King had better be a saint while he is well, as well
as when he is sick.
Mr. L. C. Ables, who represented the clerks, said that he had come here to seek
his fortune, but had not seen it. He was an American; the stars and stripes was his
flag, but the Hawaiian flag would suit him as well, and he was going to stay by it.
The class whom he represented wanted a new constitution, and they were going to
have it. He was not a lawyer, but he had been told by lawyers that the constitution was promulgated by a king. It could be done again. Some would ask, "Are
you going to get it" In illustration of his determination to have it, he related an
anecdote about a certain youth who had evinced an indomitable determination in
hunting for a woodchuck wherewith to regale the appetite of a hungry Methodist
preacher. The boy chased the woodchuck into his hole. A man came along and
asked the boy if he could get him, "Mister," said the boy, "I've got to get him;"
and for the constitution, we've got to have it!
Hon. Cecil Brown said, in Hawaiian: "Perhaps you ask, why is this meeting of
citizens? Perhaps the thought may enter that it is to propose to do evil to
Hawaiians. Not so. I am an Hawaiian, and was born under this flag, and under
it my bones shall be buried. Has there been good government in the past few years?
No. Has the legislative right been respected? No. We want, then, a new constitution. We want the King to think of the public good, not of personal ends. We
have just seen the jubilee of Queen Victoria, and if Kalakana would follow her
example, he might reign as long. But if Queen Victoria were to act as badly as
Kalakaua, she would not live an hour. Let us, then, go for a new constitution.
Mr. E. M. Walsh, manager of the Paia plantation, Maui, said that he represented
the planters, who, he felt sure, would indorse the sentiments so ably expressed. In
1882 a deputation representing the plantations on the other islands waited on the
King to petition His Majesty to give them honest government. The result was they
were snubbed. The King afterwards went to North Kona, and with the assistance
of his soldiers defeated Pilipo in the election. They did not want to use threats,
but to-day they were prepared, and would not be again insulted. He believed it
would be wise to change the constitution. He did not know the best way of doing
it, but in view of the consummate skill which had brought this movement forward,
he was ready to leave it to the thirteen gentlemen to see that it was done right.
It seemed to him, however, that this was a time to have the voice of the people.
From Maui all were with them. In 1882, as he had said, the King lethehKilt em go with false
promises. They took his word then. Now, let us prepare a constitution and say
this is what we want and what we must have. (Applause.)




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. J. M. Vivas then read the resolutions in Portuguese, and made a speech which
evidently went to the hearts of his countrymen.
Mr. J. G. Tucker said they had heard talk about this flag and that flag, but they
had gone into this thing as people of all nationalities merged into Hawaiians. They
had come and meant to stay till they got what they wanted.
Mr. W. H. Rice, of Kauai, spoke in the native language, as follows:
Hawaiian citizens, from Hawaii to Niihau; from northwest to southeast; we want
to clean up the Government. Has the Government been clean? No! The roads are
wasting and groaning froin one end to another of the land. Where is the money
for the roads? Sent on an exploration with the Kaimiloa. If we go asking for
bread, shall we be satisfied with stones-? Some one asked me to-day if I had my
gun? Well, yes; I am a cattle-drover, and I need one. It has been well said that
the ship of this movement has been launched, the anchor is weighed, the sails set,
now let us take the helm and steer.
Lieut. C. W. Ashford was the last speaker. He appeared upon the platform in
uniform, and arnmed with a rifle and belt of cartridges. He stated that he was under
military orders, and had been commanded by his superior officer not to indulge in a
political speech. He had not had the privilege of listening to all the speeches, but
from reports which had been carried to the corps outside, he understood that a
gentleman representing vast moneyed interests here had counselled the meeting to
wait another year for a new constitution.
Here the rifle company marched round the outer edge of the building and took
up their position inside to hear the speech of their comrade, and as they did so, three
rousing cheers and a tiger were given for the "boys."
Lieut. Ashford, resuming, acknowledged the compliment on behalf of the
corps. He had joined it three years ago in anticipation of trouble such as they saw
that (lay. Returning to Mr. Isenberg's remark, he said that gentleman, in view of
his position, would naturally have an aversion to anything having a tendency to
disturbance. He (the speaker) did not want to fight, but by heaven if we did-.
If we set about getting reform under the present constitution we might wait till
our grandchildren were gray. He felt sure Mr. Isenberg did not express the sentiments of that meeting, certainly not those of the Honolulu Rifles. At the same
time he had the greatest respect for the great nation that gentleman represented.
He thought that Germans were pretty well decided not to submit to dictation
abroad, however much they might at home.
The German heart is strong and true,
The German arm is strong,
The German foot goes seldom back
Where armed foemen throng.
If armed foemen should throng here, he did not think the German foot would go
back. He wished to say a few words on the merits of a new constitution. It has
been objected that we could not have it at once, because such a thing would be
unconstitutional and illegal. He would show the fallacy of that argument. In 1864,
when Kamehameha V convoked his legislature, it was thought that a new constitution was wanted. After some weeks they failed to agree upon one satisfactory to
His Majesty. The Legislature was arbitrarily dismissed, and the King, without even
saying "By your leave," forced upon them a new constitution. That was the constitution we were living under to-day, and some people had the gall to say we were
living under a constitutional government. He held that nothing was constitutional
which was forced upon the people without their consent. The present constitution
did not adequately protect personal rights, and it gave the King power which no
monarch in a civilized country in the present day possessed. Who had ever heard of
an absolute veto by the monarch anywhere in recent years? King Kalakaua had a
great many very pleasant qualities, and many which were not so pleasant. Personally, he had behaved in a very friendly manner to the speaker when he came here,
and perhaps would still if he were to truckle to him as some did. Cries of "Time"
being heard, he concluded by urging upon all not to let the matter drop until some
sensible and concerted action was taken. (Applause.)
Hon. W. R. Castle moved the adoption of the resolutions, seconded by Dr. tmerson and many others. On being put to the meeting they were carried unanimously,
there being a roar of ayes, and dead silence when Mr. Jones put the question:
"Contrary minded! 
The chairman stated, as the meeting was dispersing, that he had been requested
to say that Mr. Gibson had sent for a squad of the Honolulu Rifles to go down to his
house and protect him against the Hawaiians.
The committee immediately waited on the King, who stated that he was willing
to give an answer offhand; but the committee informed him that they would leave
the documents in his hands, and expect a reply in writing.
The meeting was thoroughly orderly throughout, but it was strong and determined.
After the meeting the committee of thirteen proceeded to the palace and presented
the resolutions to the King, requesting a reply.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1611
The next day the King called a meeting composed of the American minister, W.
11. Merrill; the British commissioner, James Hay Wodehouse; the French commissioner, Henri Feer, and the Portuguese commissioner, A. de Souza Canavarro, to
whom he offered to transfer the powers vested in him as King. These gentlemen
refused to accept the trust, but advised the King to lose no time in forming a new
cabinet and signing a new constitution, which would meet the demands of the people. Accordingly, in the afternoon, the following reply was forwarded to the citizen's committee:
THE KING'S REPLY.
To Honorable Paul Isenberg and the gentlemen composing the committee of a meeting of
subjects and citizens.
GENTLEMEN: In acknowledging the receipt of the resolutions adopted at a mass
meeting held yesterday and presentedto us by you, we are pleased to convey through
you to our loyal subjects as well as to the citizens of Honolulu our expression of
good will and our gratification that our people have taken the usual constitutional
step in presenting their grievances.
To the first proposition contained in the resolutions passed by the meeting, whose
action you represent, we reply that it has been substantially complied with by the
formal resignation of the ministry, which took place on the 28th day of June, and
was accepted on that date, and that we had already requested the Hon. W. L. Green
to form a new cabinet on the day succeeding the resignation of the cabinet.
To the second proposition we reply that Mr. Walter M. Gibson has severed all
his connections with the Hawaiian Government by resignation.
To the third proposition we reply that we do not admit the truth of the matter
stated therein, but will submit the whole subject to our new cabinet, and will gladly
act according to their advice, and will cause restitution to be made by the parties
found responsible.
To the fourth proposition we reply that at our command Mr. Junins Kaaeresigned
the office of registrar of conveyance on the 28th day of June, and his successor has
been appointed.
To the fifth proposition we reply that the specific pledges required of us are each
severally acceded to.
We are pleased to assure the members of the committee and our loyal subjects that
we are, and shall at all times be, anxious and ready to coSperate with our councillors and advisers, as well as with our intelligent and patriotic citizens in all matters
touching the honor, welfare, and prosperity of our Kingdom.
Given at our palace this first day of July, A. D. 1887, and the fourteenth year of
our reign.                                              KALAKAUA, REX.
The new cabinet, consisting of Messrs. W. L. Green, finance; Godfrey Brown,
foreign affairs; Lorrin A. Thurston, interior, and C. W. Ashford, attorney-general,
were sworn in the same day, and the revolution was practically over. It only
remained to sign the new constitution. This document was prepared with great
care, a large number of the members of the Hawaiian league being present and
taking part in the debates. The document was ready on Wednesday, July 6, received the King's signature at 6.15 p. m. of that day, and was duly proclaimed on the
next, copies being sent forward to the other islands.
Without the organization known as the Hawaiian league, this revolution could
never have taken place. The moment that the members were called upon they were
ready and well armed. Without the assistance of Major V. V. Ashford, who had
command of the Honolulu rifles, order could not have been kept. To the gentlemen
who form that corps the citizens of Honolulu owe a deep debt of gratitude. For
two days Honolulu was under martial law, and yet the most perfect order was kept,
the banks and business places were open, and there was perfect security to both life
and property. It was the most peaceful and most complete of revolutions, but it
was so because the power was there to sustain it.
A word or two about Mr. Gibson. He was arrested by the military on the morning of July 1, and was handed over to the civil authorities on a charge of embezzlement on the evening of the Saturday. He was permitted to remain in his house
under guard, but on July 5 was removed to the prison. When brought before the
police court the attorney-general entered a nolle pros., and Mr. Gibson quietly got
on board the brigantine John D. Spreckels, which was leaving that same day, and
sailed for California.  Thus bringing one of the most unpleasant episodes in
Hawaiian history to a conclusion.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
THE TWO CONSTITUTIONS.


Constitution of 1864.
Granted by His Majesty Kamehameha
V., by the grace of God, King of the
Hawaiian Islands, on the twentieth
day of August, A.. D1864.
ARTICLE 1. God hath endowed all men
with certain inalienable rights, among
which are life, liberty, and the right of
acquiring, possessing, and protecting
property, and of pursuing and obtaining
safety and happiness.
ARTICLE 2. All men are free to worship
God according to the dictates of their
own consciences; but this sacred privilege hereby secured shall not be so construed as to justify acts of licentiousness,
or practices inconsistent with the peace
or safety of the Kingdom.
ARTICLE 3. All men may freely speak,
write, and publish their sentiments on all
subjects, being responsible for the abuse
of that right, and no law shall be enacted
to restrain the liberty of speech or of the
press, except such laws as may be necessary for the protection of His Majesty the
King and the royal family.
ARTICLE 4. All men shall have the
right, in an orderly and peaceable manner, to assemble, without arms, to consult
upon the common good, and to petition
the King or Legislative assembly for
redress of grievances.
ARTICLE 5. The privilege of the writ of
habeas corpus belongs to all men, and shall
not be suspended, unless by the King,
when in cases of rebellion or invasion the
public safety shall require its suspension.
ARTICLE 6. No person shall be subject
to punishment for any offense, except on
due and legal conviction thereof in a
court having jurisdiction of the case.
ARTICLE 7. No person shall be held
to answer for any crime or offense
(except in cases of impeachment, or for
offenses within the jurisdiction of a police
or district justice, or in summary proceedings for contempt), unless upon indictment, fully and plainly describing such
crime or offense, and he shall have the
right to meet the witnesses who are pro

Constitution of 1887.
WHEREAS, the constitution of this
Kin gd o m, heretofore in force, contains
many provisions subversive of civil rights
and incompatible with enlightened constitutional government.
AND WHEREAS, it has become imperative, in order to restore order and tranquility and the confidence necessary to a
further maintenance of the present Government, that a new constitution should
be at once promulgated:
Now, THEREFORE, I, Kalakaua, King
of the Hawaiian Islands, in my capacity
as sovereign of this Kingdom, and as the
representative of the people hereunto by
them duly authorized and empowered,
do annul and abrogate the constitution
promulgated by Kamehameha the Fifth,
on the 20th day of August, A. D. 1864,
and do proclaim and promulgate this constitution.
ARTICLE 1. God hath endowed all men
with certain inalienable rights, among
which are life, liberty, and the right of
acquiring, possessing, and protecting
property, and of pursuing and obtaining
safety and happiness.
ARTICLE 2. All men are free to worship
God according to the dictates of their
own consciences; but this sacred privilege hereby secured shall not be so construed as to justify acts of licentiousness,
or practices inconsistent with the peace
or safety of the Kingdom.
ARTICLE 3. All men may freely speak,
write, and publish their sentiments on all
subjects, being responsible for the abuse
of that right, and no law shall be enacted
to restrain the liberty of speech or of the
press.
ARTICLE 4. All men shall have the
right, in an orderly and peaceable manner, to assemble, without arms, to consult
upon the common good, and to petition
the King or Legislature for redress of
grievances.
ARTICLE 5. The privilege of the writ of
habeas corpus belongs to all men, and shall
not be suspended, unless by the King,
when, in case of rebellion or invasion, the
public safety shall require its suspension.
ARTICLE 6. No person shall be subject
to punishment for any offense, except on
due and legal conviction thereof, in a
court having jurisdiction of the case.
ARTICLE 7. No person shall be held to
answer for any crime or offense (except
in cases of impeachment, or for offenses
within the jurisdiction of a police or district justice, or in summary proceedings
for contempt), unless upon indictment,
fully and plainly describing such crime
or offence, and he shall have the right to
meet the witnesses who are produced




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1613
*


duced against him face to face - to produce witnesses and proofs in his own
favor; and by himself, or his counsel, at
his election, to examine the witnesses produced by himself, and cross-examine
those produced against him, and to be
fully heard in his defence. In all cases
in which the right of trial by jury has
been heretofore used, it shall be held
inviolable forever, except in actions of
debt or assumpsit in which the amount
claimed is less than fifty dollars.
ARTICLE 8. NO person shall be required
to answer again for any offence of which
he has been duly convicted, or of which
he has been duly acquitted upon a good
and sufficient indictment.
ARTICLE 9. No person shall be compelled, in any criminal case, to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of
life, liberty, or property without due
process of law.
ARTICLE 10. No person shall sit as a
judge or juror, in any case in which his
relative is interested, either as plaintiff
or defendant, or in the issue of which
the said judge or juror may have, either
directly or through a relative, any pecuniary interest.
ARTICLE 11. Involuntary servitude, except for crime, is forever prohibited in
this Kingdom; whenever a slave shall
enter Hawaiian territory he shall be free.
ARTICLE 12. Every personl has the right
to be secure from all unreasonable searches
and seizures of his person, his house, his
papers, and effects; and no warrants shall
issue, but on probable cause, supported
by oath or affirmation, and describing the
place to be searched and the persons or
things to be seized.
ARTICLE 13. The King conducts his
Government for the common good, and
not for the profit, honor, or private
interest of any one man, family, or class
of men among his subjects.
ARTICLE 14. Each member of society
has a right to be protected by it, in the
enjoyment of his life, liberty, and property, according to law; and, therefore,
he shall be obliged to contribute his proportional share to the expense of this
protection, and to give his personal
services, or an equivalent when necessary; but no part of the property of any
individual shall be taken from him or
applied to public uses without his own
consent or the enactment of the legislative assembly, except the same shall be
necessary for the military operations of
the Kingdom in time of war or insurrection; and whenever the public exigencies
may require that the property of any
individual should be appropriated to
public uses he shall receive a reasonable
compensation therefor.
ARTICLE 15. No subsidy, duty, or tax
of any description shall be established or
levied without the consent of the legis

against him face to face; to produce wit.
nesses and proof in his own favor; and
by himself or his counsel, at his election,
to examine the witnesses produced by
himself, and cross-examine those produced against him, and to be fully heard
in his own defence. In all cases in which
the right of trial by jury has been heretofore used, it shall be held inviolable
forever, except in actions of debt or
assumpsit in which the amount claimed
is less than fifty dollars.
ARTICLE 8. NO person shall be required
to answer again for an offense of which
he has been duly convicted, or of which
he has been duly acquitted.
ARTICLE 9. No person shall be compelled, in any criminal case, to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of
life, liberty, or property without due
process of law.
ARTICLE 10. No person shall sit as a
judge or juror, in any case in which his
relative, by affinity, or by consanguinity
within the third degree, is interested,
either as plaintiff or defendant, or in the
issue of which the said judge or juror
may have, either directly or through such
relative, any pecuniary interest.
ARTICLE 11. Involuntary servitude, except for crime, is forever prohibited in
this Kingdom. Whenever a slave shall
enter Hawaiian territory he shall be free.
ARTICLE 12. Every person has the right
to be secure from all unreasonable searches
and seizures of his person, his house, his
papers, and effects; and no warrants shall
issue, except on probable cause, supported
by oath or affirmation, and describing the
place to be searched and the persons or
things to be seized.
ARTICLE 13. The Government is conducted for the common good, and not for
the profit, honor, or private interest of
any one man, family, or class of men.
ARTICLE 14. Each member of society
has a right to be protected in the enjoyment of his life, liberty, and property,
according to law; and, therefore, he shall
be obliged to contribute his proportional
share to the expense of this protection,
and to give his personal services, or
an equivalent, when necessary. Private
property may be taken for public use,
but only upon due process of law and
just compensation.
ARTICLE 15. No subsidy, duty, or tax
of any description shall be established
or levied without the consent of the Leg



1614                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
lative assembly; nor shall any money be  islature; nor shall any money be drawn
drawn from the public treasury without from the public treasury without such
such consent, except when between the  consent, except when the sessions of the
sessions of the legislative assembly the  Legislature, the emergencies of war, inemergencies of war, invasion, rebellion, vasion, rebellion, pestilence, or other
pestilence, or other public disaster shall public disaster shall arise, and then not
arise, and then not without the concur- without the concurrence of all the cabinet
rence of all the cabinet and of a majority  and of a majority of the whole privy
of the whole privy council; and the min- council; and the minister of finance shall
ister of finance shall render a detailed ac- render a detailed account of such expencount of such expenditure to the legisla-  diture to the Legislature.
tive assembly.
ARTICLE 16. No retrospective laws shall  ARTICLE 16. No retrospective laws shall
ever be enacted.                      ever be enacted.
ARTICLE 17. The military shall always  ARTICLE 17. The military shall always
be subject to the laws of the land, and  be subject to the laws of the land, and
no soldier shall, in time of peace, be  no soldier shall, in time of peace, be
quartered in any house without the con- quartered in any house without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, sent of the owner, nor in time of war,
but in a manner to be prescribed by the  but in a manner prescribed by the LegLegislature.                          islature.
ARTICLE 18. Every elector shall be    ARTICLE 18. Every elector shall be
privileged from arrest on election days  privileged from arrest on election days
during his attendance at election, and  during his attendance at election, and in
in going to and returning therefrom,  going to and returning therefrom, except
except in cases of treason, felony, or  in case of treason, felony, or breach of
breach of the peace.                  the peace.
ARTICLE 19. No elector shall be so    ARTICLE 19. NO elector shall be so
obliged to perform military duty, on the  obliged to perform military duty, on the
day of election, as to prevent his voting, day of election, as to prevent his voting,
except in time of war or public danger.  except in time of war or public danger.
ARTICLE 20. The supreme power of      ARTICLE 20. The supreme power of the
the Kingdom in its exercise is divided  Kingdom in its exercise is divided into
into the executive, legislative, and judi- the executive, legislative, and judicial;
ciail; these shall always be preserved dis- these shall always be preserved distinct,
tinct, and no judge of a court of record  and no executive or judicial officers, or
shall ever be a member of the legislative  any contractor or employee of the Govassembly.                             ernment, or any person in the receipt of
salary or emolument from the Government, shall be eligible to election to the
Legislature of the Hawaiian Kingdom,
or to hold the position of an elective member of the same. And no member of the
Legislature shall, during the time for
which he is elected, be appointed to any
civil office under the Government, except
that of a member of the Cabinet.
ARTICLE 21. The Government of this    ARTICLE 21. The Government of this
Kingdom is that of a constitutional mon- Kingdom is that of a constitutional monarchy, under His Majesty Kamehameha   archy, under His Majesty Kalakaua, his
V, his heirs and successors.          heirs and successors.
ARTICLE 22. The Crown is hereby per-  ARTICLE 22. The Crown is hereby permanently confirmed to His MajestyKam- manently confirmed to His Majesty Kalaehaimeha V, and to the heirs of his body  kaua, and to the heirs of his body lawlawfully begotten, and to their lawful de- fully begotten, and to their lawful desscendants in a direct line; failing whom, cendants in a direct line; failing whom
the Crown shall descend to Her Royal the Crown shall descend to Her Royal
Highness the Princess Victoria Kamama- Highness the Princess Liliuokalani, and
lu Kaahumanu, and the heirs of her body  heirs of her body lawfully begotten, and
lawfully begotten, and their descendants their lawful descendants in a direct line.
in a direct line. The succession shall be  The succession shall be to the senior male
to the senior male child, and to the heirs  child, and to the heirs of his body; failof his body; failing a male child, the  ing a male child, the succession shall be
succession shall be to the senior female to the senior female child, and to the
child, and to the heirs of her body. In  heirs of her body. In case there is no
case there is no heir as above provided, heir as above provided, the successor
then the successor shall be the person  shall be the person whom the Sovereign
whom the Sovereign shall appoint with  shall appoint with the consent of the
the consent of the nobles, and publicly  nobles, and publicly proclaim during the
proclaim as such during the King's life,  Sovereign's life; but should there be no




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1615


but should there be no such appointmen;
and proclamation, and the throne should
become vacant, then the Cabinet Council,
immediately after the occurring of such
vacancy, shall cause a meeting of the
legislative assembly, who shall elect by
ballot some native Alii of the Kingdom
as successor to the throne; and the successor so elected shall become a new
Stirps for a royal family; and the succession from the Sovereign thus elected,
shall be regulated by the same law as
the present royal family of Hawaii.
ARTICLE 23. It shall not be lawful for
any member of the royal family of
Hawaii who may by law succeed to the
throne, to contract marriage without
the consent of the reigning sovereign.
Every marriage so contracted shall be
void, and the person so contracting a
marriage may, by the proclamation of
the reigning Sovereign be declared to
have forfeited his or her right to the
throne, and after such proclamation, the
right of succession shall vest in the next
heir as though such offender were dead.
ARTICLE 24. His Majesty   Kamehameha V will, and his successors upon
coming to the throne shall, take the following oath: I solemnly swear, in the
presence of Almighty God, to maintain
the constitution of the Kingdom whole
and inviolate, and to govern in conformity therewith.
ARTICLE 25. No person shall ever sit
upon the throne who has been convicted
of any infamous crime, or who is insane
or an idiot.
ARTICLE 26. The King is the commander-in-chief of the army and navy,
and of all other military forces of the
Kingdom, by sea and land; and has full
power by himself, or by any officer or
officers he may appoint, to train and
govern such forces as he may judge best
for the defense and safety of the Kingdom. But he shall never proclaim war
without the consent of the legislative
assembly.
ARTICLE 27. The King, by and with the
consent of his privy council, has the
power to grant reprieves and pardons,
after conviction, for all offences, except
in cases of impeachment.
ARTICLE 28. The King, by and with
the consent of his privy council, convenes the legislative assembly at the
seat of Government, or at a different
place, if that should become dangerous
from an enemy or any dangerous disorder;
and in case of disagreement between
His Majesty and the legislative assembly, he adjourns, prorogues, or dissolves
it, but not beyond the next ordinary session; under any great emergency, he
may convene the legislative assembly
to extraardinary sessions.


such appointment and proclamation, and
the throne should become vacant, then the
Cabinet immediately after the occurring
of such vacancy shall cause a meeting
of the Legislature, who shall elect by ballot some native Alii of the Kingdom as
successor to the throne; and the successor so elected shall become a new Stirps
for a royal family; and the succession
from the Sovereign thus elected shall be
regulated by the same law as the present
royal family of Hawaii.
ARTICLE 23. It shall not be lawful
for any member of the royal family
of Hawaii who may by law succeed
to the throne, to contract marriage without the consent of the reigning Sovereign. Every marriage so contracted
shall be void, and the person so contracting a marriage may, by the proclamation of the reigning Sovereign, be
declared to have forfeited his or her right
to the throne, and after such proclamation, the right of succession shall vest in
the next heir as though such offender
were dead.
ARTICLE 24. His Majesty Kalakaua
will, and his successors shall, take the
following oath: I solemnly swear, in the
presence of Alnmighty God, to maintain
the constitution of the Kingdom whole
and inviolate, and to govern in conformity therewith.
ARTICLE 25. No person shall sit upon
the throne who has been convicted of any
infamous crime, or who is insane, or an
idiot.
ARTICLE 26. The King is the commander-in-chief of the army and navy and
of all other military forces of the Kingdom, by sea and land. But he shall never
proclaim war without the consent of the
Legislature; and no military or naval
force shall be organized except by the
authority of the Legislature.
ARTICLE 27. The King, by and with the
advice of his privy council, and with the
consent of the Cabinet, has the power to
grant reprieves and pardons, after conviction, for all offenses, except in case
of impeachment.
ARTICLE 28. The King convenes the
Legislature at the seat of Government,
or at a different place, if that should
become insecure from an enemy or any
dangerous disorder, and prorogues the
same; and in any great emergency he
may, with the advice of the privy council, convene the Legislature in extraordinary session.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


ARTICLE 29. The King has the power
to make treaties. Treaties involving
changes in the tariff or in any law of
the Kingdom shall be referred for approval to the legislative assembly. The
King appoints public ministers, who'
shall be commissioned, accredited, and
instructed agreeably to the usage and
law of nations.
ARTICLE 30. It is the King's prerogative to receive and acknowledge public
ministers; to inform the legislative
assembly by royal message, from time
to time, of the state of the Kingdom, and
to recommend to its consideration such
measures as he shall judge necessary
and expedient.
ARTICLE 31. The person of the King is
inviolable and sacred.  His ministers
are responsible. To the King belongs the
executive power.  All laws that have
passed the legislative assembly shall require His Majesty's signature, in order to
their validity.
ARTICLE 32. Whenever, upon the decease of the reigning sovereign, the heir
shall be less than 18 years of age, the
royal po wer shall be exercised by a regent
or council of regency, as hereinafter provided.
ARTICLE 33. It shall be lawful for the
King at any time when he may be about
to absent himself from the Kingdom, to
appoint a regent or council of regency,
who shall administer the Government in
his name; and likewise the King may, by
his last will and testament, appoint a regent or council of regency to administer
the Government during the minority of
any heir to the throne; and should a sovereign decease, leaving a minor heir, and
having made no last will and testament,
the cabinet council at the time of such
decease shall be a council of regency until the legislative assembly, which shall
be called immediately, may be assembled,
and the legislative assembly immediately
that it is assembled shall proceed to
choose by ballot a regent or council of
regency, who shall administer the Government in the name of the King, and exercise all the powers which are constitutionally vested in the King, until he shall
have attained the age of 18 years, which
age is declared to be the legal majority
of such sovereign.
ARTICLE 34. The King is sovereign of
all the chiefs and of all the people; the
Kingdom is his.
ARTICLE 35. All titles of honor, orders,
and other distinctions emanate from
the King.
ARTICLE 36. The King coins money
and regulates the currency by law.
ARTICLE 37. The King, in case of invasion or rebellion, can place the whole
Kingdom or any part of it under martial
law.


ARTICLE 29. The King has the power
to make treaties. Treaties involving
changes in the tariff or in any law of the
Kingdom, shall be referred for approval
to the Legislature. The King appoints
public ministers, who shall be commissioned, accredited, and instructed agreeably to the usage and law of nations.
ARTICLE 30. It is the King's prerogative to receive and acknowledge public
ministers; to inform the Legislature by
royal message, from time to time, of the
state of the Kingdom, and to recommend
to its consideration such measures as he
shall judge necessary and expedient.
ARTICLE 31. The person of the King is
inviolable and sacred.  His ministers
are responsible. To the King and the
cabinet belongs the executive power. All
laws that have passed the Legislature
shall require His Majesty's signature, in
order to their validity, except as provided
in article 48.
ARTICLE 32. Whenever, upon the decease of the reigning sovereign, the heir
shall be less than 18 years of age, the
royal power shall be exercised by a regent
or council of regency, as hereinafter provided.
ARTICLE 33. It shall be lawful for the
King at any time when he may be about
to absent himself from the Kingdom, to
appoint a regent or council of regency,
who shall administer the Government in
his name; and likewise the King may, by
his last will and testament, appoint a regent or council of regency to administer
the Goverlnment during the minority of
any heir to the throne; and should a sovereign decease, leaving a minor heir, and
having made no last will and testament,
the cabinet at the time of such decease
shall be a council of regency until the
Legislature, which shall be called immediately, be assembled, and the Legislature
immediately that it is assembled shall
proceed to choose by ballot a regent or
council of regency, who shall administer
the Government in the name of the King,
and exercise all the powers which are
vested in the King, until such heir shall
have attained the age of 18 years, which
age is declared to be the legal majority of
such sovereign.
ARTICLE 34. The King is sovereign of
all the chiefs and of all the people.
ARTICLE 35. All titles of honor, orders,
and other distinctions emanate from the
King.
ARTICLE 36. The King coins money
and regulates the currency by law.
ARTICLE 37. The King, in case of invasion or rebellion, can place the whole
Kingdom or any part of it under martial
law.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1617


ARTICLE 38. The national ensign shall
not be changed, except by act of the
Legislature.
ARTICLE 39. The King's private lands
and other property are inviolable.
ARTICLE 40. The King can not be sued
or held to account in any court or
tribunal of the realm.
ARTICLE 41. There shall continue to
be a council of state for advising the
King in all matters for the good of the
state, wherein he may require its advice,
and for assisting him in administering
the executive affairs of the Government
in such manner as he may direct, which
council shall be called the King's privy
council of state, and the members thereof
shall be appointed by the King to hold
office during His Majesty's pleasure.
ARTICLE 42. The King's cabinet shall
consist of the minister of foreign affairs,
the minister of the interior, the minister
of finance, and the attorney-general of
the Kingdom, and these shall be His Majesty's special advisers in the executive affairs of the Kingdom; and they shall be
ex officio members of His Majesty's privy
council of state. They shall be appointed
and commissioned by the King, and hold
office during His Majesty's pleasure, subject to impeachment. No act of the King
shall have any effect unless it be countersigned by a minister, who, by that signature, makes himself responsible.
ARTICLE 43. Each  member of the
King's cabinet shall keep an office at
the seat of Government, and shall be
accountable for the conduct of his deputies and clerks. The ministry hold
seats ex officio as nobles in the legislative assembly.
ARTICLE 44. The minister of finance
shall present to the legislative assembly,
in the name of the Government, on the
first day of the meeting of the Legislature, the financial budget, in the Hawaiian and English languages.
ARTICLE 45. The legislative power of
the three estates of this Kingdom is
vested in the King, and the legislative
assembly, which assembly shall consist
of the nobles, appointed by the King, and
of the representatives of the people,
sitting together.
C  T -_


ARTICLE 38. The national ensign shall
not be changed, except by act of the
Legislature.
ARTICLE 39. The King can not be sued
or held to account in any court or
tribunal of the Kingdom.
ARTICLE 40. There shall continue to be
a council of state for advising the King
in all matters for the good of the state,
wherein he may require its advice, which
council shall be called the King's privy
council of state, and the members
thereof shall be appointed by the King
to hold office during His Majesty's
pleasure, and which council shall have
and exercise only such powers as are
given to it by the constitution.
ARTICLE 41. The cabinet shall consist
of the minister of foreign affairs, the
minister of the interior, the minister of
finance, and the attorney-general, and
they shall be His Majest 's special advisers in the executive affairs of the Kingdom; and they shall be ex officio members
of His Majesty's privy council of state.
They shall be appointed and commissioned by the King, and shall be removed
by him only upon a vote of want of confidence passed by a majority of all the
elective members of the Legislature, or
upon conviction of felony, and shall be
subject to impeachment. No act of the
King shall have any effect unless it be
countersigned by a member of the cabinet, who, by that signature, makes himself responsible.
ARTICLE 42. Each member of the cabinet shall keep an office at the seat of Government, and shall be accountable for the
conduct of his deputies and clerks. The
cabinet hold seats ex officio in the Legislature, with the riglit to vote, except on
a question of want of coulideuce in them.
ARTICLE 43. The minister of finance
shall present to the Legislature, in the
name of the Government, on the first day
of each biennial session, the financial
budget, in the Hawaiian and English
languages.
ARTICLE 44. The legislative power of
the Kingdom is vested in the King and
the Legislature, which shall consist of
the nobles and representatives sitting
together.
ARTICLE 45. The legislative body shall
be styled the Legislature of the Hawaiian
Kingdom, and shall assemble, biennially,
in the month of May. The first regular
session shall be held in the year of our
Lord eighteen hundred and eightyeight.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


ARTICLE 46. The legislative body
shall assemble biennially, in the month
of April, and at such other time as the
King may judge necessary, for the purpose of seeking the welfare of the nation.
This body shall be styled the Legislature
of the Hawaiian Kingdom.
ARTICLE 47. Every member of the"
legislative assembly shall take the following oath: I most solemnly swear, in
the presence of Almighty God, that I
will faithfully support the constitution
of the Hawaiian Kingdom, and conscientiously and impartially discharge my
duties as a member ot this Assembly.
ARTICLE 48. The Legislature has full
power and authority to amend the constitution as hereinafter provided; and
from time to time to make all manner of
wholesome laws not repugnant to the
provisions of the constitution.
ARTICLE 49. The King shall signify
his approval of any bill or resolution
which shall have passed the legislative
assembly, by signing the same previous
to the final rising of the Legislature.
But if he shall object to the passing of
such bill or resolution he will return it to
the legislative assembly, who shall enter
the fact of such return on its journal,
and such bill or resolution shall not be
brought forward thereafter during the
same session.
ARTICLE 50. The legislative assembly shall be the judge of the qualifications of its own members, and a majority
shall constitute a quorum to do business;
but a smaller number may adjourn from
day to day, and compel the attendance of
absent members, in such manner and
under such penalties as the assembly may
provide.
ARTICLE 51. The legislative assembly
shall choose its own officers and determine the rules of its own proceedings.


ARTICLE 46. Every member of the
Legislature shall take the following oath:
I solemnly swear, in the presence of
Almighty God, that I will faithfully support the constitution of the Hawaiian
Kingdom, and conscienciously and impartially discharge my duties as a member of the Legislature.
ARTICLE 47. The Legislature has full
power and authority to amend the Constitution as hereinafter provided; and
from time to time to make all manner of
wholesome laws not repugnant to the
constitution.
ARTICLE 48. Every bill which shall
have passed the Legislature shall, before
it becomes law, be presented to the King.
If he approve he shall sign it and it shall
thereby become a law, but if not, he shall
return it, with his objections, to the
Legislature, which shall enter the objections at large on their journal and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration it shall be approved by a
two-thirds vote of all the elective members of the Legislature it shall become a
law. In all such cases the vote shall be
determined by yeas and nays, and the
names of the persons voting for and
against the bill shall be entered on the
journal of the Legislature. If any bill
shall not be returned by the King within
ten days (Sunday excepted) after it shall
have been presented to him, the same
shall be a law in like manner as if he had
signed it, unless the Legislature by their
adjournment prevent its return, in which
case it shall not be a law.
ARTICLE 49. The Legislature shall be
the judge of the qualifications of its own
members, except as may hereafter be provided by law, and a majority shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a
smaller number may adjourn from day to
day, and compel the attendance of absent
members, in such manner and under such
penalties as the Legislature may provide.
ARTICLE 50. The Legislature shall
choose its own officers and determine the
rules of its own proceedings.
ARTICLE 51. The Legislature shall have
authority to punish by imprisonment, not
exceeding thirty days, every person, not
a member, who shall be guilty of disrespectto the Legislature by any disorderly
or contemptuous behavior in its presence;
or who, during the time of its sitting,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1619


ARTICLE 52. The legislative assembly
shall have authority to punish by imprisonment, not exceeding thirty days, every
person, not a member, who shall be
guilty of disrespect to the assembly, by
any disorderly or contemptuous behavior
in its presence; or who, during the time
of its sitting, shall publish any false
report of its proceedings, or insulting
comments upon the same; or who shall
threaten harm to the body or estate of
any of its members, for anything said or
done in the assembly; or who shall
assault any of them therefor, or who shall
assault or arrest any witness, or other
person ordered to attend the assembly, 
in his way going or returning; or who
shall rescue any person arrested by order
of the assembly.
ARTICLE 53. The legislative assembly
may punish its own members for disorderly behavior.
ARTICLE 54. The legislative assembly
shall keep a journal of its proceedings; and the yeas and nays of the members on any question shall, at the desire
of one-fifth of those present, be entered
on the journal.
ARTICLE 55. The members of the legislative assemby shall, in all cases,
except treason, felony, or breach of the
peace, be privileged from arrest during
their attendance at the sessions of the
Legislature, and in going to and returning from the same; and they shall not be
held to answer for any speech or debate
made in the assembly, in any court or
place whatsoever.
ARTICLE 56. The representatives shall
receive for their services a compensation
to be ascertained by law, and paid out of
the public treasury, but no increase of
compensation shall take effect during the
year in which it shall have been made;
and no law shall be passed increasing the
compensation of said representatives beyond the sum of one hundred and fifty
dollars for each session.


shall publish any false report of its proceedings, or insulting comments upon the
same; or who shall threaten harm to the
body or estate of any of its members for
anything said or done in the Legislature:
or who shall assault any of them therefor;
or who shall assault or arrest any witness, or other person ordered to attend
the Legislature, on his way going or
returning; or who shall rescue any person arrested by order of the Legislature.
ARTICLE 52. The Legislature may pun.
ish its own members for disorderly behavior.
ARTICLE 53. The Legislature shallkeep
a journal of its proceedings; and the
yeas and nays of the members, on any
question, shall, at the desire of one-fifth
of those present, be entered on the journal.
ARTICLE 54. The members of the Legislature shall, in all cases, except treason,
felony, or breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance
at the sessions of the Legislature, and in
going to and returning from the same;
provided such privilege as to going and
returning shall not cover a period of over
twenty days; and they shall not be held
to answer for any speech or debate made
in the Legislature, in any court or place
whatsoever.
ARTICLE 55. The representatives shall
receive for their services a compensation
to be determined by law, and paid out of
the public treasury, but no increase of
compensation shall take effect during the
biennial term in which it shall have been
made; and no law shall be passed increasing the compensation of representatives
beyond the sum of two hundred and fifty
dollars each for each biennial term.
ARTICLE 56. A noble shall be a subject
of the Kingdom, who shall have attained
the age of twenty-five years, and resided
in the Kingdom three years, and shall be
the owner of taxable property in this
Kingdom of the value of three thousand
dollars over and above all encumbrances,
or in receipt of an income of not less than
six hundred dollars per annum.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


ARTICLE 57. The King appoints the
nobles, who shall hold their appointments during life, subject to the provisions of Article 53; but their number
shall not exceed twenty.
ARTICLE 58. No person shall be appointed a noble who shall not have
attained the age of twenty-one years and
resided in the Kingdom five years.
ARTICLE 59. The nobles shall be a court
with full and sole authority to hear and
determine all impeachments made by the
representatives, as the grand inquest of
the Kingdom, against any officers of the
Kingdom, for misconduct or maladministration in their offices; but previous to
the trial of every impeachment the nobles
shall respectively be sworn, truly and
impartially to try and determine the
charge in question, according to evidence
and the law. Their judgment, however,
shall not extend further than to removal
from office and disqualification to hold or
enjoy any place of honor, trust, or profit,
under this Government; but the party so
convicted, shall be, nevertheless, liable
to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment according to the laws of the
land. No Minister shall sit as a noble
on the trial of any impeachment.


ARTICLE 57. The nobles shall be a
court, with full and sole authority to
hear and determine all impeachments
made by the representatives, as the grand
inquest of the Kingdom, against any
officers of the Kingdom, for misconduct
or maladministration in their offices; but
previous to the trial of every impeachment the nobles shall respectively be
sworn, truly and impartially to try and
determine the charge in question, according to evidence and law. Their judgment, however, shall not extend further
than to removal from office and disqualification to hold or enjoy any place of
honor, trust, or profit under this Government; but the party so convicted shall
be, nevertheless, liable to indictment,
trial, judgment and punishment according to the laws of the land.
ARTICLE 58. Twenty-four nobles shall
be elected, as follows: Six from the island
of Hawaii; six from the islands of Maui,
Molokai, and Lanai; nine from the island
of Oahu, and three from the islands of
Kauai and Niihau. At the first election
held under this constitution the nobles
shall be elected to serve until the general
election to the Legislature for the year of
our Lord 1890, at which election, and
thereafter, the nobles shall be elected at
the same time and places as the representatives. At the election for the year
of our Lord 1890 one-third of the nobles
from each of the divisions aforesaid shall
be elected for two years, and one-third
for four years, and one-third for six years,
and the electors shall ballot for them for
such terms, respectively; and at all subsequent general elections they shall be
elected for six years. The nobles shall
serve without pay.
ARTICLE 59. Every male resident of the
Hawaiian Islands, of Haw aiian, American,
or European birth or descent, who shall
have attained the age of twenty years,
and shall have paid his taxes, and shall
have caused his name to be entered on
the list of voters for nobles for his district, shall be an elector of nobles, and
shall be entitled to vote at any election
of nobles; provided,.First. That he shall have resided in the
country not less than three years, and in
the district in which he offers to vote
not less than three months, immediately
preceding the election at which he offers
to vote.
Second. That he shall own and be possessed, in his own right, of taxable property in this country of the value of notless
than three thousand dollars over and
above all encumbrances, or shall have actually received an income of not less than
six hundred dollars during the year next
preceding his registration for such election.
Third. That he shall be able to read
and comprehend an ordinary newspaper
printed in either the Hawaiian, English,
or some European language.




HAWAIIAN


ARTICLE 60. The representation of the
people shall be based upon the principal
of equality, and shall be regulated and
apportioned by the legislature according
to the population, to be ascertained, from
time to time, by the official census. The
representatives shall not be less in number than twenty-four, nor more than
forty, who shall be elected biennially.
ARTICLE 61. No person shall be eligible
for a representativt of the people who
is insane or an idiot, nor unless he be a
male subject of the Kingdom, who shall
have arrived at the full age of twentyone years, who shall know how to read
and write, who shall understand accounts
and shall have been domiciled in the
Kingdom for at least three years-the last
of which shall be the year immediately
preceding his election-and who shall
own real estate within the Kingdom of
a clear value, over and above all incumbrances, of at least five hundred dollars,
or who shall have an annual income of
at least two hundred and fifty dollars,
derived from any property or some lawful employment.
ARTICLE 62. Every male subject of the
Kingdom, who shall have paid his taxes,
who shall have attained the age of twenty
years, and shall have been domiciled
in the Kingdom for one year immediately preceding the election, and shall
be possessed of real property in the
Kingdom, to the value, over and above
all encumbrances, of one hundred and
fifty dollars, or of a leasehold property
on which the rent is twenty-five dollars
per year, or of an income of not less than
seventy-five dollars per year, derived
from any property or some lawful employment, and shall know how to read and


ISLANDS.                     1621
Fourth. That he shall have taken an
oath to support the Constitution and
laws, such oath to be administered by
any person authorized to administer oaths
or by any inspector of elections.
Provided, however, that the requirements of a three years' residence and of
ability to read and comprehend an ordinary newspaper, printed either in the
Hawaiian, English, or some European
language, shall not apply to persons residing in the Kingdom at the time of the
promulgation of this constitution, if they
shall register and vote at the first election which shall be held under this constitution.
ARTICLE 60. There shall be twentyfour representatives of the people elected
biennially, except those first elected
under this constitution, who shall serve
until the general election for the year of
our Lord 1890. The representation shall
be based upon the principles of equality,
and shall be regulated and apportioned
by the Legislature according to thepopulation to be ascertained, from time to
time, by the official census. But until
such apportionment by the Legislature,
the apportionment now established by
law shall remain in force, with the following exceptions, namely, there shall
be but two representatives for the districts of Hilo and Puna, on the island of
Hawaii; but one for the districts of Lahaina and Kaanapali, on the island of Maui;
and but one for the districts of Koolanloa and Waialua, on the island of Cahun
ARTICLE 61. No person shall be eligible
as a representative of the people unless
he be a male subject of the Kingdom
who shall have arrived at the full age of
twenty-one years, who shall know how
to read and write either the Hawaiian.
English, or some European language, who
shall understand accounts, who shall
have been domiciled in the Kingdom for
at least three years-the last of which
shall be the year immediately preceding
his election-and who shall own real
estate within the Kingdom of a clear
value, over and above all encumbrances,
of at least five hundred dollars, or who
shall have an annual income of at least
two hundred and fifty dollars, derived
from any property or some lawful employment.
ARTICLE 62. Every male resident of
the Kingdom, of Hawaiian, American, or
European birth or descent, who shall
have taken an oath to support the constitution and laws in the manner provided for electors of nobles, who shall
have paid his taxes, who shall have attained the age of twenty years, and shall
have been domiciled in the Kingdom for
one year immediately preceding the
election, and shall know how to read and
write either the Hawaiian, English, or
some European language (if born since
the year 1840), and shall have caused his
name to be entered on the list of voters




1622                      HAWAIIAN
write, if born since the year 1840, and
shall have caused his name to be entered
on the list of voters of his district as may
be provided by-law, shall be entitled to
one vote for the representative or representatives of that district: Provided,
however, That no insane or idiotic person,
nor any person who shall have been convicted of any infamous crime within this
Kingdom, unless he shall have been pardoned by the King, and by the terms of
such pardon have been restored to all the
rights of a subject, shall be allowed to
vote.
ARTICLE 63. The property qualification
of the representatives of the people, and
of the electors, may be increased by law.
ARTICLE 64. The judicial power of the
Kingdom shall be vested in one supreme
court and in such inferior courts as the
Legislature may, from  time to time,
establish.
ARTICLE 65. The supreme court shall
consist of a chief justice and not less
than two associate justices, any of whom
may hold the court. The justices of the
supreme court shall hold their offices
during good behavior, subject to removal
upon impeachment, and shall, at stated
times, receive for their services a compensation, which shall not be diminished
during their continvance in office: Provided, however, That any judge of the
supreme court or any other court of
record may be removed from office, on a
resolution passed by two-thirds of the
legislative assembly, for good cause
shown to the satisfaction of the King.
The judge against whom the legislative
assembly may be about to proceed shall
receive due notice thereof, accompanied
by a copy of the causes alleged for his
removal, at least ten days before the day
on which the legislative assembly shall
act thereon. He shall be heard before the
legislative assembly,
ARTICLE 66. The judicial power shall
be divided among the supreme court and
the several inferior courts of the Kingdom in such manner as the legislature
may, from time to time, prescribe, and
the tenure of office in the inferior courts
of the Kingdom shall be such as may be
defined by the law creating them.
ARTICLE 67. The judicial power shall
extend to all cases in law and equity,
arising under the constitution and laws
of this Kingdom, and treaties made, or
which shall be made under their authority, to all cases affecting public ministers and consuls, and to all cases of
admiralty and maritime jurisdiction.


[ ISLANDS.


of his district as may be provided by law,
shall be entitled to one vote for the representative or representatives of that
district: Provided, however, That the requirements of being domiciled in the
Kingdom for one year immediately preceding the election, and of knowing how
to read and write, either the Hawaiian,
English, or some European language,
shall not apply to persons residing in this
Kingdom at the timeofthe promulgation
of this constitution if they shall register
and vote at the first election which shall
be held under this constitution.
ARTICLE 63. No person shall sit as a
noble or representative in the Legislature unless elected under, and in conformity with, the provisions of this constitution. The property or income qualification of representatives, of nobles,
and of electors of nobles may be increased by law; and a property or income
qualification of electors of representatives may be created and altered by law.
ARTICLE 64. The j udiciary power of the
Kingdom shall be vested in one supreme
court, and in such inferior courts as the
Legislature may, from time to time, establish.
ARTICLE 65. The supreme court shall
consist of a chief justice, and not less
than two associate justices, any one of
whom may hold the court. The justices
of the supreme court shall hold their
offices during good behavior, subject to
removal upon impeachment, and shall, at
stated times, receive for their services a
compensation, which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office:
Provided, however, That any judge of the
supreme court or any other court of record
may be removed from office on a resolution passed by two-thirds of all the members of the Legislature, for good cause
shown to the satisfaction of the King.
The judge against whom the Legislature
may be about to proceed shall receive
notice thereof, accompanied by a copy of
the causes alleged for his removal, at least
ten days before the day on which the Legislature shall act thereon. He shall be
heard before the Legislature.
ARTICLE 66. The judicial power shall
be divided among the supreme court and
the several inferior courts of the Kingdom, in such manner as the Legislature
may, from time to time, prescribe, and
the tenure of office in the inferior courts
of the Kingdom shall be such as may be
defined by the law creating them.
ARTICLE 67. The judicial power shall
extend to all cases in law and equity,
arising under the constitution and laws
of this Kingdom, and treaties made, or
which shall be made under their authority, to all cases affecting public ministers and consuls, and to all cases of
admiralty and maritime jurisdiction.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


ARTICLE 68. The chief justice of the
supreme court shall be the chancellor of
the Kingdom. He shall be ex officio president of the nobles in all cases of impeachment, unless when impeached himself,
and exercise such jurisdiction in equity
or other cases as the law may confer upon
him; his decisions being subject, however, to the revision of the supreme
court on appeal. Should the chief justice ever be impeached, some person
specially commissioned by the King shall
be president of the court of impeachment during such trial.
ARTICLE 69. The decisions of the supreme court, when made by a majority of
the justices thereof, shall be final and
conclusive upon all parties.
ARTICLE 70. The King, his cabinet, and
the legislative assembly shall have authority to require the opinions of the justices of the supreme court upon important questions of law and upon solemn
occasions.
ARTICLE 71. The King appoints the justices of the supreme court and all other
judges of courts of record. Their salaries
are fixed by law.
ARTICLE 72. No judge or magistrate
can sit alone on an appeal or new trial
in any case on which he may have given
a previous judgment.
ARTICLE 73. No person shall ever hold
any office of honor, trust, or profit under
the Government of the Hawaiian Islands
who shall, in due course of law, have
been convicted of theft, bribery, perjury,
forgery, embezzlement, or other high
crime or misdemeanor, unless he shall
have been pardoned by the King and
restored to his civil rights, and by the
express terms of his pardon declared to
be appointable to offices of trust, honor,
and profit.
ARTICLE 74. No officer of this Government shall hold any office or receive any
salary from any other government or
power whatever.
ARTICLE 75. The Legislature votes the
appropriations biennially, after due consideration of the revenue and expenditure for the two preceding years, and
the estimates of the revenue and expenditure of the two succeeding years, which
shall be submitted to them by the minister of finance.
ARTICLE 76. The enacting style in making and passing all acts and laws shall
be: ' Be it enacted by the King and the
legislative assembly of the Hawaiian
Islands, in the Legislature of the Kingdoin assembled."


ARTICLE 68. The chief justice of the
supreme court shall be the chancellor of
the Kingdom. He shall be x officio president of the nobles in all cases of impeachment, unless when impeached himself,
and shall exercise such jurisdiction in
equity or other cases as the law may confer upon him; his decisions being subject,
however, to the revision of the supreme
court on appeal. Should the chief justice ever be impeached, some person
specially commissioned by the King shall
be president of the court of impeachment during such trial.
ARTICLE 69. The decisions of the supreme court, when made by a majority ot
the justices thereof, shall be final and
conclusive upon all parties.
ARTICLE 70. The King, his cabinet, and
the Legislature shall have authority to
require the opinions of the justices of the
supreme court upon important questions
of law and upon solemn occasions.
ARTICLE 71. The King appoints the justices of the supreme court and all other
judges of the courts of record. Their
salaries are fixed by law.
ARTICLE 72. No judge or magistrate
shall sit all alone on an appeal or new
trial in any case on which he may have
given a previous judgment.
ARTICLE 73. The following persons
shall not be permitted to register for voting, to vote, or to hold office under any
department of the Government, or to sit
in the Legislature, namely: Any person
who is insane or an idiot, or any person
who shall have been convicted of any of
the following-named offenses, viz: Arson,
barratry, bribery, burglary, counterfeiting, embezzlement, felonious branding
of cattle, forgery, gross cheat, incest,
kidnapping, larceny, malicious burning,
manslaughter in the first degree, murder,
perjury, rape, robbery, sodomy, treason,
subornation of perjury, and malfeasance
in office, unless he shall have been pardoned by the King and restored to his
civil rights, and by the express terms of
his pardon declared to be eligible to
offices of trust, honor, and profit.
ARTICLE 74. No officer of this Government shall hold any office or receive any
salary from any other government or
power whatever.
ARTICLE 75. The Legislature votes the
appropriation biennially, after due consideration of the revenue and expenditure for the two preceding years, and
the estimates of the revenue and expenditure of the two succeeding years, which
shall be submitted to them by the minister of finance.
ARTICLE 76. The enacting style in making and passing all acts and laws shall
be: "Be it enacted by the King and the
Legislature of the Hawaiian Kingdom."




1624


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


ARTICLE 77. To avoid improper influences which may result from intermixing in one and the same act such things
as have no proper relation to each other,
every law shall embrace but one object,
and that shall be expressed in its title.
ARTICLE 78. All laws now in force in
this Kingdom shall continue and remain
in full effect until altered or repealed by
the Legislature, such parts only excepted
as are repugnant to this constitution.
All laws heretofore enacted, or that may
hereafter be enacted, which are contrary
to this constitution shall be null and
void.
ARTICLE 79. This constitution shall be
in force from the twentieth day of August,
in the year one thousand eight hundred
and sixty-four, but that there may be no
failure of justice or inconvenience to the
Kingdom from any change, all officers of
this Kingdom at the time this constitution shall take effect shall have, hold, and
exercise all the power to them granted,
until other persons shall be appointed in
their stead.
ARTICLE 80. Any amendment or amendments to this constitution may be proposed in the legislative assembly, and
if the same shall be agreed to by a majority of members thereof such proposed
amendment or amendments shall be
entered on its journal, with the yeas and
nays taken thereon, and referred to the
next Legislature; which proposed amendment or amendments shall be published
for three months previous to the next
election of representatives; and if in the
next Legislature such proposed amendment or amendments shall be agreed to
by two-thirds of all the members of the
legislative assembly, and be approved by
the King, such amendment or amendments shall become part of the constitution of this country.
IKAEHAMEHA R.


ARTICLE 77. To avoid improper influences which may result from intermixing in one and the same act such
things as have no proper relation to each
other, every law shall embrace but one
object, and that shall be expressed in its
title.
ARTICLE 78. Wherever by this constitution any act is to be done or performed
by the King or the Sovereign, it shall, unless otherwise expressed, mean that such
act shall be done and performed by the
Sovereign by and with the advice and
consent of the cabinet.
ARTICLE 79. All laws now in force in
this Kingdom shall continue and remain
in full effect until altered or repealed by
the Legislature, such parts only excepted
as are repugnant to this constitution.
All laws heretofore enacted, or that may
hereafter be enacted, which are contrary to this constitution shall be null
and void.
ARTICLE 80. The cabinet shall have
power to make and publish all necessary
rules and regulations for the holding of
any election or elections under this constitution, prior to the passage by the
Legislature of appropriate laws for such
purpose, and to provide for administering to officials, subjects, and residents
the oath to support this constitution. The
first election hereunder shall be held within ninety days after the promulgation of
this constitution, and the Legislature
then elected may be convened at Honolulu, upon the call of the cabinet council, in extraordinary session at such time
as the cabinet council may deem necessary, thirty days' notice thereof being
previously given.
ARTICLE 81. This constitution shall be
in force from the 7th day of July, A. D.
1887; but that there may be no failure of
justice or convenience to the Kingdom
from any change, all officers of this Kingdom, at the time this constitution shall
take effect, shall have, hold, and exercise
all the power to them granted. Such
officers shall take an oath to support this
constitution within sixty days aftez the
promulgation thereof.
ARTICLE 82. Any amendment or amendments to this constitution may be proposed in the Legislature, and if the same
shall be agreed to by a majority of the
members thereof, such proposed amendment or amendments shall be entered on
its journal, with the yeas and nays taken
thereon, and referred to next Legislature;
which proposed amendment or amendments shall be published for three months
previous to the next election of representatives and nobles; and if in the
next Legislature such proposed amend



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                    1625
ment or amendments shall be agreed
to by two-thirds of all the members
of the Legislature, such amendment or
amendments shall become part of the
constitution of this Kingdom.
KALAKAUA REX.
By the King:
W. L. GRERN,
Minister of Finance.
HONOLULU, OAHU, Ss.
I, Kalakana, King of the Hawaiian
Islands, in the presence of Almighty God,
do solemnly swear to maintain this constitution whole and inviolate, and to
govern in conformity therewith.
KALAKAUA REX.
Subscribed and sworn to before me
this sixth day of July, A. D. 1887.
A. F. JUDD,
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court,
and Chancellor of the Kingdom.
No. 24.
Statement of Charles T. Gulickc.
AGENCY OF UNITED STATES MINISTER STEVENS AND CAPT. WILTSE,
COMMANDING U. S. S. BOSTON, IN THE OVERTHROW OF THE HAWAIIAN
GOVERNMENT, WHICH WAS EFFECTED JANUARY 17, 1893.
When Mr. Stevens presented his credentials to His Majesty, Kalakaua, as United States minister resident near the Hawaiian court, he
gave the King a lecture on his duties as a sovereign, and at the same
time hinted, in an ambiguous way, at the possibilities of the future. The
subject matter of the address, and the manner of Mr. Stevens, were so
offensive as to very nearly produce disagreeable consequences, as the
King was on the point of abruptly terminating the interview and
demanding the recall of Mr. Stevens. The unpleasant episode passed,
however, without subsequent notice.
Col. G. W.Macfarlane and Dr. G. Trousseau will confirm the foregoing.
On the occasion of the Fourth of July celebration in 1891, Mr. Stevens
delivered an oration at the music hall in which he took the opportunity
to show his very thinly veiled contempt for the Sovereign and Government to which he was accredited. His sentiments were more distinctly
emphasized in his speech on Memorial Day, 1892, leaving no room for
doubt with regard to his real meaning. In October, 1892, the Daily
Bulletin, a newspaper published in Honolulu, contained a criticism on
Mr. Stevens' tardiness in causing a search for a missing boat's crew
(supposed to be somewhere to windward of the island of Hawaii) belonging to an American vessel which had burned at sea.
Mr. Stevens called in a rage at the foreign office and in his interview
with the minister of foreign affairs endeavered tG fasten on the cabinet
responsibility for the comments in the Bulletin and demanded, as he
termed it, "full satisfaction." His manner and language were in the
highest degree undiplomatic and offensive, and he would accept no
explanation. He immediately followed up the insult by demanding an
audience with the Queen without the usual formality of the presence




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


of the minister of foreign affairs. The audience was accorded, and,
trembling with passion, he reiterated his demand for " satisfaction,"
leaving it somewhat vague as to the form or kind of "satisfaction"
he desired. The impression left by him in both interviews was that it
was not so much "satisfaction" that he was after as it was an opportunity to pick a quarrel with, and embarrass, the cabinet who were
then under fire in the legislative assembly.
Hon. Samuel Parker, Hon. Paul Neumann, and Maj. J. W. Robertson can give more fully the details of the foregoing.
Very shortly after Mr. Stevens' arrival in the Kingdom he made it
generally known that he considered annexation to the United States
as not only the ultimate or l"manlifest" destiny of the little country,
but that it would be just as well to hasten the event, and the American legation immediately became the rendezvous or headquarters of
the annexation leaders, such as Hartwell, Judd (the chief justice),
Thurston, Dole, Castle, Smith, and others, who frequently met there
for the purpose of discussing plans for bringing about the desired end.
On one occasion M. d'Anglade, the then French commissioner, and
M. Canavarro, the present Portuguese charge d'affairs, were invited
to dinner at the American legation, and much to their surprise found
several of the above-named gentlemen present, and as the dinner proceeded were not a little annoyed to find that they had been invited for
the express purpose of being sounded with regard to annexation.
Seiihor Canavarro and Dr. Trousseau, the latter being an intimate
friend of M. d'Anglade, the French commissioner (who is not now in
the Kingdom), can throw light on the above if they will submit to an
interview.
During August, 1892, the tension became so great in the Legislature
that the cabinet was voted out, and a new one was appointed on the
12th day of September. A vote of "want of confidence" in the new
cabinet was immediately introduced, and the speeches of Thurston,
Smith, Ashford, and their associates on the motion showed that the
meetings at the legation were beginning to bear fruit. Mr. Stevens
was present during a part of the debate on the motion, also Capt.
Wiltse, who just after one of Mr. Thurston's speeches called at the
interior office and took occasion to inform the then minister of the
interior (C. T. Gulick) that he considered Mr. Thurston a "very able
man," and that his "views on the situation, and particularly those on the
monarchy, were very sound." It may be observed that Thurston had
very plainly shown in his speech supporting the motion that he and
his supporters would leave no stone unturned in order to destroy the
monarchy and get the reins of power into their own hands.
As Thurston and his party were known to be annexationists, his
expressions seemed to please Capt. Wiltse very much. About this
time (September, 1892) it was a matter frequently spoken of that any
move for the overthrow of the Government would receive the official
recognition of Mr. Stevens and the material aid of Capt. Wiltse.
Annexation was so freely discussed in public that T. T. Williams, of the
San Francisco Examiner, polled the Legislature on the subject, and when
they found that their views were likely to be published they denounced
annexation to a man.
The meetings at the legation continued, and Stevens and Wiltse
(the latter more particularly) called frequently at Hartwell's office during the day. Wiltse told people that he kept himself thoroughly
posted with regard to affairs, as he "was constantly in communication




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1627
with Hartwell, who was the best informed man in the Kingdom on the
situation."
The Boston's troops were landed at about 5 o'clock p. m. on Monday,
the 16th day of January, A. D. 1893, and were quartered at Arion
Hall, a position which practically commanded the Government building
and the palace. The Hawaiian Government protested against their
presence. The foreign diplomatic representatives called at the legation
and entered their protest against the procedure as being wholly
unnecessary. The town was perfectly quiet. Mr. Stevens's excuse was
that the troops were ashore for the purpose of protecing the lives and
property of Americans. They were quartered, however, on property
belonging to an Englishman (at that time occupied by an Englishman
and the Japanese inspector of immigrants under leases), and was surrounded by property belonging to the Hawaiian Government and native
Hawaiians.
During the forenoon of Tuesday, the 17th day of January, 1893, it
was freely remarked and frequently repeated on the streets that a
move for deposing the Queen and overturning the Government would
be made during the day, and that " it was all right, as Stevens had promised to support the movement."
Thirteen men, calling themselves a committee of public safety (all
foreigners and some of brief residence in the country), proceeded from
the office of W. O. Smith up Merchant street to the front of the Government building, and Cooper, the leader, at about 2:40 o'clock p. m.,
read a proclamation deposing the Queen and establishing a " Provisional Government." Just before the arrival of the committee at the
building, Charles L. Carter rode up hastily on horseback to Arion Hall
and delivered a letter to Capt. Wiltse, who was himself in charge of
the American troops. Wiltse was seen to tear open the envelope and
read the letter, nodding his satisfaction to Carter, who then withdrew.
As the committee turned the corner of the Music Hall on their road up,
Mr. Cooper hastened forward to Arion Hall and delivered a letter to
an officer (who apparently stood in readiness to receive it) and rejoined
the committee.
At this time, i. e., before the proclamation was read, the American
troops were under arms, strong picked guards were posted at the corner of the Music Hall on King street and at other points around their
quarters; the Gatling guns were placed in commanding positions and
the crews were to attention or handy by.
The position of the American troops and their attitude, also the
delivery of the letters above mentioned, can be verified by several different people, each one seeing different parts of the procedure. Dr. G.
Trousseau, T. A. Lloyd, H. F. Poor, Norie, Pond, de Voll, and others
were eyewitnesses of the matter above referred to.
By half past 3 o'clock it was generally reported on the streets that
Stevens had recognized the Provisional Government and had assured
the Queen's cabinet that he would support their action with the troops
of the Boston.
The police department in charge of the marshal of the Kingdom was
surrendered at dusk-lamps were lighted indoors, but there was still
daylight on the streets; it was probably about 7 o'clock in the evening,
t. e., some three and a half to four hours after Stevens's action was generally known to the public. The barracks were not surrendered till
near night of the following day.
Clias. T. G ULIcK.
HONOLULU, lMay 12, 1893.




1628                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
No. 25.
Interview with Fred. H; Hayselden, Lanai, April 11, 1893.
Q. What is your occupation?
A. I am a stock raiser.
Q. How much land have you?
A. I control about 100,000 acres.
Q. What do you mean by that?
A. It is my wife's property left in trust to my children.
Q. How many whites on that island?
A. Only my family and four white men.
Q. How many natives?
A. About 250.
Q. What is the disposition down there towards the revolutiontowards the new Government?
A. The natives are entirely opposed to it.
Q. What is the reason of that oppositions
A. Simply personal, I believe.
Q. Don't like the people?
A. No; because they feel that they are shut out in everything.
Q. Are you well acquainted in Honolulu?
A. Yes.
Q. What is the feeling here towards the present Government?
A. I should imagine among a majority of the whites it is in favor of
the Provisional Government, for the sake of business.
Q. Are there any whites here opposed to the existing Government?
A. A great many.
Q. How many would you suppose?
A. I should suppose there are one-third of the whites.
Q. Do you include in that estimate Portuguese or Japanese?
A. No.
Q. You mean people of American descent?
A. American, English, German, and French.
Q. What type of people are they-people of education and means?
A. Yes; all of them.
Q. What does their opposition consist in?
A. They are opposed because they think they are run by a coterie.
That is one reason.
Q. Any other?
A. The other reason is that they want to force annexation on this
country and to put them down to the position of serfs.
Q. Do you mean by that that they meant to deprive them of suf
frage?
A. Yes.
Q. Are there many of the natives here who have signed petitions for
annexation?
A. I have heard that there are quite a considerable number of those
who have been forced to do so by storekeepers and others-for bread
and butter. I have asked them why they signed. They said: "Onl
account of our food." I said: " Do you really mean that?" They said:
"Heart is here-mouth is there."
Q. You were not here at the time of the revolution?
A. No. I was in Lanai; was sheriff there at the time. I had the
honor of being the first one selected for dismissal.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1629


Q. They dismissed you on account of your political viewst
A. Yes. I came down to W. 0. Smith's office and asked why I was
dismissed. He said: " Simply because you are a friend of the Queen,
You and the circuit judge are looked upon as enemies to our arrangement and we do not think it right to have two prominent officials
against us." I asked him: "oDoyou want a republic here?" He said:
"No." I said: "Are you quite sure of what you are saying? I have
heard it reported on the street that you do." He said: "I give you
my word of honor I do not." He said: "We want annexation." I
said: "Do you want it pure and simple?" He asked what I meant. I
said: "To give the natives franchise." He said: "Oh, no; we could
not do that." I said: " You will never get it unless you do. I could
go out and get 1,000 signatures for annexation if I could guarantee the
franchise. You could not get one."
Q. As a matter of fact are they not getting signatures?
A. There is no question about that. My personal interests would be
advanced 100 per cent by annexation.
Q. How?
A. Because we only get 10 cents a pound for our wool. If we had
annexation we would get 20 in California. We have to send it to London and ship it through the United States.
Q. What do you think were the causes of the revolution?
A. Simply 2 cents a pound on sugar-to get some treaty or some
arrangement with America. They did not see their way clear to get it
in the face of the McKinley bill. They thought Harrison would be
reilected and the Republican policy would be continued.
Q. But at the time of the revolution Harrison had been defeated?
A. Yes; but this thing was marked up long before that. They wanted
to force it upon the Harrison administration, if they could, before the
inauguration of Mr. Cleveland.
I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate report of my interview with Col. Blount.
(Mr. Blount didn't care to have this certified.-E. M.)
No. 26.
Statement of C. M. Hyde.
HONOLULU, April 3, 1893.
Hon. J. S. BLOUNT,
Commissioner, etc.:
Since I saw you at your residence last Saturday afternoon, it has
occurred to me that it might be advisable for me, occupying such a position as I do at the islands, as the only resident missionary of the A. B.C.
F.M., to write out for your information and consideration such a statement of facts as might assist you in arriving at just conclusions in
regard to the political and social condition of affairs, and the proper
course for the United States Government to take at this juncture.
I have no occasion and certainly no desire to appear as either advocate or assailant of any persons or parties here. Nor have I any authority to act as the representative of the American board in matters outside of my special province as principal of the training school of




1630                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Hawaiian pastors and missionaries, except so far as it has its bearings on
my instructions "to induce in the Hawaiians more of the sentiments of
personal independence and self-reliance, and to develop that strength
of character which shall enable them to withstand the unfavorable
influences that have hitherto depressed them, and still exist from their
contact with so large a foreign population."
You will pardon me in what I have to say if I introduce more of the
personal element.than you would meet in ordinary diplomatic correspondence. It is this very element that throws upon any such question
those side lights that give the aspect of vitality and reality to what
else might be only abstract discussion of abstruse principles of government and social order.
When I arrived here June 1, 1877, and began to study the situation,
I found that I must first disabuse myself of the notion that it was
Hawaiian civilization and a Hawaiian government under which I was
to live. Such nomenclature was right and proper, but the church and
state, nominally Hawaiian, was really managed by the few foreigners
who had the direction of affairs. Not that the foreigners were exercising an usurped authority and the natives simply subject to their
beck and call, but rather this, that the management of affairs of church
and state was under the direction of the missionaries in the one case,
and trusted advisers in the other; and that without such direction,
not to say control, both churches and government would disintegrate
speedily because of utter lack of the needful ability to maintain an
independent organic existence.
The number of superannuated missionaries has constantly diminished
till now there are only three surviving, only one of these an ordained
preacher. The management of the churches has fallen entirely into
the hands of the native pastors, with no direct continuous personal
supervision. What I can do by correspondence or by chance visits
and what Mr. Emerson can do by similar means (only in his case these
are official and in some places semiannual,)-this constitutes all that
we two workers can well do for the 57 Hawaiian evangelical churches,
with their membership of 5,427 communicants out of a total population
(native) of 34,436, with only one foreign pastor (Rev. H. H. Parker, of
Kawaiajao Church, Honolulu) among the whole number (34) of pastors.
The native churches are growing poorer and feebler each year, less able
and willing to support the native pastorate.
One reason for this growing unwillingness is the demoralization of
our churches under the influence of the native sovereign Kalakaua.
It was his custom to appoint natives to office without regard to fitness,
but rather because of social position among their own people and subserviency personally to himself. In this way, as our church members
are among the better class of Hawaiians, they were selected as officials,
but made to feel that their tenure of office depended upon his own
pleasure. As there were not offices enough to give to all jealousies arose,
and removals were necessary to make places for some whom it was the
necessity of the moment to placate. In this way a greed for officeholding was introduced and fostered, till in perversion of the native
translation of 1 Corinthians, 12 31, office seeking was made to seem
the duty of every church member (seek the "highest offices for yourselves7").
Another means of demoralizing the native churches was the idea
instilled assiduously by the King, that a State church was the desirable religious establishment for Hawaii. He was to be the head, and




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1631


each pastor was to receive his salary from the Government treasury
promptly, and amply sufficient for all his needs.
It is this same element of personal rule which the King cherished
and constantly pushed forward in politics. In this he was helped by
the style of political management which was introduced under the
sugar-planting interests. Soon after I arrived there occurred the first
advance made by the King in this direction. The Haiku Sugar Company had succeeded in building a canal to bring water from the windward side of Maui down to Kiamakuapoko to irrigate their cane fields
there. Another company wanted to build a canal higher up, of course
cutting off the water supply of the upper gulches that fed the Haiku
ditch. The cabinet refused them a charter.
A loan to the King of $40,000 was effected, and at this place that
cabinet was dismissed at midnight and a ministry more favorable to
the other party appointed, and the influence of money rather than
principle became paramount. From that time onward the King pushed
his schemes of personal aggrandizement as fast and as far as he dared.
In Mr. Gibson he'found a willing tool, who, for the sake of retaining
his official position, did the King's bidding, and put through one iniquitous and ruinous measure after another. The foreign community
remonstrated and yielded, remonstrated, opposed, and yielded, till finally
forbearance ceased to be a virtue, and the situation became so embarrassing, perilous to all business, social, moral, and political interest,
that an uprising of the sensible and intelligent and respectable part
of the community (commonly stigmatized as the missionary element)
led to the promulgation of the constitution of 1887, which abridged
the power of the King, and was intended to make the cabinet,
appointed by approval of the Legislature, the responsible organ of
legislative and executive authority.
I refused to join the league under whose management this constitution was secured because it was a secret organization, whose leaders
might initiate measures to which I could not consent. I published in
the newspapers over my own name, however, the first and only public
complaint that was thus openly made of the conduct and character of
the King, and asked for a public meeting to formulate demands that
would secure good government for the benefit of the community and
end the misrule which was ruining the natives and scandalizing the
foreign community. The common talk at that time was about shooting the King at sight, but I could not be convinced that a stable government would ever be secured by assassination.
The special occasion for the very vindictive feeling at that time was
the conduct of the King in getting an opium license passed by the majority of the Legislature, then under his personal control, selling the license
to one Chinaman without delivering it, btut pocketing the money
($75,000 or thereabouts), selling it afterwards to another Chinaman,
who was shrewd enough to secure first the delivery of the license. All
this was supported by sworn affidavits published in the newspapers, to
which the King made no reply.
Another fact that incensed the community was the revelation about
that time of the King's use of old superstitious practices and abominable orgies to degrade the Hawaiian people and make them the more
ready tools to accomplish his purposes. In seeking a charter for the
secret society he had formed (the Hale Nana, a mixture of Free Masonry,
Mormonism, and diabolism) the character of that institution came to be
quite generally known. You can obtain information about it from reliable sources. Suffice it for me to say that part of the exercise was the




1632                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS
worship of the King as divine. It was affirmed that as a god he could
do no wrong, and by a curious Hawaiian perversion of logical reasoning
he did various things that no one would hesitate to call vile as well as
wrong to prove that he was a god.
It was hoped that the new constitution would give us a change.
But largely through various judicial decisions the royal prerogatives
and not the constitutional limitation of Hawaiian sovereignty have
been assigned the supremacy. It has been one series of dissapointments after another. The late Queen was in England when the constitution of 1887 was promulgated. She was bitterly disappointed at
what her brother had done. Taking advantage of the vexation felt by
many in the community at the various developments of royal prerogative, she sent for R. W. Wilcox to head a revolution, with the idea
that Kalakaua would be compelled to abdicate and she would be
placed upon the throne. But this scheme failed.
When she became Queen the first act was one to disappoint those
who were ready to support a constitutional monarchial government
with a responsible ministry approved by the Legislature. She claimed
the privilege of nominating her own cabinet. The point was yielded,
but the Legislature prorogued January 14, 1893, was of such a complexion and so manipulated that there was constant friction between the
Queen's adherents and the supporters of representative constitutional
government. Yet forbearance was exercised again and again; hopes
were cherished in spite of convictions to the contrary from evident
tendencies and attempts. These culminated in the transactions of
January 10-17, with which you are familiar from the published statements.
The point to which I wish to call your attention is this, that the
political system under which thus far Hawaiian affairs have been
managed is utterly unfitted for the present changed conditions. It
answered fairly well under the Kamehamehas. But the last Kamehameha (though older than his brother Kamehameha IV and passed by
in Kamehameha III's election of his successor, because of personal
unfitness) was restive under constitutional limitations and arbitrarily
set aside the constitution under which he was appointed. The native
element in the population at that time was too dominant an element to
be successfully resisted.
Now, business and commerce have brought to these islands so large a
foreign element that their interests are virtually the controlling element,
politically and socially. But while they are the controlling element,
and that fact can not be gainsaid, there has not ever been, nor is there
now, so far as I am able to judge, any disposition to do any injustice to
the natives. The present movement has been under the management
of those who are and always have been the best friends of the natives,
and in seeking to secure and support their own rights they seek and
secure the true rights and the highest interests of the native population.
The organization of a con stitutional government originated in the desire
of the chiefs for a more stable tenure of property titles than simply the
pleasure of the sovereign. When attempts to secure from abroad competent persons for this work had repeatedly failed, the American missionaried were requested to aid in this work. Interested in all that
concerned the welfare of the Hawaiian people, they consented, but first
resigned their commissions as missionaries of the American Board.
They sought no emoluments for themselves nor their families, and the
records of those days show how faithfully, tirelessly, self-sacrificingly
they discharged the duties of their new and responsible positions, which




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1633
no one then would have taken up with all their disabilities except those
intent with all singleness of purpose in elevating and sustaining a
Christian nation here.
In 1870 the American Board withdrew from all supervision of the work
here. Other influences have come to the front witl the opening of commerce from the Pacific coast States. How intimate those relations have
come to be, the statistical reports will show. Permit me to allude, in
closing, to the changed social condition of the Hawaiian people. It is
often asserted that a fundamental mistake was made in mission work
by not (from the very outset) instructing the people in the English
language. But those who take that view are persons who do not stop to
think under what different conditions mission work was begun seventy
years ago. English text-books and teachers were impossibilities then;
they are not yet the great success which had been hoped, when the
experiment was begun in 1876 of making English the medium of instruction in the Government schools. There are no pure Hawaiians at this
day, so far as I know, who have been instructed in these Government
schools who would be considered promising candidates to be trained
for a collegiate course.
In all my intercourse with young Hawaiians I have met only one
whom I would call worthy the name of a student, capable of abstruse
thought, the study of principles, the acquisition of scientific or philosophical methods. Hawaiian is still the language of the Legislature
and the judiciary, and every biennial period the attempt is made to
make the Hawaiian, not the English language, the authoritative
language of the statute book. The Americanization of the islands will
necessitate the use of the English language only as the language of
business, of politics, of education, of church service; and open the wide
field of English literature to a people who have only poorly edited
newspapers and a meager number of very rudimentary manuals as
their text-books in science, or their highest attainments in culture.
The desire for official position without proper fitness for it is an element to the great disadvantage of the Hawaiian. Money thus easily
made is foolishly as well as quickly spent for momentary enjoyments.
Young people ruin themselves, their lives, their property, their families,
in sensual enjoyments, and it is almost impossible to train them to
habits of industry, thrift, forethought under the t  emptations about
them to vice, idleness, extravagance. When Rev. Mr. Kuaea was made
minister of finance, with every bank note he signed, he delighted in
saying "How rich I am making this country."
In changing the political system of the country there is no abandonment of the original idea of the American mission, nor any betrayal of its
high aims. I came here at the expense of the American board. To kind
friends among the foreign residents I am indebted for the comfortablenot luxurious-home their hospitality has provided for an overburdened
worker interested in everything that concerns the welfare of the community.
I have shirked no responsibility nor any burden of toil and care in
doing all I could for the Hawaiian people. They have at times misinterpreted my actions, but they have never doubted the sincerity of my
purposes, nor withheld their expressions of appreciation and approval.
They may have expected too much, but they have always been ready
to listen to any words of advice or warning I have had occasion to
utter. It is as natural for them to follow a leader whom they think
they can trust as for an Anglo-Saxon to take his stand independently
whether others come to his support or not. They have not yet learned
S. Rep. 227  103




1634                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
the rudimentary principles of government and independent citizen.
ship. Their lawyers can not grasp the details nor the generalizations
that are necessary for the successful advocate or judge. Their ministers in our Christian churches may know how to shepherd the flocks in
pastures, fenced and barred; but to beat off cunning and fierce
destroyers they need other qualifications than a kindly spirit and a
devoted attachment. There is no educated physician of native race in
practice of his profession at the islands. There is no artisan, nor
mechanic, nor trader in business for himself. As masters of the smaller
coasting craft they have risen higher above their fellows and done
better for their employers than in any other line of business.
It will take time and patience and devotion to righteousness and
truth as well as genuine sympathy to uplift and adopt and then to
adapt American political system to this community, but I believe that
the foregoing statement of facts will show that it is, in the line of past
procedure, the only hopeful way out of present difficulties, a necessity
and an urgency.
We, who have lived some length of time in the country, know the
weaknesses of the Hawaiian race, as well as their many excellent characteristics. The evidences that have shown such weaknesses are
cumulative. The incidents that have developed such weaknesses, have
not often been made matters of record and so can not at a moment's
notice be recalled to substantiate such statements as might be made in
regard to the unfitness of the Hawaiians for such predominance, politically and socially, as has hitherto been accorded to them.
Here is one incident of recent occurrences: The acting pastor of a
church on Maui found that the Sunday-school superintendent was
drinking heavily of sweet-potato beer and was often drank.  He
brought the case before the deacons, but they decided that they would
do nothing about it, for two reasons assigned: (1) Sweet-potato beer
was the common food of the people; (2) drunkenness was so common
that it could not be treated as an offense. Thereupon the pastor on
the succeeding Sunday proceeded to read a long proclamation after
the fashion set by the Provincial Government, deposing the Sundayschool superintendent for reasons assigned, as unworthy of his official
position.
The people of Kaumakapili church in this city who do not like the
well-known opposition of their pastor to the late Queen and her misrule presented a petition for his removal. The chief reason assigned
was that they had not paid him his salary in full for the last two years,
and this violation of their contract they acknowledged and made it the
basis of their petition that he should be removed from the pastorate.
You will find that such is the childishness of this people, only two
generations removed from lowest barbarism and heathenism, that the
working of the political system is utterly unreliable. If voting is their
privilege, it is sufficient to pose as a special friend of Hawaiian prejudices
to secure an overwhelming majority for any such partisan. No matter
how many times he may have deceived them, any demagogue who will
promise whatever they may foplishly desire at the moment is the one
whom they will follow. In this desire to perpetuate what is Hawaiian,
and make that predominant, they are easily led to go back to heathen
practices and ideas. To break up this tendency, for their own best
welfare I know nothing better than to Americanize the political system.
They will then be free to choose what is for their best good, not bound
to cling to what is old and effete.
Social regeneration is as necessary as individual regeneration to




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1635
Christianize a nation. The individual instances of Christian character have not had for the last twenty years the environment favorable
for any legitimate and proper development; and this has been largely
owing to the political system. Instead of simply saying that the
King's advisers, not the King, would be held responsible for mistakes
in political management, the old constitution positively asserted that
the King is not amenable to law. It was too much like the old
Hawaiian idea of autocratic rule, limited only by fear of assassination.
To get rid of the spirit of submissiveness to despotic authority, and
substitute for it the Christian principle of obedience to righteous rule,
is absolutely essential to the proper development of the national and
individual life.
The old system will not work in its want of adaptation to the present
civilization of the country. We can not trust business interests to the
decision of a Hawaiian jury. In the management of the Kamehameha
estate, of which I speak from personal knowledge as one of the trustees
under the will of the late Mrs. C. R. Bishop, we are forced to put up
with an inefficient administration of much of the property, because
no Hawaiian jury would be likely to give us a verdict according to the
law and evidence. Take what occurred at the last session of the circuit
court in Kau. A Hawaiian jury brought in a verdict standing 10 to 2.
The judge said that it was proper; according to the law 9 to 3, would
be accepted as valid. On the next case, when the jury came to a
decision they were unanimous. But some sapient juror remarked that
the judge had just said a verdict of 9 to 3 was valid, so they talked and
talked till finally three jurors changed their votes, and then their verdict was reported to the judge.
In the change of the political system, that seems to me now unavoidable and imperative, I see no other first step than annexation. Then
let other matters be made the subject of careful consideration. We
can not go on any longer under the old political system. I had hoped
that we could. I did not believe annexation was wise or expedient, and
have always said so to Mr. Stevens, whose views of the situation here
had convinced him of the immediate necessity of such a step. The
Queen did not show out her true character fully until the last week of
the last parliamentary session. The logic of events has forced me to
the conclusion that the old political system can not be made to work
satisfactorily or endurably even any longer. In seeking for a political system that will meet the requirements of the case, I see nothing
better than immediate annexation. That will settle forever many
things that now militate against the stability of any political system
for the islands as the people are now. Other political questions must
be left for future deliberation.
I think that intelligent Hawaiians, who have at heart the best interests of the country and the people, are very generally of that opinion.
Give us annexation, and plans will be at once pushed for such a development of the country as can not be even thought of under any other
circumstances. Talk about a protectorate is idle. We have had enough
of legal fictions. The institutions and connections of the country are
mainly American. Let us have the name, as well as the appearance;
the real power as well as the nominal acquiescence, and the Hawaiians
will accept the situation. They will have to make the best of it, whatever may be decided upon for them. The best thing for the whole-people is now to make American citizens of themselves as fast as they can.
Those who know that they are aiming at the highest possible ideal can
afford to wait with patience for its realization. The overthrow of an




1636                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
obstructive and ruinous social and political system is the best preparation for the spread of the Gospel of Christ, and the enjoyments of its
privileges and blessings.
Yours respectfully,
C. M. HYDE.
NORTH PACIFIC MISSIONARY INSTITUTE.
No. 27.
Statement by Col. C. P. Jaukea, late of Her Majesty's personal staff.
On arriving at the palace shortly after the landing of the United
States forces, I found Her Majesty's household in a state of nervous
excitement. The Queen, although calm and collected, showed signs of
uneasiness. This feeling soon increased to one of grave alarm and
apprehension when, a few minutes later, the troops were seen moving in
the direction of the palace, and, without warning, immediately take
a position a short distance from, and in full view of, the palace and
Government building.
This unexpected show of force right under the palace walls deeply
impressed Her Majesty; and when on the day following the United
States forces were seen encamped in the Arion Hall, adjoining the
Government building premises, and commanding the palace, it at once
became evident that they were landed for some other purpose than
the protection of life and property.
When therefore during the afternoon of the same day the revolutionists took possession of the Government building no resistance was
offered by the Queen's forces, it being impossible to successfully resist
them without precipitating a conflict with the United States forces.
C. P. JAUKEA,
Late of Her Majesty's Personal Staf.
No. 28.
Interview with Chief Justice A. tF. Judd, Honolulu, May 16, 1893.
Q. Please state where you were born.
A. In Honolulu, January 7, 1838.
Q. Has this always been your home?
A. With the exception of four years in the United States, two at
Yale and the other two at Harvard law school, and on occasional
visits to the States and a trip to Europe. I entered the practice of
law in this country in 1864, and was elected twice to the Legislaturein 1868 from South Kona, Hawaii, and again for Honolulu in 1870, and
in 1873 I was appointed attorney-general by Lunalilo, and on his death
in 1874, on the election of Kalakaua, I went onto the bench as associate justice of the supreme court. I continued on the bench until
now, having held different positions. I took the position of first associate justice in 1877, and was appointed chief justice in 1881. I have
been in judicial life since my first appointment as judge in February,
1874, and have had my office in the Government building during all
that time, and am somewhat familiar with political changes that have
taken place,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,                 1637
Q. How were your judges selected prior to the constitution of 1887 
A. They were appointed.
Q. How selected prior to 1887?
A. They were appointed by the King. The supreme judges have
always been appointed in that way, and, whatever has happened to this
country, I think the sovereigns have always aimed to give us good men
as judges.
Q. Who did Kalakaua appoint first as judges?
A. Judge Allen was chief justice under a former appointment-he
being in the United States at the time of Kalakaua's election, of course
was merely continued in office. The other judges were Hartwell and
Widemann. Hartwell was appointed attorney-general and Widemann
as minister of the interior. Judge Harris was then made first associate justice and I second associate justice.
Q. None of these were men of native blood?
A. None.
Q. Were they men of substantial character I
A. Yes; all of them. We have had two judges of native blood on
the bench.
Q. Appointed by whom?
A. By Kamehameha III and Kamehameha V. The first was Judge
Ii. He was a pure native. The other judge of native blood was R.
G. Davis. He was half-white.
Q. How was your Legislature made up prior to the constitution of
1887?
A. It consisted of one body-nobles appointed by the Crown and
representatives elected by the people.
Q. How many nobles?
A. Twenty.
Q. How many representatives?
A. It seems to me twenty-four-perhaps twenty-six-I do not know
positively.
Q. The number of representatives exceeded the number of nobles
prior to 1887?
A. I do not remember, but I think so.
Q. How were nobles selected?
A. Appointed by the King on nomination by the cabinet.
Q. And the representatives were
A. Elected by the people.
Q. What suffrage qualification had you?
A. Under the constitution of 1852 there was no property qualification. The Legislature consisted of two houses that sat separately.
King Kamehameha V refused to take the oath to that constitution
when he took the throne in the fall of 1863, and he called a convention
of delegates to revise the constitution, with the purpose of limiting the
power of the people and strengthening his own prerogatives. I was secretary in that convention, and after a very warm discussion the King
was unable to agree with the delegates as to the measure of that property qualification. He then dismissed the convention and proclaimed
the constitution of 1864, which prescribed a small property qualification for voters.
Q. What was the amount of that property qualification?
A. Two hundred and fifty dollars a year, I think.
Q. Was that property qualification for voters the main point on
which the King and the convention disagreed?
A. It was.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Q. Prior to that there was no property qualification?
A. No.
Q. This constitution of 1864 then came by virtue of a proclamation
of the King?
A. It did. The people acquiesced in it after awhile, and, although
there was a good deal of dissatisfaction felt, the people voted under it
and agreed to it, and a good many believed that it was wise-that is,
making the Legislature of one house and not of two.
Q. Prior to the constitution of 1864 how were nobles appointed?
A. By the King.
Q. What support had the King in reducing the franchise of the
native population of the islands?
A. He had the support of his cabinet, and I think that is about all.
Q. What was the disposition of the more intelligent people here?
A. They considered it very arbitrary. The King at that time was
very much opposed to the growth of American influence and republican ideas. He was very bitterly opposed to the influence of the Americans, and especially American missionaries. His aim was to strengthen
the royal prerogatives.
Q. But if he cut off the number of native votes by property qualifications would he accomplish any addition to his strength?
A. He had one house then only, and there could be no negative
action on any affirmative action of his. It was not necessary for him
to have a majority of each house.
Q. Were the bodies equal in number?
A. I think not; I think the representative body was larger. It
was proportioned according to the population of the districts.
Q. Under the constitution of 1864 did you have a property qualification?
A. We did for a.while.
Q. How long?
A. For several elections. It was finally eradicated by amendments
to the constitution.
Q. In what year?
A. I can only speak from memory, but certainly before 1870, but I
certainly can not say without reference to books.
Q. How was that brought about? What state of opinion brought
that about?
A. It was mainly the feeling that this was an encroachment. Public
sentiment did not feel the necessity for it. Demagogism was then not
prevalent. I think the H awaiians voted better then than they do now.
That is, demoralizing influences had not set in.
Q. At that time, I suppose, it was somewhat of a struggle between
the King and the people 1
A. Yes, precisely.
Q. And they were attempting to recover a part of the power they
had lost under that constitution?
A. Yes.
Q. I see in the compilation of your laws, page 220, section 780, the
following:
For the island of Hawaii, eight, that is to say:
One for the district of North Kona, beginning at and including Keahualono, and
extending to and including Puuohao; one for the district of South Kona, beginning
at Puuohao and extending to and including Kaheawai.
One for the district of Kau.
One for the district of Puna.
Two for the district of Hilo.




ITAWAIIAN ISLANDS,


1639


One for the district of Hamakna.
One for the district of Kohala.
For the island of Maui, seven, that is to say, two for the district conposed o'
Lahaina, Ukumehame, and Kahoolawe.
One for the district composed of Kahakuloa and Kaanapali.
One for the district beginning with and including Waihee and extending to and
including Honuaula.
One for the district beginning with and including Kahikinui and extending to and
including Koolau.
One for the district beginning with and including Hamakualoa and extending to
and including Kula.
Two for the districts composing the Islands of Molokai and Lanai.
For the island of Oahu, eight, that is to say: Four for the district of Honolulu,
beginning with and including Maunalua, and extending to and including Moanalua.
And one for the district composed of Ewa and Waianae.
One for the district of Waialua.
One for the district of Koolauloa.
One for the district of Koolaupoko.
For the island of Kauai, three, that is to say: One for the district of Waimea, beginning with and including Nualolo and extending to and including Hanapepe, and
also including the island of Niihau.
One for the district of Puna, beginning with and including Wahiawa, and extending to and including Wailua.
One for the district of Hanalci, beginning with and including Kapaa, and extending to and including Awa-awa-puhi.
Please say how may representatives you had under that?
A. Twenty-six.
Q. When was that established?
A. There have been laws of this character altered little by little, but
a law of this general character has been in existence from very early
times-that is from 1852. There would be occasional changes, adding
one representative to one district and taking one away possibly from
another district.
Q. I ask your attention to section 774 of your compilation of laws:
The house of representatives shall be composed of not less than twenty-four nor
more than forty members, who shall be elected biennially.
Prior to 1887 you had in a legislative body twenty-six representatives e
A. Yes.
Q. Was it ever larger than that?
A. I think not.
Q. That gave them a popular element in the Legislature —a majority
over the power of the King as represented in the nobles?
A. That is the way it was generally exercised. The King never
appointed his full number.
Q. But the constitution itself provided that he might appoint thirty
and that the representatives might be forty?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. The fact was he generally appointed twenty, and the representatives were twenty-six?
A. Yes.
Q. So that there remained from this an excess of political power in
the representatives in the legislative body as against the Crown?
A. That is true; but they rarely ever d;vided on that issue-nobles
on one side and representatives on the other. Some of our best legislation was accomplished through the nobles. They were excellent men.
Q. What class of men generally?
A. Such men as Mr. C. R. Bishop, S. G. Wilder, and Mr. Dowsett.
They were appointed by Lunalilo, who filled up the body to twenty.
Q. Were they generally appointed from the class of men who repre



1640


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


sented the intelligence and wealth and morality of the community or
not?
A. In those days they were nominated to the King by his cabinet,
and they were representative of the property of this Kingdom, combining also a fair representation of character and intelligence, until the
middle of Kalakaua's reign, when, as vacancies occurred, he would
appoint natives generally who did not have these characteristics of
wealth, character, and intelligence.
Q. How was a ministry appointed and removed?
A. Under every constitution prior to 1887 the ministers were
appointed by the King and removed by him; but until Kalakaua's reign
it was a very rare thing that any King changed his ministry. They
had a pretty long lease of political life. My father was minister for
nine or ten years, and Mr. Wyllie for a longer period. It was a very
rare political occurrence, and made a great sensation when a change
was made. Under Kalakaua things were different; I think we had
twenty-six different cabinets during his reign.
Q. How long was his reign?
A. From 1874 to 1891.
Q. What were the property qualifications of electors prior to 1887?
A. None-no property qualification.
Q. They had to be 20 years of age, and to be able to read and write?
A. If born since 1840 they had to be able to read and write, but this
test was rarely applied. If born before that there was no qualification
at all.
Q. Under the constitution of 1887 the same qualification of an elector for representative was continued?
A. Yes; substantially the same.
Q. Was there any very considerable change in the matter of the
qualification of a voter for representative under the constitution of
1887 in the matter of allowing foreigners to vote?
A. There was.
Q. Please state it.
A. Previous to that time only citizens could vote; that is, native
born or naturalized, or those who had received letters of denization.
The constitution of 1887 allowed all residents, if they had those qualifications, excepting Asiatics, and they were not allowed to vote, even
those who were citizens by naturalization.
Q. Did that cover the Portuguese element?
A. We allowed Portuguese to vote.
Q. Then the races that were excluded under that from the privilege
of voting were the Chinese and the Japanese?
A. Yes.
Q. How about the qualifications to read and write for that class of
voters-I mean the Portuguese, Americans, and Europeans who were
allowved to vote? Did the qualifications as to reading and writing apply
to them? 
A. It did.
Q. Were there many Portuguese then voting under the constitution
of 1887?
A. A good many voted. Not having the statistics before me I can
not say what proportion.
Q. Under that constitution of 1887 were the number of nobles and
representatives the same?
A. Exactly the same-twenty-four nobles and twenty-four representatives.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1641


Q. The cabinet was appointed by the Crown 
A. Yes.
Q. And how removable?
A. Only by vote of want of confidence passed by a majority of elected
members.
Q. What was the character of the increased power of the cabinet
under the constitution of 1887 over that of 1864 
A. It made the ministerial responsibility clearer, I think, than it
existed under the constitution of 1864.
Q. In what way was it made clearer?
A. By express provision after 1887, if I mistake not, saying that
whenever any act was to be done by the sovereign it was to be done
by and with the advice of the cabinet. That the supreme court has
held to be the advice of a majority of the cabinet.
Q. Would that be so in the matter of the exercise of the veto power?
A. We thought not. That is, the justices of the supreme court
thought not. Under the constitution, which made the legislative
power consist of the King and the legislature, we felt that this act in
approving or vetoing a bill was a legislative and not an executive act.
Q. What did the word signify, then, in relation to the power that the
King could only do it with the advice of the cabinet?
A. We construed that power of the King which could only be exercised through the ministry as applying solely to executive and not to
legislative acts.
Q. He could do nothing, then, without the sanction of a majority of
the cabinet in the matter of administration?
A. No, siy.
Q. A single member of the cabinet would not answer?
A. No, sir. The Thurston ministry broke up on that principle, Ashford advising the King, contrary to the advice of the supreme court,
that he was not bound to act unless all the members of the cabinet
advised a certain measure. That led to a serious difference in the
cabinet, which resulted in breaking it up.
Q. The court held that it required a majority?
A. Yes.
Q. Which Ashford was that?
A. C. W. Ashford. After his return from Canada he seemed to be
very much changed,
Q. Your house of nobles was equal in number to the representatives. What was the qualification of an elector for nobles?
A. The property qualification was an income of $600 a year, or unincumbered real property of the value of $3,000. We held that where a
man was paid wages and his board that his board was not to be included; that he must have a clear income of $600.
Q. I wish to ask you the reason for these changes-what they were
intended to accomplish-and I wish to ask you because of your high
official position as chief justice and because of your high character?
A. The main grievance was this: The Legislature was composed of
officeholders. I mean the representatives prior to 1887. The district
justice, nominated by the governor of each island, would use his judicial
influence by making it very easy with the offenses of the people. The
same thing was true of deputy sheriffs, tax assessors, tax collectors,
and all minor officials. When once in the Legislature they could be
very easily controlled either by threats of withdrawing the offices from
them, or by promises of other offices. As was well expressed by Mr.
Gibson, who was premier at one time, the King was the larger part of the




IIAWAItAI         MSLANIA.


Legislature. That is, his influence exerted through these agents
became paramount. He could accomplish, against his ministry even,
almost any measure he chose.
Q. Did he appoint all these officers to which you referred?
A. Not directly, but the governors, being appointed for four years,
and being his favorites, would appoint any officials he suggested, and as
a matter of fact Kalakaua nominated, directly or indirectly, the mass of
the officials in this country.
Q. Do you mean to say that by the appointment of governors who
were personal friends of his there came to be appointments of subordinate officers who were in sympathy with the King in his political
views and his general wishes?
A. I do. and more especially to carry out the money votes which he
was very eager for in order to pay his debts, the expenses of his tour
abroad, of his coronation, of the military embassy to Samoa, and other
extravagances which every respectable person thought very unwise.
I recommended in my report to the Legislature a change in this
respect, i. e., in the qualifications of candidates to the Legislature,
excluding judges, etc. Another cause, hardly second in importance,
was the matter of the removal of ministries. I have said that up to
that time there had been twenty-six changes of cabinets. It had
unsettled the community so greatly and gave opportunity for what is
called "backstairs cabinets" by adventurers and others that there
was very little stability in the Government. It was almost impossible
for any ministry to carry out any settled policy, certainly any policy
that did not please the King.
Q. You changed the constitution so as to guard against that improper mode of the appointment of inferior officers t
A. It forbade any person being appointed to office during the whole
time for which he was elected, and also forbade the election of anybody who held any office under the Government.
Q. Then you cut off that power of the King in the use of his
patronage?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. As to the appointment of nobles, the idea was to take that away
from him?
A. The nobles were elected by what was supposed to be the wealthy
and influential class.
Q. That was taken away from the King and placed among the
wealthy and influential classes?
A. Yes, so that they could have representation in the Legislature.
Q. Under that a minority of the natives only could vote for noblest
A. Only a minority of them could vote; it gave them great dissatisfaction.
Q. Any other changes of consequence?
A. I think not.
Q. You say this new manner of selecting nobles gave the natives
great dissatisfaction?
A. It did. The first election held under the constitution was yery
satisfactory. The natives voted well. Good men were elected. Then
they were told that the white people had advantages, by reason of
their wealth, over them, and this idea at election time, that they were
put in an inferior position, was always forced upon them.
Q. Will you be kind enough to state how this new constitution was
established?
A. The two events which brought this matter to a culminating point




HAWAItAN ISLANDS.                  1648
were (1) the opium steal of $71,000, by which a Chinamai named Aki
was made by the King to pay him a bribe of $71,000 of hard coin in
order to obtain the exclusive franchise for selling opium, and (2) the
expense of the expedition to Samoa in the Kaimiloa. A secret league
was formed all over the islands, the result of which was, the King
was asked to promulgate a new constitution containing those provisions that I have before alluded to. It was very adroitly managed by
the Ashfords, and more especially by V. V. Ashford, who obtained the
confidence of the King and Mr. Gibson. He was the colonel of the
rifles, and he assured them that if he was paid a certain sum of money
and made minister to Canada that he would arrange it so that the
movement would be futile.
Q. How was he to do that?
A. By preventing the use of the military I suppose. And he
arranged with the military authorities and Capt. Haley that they
should be called out to preserve public order, although it was this large
and well-drilled force which made the King fear that if he did not yield
things would be very critical for him.
Q. Was that a Government force?
A. It was organized under the laws.
Q. A volunteer organization?
A. Yes.
Q. So that the men in sympathy with the movement of this secret
league went into it and constituted it under form of law?
A. Of course I do not know what was told the King privately, but I
know that he felt it would be very dangerous to refuse to promulgate
the new constitution. I have no doubt that a great many things were
circulated which came to his ears in the way of threats that were
unfounded.
Q. What was the outside manifestation?
A. One great feature of it was its secrecy. The King was frightened
at this secrecy. It was very well managed. The judges of the
supreme court were not told of it until just before the event took place.
I think it was the 2d or 3d of July, 1887.
Q. Was there then a mass meeting?
A. There was a large mass meeting held, and a set of resolutions was
presented to the King, requiring that a new ministry be formed, by Mr.
W. L. Green and one other person whose name I have forgotten.
Q. Was there any display of force?
A. The Honolulu Rifles were in detachments marched about in different portions of the town, having been called out by the legal military
authorities.
Q. Who were the legal military authorities?
A. The governor of the island, Dominis, and Capt H. Burrill-Haley,
the adjutant-general.
Q. Were they in sympathy with the movement?
A. No, sir; the officers of the corps were in sympathy with the movement.
Q. Who were they?
A. Ashford and Hebbard; I do not remember all.
Q. Did the governor order them out, not knowing of this state of
things?
A. I think he did. I think he knew it; but it was to prevent as I
believe, something worse happening. As I said, there were threats
made.
Q. Of what sort?




1644                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
A. I understood that at one time there was a very strong feeling
that the King should be forced to abdicate altogether, and it was only
the more conservative men born here who said that the King and the
Hawaiians should have another opportunity.
Q. Were there not two elements in that movement, one for a republic and the other for restraining the power of the King?
A. Yes.
Q. Were there not two forces in this movement cooperating together
up to a certain point, to wit: those who were in favor of restraining the
King by virtue of the provisions of the constitution of 1887, and those
who were in favor of dethroning the King and establishing a republic?
A. I understand that there were, and that the more conservative
view prevailed.
Q. And the men who were in favor of a republic were discontented
at the outcome?
A. They were, and they didn't want the Hawaiians to vote at all; and
the reason that the Portuguese were allowed to vote was to balance
the native vote.
Q. Whose idea was that, was that the idea of the men who made the
new constitution 
A. Of the men who made the new constitution.
Q. It was to balance the native vote with the Portuguese vote?
A. That was the idea.
Q. And that would throw the political power into the hands of the
intelligence and wealth of the country?
A. That was the aim.
Q. How was this military used?
A. It was put about in squads over the city.
Q. The officers of the corps were really in favor of the movement for
the new constitution, and were called out by Governor Dominis to preserve order 
A. Yes. After the affair was over he was thanked by a military
order from headquarters.
Q. Do you suppose he was gratified with thanks, under the circumstances?
A. Haley said to me when he showed me the order, ' It is a little
funny to thank a man who kicked you out, but I suppose I've got to
do it."
Q. The King acceded to the demand for a new constitution and of a
cabinet of given character?
A. In the first place he acceded to the proposition to make a new
cabinet named by Mr. Green. The former cabinet, consisting of Mr.
Gibson and three Hawaiians, had just resigned a day or two before. In
three or four days the cabinet waited upon him with the constitution.
Q. What cabinet?
A. The cabinet, consisting of Mr. Green, minister of foreign affairs; Mr. Thurston, minister of the interior; Mr. C. W. Ashford, attorney-general, and Mr. Godfrey Brown, minister of finance. I was
sent for in the afternoon of July 5, to swear the King to the constitution. When I reached the palace they were all there, and the King
asked me in Hawaiian whether hehad better sign it or not. I said "You
must follow the advice of your responsible ministers." He signed it.
Q. This ministry had been appointed as the result of the demand of
the mass meeting?
A. Yes, sir.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1645


Q. And then, having been appointed, they presented him with the
constitution of 1887?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. And he signed it?
A. He did.
Q. Was that constitution ever submitted to a popular vote for ratification 
A. No; it was not. There was no direct vote ratifying the constitution, but its provisions requiring that no one should vote unless he had
taken an oath to support it, and a large number voted at that first
election, was considered a virtual ratification of the constitution.
Q. If they voted at all they were considered as accepting it?
A. Yes, sir. I do not think any large number refused to take the
oath to it.
Q. It was not contemplated by the mass meeting, nor the cabinet,
nor anybody in power, to submit the matter of ratification at all 
A. No; it was not. It was considered a revolution. It was a successful revolutionary act.
Q. And therefore was not submitted to a popular vote for ratification t
A. Yes, sir. It had mischievous effects in encouraging the Wilcox
revolution of 1889, which was unsuccessful. I think it was a bad precedent, only the exigencies of the occasion seemed to demand it.
Q. Was there discontent with that constitution on the part of Kalakaua? Was he ever satisfied with it?
A. He was very skillful in concealing his views. I do not think he
was satisfied with it.
Q. Was the ex-Queen ever satisfied with it?
A. I think much less satisfied with it than he was, and commenced
movements against it even before her brother died-while she was
princess. From my intimate acquaintance with her, I knew that she
ran away with the idea that she was Queen only of the native Hawaiians
and not of the whites, even though born here.
Q. Have the natives as a race been discontented with these changes 
A. As shown in their public utterances in the Legislature, at election times, and through their native newspapers, I should say yes; but
from my acquaintance with them personally, I am unable to see that
it has worked to their injury, and I do not see evidences of their dissatisfaction.
Q. Were they in this secret league to which you had made reference?
A. I think there was only one person of mixed blood in the league.
Q. Did your politics take on anything of a racial form at any time;
if so, when?
A. Occasionally a native in the Legislature would lose his head and
say severe things against the whites as a class. It is generally frowned
down upon by the most respectable of the natives and the foreigners.
It has, however, been made a much more prominent feature in politics
of late.
Q. Did Gibson use that race feeling to obtain power, and to maintain himself in it?
A. He did; and he also used flattery to the King to exalt his position. He fostered in the King's mind the idea of proclaiming himself
emperor of the Pacific in connection with the Samoan affair.
Q. But in dealing with the natives in the matter of suffrage did he
play on the matter of race feeling?




1646                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
A. Somewhat. His emissaries generally looked to other meansgin among them.
Q. Was he in the habit of abusing the whites, those who are called
missionaries?
A. Yes; the first mischief he did was in thwarting the treaty of
reciprocity.
Q. In what year was that?
A. In 1873.
Q. Before Kalakaua was King?
A. Yes; and the ministry of which I was a member, Mr. Bishop being
leader, owing to the fact that King Lunalilo was in consumption, felt
that it was prudent to abandon it.
Q. You were going to speak of race feeling in regard to politics?
A. It has been almost impossible to elect any kind of a decent white
man in Honolulu for many years.
Q. Why?
A. I once had a conversation with a very prominent native and
asked him why they never succeeded in electing a good white man in
Honolulu. He said:
The man whom you regard as the best man the natives oppose just because you
want him elected.
Q. I suppose you were not with the committee of safety during the
late revolution?
A. I was not informed of any of their proceedings. They kept me
out.
Q. Did you know that a constitution was going to be proclaimed in
1893 before it was done?
A. I had heard hints during some years before that the Queen was
anxious to proclaim a new constitution, but I did not hear of her present intention until the morning of Saturday. Shortly before the prorogation, at 10 o'clock in the morning, a gentleman told me that
immediately after the prorogation Mr. William White, the lottery
advocate in the Legislature, was going to the palace with a large number of people and that the Queen was going to proclaim a new constitution. I mentioned it to my associates on the bench. They didn't
credit it. I mentioned it to a few others, among them the French
consul. It disturbed me very much. Immediately the Legislature was
prorogued I looked out from the balcony and saw a large number
of natives dressed in black and wearing beaver hats marching over to
the palace with banners and carrying a parcel.
I said to myself that is the new constitution. Being invited by the
chamberlain to go over there, which is customary after prorogation, I
urged my associates to accompany me. Judge Dole had an engagement and could not go. Judge Bickerton and I ment over. We
stayed until 4 o'clock and saw the whole thing, except we were not
in the private room with the Queen when she had her ministry there.
The speech that she made, when she said she had designed to promulgate a new constitution but had met with obstacles and was prevented
for the present, I wrote from memory. She said it in Hawaiian. I went
home that evening, wrote it down from memory, and furnished it to the
press.
Q. What was the point of it?
A. She was under great emotion. I never saw her in such a state
of agitation. At the same time she controlled herself. It was really a
magnificent spectacle. She said she hadlistened to thousands of voices
demanding a change in the constitution-demanding a new constitu



HAWCAIIAN ISLANDS.


1647


tion-andshe thoughttheopportunemomenthadcome. The constitution
was very defective, and she turned around to defer to me as her witness, because I had had occasion so often to construe it. She had prepared a new constitution which she thought would meet the purposes required and would please the people; but she said with great
sorrow: " I am obliged to tell you that I can not do it now. I have
met with obstacles, but I ask you to go home; continue to love me, and
I will continue to love you, and in a few days you will have your wishes
gratified."7 Immediately a member of the Legislature, the throne room
being full of the Hui Kalaiainas, turned around and said: "'What
shall we do with these men whoprevent the gratification of our wishesS"
meaning the ministry. We hushed him up; told him to keep quiet,
and I left the palace.
Q. What do you suppose she meant that in a few days they would
be gratified?
A. She hoped to overcome the objections of her cabinet. Parker
told me that the reason he stayed by her without leaving her all
that afternoon was that he was afraid she would break away from the
cabinet, go out on the balcony, and say to the people: " The ministers
won't approve it, and my chief justice won't swear me to it. Here is
your constitution. Now look out for these men." We stayed there
not under any physical compulsion. I sent in two messages by the
chamberlain asking to be excused, but she sent word asking me to
remain. Evidently she expected that thing done then and there. Mr.
Wilson, the marshal, was in a great state of excitement, and told me
that he had been fighting the battle alone all the morning with her, and
wanted me to go in and use my influence to prevent her from doing it.
I said that if the Queen asked me to come into her council I should be
glad to do it, but I could not swear her to the new constitution.
Q. Have you any personal knowledge of improper relations between 
Wilson and the ex-Queen 
A. I know this as a fact, that when the supreme court decided that
on the death of Kalakaua she could require the resignation of the cabinet appointed by him and could appoint her own cabinet, that she
made three conditions with the new cabinet, and one of these conditions was such that Mr. Peterson would not consent to resume office
under her. The three conditions were these: That Wilson was to be
marshal, a native boy named Joe Aea was to be made turnkey of the
prison, and that Wundenberg was to be dismissed as postmaster-general. Wundenberg had dismissed Henry Poor from a clerkship in the
post-office, whose mother, living on Emma street, was a very strong
friend of the Queen.
They were schoolmates together with me, and she, Mrs. Poor, is in
charge of two boys. One of the boys is Dominis's own son by a woman
named Mary Purdy. She is married to the messenger of the foreign
office, named Kamiki, and the other child is a son of Joe Aea, and
rumor says it is the Queen's own child. I do not know whether it is
the Queen's child or a child of Aea's wife. I got it from Kamiki, who
was deprived of the service of his wife from being Dominis's mistress.
When Dominis died he died with one hand in the hands of the Queen
and the other in Mary Purdy's hands. On one occasion I went to her
about the morality of the palace, and she professed to me to be in favor of
religion and morality. I went to her on account of a great deal of scandal in regard to the character of the palace invitations.
Q. Did Wilson live in the bungalow]
A. Yes.
~ 




1648                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Q. And when she went back to Washington Place he always had a
cottage there?
A. Yes.
Q. He was marshal?
A. Yes; he had been clerk of the waterworks before that.
Q. Judge, you have a good many races of people here. Could you
establish stable government here on the basis of a qualification that
they should read and write the English language?
A. That would limit the number qualified to vote very much. It
would exclude nearly all the old Hawaiians. It would exclude the
Portuguese, except the younger class that have been to school here,
and, of course, the younger Hawaiians, who are now taught English
exclusively.
Q. What would be the proportion between the white and native
vote, putting the English test?
A. I can not say.
Q. Would it leave the native vote in excess or not?
A. I think it would.
Q. Now, on the basis of reading and writing English, could you
establish a permanent form of government?
A. I doubt it very much.
Q. Could it maintain a government such as obtains in the States of
the United States-New York, for instance 
A. It depends upon the character of the imperial government over it.
Q. What do you mean?
A. I mean that a republic of our own would not be at all successful.
Q. Why?
A. Because our natives are so likely to be influenced by demagogues,
and more especially such influences as obtained in the last Legislature,
such as the lottery-such schemes as that. The natives joined with the
lower class of whites. They have not sufficient character to resist.
Q. Could you establish one that would make life and property safe
and preserve order?
A. I doubt it very much.
Q. Would you be willing to take your chances on that sort of
government?
A. No sir. As a property-holder and a man of family I would not
like to take my chances.
Q. Could you maintain a good government here as a State in the
Federal Union, like the State of New York?
A. I have not thought that was possible, because I do not suppose
the United States would ever consent to have two Senators from a place
like this.
Q. I am not talking about what they would consent to, but as to what
you consider the qualifications of the Hawaiians to vote. I do not want
to imply that the Government of the United States means to do anything.
A. Yes, I believe we could.
Q. What is the character of the Hawaiian as a voter? Is he an
intelligent voter?
A. That is a matter of comparison, of course. He is easily influenced.
Q. In what way?
A. When his prejudices are excited, and when he is told the usual
election stories; that something is going to happen unless they vote
for such and such a man.
Q. Is he in the habit of selling his vote?




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1649
A. I believe there has been a good deal of bribery in this way, paying
a man's taxes for him-there being a qualification that a man shall
have paid his taxes.
Q. Are they influenced much in elections by liquor?
A. Until the Australian ballot went into effect. The election of 1886
was largely managed by gin.
Q. What is their character as to honesty?
A. So far as they are concerned, they are not especially addicted to
larceny.
Q. Not more than the white race?
A. No; I have lived in my present residence twenty-one years; have
never had a theft; we live with our houses very loosely fastened.
Q. What is the moral character of the race?
A. The seafaring class are very much addicted to the use of liquor.
Q. What is the character of the Hawaiian women for chastity?
A. They are not chaste. At the same time they do not expose their
immorality to public view. I think strangers would see scarcely anything of it. There is an outward observance of the laws of decency
and morality.
Q. Why do they observe it outwardly and not practice it in secrecy?
A. I think it is the influence of their religious teaching. It is a
source of profit to them.
Q. How?
A. Sailors and mechanics visit them, and that is what supports their
families very largely in the low part of the town.
Q. Is that the character of the Hawaiian women generally?
A. I must except many very good, virtuous women.
Q. I do not mean exceptions.
A. They are accessible.
Q. As a race they are not chaste?
A. Their instincts are towards the sexual desire.
Q. Then the domestic circle is not marked by chaste conversation
and life?
A. They are very careless in their conversation before their children.
Q. There is a good deal of intermarriage between the whites and
natives here. What is the result of that? Is it a better type?
A. It is a more intelligent type.
Q. Are they not better morally 
A. As a class, no.
Q. Are the half castes generally the result of matrimonial alliances?
A. There are a large number that are not.
Q. What social recognition have these half-castes?
A. They have always received social recognition. They have always
been sought after by strangers.
Q. How in social life here; are they received among the whites?
A. Those of good character are. There are several large families
received on terms of perfect equality.
Q. The Portuguese population here, is that leaving much?
A. Yes.
Q. To what extent; rapidly, would you say?
A. Yes. On account of their inability to obtain land.
Q. Why can not they obtain land?
A. A great many lands have been tied up by long leases, although
the Government has commenced the system of throwing open lands to
homesteaders.
Q. But still the tendency is to leave?
S. Rep. 227 ---104.,..




1650                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
A. Yes; they want to go to California-to America.
Q, Then is it the land only?
A. No; it is the desire to go to America; it is their El Dorado.
Q. The Japanese population is probably your future reliance for
labor?
A. Yes; but I think the Chinese make the best laborers.
Q. But the authorities who have been controlling the Islands have
taken the view that it was best not to allow the Chinamen to come in
in large numbers?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. And the action of the Government has been toward restricting
that, and looking to Japan for laborers?
A. Yes; that has been the policy of the country for a long time.
Q. Are these Japanese beginning to get the desire for suffrage.
A. I only hear it through the newspapers.
Q. What do you hear?
A. I hear that they will in time demand suffrage.
Q. What do you think of them as voters?
A. I think they would vote as the consul wanted them to vote.
They are an inferior class, brought up with the idea that they must
obey their superiors.
Q. They belong to the lowest class of the Japanese population I
A. Yes; they have very great deference for their superiors.
Q. Are they learning to read and write the English language to any
extent 
A. Those who remain in the field do not have the opportun ty,
Their children go to school and learn English.
Q. Your native population-do they understand generally how to
read and write the native tongue 
A. Lately they are losing the ability to speak Hawaiian well, by
reason of their minds being directed in school to English.
Q. What books have they in the Hawaiian language?
A. Very few books outside of school books and religious books, and
a few trashy novels.
Q. They have the Bible and the Pilgrim's Progress?
A. Yes.
Q. You indicated a desire to make a statement in reference to certain
occurrences in the legislature of 1892.
A. The body of Kalakaua arrived here on the 29th of January,
1891. At 2 o'clock that day Liliuokalani took the oath to support
the constitution of 1887, which I administered. Kalakaua's cabinet consisted then of Cummins, C. N. Spencer, Godfrey Brown, and
A. P. Peterson. There was a great deal of discussion and wire pulling
as to whether that cabinet should have the right to continue. Finally
the opinion of the court was asked and it was held that she had liberty
to ask for their resignation. They resigned and she appointed Parker,
minister of foreign affairs; Widemann, finance; Spencer, interior, and
Whiting, attorney-general.
At the general election which took place in 1892 all the representatives of the island of Oahu were elected from the Liberal party, of
which Robert W. Wilcox was the leader (with one exception, W. R.
Wilder), who was elected for oneof the districtsof Honolulu. The Legislature was opened on the 20th of May. On the 6th of June a vote
was taken to expunge MacFarlane's resolution, which was directed
against Minister Stevens, which. was carried by 33 to 13. On the 30th
of August the Parker ministry was voted out by 31 to 10. There
4.,.,




HAWAIIAN IbLANDS.                  1651
was no new cabinet appointed until the 12th of September. That
was E. C. MacFarlane, minister of finance; Parker, foreign affairs;
Gulick, interior, and Neumann, attorney-general. On the 15th of
September there was another vote of want of confidence in this
MacFarlane cabinet. It received 24 votes against 21. The question
as to whether that was a sufficient constitutional number to pass it was
referred to the judges of the supreme court, who decided that 25 votes
were necessary.
Meanwhile, on the 4th of October, there was a special election held on
this island, and Maile, a native from the fish market, and Hopkins, a
half-white, were elected as nobles, by a very large majority, over two
very respectable men, M. P. Robinson and H. Waterhouse, by the
so-called lottery faction; that is, people who were bound to carry the
lottery bill through.
On the 17th of October there was another vote of want of confidence
introduced inthe MacFarlane ministry, anditpassed 32 to 15. On the 1st
of November, at 10 o'clock in the morning, the Queen appointed Cornwell
minister of finance, Gulick minister of the interior, Nawahi minister
of foreign affairs, and Creighton, attorney-general. At half-past 12
they were voted out-26 to 15, the same day. The 4th of November,
rumors prevailed that the Queen would agree to appoint G. N. Wilcox minister of the interior, Cecil Brown attorney-general, P. C. Jones
minister of finance, and M. C. Robinson minister of foreign affairs.
On the 8th of November this cabinet was appointed and sworn in.
Then the country felt easy. The next important event was on the 6th
of December, when the Legislature sent a request for an opinion to the
justices of the supreme court upon the question whether an amendment
to the constitution which had passed two successive Legislatures
required the approval of the Queen. We answered that it did not.
Q. What was the constitutional provision?
A. It was something with reference to allowing legislation restricting
the residence of Chinese here. The idea was that any laws that might
be passed restricting terms of residence or rights of Chinese here would
not be held unconstitutional.
Q. At that time was there any restriction on Chinese immigration?
A. Oh, yes; there were restrictions that had passed the Legislature
with reference to their entering the Kingdom, but when once in the
Kingdom they had the rights of all residents under Hawaiian law, and
by our constitution no class legislation would be permissible under the
constitution. The object of this amendment was to allow legislation of
that character.
Q. Do you have reference to legislation providing that the Chinese
should not reside here after the contract term had expired?
A. Yes; I think also as to the character of the employment they
should engage in. It was the desire to pass that law which gave rise
to this submission to the court. The constitution of 1887 left out all
the provisions which had previously existed as to the sovereign signing
an amendment to the constitution. The only popular reference was
that any amendment that had passed one Legislature would have to be
published three months previous to the election, and then if it passed
the second Legislature it became a law.
Q. Was there no direct submission to the people?
A. Only in that way. On the 21st of December this ministry, which
had the confidence of the people, began to have difficulty with the
Queen with reference to the appointment of circuit judges under the
new act.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Q. In what way?
A. They nominated Mr. Whiting and Mr. Frear.
Q. And she was not willing?
A. At first she was. The appointment of circuit judges was not to
go into effect until the 1st of January, but it was deemed advisable
that these gentlemen, who were in the practice of law, should be notified beforehand to arrange their business, as terms of the circuit court
would begin with the new year. She first agreed that she would make
these appointments. Then she said she did not care to appoint Mr.
Frear. but wanted Mr. Rosa. I had a long talk with her. I told her
that Mr. Rosa's habits would make him unfit; that he got drunk. She
finally on the 3d of January appointed those two judges. On the 29th
of December there was talk all over town and in the lobby of the Legislature that there would be a vote of want of confidence against the
Wilcox ministry, and on the 4th of January Mr. Bush introduced one.
It failed, 19 to 22. On the 10th of January the lottery bill, which
everyone supposed was dead, was moved up by C. L. Hopkins, who
had just been elected by the lottery people.
Q. What is he doing now?
A. He is in the fishing business. I can not say he is in the opium
business. It passed on the second reading to the astonishment of
everybody by 20 to 17. It was hurried right along and passed its third
reading on the 11th of January, 23 to 20. Six of the members of the
house had gone home. On the 12th at half past 1 Kapahu introduced a vote of want of confidence in the Wilcox cabinet, and it passed,
25 to 16. Noble C. O. Beyer being the twenty-fifth man and he voted
that way because Mr. Widemann was promised by the Queen that he
should form a new cabinet. On the 13th of January there was no
quorum in the morning. At half past 2 the cabinet came in-Parker, Cornwell, Peterson, and Colburn. That was Friday. That night
quite a number of members tried to get their forces together to introduce a vote of want of confidence in that ministry. People said no, it
it is no use. Saturday morning Mr. Peterson announced to the Legislature that the Queen had signed two bills that had interested the
community for a long time-the bill licensing the sale of opium and
the establishing of smoking joints, and the lottery bill, giving an exclusive franchise to these individuals for a term of twenty-five years to
establish a national lottery, for which they were to give the Government
$500,000 a year.
Q. Did the bill provide how it should be used?
A. It provided that a certain sum should be used for the laying of a
cable between here and San Francisco.
Q. Any other public work?
A. I do not now remember.
Q. Did you participate in the meetings of the committee of safety
on 14th, 15th, 16th, and 17th of January'?
A. I did not, being a judge.
I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate
report of my interview with Mr. Blount.
A.. JUDD.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1653
No. 29.
Interview with the Hulti Kalaaina, Friday April 21, 1893.
At half past 3 a committee of the Hui Kalaiaina called at the headquarters of the Commission and presented resolutions from that society,
which were read by the interpreter, Mr. Solomon Kaleiope.
In accepting the copy of the resolutions Mr. Blount responded as
follows:
GENTLEMEN: Very much of the duties of my mission I can not communicate to you. I will say, however, that your papers which have
been presented I will accept and forward to the President in the nature
of information indicating the opinions of your people in these islands
in reference to the inclination on your part to support the existing condition of things; that is to say, whether you are in favor of the Provisional Government and annexation, or whether your preference is
for royalty. I am gathering information on lines of that sort for the
purpose of submitting it to the President. That is the extent of what
I can say to you by way of response. I would like to ask, however, a
few questions. Which is the chairman of your committee?~
INTERPRETER. W. L. Holokahiki, Honolulu.
(These questions were given and answered through the interpreter:)
Q. On the day of the prorogation of the Legislature a number of
natives were reported to have gone in to see the Queen-about thirty
in number-and that their object was to ask for a new constitution.
Was that a committee from this organization 
A. Yes, sir.
Q. How many voters, people who vote for representatives, are there
in this order.
A. Some thousands as we have it in our books; about 3,000 of
native Hawaiians.
Q. What did the Queen say in response to your request?
A. That she was quite ready to give a new constitution, but her
cabinet is opposed to it. Her cabinet refused it, so that she could not
do otherwise. She told the people that they had to go home quietly
and wait for the next session of the Legislature.
Q. When would that be if the Government had not been overthrown?
A. The time, according to our laws, was two years, and that would
run us up to 1894.
Q. Then the information was that nothing could be done under two
years on account of the disapproval of the cabinet?
A. Yes; the Queen could do nothing.
Q. She said she could do nothing?
A. Yes; because the constitution says she can do nothing without
being approved by her cabinet.
Q. What did the committee do when they went out; did they give
this information to the native people?
A. Yes, sir. This committee shortly after they came out they told the
people they could not do anything now. That they would have to wait
until the next session. Also the Queen came out and told the people
she could not give them any constitution now because the law forbids.
(A great many petitions were exhibited; sometimes they were to
the Queen and sometimes to the Legislature, asking for a new constitution.)




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


(A book was also shown, containing the names of members of the
organization throughout the Islands, as follows:)
(Oahu, 2,320; Maui. 384; Hawaii, 266; Kaai, 22, and Molokai, 263.
Q. (To interpreter.) Why don't other natives join the organization 
A. They sometimes go to meetings. When anything happens they
go together.
Q. These are active members of the organization?
A. Yes.
Q. In matters of this sort the natives followed the lead of the organ.
ization?
A. Yes, sir.
We have read the foregoing and pronounce it to be a correct report:
A. SOLOMON KALEIOPU, Interpreter.
W. C. HOLOKAHIKI.
J. ALAPAI.
JOHN KANUI.
J. A. KAHOONEI.
J. B. KuoHo.
J. KrEEuI.
T. C. POLIKAPA.
D. W. KANAILEHUA.
No. 30.
Interview with J. W. Kalu, president of the Annexation Club, and others,
May 1, 1893.
Q. Please give the names of the delegates and the islands they represent?
A. Interpreter J. W. Kalua, president of the Annexation Club and
chairman of the delegation, Rev. A. Pali, C. E. Coe, W. F. Pogue, C. F.
Horner, and E. H. Bailey, all of Maui.
(Through interpreter.)
Q. Mr. Kalua, were you chosen by a convention of delegates from
various districts chairman of the delegation to present their wishes on
the subject of annexation?
A. I was.
Q. Are the natives you represent in favor of annexation unless they
have the right to vote?
A. They are not.
Q. Are they in favor of it with any property qualifications?
A. They are not in favor of it.
Q. Have the annexation speakers in addressing them conveyed the
idea to them that the right to vote would be preserved to them if they
went into the American Union 
A. It has been said to them in speeches.
Q. If the right to vote is preserved to them they are willing to give
up the Crown and become annexed to the United Statesl
A. They are.
Q. Mr. Coe, were you born in the Island?
A. I was born in Grant County, Wis.
Q. How long have you lived hereI
A,. Twelve years this coming fall




11AWAITArAN ISLNNDS.


1655


Q. Are the natives in favor of annexation unless the right to vote
is preserved to them?
A. I think not.
Q. Would they be in favor of annexation with a property qualification?
A. No, sir.
Q. With the right to vote preserved to them, they prefer to be a part
of the United States rather than to be under the Crown?
A. Yes, sir, thinking that the progress of the country would be
advanced by being part of the United States.
Q. Provided the right to vote is preserved?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Mr. Horner, is that your understanding of the situation?
A. Yes.
Q. Mr. Pogue, is that your understanding?
A. It is.
Q. Mr. Kalua, how many voters do you represent on the island of
Maui?
A. Taking the annexation list for me to go by-the foreigners represent three-fourths and the natives represent one-fourth of the lists
of the annexation club-in all 700.
(The interpreter, Mr. Ka.lua, says there are more names on the lists
than 700, but they have not all been opened yet. He does not know
the exact number. He says the people have not all subscribed who
will subscribe, owing to the short time the club has been started-they
have not had the opportunity.)
(The notes of the foregoing were read over to the interpreter and
others and pronounced correct.-E. M.)
No.31.
Interview with Rev. J. Kanoho, ofLihue, Kauai, Wednesday, April 19,1893.
(Mr. George Mundon, interpreter.)
Mr. BLOUNT. What is your occupation?
A. I am a minister of the Gospel.
Q. How many members of your church?
A. Sometimes 30 and sometimes 50.
Q. Do you belong to the annexation club?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. How many members are there in that club t
A. I can not state exactly how many.
Q. Well, about how many?
A. I think about 200.
Q. Are they in favor of annexation?
A. They are in favor of annexation.
Q. Are theyin favor of annexation without having the right to ballot 
A. No, sir; they are not in favor of annexation without they get
their right to vote.
Q. How do they feel towards the Queen?
A. A portion of them would like to have the Queen replaced. Those
who have not signed for annexation would like to have her back.
Those who have signed are not in favor of having her returned.




1656


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Q. Have most of them signed in favor of annexation or not?
A. Yes; a majority of them have signed annexation papers.
The foregoing has been translated to me by Mr. George Mundon, and
I pronounce it a correct report.
J. KANOHO.
lHONOLULTU, April 19, 1893.
No. 32.
Interview with JoLh Lot Kaiulucou.
HONOLULU, Thursday, April 13, 1893.
Mr. BLOUNT. Where do you live?
A. In Honolulu.
Q. Were you in the city on the 14th of January last?
A. I was.
Q. Will you please give me a statement of the causes of the revolution which resulted in the dethronement of the Queen?
A. I will tell you what I know. On the 14th of January, the Queen
dismissed the Legislature-discharged every member of the house at 12
o'clock. The Queen went into the palace with several people. On
that day it was the first time I heard of the Queen's intention to
declare a new constitution. Since 1887, after the decree of that constitution, the people were asking and filing petitions to the legislatures of
1890 and also 1892. There were many names on the petitions to his
late Majesty Kalakaua, and when he (lied his sister came on the throne.
The people sent petitions to the legislature and to Her Majesty the
Queen to make a new constitution, because the people wanted to have
a new constitution-a constitution for equal rights between everyone
in this community.
Q. You mean by equal rights everybody to have the privilege to
vote who were twenty?
A. Yes. The constitution of 1887 is to take away the rights of the
natives to vote for the nobles. For instance, if I had property of
$2,999.99 I had no right to vote for nobles under that constitution, but
a man who had an income of $600, without property, he had that right.
In these islands there were nine nobles and that man with an income
of $600 haa a right to vote for nine nobles, and a man of property of
$2,999.99, he nad no right to vote for noble, except one representative
in the ward where he lived.
Q. You mean to vote for a member of the house of representatives
instead of nobles.
A. Yes; and this man, with an income of $600, he had a right to
vote for nine nobles in these islands and also a representative in the
ward where he lived. He voted for ten men. For that reason the
people claim it is not right.
Q. These petitions to the legislature and to the Queen, what did
they ask for in the matter of the election of nobles? Did they ask
that the Crown should appoint them or the people be allowed to elect
them?
A. That the people be allowed to vote for all-to give everyone
an equal vote for both noble and representative. That was the
intention of the petitions.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1657


Q. Do you know what this constitution the Queen intended to proclaim contained in that connection?
A. No one in this community knows.
Q. You do know that the demand from the people was for the election of nobles by all classes of the people?
A. Yes; without any qualification.
Q. Well, please go on with your statement.
A. Many people went into the palace to see the Queen and also
Kalakaua, and they sent a petition to the Queen and also to the legislature, and called a mass meeting, and that is the only reason Wilcox
is elected; also Mr. Bush and Antone Rosa, and also the reason why
they were elected in 1890.
Q. On the idea of making a new constitution on the ground these
petitions asked for?
A. Yes; and also in 1892.
Q. In the elections of 1890 and 1892 the line of division amongst the
people was upon that question of a new constitution, giving everybody
the right to vote for nobles and representatives?
A. Yes; for any candidates running to oppose that view it was
impossible for that man to go to the legislature in 1890 and 1892. They
did not want the idea of taking all the power from the Queen. Under
this constitution they took every power from the Queen.
Q. What power did they want to give the Queen?
A. In regard to veto. They wanted to give some power to the
Queen. A bill goes to Her Majesty. They want to give that privilege
to the Queen; if she thinks a bill not proper, not right, she should
have the right to veto it.
Q. She did have that power and exercised it, didn't she?
A. After the case came before the court, the court decided in favor
of her power to veto.
Q. When was that decision ma;de?
A. I think about 1888 or 1889. It was after 1887.
Q. If that was settled by the court in 1888 or 1889, it would hardly
be in the campaign in 1890 and 1892?
A. The real object of the people was for the constitution. They did
not care about the veto question. They claimed the constitution was
forced on Kalakaua. The people wanted a new constitution.
Q. You say the constitution was forced on Kalakaua. How was it
forced on him?
A. He did not like this constitution.
Q. Why did he proclaim it?
A. People told him " if you don't sign this constitution we will overthrow you."
Q. What people?
A. White men-foreigners.
Q. Where did they live?
A. Here.
Q. And in the other islands?
A. In this island and in the other islands. I saw some from other
islands.
Q. How many?
A. Saw only one that I remember.
Q. Any natives in the meeting which demanded the new constitution
of Kalakaua?
A. Very few. About three or four natives went there.
Q. The native population is in the majority. Why didn't they stand




1658                HIAWAITAN ISLAtS.
by him-by Kalakana? He did not expect them to help him or he
would not have yielded to the whites.
A. The Government had many soldiers and also volunteers. Volunteers supported the view of the new constitution in 1887. Many
Portuguese. The officers had commissions from King Kalakaua. Government furnished guns and ammunition for them. Those people are
the very people to oppose the King and go in favor of the new constitution. The Portuguese officers and men were opposed to the King.
Q. Do I understand you to mean that the desertion of these Portuguese officers and troops left him without the military power to oppose
this movement of the whites?
A. The Portuguese officers and Portuguese soldiers went together
with the volunteers at that time. There were two kinds of volunteers,
white men, really white men, and the Portuguese joined together with
the Thurston crowd and opposed the King.
Q. Were they volunteers?
A. Yes.
Q. How many soldiers had the Thurston crowd?
A. Including Portuguese, about 300. *
Q. How many had the King?
A. I think the King had 700 or 800.
Q. Was the King with S00 troops afraid of Thurston with 300?
A. He was not afraid. His Majesty wanted to go and fight, but so
many of his friends would go back on him.
Q. Why did they go back on him?
A. I don't know.
Q. Who were they?
A. Haley was one of them. He was an Englishman, I understand.
The King did not want to have bloodshed, so he signed his name on
that constitution. I have no doubt in my mind that if the King had
opposed this crowd we would have no more town of Honolulu. There
would have been property lost and lives lost-great many.
Q. You mean in 1887?
A. Yes.
Q. But he did not want to see that?
A. No; he didn't.
Q. Well, please go on where I interrupted you.
A. After that we got a new constitution, and every one of us took
oath to support it. I myself do not like the constitution-the way of
getting it-but the regulation issued from the interior office if any one
of the natives did not take the oath to support that constitution he
had no right to vote. For that reason I myself and all the rest of my
native friends took oath to support the constitution. So we lived under
that constitution, and the people did not like it; I mean the natives.
They did not like it, not because everything in the constitution is bad,
but they did not like the way of getting it. They were disgusted by
the way of getting it. Part of that constitution is really part of the
constitution of Kamehameha V.
In the election of 1890 Wilcox was a leader, and Bush and several
others. Their platform to go before the people is that they want a
new constitution. Part of their crowd came in and joined the natives
and said they must have a new constitution. At that time, if I remember right, McCarty-Charlie McCarty (he was one of the volunteers
against the King in 1887)-was one of the candidates for noble in 1890
to oppose the constitution, and by uniting of foreigners and natives




HAWAITAN ISLANDS.                  1659
the whole island on that principle elected members of the House of
Nobles and Representatives.
Q. How did they manage to elect nobles with the property qualification?
A. As I told you, whoever had an income of $600 had a right to vote
for nobles.
Q. Were a majority of the nobles elected in 1892 for or against the
constitution?
A. They did not want this constitution.
Q. You do not understand my question. In 1892 you elected nobles.
Now, were a majority of the nobles elected in 1892 for or against the
constitution?
A. They were against the constitution of 1887. They wanted to
have a new constitution. Some of them say, all I want is amendments,
but a majority of the people wanted a new constitution. So you see a
majority of the people wanted a new constitution. I suppose that is
the reason the Queen wanted to have a new constitution.
Q. Now, a majority of the nobles and representatives being in favor
of a new constitution, why didn't they pursue the plan laid down in
the constitution?
A. The trouble was at that time, before the election they came forward to the people with the idea of a new constitution, but when they
go inside the house some of the people go back on their constituents
and they turn around. Some of them, like Wilcox. He was strongly
in favor of a new constitution, but he never did anything in the house
to get a new constitution. Some of them introduced a bill to make a
new constitution, and some people say that is against the constitution.
But yet people talk outside "new constitution! new constitution!"
When we go before the house we never get constitution. They never
did anything. That is the reason we did not get a new constitution.
The people wanted to have a constitution for equal rights.
On the 14th of January I was in the palace myself, and before I
went into the palace I heard the Queen intended to proclaim a new
constitution. I went in to see if it was true or not. While there I
saw Chief Justice Judd. He asked me, what is all this? I said I
didn't know. I heard the Queen was going to proclaim a new constitution. He asked me what sort of a constitutionS I said I didn't
know. He said he would give $50 for a copy of that constitution.
We stayed there about ah hour, perhaps two hours, and then the
Queen came from the blue room.
Q. What you call the throne room?
A. Yes. She said:
My people, I am sorry to say I can not proclaim a new constitution to-day,
because of the advice from my cabinet not to do so. Therefore, my people, I want
you to go home. Behave yourselves and keep quiet. Do not make any disturbance.
The people went home.
Q. Was that speech made in the throne room?
A. Yes; so the people went home quietly. On Sunday morning the
first I knew there were some posters on the street, the committee of
safety calling for a mass meeting on Monday. There were no names on
it; just committee of safety calling mass meeting at the armory on
Beretania street. Sunday was a very quiet day-no disturbance, no
riot; no reason to make any one believe a revolution had come on
Saturday and Sunday-and Monday morning I saw another poster to
have another mass meeting for natives on Palace square at 2 o'lock. I
was at this meeting on Palace square.




1660                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Q. How many people were there?
A. I think, including foreigners and natives, about 5,000. There
were many foreigners there.
Q. How many foreigners?
A. I think more than 500, between 500 and 1,000, the rest were
natives. They made speeches and thanked Her Majesty, the Queen,
for her intention to proclaim a new constitution. She could not do
anything now because her cabinet had advised her not; but the meeting
thanked her for her idea to proclaim a new constitution. They adopted
resolutions as follows:
Resolved, That the assurance of Her Majesty, the Queen, contained in this day's
proclamation, is accepted by the people as a satisfactory guaranty that the Government does not and will not seek any modification of the constitution by any other
means than those provided in the organic law.
Resolved, That accepting this assurance, the citizens here assembled will give
their cordial support to the administration and indorse them in sustaining that
policy.
The meeting adjourned and the people went home. They made no
disturbance.  Saturday the Queen ordered the people to go home
quietly. The natives always listen. They always obey. On this day,
Monday, Bush and Nawahi told the people to go home quietly and
calmly. They did so. I went home. Several others went home without any idea of any revolution to come after that. About 5 o'clock
in the afternoon was the first time we had news of the landing of the
Boston's troops on shore-on the same landing you came the other day.
We went down to see. Heard that some marines and blue jackets
were there.
If you were here at that time you could hear foreigners and natives
asking this question: "What does this mean? For what reason do
these people come ashore?" From there they marched on Fort street,
turned their right on Fort street and came up to the consul-general's
office-Mr. Severance. I suppose there were twenty of them formed
there. There were perhaps twenty or twenty-four went over to the
minister's; the rest of them marched over to King street, the front
of the palace. They went over with guns, Gatling guns.
Q. The soldiers had Gatling guns?
A. Yes; they had everything ready to meet their enemies.
Q. How long did they stop in front of the palace?
A. I think they stopped in front of the opera house about three or
four minutes, and from there they went over to the front of the palace.
When they got there they saluted the flag.
Q. What flag?
A. The Queen's flag. The Queen generally had the flag up when she
was in the palace. From there they went over to the corner of the
palace. They remained there.
Q. How long?
A. About five minutes. From there they went over to Atherton,
the place where the consul-general lives. I was there myself. I saw
them sitting down smoking. After that I came to the Government
house. While I was there, I think they came from King street and
took charge of Arion Hall for that night.
Q. Who did the building belong to?
A. Mr. Gilbert J. Waller.
Q. They got it from him for occupation that night?
A. I do not know. I heard they went in without permission. They
remained there for the night.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1661
Q. How long altogether were the troops about the palace; how
much time did they stay there?
A. They stayed in front of the Opera House about five minutes and
went over to the end of the palace gate and stayed another five minutes.
Q. Did they show any signs of being mad in any way-of wanting
to fight?
A. What I understand is this: I saw their guns like this (holding
his hands in a position to show that the weapons were ready for use),
facing them towards the palace. Their intention I do not know. That
evening everything around the town was very quiet. If I am not
mistaken there was a band playing at the hotel that evening. A very
important question in the minds of the people was: "Did you see the
troops of the Boston come? What does this all mean "
Q. Who were talking in this way, whites or nativest
A. Whites and natives too. I said nobody knows. Perhaps they
have come to support the Queen's Government. I do not know. I
will go back a little. On Monday the white men held their meeting at
the armory. I was not there myself. There was nobody there except
foreigners and some Portuguese.
Q. When you say foreigners, do you mean whites?
A. Yes, Germans, Americans and different nationalities. I think,
from what I heard, there were only five natives there-Kanakas.
Q. Who were they?
A. One of them, I understand, is the editor of a newspaper under
the control of the Serano E. Bishop-J. U. Kawainui. I heard there
were five others.
Q. Was Wilcox there?
A. No, he was one of the speakers at the Palace square.
Q. Is he the man who headed the Wilcox revolution?
A. Yes. Wilcox says like this: "Any man who insults a lady is nothing but a pig and a hog, and more especially a man who insults the
dignity of his Queen. He is nothing but a pig and a hog." At that
time Wilcox had nothing to do with foreigners. He was strongly
opposed against them. Tuesday morning the town is very quiet.
The only question is this: What is all this? We never had any idea of
a revolution or disturbance. About afternoon the only excitement I
know we heard the news of the shooting of a man by Capt. Good, captain of the guard now at the barracks. He was sent to carry an order
from the station house to stop the man to carry guns and ammunition
that day. So Good shot him. People then saw there was some trouble
coming up. Before that I saw some of these people here. I mean
Thurston, C. L. Carter, W. L. Castle going around the streets. What
they did I do not know. I saw Charlie Carter before 12 o'clock go over
to Arion Hall and meet with one of the officers of the Boston's troop.
The conversation I do not know. That evefing, about half past 2, we
heard the news of the proclamation of the Provisional Government and
the overthrow of the Queen.
Q. What time was that?
A. About half past 2, I think. I did not look at my watch. I was
there myself. A gentleman, now a judge on the bench, Mr. Cooper, he
read the proclamation with his hand shaking.
Q. What day was this?
A. Tuesday the 17th. The marines of the Boston were lying between
the fence of the Government house. They were lying there when the
new government was proclaimed. Lying between the Government
house and Arion HalL




1662                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Q. How far is Arion Hall from the Government house 
A. About 50 or 60 feet.
Q. When that mass meeting was in session on the 16th where were
the troops? Were there any troops on shore?
A. No. After that, about 5 o'clock of the same day, the troops
landed.
Q. What did that mass meeting determine on that day?
A. The day the troops landed?
Q. Yes.
A. I can not tell you positively what was the object of their meeting.
As I heard it, they wanted to overthrow the Queen because she was
against her oath by her intention to proclaim a new constitution.
Before Cooper read his proclamation for a new government, the marines
of the Boston were lying at the same place. I was at the station house
at that time with plenty of foreigners and also natives-plenty of white
men and also natives ready to support Her Majesty the Queen's Government. We could have gone up there and cleaned those soldiers of
the Provisional Government out in fifteen or twenty minutes. We had
everything ready to go and fight. We could have cleaned up every
one of them in fifteen or twenty minutes.
The barracks were in the hands of someone for Her Majesty the
Queen. The station house was in the hands of foreigners and natives
under control of the Queen's Government. So you see the Government
building was the only place taken by the Provisional Government at
that time. The barracks, the Queen's palace, and the station house
were in the hands of the Queen's friends. I was one of the soldiers
ready to support the Queen's Government. I think about 500 of us
were there tiat day. Sanm Damon came down there. He went out to
Bill Cornwell, minister of finance; I saw him with Sam Damon.
Sam Parker was down at the station house. Peterson, the attorneygeneral, was there; Antone Rosa was there; in fact, the whole cabinet
was there. The marshal was there; Deputy Marshal Martin was there,
and a large crowd ready to go up to the Government house against
the Provisional Government. While I was there I saw C. L. Hopkins
in a carriage with a letter, and he went up to his excellency Mr.
Stevens's residence. About half an hour afterwards Hopkins returned
to the station house again with his answer to that letter.
The answer was, I understand, I am not positive, "I recognize the
Provisional Government at this time." That is my understanding. I
do not want you to think I saw the letter. We thought before Hopkins
went up there that his excellency Mr. Stevens was in favor of Her
Majesty's Government. When Hopkins arrived at the station house
and some of the members of the cabinet read the letter they told us
his excellency Mr. Stevens was in favor of the Provisional Government.
He would not support Her' Majesty's Government. For that reason we
could not do anything, because we did not want to fight with the United
States Government.
Q. When this man came back from the American minister with the
letter recognizing the Provisional Government was the Queen then in
possession of the barracks and the palace and the station house?
A. She was in control of the palace, in control of the barracks, and
the station house. She was ready to meet the Provisional party. I
assure you if Mr. Stevens had never sent any letter of that kind that
evening I have no doubt the people in the Government building would
have to clean out.
Q. How many were there 




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   1663
A. About 50.
Q. Who knows how many troops the white people had there thenwho else besides yourself knows about it?
A. Antone Rosa knows it; Henry Poor, he is three-fourths white;
Charles Hopkins, and several others. At the time that man returned
from Minister Stevens's house the station house, the barracks, and the
palace were in control of the Queen.
Q. Was the Queen in possession of the barracks, station house, and
palace when the proclamation was read?
A. Yes; I am sure. When we had news from      Mr. Stevens in
favor of the Provisional Government, then some of our friends said:
It is no use for us to go and fight the Americans. There are few soldiers here but
there are 65,000,000 of people behind. It is no use to fight.
If Mr. Stevens had never sent that letter to recognize the Provisional Government I say Her Majesty would have remained on the
throne to-day.
Next morning I read a letter from Minister Stevens in the newspaper.
He said:
I recognize the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, because it takes
the palace, the station house, and the barracks. That is my reason why I recognize
the Provisional Government.
Now he had recognized the Provisional Government before they had
taken charge of the station house, the palace, or the barracks. There
was only the Government house in the hands of the Provisional Government. We could not fight the United States. If Mr. Stevens had
never sent any word of that kind, if he had never interfered, you would
see these people cleaned out in fifteen or twenty minutes, and the Queen
remain on her throne till to-day.
Q. How do you know what was in the letter which Mr. Hopkins
carried to Mr. Stevens?
A. I do not know. I saw Antone Rosa write a letter and Hopkins
took it to give to his excellency, Mr. Stevens.
Q. The letter Mr. Rosa wrote in the station house?
A. Yes.
Q. When Hopkins came back he brought an answer. To whom?
A. To the members of the cabinet, because they remained in the
station house.
Q. Where is the letter 
A. I suppose Sam Parker or the Queen has it.
Q. Will you find out and furnish me with the letters?
A. I will try.
Q. I want the letter taken by Mr. Hopkins and given to Mr. Stevens
and the reply.
A. Yes.
Q. Well, please continue your narrative.
A. Her Majesty the Queen did not surrender her Government to the
Provisional Government, but to the United States Government.
Q. How do a majority of the people feel towards the Provisional
Government '
A. They are against it.
Q. By what majority, if there was a vote on the Australian ballot
system?
A. I do not think the Provisional Government would get one-tenth
of the native people from the Island of Hawaii to Niihau.
Q. That is the native people?




1664                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
A. Yes.
Q. How about the whites?
A. I say I think nearly a majority of the white men in town is
against the Provisional Government, or perhaps half and half.
Q. I have heard a good many natives were signing papers here and
in other islands in favor of annexation. If that is true, how do you
account for it?
A. I think some of them have signed their names in favor of annexation. I will give you the reason: Because their horses run in pasture
of very people in favor of annexation. Some of them work under
them on plantations. So they have control of them. Some natives sign
because they are afraid of being turned out from their work. They say
they will have no bread and butter; but if you declare an election like
the Australian law, when their master or boss would have no control
of them, it would differ.
I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate
report of my interview with Col. Blount,
J. L. KAULUKOU.
No. 33.
Statement of Liliuokalani.
His Excellency JAMES H. BLOUNT:
SIR: On the morning of the 26th of November, 1890, I went to Iolani
palace, where I met His Majesty Kalakaua's ministers, Mr. J. A. Cummins, C. N. Spencer, G. Brown, and A. P. Peterson, awaiting the
appearance of His Majesty.
Ve did not have to wait long and were ushered into the library, the
King seating me in his chair and formally introduced his ministers to
me. After exchanging assurances of fidelity to each other and faithfulness in the discharge of their official duties, the ministers left, and
the King and I were left to talk over matters.
He told me of things that had transpired a few months back. That
some of the ministers had thrown guns and ammunitioninto the sea from
the steamer Waimanalo. It was done to prevent him from having them,
and had evidently been directed by the reform party with whom a
portion of his ministers were in accord, instead of keeping them for his
protection and safety. These ministers were working with a party of
conspirators, who are the very same parties who have been the means
of the overthrow of my government on the 17th of January, 1893.
They are called the missionary or reform party. The King went on
to say that his guards had been reduced to twenty men and they were
barely sufficient to protect me if there should be any disturbance. He
had requested Mr. Cummins, minister of foreign affairs, to send back
to the palace all the guns that were at the station house and that th e
carriages had been sent to the palace but the guns themselves had
been kept back. It was an insult by his cabinet and he felt keenly
his weakness; that he had no more power or influence since his cabinet
was working against him. He explained all these things because he
wanted me to study my situation so as to be able to cope with it.
The time for his departure on the T. S. S. Charleston drew near and
he bade the Queen and myself farewell, and I felt in my own heart
some misgivings that I would never see him again.




HIAWAIIAN ISLANDO.


1665


I spent a few nights in the palace and realized the insecurity of the
situation. Every two or three nights there was an alarm of some kiid.
There was a fear that something was going to happen; what that soime
thing was no one could tell. Mr. Cummins had heard of some conspiracy but could not prove anything.
During the session of 1890 the Honolulu Rifles were disbanded, but
the members of that company were still allowed to carry arms in the
streets and to wear the uniforms.
I asked my husband, the Hon. John 0. Dominis, how all this could
be allowed. He referred me to the minister of foreign affairs. On inquiring of the minister he said that they were part of the Knights of
Pythias and were permitted to carry arms. This was very unsatisfitctory, and my husband and I concluded that there must be some underhanded dealings somewhere. After that I preferred to remain at
Washington Place, only going to the palace during office hours.
A few weeks passed, and (uring that time grand preparations were
made to receive the King on his return; but the morning of the 29th
of January, 1891, the city was startled with the news that the U. S. S.
Charleston was in sight with the Hawaiian flag flying at half mast.
I was so shocked by the news that it seemed as if I was in a maze,
especially as those things which took place on that day was all done
in a hurry by my ministers, of whom Mr. Godfrey Brown seemed to be
leader.
Things that might have been put off for a day or two were all done
that day, and I had no time to think wisely of my situation, or to
realize the sad grief that had illlen on Kalakauas Queen and myself
and on the whole nation.
On that day, at 11, I was told that I was to take the oath. I sent a
note immediately to my husband (at Washington Place) who was lying
on a sick bed, and told him of the arrival of my brother's remains, and
of all that had transpired, and he came to the palace weak as he was.
We conversed on the subject before us; also about the constitution.
I told him I did not wish to sign it, as there was a general feeling in the
community, and principally amongst the native Hawaiians, that it was
not a good constitution, as it had been forced on the King and the
Hawaiian people, but my husband persuaded me to sign it, and I
obeyed.
At 2 o'clock p. m. we entered the room where all the privy councillors
were assembled and there, in their presence, I took the oath of office
and swore to abide by the constitution of 1887. As we left the room
and waited in the blue room to receive congratulations as well as condolences, just before the members came in a piece 'of paper, hurriedly
written, was thrust in my hand, on which was written, " Do not sign the
constitution; I shall soon explain why." But the deed was done. Chief
Justice Judd was the first who came forward, but instead of congratulations, said in an undertone, " Should your ministers come up,
say to them that they may keep their portfolios." I suspected something wrong and kept my countenance.
After all the others had come and gone their turn came. Mr.
Cummins, as head of the cabinet, said: "Your Majesty, we wish to say
that we are not quite sure that we can hold our commissions." Then
Mir. Brown finished the sentence for him by saying that the constitution
distinctly states that the cabinet could only be dismissed by the Legisl1ature; therefore, all that was required would be to hliave new commissions
made out for them. It will be seen there is no clause in the constitution providi ng for the cabinet in case of the demise of a sovereign.
S. Rep. 2'27-  105




1666


HAWAVAIIAN ISLAN;DS.


I asked them each to keep their portfolios until after the King's funeral,
and at that time I would discuss the matter. On the 15th of February,
1891, the funeral took place, and on Monday, the 16th, at 9 a. m., Mr. Caummins and I had a private conference. He evidently wanted to know
what my decision would be. I told him I thought they ought to resign,
and I would give him another position.
At 10 I met the following gentlemen in the cabinet council: Mr. J,
A. Cummins, Mr. C. N. Spencer, Mr. G. Brown, Mr. A. P. Peterson. I
told them I had studied over the situation, and concluded that they
could not remain as my cabinet; that they ought to resign. They
said they had also considered the question and concluded that I ought
to give them new commissions, and asked me to give them more time
to consider, and it was granted them. It took two weeks before it was
finally settled.
At 12 m. of the same day an audience was granted to Admiral
Brown, as he intended to sail soon. When the hour for the reception
arrived, I was surprised when the American minister, J. L. Stevens,
came also, as no notice had been previously given to my chamberlain
that it was his intention to come.
After the usual form of presentation was over Mr. Stevens took the
opportunity to make an address, which I thought was not at all suited
to the occasion. It was the first step that Mr. Stevens took to interfere, and I felt at the time that he would take some future occasion to
make trouble. Two days after Admiral Brown remarked to me that I
did not seem overpleased with Mr. Stevens's speech and that my eyes
flashed fire.
Two weeks elapsed, when the cabinet consulted the supreme bench,
and was told that they could not hold their seats or positions without
I gave them new commissions, so they resigned.
The reading of the King's will took place, and Admiral Brown was
invited by the Queen dowager to be present. I appointed my new
cabinet. They were Mr. S. Parker, minister of foreign affairs; Mr. C.
N. Spencer, minister of interior; Mr. H. A. Widemann, minister of
finance; Mr. W. A. Whiting, attorney-general. I also appointed Mr.
C. B. Wilson marshal.
Before I appointed my ministers Messrs. Bush and Wilcox called
and offered their services, but as Mr. Bush had shown his ingratitude
to the late King, and Mr. Wilcox a disposition of disobedience on the
occasion of his revolution of 1889, I felt I could not have such men for
ministers, and appointed others, which made them very angry.
I began a tour to the different islands with my husband and quite a
large retinue. It took us nearly six months to make a complete tour,
now and then returning between times to Honolulu on business matters, and in the month of July my husband was taken sick and on the
27th of August, 1891, he breathed his last. I felt his loss very much,
as his experience of several years' service with Kamehameha IV
and V, and also under Lunalilo and Kalakaua's reign, proved valuable to me. He was a kind and affectionate husband, a man of honor,
and esteemed by all who knew him. To those whom he gave in charity
it was never spoken of. His death was a severe loss, for I needed him
most at that time to advise with in the affairs of state.
Soon after the appointment of my ministers I asked my husband to
come to the palace and stay. He did not wish to because he had to
climb those long stairs; so I told him I would have the bungalow put
in repair and furnished, and Mr. Robertson, my chamberlain, had,
instructions to that effect, and to see that it was done.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1667
My husband made a request that when the ministers were ready to put
up the iron fence around the palace grounds (for which tee Legislature
of 1890 had given appropriations) he would like to have a wicket gate
made for his own convenience. I told him to speak to Minister Spencer, which he did, but the gate was not finished until 1892, and it had
never been used by anyone except Mr. Robertson, my chamberlain, to
let the young ladies and gentlemen of the Minuet Club pass through.
Here I will state that in 1889 that palace walls had just been
completed at a great expense to the Government and after the Wilcox
revolution, this very L. A. Thurston, the agitator, who was in the cabinet that year, saw fit without any regard to the heavy amount expended
on the wall, ordered the whole wall to be torn down; hence the appropriation of 1890 for an iron fence. The missionary ladies' party clapped
their hands with glee as they stood outside the post-office and said,
"Thank the Lord the country is ours." Had their fathers left a dying
request that they should eventually control and hold power over these
islands? One would suppose so from the actions of their sons and
daughters.
I return to the events which took place after my husband's death.
I asked my cousins Princes Ka-wananakoa and Kalauiauole to come
and stay at the bungalow, but they did not seem inclined to do so. so
one day Mr Wilson asked if he and Kitty, his wife, might not come
and stay with me, as he thought that it was necessary I should have
some one near me to protect me, as he was fearful that some evilminded person might do me harm, as there were parties who did not
hesitate to make hateful remarks about me in his presence. Perhaps
I was the obstacle to the full accomplishment of their wishes-that is
power.
Mr. Wilson is a man of great decision and firmness of character, and
as he had been appointed marshal of the Kingdom, I thought it would
not be out of the way if I did accept his offer. I regretted in one sense
shortly after that, that I had consented, because lie was not the same
person I had known as a boy.. He was 19 years of age when he courted
Evaline, a young girl who had almost grown up in our household, and
my husband and I encouraged their marriage; but many years had
flown by, and he h  ad been through rough experience in his duties and
exhibited now and then how well suited he was to the appointment of
marshal. He had a brave heart and his wife I have a great fondness
for.
The Legislature, Mr. Wilson said, was about to convene, and it was
necessary for him at such a time to be near me, and I thought it best
to let them remain till after the prorogation.
The day arrived for the opening of the Legislature, and I felt that
my troubles had commenced. With such a party of men as those who
comprised the Reform party, and with such unscrupulous men as
Thurston, W. O. Smith, Alex. Young, J. Marsden, W. C. Wilder, and
Henry Baldwin, as leaders, I knew that my cabinet would find it a
difficult matter to contend against such a party.
Laws were made mostly for their special benefit, and others that
would prove injurious to the Hawaiians and other nationalities. They
brought in measures which only tended to prolong the session and to
give them time for their scheme of annexation to ripen. In the meantime Thurston took a trip to the States to attend to his cyclorama, and
at the same time try to make stipulations for annexing these islands.
In the month of August the Reform party began their policy of dismissing the ministry. They made promises to Mr. Cummins, of the




1668                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
National Reform, and Bush, Wilcox, and Ashford, of the Liberal party,
and P. P. Kanoa of seats in the cabinet if they joined their party, and
they did so, besides taking Kamnauoha, Iosepa, and another member
with them, which made the Reform party very strong. On the 31st of
August, for no good cause, the Parker ministry was voted out in accord.
ance with a clause in the constitution of 1887, that any minister could
be voted out by a majority of the members of the House for "want of
confidence." It had been decided by myself and cabinet that our policy
should be one of economy and retrenchment. This had been our course
from the commencement of my reign, binding ourselves strictly to and
guiding our course according to the laws and regulations of our Kingdom. The Parker ministry had no sooner gone out than twenty-five
Hawaiian members of the House petitioned me to appoint Mr. Parker
again. Next day Mr. Baldwin asked for audience and came with a
request that I would receive the Hons. Kanoa and Kauhane and ask
them to form a cabinet for me.
I received those gentlemen, but they brought with them a petition
with a list of names, principally of the Reform party, that I would
nominate from those names my cabinet. They called the [sic] a constitutional principle. I knew if I yielded to their request I would be
yielding my own right under the constitution, which gave me the right
to appoint and the house to dismiss.
Two weeks passed and I appointed Minister Parker, Gulick, Macfarlane, and Neumann. The policy of this ministry was retrenchment in
all directions, and Mr. Macfarlane, as minister of finance, immediately
set to work with that purpose in view, and laid many satisfactory plans
for them to pursue. In order to carry out the rigid economies prepared
by Mr. Macfarlane, I consented to a reduction of $10,000 in the appropriation for my privy purse and further reductions in l household
expenses, state entertainments, and the military."
They had, however, been in office only a few days when the American
minister, J. L. Stevens, made a request through Minister Parker that he
would like to call on me the next day, t!e 16th of October, and that he
would bring his secretary with him. The hour was set for 11 and a
cabinet council was called to sit at 10. When the hour arrived, the
cabinet rose to depart. I asked them to remain, but Mr. Macfar!ane
begged to be excused, as he had once, while as noble in the house,
brought in a resolution against Mr. J. L. Stevens on account of a speech
he made on the 30th of May, reflecting on the administration in Hawaii.
Mr. Gulick and himself were excused and Mr. Parker and Mr. Neumann
remained. Mr. Parker went to the door and received Mr. Stevens and
at the same time asked what was the purpose of his visit, that he
might apprise me. Mr. Stevens said he would mention it to me in person. They entered, followed by Mr. H. W. Severance. He seated
himself in a manner which no gentleman would in the presence of a lady,
and drew from under his arm a document which he read, stating that
my Government had grossly insulted him, the ambassador of the
United States and minister plenipotentiary for that nation, and holdling them responsible for an article which appeared in the Bulletin
reflecting upon his indifference in sending relief to the captain and
crew of a shipwrecked American vessel.
He then read a clause in international laws relating to a minister's
position in foreign lands. While he was reading he seemed to belaboring under great excitement and anger, and when he finished reading I
rose and said my cabinet would give the matter their best consideration, whereupon Mr. stevens and Mr. Severance took their leave. W'as




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1669
he seeking to make trouble? I remarked to Mr. Parker and Mr. Neumann that it appeared that way. Next day a lunch was given by the
ladies of the Central Union Church; the occasion was to help pay for
the new church on Beretania street. Mr. Henry Severance took the occasion to say to me that he was entirely ignorant as to the intention of
Minister Stevens before they arrived at the palace, as he had not told
him of the object of the visit and was surprised at Mr. Stevens's conduct. I did not answer.  Some correspondence passed between Mr.
Stevens and my ministers, which resulted in the cabinet entering a suit
for libel against the Bulletin, which was afterwards withdrawn by Mr.
Stevens.
It was during this month that a meeting was held at the residence
of Mr. Alexander Young, and a discussion arose as to my obstinacy in
not appointing one of their number. They called this " constitutional
principle." At this meeting it was proposed to dethrone me. The
question was asked how it was to be accomplished, when it was stated
that Capt. Wiltse of the Boston would assist.
Changes of ministry followed rapidly. The Cornwell cabinet lasted
only one hour. Its members were W. H. Cornwell, J. Nawahi, C. T.
Gulick, and C. Creighton. Without giving this cabinet any trial they
were immediately voted out.
Here I must mention that when the Mafarlane ministry was voted
out I wished to send them back to the house again, but Mr. Macfarlane
and Mr. Neumann advised to the contrary. I felt loath to give up a
cabinet composed of men in whom I had reason to know the communiity
had confidence that their transactions would be straightforward and
honest.
The Wilcox (Reform) cabinet came next. They were appointed by
stratagem, as I found out afterwards. The policy of this cabinet was
retrenchment, no changes in the monetary system of the country, and
to make a commercial treaty which would bring us in closer relationship with the United States.
Their first policy they failed to carry out, as they went into all sorts
of extravagant measures, such as $5,000 for sending a commission to
Washington-and that commission were to consist of Thurston, Wilcox, and others-with the purpose of annexing these islands; $12,000
to send the band to Chicago, and $50,000 for the Volcano road. All
'hese measures were for Mr. Thurston's private benefit, but were passed
in the house. It had always been customary for the ministry to consult the King or sovereign in cabinet council on any measure of importance, but in this instance and on all occasions the cabinet had already
decided on those measures, and simply presented them to me for my
signature. I had no resource but to acquiesce.
Whenever I expostlllated their answer was generally "We have
consulted the chief justice, and are of one opinion." I found that I was
simply a nonentity, a figurehead, but was content to wait patiently
until the next session, when probably they would be voted out.
It required diplomacy to overthrow the Wilcox cabinet and the Liberals used it. The cabinet felt secure because those who worked
amongst the members as wire-pullers were so sanguine about their
s1lcces, but where corruption is practiced there is no stability, and such
it proved in this instance.
A short time before the overthrow of the Wilcox cabinet Cummins,
Bush, R. W. Wilcox, Ashford, and their followers, finding that their
hopes of being in the cabinet would never be realized, left and turned
to help the Liberals once more, and with the aid of some of the Nationals




1670


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


they were successful. They did not like the actions of the cabinet when
it became known that the ministry had no consideration for the Queen
and were carrying things in such a high-handed way.
These members had been deceived by the Thurston party, and they
now combined to help the Liberals. Mr. White was the introducer of
the bill providing for a constitutional convention; also the opium and
lottery bills. He watched his opportunity and railroaded the last two
bills through the house, but he failed in regard to the first bill.
A vote of want of confidence was then brought in. Three days
before members flocked in at Washington Place and wanted to know
if I wanted to get rid of my ministers. I said "No, it is not my privilege," they departed and others came and went. Mr. Colburn and
Ashford called and said they understood it was my wish. 1 answered
them as I did the others. Mr. Ashford said "I see, Mr. Colburn, we
have made a mistake, but Your Majesty, should it be your desire to be
rid of your cabinet, we can be of great service in bringing it about,
but we would expect to have a representation in the new cabinet." 1
asked who of their number they would put forward, and Mr. Ashford
replied "Mr. Cummins, Bush, and myself." I made no further reply,
and they left.
It was a practice among some of the native members to sell their
votes for a consideration. This was taught them by the Thurston
party. They would come to me and then return to that party and
repeat all that was said, for which they were usually paid something.
The Liberals won and the cabinet was voted out, partly because they
were so sure of their success and on account of their own corrupt practices.
Mr. Geo. N. Wilcox and Mr. Robinson I have a high consideration
for. Mr. P. C. Jones is a hearty sympathizer with his party, while I
think Mr. Cecil Brown capable of doing anything that the Reform
party directed him to do. Mr. Berger's vote was the casting vote. It
was decided between Mr. Parker and myself that Mr. Widemann was to
be a member of the next cabinet and for that reason Mr. Berger voted
against the Wilcox cabinet. And so it was, for Mr. Widemann
gave his consent and afterwards he withdrew. The next day Mr. Parker, Cornwell, Colburn, and Peterson were appointed. These gentlemen were accepted by the majority of the people in the house, who
applauded them on their entrance, because they were men of liberal
views, although they were not considered representative men, because
they were not backed by moneyed men.
The same day of their appointment they advised me to sign the
opium and lottery bills. I declined at first, as I wanted to please my
lady friends, but they said there should be no hesitation on my part, as
the house had passed those bills by a large majority, and they had
been signed by the President and committee. I had no option but to
sign. It took place on the 13th of January, 1893.
During the month of November, 1892, a private note was sent me informing me of the intentions of the American minister, J. L. Stevens,
with the aid of some of our residents, to perfect a scheme of annexation,
and that the cabinet had knowledge of the fact, but I gave little heed
to it at the time.
On the 17th of December, 1892, another note was received, of which
the following is a copy:
Her Majesty Queen LILIUOKALANI, may it please your Majesty:
MADAM: Referring to the confidential conimminication I took theliberty of addressing your Majesty a few weeks ago, about the attitude and utterances of the Aneri



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1671


can representatives here. the perfect correctness of which have been confirmed by
subsequent information, I now beg to be allowed to state, that throngh the same
trustworthy source I have been informed that in a very late moment of effusion,
some American official gave to understand that he had instructions to press and
hurry up an annexation scheme, which he confidently expected to carry through at
no distant date, with the help and assistance of the present cabinet.
If your Majesty will kindly weigh this information by the side of the bold open
declarations and annexation campaign made at the present time in the Bulletin, by
the Rev. Sereno Bishop, the well-known mouthpiece of the annexation party, I
think that your Majesty will be able to draw conclusions for yourself, and realize
not only that there is yet danger ahead, but that the enemy is in the household, and
that the strictest watch ought to be kept on the members of the present cabinet.
This again in strictest confidence from
Your Majesty's humble and faithful servant.
The above was written by a gentleman in whose word I have great
confidence as a man who had the best interest of Hawaii at heart.
It was on the receipt of this note that I sent for the British commissioner, James H. Wodehouse, and asked his advice on the matter.
I asked whether he thought it would be wise for me to invite all the
foreign representatives of the diplomatic and consular corps fearing that
a disturbance might arise over the political situation. Ile said he
should not interfere with our local matters, and he dissuaded me from the
idea, as he said it was like acknowledging that there was actual danger.
"Did I think there was any danger?."  I answered, "there might be."
The morning of the 14th of January, 1893, arrived with all preparations for the closing of the Legislature. At 10 a. m. I called a cabinet
meeting for the purpose of apprising them of their positions in the
house and other preliminary instructions. I told them it was my intention to promulgate a new constitution. The cabinet had to meet the
Legislature and we adjourned. At 12 m. I prorogued the Legislature. I noticed that the hall was not filled as at the opening. There
were not many ladies present in the audience, and I also noticed that
several members of the Legislature belonging to the Reform party were
not there. This looked ominous of some comingtrouble.
On entering the palace I saw Mr. Wilson at the entrance of the blue
room. I went up to him and asked if all was ready. He replied,
"Yes." Then I said, "You will have to be brave to day," and I passed
into the blue room and sat awaiting my ministers. A half hour passed
and they did not come. After a little longer delay they arrived. I
immediately judged from their countenances that something was
wrong. I had a few days before planned that I would sign the constitution in the throne room and in the presence of the members of the
Legislature, the majority of whom had been elected by the people for
the purpose of working for a new constitution.
At the commencement of my reign petitions were sent from all parts
of the kingdom asking for a new constitution. Mr. losepa, of Hani;
Kauhi, of Ewa; Nahinu, of Molokai; Kanealii, of Waihee; Kamauoha,
of Kohala, and other members came to me repeatedly and asked for a
new constitution. Mr. Parker, from the commencement of his ministry,
advocated a new constitution, as well as most of my friends, but I was
cautious in my answers to them; but to Mr. Parker I had always said
it would be a good thing, and he said he would sustain me when the
proper opportunity arrived.
A month later I met two members of the Legislature, and started in
to make up a new constitution from Kamehameha V and that of 1887.
After completing it, I kept it till the month of October, when I placed
in the hands of Mr. A. P. Peterson, and asked him to correct it, and
if he found any defects to strike them out and to put in such clauses
as he thought would be good for the people and for the country. He




1672


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


took it and kept it a whole month. To my knowledge he consulted
many lawyers and others in regard to many points of interest in the
document. When it was returned I looked it over and found no
changes had been riade, so I concluded that it was all right.
A week before the closing of the Legislature I asked Mr. Peterson
to make a preamble for my new constitution, but up to the day of pro.
rogation he had not made one.
Early in January I mentioned to Capt., Nowlein, of the household
guards, and Mr. Wilson, the marshal, my intention to promulgate a
new constitution, and to prepare themselves to quell any riot or outbreak from the opposition. They assured me they would be ready, and
I gave strict injunctions of secrecy and showed Mr. Wilson a plan of
the throne room on the day of the signing.
Mr. Parker and Mr. Cornwell had given me assurances of their
support before their appointment as ministers, while Mr. Peterson
understood that such was my intention, and although I had not mentioned it to Mr. Colburn, he had heard of it already from Mr. Peterson.
It appears that immediately on their learning of my intentions Mr.
Colburn, on the morning of the 14th of January, immediately acted the
part of a traitor by going to Mr. Hartwell, a lawyer, and informed him
of my intentions, and of course received instructions from him to strongly
advise me to abandon the idea.
This, then, was the cause of the delay and my long waiting in the
blue room. The members of the diplomatic corps had been invited;
also the members of the supreme bench and members of the Legislature,
besides a committee of the Hui Kalaiaina. The latter were invited to
be present because it was through them that many petitions had been
sent to me. When the ministers arrived I told them everything in the
throne room was ready and the guests were awaiting our presence;
that we must not keep them waiting. I was surprised when the cabinet informed me that they did not think it advisable for me to take
such a step, that there was danger of an uprising, etc. I told them
that I would not have undertaken such a step if they had not encouraged me. They had led me out to the edge of a precipice and now were
leaving me to take the leap alone. It was humiliating. I said, " Why
not give the people the constitution and I will bear the brunt of all
the blame afterwards." Mr. Peterson said, " We have not read the constitution." I told him he had had it in his possession a whole month.
The three ministers left Mr. Parker to try to dissuade'me from my
purpose, and in the meantime they all (Peterson, Cornwell, and Colburn) went to the Government building to inform Thurston and his
party of the stand I took. Of course they were instructed not to yield.
When they went over everything was peaceful and quiet, and the
guests waiting patiently in the throne room.
The ministers returned and I asked them to read the constitution
over. At the end I asked them what they saw injurious in the document. Mr. Peterson said there were some points which he thouglit
were not exactly suited. I told him the Legislature could make the
amendments. He begged that I should wait for two weeks; in the
meantime they would be ready to present it to me. With these
assurances I yielded, and we adjourned to the throne room. I stated
to the guests present my reasons for inviting their presence. It was
to promulgate a new constitution at the request of my people; that the
constitution of 1887 was imperfect and full of defects. Turning to the
chief justice I asked, "Is it not so, Mr. Judd?" and he answered in the
affirmative, in the presence of all the members assembled.
I then informed the people assembled that under the advice of my




IAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1673


ministers, I had yielded, as they had promised that, on some future day
I could give them a new constitution. I then asked them to return to
their homes and keep the peace.
I noticed the look of disappointment in their faces when I retired.
During all that transpired in the blue room from, 1 o'clock p. m. to
4 p. m., I was not at all agitated; was as calm as could be expected
under the circumstances. When I reached the landing of the upper
hall I heard a commotion below in the yard, so I hurried to the front
veranda, accompanied by Prince Kawanauakoa and Kalaniauaole,
and from there I addressed the people, saying that their wishes for a
new constitution could not be granted just then, but will be some
future day. They must go home and keep the peace and to pray for
me, which they have done ever since.
There was a dinner prepared, at which forty persons sat down;
everything was orderly and without confusion in the palace, and
everything remained so all night. At 11 a. m. Sunday, the 15th, Mr.
Parker came in to say that there was a meeting taking place in the
Government building by the Reform party, but he did not say of
what nature.
All Sunday everything seemed quiet until Monday morning. Even
if any great commotion had been going on I would have remained
indifferent; the reaction was a great strain, and all that took place
after that I accepted as a matter of course. It was the disappointment
in my ministry.
At about 10 a. m. Monday, the 16th of January, notice was issued
by my ministers, stating "that the position I took and the attempt I
made to promulgate a new constitution was at the earnest solicitation
of my people-of my native subjects." They gave assurances that any
changes desired in the fundamental law of the land would be sought
only by methods provided in the constitution itself and signed by
myself and ministers. It was intended to reassure the people that
they might continue to maininain order and peace.
At about 5 p.m., however, the troops from the U. S. S. Boston were
landed, by the order of the United States minister, J. L. Stevens, in
secret understanding with the revolutionary party, whose names are
L. A. Thurston, Henry Waterhouse, W. R. Castle, W. O. Smith, A. F.
Judd, P. C. Jones, W. C. Wilder, S. B. Dole, Cecil Brown, S. M. l)amon,
C. Bolte, John Emmeluth, J. H. Soper, C. L. Carter.  Why had they
landed when everything was at peace?
I was told that it was for the safety of American citizens and the
protection of their interests. Then why had they not gone to the residences instead of drawing in line in front of the palace gates, with
guns pointed at us, and when I was living with my people in tile
palace 
I was sitting alone in the blue room when Mr. Widemann and lr.
Trousseau came in hurriedly to inform me of the approach of the
troops. I asked them to go out and tell the people to be quiet, which
they did.
There was no intention on the part of the Hawaiians to harm them or
to raise any disturbance of any kind, nor was the life of any American
citizen in danger. These revolutionists, having their wicked plans
and objects in view, and feeling sure of the support from the American
minister, had worked their feelings to such a state of excitement that
they called a meeting of the citizens and met at the armory at Punch
Bowl street on Monday at 2 o'clock p. in. There may have been 1,200
present, but the majority of those present simply went to see and hear
what the revolutionists had to say, and had no sympathy with them or




1674


HAWTAIIAN ISLA~NDS.


their ideas. At the meeting they made incendiary remarks and
appointed what they called a committee of safety. The Hawaiians
called a massmeeting and passed resolutions supporting the actions
of the Queen. It was a movement intended to reassure the people
and to ward off the danger which they saw was approaching.
The troops remained in front of the palace until dark, when they
withdrew to the Arion Hall.
That evening the Royal Hawaiian Band played as usual at the
Hawaiian Hotel, and a large crowd of people met and everything around
was quiet and peaceful. Tuesday morning at 9 o'clock Mr. S. M. Damon
called at the palace. He told me that he had been asked to join a revolutionary council, but that he had declined. He asked me what he
should do and whether he should join the advisory or executive councils, suggesting that perhaps he could be of service to me; so I told him
to join the advisory council. I had no idea that they intended to establish a new Government.
At about 2:30 p. m. the establisment of the Provisional Government
was proclaimed, and nearly fifteen minutes later Mr. J. S. Walker came
and told me "that he had come on a painful duty, that the opposition
party had requested that I should abdicate."  I told him that I had no
idea of doing so, but that I would like to see Mr. Neumann. Half an
hour later he returned with the gentleman, and I explained to him my
position, and he advised that I should consult my friends. I immediately sent for Mr. J. 0. Carter, Damon, Widemann, Cleghorn, my
ministers, also Mr. Neumann, Walker, and Macfarlane being present.
The situation being taken into consideration and found, that since the
troops of the United States had been landed to support the revolutionists, by the order of the American minister, it would be impossible for
us to make any resistance. Mr. Damon had previously intimated to
Mr. Parker that it was useless to resist, their party was supported by
the American minister. Mr. Damon also said at the meeting that it
was to be understood that I should remain at the palace and continue
to fly the royal standard. At 6 p. m. I signed the following protest:
I, Liliuokalani, by the grace of God and under the constitution of the Hawaiian
Kingdom, Queen, do hereby solemnly protest against any and all acts done against
myself and the constitutional Government of the Hawaiian Kingdom by certain
persons claiming to have esl Tblished a Provisional Government of and for this Kingdom.
That I yield to the superior force of the United States of America, whose minister
plenipotentiary, His Excellency John L. Stevens, has caused United States troops
to be landed at H-onolulu and declared that he would support the said Provisional
Government.
Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces, and perhaps the loss of life, I do,
under this protest and impelled by said forces, yield my authority until such time
as the Government of the United States shall, upon the facts being presented to it,
undo ( ) the action of its representative and reinstate me in the authority which I
claim as the constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands.
Done at Honolulu this 17th day of January, A. D. 1893.
(Signed)                           LILIUOKALANI R.
(Signed)                           SAMUEL PARKER,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
(Signed)                          WM. H. CORNWELL,.Minister of Finance.
(Signed)                           JOHN F. COLBURN,
Minister of Interior.
(Signed)                           A. P. PETERSON,
Attorney- General,
(Addressed)
To S. B. DOLE, Esq., and others composing the Provisional Govern.
ment of the Hawaiian Islands.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1675


A letter was sent to the marshal of the Kingdom requesting him to
deliver everything to the Provisional Government.
All that night and next day everything remained quiet.
At 10 a. m. the 18th, I moved to Washington Place of my own accord,
preferring to live in retirement.
On the 1 9th of January, I wrote a letter to President Harrison, making an appeal that justice should be done.
Hlis Excellency BENJAMIN HARRISON,
President of the United States:
MY GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND: It is with deep regret that I address yon on this
occasion. Some of my subjects, aided by aliens, have renounced their loyalty and
revolted against the constitutional Government of my Kingdom.  They have
attempted to depose me and to establish a Provisional Government in direct conflict
with the organic law of this Kingdom. Upon receiving incontestable proofs that
his excellency the minister plenipotentiary of the United States aided and abetted
their unlawful movement and caused United States troops to be landed for that
purpose, I submitted to force, believing that he would not have acted in that manner unless by authority of the Government which he represents.
This action on my part was prompted by three reasons, the futility of a conflict
with the United States, the desire to avoid violence and bloodshed and the destruction of life and property, and the certainty which I feel that you and your Government will right whatever wrongs may have been inflicted upon us in the premises.
In due time a statement of the true facts relating to this matter will be laid before
you, and I live in the hope that you will judge uprightly and justly between myself
and my enemies.
This appeal is not made for myself personally but for my people who have hitherto
always enjoyed the friendship and protection of the United States.
My opponents have taken the only vessel which could be obtained here for the
purpose, and hearing of their intention to send a delegation of their number to present their side ef this conflict before you I requested the favor of sending by the
same vessel an envoy to you to lay before you my statement as the facts appear to
myself and my loyal subjects.
This request has been refused and I now ask you that in justice to myself and to
my people that no steps be taken by the Government of the United States until my
cause can be heard by you. I shall be able to dispatch an envoy about the 2d day
of February, as that will be the first available opportunity hence, and lie will reach
you with every possible haste that there may be no delay in the settlement of this
matter.
I pray you, therefore, my good friend that you will not allow any conclusions to be
reached by you until my envoy arrives.
I beg to assure you of the continuance of my highest consideration.
(Signed)                                           LILIUOKALANI R.
It appears that President Harrison could not have taken notice of my
appeal, or perhaps he was as anxious as the Provisional Government to
annex these Islands, for the 16th of February I find he sent a message
to the Senate transmitting the treaty, with a view to its ratification,
without having first investigated or inquired into all the conditions or
points of our situation, or that of the United States itself. I will not
attempt to write the President's message, as you are already aware of its
text.
I also wrote a letter to Mr. Cleveland, dated the 31st of January, 1893.
His Excellency GROVER CLEVELAND,
President-elect of the United States:
MY GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND: In the vicissitudes which happened in the Hawaiian
Islands, and which affect my people, myself, and my house so seriously, I feel comforted the more that, besides the friendly relation of the United States, I have the
boon of your personal friendship and good will.
The changes which occurred here need not be stated in this letter; you will have
at the time at which it reaches you the official information, but I have instructed
the Hon. Paul Neumann, whom I have appointed my representative at Washington,
to submit to you a pr6cis of the facts and circumstances relating to the revolution in
Honolulu, an.l to supplement it by such statements which you may please to elicit.




1676                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
I beg that you will consider this matter, in which there is so much involved for my
people, and that you give us your friendly assistance in granting redress for a wrong
which we claim has been done to us, under color of the assistance of the naval
forces of the United States in a friendly port. Believe me that 1 do not veil under
this a request to you the fulfillment of which could in the slightest degreee be contrary to your position, and I leave our grievance in your hands, confident that in so
far as you deem it proper we shall have your sympathy and your aid,
I am, your good friend,
LILIUOKALANI R.
On the 31st of January the Hon. Paul Neumann received his appointment as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the United
States of America. On the lst of February he departed for Washingtoll, with Prince David Kawanauakoa to accompany him on his coin
mission, to negotiate for a withdrawal of the treaty and to restore to
us what had been taken away by the actions of the revolutionists. At
my request Mr. E. C. Macfarlane kindly consented to accompany the
commission.
Happily, Providence ordered otherwise than as was expected by the
revolutionists. Man proposes and God disposes. My commissioners
arrived in time to stay the progress of the treaty. The members of the
Senate became doubtful as to the correctness of the actions of the commissioners of the Provisional Government.
President Harrison's term expired, and President Cleveland's inauguration took place, and I hailed it as a good omen, having met him in
1887 while he occupied the Presidential chair that year, and I have not
been disappointed.
President Cleveland's first act has been to withdraw that annexation treaty; the second, to send a Commissioner to investigate the
situation in Hawaii Nei.
Your arrival in this country has brought relief to our people and
your presence safety. There is no doubt but that the Provisional
Government would have carried out extreme measures toward myself
and my people, as you may have already seen ere this, by their unjust
actions. If the President had been indifferent to my petitions I am
certain it woiuld have brought serious results to myself and tyranny to
my subjects. In this I recognize the high sense of justice and honor
in the person who is ruler of the American nation.
In making out this lengthy statement I will present the main points:
(1) That it has been a project of many years on the part of the
missionary element that their children might some day be rulers over
these islands and have the control and power in their own hands, as
was the case after the revolution of 1887. Mr. W.W.  Hall openly stated
that they had planned for this for twelve years. It was a long-thoughtof project. a dream of many years. So also said Mr. F. S. Lyman, of
Hilo, in his speech to the people in the month of January. He said,
"Fifteen long years we have prayed for this, and now our prayers are
heard."
The disposition of those appointed to positions of authority, to act
with the missionary element, tends to make the Government unstable,
and because they found I could not easily be led by them, they do not
like me.
(2) The interference of the American minister, J. L. Stevens, in our
local affairs and conspiring with a few foreign people to overthrow me
and annex these islands to the United States, and by his actions has
placed me and my people in this unhappy position.
(3) My attempt to promulgate a new constitution. It was in answer




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                    1677
to the prayers and petitions of my people. They had sent petitions to
the late King, and to the Legislature ever since 1887.
The Legislature is the proper course by which a new constitution or
any amendments to the constitution could be made; that is the law.
But when members are bribed and the Legislature corrupted how can
one depend on any good measure being carried by the house? It is
simply impossible. That method was tried and failed. There was
only one recourse, and that was, that with the signature of one of the
cabinet I could make a new constitution.
There is no clause in the constitution of 1887, to which I took my
oath to maintain, stating "that there should be no other constitution
but this," and article 78 reads thatWheresoever by this constitution any act is to be done or performed by the King
)r Sovereign it shall, unless otherwise expressed, mean that such act shall be done
and performed by the Sovereign by and with the advice and consent of the cabinet.
The last clause of the forty-first article of the constitution reads:
No acts of the King shall have any effect unless it be countersigned by a member
of the cabinet, who by that signature makes himself responsible.
My cabinet encouraged me, then afterwards advised me to the contrary. In yielding to their protest I claim I have not committed any
unconstitutional or revolutionary act, and having withdrawn, why should
the Reform party have gone on making preparations for war, as they
did?
(4 and lastly.) That on the afternoon of the 16th of January, at 5 p. m.,
the United States troops were landed to support the conspirators, by
orders of the United States minister, J. L. Stevens;
That on Tuesday, the 17th of January, 1893, at about 2:30 o'clock p.
m.,the Provisional Government was proclaimed, and Minister Stevens
assured my cabinet that he recognized them, that Government; that at
6 p. m. of the same day I yielded my authority to the superior force of
the United States.
We have been waiting patiently, and will still wait, until such time
as the Government of the United States, on the facts presented to it,
shall undo the act of its representative.
I hope and pray that the United States and her President will see
that justice is done to my people and to myself; that they will not
recognize the treaty of annexation, and that it may forever be laid
aside; that they will restore to me and to my nation all the rights that
have been taken away by the action of her minister; that we may be
permitted to continue to maintain our independent stand amongst the
civilized nations of the world as in years gone by; that your great
nation will continue those kind and friendly relations that have always
existed for many years past between the two countries. I can assure
that Hawaii and her people have no other sentiment toward America
and her President than one of kindest regard.
Tlhe Provisional Government, instead of being under the guidance of
the President and cabinet, as the responsible heads of the nation, are
virtually led by irresponsible people, who compose the advisory councils and "provisional army," and who set the laws of the land at defiance. A continuance of this state of things I consider dangerous to
life and to the community.
I pray, therefore, that this unsatisfactory state of things may not continue and that we may not suffer further waste, justice may be
speedily granted and that peace and quiet may once more reigun over
our land, Hawaii Nei.
LILIUOKAJLAINI.




1678                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
No. 34.
Interview with Albert B. Loebenstein, of Iilo, Hawaaii, surveyor and
civil engineer, Tuesday, April 11, 1893.
Mr. BLOUNT. What is your business?
Mr. LOEBENSTEIN. I take charge of lands belonging to the Government in respect to rents and suggestions I am pleased to give relative
to their reservation, whether best to sell them or what disposition.
Q. Will you tell me in whose hands the lands of the islands generally are?
A. Government lands?
Q. The whole land system?
A. The Crown lands, the Government lands. The amounts of
Government land is about 873,000 acres and of Crown over 900,000
acres, throughout the group.
Q. Who owns the residue?
A. Bishop estate and private parties?
Q. What is the amount owned by private parties?
A. I can not say. The report of 1890 will give the figures of that.
Q. Can you tell me as to the holdings of the Kanaka population?
A. They are very small indeed.
Q. Can you give me any figures?
A. I can not. The tax returns would give that most accurately.
Q. To whom should I apply for that?
A. To the minister of finance. I know it is very small, and each
year diminishes in amount.
Q. By leases and sales?
A. Mostly by mortgages, which foreclose by nonpayment of interest
and principal. The Chinese have a large ainount of lands which were
originally assigned to Kanakas on these islands.
Q. Have they absolute title?
A. In most instances they hold by lease.
Q. They are not lands which belonged to the chiefs?
A. No; they are lands which come under the head of Kuleanassmall holdings, seldom over 5 acres in extent, and on these islands
they are the principal lands which form taro patches and receive irrigation. They are now controlled by the Chinese.
Q. The Chinese are not owners of sugar plantations, are they?
A. No; I believe there is but one sugar plantation owned by Chinese,
and that is on the island of Molakai. That has since been sold, and
now the only plantation interest owned or controlled by Chinese is one
on the island of Hawaii, and more particularly the plantation of
Pepeekeo, in the district of Hilo, of which one-third of the capital stock
is owned by one C. Afong.
Mr. LOEBENSTEIN continuing at 11 o'clock Wednesday, April 12.
Mr. BLOUNT. This is a map of Hawaii?
Mr. LOEBENSTEIN. Yes.
Q. What do the various colors represent?
A. The yellow represents land belonging to the Crown, the green
that owned by the Government.
Q. And the remainder?
A. The remainder represents individual ownership and other ownership, including lands conveyed by the Government, and also Kuleanas,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1679


which represent small parcels conveyed to the original tenants, who
resided on the land at the time that the land system was established.
Q. By whom?
A. By Kamehameha III. They were conveyed by the King on confirmation of the land commission subsequent to 1848.
Q. Were not some of them conveyed to chiefs?
A. No; all the lands which were conveyed to the chiefs were merely
in reward for services rendered by their ancestors at the time of the
conquest by Kamehameha I.
Q. Now, what part of the lands, outside of the Government lands
and the crown lands, belongs to what is known as Kuleanas, and what
part belongs to individuals and corporations?
A. At the time the awards were made about 11,000 acres in all were
conveyed as Kuleanas by the King and privy council. Subsequent to
that, and I might say for a short time preceding, sections of land were
sold by the King, and subsequently by the Government, and royal
patented to individuals-iHawaiians and foreigners-about 290,000 acres
in all.
Q. What part of the 290,000 acres did the natives get?
A. On the Island of Hawaii, two-thirds; this is approximate. I want
to be on the safe side, giving the Hawaiians the benefit of the ratio.
Then there remained, of course, the lands which are still owned by the
Government, and also those which come under the crown lands proper.
On figuring up the area of the crown lands of Hawaii, allowing for
those lands whose area is not correctly known, I should say there
were over 625,000 acres of crown lands on the Island of Hawaii. There
are nearly 600,000 acres of Government land. There are lands which
come under the head of unassigned lands, and also those which have
not yet been investigated, that I should say were nearly 150,000 acres
more.
Q. What do you mean by unassigned?
A. At the time the land system was established a list of lands was
made out. Certain lands were to be given to chiefs; others were
reserved by the King, and the remainder were to form what has since
been called Government lands. Certain lands were overlooked, and
have since come under the head of unassigned lands. The larger portion of the crown lands are now under lease for long terms of years.
Q. What is the limit?
A. Thirty years, allowed by law. A number of these leases have
lately been made, which of course throws them out of any calculation
for development by small settlers for sometime to come.
Q. To whom are they leased?
A. Corporations.
Q. And for what purpose?
A. Grazing purposes and cane cultivation. That land is only suita.
ble for that purpose and also for the needs of planters.
Q. What do you mean by the needs of planters?
A. They felt that they required land for the purpose of planting
cane, and they offered so much a year, and generally they got itslometimes far below the actual value. I know of several instances
where leases have been executed for crown lands far below their actual
v aile.
Q. To corporations?
A. Yes. Of course a large quantity part of this crown land is absolutely worthless. A reference to the map will show that most of these
crown lands converge towards the backbone of the island. Then there




1680                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
is a large amount of lava and other volcanic country unfit for anything,
but enough remains to be applicable to purposes of farming, especially
small farms. In the higher altitudes crops can be raised which are
grown in temperate zones, and nearer the level of the sea tropical
products. I should say that of these 625,000 acres 50 per cent can be
made available, after the leases which now tie them have expired. I
think the value of the crown lands has been very much overrated.
Q. You speak of the natives owning Kuleanas, and then of their
having gotten lands sold by the Government.
A. Yes, sir.
Q. The latter class; are they in small parcels or not?
A. The largest amounts of land sold to the native Hawaiian by the
Hawaiian Government are seldom over 100 acres in extent. There
are some which are of larger area, and when so have generally been
purchased by a number of individuals pooling together.
Q. Well, now, the pooling of these lands; who owns them?
A. To-day?
Q. Yes.
A. Individuals.
Q. For sugar culture?
A. Yes, and for grazing. I should say that by far the larger part is
now in the hands of foreigners.
Q. Did the natives sell it 
A. They sold it and they raised money on it by mortgage, and in
some instances lost it by foreclosure.
Q. Have they conveyed away in that way the larger proportion of
their holdings 
A. I should say that not over 10 per cent of the land originally conveyed to the Hawaiians or purchased by them from the Government
has remained in their hands to-day.
Q. The lands sold then are generally in the hands of these corporations?
A. Yes, sir. I should state, in this connection, that the larger portion
of the lands sold by the Government is situated in the districts of Kohala,
Hamaqua, and Hilo, the three districts on the island of Hawaii
which now produce over one-half of the crop of the Hawaiian Islands,
over 60,000 tons. The districts of Kona and Kau in the olden times
were mostly settled by Hawaiians. The fishing was good, and they
preferred to live there in preference to living on the windward side of
the Island. As the plantations throughout the group expanded and
their needs for land increased, it gradually assumed control of these
little sections.
Q. By purchase?
A. The process would be this: The Hawaiian would get hard up.
He wanted to raise money on his property, and of course the plantation was always ready to advance that money; or if he went to other
parties it would sooner or later be transferred to the plantation. The
man who had made him advances would want his interest or principal, and
in the natural course of events it always cane over to the corporation,
and this is how they managed to obtain the whole or larger part of the
land.
Q. Now, the lands on the leeward; who are they owned by now
mostly?
A. The ownership is about even between the descendants of the
original awardees and the others who have obtained control in the
manner I have just stated.




IAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1681
Q. What are they used for?
A. For grazing lands and sites for dwellings. The leeward side is
largely volcanic-very rough and rocky-and the lower contours are
unfit for anything but grazing. The higher contours are generally on
larger awards, which are now owned by others. This condition holds
good with the other islands as on Hawaii, only more emphatically so.
Q. You mean to say that these changes of title are more emphatic
than on Hawaii?
A. Yes; Hawaii is only a sugar-producing island of comparatively
recent date, while Maui and Kauai were the initial points of the sugar
industry.
Q. How about this island 
A. Sugar on this island is of comparatively recent date. The total
amount of land owned by Hawaiians on these islands does not exceed
7,000 acres. I am giving approximate figures.
Q. How much is owned by other parties?
A. The remainder. I think the area of this island is about 340,000
or 350,000 acres.
Q. And the remainder, after taking out the amount owned by
natives?
A. About 65,000 acres is owned by the Crown; a small tract is owned
by the Government and the Bishop estate, and private parties, mostly
foreigners, come in for the relnainlder. Of the 7,000 acres I have
given 1,200 acres or thereabouts is now under cultivation by the
Chinese in rice and taro patches.
Q. Did they get that froim the natives?
A. Yes. The remaining 6,000 is what is called Kula land, or plateau
land. It is all heavily mortgaged.
Q. About what rate of interest is charged?
A. The legal rate is 9 per cent.
Q. Suppose more than that is charged?
A. If it is with the consent of the mortgagor, he is held.
(Mr. Loebenstein here presented a map of the island of Maui.)
Q. Will you please tell me what opportunity you have had for getting this information you have been giving this morning?
A. I have been a surveyor for a number of years and I am constantly
traveling over all the islands of the group. I have taken great interest in the land system here and given it a carefful study. I know the
Hawaiian language thoroughly-I speak it, read it, and write it.
Q. How long have you been in the islands?
A. Off and on, fifteen years. I was born at Macon, Ga.
Q. You have not been south since you have been away?
A. No.
Q. Your surveying has been done at the instance of private parties
or the Government?
A. Both. The Government has frequently retained me for work
when their own corps was insufficient to carry on the work, but I am
not a salaried Government official.
Q. You have perhaps found it more profitable to have private
employment?
A. Oh, by far.
Q. When employed by the Government you get the same rate of
pay?
A. I charge the same rate as I do to private parties. I would say
tihis-that I also hold an appointment as Government land agent for
the island of Hawaii, and my duties are to maintain an oversight and
S. Rep. 227 —106




1682


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


supervision of Government lands. I have always endeavored to look
out for the interest of the people as against the grasp and greed of
other parties-that is in respect to fair figures for rentals, and setting
apart such lands as I think should be set apart for homestead settlers,
so as to give the experiment of small farming in the country a fair
trial. Of the lands set apart for homestead purposes on the island of
Hawaii there are about 7,000 acres in all, which have been laid out in
tracts not exceeding 20 acres.
Q. Now, going from the land question, do you know anything about
the causes which led to the dethronement of the Queen and the establishment of the Provisional Government.
A. I believe I have kept myself posted on the events of the day. I
believe I understand to some extent how the crisis was brought about.
Q. Please give me your views.
A. Since the forcing of the new constitution upon Kaulakaua there
has been a constant endeavor on the part of the Sovereign to undermine those constitutional checks which were set against the royal prerogative. That of course led to constant collision.
Q. You mean force 
A. No; constitutional collision. In many instances the constitutional side of the question, as I understand it, was set aside. That is
to say, by opinions and decisions from the highest court in the landthe supreme court. The sovereign was generally sustained. All these
different results and different tendencies finally combined in making
the issue very plain and broad. Then again the Hawaiian looks upon
the Government and upon official position as a legitimate source from
which to fill his pocket. In other words, he is naturally corrupt.
The younger generation have only the one ambition-to become Government employes. For this reason the sovereign has generally been
able to depend on that element in its encroachments on constitutional
liberty. These different streams all converged into that revolution of
a few months ago, which set aside the Queen. I know, of course, that
at times there must have been a private understanding and differences
of opinion which were adjusted in order to maintain a peaceful condition of affairs.
Q. Who were these private understandings between 
A. In this statement I am giving my own individual opinion. I have
nothing authoritative, but events have occurred at times which any
lover of constitutional liberty, or anything which meant the independence of white men, would grit his teeth over and still find things would
remain the same.
Q. Did these differences run along the race line generally?
A. I could answer that in this way-that what differences there have
been have generally resultedin the race line being sharply drawn, and
the Hawaiian would of course use his vote in strengthening his side of
the case. There has been no working in harmony between the two
races for the last ten years.
Q. The difference then practically has been between the whites and
the Crown and the natives on such questions as you have already
indicated? Is that true?
A. It is undoubtedly so.
Q. Did there seem to be a general sentiment amongst the whites for
annexation?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. When did that get to be pronounced 
A. You mean as a public enunciation 




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1683


Q. You can 'state it both ways.
A. It became a public enunciation January 16, and before that time
there had been several. I know of one instance where the same movement was in force to bring about annexation.
Q. What time was that?
A. Between the months of March and October of 1892.
Q. Was that the Ashford-Wilcox movement?
A. Yes; I was requested to join the movement. It was a secret
conspiracy at that time.
Q. The object being to dethrone the Queen?
A. To overthrow the throne and have annexation. I won't say to
what republic. It was the initial step to evolve a system of annexation.
Q. Why did it fail?
A. In the first place the officialsnabbed the head conspirators before
the thing was ready. My personal conviction is that the time was not
ripe; that capital, which is proverbially timid and slow to accept a new
order of things, was unwilling to embark in the scheme.
Q. Did the leaders of that movement have anything to do with the
failure of the capitalists to join?
A. Yes, sir; I believe it was the want of responsible men-who were
known as men of financial standing in the community-that was the
cause of the failure. Some of the leaders who were then annunciating
annexation are now violently opposed to it.
Q. And were they on the 16th of January?
A. I know of two who in public utterances opposed the movement.
Q. What is your judgment as to the disposition on the part of the
people toward the Provisional Government?
A. Hawaiians, you mean?
Q. You can take the several classes in such order as you want.
A. I believe the feeling among the whites generally is in support of
the Provisional Government. There are exceptions, but I think I have
a right to say they do not represent the respectable element in the
community.
Q. How are they in point of numbers? What percentage of the
white population?
A. I know there are very few.
Q. There is an English element here. How is it disposed towards
the present Government?
A. Equally divided as to annexation and nonannexation.
Q. Is it true or not that they and the whites generally are looking at
the matter from a business standpoint?
A. In my conversations with a number of leading sugar-planters,
and managers who represent owners, they have advanced several
reasons like this: We are fully aware that the bounty is a ti  thing that
can be knocked in the head. We do not care. We want better government. And as for the contract labor, we can get along without it.
We have enough Japanese in the country now. Some of then look at
the thing from a financial point of view, and might be unwilling to
express these views.
Q. What do they desire and expect if they entered into union with
the United States?
A. Stable government.
Q. What do you mean by stable government?
A. A government which is not under the pleasure of a sovereign
whose mere will or wish or pleasure will overthrow constitutional rights.




1684


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Q. The larger pait of the population here is not white?
A. No, sir; they are not-whites only a small minority.
Q. Well, then, if the Portuguese and the Japanese and the Kanakas
were allowed suffrage, would they not overthrow the political power of
what is called the best people here?
A. The Hawaiians alone would do it without the aid of the other
elements.
Q. With that in view, what is the expectation of the better class as
to the question of suffrage in connection with their desire for annexation?
A. The original intention was-which is a matter of history-to apply
for union with the United States and to be accepted by them under a
territorial form of government.
Q. And so avoid the suffrage question?
A. Yes.
Q. Looking to the fact that, as you have said, the native population
would overwhelm the better elements in any political contest if manhood
suffrage was adopted, what condition, what relation could they hope to
have with the Government of the United States to protect them from
that situation?
A. A territorial form of government, formed on lines parallel to the
government of the District of Columbia. That was the original idea
and expectation when the Queen was dethroned.
Q. After the Provisional Government was established?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. You say that was the original idea?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. What is the idea now-any change of feeling or belief or hope?
A. I do not think so. I think the feeling remains the same; but, in
view of the opposition which this has brought forth, the matter has
now evolved into a desire to give them civil rights.
Q. Who?
A. The Hawaiians.
Q. To what extent?
A. Votes.
Q. Without qualification 
A. That has not been entered into, so far as I know.
Q. Do you think, in view of what you have said about the Government being overwhelmed by a popular vote, would you suppose they
would be satisfied to go into the Union, giving unqualified suffrage to
the native population?
A. I do not think they look that far ahead. I believe that the suffrage given to the Hawaiians would make them a football and an
object which different political parties would try their best to get
hold of. At the same time the Hawaiian has no love for the present
dynasty of sovereigns.
Q. And if the question of annexation was submitted now?
A. It would be overwhelmingly defeated.
Q. By whom?
A. By the Hawaiians.
Q. Have you thought over that, and are you giving me your deliberate opinion?
A. I have studied the matter carefully.
Q. Then I will ask you why it is that so many of the native population are signing petitions in favor of annexation?
A. It illustrates the natural instability and unreliability of the




HAWAITAN I.LANDS.                  1 685
Hawaiian character. Ile signs petitions in favor of one thing to-day
and repudiates it by signing a different one to-morrow.
Q. Then how could you feel assured that if submitted to a ballot he
would vote against annexation?
A. He is in the hands of political leaders of his own race.
Q. And their leaders are against it?
A. Their leaders are at present against it. Personally, he is indifferent.
Q. The revolution of 1887, from which came the constitution of that
year, was that accomplished by the people about Honolulu and on this
Island?
A. The practical part of it was accomplished by the people of this
town. There were divisions and auxiliary branches sworn to bring
about the same results on the other islands.
Q. Made up of what race of people?
A. Whites, entirely.
Q. They did not participate in the actual movement in Honolulu at
the time of the overthrow of the Queen 
A. No; it was purely and simply a movement by the people of Honoululu.
Q. Was there any participation on the part of anybody on any other
island than this?
A. Only a moral support.
Q. I mean any physical force which was resorted to?
A. No; but a number of them were prepared to exert it if necessary
to do so. I was one of them.
Q. You say there had been an organization in existence for some
time for that purpose among the whites?
A. For annexation?
Q. No; I am speaking of the movement of 1887.
A. Yes, sir; it was conceived some time in January, 1887, and culminated in June, if my recollection is correct.
Q. The object of it was to wrest from the King the authority to
appoint nobles?
A. Well, the object was to bring about a cleaner condition of affairs
and to check his tendency to absolutism.
Q. Where did they get their arms from?
A. From San Francisco, and they were supplied by various mercantile firms in this town. I would say tlhat there were in existence sev
eral militia companies who had arms and ammunition for sometime.
Q. In the movement of the 14th of January had there been any
preparation in the way of the white people possessing themselves of
arms?
A. I can only speak from hearsay and reading the papers.
Q. What did you believe?
A. That there was no preconcerted action whatever.
Q. They went to the armory, it appears from some proceedings furnished at Washington, and got arms. Do you know anything about
those arms?
A. They were taken there after the mass meeting had been held in
town protesting against the action of the Queen.
Q. From what source taken there?
A. From several mercantile houses here.
Q. WT:hat kind of arms?
A. filles-Wilchester and Springfield, and whatever guns were
there. Private citizens who had arms in their possession responded




1686                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
and delivered theml over to the committee of safety. When we heard
of this on the other islands we put our guns in order. I had several.
Q. Is it the practice on the other islands to do as you did to have
arms?
A. No, it is not; but very few had been as prominently identified as
myself in matters of this kind. I had several rifles given to me at the
close of hostilities in 1889. There was fear that an outbreak might
occur on one of the other islands and naturally these arms and a lot of
ammunition were given to me.
Q. And were they distributed about town in the same way?
A. I do not believe they were. It was for fear hostilities might arise
and it was deemed best to distribute them there. A number there are
of men who frequently go hunting and as a rule have a rifle or two in
the house. But the Hawaiian is not naturally bloodthirsty. He is too
indolent, and any crisis or issue which would have to be fought out by
force of arms with native Hawaiians pitted against white men would be
merely the result of demagogue teachings.
Q. Is it not generally accepted here that the superiority of the
white race always suppresses the inferior races?
A. Yes; that is the feeling among white people.
Q. Is not that true?
A. Yes; emphatically true.
Q. Whenever you get to an emergency and the people are thoroughly aroused there is a feeling on the part of the white people that
they can exert their will?
A. Certainly; and the average Hawaiian does not care.
Q. He is not disposed to fight?
A. No; it is not in him, but the leaders and half-castes-they are
the dangerous element in the community.
Q. Well, but in a contest with the whites have they ever been able
to successfully rally this native force?
A. No. I speak from experience, gathered in 1889, where a comparatively small body of whites were able to cope with an immeasurably
superior force of natives. The average Hawaiian really does not care
in this contest for annexation, but in any case at issue between his
color and white men he will side with his own race. Get the leaders
out of the way and the Hawaiians would very soon be reconciled. A
few leaders keep alive the race issue.
Q. Is it not easy in a legal way to get rid of these leaders?
A. They can be influenced by financial considerations.
Q. Then, in order to control popular elections here, it would be necessary to resort to the use of money with the leaders?
A. I know it would be necessary or else give them places. The
younger men are the ones on whom these demagogues depend. The
younger ones really have a hatred of white men.
Mr. BLOUNT. Thank you. I will not detain you longer.
My father arrived in United States in 1848 from Germany; He was
more or less mixed up with political matters there. He was traveling
in Macon at the time I was born. I was brought up in New York
City-graduate of Cooper Union-as a civil engineer and mechanical
engineer. I was born in Macon in 1857, when my father, who was a
musical artist, was traveling.
I have carefully gone through the foregoing interview between Col.
J. H. Blount and myself and pronounce it to be an absolutely accurate
report.
ALBERT B. LOEBENSTEIN.
HONOLULU, April 17, 1893.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1687


No. 35.
Interview with Curtis J. Lyons, assistant on Government survey, Honolulu,
Wednesday, April 12, 1893.
Mr. BLOUNT. MIr. Lyons, I ask you to give me what you conceive to
be the causes of the revolution-the causes of the dethronement of the
Queen and the establishment of the Provisional Government?
Mr. LYONS. The revolution of 1887 was the spontaneous rising of
the better elements here against the ultramonarchical government of
Kalakaua.
Q. Let me interrupt you here. What do you mean by the better
element of the people?
A. By the better element I mean the leading element in society and
in business.
Q. And what nationalities would cover that?
A. Americans, English, and Germans.
Q. Please proceed.
A. The influence of the King over the Legislature was one of the
grievances, and the meddling of Kalakaua unnecessarily with foreign
matters in the Pacific, which would naturally lead us into trouble.
Q. What foreign matters?
A. Samoan matters. Then the taking of a large bribe from the
Chinese for An opium license was especially aggravating. To illustrate the meddling of the sovereign in the Legislature. At a previous
Legislature I have seenQ. Previous Legislature to what?
A. Previous to 1887-I have seen the King in the noon interim for
lunch go with a body of legislators to the house of Mr. J. E. Bush,
then minister of the interior, to arrange things for the afternoon
session. It was the acknowledged object of their meeting there. The
feeling in 1887 became very great. A body of volunteer riflemen was
drilled.
Q. By whom?
A. By one of the Ashfords.
Q. They were not organized by the Government?
A. They were organized under the volunteer act; that is, volunteer
companies were allowed, and under that act this volunteer company
was drilled. Clubs for rifle practice were formed. The revolution was
accomplished by means of a mass meeting which included the larger
part of the foreign population of Honolulu. The rifle company was
called out ostensibly to preserve order.
Q. By whom?
A. As I understand it, Antone Rosa, the attorney-general. He was
requested to order it out. I do not know the details. At that time I
was in charge of the survey office. I did not deem it honorable to join
the movement, although my sympathy was with it. The rifle company
came over to the Government building ostensibly to protect the life of
William M. Gibson. A committee was sent to Kalakaua.
Q. Who was William M. Gibson?
A. He was then premier, minister of foreign affairs. The committee went to the King with demands, the main feature of which was
the appointment of a new ministry which should prepare a new constitution. The ministry was appointed and the constitution promulgated
in one week. This constitution had three notable features of reform.
The first, that no executive officer of the Government should be elected




1688


1-1,kWAIIANP~i   ISLANDS.


to the Legislature nor any member of the Legislature appointed to exec
utive office during the biennial period for which he held office,. That
the nobles in the Legislature who had previously been appointed by the
King should be appointed by a restricted vote having a property qualification.
Q. What was the property qualification?
A. It was a yearly incomeof $600, or property of $3,000 in real estate.
The third important feature: the King was not to dismiss a ministry
without a legislative vote of want of confidence. The vote for representatives which had been previously enjoyed was untouched. The
vote for nobles was an entirely new feature which had never been
enjoyed by any one previously. After this revolution-the Reform party
which sustained it —
Q. Will you wait one moment? With a property qualification of
$3,000 or an income of $600 to vote, how would the number of native
voters compare with the number of white voters?
A. That could be settled by reference to the great register. My
impression is that about 25 per cent of the voters would be Hawaiians.
Q. And the balance would be whites?
A. That is my impression.
Q. The result of that would have been to have given-if the whites
were united-the election of nobles to them?
A. If they had been united it would.
Q. Was that the object of the change in that particular?
A. The object of the change from the King's appointment to the
electoral appointment was to limit the power of the King.
Q. The effect would be the disqualification of the mass of the native
population, so that there would not be more than 25 per cent of them
having the right to vote as against 75 per cent of the whites. So that
the proportion was fixed in order to give the white element the greatest
power in the selection of the body of natives [nobles]?
A. It was not done with any reference to whites or Hawaiians. It
was simply on the general principle of giving to those who had sufficient intelligence to earn $600 per year the predominating influence.
Q. Conceding that principle, was it not expected that the principle
applied would result in the whites having the power to select the body
of nobles?
A. I can not say that was the exact intention as between the
whites and the Hawaiians.
Q. Was it the expectation of the intelligent people on the islands
that the application of this principle would mark out somewhat about
what you have stated-25 per cent of the votes for the nobles by Hawaiians and the remainder by the whites-was that in the minds of the
ruling class here then?
A. Any reflecting person of that class would see that that would be
the consequence.
Q. Please resume.
A. After the successful ending of that revolution, matters went on
well for some months, but there gradually developed a disruption.
Q. Of what?
A. The elements that carried the revolution through. What was
called the National Reform party originated in opposition to what was
called the Reform party. It gathered to itself a large element of the
Hawaiian strength. It didn't sympathize with the main movement,
and the Legislature of 1890 secured the ministry of that party.
Q. What party?




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1689
A. The National Reform party as opposed to the original Reform
party. It is hard to define the elements of pan!ty in this little community. There was more or less complaint about the constitution
of 1887.
Q. In what way-the matter of the election of nobles?
A. Principally in regard to the election of nobles.
Q. What was the exact point of complaint?
A. That the property qualification was too high. The Reform party
claimed that the Hawaiias, the complaining party, had never had the
privilege of voting for nobles anyway. Therefore they were not
deprived of anything. The Legislature of 1892 may be characterized
largely as a struggle for the possession of the ministry for the Government. It revealed, too, to thinking people the weakness of the system.
I mean the ministerial system.
Q. What weakness did it reveal?
A. The change of government being placed so entirely in the hands
of the Legislature it became a temptation to gain possession of the
Government by manipulation.
Q. On the line of vote of confidence or want of confidence?
A. Yes. That Legislature lasted about seven months. The community generally became weary of the long struggle.
Q. Do you mean all classes and all races 
A. Yes. Several critical measures were hanging over the community. One was for unlimited paper currency-a paper currency based
upon real estate, and practically unredeemable.
Q. What became of that currency bill?
A. It was defeated.
Q. By what vote?
A. I do not remember. I think it was not a very large majority.
A. (Continuing.) There was a bill for legalizing a lottery scheme
which was favored very largely by the Hawaiians in the community as
well as in the legislature. There was also a billfor renewing the opium
license. Later in the session, about four months, after the beginning
of the session, a ministry was secured which commanded the respect
of the business part of the community. Later on in the session there
were attempts made to oust this ministry. The party which may be
characterized as the reform party opposed this. They said that such
a measure would tend to weaken the whole system of government, and
it might perhaps bring on a crisis.
Q. In the form of debates in the legislature?
A. No; as outside advice. There was a feeling that if the Government didn't maintain its superiority that foreign interference might
take place. The advice of these people who were in favor of what
afterwards became the annexation movement, was to retain that ministry, and my opinion is that if it had been retained the Queen would
have been on her throne to-day.
Q. Do you mean by that that the condition of that ministry would
have been in accord with the views and feelings of the Reform party?
A. No, sir; but the displacement of that ministry produced alarm
and resentment. It produced a feeling that the Government was unreliable. There was awithdrawal of business confidence. With reference
to annexation ideas at that time, I would say that the general feeling
as understood among planters and others was against it for this reason,
that contract-labor system, which has been considered almost essential,
would doubtless be broken up; and ii the second place the United States
tariff coming into effect here would affect business unfavorably in many




1690


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


respects; in the third place there was little confidence that the sugar
bounty would be continued andin thefourthplaceitwaspersistently said
that the United States would not take us. I have favored annexation
in a quiet way, so far as it was courteous for a person in my position,
for a great many years. One attempt was made to oust the ministry,
which is known as the George Wilcox ministry, which might be characterized as the Reform ministry which failed. Later on the lottery
bill was passed by a very small majority, only one white man, as I
remember, voting for it. I myself remonstrated with one of the members of the Legislature against making that a race issue, as the
Hawaiians appeared to be making it so.
Q. Will you explain to me what you mean by making it a race issue
as the Hawaiians appeared to be doing?
A. They seemed to regard it as somehow intended to benefit them.
Q. What was the exact idea they had as to how it would benefit them?
A. I do not know. I do not comprehend, myself. There is an
instinctive tendency on the part of the Hawaiians to take the crown
side upon questions of this sort. On one occasion in the Legislature
the argument was seriously brought forward in favor of a bill that
the Queen favored it. I forget what bill it was.
Q. Brought forward by some man making a speech?
A. Yes. (Continuing.) The lottery bill passed and there was a doubt
in the minds of its supporters whether the ministry would carry it out.
They took occasion of that to oust the ministry. That was the day
before the closing of the Legislature.
Q. This was the 13th of January, the Legislature adjourned on the
14th.
A. Yes; the lottery bill passed on Wednesday the 11th. The vote
of want of confidence in the cabinet passed on the 12th, 25 to 16. On
the 13th, in the afternoon, the new ministry took their seats. There
was an unusual amount of enthusiasm in the audience at the time this
ministry was voted out.
Q. The Wilcox ministry?
A. Yes; I noted the enthusiasm among the Hawaiians with great
concern.
Q. What was the occasion of your concern; what disturbed you?
A. I felt that the Hawaiian element had taken advantage of its
majority and itS ability to coalesce with other parties, and had taken
the weak and vicious side-that it would bring trouble.
Q. What sort of trouble?
A. Indefinite. I could hardly say what. I thought that they would
become bankrupt-not have money to carry on the Government,
possibly.
Q. Did you think of it possibly creating a revolution?
A. No; I did not, because there was no intention of a revolution
at that time. To put it plainly, we expected to grin and bear it until
something turned up. On Saturday morning it was known generally
that the lottery and opium bill had been signed by the Queen. The
prorogation of the Legislature was set for noon. My own statement of
the case was that it was time for the Hawaiians themselves to step
down and out. I have always been a friend to the Hawaiians and tried
to do what I could for them always. I have felt that they were wrecking their own Government, as a man might steer a ship to destruction.
Nothing was generally known at the prorogation of a new constitution.
There had been some abortive attempts to secure a constitutional convention in the Legislature. It resulted in nothing.




IIAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1691


Q. Any petition to the Legislature on the subject of the constitution?
A. There had been many petitions.
Q. What was the substance of the petitions; what was wanted by
the petitioners?
A. A large reduction in the property qualification or abolition of it.
My recollection is that there were other important changes wanted
to which I paid little attention.
Q. Where did these petitions come from I
A. The natives.
Q. From all the islands?
A. I can hardly say. It was deemed that the oath to support the
constitution among legislators precluded a constitutional convention.
Q. The opposition to the constitutional convention was placed by
the opponents on the ground that there was no authority to call a convention?
A. Yes; that there was only one way-to amend it-and that was
specified in the constitution itself.
Q. And that was by a vote of two successive legislatures?
A. Yes.
Q. Are you familiar with the affairs of Saturday afternoon?
A. I was simply a spectator. I left my office half an hour after the
legislature closed, rather wondering why the band continued playing
at the palace. I passed legislature hall. I saw men talking. I said
to myself the circus has begun. I saw soldiers drawn up in line from
the palace gate.
Q. How many of them?
A. I should say 75. or about that number. The palace yard was
full of natives waiting on the grass, and many out in the street. I saw
a small flag held at the foot of the palace stairs.
Q. What kind of flag? 
A. A small Hawaiian flag. The flag of the Hui Kalaiaiiina (the last
word means statesmanship). A man met me at the palace gate. He
said the ministers had just resigned. In fact, that they had just fled
from the palace over to the Government building.
Q. How do you know they had fled?
A. I do not personally know. That was what was always stated
and never contradicted.
Q. Do you mean that somebody was trying to arrest them, or that
they went away from the Queen because they were uuwilling to coiperate with her in this movement?
A. The general statement made was that they were intimidated;
that there were threats made in case they did not yield to the command
of the Queen to assent to the constitution.
Q. What sort of threats?
A. That they would be placed under arrest, and there was an opinion
that the natives might use mob violence.
Q. Whose opinion?
A. Thau was understood to be the fear of the ministers then.
Q. Do you know of any of them having said so?
A. I do not know. I should say, from their general demeanor that
afternoon, they were very much perturbed. They appeared like men
who were afraid. I went immediately down town. The news was just
spreading that the crisis was taking place at the palace. Citizens came
up to the Government building to see what was going on.
Q. Do you mean by citizens white people?
A. Yes. I saw Mr. Cornwell, Mr. Peterson, and Mr. Colburn. I
10518   27




1692                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
believe Mr. Parker remained at tlhe palace. I returned to the Government building to watch the progress of events. I iwas there whel the
Queen's messenger. Col. Richardson, came over and commanded the
ministers to go back and wait upon the Queen.
Q, What was the form of the command? Do you know whether it
was a command or an invitation.?
A. I called it a command because that is the term usually applied to
the Queen's orders to her ministers.
Q. It is an official phrase?
A. Yes. I stood at the front door of the Government building when
Mr. Thurston stood there.  He said: "This thing must not be
repeated." He intimated-though I can not say what words he usedthat it would continually be repeated under the present state of things.
After some time we saw the society of the Hui Kalaiaina file out from
the palace. The leader threw out his hands to intimate that they had
not obtained what they wanted.
Q. What time in the day was this?
A. About 3 o'clock.
Q. How many were there of that organization present?
A. I should say about thirty in uniforms-in black with dress hatscarrying a flag at their head.
Q. Was it a committee from that society 
A. I do not know how they were appointed.
Q. That did not cover the number of that political organization in
the islands?
A. It had been a large organization. It was first organized by Dan
Lyons, who edited a paper a year or two previous. His main idea was
to make public officers elective, but it had become entirely independent
of his management and control. The size of the organization at that
time I know nothing about.
Q. Would you suppose there were more than thirty persons in the
islands connected with it?
A. I have no means of forming an opinion. I paid little attention
tc the society, thinking it amounted to nothing. They first formed in
the front of the palace, until the Queen came out on the upper balcony
and made a speech to them.
Q. Did you hear the speech?
A. I did not; I was too far off. I also saw at the same time a
Hawaiian, who I was told was White, of Lahaina, come to the front steps
and begin to speak in an excited manner. He was led back into the
palace.
Q. By whom?
A. I think by Col. James Boyd. The soldiers thenbrokeup and the
audience gradually dispersed. There was great excitement among the
foreign lookers on. I quietly went home myself.
Q. You were not at the meeting at Mr. Smith's house Saturday?
A. I was not. I met a prominent citizen Sunday noon. I said: "I
believe annexation is the only thing to cure this." He said to me: " I
believe a great many are now coming to feel thatway." I had said two
weeks before in a private conversation with Judge Judd that I believed
annexation was the only cure for this. He shook his head. He said:
"I do not know." About this same Sunday he acknowledged to me
that I was right.
Q. Who did?
A. Judge Judd. It was about that time. I will not be sure whether
it was Sunday or Monday. The Boston came into port on Saturday




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1693
morning from Hilo. Monday morning after reading the paper and
noting the call for the two mass meetings in the afternoon, I said to
ny wife: "The situation is very serious indeed. It is more serious
than it was in 1887. That with the arms and men at the disposal of
the Queen they might use force to put down the other mass meeting
or there might be a riot between the two elements outside of that." i
also said-not knowing about any plans-that it would be wise for the
Boston to land her troops to preserve order.
I went down to my office. I heard of the manifesto of the Queen disavowing her conduct of Saturday. About half past 9 a messenger
from Mr. Colburn's office came to our office with the orders that if
any trouble ensued that the staff of the survey office should report to
the station house for service. Our names were taken down. I went
over to the minister's office. I simply'said to him, "I am not in a state
of health for active service." His reply was, "We shall expect a very
good excuse if you are not there." I left him, saying that perhaps I
should be there. I attended the mass meeting at the armory or skating rink. It was very crowded. I felt it was a very critical moment.
It would seem as if the Government forces might at any time be
sent to disperse the meeting. The speakers all carried the main idea
that the community must not again be exposed to this continual danger of revolution; that something must be done to put a stop to
events which would lead at any time to revolution. This state of
things kept our families in a state of alarm, injured business, and could
not be endured longer. Nothing was said about annexation.
Q. Anything said about dethronement?
A. Nothing, directly. The speeches are reported, and correctly, in
the papers of the succeeding day.
Q. So that was the spirit of the meeting?
A. Dethronement?
Q. Yes.
A. It was not so stated. It was to denounce the Queen's action;
that steps must be taken to prevent any recurrence of that state of
things.
Q. What sort of steps were in the minds of the speakers and audi.
ence?
A. There was evidence of very intense feeling and determination.
Q. To do what?
A. The vote was to sustain the committee of safety.
Q. In what?
A. In such steps as they might see fit to take. The meeting ad
journed quietly and the history of the landing of the troops is well
known.
Q. Now I will ask you on another branch; if the matter of the sup
port of the Provisional Government was left to the people who had the
privilege of voting under the constitution of 1887 on the question ot
sustaining the Provisional Government, what would be the result
under the Australian ballot system?
A. I am inclined to think it would be against it.
Q. How much?
A. I can not say. I know there has been a growth of annexation fe(,1 -ing among the Hawaiian population.
Q. I simply want to know, taking the test by popular vote, what
would be the results?
A. So far as I could judge I should say it would be against them,
judging from my general acquaintance with the population.




1694


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


I have carefully read through the foregoing and pronounce it an
accurate report of my interview with Mr. Blount.
CURTIS J. LYONS.
No. 36.
Statement of Curtis,-. Ijyons.
HAWAIIAN LANDS.
The entire area of the Hawaiian Islands was anciently divided up
into ahupuias or small districts, each of which had its individual distinctive name. These divisions were either valleys, or Strips of land
between gulches, or strips with artificial boundaries, which were well
conserved.
The feudal system under which these were held is described in Prof.
Alexander's Brief History of Land Titles, in President Dole's Historical Paper on the Evolution of Land Titles, and in the accompanying
series of papers by the writer of this, published in 1875 on Land
Matters in Hawaii.
In brief, the actual history of the transition from the feudal system
to the fee simple system which took place in the period from 1846 to 1850
m&y be stated as follows: It being premised that while the theory of
the division of lands differed more or less from the actual practice, the
ends attained were virtually the same.
The chiefs, under Kamehameha III, were holding lands in fief, varying in the number of those held by any individual chief from forty or
more to one, according to rank or past service of the holder. The common people were tenants of these chiefs, or else of the King when living
on his private lands.
Each chief made a division in writing with Kamehameha III as sovereign, in which the chief relinquished all right in about one-half of the
lands held by himself and received from the sovereign a similar relinquishment in toto of the said sovereign's claim on the remaining half.
This transaction was entered on the opposite pages of the book called
the mahele book (mahele meaning division), one page bearing the deed
from the King to the chief of the half of the lands by name enumerated,
and the opposite page the relinquishment, by the same chief, of all
claim on the other half.
The next step was the assignment by the King of much the larger
portion of the half which remained in his hands to the Government or
public domain. The third step was for the chiefs to also give up a
small portion of their half to the same public domain.
Thus the property known as the Government lands became established, land which has ever since been more or less in the market, and
of which the choicest portions were by especial effort placed by sale at
nominal price in the hands of native Hawaiians.
The next step was for the chiefs to have their individual titles confirmed by the land commission. It was a subsequent matter to obtain
formal royal patents.
Thle lands reserved by Kamehameha III, as above mentioned, with
the choice lands which had been previously regarded as his own, were
united in theory, and treated by himself and by Kamehalmeha IV as
private lands. Kamehameha V, and the Legislature cooperating with
him, made them inalienable, and created the board of crown commis



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1695


sioners to take charge of them. Thus they became national property,
the income of which, however, belonged to the occupant of the throne,
and has never been accounted for to the Legislative Assembly.      These
are now known as the crown lands.
As an undercurrent to all these transactions, the small feudal holdings of the common people who had been tenants of the King on his
private lands, and of the chiefs on their lands, and of the Government
on its lands were made fee simple titles by what is termed the Kuleana
system  under the authority of the same land commission that confirmed the titles of the chiefs.  The word Kuleana means primarily, " an
interest in," and now is the name of a small holding awarded as above.
The word Evant is used for all patents based on sales of Government
land.
The above is a brief resume of the essential points in reference to
Hawaiian land matters as treated at length in the papers alluded to
above. It is hoped that this succinct statement will aid in a study of
the subject.
CURTIS J. LYONS.
HONOLULU, April 12, 1893.
LAND MATTERS IN IAWAII.
By C. J. LYONS.
[Published in the Islander, Honolulu, 1875.]
No. 1.
The change from barbarism to civilization that has taken place on these islands
has in no respects had more material importance than as regards land matters. A
more generally diffused understanding of some subjects connected with these matters may tend to benefit the community, especially as it may enable some to comprehend and grapple with certain difficulties that are universally felt to exist, and
which however seem to be beyond the combined skill and executive ability of any
one individual to remove.
The particular kind of civilization that took root on Hawaii was not of the kind
that destroyed all that preceded it. It might have crushed out all ancient vested
rights, ignored ancient subdivisions of land, and created a carte blanche upon
which to begin de novo the marking out and mapping off of real estate; possibly
endeavoring to introduce the monotonous rectangles of a United States public survey among the valleys and ridges of this diversified country.
Such a civilization would have treated the Hawaiian language as too paltry to put
into print. Yet one is sometimes tempted to wish that not quite so much deference
had been paid to the conservative side of the question. More of this hereafter.
The ancient divisions of land will therefore be our first subject to attend to. The
islands were, if the phrase may be allowed, tremendously peopled in many portions
thereof. I can think of no word to express the swarming state of population
that must have existed in localities. Even had Capt. Cooke made no estimate, the
evidences of such population are unmistakable. In general principles there must
have been an inevitable diminution of the people with the advent of civilization,
from the simple fact that the resources of the country would not support those same
people so soon as their wants were increased. They were already industrious; what
more could they raise from the soil, or furnish any way, save as they pandered to
vice, in return for the accouterments of a new civilization. These are pertinent
reasonings; certainly so to those who moralize on the diminution of races, though
to follow them out would be a digression from our present subject.
Consequences of a long occupancy of this soil by a dense population, minute subdivision of land, and nomenclature thereof. Every piece of land had its name, as
individual and characteristic as that of its cultivation.
The unit of land, so to speak, seems to have been the ahupuda. Its name is derived
from the ahu or altar (literally pile, kuahu being the specific term for altar),
which was erected at the point where the boundary of the land was intersected by
the main road, alaloa, which circumiferented each of the islands. Upon this altar at




1G96                      HAWAIIAN    ISLANDS.
the annual progress of the akua makahiki (year god) was deposited the tax paid by
the land Whose boundary it marked, and also an image of a hog (puaa) carved out
of kukui wood and stained with red ochre. How long this was left on the altar I
do not know, but from this came the name (ahupuiia) of the pile of. stones, which
title was also given to the division of land marked thereby. Many a time have I set
up compass on ancient landmarks of this sort, especially on Hawaii. One near Honlolulu may still be seen on the north external slope of the crater of Salt Lake. This
besides marking the boundary of the Halawa and Moanalua, marked also the limits
of the Kona and Ewa districts. Near by I picked up an ancient ulu maika, the rolling stone of the old bowling game of maika. The more common name of the altar on
the island of Oahu was kaananiau.
The ahupuiia ran from the sea to the mountain, theoretically. That is to say, the
central idea of the Hawaiian division of land was emphatically central, or rather
radial. Hawaiian life vibrated from uka, mountain, whence came wood, kapa for
clothing, olona for fishline, ti-leaf for wrapping paper, ie for rattan lashing, wild
birds for food, to the kai, sea, whence came ia, fish, and all connected therewith.
Mauka and makai are therefore fundamental ideas to the native of an island. Land,
as we shall see in a subsequent article, was divided accordingly.
No. 2.
In a previous article we have seen that the old Hawaiian system of dividing lands
was preserved under the new system of titles; that in populous portions the subdivision was very minute, and that the main idea of the ahupuia, or primary
division, was to run a strip from the shore to the summit of the mountain, in order
to give an equable share of all the different products of the soil and sea.
The ahupuaa, however, was by no means any measure of area, as it varied in size
from 100 to 100,000 acres, and on the almost worthless wastes of interior Iawaii
attained to an even greater extent than this. Taking the above-mentioned island
first in order, the common ahupula is found to be a strip say of 1,000 feet average width,
and running from the seashore, not by any means to the top of the mountain, but to
the zone of timber land that generally exists between the 1,700 feet and 5,000 feet
line of elevation. The ordinary ahupuaa extends from half a mile to a mile into
this belt. Then there are the larger ahupnaas, which are wider in the open country
than the others, and on entering the woods expand laterally so as to cut off all the
smaller ones, and extend toward the mountain till they emerge into the open interior
country; not however to converge to a point at the tops of the respective mountains. Only a rare few reach those elevations, sweeping past the upper ends of all
the others, and by virtue of some privilege in bird-catching, or some analogous
right, taking the whole mountain to themselves.
Thus Mauna Loa is shared by three great lands, Kapapala and Kahuku from Kau,
and Humnula from Hilo. Possibly Keauhou from Kona may yet be proved to have
had a fourth share. The whole main body of Mauna Kea belongs to one land from
Hamakua, viz: Kaohe, to whose owners belonged the sole privilege of capturing
the ua'a, a mountain-inhabiting but sea-fishing bird. High up on its eastern flank,
however, stretched the already mentioned land of Humuula, whose upper limits
coincide with those of the mamane, a valuable mountain acacia, and which, starting
from the shore near Lanpahhoeho, extends across the upper ends of all other Hilo
lands to the crater of Mokuaweoweo.
These same lands, generally, had the more extended sea privileges. While the
smaller ahupnaas had to content themselves with the immediate shore fishery,
extending out not further than a man could touch bottom with his toes, the larger
ones swept around outside of these, taking to themselves the main fisheries much in
the same way as that in which the forests appropriated. Concerning the latter, it
should here be remarked that it was by virtue of some valuable product of said
forests that the extension of territory took place. For instance, out of a dozen
lands only one possessed the right to kalai waa, hew out canoes from the koa forest.,Another land embraced the wauke and olona grounds, the former for kapa, the latter
for fish line.
On East Maui, the division, in its general principles, was much the same as on
Hawaii, save that the radial system was better adhered to. In fact, there is pointed
out to this day, on the short spur projecting into the east side of Haleakala crater,
a rock called the "Pohaku oki aina," land-dividing rock, to which the larger lands
came as a center. How many lands actually came up to this is not yet known.
On West Maui the valleys were a very marked and natural mode of division.
The question suggests itself as to how the isthmus would be appropriated. Some
powerful chiefs of Wailuku and Waikapu seem not only to have taken the isthmus,
but to have extended their domain well up the slope at the foot of Haleakala. So
that there is the rare case of a long range of lands in Kula, East Maui, without any,ea coast,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1697
On Molokai and Lanai, there are exceptional cases of lands extending directly
across, from sea to sea.
On Oahu the ahupuaa seems to have been oftentimes quite extended. Waikiki,
for instance, stretches from the west side of Makiki Valley away to the east side of
Wailupe, or nearly to the east point of the island. Honouliuli covers some forty
thousand acres on the east slope of the Waianae Mountains. Generally speaking,
however, the valley idea predominates. Thus Nuuann (with its branch Pauoa),
Kalihi, Moanalua, Halawa, etc., are each the limits of single lands. So Waimanalo,
Kailua, Kaneohe, Heeia, etc., are ahupuaas. The long, narrow strip so common on
Hawaii is less frequent on this island, excepting in Ewa district. Singularly
enough the ahupuaa of Waiane   mounts the summit of the Kaala range and
descends into the table-lands between Ewa and Waialua, and sweeps on up to the
summit of the Koolau Mountains. One would suppose that naturally that tableland would be divided between Ewa and Waialua.
On Kauai, the writer' is not familiar with the general divisions. Probably the
interior of the island belongs to a few large lands, while narrow and rather short
strips are quite common along the shore, interspersed with large or tirst-class
ahupuaas.
No. 3.
The next subject that claims attention is that of the subdivision of the ahupuaa.
The subdivision of the Ahupuaa were called ili.  Some of the smallest ahupuaas
were not subdivided at all, or at least seem not to have been, while the larger ones
sometimes contained as many as thirty or forty ilis, each, of course, named with its
own individual title and carefully marked out as to boundary. The word is the
same as that used to designate surface, and, in latter times, area.
There were two features of the ili, referred to by the terms lele and ku, which are
worthy of notice. The former is its desultory character, like unto that of the states
of Germany. That is to say, the ili often consisted of several distinct sections of
land-one, for instance, on the seashore, another on dry, open land, or kula, another
in the regularly terraced and watered kalo patch or aina loi district, and another
still in the forest, thus again carrying out the equable division system which we
have seen in the ahupuaa.
These separate pieces were called, lele, i. e., "jumps," and were most common on
Oahu. Indeed I know of none on the is land of Hawaii. Some remarkable examples
occur near this town. Punahou had anciently a lot on the beach near the Kakaako
Salt Works; then the large lot with the spring and kalo patches where is now the
school, and again a forest patch on the steep sides of Manoa Valley. Kewalo meanwhile had its seacoast adjoining Waikiki, its continuous kula on the plain, and onehalf of Punchbowl Hill and its kalo land in Pauoa Valley. Kaakaukukui held
Fisherman's Point and the present harbor of Honolulu; then kalo land near the
present Kukui street, and also a large tract of forest at the head of Pouoa Valley. The
kalo lands of Wailupe are in Pauoa Valley. In Kalihi and also in Ewa are ilis with
from eight to ten different leles, a most prolific kind of land, and now furnishing a
truly desultory job for a surveyor to map out.
These different pieces were called variously, either by their own individual name,
or by that of the whole ili, thus puzzling one sadly when attempting to obtain inforimation with respect to them,
The second feature is referred to in the word ku, short for ili kupono. There were
two kinds of ili; the ili of the ahupuaa, and the ili kupono. The ili of the ahupuaa
was a subdivision for the convenience of the chief holding the ahupuaa; alii ai ahupuaa.
The konohikis of these divisions were only the agents of the said chief, all the revenues of the land included going to him, and the said land, in Hawaiian parlance,
"belonging to the ahupuaa."
The ili kupono, on the contrary, was nearly independent. The transfer of the ahupuaa to a new chief did not carry with it the transfer of the ili kiupono contained
within its limits. The chiefs, previously holding the ili kupono, continued to hold
them, whatever the change in the ahupuaa chief, having their own koeles (chiefs'
patches), worked by their retainers. There was, however, a slight tribute of work
due to the ahupuaa chief; sometimes one or two days in a month, sometimes even
less, or only certain days in the year. The ilis which were used as places of refuges
trid those of the god Kaili, did not render even this tribute. Such were Kaahumanu',
ilis in Waikiki.
On the ili kupono, Waimea on Hawaiia furnishes an eminent example. Ninetenths of this ahupuaa are taken up with the independent ilis of Puukapu and
Waikoloa, to say nothing of half a dozen small ones of the same kind. Accordingly
when a Waimea ahupnaa was declared in late years a crown land, it was necessary
to declare Puukapu also a crown land, as though not included in Waimea.
S. Rep. 227     107




1698


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Waikoloa was given by Kamehameha I to Isaac Davis, and it has remained in the
Davis family ever since. When therefore the limits of Waimea were settled by the
boundary commissioner, the Crown commissioners knew hardly more than they
bad previously of where the Crown land was situated. How much labor and confusion this principle has brought about remains yet to be seen.
Within the ills all large kalo patches seem to have had specific names, especially
on Oalhu, which was the most microcosmic of the Islands. The koeles, or chiefs
patches, more particularly. Kihapai's, i. e., dry land patches, with their intervening
ridges of small stones, or earth weeds, had also their appellation. These ridges of
cultivation, often rows of sugar cane, too, were in cultivated sections, very frequently
the boundaries of the ahupuaa, called iwi, bone-short for iwi kuamoo, backboneand curving enough they are. Sometimes changed in ancient times, amidst fierce
battling between the clans each chief could summon from his land.
The date of this division is fixed about twenty generations back in Hawaiian tradition, the names of the chiefs establishing it being given. The moku or district
was fixed at the same time, such as Kona, Kau, Puna, Hilo, Hamakua, and Kohala
on Hawaii. On Maui are some smaller divisions than the moku, called kalana, Lahaina being one of these. Wailiku, Waikapu, Waiehu, and Waihee were independent,
belonging to no moku. On the map it is necessary to form a new district, and call
it Wailuku, Nawaieha being too cumbersome and ill-understood. Olaa on Hawaii,
it is said to have been independent of Puna and Waimea of Kohala. Otherwise the
district division was very exact and comprehensive.
One other anomaly remains to be noted here. A large tract of forest land in Hamakua, Hawaii, was once cut off from a number of ahupuaas for the use of the whole
district, and is called Kamoku to this day, becoming at the time of the "mahele,'
which must come next in our way, Government land.
No. 4.
We now come in regular course to a brief notice of the mahele.
The mahele was a phenomenon in national history not often repeated. The
mahele was, in one sense, a revolution. In another sense it was most eminently a
conservative movement.
To write a fullhistory of this change would require more leisure, or. more corectly
speaking, more time and strength than most persons in our community and in active
life have at their own command. It will only be in place here to indicate its main
features. I am very well aware that there may be widely different views on this
subject among those of the legal profession, and those put forth here may be called
decidedly unprofessional. It may be suggested, however, that occasionally the
unprofessional opinion has the advantage. This is often the case with respect to
theological matters, sometimes decidedly so in medical matters, and the common
sense of honest jurymen frequently cuts at once through the entanglements of legal
questions on both sides to the desired point of equity and justice to both sides.
The mahele was simply an endeavor on the part of the majority of the Hawaiian
chiefs, and especially on the part of Kamehameha III, to secure to all parties what, on
the ordinary principles of acquiring property, seemed to belong to them. It was
contemporary with the organization of the department of the Hawaiian Government
in 1845-'46.
The theory which was adopted in effect was this, that the King, the chiefs, and
the common people held each undivided shares, so to say, in the whole landed estate.
Whatever the legal deduction from the status under the former feudal system might
be, the fact in equity was acknowledged that whoever had a share in making the
land valuable held an interest in that land. Legally speaking, the title of the
whole was in the King. The King who conquered the whole, viz, Kamehameha I,
had partitioned the lands among his warrior chiefs, retaining a certain revenue from
them, in default of payment of which the land was forfeited. These chiefs did the
same to those below them.
Kamehameha III for the common good waived his title to the whole, under conditions-conditions that those under the chiefs should be treated in like manner,
and, moreover, that a certain portion, one-third, should be given to a common landed
estate, called Government lands, the proceeds of which were to go to the public
treasury, and which should furnish that facility for the acquirement of real estate
in fee simple which is so necessary for the growth of a community.
In other words, the Hawaiian nation agreed to divide as individuals their as yet
undivided inheritance, the King taking a share proportioned to the general idea of
the dignity of his position. (It should be stated that the word mahele signifies
division.) It was moreover agreed that there was to be a portion devoted to the
general good in two ways, viz, by rendering it obtainable to those who desired land
and by using the proceeds for the benefit of the public treasury. It will be seen




HAWAIIAN    ISLANDS.                      1699
that there was a double mahele-first of all amongst themselves, and second, of
each with the general treasury.
This last was the trying point with the chiefs. It required no little effort to bring
about its accomplishment, and no little self-denial and resolution on the part of
those who thus gave up what they regarded as their lands. The scenes in the
meeting of the council for this purpose have been described by eyewitnesses as
thrillingly interesting. Almost everyone of those who took part il this peaceful
but patriotic revolution has gone from the presence, we hope not from the remembrance, of this community. Among the ranks of these noble dead are Kamehameha
III, and Kekuanaoa, Paki, Kekauonohi, John Ii, who was most active in bringing
about the change, and a host of lesser chiefs. Messrs. Richards, Judd, Ricord, and
afterwards Lee, were the leading spirits in inducing the chiefs to see the benefits
of the new policy and system.
There were two great sacrifices made by the chiefs. The division with the Government we have noticed. Far be it from anyone to misappropriate these Government lands, thus conscientiously given up by the old Hawaiian chiefs for the
national good. The other sacrifice was that of the kuleana, or land of the small
tenant. These small tenants were permitted to acquire a full title to the lands
which they had been improving for their own use. In the true view of the case,
this was perfectly a measure of justice, for it was the labor of these people and
of their ancestors that had made the land what it was. This subject will lead us to
consider the land commission.
No. 5.
The lands having been divided, as we have seen in the last article, it became
necessary in order to establish the real estate business of the Kingdom on a practical
basis to give some formal evidence of title sanctioned by the law of the land. The
mahele was an anomaly. The land commission, appointed to carry out the principles of the mahele, was another. Both were eminently practical and just in
their idea.
Five gentlemen, John Ricord, William  Richards, Z. Kaauwai, James Young
Kanhehoa and John Ii, were appointed by the King in February, 1846, to hear testimony upon the claims of individuals, and to issue awards to the claimants for the
land claimed by metes and bounds. These commissioners drew up a careful statement of principles to guide their conduct in making the awards.
This statement was approved by act of Legislature and made law. It was further
ordained that no claim should be valid unless approved by them, and unless presented before a certain time. The only appeal was to the supreme court. The commissioners took the oath of office and held their first meeting for regular business in
March, 1846. The first claim upon and award signed was to James Voss, on the
lot at the south corner of Hotel and Alakea streets. The taking of testimony was
an herculean task, when we consider that the number of claimants were over 10,000.
It was found that the taking of testimony, the surveying of boundaries, and the
making final award would each have to be separate stages of work. Accordingly,
while the first volume of land commission records contain lengthy masses of testimony attached to each award, in the second volume awards only are given, the
testimony being trereafter by itself in another series of separate volumes. The
commissioners worked with most commendable energy, going to every part of the
islands to meet the people and prepare for awarding the kuleanas.
Kuleana means, originally, a property or business interest in anything. The common people were in former times assigned certain portions of the chief's lands, to
occupy at the will of the chief. Generally speaking, there was a good degree of
permanence in this occupancy, provided that service was duly paid to the superior.
In 1839 a law was promulgated that no one should be deprived of his land without
due cause, which law was a preliminary step to the subsequent one of giving to all
those common people who would come forward, present their claim, their testimony,
and pay the expenses of settling the whole matter a fee simple title in their improved
lands. In the town of Honolulu all lots were to be subjeet to a commutation fee of
one-fourth of their unimproved value to the Government. Elsewhere the award
was in fee simple, without commutation. These awarded claims came to be known
by the term " kuleana."
After the testimony in regard to their existence was taken the next step was to
scatter a horde of surveyors all over the Kingdom, with memoranda of claims, to
survey each separate one by itself, and send in the survey to the office, generally on
a sheet offoolscap paper. At the office they were copied in huge, unwieldly volumesvolumes, however, ten in number, of infinite value to the real-estate interests of
this little Kingdom. Of the surveys, more hereafter. They were generally paid for
by the piece, at the cheap rate of $2 to $3 per kuleana. The total expenses for the
land commission expenses were all borne by the claimants, and amounted to from
$6 to $12 to each kuleana. Cheap enough; yet the poor natives were often a long




1700                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
time in collecting the amount to pay over to the agent who distributed the papers
containing award.
In fact, it seemed all like a dream to the common people, so long serfs under masters.
All sorts of reports would spread through the country to the effect that the whole
thing would be knocked in the head; that such and such lands wore to have no
kuleanas taken out of them, etc.
Then there was a vast deal of haphazard about the matter.  In kalo patch
land it was comparatively easy to determine where and where not the kuleana
should extend, though many a contest between the claimant and konohiki chief's
man took place even there. It was impossible for the commissioners to go upon
the ground, so that responsibility in a large measure depellnd  on the surveyor. In
dry or kula land, where the soil has to remain fallow for years between crops, it
was difficult to decide what akuleana should contain, and, as we shall see, there was
much variety of practice'
No. 6.
Mention was made in the last number of the haphazard or lack of unform rule in
establishing the boundaries and extent of kuleanas. The best illustration of this
may be derived from an example. Three surveyors were sent to Hawaii to as many
different districts to measure and report kuleanas. Directions, "to include what
the claimant has cultivated and improved."  Surveyor No. 1, a stranger to the
country, found the people cultivating on the kula land, say, two or three acres of
upland kalo. Not taking into account the fact, alluded to in our last number, that
it was necessary for the land to lie fallow for two or three years before another crop
of kalo could be produced from it, he surveyed merely the amount under actual cultivation. The kuleanas were awarded accordingly, the poor people having no one
to take their part, and as a consequence in many cases abandoning their newlyacquired property as utterly insufficient for their needs.
No. 2, a native Hawaiian, was assigned to a district where the resident American
missionary was one who took an active interest in the new order of things, and who
believed-and not without some reason-that the people had the main right to the
land anyway, on general principles. The consequence of this was that surveys
were sent in from 15 to 30 and even 40 acres in extent, and were awarded.
Surveyor No. 3, meanwhile, after an arduous campaign among the kalo patches,
with an ever-watchful konohiki to contest his progress, and to whom the reply to
appeals for advice to the land commissioners was sent "Do the best you can," came
out into the kula lands of his district. Multiplying the amount under actual cultivation by the number of seasons in which it would have to lie fallow, the estimate
was made of from 6 to 12 acres as the ordinary run of upland kuleanas, and surveys
were sent in accordingly. Reports of what was going on in the neighboring districts soon came in anld, rather puzzled thereby, our man lay on his oars for a few
weeks to see what would turn up. Finding that his surveys, too, were approved of
he went on through the district on his own principles.
In defense of the above inconsistency the plea may be urged that the commissioners had such a mountain of business to dispose of that " anyway to get througrh
might well be their motto. To resurvey in all these cases was next to impossible,
also to obtain full information. Then, while there lived a King who thus favored
his subjects, it was expedient to make all speed possible lest a change might introduce worse confusion.
Another inconsistency was in the awarding of titles below high-water mark and
on reefs in some instances and not in others. The immediate vicinity of Honolulu
Harbor as compared with Pearl River and Kaneohe Bay furnishes a notable instance
of this.
After the awards of the kuleanas came the awards to the lesser chiefs and to foreigners to whom lands had been given of the ilis which we have described above.
They were generally though not uniformly awarded by their external boundaries,
expressly stating in the award and in the patent based thereupon the excepting of all
kuleanas contained therein.
The a hupuaas were awarded to the chiefs to whom they belonged in a similar manner, the exception including the ilis awarded as above, and also such ills as by the
statute 1 aw were declared on the basis of the mahele, as we have previously seen to
be either crown or Government lands. Of course, when the mahele was made the
division took place; the ahupuaa to one chief, or to the crown or Government, as
the case might be, and the ili kupono, described in a previous number, to other
chiefs, or the crown or Government, as the case might be. The crown and Government lands were expressly set forth by name in the statute at the same time that
the land commission was created.
It is this existence of titles within titles unseparated one fron another by especial survey
that creates the unmitigated state of confusion that now exists on these islands. It
might as well be confessed and made public that adequate steps may be taken if




HAWAITAN ISTANDS,                        1701
possible to clear up the confision, heightened as it is tenfold by the fact that all
the kuleanas are recorded each by its own individual configuration and extent with
no general map of any district. In the prospectus, so to call it, of the land commission, it was declared necessary to know the "configuration and extent of the
several claims." The very important item of localion -was omitted. It was probably impossible to have carried out any general system of measurement which would
have secured this, when we take into account the imperfect instruments employed
by most who were employed in this really national work.
Another example froml actual experience may come in here, perhaps to advantage.
In Kalihi, Oahu, is an Ili of Governmenlt land. A large part of it was taken up, as
usual with the kuleanas of the people resident thereln. The remainder was in all
conceivable shapes, mixed in the interstices of the kuleanas, and including, however, some very valuable land. For some iyears the sovereigns of the country
diverted this land to their own use. When, afterwards, it was deemed advisable
to use or dispose of the land to the benelit of the Government, a survey was necessary to find where the Government land was situated. To this end every single
kuleana lot, to the number of fifty or thereabouts, had to be resurveyed and located,
errors, inaccuracies, and magnetic variation all to be taken into account, and their
descriptions made out of what remained, to agree with the adjoining kuleanas,
the whole involving about two months of labor. The resultant remaindler of government lots of land were worth somewhere near $1,500. More of this hereafter.
No. 7.
To sit in judgment on the past is not always advisable. It is easy, in the light of
subsequent events, to perceive what would have been the wiser course. But it is
not always easy to put ourselves in the places of our predecessors; to realize what
difficulties may have beset them and what obstacles may have prevented the carrying out of their own conceptions of what should have been done.
This remark applies to the work of the land commission. The following imperfections in their work are very noticeable:
First. That already noticed, including titles within titles, kuleanas within ilis,
ilis within ahupuaas, and so on, without distinct specification of what was expected
within. It has frequently occurred that persons have purchased estate on the basis
of the acreage of the whole, and then found, to their dismay, that one-fourth or
even one-half of the area specified was taken up in kuleanas, tides in fact just as
good as that of the larger estate around them. This 1has been.t!l  tanding grievance
with purchasers in this Kingdom, and has tended to bring the kuleana system into
disfavor.
Second. The land commission ought to have been continued till all the land had
been properly apportioned and award passed thereon by the commissioners, including in these awards also the crown and Government lands. The object aimed at,
viz: the settling, for once at least, of titles, would then have been gained. The
omission of the crown and Government lands has created uncertainity all over the
group as to boundaries even to this day. The almost unlimited powers of the commissioners should have been used to put matters in a practical and accessible shape.
Third. The number of steps requisite to procure a full title has been too great.
First the mahele, then the award, then the royal patent. Now, in the town of
Honolulu, we will say, A and B have adjacent lots. A procures his award, and
immediately goes on, pays the Government commutation, and receives a royal
patent. B merely contents himself with the land commission award, leaving the
future to look out for the payment of commutation. A and B both sell to C. C
cuts up his property into small lots and sells. Now in some or other of these lots
there will be at the same time, land commuted for, and land as yet uncominuted for.
I), who has purchased one of these heterogeneous titles, wishes a full title, and is
obliged to hire surveyors, lawyers, and what-not to find the imaginary line in his
property, dividing the patented portion from the unpatented, describe the unpatented
portion, and take out his ' 1R. P." for the same in the name of the original awardee,
dead, say twenty years ago. It would seem as if this threat of a government onefourth ought to have been disposed of at the start.
Fourth. While the surveys were carefully recorded and indexed, there was an unaccountable lack of uniformity in the methods followed in malking them. It would
seenl as though a person having the practical knowledge possessed by the late
Hon. W. L. Lee, for so many years president of the commlission, would have issued
certain uniform rules to the persons employed. Instead thereof, we h;ive every possible method of measurement adopted, every.conceivable scale employed, meridiane
pointing everywhere, non-marking of corners; in short, everything left to the sweet
will of the man who was hired at from $2 to $3 per kuleana to do the measurement.
Nor was one district assigned to one man. No less than a dozen tried their hands
at waikiki, no one being required to guide himself by the notes of another. Of course




1702                      HAWAIIAN    ISLANDS.
overlaps and interlayers are the most common things imaginable. It has h.en the
practice heretofore to reg;rd the person holding the earlier award to take precedence in the case of an overlap and thle one holding possession in the case of an interlayer. Some doubts in high quarters have been expressed, however, on this
matter.
As we have said above, the real reason for all this looseness lies in the fact that
there was little money to pay out and little time to wait for the work. It may be
added that there was not then a single thoroughly competent land surveyor on the
ground. The grounds for this assertion may be stated hereafter. Civil engineers
there were, and amateur surveyors, but no thoroughly competent land surveyor.
To hasten the "quieting of titles" it was enacted by the Legislature that all claims
not presented before a certain date should revert to the Government. This date was
postponed several times. The land conmmissionl itself was driven to the policy of
awarding titles by ancient boundaries, without survey-that is to say, simply by the
name of the ahupuaa or ili. leaving the owners to fix the boundaries as best they
could. In that way it was enabled to close its labors at the time prescribed by
statute, viz, on the 31st of March, 1855. The receiving of evidence was finally closed
on the 30th of December previous.
Even then an act had to be passed in 1862 "for the relief of certain Konohikis,"
enabling some such who had received land at the time of the mahele to receive an
award from the interior department for the same, up to a certain date, beyond which
the land, in unawarded, was to revert to the Government.
The question now comes up: Will these lands thus unawarded now be claimed by
the Government? And, moreover, will similar lots in town be thus claimed? The
view of the case taken at the time was this: "For the good of the community,
land owners must be comlpelled to go through certain forms of law, failing in which
the lands are fo ofeit." Was or was not this, in the circumstances, a constitutional
act?
No. 8.
The land in the Hawaiian Islands was considered at the time of the mahele as
belonging to the nation. It was divided off according to principles deemed equitable and titles were given, emanating really from the Government, representing the
nation, by the King as the executive power. This, I think, is the true theory of the
then new departure in land matters. The power to whom were given the Crown
lands was not the power that gave legality to the new titles. The Crown lands
were set aside for the private emolument of the King. The Government lands were
for the benefit of the whole, for the parties as a whole, that divided the land.
When, therefore, the rule was made, or law passed, that lands not awarded should
vest in the Government, it would seem to have been perfectly in the power of those
making the law so to enact. It hardly seems proper, therefore, at the present day
to assume, that such lands should revert to the Crown as "Crown lands." They
should revert to the Crown as the representative of the Government, not for the
private use of the King, but for that which the King represents in his official
capacity.
Where parties have been a long time in actual occupation of such lands, it would
seem as if some liberal terms might be adopted which would facilitate the obtaining
of a title, without waiving the right of the (:overnment, against which the statute
of limitations, i. e., of twenty years' occupation, does not hold.
The government lands about the year 1850 were put into the market throughout
the islands. Previous sales had been made in a few localities, especially in Makawao and Manoa Valley. Agents were appointed in the different districts to receive
applications, to attend to the surveys, and to report; also to collect the money for
the land and forward to the interior office. The same desultory system of surveying was followed as in the case of kuleanas.  Probably, between the years 1850 and
1860, nine-tenths of the available government land was taken up. The agents were,
some of them, the American missionaries, who considered it not inconsistent with
their position to assist the people in obtaining lands in advance of mere speculators. A commission was allowed; in at least one case it was declined, all service
being rendered gratis.
After all this selling of land the Government were perfectly in the dark as to
what remained. A lull in the business took place, and when in after years some of
the remnants were applied for, it was impossible to proceed with any confidence in
disposing of them. In addition to this, a new policy came in, with another administration, of refusing to sell land, partly from the revival of the ancient theory that
the King was the Gtovernment; partly from a feeling that a fixed revenue might be
derived from the remainder; partly from the cropping out of the ever-prevalent
dislike of seeing lands go into the hands of foreigners; and partly from the difficulty of proceeding intelligently to work.
For instance (and this is from actual experience), a tract of, say, 10 acres, in Palolo




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1703
Valley remained to the Government. It lies at the foot of the steep valley side, and
may or may not extend up that side or pali to its summnit. The land above was
awarded by survey, and to find how far down the face of the mountain it may extend
it is necessary to run all the old lines of that upper land; probably two or three days
of hard work would be none too much to do this in a reliable manner. In fact, one
can be sure of nothing in such cases without surveying all the adjoining lands. A
perfect incubus this has been on the disposal of the remaining government lands.
It was this state of things, as much as anything else, that led the late minister of
interior, Dr. F. W. Hutchison, to institute the Government survey. A general
survey seemed the only possible way to get at the facts of the case. It would be
perfectly impossible to-day for the Government to state definitely what land it possessed in any one district.
Add to this the need of general maps for business purposes, for assessment of taxes,
for any discussion of schemes for the benefit of the country, for searching of records,
for the information of courts of law, of strangers, especially of scientific men, to
say nothing of navigators, and one sees abundant reason why a general survey
should be made.
Moreover, the Government failed in one important part of its duty, namely, in
locating its own grants and awards. It is but fair that it should undertake that
work as far as is practically useful and is possible without too great expense.
Another demand for general maps lies in the fact that while a person may in a
few years become a walking encyclopedia of information respecting localities and
titles, etc., in a district, he is liable to leave at any time, when all his stores of
knowledge become annihilated in a moment, no record thereof being left for the
benefit of his successor.
There is now remaining to be noticed the "boundary commission" business. As
was stated before, a large number of ahupuaas and ilis were awarded by name only.
The land commission having ceased to exist, it became necessary to provide some
means of legalizing the lines of boundary between awarded lands wherever they
had not been awarded by survey. This and nothing else is the business of the
boundary commission. It is not concerned with boundary disputes as such. It is
only when the locality of an award, and in a very few cases of a royal patent, has
nothing but the ancient traditions and testinmony founded thereon to determine it
that the commissioner is called upon by the owner to issue a "certificate" defining
it, either by survey, by natural topographical features, or by permanent boundary
marks." It will be seen that a description by means of ancient names of localities-"wiah'i pana"-is not in the limits of the statute.
The act for the appointment of boundary commissioners was passed in 1862. At
first there were two for each gubernatorial district, the police or district justice
in each place acting as umpire in case they disagreed. This, as might be expected,
was a failure, and subsequently the late G. M. Robertson, of the supreme bench,
became sole commissioner for the group. In 1868 the law was modified, since which
time there have been four commissioners, one in each main district. Their work has
progressed very slowly owing to various causes.
It is a matter of regret that there has been so little uniformity in their methods of
procedure. Of a large number of lands thus defined no maps whatever have been
filed in the interior department. Complaints often arise that sufficient notice is not
given to parties concerned residing, as they oftentimes do, at a distance. The best
way of procedure would seem to be this: Maps of the lands in question, prepared
from good surveys by persons approved at the interior office, and containing such
full information as to be intelligible to all concerned, should be on file in some public
office, say for ninety days previous to the decision, and due notice given thereof in
order that all parties may consider the matter at their leisure.
A better organized land office is very much needed. The general clerk of the
interior office has too great a diversity of business to give due attention to it. The
second clerk is mainly occupied in making outroyal patents on awards and furnishing
copies of documents. The surveyor-general has the topographical survey on his
hands, while his assistants are bandied about from one kind of job to another, the
whole groaning under the weight of the entanglement of old and new that has been
previously pointed out in these papers.
The object aimed at should be that the Government should know the location of
its own patents for land, and be able to furnish information concerning the same.
It should know, too, what is left unpatented, and it was more for this object than
any other that the then minister of interior, F. W. Hutchison, instituted the Government survey in 1870.




1704


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


No. 37.
Statement of E. C. Maifarlane.
HONOLULU, May 9, 1893.
MY DEAR MR. BLOUNT:
I hand you herewith the statement you desired me to make as to the
causes leading up to the dismissal of the several cabinets of the last
Legislature. In this statement 1 have confined myself entirely to the
bare facts you ask for, without attempting to introduce any of the argu
ments brought out in the debates. I have copies of all the proceedings
in the Legislature, if you should want to read them at any time, and I
hope to have another opportunity before your departure to talk over
Hawaiian affairs with you.
I leave for Hawaii to-day to attend to some important matters in
connection with the Volcano House Company, returning on Wednesday of next week. All of the papers in connection with the lottery
petitions, will be in proper shape upon my return. I am only waiting
for the clerk of the Legislature to make his affidavits.
In haste,
Very respectfully,
E. C. MACFARLANE.
HONOLULU, May 6, 1893.
Hon. JAMES i. BLOUNT,
United States Commissioner, etc., Honolulu:
SIR: Shortly after the commencement of the last session of the
Legislature, it was an open secret that the Volney-Ashford-Wilcox
party were planning a revolutionary movement, which had the support
of the annexationist element, and that the latter element had the sympathy of the United States minister. 1 was firmly of the opinion that
such a conspiracy was on foot and that it had the sympathy of Mr.
Stevens, and a speech made by him on Decoration Day afforded me an
opportunity to bring the matter before the assembly in the following
inquiry:
SIR: I am constrained to ask Her Majesty's constitutional advisors whether they
intend taking any steps to rebuke the unwarrantable action of the United States
minister on a recent public occasion-an action which could only be intended to
interfere with a nd obstruct the administration.
This was replied to by the minister of foreign affairs as follows:
Hon. J. S. WALKER,
President of the Legislature:
SIR: In answer to the question propounded by the honorable noble for Honolulu,
E. C. Macfarlane, I would say, that Her Majesty's Government has given the matter
careful consideration and has already taken action in the premises.
The following day I addressed the house upon a question of privilege, as follows:
Mr. PRESIDENT: My attention has been called to an editorial in a morning paper
criticising my question asked yesterday of his excellency the minister of foreign
affairs.
I do not intend to be placed in a false position by the Advertiser, hence the privilege of which I avail myself. Let it be understood that I yield to no one in
admiration of the great Republic in respect for its generous, liberty-loving people;
neither do 1 fail to appreciate the generosity covered by our treaty of reciprocity.
In a sense, the American minister represents that Republic and its people, but it is




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1705


only when he conducts himself within the lines laid down for diplomatic representatives.
I maintain that if this Government and people desire to retain the respect of the
governments and peoples of the world they must be self-respecting and must resent
all interferences with our affairs, when conducted with a proper regard for other
nations, by foreign representatives. I have said that the American minister represents the American people, but I must again qualiify this assertion by saying that he
best does so when he refuses to interfere in our domestic affairs at the instance of a
faction in this community, whose organ is the Advertiser, whose leaders are ex-ninisters of Hawaii, who, like the followers of Moses, are longing for the flesh pots of
Egypt, and whose purpose seems to be to rule or rain. Against this faction every
friend of the Hawaiian people must stand arrayed.
The inquiry by the minister of foreign affairs went so far as to call forth
fiom Mr. Stevens a disclaimer of any intention to interfere with our
domestic affairs.  The matter was discussed with the Hawaiian members of the house in ca,(ucus, and they were made to believe that unless
the objectionable matter was expunged it would embroil the country
in complications with the United States, which would likely lose them
the independence of their country.
Of this action in caucus I was informed by several of the Hawaiian
members, and the following day Representative Kamauoha introduced
a resolution to expunge from the records of the assembly all references
to the matter, which resolution was carried.
In accordance with an understanding with the leaders of the Reform
party, the conservative element in the National Reform party joined with
the former and voted out the Parker-Widemann cabinet. The want
of decision on the part of that cabinet in dealing with the Horner
banking act (which proposed an unlimited issue of irredeemable paper
money) was the principal reason for desiring the change.       The unaccountable failure of that ministry to act vigorously and promptly il
this matter created a strong opposition to the members throughout the
whole business community.
On Saturday, September 3, 1892, the leaders of the Reform        party
called a caucus of the members of the assembly and passed the following resolution:
Be it resolved, That whereas a resolution of want of confidence in the cabinet was
passed by the Legislature on August 30 last, such resolution being passed by a vote
of 31 to 10; and
Whereas, by reason of the adoption of such resolution, the constitutional necessity
has arisen for selecting a new cabinet;
Now, therefore, we, members of the Legislature, feeling this to be a fit occasion to
more firmly establish the constitutional principles upon which our system of government is based, do hereby, regardless of previous party affiliations, declare that,
under the principles of responsible representative government established in this
Kingdom, Her Majesty should summon a leading member of the Legislature who
voted in favor of such resolution of want of confidence, to form the new cabinet,
thereby recognizing the constitutional principle that the cabinet should possess the
support and confidence of, and represent the majority of, the Legislature, the elected
representatives of the people;
And resolved further, That we do hereby pledge ourselves to govern our future
action, as members of this Legislature, in support of this constitutional principle.
This resolution was sent to Her Majesty and called forth the following reply:
IOLANI PALACE, September 7, 1892.
Hons. ALEXANDER YOUNG, J. N. S. WILLIAMS, and WMr. 0. SMITH:
GENTLEMEN: As the bearer of a resolution passed upon by certain members of the
Legislature, Her Majesty was pleased to grant you an audience and graciously promised to reply to the subject-matter of the resolution. I am now directed to say that
Her Majesty is pleased to note the desire on the part of the gentlemen whom you
represent "to more firmly establish the constitutional principle upon which our system of government is based, recognizing the principle that the cabinet should pos



1706


ihAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


sess the support and confidence of, and represent the majority of, the Legislature, the
elected representatives of the people."
The opinion is expressed that Her Majesty should summon a leading member of the
Legislature who voted in favor of a resolution of want of confidence to form a new
cabinet.
Sincerely desiring to meet the wishes of the representatives of her subjects, it has
pleased Her Majesty to summon the Hon. A. P. Peterson to assist in the formation of
a cabinet.
Her Majesty trusts that the acceptance of the suggestion to call a member of the
majority of the Legislature to form a cabinet will bring about the result sought for.
Her Majesty also desires to express her appreciation of the courtesies received at
the hands of the gentlemen of the committee.
I have the honor to be, gentlemen, yours respectfully,
JAMES W. ROBERTSON,
Her Majesty's Chamberlain.
Mr. Peterson endeavored in every way to meet the wishes of the caucus in the formation of a cabinet, but the reform faction were irreconcilable, and would not agree to anything that he suggested.    The resolution above quoted is misleading.   I will not say designedly, for the
contention was persistently made in caucus by Mr. Thurston, the framer
of the resolution, that upon the defeat of a ministry, not only should
Her Majesty send for a leading member of the victorious opposition,
but that the opposition should select a cabinet, and send their nominations to the Queen for her acceptance, insisting that she should recognize this course as a constitutional principle.
I and a few others objected to the establishment of such a precedent,
urg ingthat under the constitution the Queen had the right to name
her cabinet, which could only be removed by a want-of-confidence vote
of the majority of all the elective members of uhe Legislature. See
article 41 of the constitution, which reads:
The cabinet shall consist of the minister of foreign affairs, the minister of the
interior, the minister of finance, and the attorney-general, and they shall be His
Majesty's special advisers in the executive affairs of the Kingdom; and they shall bo
ex officio members of His Majesty's privy council of state. They shall be appoin ted and
commissioned by the King and shall be removed by him only upon a vote of want of confidence passed by a majority of all the elective members of the Legislature, or upon conviction of felony, and shall be subject to impeachment. No act of the King shall
have any effect unless it be countersigned by a member of the cabinet, who by that
signature makes himself responsible.
I see no good reason for departing from the meaning of this clause
of the constitution so plainly expressed, and there was at least one
good reason for doing so-the possibility of a majority of the Legislature
which contained no material from which to form a cabinet outvoting
that part of the Legislature from which a cabinet would naturally be
selected. And again, it implied that Her Majesty could not go outside
of the house to select her ministers. I consider it a decided advantage
in the community that the Sovereign should have the privilege of selecting his or her advisers from the whole country.
The meaning of the constitution is plainly that it is the Queen's
prerogative to appoint a cabinet, and that of the Legislature to dismiss
it-not by any scratch vote, but by a majority of all the elective members.
Over a week passed without arriving at any settlement in the matter
of forming a cabinet, during all of which time Mr. Peterson and myself
met the members in caucus, from time to time, without reaching any
result.
Mr. Peterson failing to form a cabinet, Her Majesty called upon me,
on a Saturday, to do so, saying to me that a ministry must be formed
to meet the house on the Monday morning following, as the tension




IIAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                     1707
upon the community was becoming too great. It would have given
me satisfaction could I have arranged a cabinet to satisfy a majority of
the caucus, but in the limited time given me it was impossible to do so,
it being evident that Mr. Thurston and his friends did not intend to
permit the house to be prorogued without having a ministry selected
from their faction. Accordingly I formed a cabinet which I thought
would be acceptable to a majority of the assembly and to the community.
Mr. Thurston and his friends at once attacked the cabinet and immediately brought in a resolution of want of confidencewhich failed to carry.
In the meantime an election was called to fill the seats made vacant by
the resignations (on taking cabinet positions) of Mr. Paul Neumann and
myself as nobles for the island of Oahu. The clear-cut issue in this election was to indorse or not to indorse the ministry. The result of the
election was the return of Messrs. Maile and Hopkins, who went before
their constituencies as supporters of the ministry, and who were elected
by an overwhelming majority-the cabinet thereby receiving the indorsement of a large majority of the electors for nobles of the island of Oahu.
No better expression of approval could be asked for by members of a
representative government than that thus accorded to our cabinet,
immediately following the defeat of a no-confidence resolution iii the
house.
This expression of confidence at the polls was the more emphatic,
coming front the electors of the island of Oahu, who are accorded nine
noble representatives out of the twenty-four, in deference to their
property-and-income qualification, and might have been expected to
lessen the virulence of the opposition.
Despite this verdict of the noble voters for the island of Oahu,
which certainly represents the wealth and intelligence of the Kingdom,
the unreconciled minority persistently pursued their tactics to force out
the ministry.
As minister of finance, I had arranged with the two local banks for
the protection of the depositors in the Postal Savings Bank, and on
October 12 I informed the assembly that on the following Monday I
would present the appropriation bill, outlining the financial policy of
the ministry, and at the same time bringing forward additional revenue measures.
On the Monday morning, October 14, before any opportunity had
been given to introduce the promised bills, a vote of want of confidence was introduced. Following is a copy of the resolution which
was introduced by Representative Waipuilani:
Whereas the present cabinet has not announced or given any intimation or evidence of any financial policy which will extri: ate the country from its present dangerous financial situation; and
Whereas it is essential to the commercial progress of the country that more favorable treaty relations with the United States be obtained, whereby our products can
obtain a free market in that country; and
Whereas the present cabinet has shown no disposition to favor any such policy,
and the present head of the cabinet has displayed such conspicuous hostility toward
the representative of that country in this Kingdom, and the general tone of the
administration has been and is one of opposition and hostility to the United States of
America and American interests, thereby rendering it improbable that any changes
in our treaty relations favorable to Hawaii can be negotiated by this cabinet; and
Whereas the cabinet has given no evidence of any intention to attempt to remedy
existing scandals in the police department. and hlave otherwise failed to evince any
ability to successfully guide the nation through the difficulties and dangers surrounding it: Therefore, be it
Resolved, That the Legislature hereby expresses its want of confidence in the
present cabinet.




1708


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


The debate on this resolution was almost altogether taken up with
the attitude of the cabinet towards the Americanl minister, who had a
grievance against the Bulletin newspaper for publishing reflections on
his not sending out the Boston in search of a missing American boat's
crew. Mr. Stevens seemed to think that the cabinet controlled the
Bulletin-which it did not-and a rather lengthy correspondence took
placebetween him and the foreign office on the subject, which ended
in the attorney-general's entering a suit for libel against the paper,
after the editor's refusal to publish an apology dictated by the American minister.
During the debate I was anxious to have this correspondence read,
which would have shown that we had tried to meet Mr. Stev ens's wishes
in every way, but the house would not allow the correspondence to be
read. I regret that I can not here reproduce the letters, which would
show a conspicuous absence of the hostility dilated on in the resolution.
I have already said that I was prepared with a financial statement;
as to the other count in the indictment-alleging scandals in the police
department-this resolved itself into a demand for the dismissal of the
marshal; but, though much was said, nothing was proved against him.
When the reform cabinet took office, the members of it seemed to
forget how very scandalous the marshal was, for they retained him in
office during the whole term of their incumbency.
On Tuesday, November 1, the Cornwell-Nawashi cabinet took office
and was voted out the same day, no opportunity being afforded to outline a policy.
On Friday, November 4, Her Majesty called upon Cecil Brown to
form a cabinet, Mr. Brown not being at the time a member of the
assembly. This fact, however, did not call forth from Mr. Thurston
and his friends any protest, as it was well understood that he (Mr
Brown) would form a ministry that would be acceptable to the reform
party; the "constitutional principles which Mr. Thurston and his
friends had contended for being easily forgotten when occasion
required. They continued in office simply because they allowed the
assembly to do as they pleased with the appropriation bill, the result
being that the grand total of the budget alarmed the assembly and
produced disaffection, leading up to a vote of want of confidence. The
vote, however, failed to carry, but a second attempt was made soon
after, and the cabinet was voted out on the 11th of January, 1893.
Two days later the Parker-Colburn cabinet took office, and the house
was prorogued the following day.
During the time I had a portfolio frequent conferences with Her
Majesty satisfied me that she was anxious to promote legislation and
to keep down expenses of government, going so far as to suggest to
me that the first reduction in the appropriation bill should be made in
her privy purse and royal state.
In reference to the lottery bill, about which so much has been said
derogatory to the Queen, it should be said that Her Majesty was quite
willing to see it fail; but a majority of the members of the Legislature
had been worked upon by individuals who had circulated petitions
favoring the establishment of a lottery, and the bill having passed,
Her Majesty declined to exercise her prerogative in vetoing the bill,
a prerogative which she refused to avail herself of, excepting upon the
advice of her constitutional advisers.
In this connection I should say that the lottery bill was, during my
brief ministry, in the hands of a committee and did not come up at




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1709
all for discussion. My colleagues and myself were, however, a unit
against it, and in negotiating financial assistance for the Government
I distinctly said so, both to Mr. Damon and Mr. Irwin, the representatives of the local banks.
In the matter of the opium bill, there was a division of sentiment on
the part of the Brown-Wilcox cabinet (reform), two ministers voting
for and two against the measure, it being a question upon which there
might be an honest difference of opinion, the opinion being held by a
large portion of the community that prohibition did not prohibit.
What followed the prorogation of the Assembly it is not my purpose
to touch upon.
I have the honor to remain, sir, your most obedient servant,
E. C. MACFARLANE.
No. 38.
Interview with George lMundon, of Kealia, TFednesday, Alpril 19, 1893.
Mr. BLOUNT. Do you work for Mr. Blaisdell?
A. I am hauling wood for him.
Q. Do you belong to the Annexation Club.
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Are you for annexation?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Are you for annexation if your people are not allowed free suffrage?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Are a majority of the native population that way?
A. No, sir.
Q. They are opposed to annexation unless they are assured they
have the right to vote?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Thlen, is that the case of those in your club?
A. Yes, sir; that is the case as long as tlley get their franchise.
Q. Well, outside of the club, are a maijority of the natives for or
against the Queen, if they had their choice?
A. I can not say.
Q. Do not you mingle with them?
A. Well, before the overthrow of the Government the majority were
against the Queen's action.
Q. About the new constitution?
A. No, not particularly the new constitution, but the way she carried
011.
Q. Did they want her dethroned?
A. I can not say they wanted her dethroned, but they were talking
against her political actions.
Q. You were not here during the revolution?
A. No, sir.
Q. Did you know anything of the sort was likely to take place?
A. I did not think it was going to take place as soon, but I thought
it would take place.
Q. What made you think it would take place?
A. In regard to the way the Government was carried on. It was
against the wishes of the people.
Q, What people?




1710


HIAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


A. Hawaiian people and whites. There was a good deal said about
it. She would appoint her favorites to office-her cabinet officers.
Q. What time was this?
A. I am talking about the time the last legislature was sitting.
She would appoint ministers-that is her cabinet-the legislature
would vote them out, and she would take a part of them back again.
I think we had four or five changes in that way. That was talked
about greatly. It was against the wishes of the people-and one particular point I want to say-it was against my wishes and a majority
3f the Hawaiians, the retaining of our marshal, Charlie Wilson. He
was always in office. We thought he was an incompetent man. The
Wilcox cabinet was approved by all of us. We thought it was a good
cabinet. Through some bribery they were voted out.
Q. Were you here?
A. No, sir; but I take and read the papers.
Q. Was it from the newspapers you heard there was bribery?
A. I heard it from friends. We knew our representatives were not
very good men-men of no standing-and especially one named Akina.
He is half Chinese. He is a lawyer. He came up here with a salary
of $250. He had a family to support. He was up here six or seven
months. We knew he could not live on $250, and on his return he
must have brought down $300 or $400 worth of furniture.
Q. Any more persons you think were bribed?
A. I can not say positively that he was bribed; but there was one of
our natives, Paul Kanaa-I won't say he was bribed, but he voted
against the party he went for.
Q. Did the Reform party elect him?
A. Yes, sir. He even voted out the Wilcox cabinet.
Q. Did he help to vote out any other cabinet before that?
A. I can not say, but I think that he did. Bulnors were sent out to
Kealia that the United States would send out a Commissioner; that the
United States flag was going to be taken down and the Commlissioner
was going to put back the Queen. They felt sorry for the Queen and
wanted her put back-some of them, not all-some of the ignorant
people. Down where we live they are not all well posted.
Q. Are they mostly ignorant?
A. I can not say they are ignorant. They can all read and write.
Q. Do they generally speak English or native?
A. Native; but some of them understand English and speak very
well?
Q. How are they generally occupied?
A. They plant taro; some work on plantations-bullock drivers and
so on.
Q. Do they make their own living generally; they do not beg or
live at public expense?
A. No. sir; they all earn their own living.
Q. Is it generally true of the native population that they do not beg
nor steal but make their own living? 
A. Yes, sir; they all make their own living. We have no stealing.
It is a very rare case to have a native up for larceny.
Q. Who generally commits larceny?
A. The Chinese.
Q. How about the Portuguese?
A. The Portuguese are very seldom brought before the court. I do
ilot think we have Portuguese brought before the court once in a year.
Q. How about the Japanese?




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1711


A. Well, very seldom.
Q. Do they (the Chinese) intermarry with your people some?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Is that generally agreeable to the native population?
A. No, sir; it is against the wishes of the native population.
Q. Is there much of it done?
A. Well, yes; they manage to get some of the young girls by bribir g
tihe parents with money.
Q. To pay for the girls?
A. They do not exactly pay right out, but by giving presents to the
parents and girls.
I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate
report of my interview with Mr. Blount.
GEO. MUNDON.
HONOLULU, April 19, 1893.
No. 39.
Interview with Samuel.Par7cer, Honolulu, Thursday afternoon, April 6,
1893.
Mr. BLOUNT. Mr. Parker, you are a Royalist, I suppose 
Mr. PARKER. I am.
Mr. BLOUNT. Will you be kind enough to give me your views of the
causes which led up to the establishment of the present GovernmentS
Mr. PARKER. My honest opinion is this: I think it never would
have taken place if the Reform ministry had not been put out. When
the Wilcox ministry went in the Reform party controlled the Governmnent. I mean by this what they called the Reforn ministers. The
cabinet council consisted of four ministers and the sovereign-the
Queen. That is my reason for saying when that ministry went in that
that meant the Government.
1Mr. BLOUNT. In other words the action of the Queen was controlled
by the ministry?
Mr. PARKER. Yes; by the ministry.
Mr. BLOUNT. Now, why did the removal of the Reform ministry lead
to the deposition of the Queen as you understand it?
Mr. PARKER. The four ministers that came in were not Reform ministers, but were what might be called a fair ministry, being comprised
of two Hawaiians and two Americans. There was the opium bill and
the lottery bill-both helped the downfall. They were passed through
tllhe house during the Wilcox ministry, which was called the Reform
adi(nilistration. This opium bill and lottery bill had passed the Legislature. When we went in we advised the Queen to sign the opium
bill and the lottery bill..The Queen signed it, and it was countersiglled by the minister of the interior, and became a law.
Mr. BLOUNT. What were the reasons for passing the lottery bill?
Mr. PARKER. The same reasons that there were for passing the
opium bill. There was a money franchise of $500,000 to be paid the
Government every year. Out of that $500,000 certain amounts were
to be given to different public institutions. It was to be divided up
into parts-to the leper hospital so much; I do not remember the
sum. A proportion was for a telegraphic cable between the United




1712                 HAWATIAN ISLANDS.
States and the Islands. It was to be divided up in that way. We
thought it would be a benefit to the country.
Mr. BLOUNT. In the way of revenue for the purposes to which it
was to be appropriated?
Mr. PARKER. Yes; it was in the bill. Out of the $500,000 there
must be so much to this institution anid so much to that: so much for
a railroad, etc. I do not remember the sums.
Mr. BLOUNT. Who was this franchise voted to?
Mr. PARKER. It was given to four or five men-people living ol
these Islands. The franchise was in their name. It was reported to
us that it would go to the Louisiana Lottery people, but that was not
known in the franchise. It was the supposition it was to go to the
Louisiana Lottery people, or to some syndicate in the United States.
Mr. BLOUNT. What were the reasons for the opium bill?
Mr. PARKER. The opium bill was for giving a revenue. Now, as
there is no license, there is a certain amount of opium being smuggled
into the Islands. We do not have force to protect our shores. We
have no revenue cutters as you have in California, and we thought that
as opium was coming into the country all the time, it would be better
for the Government to derive some benefit from it; to have the license
put up at public auction and sold to the highest bidder. It would be
estimated at from $100,000 to $200,000 a year. It was discussed thoroughly by the Legislature and carried by a big majority. The Reform
ministry was divided on that-two in favor and two against it. It
passed the house by a big majority.
Mr. BLOUNT. 1s it your opinion that this movement would have
occurred if there had been no effort to proclaim a new constitution?
Mr. PARKER. I think it would.
Mr. BLOUNT. Why do you think so?
Mr. PARKER. A majority of the capitalists of the town had no confidence in our ministry. I think it would have come about any way.
Mr. BLOUNT. Come about soon?
Mr. PARKER. It would have come about, because even when this
attempt of promulgationof the new constitution was made, we were told
that they would support us for what we had done-for holding out
against the Queen in requesting us to sign the new constitution. This
was said to us at that time-at the time when the Queen was asking us
to sign it. During the day they had a meeting of the citizens. I mean
such men as Thurston, Hartwell, and leaders of the Provisional Government. They told us they would back us up. They admired us for
our pluck in holding out against t the Queen's wish.
Mr. BLOUNT. Would this imply a disposition to take action towards
dethronement?
Mr. PARKER. I think it came from the McKinley bill-the first action
was on account of the McKinley bill.
Mr. BLOUNT. What do you mean by action?
Mr. PARKER. They said that unless something is done-closer relations with the United States-we are bankrupt. That was long before
the Legislature came in session. When I first went into the cabinet.
Mr. BLOUNT. Who do you mean said this?
Mr. PARKER. A majority of the sugar men. Those now at the head
of the Provisional Government-capitalists and planters. They said
that something must be done to get closer relations with the United
States to hold us up; with sugar down to $45 and $50 a ton, something
ought to be done; a commercial treaty or something ought to be negotiated with the American people.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1713
Mr. BLOUNT. The q1uestion of annexation was not presented then,
was it+
Mr. PARKETR. No; the question was how could we get any commer.
cial treaty with the McKinley bill in force. That was the talk of a
commlercial treaty with the United States to benefit these islands.
First the opium bill; then caine the lottery; then came the promulgation of the new constitution. That, perhaps, hurried matters. I was
the trusted iparty on one side, and it was never broached to me in that
way. I su)ppose tlose causes brought it about. You see our Queen
had already issued a proclamlation, countersigned by our ministry, that
she would never do anythiIIg.
Mr. BLOUNT. Of what sort?
Mr. PABEtKER. Of brilgingl about a new constitution.      This was on
Saturday or Sunday morling.
Mr. Parker here presented this memorandum of Mr. Peterson:
On Sun da,y evening, January 15, 1893, at 6:30 o'clock, Mr. L. A. Thnrston came to
my house in company with J. F. Holburn, minister of the interior. He said he
wislied to lave a t:alk with me. IHe said the commnittee on safety had had a meetilg the night before and had conme to the conclusion that things could not go on as
at present, andt that the commlittee hald decided that the Queen should be dethroned
and a provisional government established. He said that Mr. Stevens would land
his troops and support the movement, if a proclamation to that effect was issued
from any building in town. He then asked Mr. Colbert and me if we would, without consulting w itl our colleagues, take control of the situation, and in our own,names ask the American minister to assist in carrying out their proclamation. We
declinedt.
Mr. PARKER. In the memorandum          of the meeting I omitted the
statement he (Mr. Colbourn) made about       Parker being a treacherous
liar, etc."  Did not want to think we were trying to take advantage.
I told them not to put that in the memorandum.
Mr. BLOUNT. Was there any movement, any effort on the part of
the Queen or her ministers or friends to induce Mr. Stevens to take
action in the interest of her Government?
Mr. PARKER. Yes; Mr. Peterson and myself called on Mr. Stevens.
As to what occurred in this connection this memorandum discloses:
On Sunday evening, January 15, at half past 7 o'clock, Mr. Samuel Parker, Her Majesty's minister of foreign affairs, and myself, as attorney-general, called upon J. L.
Stevens, American minister, at his residence, to talk over the situation and to obtain,
if possible, from Mr. Stevens the stand he, on behalf of his Government, would take
in the event of an armed insurrection against the Queen's Government, at the same
time informing him that Her Majesty's Government were perfectly capable of dealing with the situation. Mr. Stevens stated that he desired to protect the Government, and advised Her Majesty's Government not to resign, but said, in answer to a
direct question put to him by me, that in case the Government called upon him for
assistance he did not see how lhe could assist them as long as C. R. Wilson remained
marshal of the Kingdonm, terming Mr. Wilson a scoundrel.
The only reason given by Mr. Stevens for this position taken by him was that Mr.
Wilson had caused the arrest of his (Mr. Stevens's) Chinese coachmran for carrying
concealed weapons, although Mr. Stevens stated that he had other matters against
Mr. Wilson which he (lid not state. After which Mr. Parker and myself left.
On Tuesday afternoon, January 17, at 2 o'clock, Mr. Parker and myself again
called upon Mr. Stevens at his residence in Nuuanu Valley to learn if possible the
truth of the statements made publicly by the leading members of the so-called commnittee of safety to the effect that Mr. Stevens had promised that if a proclamation
declaring a provisional government was issued he (Mr. Stevens), on behalf of his Government, would inmmediately recognize such Government and support it with the
United States forces at his command. I asked Mr. Stevens what action would be
taken by him (Mr. Stevens) in case the insurgents attacked Her Majesty's Government and the Government called upon him for assistance.
Mr. Stevens replied that in that case he could not come to the assistance of the
Government. I then asked Mr. Srevens what his action would be in case Her Majesil's (Governmell t should treat the insurgents as rebels and attack them and arrest
them. Mr. Stevens teplied that in that case he should feel it his duty to interfere
S. Itep. 227-  108




1714


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


with the force at his command. Mr. Stevens further said that he had made up his
mind that if any number of what he considered responsible citizens should ask his
assistance in establishing a provisional government he should grant that assistance
and slhould recognize tihem as such an(d support theni. Mr. Stevens, during this conversatiotn, was lying on a sofa in his private office and spoke with difficulty, as if in
a weak and exhausted state. At 2:30 o'clock Mr. Parker and I left Mr. Stevens and
proceeded to the station house, the headquarters of Her Majesty's cabinet and Goverllent.
A. P. PETERSON.
Mr. PARKER. At 5 o'clock Monday the troops were landed. When
I found out they were on shore I went up to the club and found the
governor.
Mr. BLOUNT. Who was the governor?
Mr. PARKER. Mr. Cleghorn. There was a little complication in our
military law. We were really both at the head of the military.
Mr. BLOUNT. You were secretary of state?
Mr. PARKER. I was secretary of the foreign office-what we called
minister of foreign affairs. I was responsible for all money paid out to
the military, but the governor was supposed to be commander in chiefl
Our military laws are complicated in that way.
Mr. BLOUNT. You went up to protest against the landing of the troops
to Mr. Stevens. What did Mr. Stevens say!
Mr. PARKER. I said: "What does this all mean?." He said: "I
gave orders."
Mr. BLOUNT. The next thing was your formal protest, and that you
will hand us.
Mr. PARKER. I do not know whether I can do it.
Mr. BLOUNT. What was the substance of it?
Mr. PARKER. The substance was that he ought to have notified us
in accordance with international law. Hastings wrote it. 1 got the
governor to make a protest, too, so that he could not say he got authority. This was on Monday evening.
Mr. BLOUNT. What day was the Provisional Government proclaimed(l
Mr. PARKER. On Tuesday.
Mr. BLOUNT. At what hour.
Mr. PARKER. About 4 o'clock, I think.
Mr. BLOUNT. When that was done, what action was taken by the
Queen-when the troops were landed?
Mr. PARKER. The troops were landed on Monday and the protest
was made on Tuesday, and on Tuesday I had a meeting of the Di!plomatic Corps. I invited them to come. There was Mr. Woodhouse, the
British minister; Mr. Carnavara, the Portuguese minister; Mr. Vizavona, the French minister, and Mr. Fugii, the Japanese minister,
present. We asked their advice on the subject. The advice from
them was to offer no resistance. Mr. Stevens did not come. He sent
word that he was not well enough.
Mr. BLOUNT. Was that after the proclamation?
Mr. PARKER. No; before.
Mr. BLOUNT. In this consultation it was assumed that the Provisional Government would be proclaimed and you were advised to offer
no resistance.
Mr. PARKER. I think that was it. We had heard there was going
to be trouble.
Mr. BLOUNT. You'said the Diplomatic Corps advised no resistance.
Mr. PARKER. Yes; not to have any bloodsled, because they all knew
we had a big force. We had seen Mr. Stevens before. Mr. Stevens
had told us that they would not assist us.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1715
Mr. BLOUNT. Did he say who he would assist?
Mr. PARKER. I think that will appear in our mllemorandum. He considered the committee of safety represented the calpitalists-represented
the people-the responsible people.
Mr. BLOUNT. Does that appear in your paper 
Mr. PARKER. I think so.
Mr. BLOUNT. Von't you please state the circumstances attending
the conference between the cabinet and the Queen about signing the
new constitution?
Mr. PARKER. Before the Legislature met that Saturday morning we
were asked to come there and meet her, in the first part of the day.
Mr. BLOUNT. You had met her in the morningS
Mr. PARKER. No; this was the day w,hen the Legislature was prorogued. In the morning she asked us to come there to talk about this
situation. I arrived there first, but my colleagues were late. I
waited for them. Nine o'clock or ten, I do not remember exactly, was
the hour for the Legislature to meet at Legislature Hall. When my
colleagues arrived we had to go right out without having a meeting.
In the meantime she had stated that she wanted us to come there in
order to sign the new constitution. I said: 'Your Majesty, we have
not seen the new constitution." It will be time enough, she said, when
you come here. I will show it to you and your colleagues. She asked
me to be there soon after the prorogation of the Legislature. Just
then my colleagues came up to the palace. I said: "Your Majesty, we
have no time. We have to be at the Legislature now." 1 told my
colleagues we had to go right over to the hall. We left her.
On the way, I told them that the Queen was requesting us to be
there at such and such a time for the promulgation of the new constitution; I said I had not seen it and that I had told her we could not
do anything until we first read it. That was what I told my colleagues. After the Legislature was prorogued someone said to me
that the diplomatic corps would like to meet the cabinet before they
went over. Of course, I did not know what was up. It seemed that
a rumor had got down town that the Queen was going to promulgate
a new constitution. Rumors got out, and the diplomatic corps
wanted to ask me if it was so. I said it was a fact. I had not seen
the constitution, but the Queen had requested me to be there with my
colleagues. I told them I had not seen the constitution and had no
idea what kind of document it was. We all assured them that we
would not consent to sign the constitution and then we went over to
the palace.
We went into the blue room. She said " I sent for you gentlemen 
I was requested by my people to promulgate a new constitution. I
want you gentlemen to sign it or to consent to it." They all looked to
me. I said: "Your MAajesty, we have not read the constitution, but
before we read it, you must know it is a revolutionary act. It can not
be done." She said: "Read it; see what it is." On that point we
said, after we had read it: "We advise you to give it up-not to think
any more about it." By that time she got pretty well excited, and
some of my colleagues said: "If you insist upon it, we will resign." I
said: "Now, gentlemen, if you will walk out into the next room, I
will have a few words with her Majesty." They went out. I talked
to her, but of course she said that it was her people's wish, and so
many thousand signatures had been sent in. She said: "I have
thought over the matter carefully, and think that I ought to give them
a new constitutioln.




1716


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


I told her I would not and my colleagues would not agree to it.
There were a good many words passed between us. She said: "Why
don't you resicgn." I said I would not resignl unless it was according to
law. When I got down to Government house there was Mr. Thurston,
Mr. ilartwell, and Mr. Smith, the attorney-general there, and a great
many others for consultation in regard to this. They all colmplimented
us; said they would give us all assistance, etc. I told my colleagues
they might as well go over with me. They went over and persuaded
her (the Queen) to give it up.
Mr. BLOUNT. Was this Monday?
Mr. PARKER. This was Saturday.
Mr. BLOUNT. She agreed to give it up that night?
Mr. PARKER. Yes; that day. I do not know exactly the words she
used. On Sunday we called on some ilfluential people around town,
Mr. Damon, vice-president of the Provisionial Governnment, and half a
dozen other prominent men. We knew they were friends of the Queen
and friends of the people, and they thought if the Queen would come
with soime proclamation of some kind and assure the people that she
would give up all idea of the promulgation of a new constitution that
they thought the people would be satisfied. That was on Sunday afternoon. Some thought we ought to have the coxmmittee of thirteen
arrested, but I thought it was not nnecessary.
On Sunday night we prepared a document for her to sign, and Monday morning I went there about half past 8. She was at breakfast. I showed her this document. I said I wanted her to sign; the
cabinet advised her to sign the proclamation, and I would have it
brought up. I had had it set up at the printing office, so that it would
be ready to be struck off by thousands. The copy was made out at my
office. She signed it and it was given out to the public and a copy sent
to the diplomatic corps. A little later on they thought that we ought
to have sent a special one to the diplomatic corps. So we got up another
in a little different wording and sent them to the diplomatic corps
addressed to them.
Mr. BLOUNT. When was the Provisional Government determined on ~!
Mr. PARKER. I do not think it was given out to the public. There
was nothing spoken of in public about the Provisional Government.
That was kept secret. They had a meeting onl Saturday night. We
got hold of it that they were talking about this dethronement, and on
Sunday it was substantiated. I for one have talked to the people and
have also advised the Queen not to make any demonstrations whatever
against the Provisional Government, as it was understood that it was
only to be a temporary government until the matter was settled by the
United States. If it was permanent I do not think it will work.
Mr. BLOUNT. Why?
Mr. PARKER. The head is all right, but it does not go to prove that
what they do will be heeded by him. Now, the parties that consist of
that Provisional Government outside of 1)amon, Dole, and Allen, and
one or two others, are not men of standing, men of such stamp as would
not carry weight in any country. That is the kind of men who are
making our laws. I do not think the representative men here would
want to live under such a government, with such men at the helm, if
it was permanent. I was a member of the board of health. I would
not take the oath to support this Provisional Government. I was minister under the Queen. I was using all my influence among my people to keep quiet, to keep the peace, and to assist all we can in keeping




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1717
everything quiet until it is settled for annexation, protectorate, or
ishatever the case may be.
Mr. BLOUNT. What is the feeling of the majority of the people here?
Mr. PARKER. Among the Hawaiians it is for the restoration of the
Queen. That is my own feeling, and I think I speak for the people, too.
Mr. BLOUNT. You have a table of the registered native voters for
1890. What is the total vote there?
Mr. PARKER. About 9,000 votels in all. Out of that I will say if it
was secured-a valid vote-out of 9,000 there would be 8,000 in favor
of restoration.
Mr. BLOJNT. Native population?
Mr. PARKER. Yes.
Mr. BLOUNT. HIow would you class all other voters besides those
you have named?
Mr. PARKER. Foreign voters. I think they would be divided. I
would not want to express my opinion. The majority would be for
annexation. That is mIy opinion-among foreign voters.
Mr. BLOUNT. What would be your opinion as to the majority, if the
13,000 votes were all polled; how many of them would be for royalty,
and how many against?
Mr. PARKER. I say in regard to royalty-I suppose out of 13,000, I
would put it 10,000 for restoration.
Mr. BLOUNT. Suppose you take a little time and make some figures.
Mr. PARKER. There are 9,000 native voters. Whlen I speak of
natives I know, but when I talk of foreigners I am at a loss. I know
most are for annexation, except perhaps a few English and other
nationalities.  The Englishmen are naturally prejudiced.  I can
speak for Hawaiians, but would not want to give my opinion on foreigners. I would put it, out of 9,554 native voters 8,500 would be in
favor of it (royalty) and 1,00( against it, among Hawaiians. One-fourth
of the foreigners would be for the restoration of the Queen, I think,
but it might not be as much as that.
Mr. BLOUNT. You wanted to qualify a while ago in what you said
about the restoration of the Queen.
Mr. PARKER. The restoration of the Queen under an American protectorate would be a more stable government than the old regime.
There is a feeling that unless we are under some country like the
United States it would be the same old revolutionary trouble coming
up all the time. I do not think it would be a very stable government.
There is a certain class of people here-a certain class like the Germans and Portuguese. They say, ' Give us a revolution and it will give
us sometliing to do-give us a dollr and a half or two dollars a day."
I understand the Provisional Government is paying $40 a, month and
found. That class of people would sooner have a revolution night in
and night out. So that I say I do not think it will ever be a stable government unless we are under a protectorate. If we are under a protectorate I say let it be the United States. I do not say this because
you are the American Commissioner.
Mr. BLOUNT. Your idea iS that a majority of the people are for the
Queen, but tllat if the Queen were reinstated she would not be able to
maintain permanent order here without the sanction of her authority
by a protectorate, say, of the United States?
Mr. PARKER. That is what T think. I have not talked with the
Queen on the subject; that would be my advice to her. I would not
accept the same position I had before the revolution unless there was a
protectorate. If she said: "I want you to be in the same position you




1718                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS
held before this revolution took place-minister of foreign affairs," I
would say, "no; unless you have it under a protectorate. '  It is no use
looking to England, Japan, France, or Germany. All our benefits are
derived from the United States.
Mr. BLOUNT. What is the feeling of your people on the question of
their right of suffrage 
Mr. PARKER. The right of suffrage means of course a great deal to
the Hawaiian people. If they were admitted as the District of Columbia, which has no vote, the natives would not like it. It would be
an eyesore to them. They want suffrage.
Mr. BLOTTNT. Is there any apprehension in their minds about the
question of suffrage?
Mr. PARKER. Yes; they are very well posted on that.
Mr. BLOUNT. Is there any apprehension that the friends of the Provisional Government contemplate any deprivation of the right of
suffrage?
Mr. PARKER. Yes; it was given out that the natives could not be
trusted and it was out in native papers just as quick as it was in other
papers. There was a howl when they heard that; when young men,
nursed by Hawaiian women, as they said, would ever live to work
against the interests of Hawaiian people. I said to the people that
we could not expect to be under a monarchical government all the
time; a change is bound to come some day. Every day this thing
becomes more apparent. The native race is decreasing every year.
Mr. BLOUNT. Would you please state the cause of that?
Mr. PARKER. That has been brought up in the legislature year after
year, and all the conclusions we could come to was that we are like all
dark races-that they go out when the white man comes in. It is a
problem why we should die out. I have eight children, and many
others have as many. If all other Kanakas should have two children
each we should increase very much. I can not account for the decrease.
Mr. BLOUNT. Is it a fact that they do not have so many children as
other people here?
Mr. PARKER. Oh no; I can show you a dozen of my stamp. I have
eight children, another five, and so on. I am seven-eighths native; my
wife is seven-eighths. That is nearly all Hawaiian, with little foreign
blood in it.
Mr. BLOUNT. Children are born, but not raised?
Mr. PARKER. Yes; they are careless. It is a customary thing for
Hawaiian women to give birth to a child this morning and then ride
out horseback in the afternoon. The better class, though, go under
proper treatment. I have been married twenty-one years. With our
first child my wife was in bed nine days. My aunt said, why should
she lie in bed so long? When she gave birth to her first child she was
out the next day.
The HIawaiians are good breeders, but they are careless. When the
children get fevers they give them cold baths. When the smallpox
was here, about 1881, some 400 or 500 natives died. Other natiolalities very few. Natives will sit in draft or jump into a bath if they
are fevered. They are very careless in that way.
Mr. BLOIJNT. You said awhile ago that the native vote, as expressed
in secret ballot, would not show the same opinion as if they were asked
to sign a petition.
Mr. PARKER. It would never be the same.
Mr. BLOUNT. Why I




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1719
Mr. PARKER. Y 011 talke the plantations. Every plantation has more
or less men under them. They look up to the owner of an estate as to
a little king, or as their guardian, and they would sign any petition
that he wanted them to do. Mr. Spreckles has 300 native laborers.
They would all favor the side he did. Mr. Rentre was in favor of
restoring the Queen. Everyone of the people on his plantation signed
a petition for restoration. They worshiped him. If I was for annexation, every one of the people in my employ would sign it. All laborers
would do exactly as the overseers wanted. They say the Queen is our
Queen. But supposing they had to do it in secret ballot; they would
say, we want restoration. The Wilder Steamship Company, rank annexationists, employ natives. They could intimidate these natives. If you
gave them a secret ballot they would vote as they felt.
I have carefully read the foregoing and find it to be a correct report
of my interview with Col. Blount.
After the troops were landed I met Mr. Thurston, and laughing at
me, he said, "'Who ordered those troops ashore?" I replied, "I don't
know. I suppose your committee of safety had it done."
My impression was that they were landed in the interest of the
movement of the committee of safety.
SAVMUEL PARKER.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, June 15, 1893.
No. 40.
Statement of the Hawaiian Patriotic League.
His Excellency GROVER CLEVELAND,
President of the United States of America:
SIR: The undersigned are the officers and executive committee of
the Hui Hawaiian Aloha Aina (Hawaiian Patriotic League), a political
association, with branches in every district of the Kingdom, representing, together with a large following of foreigners, over 7,500 nativeborn Hawaiian qualified voters throughout the islands (out of a total
of 13,000 electors), and to which is annexed a woman's branch of over
11,000 members.
This league was formed for the purpose of uniting the efforts of all
who love this country as an independent commonwealth, and of insuring by all legitimate methods the perpetuation of the autonomy of the
Hawaiian Kingdom and the restoration of its legitimate sovereign,
Queen Liliuokalani, who was ruthlessly and wantonly deposed by a mob
of foreign filibusters, abetted by the United States minister resident
and shielded by the United States forces, which were by him landed
on their behalf, in violation of all international laws.
The Queen, though having ample force to quell the insurgents,
yielded her throne, not to them, but "to the superior forces of the
United States," in order to avoid useless bloodshed. She then appealed
to the Government of the great iepublic for justice and redress, and
she carefully instructed her people to quietly submit to the rule of the
usurping Prov isional Government pending the result of her appeaL




1720


HAWAIIAN I[AN  SLANDS.


Our patriotic league, following the Sovereign's intentions, has also
repeatedly warned its members to keep the peace, under every provocation, and await with patience the judgment of the United States
Government; and while we can boast of having up to the present time
successfully subdued every popular tendency for agitation or armed
resistance, we must also proclaim, to the credit of the Hawaiian people, that they have behaved with a discipline, a decorum, and a forbearance which we believe no other nation on earth would have shown
under similar circumstances, that of a country not conquered, but confiscated by a faction of aliens.
But it is now already several months that the Provisional Government have assumed the reins and instated, under the protection of the
American flag, a true pretorian tyranny, without any regard for popular rights and wishes or for constitutional principles. And the people's patience is wearing out, looking anxiously for a solution from the
United States Government (hitherto our great friend and constant
protector) and expecting by every incoming mail some action, no sign
of which is yet forthcoming.
In the mean while the situation here is growing highly unsatisfactory-every day worse-and loud complaints are heard from all sides.
The Provisional Government have succeeded in making themselves
unpopular even with their adherents, and their rule is becoming daily
more odious to the natives, who are not even granted the shadow of a
representation in their councils. The Hawaiians generally are being
dismissed from public service to make room for hungry foreigners,
adherents of the Provisional Government; and, as if to incite a revolt,
the native feelings have been purposely aggravated by the desecration
of the royal palace and by numerous other instances of petty despotism, which can not fail to be galling to the real citizens of this country.
In their administration they are exceeding all the possible rights of a
provisional government in repealing statutes made by the lawful representative Legislature and enacting an interminable string of new
laws, some of which are simply useless or childish though vexatious,
others really obnoxious. In their financial policy the Provisional
Government compromise the future to meet the present extravagant
wants, hoping that ' Uncle Sam will pay the bills."
All public works and improvements are virtually at a standstill,
whilst they are squandering the public funds in the maintenance of a
mercenary soldiery, recruited from runaway sailors, escaped criminals
from other countries, or other bad characters from the slums of San
Francisco, who are extravagantly paid and live luxuriously at the
expense of the honest taxpayer. And the money thus wasted could
be used to much better advantage at the present time by furnishing
useful work to the deserving and suffering laboring classes.
All these and other substantial grounds for the general discontent
make it an uncontrovertible fact that the Provisional Government are
incapable of maintaining themselves in power except through the
help and propping up of the United States Government. Left to their
own resources they would not be saved, even by their large force of
alien mercenaries, who are their only supporters, but who remain so
prudently, cautiously, intrenched in the royal palace, trembling every
night for fear of some attack, the idea even of which has never yet
been entertained by the royalists.
But the obvious and utter weakness and unpopularity of our selfassumed administration have thrown a general veil of uncertainty and




HAWAI'IAN ISLAcNDS.


1721


uneasiness on the whole country, whereby all transactions are paralyzed and the value of real estate reduced to naught, even the Government bonds, which have always been above par, having lost nearly
10 per cent. Every kind of business has become seriously depressed,
the working classes are suffering for want of work, and the wheels of
progress and industry are stopped, threatening stagnation and disaster, whereby all classes are becoming impatient, the natives chafing
under the insults of the Provisional Government and beginning to talk
of revolt, and the foreign element of our league beginning to press for
relief from a situation which has evoked many bitter enmities.
To render the matter still more serious the time is waxing near when
the taxes are becoming due, and there is a general disposition to refuse
to pay any money to the present government until things are settled
by the United States' decision. Of course a general refusal of taxes
would precipitate serious complications; but, as the situation is now,
already it is only through the greatest vigilance that the patriotic
league manages to repress the feelings of its members. And if the
present condition continues a while longer the result may be an outburst that the patriotic league, hitherto the leading influence of the
country, will be unable to prevent, and lives and property may be
jeopardized.
Truly, therefore, may it be said that the situation is growing intolerable and delay unbearable; and there will be, there can be, no relief
until the United States Government has determined our future, and
thereby a permanent legal government has been put in power here.
Under the circumstances, which the public press openly and justly
qualifies as "disastrous and deplorable," we, the undersigned, are
moved, in answer to our league's wish, to take the liberty of addressing your excellency, through your accredited minister here, Hon. J. H.
Blount, and of respectfully saying that since the fate of our little
kingdom and its inhabitants is in your hands, we do humbly pray
that a speedy solution may be reached to avoid impending calamities,
and so that we may once more enjoy the blessings of peace, prosperity,
and a proper government.
That the natives have as yet been quiet, apparently apathetic, must
not be construed as meaning that they are gradually accepting the
new order of things, by which they are deprived of all their rights in
their own country. They are simply waiting, in their simple faith in
the generosity and honor of the most liberal and honorable Government of the world; and they expect justice, id est, restoration of their
legitimate sovereign. And the American Government must now be
sufficiently well informed of the enormous injustice committed against
this defenseless and peaceful nation, so that it seems to us that little
or no doubt can yet be entertained by any impartial mind as to what
ought to be the proper course for dealing with the 1 faits accomplis"
here, and no doubt as to the true royalist sentiments of the large
majority of our people.
But owing, as we represent, to the gathering storm, all good citizens are anxious that no more delay than actually unavoidable should
now occur in the settling of this matter; and, therefore, if it is considered by your Government necessary for the question to be referred to
Congress, we do respectfully, but most earnestly, fervidly beseech, in
the name of our people, that it be submitted if possible to this now
coming extra session.
And we further pray that Almighty God will vouchsafe you and




1722                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
your Government his divine guidance in assisting you to deal fairly
and justly with an unhappy nation, whose sole hope lies in you.
Most respectfully, your excellency's humble servants,
(Signed)            J. A. CUMMINGS, Honorary President.
JOSEPH NAWAHI, President.
JNO. E. BUSH, Vice-President.
J. W. BIHIKANA, Vice-President.
JOHN LOLE KAULUKOU, Vice-President.
J. E. KAUNAUJIANO, Vice-President.
JAMES K. MERSEBURG.
JOHN KAPUMAWAIIO PRENDERGAST.
ABRAHAM K. PALEKALUHI.
SAM'L K. AKI.
IH. S. SWINTON.
JAS. K. KAULIA, Secretary.
S. M. KAAUKAI..              '       VW. L. HOLOKAHIKI.
JNO. SAM. KIKUKAHIKO.
L. W. P. KAUEALII.
J. KEKIPI.
F. S. KEIKI.
J. MAHIAI KANEAKUA.
HONOLULU, July 16, 1893.
No. 41.
Statement of the Hawaiian Patriotic League.
MEMORIAL ON THE HAWAIIAN CRISIS
I.- Generative causes.
The strongest argument of the men who, for personal aims, crave for
the overthrow of the Hawaiian national monarchy, is that the natives
are incapable of self-government, and to this flimsy and false argument the United States minister resident, J. L. Stevens, as a colnplaisant echo, adds that the natives are always " misled by unscrupulous hoodlum foreigners," "unscrupulous hoodlum" being apparently
Mr. Stevens' pet diplomatic qualification for every man who does not
agree with his diplomatic friends and accomplices.
The historian's ready answer to these calumnies is that ever since
the pacification of the country, which followed Kamehameha's conquests, the natives when left alone have had a most satisfactory, peaceful, and progressive Government, while all the dissensions, riots, and
troubles recorded in the annals of these islands have ever been by or
through foreigners seeking to wrench the power and wealth from the
poor natives, these being ever the peaceful and patient sufferers thereby,
not "misled," but terrorized and oppressed.
As it can be seen, even in Alexander's Brief History, all political
difficulties experienced by our native Government in the past, up to
the present one, have been through foreign extortion and violence, beginning with the outrages committed by whalers and lawless sailors or
adventurers down to the intemperate domineering pretensions of for




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1723


eign representatives, so that a rapid review of ancient history will
serve to shed a true light oiI the present situation.
The unjustifiable seizure of the islands by Lord Paulet (1843), some
features of which are not very different from our present situation, was
brought about by the high-handed enforcement of trumped-up charges
and claims by the English consul Charlton, and the French incident
in 1849 was caused by Consul Dillon's arrogance. As Alexander's
history states it, "for years the Honolulu community was kept in a
state of turmoil by consular grievances," and in 1846 a table of such
grievances, prepared by order of the Legislature, "formed a roll 120
feet long." Every consul, and more prominently at one time the United
States Commissioner Brown, insisted on " the right of diplomatic interference with the internal affairs of the Kingdom," and of ' ready access
to the person of the Sovereign." (Alex., 261.) It would now seem that
in those early times the various powers represented here were vying
with each other to seize any pretext which might give them a shadow
of right for taking possession of these desirable and coveted islands,
so that the late policy of Minister Stevens and Capt. Wiltse, of lying
in ambush and waiting for the most trival pretext to jump on the native
Government, has not even the merit of being original with them.
Fortunately, in the past, the various great powers have been generous, disinterested, and honorable enough to disown the political cupidity of their agents, and this is one of the reasons why the natives
to-day are so patient and peaceful; they know that the great American
Republic is the most honorable and generous of all nations, and takes
the lead in all just and liberal ideas, moreover they have such an inborn
faith in and respect for the United States Government, whom they
have been taught by their early teachers to regard as their best friend
and natural protector, that they can not be otherwise than confident
that history will only repeat itself and that their precious independence
will not be less respected by America than it has been by England
and France.
This confidence is all the more justifiable, as this is not the first
time that the country has been disturbed by some annexation craze.
In 1853 things here reached such a crisis that the foreigners then
living in Honolulu, and " especially men recently arrived from California
thought that 'the times were ripe,' and organized with the view of
forcing on King Kamehameha III, annexation to the United States;
'petitions in favor of it were circulated and signed and strong commercial interests used for its furtherance;"' and stranger yet to say the
King got to be "so tired of demands made on him by foreign powers,
and of threats by filibusters from abroad, and by conspirators at home
to overturn the national government" that he himself declared in favor
of annexation "as a refuge from impending dangers." (Alexander.)
But fortunately, at that time, the last remaining faithful missionaries
of tie old stock strongly opposed the project, believing "that its effects
would be disastrous to the native race" (Alex., 277), and the honest
American diplomats of the period indorsed that opinion. And here,
let it be said to their honor, the early American missionaries have ever
been found on the side of the rightful native authorities, advising them
and helping them to resist foreign aggressions, and being allowed in
consequence full political control. Even to-day, faithful to their original mission, the Roman Catholic and Anglican clergies are still found
on the side of the native independent government.*
The fact of these two religious denominations not being favorable to annexation
may make it interesting to add here a statistical note about the approximate distri



1724                    HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
But the descendants of the early American missionaries have turned
against the honorable traditions of their fathers; they only attend to
the natives now to negotiate some ironclad mortgage deed, and they no
longer care whether or not the "effects of annexation would be disastrous to the native race," although the old reasons therefor are just as
patent now as forty years ago. Further than that, they have not only
ceased to be the trustworthy advisers and helpers of royal authority,
but they have been bent solely on using all their moral and financial
influence to grasp the administrative power for the furtherance of their
own ends and interests, and from these men arise all the present
troubles.
This change in the morality of the missionary descendants came to
its climax through sugar, and it may here be said that sugar has been
a curse to these favored islands, making some few men-foreignersimmensely rich, but impoverishing the masses, the natives especially,
and bringing about corruption     and greed, and political venality
unknown to the converts of the early missionaries.
The sugar greed was of long and gradual growth, the early efforts to
give it an impetus by appealing to American generosityhaving repeatedly failed through the prudence of Congress; and it can be safely said
that just prior to the season of extraordinary financial prosperity that
followed the treaty at last granted in 1876, by the kindness of our great
and good friend, the Republic of the United States of America, all the
old foreign complications had worn out, so that the native Government
was running smoothly and our people at large were living in peace and
in greater harmony than they have ever since. It was a time when we
had less wealth and less selfishness, but more quiet contentment.
The divergence of sentiment and lack of harmony came about through
the ambition, the sordid desire of foreign residents and sons of missionaries to accumulate great wealth and grow suddenly rich. To accomplish this end the few who had the advantage in lands, money, and
friends saw that the main point for them was to control the Government, so as to secure the special legislation necessary to carry out their
designs, and especially to procure the indispensable cheap labor and
keep them down under labor laws equivalent to slavery. To this faction this country owes the undesirable and un-American introduction
of Chinese, Japanese, and the still more ignorant and illiterate Portuguese. Millions of public money, under the fallacious pretext of
"encouragement to immigrations have been spent for the sole purpose
of bringing in laborers for the planters, and even the voyage around
the world of King Kalakuaa was made use of to try to obtain Indian
bution of the population according to religious beliefs, and it must be taken as very
significant that, in the last census, the religious element was left out altogether,
for the reason that the missionary party who presided over the operations of the
census could not allow their decline to be made public together with the ascendancy of their rivals. In the absence of other authorities, the Catholic clergy plaim
30,000 adherents on these islands, about 18,000 being natives, out of a total of 40,000;
and as the Anglicans, Mormons and Seventh-Day Adventists also claim quite a number of converts, it is thus seen that very considerably less than 22,000 natives remain
under the spiritual sway of the annexationists' faction, and, moreover, it could easily
be ascertained from the missionary publications that, within the last few years, the
Hawaiian communicants reported by their churches have diminished in the proportion of about 90 per cent (2,200 against 21,000), the reason of this is solely the antipatriotic anti-Hawaiian anti-loyal attitude assumed by the missionary churches and
their schools, wherein teaching the children to pray for the country and sovereign
has been discontinued. Even in the Kamehameha industrial school, founded with
the money of the last of that illustrious native family, the pupils are taught rank
republicanism and disloyalty to their country and race, and forced to sign the
annexation pledge.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1725


coolies under British jurisdiction, which would have made this country
practically an English colony, had it not been for the veto of the
American Government, and yet the idea was not entirely abandoned,
for only a year ago Mr. Marsden, one of the commissioners who went
to Washington to beg for annexation, was sent to India to try to revive
the matter, and he reported in favor of it.
This goes to show the reason why so many annexationists in the
country have alternately shifted from loyal Hawaiians to rank annexationists, according to what appeared most expedient for their purposes
or gain; thus it can be safely said that few indeed is the number of
those who want annexation for mere patriotism; for the majority, it is
essentially a question of dollars and cents they think they can make
out of Uncle Sam, and even to-day, many of the hottest annexationists
would turn right over to any other power if they had any prospect of
making more money by such a change.
Through the American reciprocity treaty of 1876, which was granted
essentially with the idea of benefiting especially the aborigines,
American gold began to roll in by millions into the coffers of the planters, who were thus enabled to pay usurious interests to our bankers
and capitalists, large commissions (as high as 7 per cent) on all sales
and purchases to the commission merchants, the balance of the profits
still constituting princely incomes, with which the planters were enabled
to travel abroad with their families, while the silent authors of this
untold wealth-the poor laborers-gotbarely enough to covertheir nakedness and food enough to give them sufficient strength for their daily
task.
This inhuman and immoral system could not last eternally, and the
masses, including the foreign laborers, realizing its injustice, gradually obtained control of the Government; this, moreover, culminating
in 1886, in the Gibson anti-missionary administration.
When the planters and their missionary friends realized that the
administrative power was slipping out of their hands, through the fact
that the Kanaka, in spite of all coaxing and bribery used, would not
always vote to suit the selfish wishes of that class, nor submit himself
to their greedy tyranny, it was deemed a necessity to down them, and
from that time dates the determination on the part of the wealthy
foreign class to gradually rob the native of his political manhood,
which he knew too well how to use; and this policy culminated in the
assertion made by Commissioner Thurston, in the states, that henceforth Kanakas must be totally disfranchised and not allowed to vote,
otherwise the infinitely small minority of the sugar revolutionists
would be swamped. And this is how and why the Kanakas are incapable of self-government.
At the same time the sugar oligarchy began to look out for a political
change that would bring their waning power back to them. They
thought that they would find the desired goal in annexation, through
which they could use the United States as their supporter. Conspiracies were then initiated for the purpose of bringing about annexation,
and were continued for over three years against the same King Kalakaua who had been instrumental in obtaining the long-wished-for
treaty for the planters. This flagrant ingratitude culminated in 1887
by the first revolution, planned and carried out exclusively by a handful of foreigners at the instigation of the missionary sugar-planters and
capitalists, who formed that party afterwards known under the deceptive name of "reform party." Through the adroitness of the King,




1726                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
this movement was only partially successful, inasmuch as the overthrow
of the monarchy, then contemplated, could not be accomplished.
It, however, gave a very severe blow to public liberties and to equal
rights, because a reactionary constitution was forced upon the masses,
which has since been the law of the land without having ever been submitted to the approval or ratification of the people; and its modification
has been strenuously opposed by our plutocrats, because they knew,
from its inception, that the said document was a fraud and a snare. It
professed to be liberal. but it was about as deceptive a document as the
character of the men who inspired it. It disfranchised a large number
of natives, while it gave to utter strangers, and to all the illiterate Portuguese then under the influence of sugar-planters and others, the
unprecedented right of voting without having to take any allegiance to
the Government. The reaction, which naturally followed the violent
inauguration of such a retrogade factum, led to the second revolution,
attempted in 1889, by some natives under R. W. Wilcox-the only
instance in Hawaiian history in which the natives tried to assert themselves politically without foreign help.
The failure of this movement did not deter the natives, but aroused
in the masses a strong feeling of opposition to the reform cabinet then
in power, which was formed by the very same men who headed the
present rebellion. This opposition of the masses showed itself very
emphatically in the regular elections following, notwithstanding the
inequalities of the franchise, which virtually gave the wealthy classes
the control of half of the law-making power of the land; the Hawaiian
people, whom the missionary sugar-planters had aimed to control in this
manner, repeatedly carried a majority at the polls in all the elections
since 1890, and the only method left to the reform party to attain the
ends to control the Government has been by bribery and corruption,
with that very wealth which the generosity of the American people had
given to Kalakaua for the general benefit of all his subjects. Thus the
good that the great American nation had intended for the Hawaiians
turned out in the hands of a few greedy foreigners to be the means of
oppressing those very same natives.
The flagrant inequalities thrust by this revolutionary constitution
on the native people, thus aisfranchised in their own country, has been
the bone of contention ever since. The Hawaiians have been as a
unit at the polls in carrying the representative seats for the special
object of obtaining a new constitution doing away with the injustice
embodied in the present one. They have, for four years, demanded the
enactment of a law by the Legislature, authorizing the election of delegates to a constitutional convention, for the framing of a really liberal
organic law. In seeking a new constitution, the natives do not want
to disfranchise anyone or put any qualification upon a voter other than
that he should be a resident in the country for a certain period of time
and should know how to read and write in his mother tongue; but they
do want equal rights for all.
However, every honest effort made by the native Hawaiians to secure
a liberal change of this nature, a change that would give freedom and
equality to every soul that came freely into this country, has been
defeated by the most unprincipled means that men can be capable of
employing; and to their shame, the missionary sugar planters, the
descendants of men who preached the eternal principles of good morals
and claimed freedom and equality as their birthright, are the very men
who stand in the way of the fulfillment of these liberal principles.
But the very people who have been represented to the great American




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1727


nation as being illiterate, illiberal, and not worthy of sympathy, not
worthy of the manly right to vote, are about the only ones here who
are struggling for liberty and equality to-day, and these are the much
traduced Hawaiians. Thus the political situation here for years past
can be clearly defined as follows: The Hawaiians have been patiently
and peacefully contending to regain by legal means a just political
status, whereby all the foreigners would also enjoy equal liberal rights;
while the reform party have been intent on realizing, by violent and
arbitrary ways, the gradual but total disfranchisement of the natives,
and accessorily the control of the poorer classes of foreigners, by capricious property qualifications.
In other words, the sugar oligarchy have sought to override all true
constitutional principles and to realize the un-American phenomena of
creating a plutocracy of their class, to whom all other classes and
interests should be politically and materially subservient.
In this they may have been encouraged by the docility of the Hawaiians in general; but certainly neither the revolution of 1887 nor the
coup de main of 1893 have in any way been revolts against unfair,
oppressive administration, while they may be fairly characterized as
desperate grabs for personal power, which the plutocratic faction could
not obtain by fair, honest means at the ballot box.
Furthermore, the policy of the reform party may be said to be one
of gross ingratitude, in the sense that the native legislators-of whom
it is safe to say that they always acted with decorum and intelligence
equal to any State legislature in the Union-have never refused to
enact laws or appropriations for the benefit of the sugar industry,
which has been fostered in every practical way. Our statute books
are full of liberal laws, and in nowise oppressive, showing ample evidence of the intelligent and progressive character of our Government,
and of generous provisions for the protection of foreign capital and
fostering of industries conducted here by foreign investors. In no
other part of the world, under aboriginal rule, have foreigners prospered so well as here. Even the system of taxation ought to satisfy
any men but selfish plutocrats; for it is the masses, the poor people,
who bear the principal weight of direct and indirect taxation (which
is heavier than in the United States), while taxes on property are very
light and easily evaded; planters have never been taxed anywhere
near to a just proportion to the actual values, and, moreover, their
taxation has been reduced by 25 per cent since the McKinley act
came into effect, while no reduction of any kind has been granted to
the other classes.
Having regained temporary possession of the power, through the
revolution of 1887, the sugar missionaries dropped for a time their
annexation schemes, and merely tried to use the United States to keep
themselves in power, reserving annexation as a desperate expedient.
This is proved by the treaty which they attemptod to negotiate in
1889_'90, in which a special clause, now known as the "bayonet clause,7
allowed them to call at any time for the landing of the United States
troops, to protect them and any cabinet they might uphold. This treaty
was rendered impossible by the turn of the elections in 1890, in which
the sugar planters and missionary influence combined were downed by
the strong will of the natives, allied with the foreign workingmen and
mechanics, who opposed the coolie-labor policy of the wealthy class.
The reform party then turned again to their old schemes of plotting
for annexation. Rumors of conspiracies and expected uprisings on their
part have been rife ever since 1890, and the liberal results of the various




1728


HAWVAIIAN ISLANDS.


elections of 1892 only increased their desperate activity. Mr. Thurston.
the reform star, \*is openly accused of being the leadel of these con.
spiracies, one positive manifestation of which was the movement instigated by the reformll party in May, 1892, which lead to the arrest of
1i. W. Wilcox and V. V. Ashford, both of whom were saved from
legal punishmernt through the influence of the leaders and 'respectable
men" of the sugar missionaries, who feared being exposed and implicated in the movement.
Unfortunately the popular party was divided into two factions, making three with the sugar missionary reform party. These divisions
rendered the last Legislature utterly impotent to carry out strict party
measures, and was the means of prolonging the session to an unprecedented length of time, about eight months. It also raised the expectations of the annexationists and plotters to the highest pitch, which
increased when they found a, willing abettor in the person of the United
States minister, Stevens. Hence they resolved to seize the first plausible excuse, the first practical reason for another revolution; and unfortunately this apparent reason and pretext was given to them by the
Queen herself, in her endeavors to meet the popular will.
It must be inserted here, that it was only because the immortal principles of justice, liberty, and equality were violated or ignored in the
Bayonet Constitution of 1887 that the Queen to satisfy her own people
undertook to suggest to her constitutional advisers, the cabinet, the
promulgation of a new constitution embodying these desirable features
and addressed to the masses, not to a mere faction. Upon the advice
of her ministers she withdrew the proposition and requested her people to be patient, to forbear, to wait until a legitimate time, when she
hoped they would be enabled to secure the object of their wishes.
This act of the Sovereign, too liberal to be forgiven by the reactionary
reform party, drove them to a desperation, because it would have forever thrown the control of the Government out of the hands of the
wealthy minority.  Therefore the missionary offsprings and their
plutocratic friends and followers used it as a pretext for robbing the last
and only vestige of right left to the Hawaiian in his own country, his
independent nationality, his flag, denying him even the claim to be a
human being.
Now to show what authority the insurgents had to dictate in the
matter it will be in order to resort to statistical points. The last official census, made in 1890, corrected to date, puts the total population
of the group at 96,075. Out of this number 15,570 are Chinese, 18,474
Japanese-two races not allowed as yet to take a share in local politics,
though the Japanese Government now claims for its citizens equal
rights with other foreigners. The balance of the population is distributed into natives and half-castes, 40,622 plus 7,495 Hawaiian born of
foreign parents and into 13,912 foreigners, among whom the Americans
count only a total of 1,928 "of all ages and sexes," the British 1,344,
the Germans 1,034, the Portuguese 8,602, and other nationalities 1,004.
Thus the total American element all over the islands amounts to only
about two-hundredths of the whole population and one-seventh of the
total number of foreigners.
More especially in Honolulu, which is only part of the country that
participated in the insurrection, the Americans number only 767 males,
as against 2,003 other male foreigners (among which are no less than
529 English) and against 6,902 male natives. Furthermore, all our
American residents are not in favor of annexation; it is only a fraction
of this small number of 767 Americans, with a few Germans and Portu



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1729
guese (therefore a minority unsupported by the rest of the population),
who have accomplished the overthrow of the recognized native Government, through the American official influence.
Can it be possible that so small a faction, and so heterogeneous at
that, whose only force is to be loud-mouthed and utterly regardless of
veracity, should be allowed to impose their whims on the rest of the
population, and rule it contrary to all American ideas of popular government?
To cover their numerical weakness, the annexationists' faction have
tried to awaken American sympathies by alluding to the necessity of
protecting American capital, which they claim to be so largely invested
in these islands. To give plausibility to this assertion, tables have
been prepared, purporting (on estimations, not on any positive documents) to show that the total capital engaged in sugar (in corporations
and nonincorporated plantations) amounted to $33,420,990, out of
which $24,735,610 were claimed to be American, or about four-fifths;
$6,038,130 British, $2,008,600 German, $226,280 native, and $299,000
of other nationalities. This fantastic array is contradicted by the mere
fact that out of a total of $537,757 for internal taxes, Americans paid
only $139,998 (official figures), or one-fourth, while, according to the
above statement, American plantation stock alone, outside of commercial firms and other American taxable property, ought to have paid
over $247,000. But even allowing that a large portion of the sugar
interests may be apparently in American hands, it is far from correct
to call it American capital.
It is an undeniable fact that outside of Mr. Claus Spreckels, of California, no American has ever brought into this.country any capital
worth mentioning, but many have sent away fortunes made here; most
of our present American capitalists, outside of sons of missionaries,
came here as sailors or school-teachers, some few as clerks, others as
mechanics, so that, even if now they do own or manage, or have their
names in some way connected with property or corporations, this does
not make their wealth of American origin. Those who are now independent run their plantations or business firms on money made here,
out of the Hawaiian people and from Hawaiian soil, through coolie
labor; the others are simply running on capital borrowed principally
from English or German capitalists, and their concerns should be
more justly called English or German capital because, in case of bankruptcy, such capital would really be lost, not American capital.
The local Croesus, American by birth, the banker, C. R. Bishop,
came here poor and started his fortune by marrying the wealthiest native
princess, whose lands and income allowed him to duplicate it by banking on Hawaiian capital; surely his can not be termed American capital. The conclusion of all this must then be, that certainly American
capital and interests here can be cheerfully acknowledged as very large
and important, and entitled, like all other foreign capital and interests,
to every consideration and protection; but American annexation can
not be justified on the sole ground of the asserted extreme preponderance of such American capital, or on the pretension of that capital to
be entitled to special or exclusive protection or favor, not any more
than German or English planters would be entitled to ask for annexation to their countries on the same grounds.
S. Rep. 227  109




1730                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
II.-Development.
The phase by which the budding conspiracies of the reform party
bloomed out into open rebellion can not be better compared than to the
filibustering schemes of the well-known Walker and other historical
desperadoes, with this difference, however, that all those expeditions
were made without participation of any United States official, the
United States Government, on the contrary, making every effort to
check and frustrate those attempts against international laws, whilst
the Hawaiian crisis has been helped, promoted, precipitated, encouraged, and countenanced by two representatives of the United States
Government. Moreover, it can be boldly asserted that the Honolulu
filibusters (for they repeatedly admitted it themselves) would never
have dared to attempt their uprising without the moral stimulus and
promises of the United States minister, nor would they have had
strength to carry it out successfully against the Queen's well-armed
forces and the numerous volunteers ready to fight for her, nor could
they have maintained themselves one day in power, without the material armed support of the United States troops on shore and the guns
of the U. S. S. Boston trained on the town.
Therefore, this military interference and aid to a mob of filibusters can
only be qualified as an overt act of piracy by a United States officer
against a defenseless friendly government. The whole proceedings are
the most outrageous example known in modern times of naval forces
abusing their power without urgent cause and without previous declaration of war. If sustained by the American Government the action of
Capt. Wiltse will be a precedent that will set to naught all internal
tional rights, all security of weak powers against their more powerful
neighbors; henceforth any group of lawless, quarrelsome foreigners
residing in any port of other nations will be justified in raising a riot on
the most flimsy pretext, and then calling on warships of their own nationality to help them to take possession of, u annex" the place, against the
rights and wishes of the aborigines. It will then only be a question of
the survival of the strongest, of possible application wherever a weak
native government or a pacific population can be cowed by a foreign
element sufficiently strong or enterprising; but what renders the facts
still worse in our case, is that they have been the result of a long premeditated policy.
The extreme intimacy of Minister Stevens with the various members
of the Reform party, to the exclusion of all men belonging to other parties, had been remarked even before Kalakaua's death, and it was common talk that plotting accompanied dining at the United States legation
in Nuuanu street. It was whispered with glee by the Reform partisans
that Stevens had been sent here purposely to promote annexation, which
the death of Kalakaua seemed to facilitate, hence it is not surprising
now to note that, from the start of her reign, Stevens shows himself
inimical to the Queen, evidently as reflecting the opinions of his Reform
friends. Far from acting like the representative of a friendly government, his relations with the Hawaiian administration were ever
unfriendly, meddling, and quarrelsome to such a degree that, at one
time, the chairman of the committee on foreign affairs of the Legislature suggested that he be given his passport, and it is greatly to be
deplored that the suggestion was not acted upon. The address he had
the presumption of making to the Queen, on her accession, was of the
nature of a threatening lecture from a rigid Sunday-school teacher to a
very vicious child, and was as ungentlemanly as it was undiplomatic,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1731


according to the universal rule which prohibits every diplomatic agent
to interfere in the internal affairs of a foreign country.
Then claiming the old forgotten assumption of "ready access," so
abusively used here by consuls fifty years ago, he took the pretext of
some flimsy newspaper article to make a display of his ignorance of
common etiquette as well as of his spiteful feelings, by forcing himself
on the Queen and trying to make Her Majesty and her ministers personallyresponsible for that article, which eventually did not justify any
ordinary legal proceedings.
During the various changes of cabinet that marked the end of the
Legislature, Mr. Stevens was satisfied only when reform missionary
men were chosen for ministers, and his extraordinary antimonarchic
oration on Decoration day, as much as his attitude towards the Parker
cabinet, during the days that preceded the revolt, plainly show how
biased he was, and bent on embarrassing the Hawaiian Government.
The other actor in our tragedy, Capt. Wiltse, from the time Admiral
Brown left him in charge of the station, made no secret of his purpose
to secure annexation, and boasted that he would not leave before it
was accomplished; if he did not keep his word in its entirety, it is certainly not through any fault of his. During the parliamentary changes
of cabinet he openly stated that, in case the Queen did not select for
her ministers Reform men, or men satisfactory to that party and to
Minister Stevens, the Boston troops would be landed to interfere, and
thereby bring about annexation. Even the foreign diplomats were
aware of those boasts. Unfortunately Wiltse's utterances were not
taken into sufficient consideration and treated seriously by the
Hawaiian Government, but were deemed only to be expressions of
intemperate language of an eccentric officer, not to use any harsher
term, whom the American correspondents were making fun of.
But there is no doubt now that at all times he has been an extremely
industrious intermeddler in Hawaiian politics, frequently lowering his
high position by interviewing hackmen on the streets on local affairs.
Further than this, the officers of the Boston will probably testify to the
fact that several times during the legislative period, and evidently in
accord with a preconceived plan of seizing any favorable incident or
pretext, the United States troops were kept in readiness for landing
when there was not the smallest sign of disturbance or even excitement
in town or in the Legislature.
And it must here be recorded that Capt. Wiltse made a veritable
debauch of military demonstrations during the Legislature, landing
troops and guns several times a week, and parading them through the
town as no other foreign vessel had ever done before, with the undoubted
intention of intimidating the native population and preparing future
events.
After the exhaustive accounts that have been published of the facts
of the revolution, and especially after the printed statements made by
the Queen and her envoy, P. Neumann, and by the attorney-general,
Peterson, the various details of which appear to us perfectly exact and
correct, we do not deem it to be in our province to offer a new narration, but simply to point out certain facts and their signification in the
interest of the people we represent.
Of the new constitution, which has been the apparent motive for the
explosion of the long prepared revolution we have already stated, that
it was desired and demanded by nine-tenths of the native population;
moreover, to make the position of the Queen plainer, it may be well to
recall the fact that in this country all previous constitutions had been




1732


1HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


granted by the free will of the different sovereigns, until the last one
1887, was extorted out of Kalakaua by an armed mob of foreigners led
by the same men who directed the present rebellion, so that the Queen
might have considered herself perfectly justified by the local precedents as to her power of granting a new constitution at the request of
her own people.
Runmors of this new constitution had been current during the session
of the Legislature, so that the surprise assumed by the reform party was
not genuine, and it may be well to ask what there was in the document
prepared for the Queen so utterly obnoxious to the reform party, and
how they could possibly know what its contents were, since its text
has not been published?
The first outcome of the Queen's attempt to proclaim her new constitution (Saturday, January 14), was a meeting in the office of W. O.
Smith, of about 70 members of the reform party, which afterwards
they had the impudence of calling a public meeting (!) and in which it
was decided to support the cabinet against the Queen (for the maintenance of the old constitution), and to exact from Her Majesty "guarantees" against any further move in the matter on her part. But this
conservative decision did not satisfy the firebrands who wanted annexation, and who immediately held another meeting secretly, about two
dozen of them, at Mr. Thurston's house, in which a secret "committee
of public safety" was appointed, composed of about the same incorrigible demagogues who had concocted and led the " 1887 revolution."
This committee then ordered a mass-meeting at the armory (Monday,
18th), to which from 700 to 800 foreigners responded, many of whom
were utter strangers, tourists, sailors from the merchantmen in port,
and many others only present through mere curiosity, so that it is safe
to say that in this meeting (which was going to have such an influence
on the political destiny of the whole country) not half of the men present were legal voters, the natives especially being absolutely absent and
assembled elsewhere. The object of this meeting was clearly stated as
merely to give authority-or a shadow of it-to the self-appointed 13
members of the "committee of public safety," and to empower this
committee to demand and obtain from the Queen "assurance and guarantees of a better government," id est, a promise to respect the 1887
bayonet consititution, this pet offspring of the reform party. Nothing
more was demanded of the public at the meeting, as the perusal of the
speeches there made by the most responsible speakers, Messrs. Wilder,
Glade, Young, and others, will conclusively show. Not the smallest
allusion was made to an impending change of government, and not
one man in the audience, outside of the leaders, did guess that the
resolution then submitted for approval meant anything beyond " guarantees from the Queen for good government and preservation of order."
And certainly not one dreamed that in the innocent looking tail of this
resolution, running as follows: "And we do hereby further empower
such committee to further consider the situation and further devise
such ways and means as may be necessary to secure the permanent
maintenance of law and order, and the protection of life, liberty, and
property in Hawaii," there could be meant a dethronement of the
Hawaiian monarchy by a clique of foreigners without any submission
to or indorselnent by the voters at large; and worse than that, a subsequent wild rush for annexation to the United States without even
consulting the whole foreign element. We claim that, had this meeting
realized that such were the intentions of the self-appointed committee
of public safety, the revolution would not have been carried, or at least




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1733


only an infinitesimal minority would have backed it. But this meeting
in itself was only representative of a mere fraction of the population,
for, at the same hour, at Palace Square, another meeting of between
five and six thousand natives and loyal foreigners cordially supported
the Queen, accepting her apology for withdrawing her constitution and
her promise of leaving the matter to be accomplished constitutionally.
Thus the majority of the population of the town was plainly with the
monarchy, and the Provisional Government, which was subsequently
appointed by the committee of public safety, represents but the arbitrary
assumption of a clique, with no popular backing. We claim that they
can sustain themselves through force and only so long as no appeal is
made to the electors, but soon as an election be held not one of the
members of the Provisional Government would receive even a decent
minority of votes, for they only represent the old reform party-that
party defeated at the polls in 1890 and 1892, and who is now in power
through a surprise under false pretenses. The utter weakness of the
Provisional Government and of the party back of it was unmistakably
shown on the day of the proclamation (Tuesday, 17th), when the whole
population ought to have been in arms if they had been in sympathy
with the insurgents (as falsely represented in America); while on the
contrary, it was with the utmost difficulty that fifty ill-armed men could
be mustered to march on the Government house, for a cash consideration, and with the positive understanding that in case of failure they
could take refuge behind the files of United States marines, and from
there on board of the Boston.
What was the attitude of Minister Stevens during the leavening
of the revolution will be better gathered from the official documents
and affidavits of the Queen, her ministers, and her marshal.  We
need only, in the name of the people, ask that this diplomat should be
made to answer positively why he ordered the landing of the Boston
troops, right after the two meetings above mentioned had so peacefully
transacted their business and so quietly dispersed? There was not the
smallest sign of excitement, the whole population manifested only the
most pacific disposition, everyone being under the impression that,
with the work of these two meetings and the adoption of their resolutions, the whole matter had come to an end, and that things would be
satisfactorily and peacefully settled between the Queen, her ministers,
and the self-appointed committee of public safety.
Especially the natives, from whom alone any fear could have been
entertained of 4riot or danger to persons and property" (for such has
been Mr. Stevens' flimsy excuse) were exceptionally quiet or even
indifferent, and they are not a fighting race; no groups were seen in the
streets, the royal troops had quietly laid their arms as usual in the
barracks; there was no display of police forces, and not a shadow of
danger breathed in the whole atmosphere, so that the United States
troops had no business on shore. Mr. Stevens then refused to give
officially any reasons for this landing, and it has since been said that
it was executed at the request of the self-appointed committee of public
safety, who had yet no legal standing, this going to show that, at that
early date (16th) Stevens was already disposed to acknowledge their
authority and attend to their wishes in preference to deferring to the
regular and legal Government.
The landing was made without any previous official notification, an
act contrary to all international rule, snd it was evidently precipitated
by the fear that, in the meantime, the Queen might have proclaimed
martial law, which would have made the position more embarrassing,




1734,


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


and probably would have prevented any further complication. We
say, therefore, that the landing of the troops was a direct violation of
all civilized laws, and ordered for no other purpose than that of helping the brooding insurrection. The further facts of the force being
made to occupy the Arion Hall, alongside the Government houses and
opposite the palace, when other buildings (the two armories, and the
new shed in construction on Merchant street) were available, shows
that the intention was to command the Royal Palace and interfere with
the movements of the Royal troops, so as to render possible the seizure
of the public treasury, and the farce of proclaiming the new Government, although it was reported that Mr. Stevens had promised to recognize their proclamation whenever it was made from any building in
town.
The official documents and the examination of witnesses will show
that when the proclamation was made by the armed mob at the Government house, and there recognized by the United States representatives, the Queen's full force, with artillery and Gatling, were still in
possession of the palace and barracks and of the strong police station,
and this last could not have been taken without a severe siege which
the Provisional Government alone was utterly incapable to undertake
and carry out; therefore, the legal Hawaiian Government was still de
facto in power and able to maintain their situation, and Mr. Stevens
has willfully prevaricated in his assertion to the contrary. It was only
when it became known that Mr. Stevens had declared that he would
recognize and protect against the Queen any government formed by
any group of what he would consider (as to him) "responsible citizens,"
that the Queen, her Government, and her numerous partisans surrendered to avoid useless bloodshed, and surrendered under protest, not
to the insignificant Provisional Government, but to the superior forces
of the United States warship.
At that time, the natives would have shown fight, but all their leaders urged upon them to keep quiet, as everything was left in the hands
of their constant protector, Uncle Sam, who would see that justice be
duly rendered; and most admirably, most deservedly, quiet they have
kept ever since, under severe provocation, but confident in American
honor and impartiality, that justice would be done.
As soon as all danger had disappeared by the surrender of the
Hawaiian Government, a couple of hundred men, all foreigners, and
principally penurious Germans and Portuguese, flocked to help the new
Provisional Government and take the place of the disbanded Hawaiian
guards; but this was not done out of sympathy for the movement, and
still less out of a wish for annexation (the possibility of which had not
yet permeated the public as being the saving anchor for a weak usurping Government). No, the adhesions to the Provisional Government
were merely out of personal convenience, and their number only goes
to show, not the popularity of the reform filibusters, but simply how
many men there were in town out of employment, who gladly jumped
at the chance of gaining a salary.
As the "Liberal," an uncontrovertible authority in the matter, said:
4The revolution was a Godsend to many people out of work (from the
results of decrease in business through the McKinley bill), who for
weeks had been destitute; they shouldered their guns to fight for
bread as much as anything else, and while the guard was maintained
(by the Provisional Government) they had a very congenial employment
and a good pay." Very good indeed for these foreigners, but we Hawaiians take this occasion for protesting against the lavish expendi



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1735
ture of public funds, made from a nearly bankrupt treasury, for the
maintenance of an extravagantly large, useless, and dangerous military
establishment of armed aliens who have no vested interests in the
country, mere mercenaries, officered by men known for the hatred they
bear against the Hawaiian people. We protest all the more because
the very men who thus squander the people's money on several hundreds of unnecessary play soldiers, are the very same ones who, in the
last legislature, ridiculed and opposed a total of sixty men for the
Queen's guard and purposely reduced the police force.
We must here dwell on the fact that no HIawaiians, even from among
those few who are said (with great flourish of trumpets) to favor the
insurrection, enlisted in the Provisional Government Army, in spite of
all pay and uniform allurements; but, on the contrary, we must take
good note of the fact that the Hawaiians of the old royal band refused,
to a man, to continue their service under the Provisional Government,
preferring starvation prospects to perjuring their loyalty; they started
an independent organization, with instruments paid with their own
money, and the people show their appreciation of the boys7 noble and
disinterested fidelity by patronizing their concerts in unusual crowds.
And this may be taken as a good sign of the general feelings of the
natives against the Provisional Government sprung on them by their
old enemies, the Reform party.
But eight days had not yet elapsed before the loyalty, fidelity and
patriotism of the incongruous, discordant crowd, who supported the Provisional Government manifested itself by dissensions running riot, to
such a point that the only manner of saving the new order of things
was to implore Mr. Stevens for a declaration of American protectorate.
Since this protectorate has been withdrawn the Provisional Government
have certainly had no trouble in maintaining themselves, but simply
through the fact that the natives are quietly and peacefully awaiting
for the decision of the United States.
It would be foreign to our aim here to follow the Provisional Government in its subsequent career of despotism and intimidation practiced
in the name of American liberty and under the protection of American
bayonets.
It will suffice to say that we, Hawaiians, do not and can not contentedly acknowledge the right of a faction of turbulent foreigners to
dictate in our country for the satisfaction of their greedy selfishness
and lust ot'power; but we are ever ready to bow and submit to the
rule of the majority, whenever legally expressed, and we would willingly abide by the decision of a plebiscite, honorably and fairly carried
out, if such was the will of America. Therefore, we proclaim that we
have not and never will recognize the present Provisional Government,
a government sprung out of a coup de main, abetted and shielded
by foreign intervention and run by a clique who do not enjoy the confidence of the people, their unpopularity being so thoroughly known to
themselves that they expected to maintain themselves only by disfranchising the whole nation. They rule only by the force of bayonets,
through martial law and the Draconian treason laws they enacted for
their support, and we do protest against their arbitrary assumption
of legislation, repealing old laws and making new ones of odious nature,
thereby exceeding all rights that a provisional administration can dare
to assume.
Of the men of the present Government we have nothing to say,
except that they are politicians repeatedly defeated at the polls who
want to rule or ruin, or mere boys utterly unknown and of no weight,




1736                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
chosen for the fact of their being willing to jump into a harun-scarum,
break-neck policy; but we do protest against their pretention of perpetuating themselves in power without reference to the people; and
we most solemnly protest against their high-handed policy of gagging
the press, of intimidating officials into taking the oath of allegiance, and
signing annexation petitions and club rolls against their free convictions; of spitefully discharging others, especially Hawaiians and old
residents (conveniently accused of being " royalists'") to make room for
foreigners, new comers, Hawaiian haters, and of calling to the supreme
bench and other high public offices aliens of brief residence, whose sole
claim is that they carried a gun under the protection of the Boston
sailors.
But all coercive measures are of no avail, for the Hawaiians remain
Hawaiian, true to our race. To us, Hawaii and our native government
are just as dear as America is to every true-born American, and no
loyal and patriotic subject of the glorious stars and stripes can blame
us for being imbued with a similar patriotism, for loving the dear land
of our birth, and even preferring our modest flag to any other, however
glorious it may be.
We do not believe that the times and circumstances warrant the
present movement of annexation; our people are not yet ripe for it, and
we prefer remaining under the paternal rule of our own monarchy that
understands our wants and wishes, and under which we claim to be
quite capable of self-government. Nevertheless, we want it well understood that we Hawaiians have no objection against America or the
Americans; on the contrary, we have been brought up to honor and respect our great and good neighbor, and through American teachings
more than half century of civilization and experience of self-government have given us an intelligent appreciation of the political doctrines
and democratic principles of constitutional government, with America
and Great Britain as chief patterns.
More particularly do we value, respect, and comprehend the fundamental principles of the American Constitution, such as " no taxation
without representation," "the rule of the majority," and "government
of the people, by the people, and for the people;" and we have tried
to follow those principles, when not disturbed by an intriguing, bribing
plutocracy of foreigners who repudiate such liberal principles and wish
to make peons or pariahs of us. Without past political experience of
American institutions we could not accept contentedly any such forms
of restricted government as the Provisional Government commissioners
to Washington, without any authority from the people, have tried to
obtain from the United States in order to keep their clique in power.
If annexation is to be accomplished with any justice it must be by the
consent of the majority, not at the beck of a few adventurers or greedy
plutocrats, men who, to further their private ambition or avoid impending bankruptcy, have remorselessly thrown -on the United States the
responsibility of a very dishonorable action, that of robbing a people
of their nationality, men also who, through their annexation scheme,
would entangle the U nited States Government with some foreign problems of difficult solution-the Japanese one especially.
It has not yet been clearly demonstrated that annexation would
benefit either this country or America, and to us it seems as if both
sides may have much to lose and little to gain by it. In what concerns
America we can not presume to pronounce on military or strategic
reasons, but we do agree with many eminent American writers that
annexation would rather be a source of danger, a cause of weakness to




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1737


the United States, without giving them better commercial advantages
than such as can be more safely and easily obtained by intimate treaty
relations with an independent government here. On our side, the gain
from annexation to such a distant country is also difficult to prove,
while the fiscal policy of the United States may at times place our
sugar, rice, coffee, and other tropical products at a disadvantage by
binding us to rival interests and preventing our seeking freely the
most advantageous outlets.
For all the above reasons and others too long to enumerate, we protest against the present movement in favor of doing away with the
independence of our country; we protest against the effort made to
force annexation to the United States without consulting the people.
and we especially protest against the interference of the United States
minister, Stevens, in Hawaiian politics and his violation of our sovereign rights by the unjustifiable landing of the United States troops and
the biased recognition of the insurgents.
We particularly resent the presumption of being transferred like a
flock of sheep or bartered like a horde of untutored savages by an
unprincipled minority of aliens who have no right, no legal power, no
influence over us, not even a claim of conquest by fair-handed warfare,
and we can not believe that our friends of the great and just American
nation could tolerate annexation by force against the wishes of the
majority of the population, for such an annexation would be an eternal
dishonor, an indelible stain on the pure escutcheon of the leading
nation of the world.
It is therefore with the utmost confidence in the wisdom, honor, and
impartiality of the United States Government that we respectfully
but earnestly pray for our independent autonomy and the restoration
of the Hawaiian Monarchy; and our gratitude will ever bind us more
indissolubly to the great Union by a stronger tie than any enforced
annexation could ever realize.
God save Hawaii Nei.
God bless the great Republic and its magnanimous and just leader,
President Cleveland.
J. A. CUMMINS,
JOSEPH NAWAHI,
JNO. E. BUSH,
For the Hawaiian Patriotic League.
KA Hui HAWAII ALOHA AINA.
[Hawaiian Patriotic League.]
KE KRUMUKANAWAI.                     CONSTITUTION.
Oiai ua ike ia ae nei ka loli ano nui ana o  Whereas vital changes in our country
ko kakon aina, he mea hoi e manaoia ai, have taken place, which may affect its
e hoopilikia ia ana kona Kuokoa ame na independence and the civil rights of its
Pono Kivila o kona mau Makaainana, a subjects and citizens, thereby rendering
me na Kupa, a no ia mea, he mea pono e indispensable a compact and zealous
kukuluia ona Hui manao lokahi a maka- union between all men who love the
ala mawaena o na kanaka a pan e aloha country, irrespective of party or creed;
ani i ka Aina, me ka nana ole i ka Aoao
Kalaiaina a Manaoio Hoomana paho.
Nolaila:
E hooholoia. 0 makou o na makaai-  Therefore, resolved, That we, the patrinana kupaa a me na Kupa Aloha Aina, a otic, peaceful, and loyal subjects and
makee maluhia hoi o Hawaii nei, no ke citizens of Hawaii nei, for the purpose




1738


H1AWAIIAN ISLANDlS.


kiai makaala ana i ko makou man Pono
Kivila, ma keia, ke hoohni nei makou ia
makoniho mia kekahi Ahahni, malalo o ke
kumukanawai mahope ae nei. penei:
Inoa.
PAUKU 1.-O ka inoa o keha Ahahui,
oia, " Ka Hui Hawaii Aloha Aina."1


Ka hana.
PAuKIY 2.-O ka hana a, keia Ahaluii
oia ka malama ana a me ke kakoo ana,
ma na keehina hana maluhia a kue kanawai ole, i ke kulana Kuokoa o na Pae
Aina o Hawaii, a ima he mea hiki ole ke
malamaia ko kakou Kuokoa, alaila, o ka
kakon hana oia ka hooikaika ana i na
hana kue ole i ke kanawai a me ka maluhia e hoomail ia ai ka Pono Kivila o na
kanaka Hawaii a me na Kupa makaainana.
Na mahele.
PAuKu 3.-Ala iloko o keia Ahahui e
kukulu ia he hookahi Hui Nui ma Honolulu i kapa ia "Ka Hui Kuwaeua" [central body] a mai loko aku ona e knkulu
ia ai i man Ahahui lala ma na Apana
Koiw o na Mokupuni.
Na Lala.
PAIJKU 4.-[A] 0 na Lala o keia Ahak1ui, oia na kanaka Haw aii macli o, keia
aina, he 20 mnakahiki a oi aku i makemake e boopaa ia iakou iho malalo (;na
kumuhiana o keia Alhahni, ua kupon —o ia
e lilo i mau. hoa, a lilo hoi i man lala
mamuli nae o ke kakau inon ana mnalalo
o keia Kumuk-anawai.
[B] 0 na kanaka a pan o na Aina-e, e
noho nei I keia wa he man Pono Kiviija ko
lakon iloko o keia aiaa a. i lokahi Pu hoi,
na manaoce kakoo I -na kumnuhana a keia
Hui, a i makeinake e hoop~aa ia lakon. iho
no ua Hui la. ma ke kakau inca ana
malalo o keia kumukanawai, e lilo no0
lakou I man hoa H'anohano (Lain) no keia
Ahahui.


of peaceably gnarding onr civil rights,
do hereby form ourselves into a league,
under the following constitution:
Name.
AR.TICLE 1. The name of this association shall be the Hawaiian Patriotic
League (Ka Hui Hawaii Aloha Aina).
Object.
ARTICLE, 2. The object of this association is to preserve and maintain, by all
legal and peaceful means and measures,
the independent autononmy of the islands
of Hawaii nei; and,. if the preservation of
our indepen dence be rendered impossible,
our object shall then be to exert all pencefiml and legal efforts to secure for the Hawaiian people and citizens the continiuance of their civil rights.
Division8.
ARTICLE, 3. The league shall consist
of one central body in Honolulu, with
branches iii the various districts of the
other islands.
Membership.
ARTICLE 4.-(A) All the natives of this
country, over 20 years of age, who are
willing to pledge themselves to the
objects of this league, are eligible for
membership thereof and may become
members by signing this constitution.
(B) All foreigners, at present enjoying
or entitled to civil rights in this country, and in sympathy with the objects of
this association and willing to pledge
themselves to it by signing the constitution, may be admitted as honorary memb)er8.


Na BHoonohonoho Ana.
PATuuu 5.-0 ka Hui Nui Knwaena
[central body] o "1Ka Hui Hawaii Aloha
Aima" cia ke noho mana malrna o na
Ahahul lala o kela a me keia apana koho,
a e lawelawe ia ana e na Luna Nui malalo iho nei, pe-nei:
1-Pereside-na Hanoha no. 1-Peresidena. 2-Hope Peresidena. 1-Kakauolelo. 1-Pauku a me 13 mau Hoa Kuka, a
olakou a pal i ka Aha Hooko o 19
lain. 0 keia mau lana a pan he poe
kanaka Hawaii maoli, a e koho ia lakou
ma ka Balota, no ka nianawa a e hoakakaia e na Rula o keia Ahaliui.


Organization.
ARTICLE 5.-The central body of the
Patriotic League shall rule over all the
district branches, and shall be conducted
by the following officers:
1. ]Honorary President.
1. President.
2. Vi ce-Presidents.
1. Secretary.
1. Treasurer.
And 13 councillors, who together shall
constitute an executive council. of 19
members. All these officers must be native Hawaiians and must be elected by




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1739


E koho no na Ahahui Lala o na apana
koho i ko lakou Lunahooinalu, Hooe
Lunahoomalu; Kakauolelo a me ka Punku, a e koho i hookahi Elele i wahaolelo
no lakou e hele mai ai imua o ka Ahahui
Nui (Hui Kuikawa) ma Honolulu, a ua
loaa i us Elele la ke ku leana e hele ai
ma na halawai o ka Aha Hooko a me na
halawai o ka Ahahui.
Na Luna Hanohano.
PAJKU 6.-O na kanaka o na Aina E,
e lilo ana i mau lala, e kohoia lakou e ka
Aha Hooko no na kulana hanohano e
like me keia:
1. Peresidena Hanohano.
2. Hope Peresidena Hanohano.
2. Kakauolelo Hanohano.
7. Hoa Kuka Hanohano, a oi aku paha
e like me ka mea e hooholoia ana e ka Hui
ma keia hope aku;
O keia mau Luna Hanohano oia ka Aha.
Cuka [Advisory Council] e noho pu a e
koho me ka Aha Hooko.
Na Hana a na Luna.
PAKIJK 7.-0 na hana a na Luna Nui,
ua like no ia me na hana maa man e pili
ana ina Hui e ae e like me keia ano
Ahahui, a e hoakaka pono ia ana hoi ma
na rula e aponoia ana ma keia hope aku
ka Aha Hooko.
Na halawai.
PAUKU 8.-Na halawai o ka Hui ekahea
ia no ia e ka Peresidena, ma ke kauoha a
ka Aha Hooko, a o kekahi mau Hoa paha
he 10;
E kaheaia na halawai a ka Aha Hooko
e ka Peresidena ma ke noi a kekahi mau
hoa 3, o ua Aha Hooko la;
0 na hana o na halawai a pau o ka Hui
a me ka Aha Hooko e alakai ia no ia e na
rula o na anaina maikai, a me na rula
maa mau o na Ahaolelo.
Kipaku ana.
PAUKU 9.-0 kela a me keia hoa o ka
Hui a o ka Aha Hooko paha, e hanaana i
kekahi hana e kue ana i ka manao a me
na hana a keia Ahahui, e kauohaia no ia
e ku imua o ka Aha Hooko, a ina ahewa
lakou iaia, e kipakuia no oia mai ka Hui
aku.
Na hoololi o ke kumukanawai.
PAUKU 10.-0 na hoololi a me na pakui
ana mai i keia Kumukanawai, e hana
wale ia no ia ma ka hooholo ana a na
halawai mau o ka Hui.
Aponoia ma Honolulu, i keia la 4 o
Maraki, 1893.


ballot, for such term of office as may be
provided in the by-laws of the league or
council.
The district branches shall elect their
chairman, vice-chairman, secretary, and
treasurer, and shall appoint one delegate
to represent them before the central
body in Honolulu, which delegate shall
have a right to attend the meeting of the
executive council and of the league.
Honorary officers.
ARTICLE 6.-Foreign members shall be
elected by the executive council to the
following honorary offices: 1 honorary
president, 2 honorary vice-presidents, 2
honorary secretaries, and 7 honorary
councillors, or more, as may hereafter be
determined by the league. These honorary officers shall constitute an advisory
council who shall sit and vote with the
executive council.
Duties of officers.
ARTICLE 7.-The duties of the various
officers shall be those pertaining to the
respective offices, as is usual in all similar organizations, and shall be more expressly defined in such by-laws as may
be hereafter adopted by the executive
council.
Memnbers.
ARTICLE 8.-Meetings of the league
shall be called by the president, at the
request of the executive council or of
any other ten members;
Meetings of the executive council
shall be called by the president, at the
request of any three members of said
council;
All proceedings of meetings of the
league and of the executive council shall
be governed by the usual decorum and
rules of parliamentary usage.
Expulsions.
ARTICLE 9.-Any member of the league
or of its executive council who may
commit an act violating the spirit and
purposes of this league may be summoned before the executive council, and
upon conviction by them be expelled
from the league.
Constitutional amendments.
ARTICLE 10. All amendments or additions to the present constitution must
be approved by a general meeting of the
league.
Adopted, Honolulu, this 4th day of
March, 1893.


Peresidena Hanohano
Peresidena
Hope Peresidena
"c "


J. A. CUMMINS,
J. NAWAIHI,
J. K. KAUNAMANO,
J. W. BIPIKAwNE,


Honorary President.
President.
Vice-President.
4i e   c




1740                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
No. 42.
Interview with the Hawaiian Patriotic League, May 2, 1893, printed with
Mr. Blount's No. 4, dated May 4, 1893.
No. 43.
Statement of A. P. Peterson.
His Excellency J. H. BLOUNT,
Commissioner, etc.:
SIR: The causes which led to and the motives which actuated the
trouble in Hawaii are varied. In the first place the passage of the
McKinley bill and the consequences resulting led to a feeling of dissatisfaction among the merchants of Honolulu and the planters generally.
This feeling of dissatisfaction has also led to a feeling in favor of annexation with the United States among a few, and that feeling caused them
to assist in the background the Ashford and Wilcox rebellion in the
spring of 1892. And when that failed through the arrest and trial of
the leaders, even although they were not found out and arrested, the
same feeling of dissatisfaction still led them to look about for any pretext to carry out their ideas and by this means serve their pecuniary
interests.
If the price of sugar had been higher we would have had no revolution. Another cause was the feeling of the Missionary or Reform
party that they and they only possessed the divine right to rule, to
rule at all hazards, if not in one way then in another. They could not
forget the long years when they had had complete control of the Government, when their word had been law with the Kings of' Hawaii, and
which rule had been wrested from them by a movement which had
joined together the natives, disgusted with missionary rule, and the
mechanics, discouraged at the hordes of Chinese and other Asiatic
labor brought into the country by that rule, which uprising in 1890 had
wrested from them their power. This feeling of desire to rule can best
be illustrated by Mr. Thurston's statement, made at a public meeting
in Honolulu during an election campaign in 1892, when he said: " That
to carry out their object they would join hands with the devil if necessary."
This statement coming from Mr. Thurston thoroughly illustrates the
idea of rule or ruin policy which has been adopted by the Missionary
party of which he is the leader. This idea led that party in the last
Legislature to adopt a course which they did. Having been elected
practically upon a joint platform with the National Reform party, the
party which in that Legislature adopted a conservative course, and
were naturally in sympathy with the best people and the best interests
of the country, they, the Missionary or Reform party, took the first
opportunity to break loose from their natural ally, the National Reform
party, and to join with the common enemy whom then had opposed
during the election, what was known as the Ashford and Bush wing
of the Liberal party, simply for the reason that upon the overturn of
the Wideman cabinet, whom all parties had agreed should go out,
they, the Missionary party, had not the appointment of the cabinet to
follow. This joining with the common enemy naturally estranged the
members of the National Reform party and forced them into an alliance




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1741
with the more conservative wing of the Liberal or native party, as no
party in the Legislature had a working majority.
After the overthrow of the Wideman cabinet the opposition, headed
by Mr. Thurston, took a position in favor of what they called the constitutional principle, that the Queen should call a leading member of
the opposition to form a cabinet. The Queen did so, and called me. I
being a member of the National Ref6rm party and not their choice,
they objected to my forming a cabinet because I had stated to them
my determination not to enter such cabinet. But they decided to
waive that point if I would name or form such cabinet as they should
nominate and select in caucus. This I declined to do and notified the
Queen that I could not form a cabinet. She then called upon Hon. E.
C. Macfarlane, another leading member of the opposition, who formed
what is known as the Macfarlane cabinet. This was still not satisfactory to them, as they claimed, because they had been told that every
member of the cabinet had not been Mr. Macfarlane's own selection,
but in reality because Mr. Macfarlane and the majority of the cabinet
selected were not from their party.
They immediately attempted to oust them, upon the sole ground that
the constitutional principle, as they claimed, had not been adhered to.
They failed upon the first attempt, but later, having thoroughly organized and appointed a committee which had no name, but which can
only be called a corruption committee,. they succeeded, by the use of a
large amount of money, in finally ousting the cabinet, having won over.
through these peculiar and almost unheard of means in Hawaii, sufficient natives to carry their vote. The Cornwell cabinet which followed, and which was the personal choice of the Queen, was within a
few hours summarily dealt with by this combination of the missionary
and the devil and put out in a few hours. This was followed by a
cabinet which was formed by the Hon. Cecil Brown, who was not a
member of the Legislature and was in no sense a leading member of
the opposition, and who but a few weeks before had been defeated for
a seat in the house, but, getting together a number of members from
the Reform party, he satisfied the desire of that party in his choice.
Although they had sworn to stand by the constitutional principle
before spoken of, as soon as a cabinet was formed satisfactory in its
personnel to this party which lacked by a considerable number a majority in the" Legislature, they were perfectly willing to abandon their
constitutional principle and stand and support a cabinet composed of
their own members. When this cabinet, which they had sacrificed so
much principle for, was voted out for purely political reasons, they
realized that their hold upon the politics of the country was forever
gone unless they could by some grand coup regain their power by overturning representative government. In this connection it may be said
that the charge made by the insurgents who formed the Provisional
Government, in their proclamation of corruption in the late Legislature,
was to a certain extent true. But it is no valid reason for their action,
as the Reform Party, representing as they did the planters and therefore a large part of the wealth of the country, were the people who
paid the money and caused the corruption and should be blamed very
much more than the Hawaiians who took their money.
All these causes combined bound together a few hundred people in
Honolulu, dissatisfied malcontents, either because they were not making as much money as formerly, or because they had not the control
of the Government, who were only too glad to take advantage of the
attempt of the Queen to promulgate a new constitution, especially




1742


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


backed as they were, or as they claimed to be and as after events showed
were true, by the assurances of Mr. Stevens, the American Minister.
It is not necessary for me to go into the details of the revolt here, as
the most of it has already been told by me in a number of affidavits
already on file, and I shall confine myself to mentioning only a few facts,
which, if stated at all, have been misrepresented.
On Saturday afternoon, after the prorogation, and after the Queen
had declined to promulgate a new constitution, a meeting was held at
the office of W. O. Smith and over seventy of the prominent citizens of
Honolulu, most of whom were afterwards actively engaged in the
movement to dethrone the Queen, signed a document agreeing to support the cabinet of which I was a member in the stand they had taken
against such promulgation, and promise that that support should
exist so long as the cabinet stood by their position. In less than three
hours the meeting which formed the Committee of Safety was held at
Mr. Thurston's house, and they were determined to break their pledge
unless the cabinet would agree to dethrone the Queen and form a Provisional Government. This breaking of their pledge did not surprise
the cabinet, as they could expect nothing but such a failure to keep
their word from the men who were engaged in it.
This action of the Queen in attempting to promulgate a new constitution, although it was petitioned for and desired by ninety-nine onehundredths of her native subjects, was deprecated by her cabinet and
was entirely new to them, although statements have been made to the
contrary, and by their efforts solely the danger was averted. Upon
the promise of the citizens who had signed the agreement to support
the cabinet, they acted and advised the Queen that it was necessary
for her to issue a proclamation stating the circumstances under which
the attempt to promulgate a new constitution was made, and assuring
the foreign representative and the people that she recognized her mistake and that no attempt hereafter would be made to alter the existing
constitution except as provided therein. This proclamation was issued
and signed by the Queen and cabinet and assurances were also sent to
the representatives of foreign Governments that such was the Queen's
intention.
This proclamation, and especially the assurances to foreign representatives, which was looked upon as a treaty with the foreign powers and
at any time could have been treated as such, was deemed satisfactory
by the majority of the prominent and wealthy merchants of the city.
The mass meeting which had been called by the insurgents and the
counter mass meeting called by the opposition were both attempted to
be stopped, but the committee of safety felt that they had gone so far
that a meeting should be held denouncing the action of the Queen in
order to avert further possible harm, it being understood among the
leaders of that party that that was the extent to which their meeting
should go. At their meeting on Monday afternoon they had less than
700 people present by actual count. The resolution presented at that
meeting was confined entirely to the action which had been proposed,
except the ending clause, which was slyly introduced by the most fiery
members of the committee of safety, giving that committee liberty to
act in any emergency which might arise. If the action which the committee saw fit to take within one hour under that resolution had been
for one moment thought of by that meeting they would not have been
able to carry their resolution.
The counter mass meeting was attended by more than six times as
many people as attended the other, and understanding that the critical
situation had ended by mutual consent, the meeting was conducted in




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1743
a peaceful and quiet manner. After the meetings the people dispersed
to their homes and matters were quieter than they had been for many
a day, until shortly after 4 o'clock word was heralded about the town
that the United States troops from the Boston had landed at the
request of the committee of safety. On Tuesday the Government was
ready to meet any emergency, which fact Mr. Stevens, the American
minister, was notified of, and were prepared to keep peace at all hazards, and at any time could have arrested and dispersed the insurgents,
most of whom joined them only on the promise that the United States
was behind them and would protect them. The Government had well
armed and equipped more than ten men to one insurgent. Nothing
was done by the Government except to keep in readiness, as they
desired to first find out Mr. Stevens' position in the matter, which he
had indicated in his conversation with myself and Mr. Parker on Sunday afternoon, but which was not absolutely certain.
After our conversation with Mr. Stevens, Tuesday afternoon, which
has been detailed fully in our affidavits, and which was ended at a
little after 2 o'clock in the afternoon and before the proclamation by
the Provisional Government was issued, the cabinet came to the conclusion that it was absurd to think of resisting the United States, and
waited only until Mr. Stevens formally notified them of his recognition
of the Provisional Government, which he sent us in answer to a letter
from us. This letter in answer to ours reached us before 4 o'clock and
less than an hour after the issuing of the proclamation by the Provis
ional Government. After receiving his notification that he had recognized and would support the Provisional Government we entered into
negotiations with the Provisional Government, and upon their promising certain matters in connection with the Queen's protest, which by
the way they afterwards failed to carry out, we delivered up the station
house, which was then, and always has been in time of trouble here,
the headquarters of the Government, the barracks, and palace, under
the protest which has been published and which explicitly says that
we yielded to the superior force of the United States troops.
This ended the affair as far as the Hawaiians are concerned, who,
acting upon the advice of their leaders, determined to leave their case
to the justice of the American people in dealing with the protest of
their Queen. Since that time the only danger which has menaced the
community has been that caused by the presence of the troops of a foreign nation guarding the sacred halls of their chiefs, and the still
greater menace of the vagabonds which the Provisional Government
called in to their assistance and organized into what they term a Provisional army. These facts show that Mr. Thurston's statement that
Mr. Stevens didn't recognize them until after the surrender is false, and
also show that the whole affair was premeditated and thoroughly understood between Mr. Stevens and a few of the citizens of Honolulu.
It has been stated by the supporters of the Provisional Government
that the main reasons for the movement they undertook were the passage of the opium and lottery bills at the close of the Legislature. To
show the untruthfulness of these statements it is only necessary to call
attention to the fact that the opium bill was passed by an overwhelming majority at the desire of nearly all classes in the community, and
was supported by two members of the administration, which they have
repeatedly stated was entirely satisfactory-Mr. Robinson, minister of
foreign affairs, and Mr. Brown, attorney-general.
As to the lottery bill, from its first mention it was supported by the
Hawaiians generally, by the mechanics almost to a man, and by a
majority of the storekeepers, smaller merchants, and clerks. It was




1744


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


opposed by the banks and the larger wholesale merchants, who gave
as their reason for such opposition that it was not wise to place such
political power as the bill proposed, or which might be taken under it,
in the hands of a single corporation. The argument used in favor of
the passage of the bill was that times were hard; that there seemed no
immediate prospect of better times coming; that the poor man and
the small dealer would be forced to the wall unless some relief was
had; that while they did not believe in lotteries generally, it was the
only tangible relief in sight and as such was grasped at. In fact, the
arguments were exactly such as the same men use now in favor of annexation to the United States-anything to better our financial condition.
To show the public feeling on the question of the lottery it is only necessary to refer to the special election held in Honolulu last October for
the election of two nobles for the island of Oahu, when almost entirely
upon the issue of the lottery Hopkins and Maile were elected by a large
majority; they supporting the lottery, as against Mr. Brown and Mr.
Robinson, afterwards called into the Wilcox cabinet, and Mr. H.
Waterhouse, a member of the provisional council.
The cabinet of which I was a member have been accused publicly
and privately of having favored the purpose of the Queen to promulgate a new constitution, and in support of that it has been said that
Her Majesty told me, at the meeting in the palace, that I had had the
constitution in my pocket for a month. What she did say was, in
answer to a remark by Mr. Parker, that we didn't know what the constitution contained; that I-Mr. Peterson-had had it in my possession
for several weeks. The explanation of that remark is this: During
the early part of the session of the Legislature, some three or four
months before the prorogation, the Queen sent for me one day and
handed me a roll wrapped in newspaper, and, without saying what it
was, asked me to look it over and see if I could propose any changes.
I carried it home and looked at it and found it to be a draft of a constitution. I did not read it through, and can not say whether or not
it was the same as was afterwards shown to us in the palace. I thought
nothing of the matter at the time, as the subject of a new constitution
was then before the Legislature in the shape of a bill providing for the
calling of a constitutional convention; but as I was opposed to the
measure, and shortly afterwards voted against it in the house, I was
not desirous of assisting in the project, as I supposed this to be, and
so did not look at it again after the first day. Some two or three weeks
after the Queen sent Mr. Robertson for the package, which I returned
exactly as I received it, having looked at it but once, and having made
no changes.
The course the cabinet pursued during the revolution has been much
criticised, but it must be remembered that the cabinet had only been in
office but a day or two, that the most of them were green in their positions, and felt that the wisest course for them to pursue was to be
guided by the advice of more experienced men in public affairs. They
accordingly took no important step without consulting either with the
diplomatic corps or a number of prominent citizens who kindly assisted
Her Majesty's Government, among whom were J. 0. Carter, Paul Neumann, and E. C. Macfarlane. These gentlemen, after learning Mr.
Stevens's attitude, were convinced, and so advised the Queen and
cabinet, that the best course to pursue was what was finally done, to
yield to the superior force of the United States.
I remain, your obedient servant,
A. P. PETERSON.
HONOLULU, H[AWAIIA ISLANDS, July 13, 1893.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1745


No. 44.
Interview with Wm. Hyde Rice, of Lihue, Kauai, April 28, 1893.
Q. You filed on April 20, 1893, four petitions?
A. Yes.
The petitions are as follows:
To the honorable W. H. Rice:
We, the undersigned, residents of the islands of Kauai and Niihau, Hawaiian
islands, do hereby nominate and depute you as delegate to represent us at Honolulu
before the United States conmmissioners in matters concerning the annexation of the
Hawaiian Islands to the United States to endeavor to procure for us equal rights
and privileges accruing to citizens of the United States.
(Signed by 137 names.)
To the honorable W. H. Rice:
We, the undersigned, residents of the islands of Kauai and Niihau, Hawaiian
Islands, do hereby nominate and depute you as delegate to represent us at Honolulu
before the United States commissioners in matters concerning the annexation of the
Hawaiian Islands to the United States to endeavor to procure for us equal rights
and privileges accruing to citizens of the United States.
(Signed by 18 names.)
To the honorable W. H. Rice:
We, the undersigned, residents of the islands of Kauai and Niihau, Hawaiian
Islands, do hereby nominate and depute you as delegate to represent us at Honolulu
before the United States commissioners in matters concerning the annexation of the
Hawaiian Islands to the United States to endeavor to procure for us equal rights
and privileges accruing to citizens of the United States.
(Signed by 43 names.)
To the honorable W. H. Rice:
We, the undersigned residents of the islands of Kauai and Niihau, Hawaiian
Islands, do hereby nominate and depute you as delegate to represent us at Honolul before the United States Commissioners in matters concerning the annexation
of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States to endeavor to procure for us equal
rights and privileges accruing to citizens of the United States.
(Signed by 81 names.)
Q. How did you come by these?
A. I was telephoned from the Waimeau natives asking me if I would
represent them here before Commissioner Blount. I said that I had
no wish to come, but if it was their wish I would be willing to represent them.
Q. How far from where you are?
A. About 25 or 30 miles from my residence.
Q. Then what?
A. They said they would draw up papers and send them around to
be signed at the precincts in that place.
Q. Here is the fifth petition similar in form presented this morning,
the 28th. How did you come by this?
A. It was sent up from the island of Nuphau last Sunday. They
wished to circulate them all around the islands, but hadn't time.
Q. And you were not near when these papers were gotten up?
A. No; I was not. I have not been near any of their meetings.
Q. Were you governor, at any time, of the island?
A. Yes.
Q. When?
A. I was governor for about one year of the islands of Kauai and
Niihau.
S. Rep. 227     110




1746                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Q. What year?
A. From the 14th of February, 1892, to the abolition of the office by
the existing Government.
Q. Where were you on the 14th, 15th, 16th, 17th, 18th of January,
1893?
A. I was on the the island of Kauai?
Q. When did you learn of the dethronement of the Queen and the
substitution of the Provisional Government?
A. On the 23d of January.
Q. Was there anything known of any movement of this sort in the
island prior to its happening?
A. No. We had some rumor that there would be trouble on that
Saturday morning-that there might be some trouble, as the Wilcox
ministry had been voted out Thursday afternoon. I heard on Friday
morning.
Q. That there might be trouble 
A. Yes, sir.
Q. On account of the going out of the ministry 
A. Yes.
Q. What sort of trouble was indicated?
A. We had no idea.
Q. You did not know whether it would take the form of force or
what?
A. We had no idea.
Q. Was there any suspicion of the dethronement of the Queen?
A. I think not.
Q. Have you anything you wish to add, Mr. Rice?
A. I had been with the Queen when she told me of the appointment
of the Nawahi ministry: as they called it, the Nancy Hanks ministry.
She told me who the appointees were. I said:  That won't hold; you
had better have another ministry ready."
Q. Are you interested in sugar-planting?
A. I am not a sugar-planter.  I own stock in a plantation.  My
business is running a cattle and horse ranch.
Q. You superintend that, but you have some investments in sugar?
A. Yes; I have stock in one sugar plantation. I inherited the stock.
I am not what is called a sugar-planter.
Q. What is your idea about annexation?
A. I think if we are not annexed to the United States I do not know
what will become of us, because we are incapable of ruling ourselves.
Q. Why?
A. There are so many different factions and interests that it will
produce pandemonium if we tried to rule ourselves.
Q. Do you mean by that that the native element is not qualified for
self-government?
A. I mean that.
Q. Why?
A. Because no native is capable of carrying on business for himself,
and much less of carrying on government.
I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it a correct report
of my interview with Col. Blount.
W. H. EICE,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1747


No. 45.
Interview with Antone Rosa, Honolulu, April 17, 1893.
Mr. BLOUNT. I would like to have your opinion as to the various
causes which culminated in the dethronement of the Queen.
Mr. ROSA. The only legitimate cause-if that can be construed into
a cause-is this: The Queen signing the opium bill, which passed more
than two-thirds of the house and was favored by two members of the
cabinet, and her signing the lottery bill, and the presumption on their
part that the Queen was using her influence in an underhand way to
oust the Wilcox cabinet. Those were the immediate causes.
Q. What were the remote causes?
A. The remote causes I should judge to be a dissatisfaction on their
part in not being able to control the Government. I mean by that in
not having their own men at the head of the Government. I do not
think they cared much about the minor offices, but the cabinet and the
principal offices of the Government they wanted to control, claiming
that they are the substantial people of the country; and I can not see
any more tangible cause than this. The Queen since her reign has not
exercised any of the powers her late brother did.
Q. What do you mean by the powers he exercised?
A. Such as meddling with politics, demanding certain persons to be
put in office, and undue expenditures of public money. She did not
have as much right to enter into politics as her late brother, because
during his reign whenever the ministry did not carry out his projects
he would dismiss them without a vote of want of confidence.
Q. Without a vote of want of confidence 
A. Yes; prior to the constitution of 1887.
Q. After that did he dismiss the ministers without a vote of want of
confidence?
A. No, he did not; he could not. He sometimes would obstruct
some of the movements of the so-called Reform party. It went so far
one time as to force the cabinet to require the King to make a pledge;
I do not think he was made to sign it.
Q. What was the pledge?
A. That he should not in anyway obstruct the proceedings of the
ministers, nor interfere in politics, but that he should accept every advice
from them, as they were responsible for the King's acts under the constitution. I do not think he exercised any rights against the cabinet
except what he thought he had a right to; as, for instance, the right to
veto. They contended that he did not have that right personal to himself, but that it was a right which he should exercise by and with the
advice of his cabinet. That question was submitted to the supreme
court and they decided in his favor.
Q. By unanimous vote?
A. I can not say; but I could refer to it. It was decided in favor of
His Majesty's contention that it was a personal prerogative.
Q. What was the cause of the revolution of Wilcox?
A. The revolution of Wilcox on July 20, 1889, was a public demonstration of the natives' opposition to the constitution.
Q. How?
A. They contended that he was the undercurrent in the attempt to
overthrow the Government, but he publicly denounced it in a letter,
written at my instance and at the instance of another friend of his.




1748


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


He was then quartered at the boathouse. I personally thought he was
a party to it.
Q. That Wilcox was?
A. No; that His Majesty was. I personally felt that way.
Q. How do you mean he was a party to it?
A. I can not tell you from any direct evidence; but circumstances
appeared to me as though he was a party to it.
Q. In what way; what was the scheme he was trying to effectuate?
A. It was the overthrow of the 1887 constitution, and to be replaced
by another one which he framed. The fact of his having his Queen
removed from the palace the night before the movement; the fact of his
intimacy with certain revolutionary leaders, and other circumstances,
which I can not call to mind, make me think so. I was very intimate
with him then, but felt that his conduct through the whole matter was
unjust.
Q. You think that he was secretly promoting the movement to
undermine the Government with a view to giving him the powers he
had prior to the constitution of 18S7?
A. I believe so.
Q. Was that generally entertained?
A. I believe so-by the cabinet.
Q. Who was in the cabinet?
A. Thurston, minister of the interior; Damon, minister of finance;
C. W. Ashford, attorney-general and Jonathan Austin, minister of
foreign affairs. About 1 o'clock in the morning the King received
a message that the movement was to dethrone him and put Liliuokalani in power.
Q. When he received this message where was he?
A. In the palace.
Q. Was that the day before the revolution broke out?
A. It was the same morning. It was supported by the fact that W.
R. Castle and others had approached the present Queen and asked her
if she would not take the throne. This may require corroboration. It
is secret history. It is not denied that she had been approached on
that subject. I do not know whether she favored it or not, but he
distrusted it and somewhat intimated it to me personally.
Q. Now to pass on, how about the Wilcox cabinet? How did that
happen to get out?
A. It was a very satisfactory cabinet. It did not seem so to the
house. They were got out by means of some maneuvering. The
Nationalists and Liberals joined to get them out.
Q. The Liberals came over to the Nationalists?
A. Yes. And which ever way they went they tumbled out the cabinet. I suppose the reason is that the natives feared they were an
annexation cabinet. The natives were all afraid of them save myself.
I did not believe it, because up to that time they were all anti-annexationists, and 1 knew Wilcox was against it at that time and prior to
it. He has always been friendly to the aatives, always opposed to
anything that might lead to annexation, and he is a good man, particularly friendly to the natives. But he has always said if it was done
voluntarily by the natives he was willing to join in.
Q. The constitution of 1887 took from the King the power to appoint
nobles?
A. Yes.
Q. It then provided for an election by electors having $3,000 worth
of property unincumbered or an income of $600?




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1749


A. Yes.
Q. The elimination of everybody except persons having these qualifications left the relative strength of the foreign population in what
proportion 
A. I should presume three-fifths of the voters were foreigners and
two-fifths natives; perhaps less. The foreigners became much stronger.
Q. There was also coupled with that the permission on the part of
foreigners who claimed their citizenship in other countries to vote?
A. Yes; by registering and taking oath. It was always a dangerous element to the native people, because a man for the sake of a few
months' occupation could vote.
Q. The power to appoint nobles was taken from the King and conferred practically upon what are sometimes termed foreigners?
A. Yes, that is true; there is no question about it.
Q. Was that or was it not a cause of discontent among the native
population?
A. Yes; I suppose it was.
Q. Do the native population wait the tight to vote for nobles themselves or do they want the power - ested in the Queen?
A. I believe that they want th( power in themselves, but I myself
and a few of us have always felt that it is an unsafe thing to give
them all that power, and that is one reason why it has not been
adjudged safe to give them full power-only to give them some limited
power.
Q. How far did you want to go?
A. I should go down to three or four hundred income and, say, a
thousand dollars' worth of property. I presume they would be satisfied if that right were given to the Queen. Then opposition would
come from the foreigners to that.
Q. You think they would be content to give up the right to vote for
nobles?
A. I believe so.
Q. Is it the desire of the native population to have the Queen appoint
the nobles rather than to have the right to vote for nobles themselves?
A. I think so; that is, of the mass. Now, a person like me-I would
not like to see it.
Q. You want more extended suffrage?
A. Yes. I would rather the sovereign should not exercise that right.
She might be influenced to appoint persons who ought not to be
appointed-who would not fail, for instance, in the Legislature to vote
for the measure she favored or that the cabinet favored. She might
appoint very good men, like Mr. Bishop, Mr. Irving, and Mr. Damon
and others.
Q. Is it that feeling of preferring the exercise of the power of creating
nobles growing out of the old relationship of the masses of the people
to a chief, and consequent tendency to obey a chief, rather than an
appreciation of the forms of popular government?
A. Yes; I have not the least doubt that it is the desire of more than
nine-tenths of the Hawaiian population, meaning native Hawaiian.
They have always felt that as long as a Hawaiian was at the head of
the Government-their sovereign-that they were always safe asregards
the country and its general welfare. I believe if this subject were put
to a popular vote I would be right in my view.
Q. Do you mean to say that you believe that they would favor the
appointing of the nobles by the Queen?
A. I do.




1750                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Q. And would not care for an election of nobles by the people?
A. Yes.
Q. Is the preference for the appointment of nobles by the Queen the
result of the fear that in an election they may sometimes lose in a contest with foreign residents, or is it independent of any fear of foreign
residents, or is it a fear of their own ability to wisely elect nobles?
A. I do not think it is from a fear on their part to wisely elect nobles,
but it is from a fear that the foreigners will be supreme in the elections.
The result of the elections so far since this right has been taken away
from the sovereign confirms what I say-the nobles nominated under
this system by the foreign element have nearly all been elected.
Q. Suppose the property qualification was reduced to moderate figures, would that make any change in the sentiment of the natives on
the question of preference between the appointment of nobles by the
Queen and voting for them?
A. I hardly think so. I think they prefer that power left with the
throne.
Q. Suppose the property qualification to vote for a noble was the
same as that which obtains in the matter of electing a representative,
would the native mind prefer to create nobles in that way, or would it
prefer that the Crown should appoint them?
A. My impression is that they would prefer to have the right in their
own hands, not distrusting the Queen, however.
Q. Why would they prefer it?
A. It would be granting them rights which they never had.
Q. You think, then, if they had the right to elect in the way that I
have indicated that that old disposition to subserviency to the chief
would be replaced by a disposition to select their government by popular methods. I do not mean the dethronement of the Queen, I mean in
the way I have indicated?
A. I think they would use that privilege fairly. They would not be
subservient to the sovereign. I think they would exercise it fairly and
wisely.
Q. Then is it with them a selection between the present mode of
electing nobles and the Queen's appointing them?
A. I do not know that it would make any difference to them as to
whether they exercised the right or the Queen did, for the reason that
the subject has not been much discussed among them. They consider
it unfair that they in their own land should not have the right to vote
for nobles. That has been the contention. It has not been put in the
shape you have placed it, so that I can not give you any idea in that
form.
Q. Is the discontent of the native population with the mode of
selecting nobles that it takes away from the natives the right to vote?
A. Yes; there is no doubt about that. That is clearly the reason
why there is so much discontent. I have no hesitancy in answering
that.
Q. In the fear of political aggressions by foreign residents to the disadvantage of the natives, is it true that the natives feel that they would
be secure in the appointment of nobles by the Queen or by manhood
suffrage?
A. It is true that they would feel more secure if the nobles were either
appointed by the sovereign or by giving the native population the
right to vote for them without any property qualification. It is the
popular view now and the subject has been a source of discontent for
years to the Hawaiian people. It appears in the newspapers and all




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1751


over the country, in fact. The revolution of 1889, of Wilcox, was with
that view mainly.
Q. With a view of doing away with that mode of electing noblest
A. Yes, sir; and to restore it to the sovereign or popular vote. Of
course this view would be very strenuously opposed by the foreign
element.
Q. Is that the view of the mass of the population of the islands?
A. There is no question about it.
Q. How do a majority of the people of the islands feel toward the
existing government?
A. They are opposed to it.
Q. I hear-I don't know as to the truth of it-that a good many of
the native people are signing petitions for annexation, which would
indicate that they were in line with the Provisional Government?
A. I do not believe it. Those who are signing, perhaps, are those
directly affected by pecuniary considerations, such asbeingin the employment of persons who favor annexation, and such as being in a position
to receive money from them in any business way-in a legitimate way,
probably-and for fear that they would be dismissed from service.
Q. Suppose the matter of sustaining the Provisional Government in
its policy and purposes was submitted to a popular vote in the islands
with the qualification of a person voting for representative, what
would be the result, in your opinion?
A. I think they would be swamped.
Q. By how muchl?
A. I should say four-fifths.
Q. Of the total vote?
A. Yes. Practically speaking, they have no support. They get it
simply from a business point of view. The best test as to their support would be to see their list of citizens' oath. You will find they
have two oaths. One the citizen's oath, the other the official oath.
They have a strong list of Government employes, Hawaiians, who say
they are in favor of annexation. Certainly they would say so. The
only independent body of natives was the Hawaiian Band. They are
the only ones who stood out, notwithstanding my advice to sign the
official oath. I signed one. I am a notary public. I did not sign
the citizen's oath.
Q. Did you write the communication addressed to Mr. Stevens, the
American minister, on the 17th of January, 1893, signed by Samuel
Parker, minister of foreign offairs; William H. Cornwell, minister of
finance; John F. Colburn, minister of the interior, and A. P. Peterson, attorney-general?
A. I did.
Q. What was done with that paper; who did you deliver it to?
A. I delivered it to Hopkins. A press copy was taken. I wrote the
address myself, and Mr. Hopkins was dispatched with it, and I left the
room. It was written in the marshal's office at the station house.
Q. Was there a reply from Mr. Stevens?
A. I was not there when the reply was received.
Q. A reply was received?
A. Yes; a reply was received to the effect that the Provisional Governmnet being in possession of the Government building, treasury, and
Government archives, he recognized them as a Government de facto.
Q. Up to that time was the Queen in possession of the barracks, pal.
ace, and station house?
A. She was.




1752                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Q. Up to that time had there been any effort on the part of the Provisional Government to take possession of them?
A. No effort whatever.
Q. After the reply of Mr. Stevens came was there any demand on the
part of the Provisional Government for the surrender of these places?
A. I only know from hearsay. I saw Mr. Damon and others who
came to the station house for that purpose, quite late, about half past
six or seven.
Q. Was that after the reply?
A. Long after.
Q. Up to that time the people who proclaimed the Provisional
Government made no aggressive movement beyond going to the Government building?
A. None whatever.
Q. After they issued the proclamation everything remained in statu
quo until the recognition by Mr. Stevens of the Provisional Government?
A. Yes.
Q. Subsequent to this was the proposition on the part of the Provisional authorities to the Queen to surrender?
A. Yes; I was there when Mr. Wilson surrendered. I think they
had McCandlessthere. Hemadeafewremarks. He said that hewould
only surrender on condition that the United States troops would make
demand on him, or the Queen should ask him to surrender.
Q. Now, after this response from Mr. Stevens, was there a cabinet
consultation on the subject of surrender?
A. I can not tell you, either from hearsay or in anyway. After
receiving that reply from Mr. Stevens it fell flat like a pancake.
Q. How much time intervened between the reception of that reply
and the surrender of the station house und barracks?
A. Two hours.
Q. In these two hours, where were you?
A. Around the neighborhood of the station house in my office; within
a space of say, 200 yards. Business people and everybody thronged
around the station house and by Bishop's bank.
Q. What was their object?
A. To hear the news as to whether Mr. Stevens had recognized the
Provisional Government. I remember the news was brought to me
that he had declined to recognize it. Then news came that he had
recognized it.
Q. There was an eagerness obtaining in the minds of the people, both
in the reform party and the native population, to know just what Mr.
Stevens was going to do?
A. Exactly, it was the turning point of everything.
Q. And when that was ascertained?
A. It fell flat as a pancake.
Q. And when that was ascertained, the minds of all persons seemed
to accept that as authority?
A. Oh, yes. It was Mr. Stevens' attitude in the matter to which all
persons looked up. Bear in mind, Mr. Blount, that the evening before
I had heard from two members of the cabinet that Mr. Stevens had told
them troops were landed to protect people and to keep the Queen in
office, and I was surprised to hear this.
Q. Who told you this?
A. Colburn and Parker. They said they had Mr. Stevens's word
that the troops were landed to protect the Queen.
Q. Where were the troops stationed at the time of the proclamation?




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1753
A. Between Arion Hall and the Government building, with their
field pieces out.
Q. At what point?
A. Right in front of Arion Hall, 50 or 100 feet from the corner of
Music Hall. They faced there while the proclamation was being read
faced, the Government building.
Q. Were the troops formed?
A. They were formed.
Q. Where was the artillery?
A. I can not tell you whether it was on that side of Music Hall or on
the other side.
Q. What street were the troops on?
A. I do not know whether it is called Wilder's lane or Gibson's lane.
It was the lane or street between Arion Hall and the Government
building.
Q. Where was the artillery?
A. With the troops on the same street.
Q. They were not in the hall, but formed on that lane or street?
A. Yes.
Q. And that was the situation when the proclamation of the Provisional Government was read?
A. It was.
Q. And nothing further was done by the Provisional Government in
the matter of taking possession of the Palace, the barracks and the
police quarters until Mr. Stevens had formally recognized it?
A. Nothing was done by it.
Q. And when that was made known, the recognition by Mr. Stevens,
there was a feeling on the part of the native population and of foreigners that this determined the controversy?
A. Yes; the Provisional Government had a few men around the
Government building.
Q. Where?
A. Around the Government building. I think there were about 30
or 40 in the inclosure of the Government building.
Q. They didn't come out of the inclosures?
A. No.
Q. Were there any guards at the entrance of the inclosure?
A. No.
Q. Do you know anything of a visit of Mr. Parker and Mr. Colburn
to Mr. Stevens on Monday 
A. I do not know of my own knowledge, except that we often sent
them there.
Q. Were they sent on Monday?
A. Two or three times.
Q. What report did they bring back?
A. That the troops would be landed. That they would be landed to
protect the Queen.
I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate
report of my interview with Mr. Blount.
A. RosA.




1754                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
No. 46.
Interview with M. M. Scott.
HONOLULU, Monday, April 10, 1893-9:20 a. m.
Mr BLOUNT. Please tell me the causes, the surface and the bottom
causes of this movement, the action of the people here in establishing
the Provisional Government.
Mr. SCOTT. There has been a conviction since I have been here-ten
or elevenyears-that under the reign of Kalakaua, with his methods of
controlling legislation under the old constitution, that with the irresponsible voting and irresponsible legislators, being controlled by the
royal power, that that form of government could but lead to disastrous
results here under his reign.
Mr. BLOUNT. You are referring to the condition before the constitution of 1887?
Mr. SCOTT. Yes; and his notorious corruption of members of the
Legislature, especially Hawaiian members.
Mr. BLOUNT. You now speak of prior to 1887?
Mr. SCOTT. Yes; that was the cause of that movement in 1887.
Well, of course after his death (Kalakaua) the present Queen came on
the throne, and, as you are perhaps aware, the first thing she did was
the dismissal of the ministers who had been appointed by Kalakaua; I
believe the supreme court giving a decision that she was not bound to
retain them, although this ministry had a majority in the Legislature.
I think the court decided that by his death the ministry went out.
Mr. BLOUNT. Who were the judges of the court then?
Mr. SCOTT. Judd, Bickerton, and Dole.
Mr. BLOUNT. Was it a unanimous decision?
Mr. SCOTT. I think it was; no, I am inclined to think, perhaps, that
Dole dissented on the grounds-well, I have forgotten what. I will
not testify about that. Then the people who had known the former
Queen here-Liliuokalani, as she was called-while recognizing the
fact that she was a very headstrong woman, thought that by giving
her the support of the better element of the community she might
change her course for the better, and they did flock around her, all
the foreign community and the missionaries.
A missionary here means, in the political slang of the day, anyone
who is not affiliated with a few of what I conceive to be the worst elements of demagogues. It makes no difference what he is, a nonbeliever or a Buddhist, if he affiliates with the party for good government he is generally called a missionary. They related around
here, and a paper published here by Bush and a number of his followers
declared, that the Queen had ignored the claims of her own people,
paid no attention to them. His paper was nasty, as it usually is, and
Said all manner of disagreeable things about the Queen. The paper
was the strongest advocate of annexation.
Mr. BLOUNT. What is the name of the paper?
Mr. SCOTT. Ka Leo (this means "The Truth"). He even advocated
taking her offher throne. Then came the election for the last Legislature, and of course they voted out the old ministry. This man Bush
joined in with the opposition. The Queen positively declined having
anything to do with Bush or Wilcox. She would not consent to give
them any place because of the way in which they had assailed her personal life. Everyone knew she could not very well do it. Then they




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1755
went along very slowly, this Legislature did, and voted out minister
after minister.
Mr. BLOUNT. Will you please state how many ministers were voted
out?
Mr. SCOTT. About the middle of the session they voted out the whole
ministry which she had appointed when they went in-Widdeman,
Whiting, Parker, and Spencer.
Mr. BLOUNT. When was that?
Mr. SCOTT. About the middle of the session, after they had been
going about two months.
Mr. BLOUNT. Of 1892?
Mr. SCOTT. Yes. Then, after a vacation of two or three weeks, after
political log-rolling, they tried to get her to listen to the appointment
of a good ministry. All at once there was the appointment of another
ministry, consisting of Macfarlane, Neumann, Parker, and Gulick.
Mr. BLOUNT. The former had been voted out?
Mr. SCOTT. Yes. They immediately took a vote of want of confidence
against it after they went in and failed by one-24 to 25. They then
went on not more than two weeks more, and brought up a vote of confidence and carried it largely-35 to 15. The natives voted against
them.
Mr. BLOUNT. Against the cabinet?
Mr. SCOTT. Yes, against the cabinet.
Mr. BLOUNT. What cabinet was that?
Mr. SCOTT. That was the second one-Neumann, Macfarlane,
Spencer, Porter, and Gulick. After a vacation of some days, it is said,
she came to her senses, and really was desirous of putting in a ministry
that would please the Legislature and a majority of the propertyholders of the country. They put in then this ministry: P. C. Jones,
minister of finance; Cecil Brown (an Englishman) attorney-general;
George Wilcox, of Kanai, one of the largest property-holders in the
country, minister of the interior, and a half-white man, Mark Robinson, also a large property-owner, minister of foreign affairs. That
was a ministry suitable to all classes of the community. All the better element joined in expressing satisfaction-English, German,
Americans-all were perfectly satisfied with them.
That went on, and it was supposed, until a few days before the
adjournment of the Legislature, that that would hold. In the meantime
they declared a policy-the first ministry that had had nerve enough to
say anything about what their policy was going to be. The other ministry was afraid to say whether they were opposed to the bank bill or the
lottery bill. They did not know how to please the Hawaiians. They
said they should fight for retrenchment and make the expenses of the
Government come within the income. They were opposed decidedly to
the lottery scheme, to the Horner bank bill, and to the opium bill.
Then it was thought that they would hold until a few days before the
adjournment, when it was found there had been a majority got for the
lottery bill and the opium bill also. The Queen said if she could pass
these two bills her ministry would have to resign.
Three days, I think it was, before the adjournment they passed the
lottery bill and the opium bill. They let the bank bill go, becaue the
natives were not so particular about that. They wanted the lottery.
So that passed, and then the better element of the community here got
around these ministers and said: "Do not resign; leave it to the Legislature to vote you out." They did not resign. I had talked with some
of them. They said they could not afford to resign, and then the day




17506                 AWAIIAN ISLANDS.
before the adjournment-the next day after they passed these billsshe signed them immediately, although delegations here from the
Woman's Temperance Union and the churches called upop her and
asked her not to do so. Then, the night after they passed them, they
went around to Mr. C. A. Berger, a son-in-law of Mr. Widemann, to
get him to vote to put out the ministry. They told him if he would vote
for putting out the ministry they would let his father-in-law form a
cabinet for the Queen.
Mr. BLOUNT. Let me ask you a question on that point. What is the
evidence of this promise!
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. Berger's own statement to various gentlemen around
here.
Mr. BLOUNT. Who are they?
Mr. SCOTT. I do not know that I can mention any. It was put out
at the club by Mr. Cecil Brown. I do not know that he told me so
himself. It is certainly true. It is common talk. Perhaps, however,
you do not wish to take this.
Mr. BLOUNT. I wish to take all you have to say.
Mr. SCOTT. I am positive all this is true. So far as my feelings go in
the politics of this community I have no interest. After they voted
them out Mr. Widdeman was sent for. She began to name the cabinet
she had chosen. She said the office of minister of the interior was filled
by Mr. Colburn. " Oh, then," said Mr. Widdeman, "I will have nothing
do with it. I should do all the work and get all the blame. I will
have nothing to do with it."
Mr. BLOUNT. Was the minister of the interior the only one named?
Mr. SCOTT. The minister of finance, Mr. Cornwell.
Mr. BLOUNT. Now, any others?
Mr. SCOTT. I do not know of any others.
Mr. BLOUNT. It was at this point that he, Widdeman, declared he
would have nothing to do with it?
Mr. SCOTT. Yes.
Mr. BLOUNT. How did you get that information?
Mr. SCOTT. I got it from people to whom Mr. Widemann told it. I
got it from several people who visited his house, whose veracity I can
certainly vouch for.
Mr. BLOUNT. That's enough.
Mr. SCOTT. Then immediately she appointed Mr. Colburn, Mr. Peterson, Mr. Cornwell, and Mr. Parker. Then came the morning of the
prorogation. A majority of what is called the Reform party-that is, I
think, all of them in fact did not appear at the prorogation.
Mr. BLOUNT. What was their idea for absenting themselves?
Mr. SCOTT. They were so disgusted, Mr. Blount, with the last week
or ten days of the Legislature, the means used to get the ministry out
and the substitution of a ministry that nobody had confidence in.
They made no concerted action. I do not think they went together,
but each one resolved within himself he would not appear there any
more. They saw the futility of having worked four or five or six
months of this session; they wanted to get to their business. They had
large business interests out on the Islands. They got tired and disgusted with this idle talk.
Mr. BLOUNT. Will you allow me to ask you there-the men who
absented themselves-what class of people did they belong to?
Mr. SCOTT. They belonged to what is generally known as the Reform
party-that is, to reform the methods of politics and legislation. Such
men as Young, of the iron works; Walbridge, of Waliuku, ihanager of




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1757
a plantation; Anderson, one of the nobles of Waliuku, and Al Wilcox,
of Kuai, owner of a plantation. That class of men. The most respon.
sible men in the community.
Mr. BLOTUNT: Generally large property owners?
Mr. SCOTT: Yes, and representatives of property interests.
Mr. BLOUNT: Who made up the other side; what class of ment
Mr. SCOTT: About fifteen natives, whose names you could not write
down, coming from various outer districts. Did not, perhaps, represent $500 worth of property in the country. The men on this side who
did represent property were Cummins, who had a large property once,
but, like all other Hawaiians, wasted it and is heavily in debt, and
Peterson (he was in the ministry).
Mr. BLOUNT. These were both natives?
Mr. SCOTT. Yes. I do not know of any white men on that side. I
think perhaps a few, three or four, did remain just for appearance's
sake.
Mr. BLOUNT. Let me ask you, were they all natives on that side?
Mr. SCOTT. The side that stayed in?
Mr. BLOUNT. Yes.
Mr. SCOTT. Yes. Generally natives.
MR. BLOUNT. What else besides natives?
Mr. SCOTT. They were nearly all natives. Some few half-castes like
Mr. White, of Lahaina. They were nearly all natives or half white
men. The English, I think, and the Americans, the nobles and the
representative men, all absented themselves to a man. At the time I
was at Wakiki, I moved out to Wakiki, I think it was about 2 o'clock.
Mr. BLOUNT. What day?
Mr. SCOTT: The same day. I think it was about 2 o'clock Saturday. I have forgotten the day of the month. We were startled at
Wakiki-we were all there on Saturday afternoon. We heard that
the Queen had proclaimed a new constitution. I do not know whether
the message was that she had or was going to proclaim a new constitution. Everybody was on the qui vive. I did not go up at all. It
seems that she had invited a number of legislators, I do not know
how many, over to the palace to partake of some kind of a collation, but before the collation came around, I believe it was before,
she sent for the ministers. She was dressed in her robes of state.
She said she had prolaimed this constitution or was going to and
wanted them to sign it, I was told, without reading it.
I was told by men who were there. This is hearsay. When they
said they had not read it she said, Why do you say so, when you have
had it in your pocket three weeks." She told them she did not want to
hear any more advice. She said, " You know if I go out and proclaim
it to my people they may come in and tear you limb firom limb."
Mr. BLOUNT. HOW did you get thatinformation? Just in the same
way?
Mr. SCOTT. I got it from Chief Justice Judd. He said she looked
like a fiend.
Mr. BLOUNT. Please go on.
Mr. SCOTT. Well, I believe it was told me, two or more were inclined
to sign. Peterson and Colburn refused, and asked for time. They
went over to the Government building. Colburn went down to W. 0.
Smith's office and asked what support they could get from the community if they refused to sign it. He advised them not to sign it; said
that they would hare the support of all the better element of the com1 Lunity,




1758


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. BLOUNT. What do you mean by what support they could get
from the community 
Mr. SCOTT. In case they refused to sign it. They were frightened
to death-thinking of the Kalakaua riots. They went to the men they
were in political opposition to for support, knowing they were the only
men to be depended upon. They knew they had real backbone. This
was told them by Thurston, Smith, Castle, Emmeluth, and others. Mr.
Emmeluth is a mechanic. He is a man of sound sense. He told me
that this constitution was coming two weeks before. Then immediately the men around the street went into Smith's office and organized
this committee of thirteen.
Mr. BLOUNT. Yes.
Mr. SCOTT. I noticed-I did not come to town-that there was a meeting at the armory that evening.
Mr. BLOUNT. Before going on further, what was the size of the crowd
at Smith's office?
Mr. SCOTT. That I can not tell. There were the thirteen there. I
do not know how many more.
Mr. BLOUNT. Please go on.
Mr. SCOTT. On Monday morning I noticed there was a meeting at
the armory. The notice was to the effect that all who were opposed to
the late revolutionary methods of the Queen would meet at the
armory. I think that was at 2 o'clock. I am principal of a school of 300
white children. A great many rumors came up, one that the meeting
was going to be opposed by martial force. Mothers came in carriages
after their daughters and sons, especially the small ones. I concluded
it was better to dismiss the children and let them go home before the
excitement commenced in the streets. I did. I went down to this
meeting. It was assembled at the armory. I should judge there
must have been twelve or fifteen hundred people there.
Mr. BLOUNT. Were you present at the meeting?
Mr. SCOTT. Yes; I was present at the meeting. I saw very few
Hawaiians there. I saw one or two Chinese. It was a meeting of Americans, Englishmen, and Germans. The fact is it represented the property of the community.
Mr. BLOUNT. What institution of learning are you connected with?
Mr. SCOTT. I am principal of the Fort street school. I did not know
what the procedure was going to be. I was afraid there would be
trouble. I fully looked for it. I knew there was a determination on the
part of the men. I knew they would do whatever they wished to do.
W. C. Wilder was chairman of the meeting. There was Thurston there.
Wilder stated that it was for no clique this meeting was called. It was
for the whole community. He said they wanted to have this kind of
thing stopped. Thurston gave an outline of the proceedings from Saturday up to the present time, what had occurred at the palace. The
resolutions were read, as you know, for that committee of thirteen to
take proceedings so as to insure tranquility and confidence in the community. That is the best of my recollection. I speak from memory.
The Germans were largely represented by the best Germans in the
community and after several speeches by various men and after I read
the resolutions over I knew perfectly well it meant some radical measures. We were not aware of just what it meant. I talked with no one.
I said to myself it means business. The resolutions were passed unanimously with one dissenting voice, with Mr. S. R. Walker against it.
He was vice-consul for England. He was well aware, he said, some




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1759


measures had to be taken, but he thought it left too large a latitude for
the committee. Mr. Swanzey, his partner, voted for it.
Mr. BLOUNT. Is Mr. Walker engaged in business here?
Mr. SCOTT. He is head of the firm of Theo. Davis & Co. Mr. Davis
is in England.
Mr. BLOUNT. What sort of business?
Mr. SCOTT. A large importing house; importing goods of every
nature. It is as large a store as may be found in San Francisco or New
York. They are agents for a number of plantations-sell large amounts
of goods for the use of the laborers.
Mr. BLOUNT. What plantations are they agents for?
Mr. SCOTT. I can not give the names of them; three or four in
Kohala. I can not name them just now; several in Hamakua, the most
productive districts; two in Hilo, very large. He is a shrewd business
man-made his fortune out of the bounty of the United States.
Mr. BLOUNT. What bounty do you mean?
Mr. SCOTT. Sugar; the reciprocity treaty. He was as poor as Job's
turkey when he came here. He is now opposed to everything American. I went home. This was 2 o'clock, Monday. At 7 o'clock at night
we had three or four telephonic messages about the landing of the
troops. In this connection this committee of thirteen had got together
and had asked the minister, I believe, to take precautions against disorder-they did not know what might occur-to take the precaution
of landing troops. Some of them went down to Arion Hall. Next morning I came up town about 10 o'clock. I heard they were going to
dethrone the Queen and establish the Provisional Government. At 2
o'clock-no, half past 1-I went to the Government building. I then
went up to the Rifles' armory. They were piling in arms.
Mr. BLOUNT. Who?
Mr. SCOTT. The supporters of the intended Provisional Government
and citizens. I did not know there were so many arms in the country.
The people were grouping together.
Mr. BLOUNT. Was it a Government armory?
Mr. SCOTT. No; it had been used for a skating rink and dancing
hall. It was the place the meeting was held in the day before. Then
I came down town. I was in Fort street. I heard the pop of a gun.
Doors were suddenly shut, and there was great excitement., I went
to the corner, and was told a policemen had been shot. A loaded
wagon with arms from Hall & Sons was going to the armory. The
policeman tried to stop it. The fellow (the driver) pulled out a pistol
and shot the policeman in the arm or chest, or somewhere.
Mr. BLOUNT. What was the character of the guns at the armory?
Mr. SCOTT. They were guns, I think, that had been carried from
their homes during the movement of 1887. Generally Springfield rifles.
They had kept them at their homes since that movement. They said
they had four or five hundred. They were taken just as soon as they
were got in. Zeigler, a German, and two or three others got their
companies out and marched out to the Government building.
Mr. BLOUNT. Were these volunteer companies?
Mr. SCOTT. Yes; a.great many had belonged to the movement ot
1887. They were well drilled men and splendid shots. They marched
down to the Government building. 1 suppose there were 300. They
marched down in half an hour. Then that proclamation was read. I
stayed around there awhile. Wilcox said he thought there was going
to be a fight. He had just come from the station house. They did
not know what to do. He said the ministers were all in the building.




1760                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
They seemed paralyzed; did not know what to do. I said, Who is
going to fight" I He said the police. I said "Oh, pshaw."
Mr. BLOUNT. Who are you talking abouti
Mr. SCOTT. Luther Wilcox. I stayed around some time. Finally I
saw a man from the station house come into the Government building.
Then I heard the station house was going to give up. I said to a man
afterwards, ' What made you fellows give up?" He said, " We did
not know how well they were prepared." The fact is, the Hawaiian,
when he comes in contact with the white man, looks to be directed by
him. He is loath to oppose him in any way.
Mr. BLOUNI. Well, if you will continue with your narrative?
Mr. SCOTT. I was telling you about this police station. They said
they thought it was no use to resist. They put it on the grounds
afterwards that it was seeing the Boston's men ashore. The fact is
the Boston's presence there was nothing. I talked to the officers.
They said they had nothing to do with it beyond a matter of security.
They had no intention and there was no possibility of their taking any
part any more than they did in 1889 when they were landed for Mr.
Merrill. Mr. Soper had taken charge of the marshal's office and things
were as quiet next day as they had been before this whole thing so far
as the movement goes. Then three days after they sent this commission to Washington. That is all I know about this.
I will say this in passing, Mr. Blount: It is the people who want to
make a living and bring up families who favor annexation. They recognize the Hawaiian as going. He will be nil. They recognize the
fact that this country, left as it is, would become Asiaticized. With
the dying out of this dynasty it must become Asiaticized or Americanized. There are eighteen or twenty thousand Japanese here-the very
worst class. Now, Mr. Blount, if you want to know anything about the
JapaneseMr. BLOUNT. I do not care to go into that now. I may later.
Mr. SCOTT. I want to say in regard to the report about the Boston's
men bringing this about, that the Boston had gone to Hilo ten days
before this-I am not sure how long-taking Minister Stevens and his
daughter, who was drowned, and the Boston did not get back until Saturday morning. I think it was 11 o'clock when she entered-11 or after.
The fact is no one expected this. It came like a clap of thunder,
except to those on the inside.
Mr. BLOUNT. Do you think the absence of the Boston had anything
to do with the Queen selecting that time for the purpose of proclaiming
the new constitution?
Mr. SCOTT. I have heard it said. It was generally believed around
here at that time that it was so. If it had remained here perhaps she
would not have taken that course. I can not say, however; I do not
know.
Mr. BLOUNT. I ask you for this reason: I happened to take up this
book (Senate Ex. Doc. No. 76, Fifty-second Congress, second session).
In a letter dated Honolulu, January 18, 1893, from Mr. Stevens to Mr.
Foster, Mr. Stevens says: "Immediately after the Boston and myself
had left Honolulu the unscrupulous adventurers around the Queen
improved the opportunity to push through the Legislature an astounding lottery franchise, with the obvious intent to sell it out to the
Louisiana lottery men."
Mr. SCOTT. I went up to Mr. Stevens. He said, in speaking of Capt.
Wiltse. that he talked a good deal, but, after all, he was a man of
unusual information here. He (Capt. Wiltse) said they were going to




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1761
pass the lottery bill and put out the ministry. He (Mr. Stevens) paid no
attention to it. He hardly thought so, because if he had thought they
were going to pass the lottery bill he should not have gone. He said
Capt. Wiltse was perfectly sure-talked about it all the while up.
When they got back to Lahaina they heard they had passed the lottery
bill.
Mr. BLOUNT. Why would they do it in the absence of Capt. Wiltse
and Mr. Stevens?
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. Stevens told me that in view of the fact that the
United States Government had forbidden lottery literature to circulate
through the mails he should have protested against that bill. He told
me that himself. I am satisfied that there was a settled intention on
the part of the Queen to get this constitution and appoint that house
of nobles.
Mr. BLOUNT. Do you imagine they would take advantage of the
absence of Mr. Stevens to do that? Did they apprehend anything
more than a protest; or what is your opinion; or have you any knowledge on that point 
Mr. SCOTT. I have no knowledge. I am inclined to think that in
view of the relations of the two governments that any protests made
by the United States ought to have a decided influence upon anything
of that kind. That is what I judge. I know nothing, of course.
Early in the session Mr. Macfarland, who is a member of the Legislature, got up and asked the ministers if they had taken any measures
to rebuke something the American minister had said at a Grand Army
of the Republic meeting. They voted to table it almost unanimously.
Mr. BLOUNT. What was the point of offense?
Mr. SCOTT. He spoke about the civil war. He referred to the action
of the South; that they deemed their cause good; that the United
States Government did not arrest men for treason, or something of that
kind. Anyway, Mr. Macfarland thought he saw an allusion to the
condition of things here. No one else seemed to think so.
Mr. BLOUNT. What is the condition of opinion in the islands as to the
Provisional Government 
Mr. SCOTT. Of course it has the support in Honolulu and in the other
islands of the property owners generally and the more stable and
responsible elements of the people. There are certain men, quite a
numnber, who were adherents of the Kalakaua regime who do not
indorse the Queen's action. There is a good deal of bitterness here
against what is called the missionary element. " Missionary " is a very
vague term. It has no significance at all. It is the responsible element in a community.like this. They are not liked by the natives, who
prefer to follow demagogues who give them fair promises. They are
easily led.
Mr. BLOUNT. Do they always follow that class?
Mr. SCOTT. They follow it implicitly I assure you.
Mr. BLOUNT. Who, then, would you say were the leaders of the
Kanakas?
Mr. SCOTT. There is White, of Lahina; Mr. Parker, Mr. Nahawi, of
Hilo; Mr. Bush, the editor of Ka Leo; and, I might say, Mr. R. W. Wilcox. There was one time when he was the greatest leader among them.
Mr. BLOUNT. What influence has he now?
Mr. SCOTT. I think he has espoused the side of annexation now, and
perhaps he is not so popular; but I think they are all what might be
termed annexationists, or a majority.
Mr. BLOUNT. A majority of what?
S. Rep. 227- 111




1762


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. SCOTT. Kanakas.
Mr. BLOUNT. In favor of annexation?
Mr. SCOTT. Yes; I said once to White, "What is your opinion on
the subject6?" He said all were for annexation, but they did not wish
to be disfranchised. That is what they fear. They do not care for the
Queen. I believe two-thirds would be in favor of annexation if this
matter of the franchise could be satisfactorily explained to them. The
Princess Kauilani is not a favorite with the people; they do not want her
to reign. They have said we only wish the Queen to reign her reign out
and then we want the United States to take care of us. The English
would like to have Kauilani reign. They are a very responsible set of
men-large propertyowners. Theywish to see good government. None
of the Queen's friends wanted Kauilani. They say the English will have
all influence with Kauilani. The old Hawaiian is an excellent man.
You put him in certain relations and let the white man give him advice.
He is a noble fellow, and looks up to the white man as to a feudal lord.
Hte wishes to know " What am I to do?" He wishes to be taken care of.
Mr. BLOUNT. What do you mean by "old Hawaiians?"
Mr. SCOTT. I mean those not mixed with foreign blood; those who
have something of the old native character. He is as simple as a
child. There are about thirty-five or forty thousand.
Mr. BLOUNT. Do you mean when you speak of the native Hawaiians,
that there are thirty-five or forty thousand?
Mr. SCOTT. Yes.
Mr. BLOUNT. That is what I want to,get at.
Mr. SCOTT. I think probablay great many of them have a tincture
of foreign blood in them.
Mr. BLOUNT. Let me ask you: Is it generally true that the controversies with Kalakaua prior to 1887, subsequent to 1887, and up to the
revolution largely followed the lines of a racial division?
Mr. SCOTT. Yes; he began that afterMr. BLOUNT. I am not asking about the time when they began to
talk cheap politics. What I want to know is this: Whether or not
prior to 1887, subsequent to 1887, and down to the revolution the controversies followed racial lines.
Mr. SCOTT. This present revolution?
Mr. BLOUNT. Yes; were the contests generally parallel with racial
lines?
Mr. SCOTT. They were.
Mr. BLOUNT. Did these contests, parallel to what we have termed
racial lines, grow out of difference of opinion on questions of taxation
or questions of taxation and legislation? How did they grow?
Mr. SCOTT. No; they grew out of office. Mr. Gibson advised it.
Mr. BLOUNT. Please bring that out.
Mr. SCOTT. In the spring of 1882, when they held the election here,
he.advised it. He was the originator of the phrase " Hawaii for
Hawaiians." He was a man of marked ability. He was the president
of the board of education. He made speeches couched in careful language when the foreigners would see or hear them. He spoke Hawaiian
well. His cry was " Hawaii for Hawaiians." He said to the people,
the missionary has not been your friend. He leaves no opening for
you. He leaves no outlet for you. He does not wish you to hold office.
He (Gibson) puffed up Kalakaua with the idea that he could be emperor
of all the Pacific islands. The planters and commercial community
generally were against Gibson as being an unsafe adviser.




HAWAITAN ISLANDS.                 1763
On leaving Mr. Scott spoke of certain statistics he had prepared
and which had been sent to Washington. Col. Blount did not care to
go into it.
APRIL 14, 1893.
I have read over the foregoing report and pronouce it to be a correct
one in every particular.
M. M. SCOTT.
No. 47.
Interview with Admiral Skerrett, April 8, 1893, printed with Mr.
Blount's No. 2 dated April 8, 1893.
No. 48.
Statement of W. O. Smith of events prior to January 17, 18.93.
Mr. SMITH. About 11 o'clock on Saturday morning, the 14th of
January, I went into Mr. Hartwell's office, the corner of Fort and Merchalnt streets, and found Mr. Hartwell, L. A. Thurston, and John F.
Colburn, minister of the interior, in the back room talking very earnestly. They requested me to sit down. Mr. Colburn was very much
excited. They stated that Mr. Colburn had just come to see Mr. Hartwell and Mr. Thurston and they asked him to remain, and Mr. Thurston
stated very briefly what Mr. Colburn had told them, and Mr. Colburn
proceeded to state himself that the ministers had been informed by the
Queen that she would promulgate a constitution immediately after the
prorogation.  Mr. Colburn was very much excited and evidently
alarmed.
Mr. J. B. CASTLE. Did he say when the Queen gave this information
for the first time-that morning, was it?
Mr. SMITH. His conversation and statements gave me the impression that, as far as he was concerned, the first they had heard of it was
that morning, but subsequently he told me himself that he did know
of the existence of the constitution the night before, and on another
occasion he told me that he had known of the existence of the constitution about a week prior to that, but that he did not know until that
morning that she was about to promulgate the constitution, and that
she expected her ministers to support her in it and for him to sign it.
Colburn's manner was that of a scared man-frightened-very much in
earnest. The conversation that was conducted after that lasted perhaps fifteen minutes after I got there, between Mr. Thurston and Hartwell on one side and Colburn on the other. Mr. Thurston and Mr.
Hartwell advised him, by all means, that they should not consent to
the promulgation of the constitution, and that if they would stand to
that they would be supported by the community in that matter.
Mr. J. B. CASTLE. In their action?
Mr. SMITH. In their action.
Mr. CASTLE. Let us go back a little bit. Had the trade, if there
was such a trade, in the Legislature between the opponents to the ministry and the advocates of the lottery bill, grounded within it anything
whatever about a constitution?




1764                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Mr. SMITH. I did not know, but believe, from my knowledge of the
facts at the time and the subsequent events, that all, or nearly all, of
the native members of the Legislature were informed in regard to the
matter of the constitution and of its promulgation. I judge this from
their conduct in the house, and from the reports which I afterwards
learned of a meeting which a number of the native members of the
Legislature had held Friday night. It was reported that John Kaluna,
representing the district of Makawao, among others, was very violent
in his speech, stating that he could kill five or six men and would be
perfectly willing to be hung for it, or die, if he only had the opportunity to kill five or six or more, in defense of the constitution.
Mr. CASTLE. One of the members made a distinct reference in the
light of subsequent events to that action to be taken on Saturday,
didn't he?
Mr. SMITH. I so understood.
Mr. CASTLE. You don't remember hearing it in the house? It was
alluded to afterward?
Mr. SMITH. Well, I say this: At various times during the session
there were at times allusions to the matter of a new constitution and a
constitutional convention and constitutional amendments. These
statements would generally be made when the subject of some one of
the constitutional amendments was brought up and with more or
less feeling, and at certain times there was some excitement; there
were insinuations, references, to something that was to be done, but we
didn't attach any special importance to it. I do not believe myself,
from what I know of the circmlstances, that most of the members-in
fact, I do not know any of them had any definite idea of a plan of pro
mulgating a new constitution until very late in the session. There
were a number of amendments pending which had not been disposed
of-the question of a constitutional convention had not been disposed
of until quite late in the session.
Mr. CASTLE. Have you any doubt that when the election, one year
ago this month, took place that part of the programme of the liberal
party, so called, was a new constitution, mainly on the lines desired by
the Queen, Wilcox, Bush, and the rest?
Mr. SMITH. Speeches made in public and reported in the papers of
the camp meetings of the liberal party certainly quoted speeches —
Mr. CASTLE. You have no knowledge except from these general
sources?
Mr. SMITH. No.
Mr. CASTLE. And Mr. C. A. Brown told me one year ago last month
that that constitution was entirely prepared and engrossed, ready for
signature, and it awaited nothing but the opportunity. I suppose that
he gained his knowledge from the inside affairs at the palace.
Mr. SMITH. I don't know.
Mr. CASTLE. I want to establish, if possible, what connection there
was between, you might say, four important bills-four important
things in the legislature-the constitution, the opium bill, the lottery
bill, and, it may sound paradoxical, but the registration act.
Mr. SMITH. You want to what?
Mr. CASTLE. I want to establish the relation that existed between
them. The registration act was desired of course, by the planting
interest, the lottery and the opium and the new constituion by the other
other interests.
Mr. SMITH. Well, there was undoubtedly some connection; it was
connected with a generai dissatisfaction with the result of the legisla



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1765


tion; the natives had not been able to carry their measures as they had
ihoped. The Queen was disappointed in not being able to command
and control the public affairs to the extent that she had wanted, and
it became very manifest after the appointment of Judge Frear to be
judge of the circuit court under the new judiciary act that the Queen
was determined to have a different state of affairs. She had advocated
strenuously the appointment of Antone Rosa to be judge of the circuit
court with Whiting. Rosa's habits were such that the ministers would
not consent to it at all. While that very matter was pending he went to
Lahaina to attend circuit court at the December term and was intoxicated publicly in Lahaina and the ministers would not consent. She
felt that was a check to her power, and from conversations with those
ministers since they have stated, and it was apparent to us, that from
that moment her determination was to have a different state of affairs
at whatever cost.
Now, going back to the events of Saturday, Mr. Colburn had to leave
Mr. Hartwell's office, because the prorogation was to take place at 12
o'clock and the ministers had to be there, and he hurried away. You
asked me about being present at the chamber of commerce. I was
there, certainly. What was the subject of that?
Mr. CASTLE. Why, I understand that the first inkling in the chamber of commerce to such portion of the business community as was there
was that this thing was on the tapis. The object of that meeting was
to take action on the signature of this lottery bill, to pass that memorial
which was sent by a committee to the Queen.
Mr. COOPER. That was what I understood from Mr. Glade.
Mr. SMITH. Immediately after this interview in Mr. HartwellPs office
with Colburn I went up to the chamber of commerce, at which a meeting of the merchants was being held, and stated to the meeting that I
had information that a constitution was about to be promulgated by
the Queen, without giving my source of information. I told them that
I had authentic information, so authentic that certain actions which
they had before them at that time were deferred in consequence of my
statement to that effect.
Mr. CASTLE. Did you go to the prorogation?
Mr. SMITH. No; I d(lid not go to the prorogation.
Mr. SMITH. No white members did except Berger and Peterson, did
they?
Mr. SMITH. I do not know who went; I did not go myself. In the
neighborhood of 1 o'clock on that same Saturday, John F. Colburn
came to my office again in very great excitement. He was dressed in
full dress with a silk hat, and still had his blue sash on, which ministers wear on state occasions. He came along Merchant street in the
direction of Bishop's bank, and came right to my office and asked 'me
in a very exciting manner to come at once to the attorney general's
office, in the Government building. I said that I would, and offered to
get in the same hack with him. He said it would be better to take
another hack, and immediately told the driver to drive on, and drove
with speed to the Government building. I immediately entered another
hack and came up to to the Government building, up to the attorneygeneral's office, and it may then have been half-past 1. In the
attorney-general's office upstairs, in Aliiolani Hale, were the attorneygeneral, A. P. Peterson, minister of finance, W. H. Cornwell, and
Minister of the Interior, J. F. Colburn. There were also present L. A.
Thurston, F, W. Wundenburg, E. C. Macfarlane, and myself. Mr. Colburn was the chief spokesman at first.




1766                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Mr. CASTLE. Sam Parker was not there at that meetingl
Mr. SMITH. No; Sam Parker, the minister of foreign affairs, was
not at the attorney-general's then at that time. Mr. Colbarn, in an
excited manner, told about an interview at the palace with the Queen
after the prorogation, in which she had produced the proposed new
constitution and demanded that the ministers sign it with herself, and
that he as minister of the interior should sign it, I do not recollect
definitely which, and narrated how he and Mr. Peterson and Mr.
Cornwell had escaped from the palace. Mr. Thurston spoke very
emphatically, although calmly, advising that by no means should they
sign the constitution or consent to her proposition.
Mr. COOPER. Was there not something said about their resigning
at that time?
Mr. SMITH. There was, both on that occasion and at Mr. Hartwell's
office at 11 o'clock. We advised Mr. Colburn that the ministers should
not resign, and that if they resigned it would give the Queen an opportunity to appoint new ministers who would accede to her wishes, and the
complications would be greater than they otherwise would be. While
we were in the attorney-general's office, John Richardson, in the uniform of an officer of the Queen's staff, came with a message from the
palace requesting the three ministers to go over there. At that time
the whole of the Queen's guard was drawn up in front of the palace on
King street side under arms. On the Waikikki side of the main
entrance to the palace, and on the Ewa side of that entrance, was a
large crowd of natives-two or three hundred, probably.
Mr. CASTLE. Half as many more on the Makai side?
Mr. SMITH. Yes. The band was at the palace and there appeared to
be a large number of people in attendance around the palace, all the
officials and attendants that were generally about the sovereign on an
occasion of prorogation. We were also informed that the chief justice
was at the palace at the request of the Queen waiting to administer the
oath to her upon her signing the new constitution.
Mr. CASTLE. Is that the way that was?
Mr. SMITH. He was there all the afternoon.
Mr. CASTLE. He was there for that purpose?
Mr. SMITH. He was there for that purpose.
Mr. CASTLE. And he knew there was to be a new constitution?
Mr. SMITH. I was informed that he knew there was to be a new
constitution, and on that account he remained there.
Mr. CASTLE. To administer the oath.
Mr. SMITH. That was what she wanted him for.
Mr. COOPER. Bickerton was also there?
Mr. SMITH. Bickerton was there. When Maj. Richardson came with
the message for the ministers to go over, some one or more of them asked
us who were present what they should do. We told them not to go, Mr.
Thurston explaining to them that so long as they, the three of them,
were there, they constituted a majority of the Government, and that
it might become important for them to act in regard to public affairs.
Colburn expressed his unwillingness to go, stating that he feared what
the excited mob might do. He felt that their lives were in danger if
they went back to the palace again. It was then decided by them to
send back a message by Richardson to Samuel Parker, minister of
foreign affairs, to come over to the attorney-general's office from the
palace, and shortly he did come, and the whole situation was again
discussed. Mr. Parker urged that the other ministers return to the
palace with him. It was deemed inadvisable for them to do so, but




b


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1767
Mr. Parker, who made light of the danger, said that he would go back
again and try and dissuade her from pursuing the course which she
had mapped out. There was a good deal of conversation about the
matter, and shortly after that, during Mr. Parker's absence, Thurston
and I left the Government building to return to our offices downl town.
Mr. CASTLE. Where were Colburn and Cornwell at this.?
Mr. SMITH. They were here in the attorney-general's office.
Mr. CASTLE. Now, then, tell me the comnection. At half-past 2, or
very close to half-past 2, you came out of the Government building
in a hack, and I jumped in with you. At that time Colburn and Cornwell were crossing the street.
Mr. SMITH. That is later. Thurston and I left the Government
building to go to town, and we walked along as far as Richard street,
when we were overtaken by a messenger requesting Mr. Thurston to
return. He did return to the Government building, and I kept on to
my office. Arriving at my office I found a large number of people -
Mr. COOPER (interrupting). No, you met Mr. Neumann and myself
on the corner and we went into your office, three of us; that was the
first time I came down Merchant street.
Mr. SMITH. Near my office on the way I met Paul Neumann and Mr.
H. E. Cooper, and I asked them to go into my office. In my inner office
Mr. Neumainn and Mr. Cooper and myself discussed the situation and
discussed the danger of disturbance.
Mr. COOPER. And that the ministers should be supported against the
Queen.
Mr. SMITH. And that the ministers should be supported against the
Queen. VWe also discussed the question of under what circumstances
the troops of the American ship of war Boston would be justified in
Mr. COOPER. Mr. Neumann stated that if the Queen persisted in
carrying out her object that it would be warrantable for foreign interence. Mr. Neumann stated that.
Mr. SMITH. He took the ground also that they could not land excepting only upon the request of the minister of foreign affairs.
Mr. CASTLE. The minister of foreign affairs only?
Mr. SMITH. The Government. While we were talking this matter
over, perhaps ten minutes, several people came to this inner office, and
we requested them to retire.
Mr. COOPER. I never left the office at all from the time I first went
in until the committee of safety had been formed and finally adjourned.
Mr. SMITH. People began to crowd into my office shortly after that,
and there was very deep feeling and considerable excitement and very
determined expression of opposition to the proceeding of the Queen,
and individuals began signing the paper.
Mr. COOPER. I will show you how it was. Mr. Thurston wrote down
seven or eight names who were gentlemen present at that time in his
own handwriting; we did not sign it; and then he says, "I am going
out to see others, will you take this chair and take care of this paper
and get their signature?"' I said, "yes," and when he went out several
of us got into a discussion with Mr. Neumann, and he took the ground
that the Queen had not yet committed an overt act which would
amount to treason or revolution. On our part we contended that she
had, and he then left the office.
Mr. SMITH. The expression was very strongly expressed that the
ministers should be supported in their attitude toward the Queen in
refusing to accede to her request and that they ought not to resign,
and it was requested to return to the Government building and so state




1768


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


to the ninisters that that was the sentiment of citizens so far as we
had been able to ascertain. I immediately returned to the Governw
ment building. On entering the yard and before reaching the front
door of the building I met the ministers going over to the palace with
Messenger Richardson.
Mr. CASTLE. All the ministers?
Mr. SMITH:. ly impression is they were all four. I stopped and
gave the communication to them to that effect that they should be
supported by the conmmunity in refusing to accede to the Queen's
wishes, and they proceeded on and went into the palace yard, and I
returned to my office. At my office I found there was still a large
numler of people.
Mr. CASTLE. That was the time you picked me up?
Mr. SMvTH. Yes. It must have been in the neighborhood of an hour
and a half after thatMr. CASTLE. 1 got on to the quarter-hour car that goes down town
from Tlhomas Square at quarter-past 2. It was just about half-past 2
by the clock of this building when I noticed the crowd there in the
Government building. And looking on I saw there was one white man
here ald saw that it was McStocker, and I jumped out to ask him
what was up when you drove out of the yard and beckoned to me before
I had a chance to ask him, and I jumped in the hack with you and went
down town. Colburn and Cornwell were at that moment crossing the
street. The whole affair, of course, became so tense and exciting that I
could not swear now whether they were going this way or that way.
Mr. SMitrri-. They were going toward the palace gate. My conversation with Coburn was just before he left the Government building
yard. WNe returned, and down at the office were a large number of people going and comiing; a great deal of excitement. I noticed on my
return there was quite a list of names signed at the desk.
Mr. CASTLE. Mr. Cooper was at the desk with that list.
Mr. SI'I'TH. Mr. Cooper had charge of that matter of the signatures,
and people were asking him about it and what was to be done, and
what was going to be done, and various statements, and the offices,
both front and rear offices, became filled with people.  After a little I
volunteered and did return again to the Government building to ascertain how matters stood, so as to communicate with the meeting, and at
the Government building there were a good many people. Upstairs, I
noticed after awhile, there were several of the foreign representatives
and Mr. J. O. Carter and others. I understood afterwards that they
had been in consultation with the ministry. We waited around the
building here an hour or so, and watching the palace to see what was
to be done.
At this time some of the troops had stacked their arms and were
lying around on the grass. The crowd of spectators on the left-hand
side had diminished. 'The people at the palace, attendants. seemed to
be about the same as ever; there were people going from the interior
on to the veranda, they all seemed to be waiting. Finally there was
a move andl commotion, and the soldiers returned and took their arms
and were drawn up in line. The crowd of people in the Government
building yard all crowded toward the gate, and many went into the
yard. I, with others, went to King street on the inside of the Government fence opposite the palace yard gate to see what was going on.
After some further delay, there was evidently some passing to and fro
and some commotion in the palace, we saw a train of ladies pass from
the rooms on to the west side of the palace towards the throne room,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1769
and there was another little delay for some little time. And then the
Queen and some ladies came out of the throne room and went upstairs
and came out on the balcony, and from there she made remarks. We
could not hear what she said.
Mr. CASILE. But it was undoubtedly the speech which was afterwards published 
Mr. SMITH. Yes. Shortly after that there was a number of representatives and others came out of the palace on the front steps and
there several speakers harangued the audience. The meeting at the
palace seemed to be at an end, and this was now about half-past three
or a little later.
Mr. COOPER. Colburn came in and took his seat right opposite
where I was sitting, and as soon as Colburn showed himself in the
door and commenced to speak Peterson went out.
Mr. SMITH. Mr. Calburn overtook Mr. Thurston and myself returning to my office and told us the situation, how the Queen, in great
anger, had stated to the people who were assembled that she had been
unable to carry out her wishes and the desire of many; that it was her
wish to promulgate a new constitution, but that she had been prevented, but she would shortly do it; and that we heard from various
sources of the violent speeches of Williamn White, representative from
Lahaina, and others, threatening bloodshed and generally of a most
violent character, and we returned and reported this to the meeting.
My offices were crowded with people, so that it was with difficlllty that
we could get into the room at all, and Mr. Colburn worked his way in.
Mr. Peterson appeared about that time or a little later, and Mr. Colburn made this statement briefly. What occurred was about as has been
published, and it was generally known. There were a few short
speeches made by different persons present. I made some remarks,
and one or two others, finally Mr. Thurston spoke very briefly, and
then on Mr. Thurston's motion those present organized themselves
into a meeting. Mr. H. E. Cooper was chosen chairman and W. O.
Smith secretary.
Mr. COOPER. Then the motion was to appoint a committee of nine,
the first motion was, and then it was afterwards made thirteen, and
then by a vote of the meeting I was made a member of the committee.
Mr. SMITH. It was voted that a committee of thirteen be appointed
to form plans for action and call meetings, report any time, at their
discretion, and be called a committee of safety. At that time there
was some serious apprehension, we could not tell what, that disorder
might follow; what steps might be taken next; whether the constitution might not be promulgated that very afternoon or the next morning,
or at any time; there was simply an intense feeling of uncertainty and
a feeling that danger to the community was very imminent. She had
practically promised it in a few days. The remarks and action were
very short-right to the point; intense feeling and determination was
manifested, and meanwhile from those present the following committee
of thirteen was appointed: L. A. Thurston, W. R. Castle, C. BEolte, W.
C. Wilder, W. O. Smith, J. A. McCandless, H. F. Glade, A. S. Wilcox,
T. F. Lansing, H. Waterhouse, Andrew Brown, F. W. McOhesney, and,
by special vote, H1. E. Cooper. Mr. Glade was not present, but was
communicated with-asked if he would be willing to serve.
Mr. CooPER. After the committee was formed the other gentlemen
were requested to retire. Then a message was sent for Mr. Glade and
Mr. Wilder and they came.
Mr. SMITH. And they signified their willingness to serve on the corn



1770


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


inittee. After further delay, almost immediately the others present
were requested to retire and the committee held a meeting. The situation was briefly discussed-the immilence of danger and the safety of
the city; what action should be taken for protection was the main subject of discussion. And in view of the fact that at the station house
there was a large armed force and at the barracks, and that nearly all
of the arms were in possession of the supporters of the Queen, and
there was no organization at the time outside of those forces, and it
was simply unknown how many arms were available, the question was
at once discussed whether a protectorate should not be sought from
the United States steamship of war Boston; that question was, of
course, first raised, whether the United States would render assistance,
or what their attitude would be, and then a special committee consisting of L. A. Thurston, W. C. Wilder, and H. F. Glade were appointed
to wait upon Mr. J. L. Stevens, United States minister, and inform him
of the situation and ascertain from him what, if any, protection or
assistance could be afforded by the United States forces for the protection of life and property, the unanimous sentiment and feeling being
that life and property were in imminent danger. By that time it was
so dark that I lighted the electric light. We had to have light before
we concluded our meeting and deliberations.
Mr. COOPER. My first acquaintance with the affair was when I met
Hartwell on the street. I met him coming out of his office.
When this question came up as to whether or not what assistance
the United States troops might give, I made the following statement
to the committee: That I had gone, at Mr. Hartwell's request, to see
the captain of the Boston, Capt. Wiltse, about half past 11, and I
informed him of the situation, and he immediately sent for Commander
Swinburne, who, in turn, sent for the officer of the deck, and all necessary preliminary preparations were made, and that was Capt. Wiltse's
first news of it. He didn't know anything about it before I came
there. And Capt. Wiltse said that he was there for the purpose of
protecting life and property of American citizens, and if called upon
he would do it. I afterwards came ashore and met Mr. Smith and
Mr. Neumann and retired to Mr. Smith's office.
Mr. SMITH. During this meeting of the committee of thirteen and
the discussion of the situation, it was made manifest to us, from what
had transpired during the day and the action of the Queen, that she
was in a condition of revolution, that is, her act was entirely revolutionary; that there was a feeling of perfect uncertainty of what would
take place or how great the danger was, but we were simply convinced
that established government was at an end, that we were in a state of
revolution, and with the forces in her command, and the utter disregard for the constitution and laws, that we as citizens had simply got
to look to ourselves for safety and protection, that the intelligent part
of the community had got to take matters in their own hands and
establish law and order. The probabilities of what the Queen would
do were'discussed; there was no certainty in regard to that, excepting
that she would undoubtedly persist in her revolutionary intentions;
what would be done, how soon martial law might be declared or any other
course would be taken, what steps would be taken, we simply could
not tell, and after discussion Mr. Thurston made the following motion:
" That steps be taken at once to form and declare a provisional government."
The seriousness of the step was considered, but it was deemed,
decided unanimously 4y the committee that some such steps had got




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1771
to be taken for protection of life and property, and it was then, and
after Mr. Cooper's statement in regard to his visit to the Boston, that
the committee consisting of Thurston, Wilder, and Glade were
appointed to meet the American minister, and were instructed to
report the next morning at 9 o'clock, at a meeting to be called at the
residence of W. R. Castle.
I went home about dark or a little after, and just had dinner when
Mr. Thurston called at my house on his way home, asking me to meet
the committee and one or two others at his house at 8 o'clock. I went
there and found Mr. Thurston, W. R. Castle, F. W. Wundenberg, A.
S. Hartwell, S. B. Dole, and C. L. Carter. Mr. Thurston stated that
the commnittee had waited upon the American minister, and that he
had said that the United States troops on board the Boston would be
ready to land any moment to prevent the destruction of American life
and property, and in regard to the matter of establishing a Provisional Government they of course would recognize the existing governmlent whatever it might be.
Mr. Thurston stated to Mr. Stevens the proposition that was under
consideration, of establishing a Provisional Government, and in case
those steps were taken, he asked Mr. Stevens what his attitude would
be, and Mr. Stevens had told him whatever government was established, and was actually in possession of the Government building, the
executive departments and archives, and in possession of the city, that
was a defacto government proclaiming itself as a government, would
necessarily have to be recognized. Everything had culminated in a
few hours, we were laboring under intense feeling, and it was arranged
that different ones of those present should begin drafting papers. Mr.
W. R. Castle undertook to draft something in the nature of a brief historical statement, which would be for a preamble to the declaration.
Mr. Thurston was to work upon the matter of the form of the Provisional Government. Judge Dole quietly stated that he was not prepared to take part in the movement, but that he would assist, at Mr.
Thurston's request, in drafting the declaration. I was requested to
draft papers to be submitted to the American minister requesting the
landing of the troops, in case it became necessary. At a late hour we
retired, and the next morning at 9 o'clock the committee of thirteen
met at W. R. Castle's residence.
The meeting continued until noon. The committee appointed to wait
on the American minister made a report to the committee similar to the
report made to us the night before. Among the various propositions
and matters discussed was a matter of calling a public mass meeting,
and it was decided to call a meeting at 2 o'clock in the afternoon of the
next day, Monday, to be held if possible at the old rifle armory on Beretania street, near the corner of Punchbowl street. Mr. Andrew Brown
was appointed a committee to procure the armory, make the arrangements for the meeting, and to see to the publication of the notice, which
notice was prepared there during the meeting, and a committee of three,
consisting of L. A. Thurston, W. R. Castle, and W. O. Smith, were
appointed to arrange a programme for the public meeting and secure
the speakers. During this meeting Mr. A. S. Wilcox stated that as he
had deemed it important for him to return to Kauai that he thought it
was his duty to resign from the committee.
While he was in perfect sympathy with the movement, he felt that in
the excitement which might be created it was very important for those
who had their homes on the other islands to return and endeavor to
maintain peace and quietness in the other islands. His resignation




1772


IHAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


was accepted, and Mr. J. Emmeluth was elected to take his place. Mr.
Glade stated that owing to his position as German consul he deemed
under his instructions that it would be improper for him to continue a
member of the committee and tendered his resignation, which was
accepted, and Mr. Ed. Suhr was appointed to fill his place. At this
meeting Mr. L. A. Thurston was appointed to draw the resolution to
be presented at the mass meeting and the report of the committee.
Mr. COOPER. That was just after Glade and Wilcox had resigned;
just when we were going to break up it was suggested as to whether
we should not go on and perfect the organization of the Provisional
Government and the form that it should take. Mr. Castle presented
his historical preamble, which was not read, but Mr. Thurston had
stated the general plan that he had in mind as to the form the Provisional Government should take, stating that it should consist of an
executive council and an advisory council. The mention of names
was suggested by the meeting, that Mr. Thurston should be the leader
and the head of the Government. Mr. Thurston questioned the wisdom
of that on two grounds: First he had business arrangements which might
call him away, and on the further ground that he was considered such
a radical mover that he believed it was wise to have some one who was
more conservative. That was dropped right there. Mr. Dole's name
was not mentioned at that meeting.
Mr. SMITH. At that meeting and the previous and subsequent meetings most meager minutes were kept, because of the possible danger of
our being arrested and of these records being used against us. The
night before Mr. Thurston requested Mr. Wundenberg to ascertain as
far as he could what arms were available and how many men with
arms could be depended upon. Just at the close of the meeting on
Sunday, about noon, at W. R. Castle's, Mr. Wundenberg came with Mr.
Soper, and they reported that the prospect of obtaining arms was very
discouraging, but that after making a thorough search of the town
only about sixty stand of arms were found that were not in possession of the Government.
After we adjourned Mr. Thurston and I called upon the American
minister again and informed him of what was being done. Among
other things we talked over with him what had better be done in case
of our being arrested or extreme or violent measures being taken by the
Monarchy in regard to us. We did not know what steps would be
taken, and there was a feeling of great unrest and sense of danger in
the community. Mr. Stevens gave assurances of his earnest purpose
to afford all the protection that was in his power to protect life and
property; he emphasized the fact that while he would call for the United
States troops to protect life and property, he could not recognize any
government until actually established. He repeated that the troops
when landed would not take sides with either party, but would protect
American life and property. Thurston and I then began to arrange in
regard to the speakers, who to see. Thurston said that he would see
quite a number; among them was Mr. Swanzy, T. R. Walker, Cecil Brown,
and some others. I rode down town and found James F. Morgan and
asked him to be one of the speakers  He consented to be. And I saw
two or three others and then went to the printing office and hastened
up the matter of the publishing of the posters.
At the meeting at Mr. Castle's there was considerable discussion in
regard to when to have the mass meeting; some were in favor of having it on Sunday; a feeling too had been expressed at the meeting
on Saturday afternoon that there should be a mass meeting called




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1773


right off on Sunday, and at the meeting some thought better to have the
meeting early Monday morning, there being such a feeling of absolute
uncertainty in regard to what course the Queen would pursue, whether
she would proclaim the constitution and disorder and riot precipitated.
It was finally concluded, however, that the meeting should be held at
2 o'clock and that all business houses be requested to close.
Sunday evening several of us met again at Mr. Thurston's. Mr.
Thurston did not return from his interview with Cecil Brown and others
until about 8 o'clock in the evening. Meanwhile a message had been
left at my house by Colburn that the ministers would like to meet a
committee of five from the committee of thirteen. We were also
informed that the ministers had had a meeting sometime during the
day of Sunday, in which several of the citizens were present-Mr. F. A.
Schaefer, Mr. S. M. Damon, and Mr. J. O. Carter, and one or two
others. At this meeting in the evening the work was further arranged,
the different parts of it assigned, and at a late hour we returned home.
The next morning, Monday, January 16, the meeting was held of the
whole committee of thirteen at the office of L. A. Thurston over Bishop's Bank, corner of Merchant and Kaahumanu streets. Mr. Thurston was ill, suffering much at times. The meeting lasted nearly all
the forenoon, subject to a number of interruptions, one interruption
being that of the n-arshal, C. B. Wilson, who called Thurston out into
Mr. W. F. Allen's office and protested against the holding of a mass
meeting in the afternoon. This meeting at Mr. Thurston's office durin g the forenoon was held under great difliculties, there being many
interruptions, and different ones having to withdraw at various times
for various matters pertaining to the business in hand. The condition
of Mr. Thurston's health caused us a good deal of anxiety. He had
been suffering before that with a severe cold upon his lungs and from
loss of sleep and mental strain he was weak and was attacked with
dysentery.
At that meeting it was decided that he should be one of the speakers at the public meeting. He had objected to it, not desiring to take so
prominent a part, fearing that it might produce unnecessary antagonism; more than that, his physical condition was such that he hardly
felt able. It was deemed very important that he should speak, and
the order of business at the meeting was decided upon. Mr. W. C.
Wilder reluctantly consented to act as chairman, and the matter of a
request of the ministers that a committee of five be sent to wait upon
them was considered, and a committee was appointed consisting of C.
Bolte, J. A. McCandless, W. C. Wilder, F. W. McChesney, and H.
Waterhouse, to meet the ministers. They retired, and during their
absence other general matters were discussed. Information was being
received in regard to public matters generally.
Mr. CASTLE. Was Wilson's action there simply a protest; it went out
that he had warned them not to have it?
Mr. SMITH. Thurston reported it as a protest against this meeting
being held. Thurston asked him why, and he said that it would provoke disorder. At this meeting we were informed of the fact that
another mass meeting had been called for the same hour, 2 o'clock in
the afternoon, to be held at Palace Square, the junction of Richard and
King streets, signed by the committee on law and order, and that many
of those posters had been placed over our posters, and that there was
evidently an attempt to prevent our meeting or create confusion and
to mislead. Mr. Thurston had on his own authority before the meeting
prepared a poster, and it was in the process of being printed exposing




1774                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
the fraud, and he had a copy of it then and submitted it to the meeting,
but it was of a nature which we considered inflammatory, and on the
whole we decided not to have it posted.
The committee of five returned and reported that they had met the
four ministers, and the ministers stated to them that they had no communication to make, and wanted to know what the committee wanted.
They talked over the situation and showed our committee a proclamation signed by the Queen and the ministers stating that she would
never again attempt to force a new constitution. Before the meeting
broke up the form of the request to the American minister in regard
to the landing of the troops was adopted and signed by the committee
of thirteen, requesting the American minister to land troops, and this
request was signed by the committee of thirteen, and decided to be
delivered to the minister to be held by him but not to be acted upon
until a further request was received from the committee.
After the adjournment of the meeting fifteen or sixteen different
copies of the request were typewritten and attached with five or six
blank pages to each copy, and these were distributed among several
members of the committee before proceeding to the meeting, and the
request of Mr. Stevens was delivered to him before the meeting was
held. By 1 o'clock business began to be closed. Before 2 o'clock a
large number of people had assembled at the armory, and by 2 o'clock
a very large number was there. After Mr. Thurston had finished
speaking at the mass meeting, and while others were speaking, the
members of the committee discussed very earnestly what to do in
regard to this petition. If it was to be circulated for signatures, some
notice to that effect would have to be given before the meeting dispersed; and we were in very great doubt, some being very earnestly of
the opinion that they should be signed as universally as possible, the
opinion being that they would be signed by nearly all of the twelve
hundred present, but it did not seem opportune and we waited. The
meeting was finally adjourned, as it seemed to some of us sooner than
we expected, and nothing was done about the signing of the petition,
and the committee felt somewhat at a loss what to do, but word was
passed around among us at once to meet at my office again, and within
twenty minutes after the adjournment of the meeting the committee
met.
Mr. SMITH. There was a short and earnest discussion of what was
to be done; it was then nearly 4; our plans had not been perfected,
papers had not been completed, and after a hasty discussion, the time
being very short, it was decided that it was impossible for us to take
the necessary steps, and we should request that the troops be not
landed until next morning, the hour in the morning being immaterial,
whether it was 9 or 8 or 6 o'clock in the morning, but we must have
further time to prevent bloodshed, and Mr. Thurston and I were
appointed to proceed at once to the American minister and inform him
of our decision. We proceeded at once to Mr. Stevens' house, the
United States legation, stated the case to him, and he said that as a precautionary measure, and to protect American life and property, he had
ordered the troops to be landed at 5 o'clock, and that they would come.
It was then decided to adjourn to meet at the house of Henry Waterhouse at 8 o'clock in the evening. The meeting broke up, and some of
us went down to see the troops landed Thurston gave up-sick. HeI
had to go to bed.
At 8 o'clock in the evening we met at Mr. Henry Waterhouse's. All
of the members of the committee were present except Thurston, Castle,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1775


and Wilder, they all being ill. Mr. James B. Castle was present, taking the place of W. R. Castle, and C. L. Carter taking the place of
Thurston. There were also present by invitation Alexander Young,
J. H. Soper, Cecil Brown, H. P. Baldwin, and F. W. Wundenburg.
Previous to this meeting, beginning with the meeting on Saturday
afternoon, the suggestion of send(ing the Claudine to San Francisco
with dispatches to the United States Government was discussed, and
at this meeting Monday evening it was moved that she be sent at once
to San Francisco. The motion was amended that action be deferred
until after the establishment of the Provisional Government. Amendment carried.
A committee of two, consisting of C. Bolte and C. L. Carter, was
appointed to make a list to form an executive council of five members
and an advisory council of eight members. Before this it had been
suggested that Judge Dole be chosen to act as the head of the government. After some discussion Mr. Bolte was appointed a committee to
wait upon Judge Dole and to invite his attendance at the meeting, and
after an absence of some length Mr. Bolte returned with Judge Dole.
And Judge Dole was not willing to consent at that time, stating that
he did not favor fully the idea of annexation at this time and asked if
it would not be better to have a regent here and Kaiulani declared the
Queen. But after discussion he consented to take the matter under
further consideration and let us know his decision the next day at 12
o'clock, the committee endeavoring to pursuade him. He recognized
that the logical events and manifest destiny of the island was annexation, but he did not know whether it was the wisest step now.
There is no doubt that the Queen has vacated the throne.
He said that if he did decide to join us he would first resign as judge
of the supreme court. P. C. Jones, S. M. Damon, Cecil Brown, J. A.
King, and W. 0. Smith were suggested to serve on the executive council, which was contemplated as five. Mr. Cecil Brown refused. Mr.
Soper was requested to take the place of commander of the military
forces, and he accepted conditionally. A finance committee of three
was appointed, consisting of McCandless, McChesney, and J. B. Castle,
to collect the lists of arms and ammunition and buy or otherwise procure the same.
At 10 o'clock the next day, January 17, the committee met at the
office of W. 0. Smith, and Mr. C. L. Carter, on behalf of the committee,
reported the names of those who had consented to go upon the executive and advisory councils. It was voted that the advisory committee
be increased from eight to thirteen, and additional names be suggested
to the committee, from whom they could select the five additional
names. Various names were suggested. It was voted that the committee request Mr. Wilder to report if the Claudine could be chartered
to go to San Francisco and at what cost. It was voted that the Interisland steamship companies be requested not to allow any vessels to
leave for the other islands before 10 o'clock on the next day. At 11
o'clock the judge came before the committee and stated that he would
accept the position as chairman of the executive council..
It was voted that the executive council be S. B. Dole, J. A. King,
P. C. Jones, W. 0. Smith, and C. Bolte, and that the advisory council
consist of S. M. Damon, L. A. Thurston, J. Emmeluth, J. A. McCandless, F. W. McChesney, W. R. Castle, W. C. Wilder, Andrew Brown,
J. F. Morgan, H. Waterhouse, E. D. Tenney, F. Wilhelm, and W. G.
Ashley. During the meeting in the forenoon Mr. S. M. Damon came
in and reported that he had had an interview with the Queen, in which




1776


HtAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


he had advised her not to make resistance, but to submit, and that she
would have every opportunity for presenting her claims, and Mr. Damon
stated that he was willing to join the movement. Mr. Dole, before he
retired, signed his written resignation as a judge to the supreme court
and forwarded it to the minister of foreign affairs.
The meeting adjourned and met again at 1:30. It having been understood that Mr. Dole should have the say in regard to who the members
of the executive council should be, he was asked at this final meeting
if he approved of the names that had been suggested, and he, upon
looking them over, stated that objection had been raised in regard to
the name of Mr. Bolte, and that as he himself was not very well
acquainted with Mr. Bolte that it would be better that he should not
be upon the executive council. Mr. Bolte at once expressed his
approval, that he only wished to serve in any capacity which would
further the object. And then, after a brief discussion, it was decided
to reduce the number of the executive committee from five to four,
and that they should fill the offices of foreign affairs, interior, finance,
and attorney-general, in the order in which they were named, and it
was decided to increase the number of the advisory committee from
thirteen to fourteen and add Mr. Bolte's name to the list. The members of the executive council and advisory committee were then finally
approved and acted upon.
The committee of thirteen then signed the proclamation, and the
executive council then signed the commission of J. H. Soper as commander in chief of the forces, and three copies of the proclamation
were completed. The final signing of the papers was completed about
twenty minutes past 2, and after a little delay the committee of thirteen, with the executive and advisory councils, started to proceed to
the Government building. They had hardly reached the corner of
Merchant street before a shot was heard, and it was reported that a
policeman had been shot at E. O. Hall & Son's store, and people were
seen running from the direction of the Government building towards
the spot, and there was considerable commotion. The committee and
councils proceeded to the Government building and the proclamation
was read. Previous to starting, leaving my office, Mr. Dole requested
Mr. A. S. Wilcox to go up to the Government building and come back
and report whether there was any armed force at the Government
building. He went up and looked through and went through to Queen.
street, and came back and reported that he did not see any armed men.
After the reading of the proclamation the councils convened in the
office of the minister of the interior, and subsequent events occurred
and business was done in the following order:
Orders No. 1 and No. 2 were issued.
Liquor saloons were ordered to be closed.
Letters were sent to the members of the diplomatic and consular
corps announcing the establishment of the Provisional Government
and requesting recognition.
Mr. Wodehouse, British commissioner, and Mr. T. E. Walker, British
vice-consul, called to verify the report of our occupation, etc.
Deputy-Marshal Mehrtens came from the police station, and we sent
by him a copy of the proclamation to the ex-ministers and an invitation to them to come and see us.
Mehrtens came again, asking us to go to the police station. We
declined and instructed him to tell the ex-ministers if they wished to
see us they must come to the Government building.
Ministers Parker and Cornwell came.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1777


Messrs. Damon and Bolte returned with Parker and Cornwell to the
police station to meet the other ex-ministers.
Messrs. Damon and Bolte returned with the four ex-ministers, who
requested that the Queen should have an opportunity to make a protest.
Mr. Damon went with them to see the Queen.
Ex-ministers and Damon returned stating that the Queen gave up
under protest, and that Marshal Wilson had been ordered to give up
the station house. And we sent an officer with a squad of men to take
possession of the station.
As to the precise time when the letter of recognition was received.
from American Minister Stevens I can not be positive. My recollection
is that it was about the time that Messrs. Damon and Bolte returned
from the police station with the four ex-ministers, but the records of
our proceedings at the time, kept by the secretary, place it after the
return of Mr. Damon and the ex-minlisters from their visit to the Queen.
In any event it was very late in the day, and long after Messrs.
Wodehouse and Walker had called.
Before the letter of recognition was received from Mr. Stevens, Lieut.
Young, of the U. S. S. Boston, called upon us, and stated that he was
ordered to verify the correctness of the assurance that we were in occupation of the Government building and departments.
These events occupied the time till after dark; meanwhile many
matters demanded our attention.
I sent for the attorney-general and desired to examine him in reference to to the events connected with the revolution of the 17th of January, 1893. He said he preferred not to be examined; that he would
bring me a paper containing a history of those events, prepared by
himself and some other gentlemen. The next day he brought the
paper to which this is attached, saying it was a part of the record. I
asked him if he would allow me to see the whole record. He hesitated
about it and said that he would prefer to talk with Mr. Dole first. While
I have seen him frequently since he has never referred to the matter
again. When he handed me the paper he said he did not care to be
examined himself; that if there was anything in it that I did not under~
stand he would explain it to me.
JAxES H. BLOw'rI.
HONOLULU, July 15, 1893.
No. 49.
Interview with J. H. Soper, June 17, 1S33.
Q. Where were you born?
A. In Plymouth, England.
Q. How long have you lived here?
A. I came here in December, 1877.
Q. Are you a naturalized citizen?
A. Of this country?
Q. Yes.
A. I have taken the oath of allegiance to this Government,
Q. Are you a British subject?
A. I am an American.
Q. How long did you live in the United States 
S. Rep. 227- 112




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


A. I was 4 years of age when I went there. My father was h
naturalized citizen.
Q. What year was that 
A. 1850. I was born in 1846.
Q. How long did you live in the United States t
A. Until 1877.
Q. That would be twenty-seven years?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Did you take the oath of allegiance here?
A. To this Government?
Q. Yes.
A. Yes.
Q. Are you an American citizen?
A. Yes, sir. I didn't forswear my allegiance to the United States.
Q. You came here in what year?
A. In 1877.
Q. Were you in command of the military forces at the time of the
dethronement of the Queen?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. How much artillery was turned over?
A. Twelve guns altogether.
Q. What were they?
A. Eight centimeter Krupp guns and four 7-centimeter guns.
Q. Were they German guns?
A. They were Austrian guns, the same pattern as Krupp guns.
Q. How many small arms?
A. I can not say, from memory. I have a record of it over there. I
can not say, from memory. I would have to look over the record, in
order to be exact.
Q. Will you furnish me a memorandum soon?
A. Yes.
Q. And of the ammunition?
A. Yes.
Q. How much small arms did the committee of safety get up with a
view to the movement against the Queen?
A. I should say we had in the neighborhood of-I think I have a
record of that also.
Q. You will bring me that also?
A. Yes.
Q. What sort of arms were they?
A. Springfield and Winchester repeating rifles, called Wrinchester
sporting rifles.
Q. Where did they come from?
A. From hardware stores here.
Q. Were they brought here for purposes of revolution or not?
A. I do not think so.
Q. Brought here for military purposes?
A. I do not think so. I can not say as to that. They were part of
the stock in the store.
Q. What store?
A. Castle & Cooke. The largest number came from there-that is,
19 or 20 Winchester repeating rifles, model of 1886. There were quite a
number of Springfield rifles from the times of 1887 and 1889.
Q. Where had they been kept?
A. In the hands of individuals.
Q. Where were you when the proclamation was read?




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1779


A. In the Government building.
Q. Can you state the number of troops you had there at the time the
proclamation was read or within 20 minutes afterwards?
A. I can not say, exactly. I never kept any account. It was not
very long before we had in the neighborhood of between 150 and 200
men. I can not say exactly how long after.
Q. What was the first detachment that came?
A. The first squad that came down was about 15 men. They came
from the armory on Beretania street.
Q. How long after that before the second squad came?
A. In about 5 or 10 minutes.
Q. How many were there in that squad?
A. I should say about 15 or 20.
Q. Well, the next arrivals?
A. I didn't see them. They kept coming right along at short intervals.
Q. How many were there when they finished reading the proclamation?
A. I should imagine there would be about perhaps 60 or 75.
Q. And how long was it after the proclamation was read before you
had 150 men?
A. I can not say, exactly.
Q. Did you have that many in an hour?
A. The proclamation was read about half past two. I do not know
how long it took to read it. I was not paying much attention to the
time consumed in the reading, but in an hour afterwards, I should say,
we had about 150 men.
Q. In an hour after it was finished?
A. I should think so. I have not paid any special attention to that
since that time.
Q. Were you at Henry Waterhouse's on Monday night before that?
A. Yes; I was there.
Q. Who else was there?
A. Henry Waterhouse, C. L. Carter, Mr. Cooper, Mr. Wundenberg,
W. R. Castle. There were a number of others. I can not say positively
now without looking over the list of names.
Q. What list of names 
A. I should have to look over the names of the present Government
and supporters of the Government in order to pick out the entire number.
Q. About how many persons were there?
A. Probably twelve or fifteen.
Q. What was the object of the meeting?
A. To ascertain what advice or assistance to give to the committee
of safety-the committee of thirteen.
Q. What advice to give to the committee of safety?
A. That is what I understood it to be. That is, to work in conjunction with them.
Q. Many of them were members of the committee?
A. Yes; and some of those were people called in by the committee
to counsel with them.
Q. Were you offered that night command of the military forcessolicited to take it?
A. Yes.
Q. How was that, done-by a vote of the meeting?
A. I went outside for some purpose or other-I think to get a drink




1780


IJAWAITAN ISLANDS. -


out on the veranda. When I went back the proposition was made to
me. What they did while I was out I do not know. I did not go out
at the request of any one.
Q. What response did you make?
A. I said I was not a trained military man, and was rather averse
to accepting any position I was not especially trained for, under the
circumstances, and that I would give them an answer on the following
day; that is, in the morning.
Q. You did not give them any answer that night?
A. No, sir.
Q. Did you see Mr. Stevens that night?
A. No, sir.
Q. Did anybody in the meeting go to see him, so far as you heard?
A. Not so far as I know of.
Q. Was anything said about his agreeing to recognize the Provisional
Government in the event of their getting possession of the Government
building and reading their proclamation-orny hea er building?
A. You mean at this meeting?
Q. Yes?
A. I can not say positively as to whether I understood it at that
meeting, or the following morning. I understood he would recognize
a de facto government.
Q. What did they say was a defacto government?
A. A Government that was in possession of the Government building, archives, treasury, etc.
Q. The treasury, archives, etc., were in the Government building?
A. Yes.
Q. The understanding was then that if the Provisional Government
got possession of the Government building and read the proclamation that then he would recognize it as a de facto government?
A. I believe that was the understanding.
Q You do not remember whether it was that night or the next day?
A. It is possible that it was at that meeting that evening, but I do
not know.
Q. Are you inclined to believe it was that evening?
A. I won't say positively as to that.
Q. It was either that evening or the next morning?
A. Yes.
Q. Until you heard that did you agree to accept the military command?
A. No.
Q. It was after that that you agreed to accept that command?
A. I feel pretty sure it was. The particular point which decided me
was the fact of Judge Dole agreeing to accept the position as the head
of the Government.
I have read the foregoing and it is a correct report of my interview
with Mr. Blount.
Mr. Soper was sent for several times with a view of having him read
the foregoing, but up to this time we have been unable to get him
here.-E. M.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1781


No. 50.
Interview with Claus Spreckels, Friday April 21, 1893.
Mr. BLOUNT. Please state whether or not you had any message
from the American minister and whether any conversation with him?
Mr. SPRECKELS. I had.
Mr. BLOUNT. Be kind enough to state it?
Mr. SPRECKELS. He sent down on Tuesday, about 3 o'clock whether
I would be kind enough to come up to his house to see him. I took a
carriage and saw him at 4 o'clock that Tuesday afternoon. He told me
that Mr. Parker had no influence with the Queen, but that Paul Neumann could control her, and, if I would, if I could, control Paul
Neumann; that Paul Neumann tell the Queen that she be in favor
of annexation, and tell the Kanakas who follow her to go all for annexation.
He said that he expected to be here only thirty or forty days, and he
would like for annexation to be before he left; some words to that
effect.
No. 51.
Interview with Claus Spreckels, June 5, 1893.
Mr. BLOUNT. IS this a copy of the contract made with laborers by
planters? (Copy attached hereto.)
A. It is.
Q. What means have the planters of enforcing their agreements?
A. The law upholds that contract.
Q. Suppose the laborer does not work satisfactorily?
A. That brings him to the police court-make complaint.
Q. What punishment is inflicted?
A. I am hardly able to answer that. I do not know how they carry
out the law.
Q. Can you state-is the remedy at law for the enforcement of contracts generally satisfactory to the planters?
A. I would say, yes. This contract is made first with the Japanese
Government. This Government makes the contract, and this Government makes the contract with the planters, and that is the contract
you have there between the planters and this Government.
Q. Does the Government pay any expenses in the matter of the
laborers?
A. No; the planter pays passage money and all expenses.
Q. Who pays for the officers connected with the inspection of
laborers?
A. I am unable to answer that.
Q. Are you familiar with the lands in all these islands?
A. I am.
Q. Are they suitable for much else than sugar-cane culture?
A. That is their principal use.
Q. Could the sugar cane be grown here without cheap contract
labor?
A. No.
Q. Suppose they could not get it, what would be the condition t
A. They would have to close the plantations.




1782                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Q. What would become of them?
A. They would be cow pastures or something.
Q. The contract laborers that have been brought here, the great
mass of them, was it done under the stimulus of the reciprocity treaty
with the United States or not?
A. Yes, sir; it was.
Q. Up to that treaty there had been little done?
A. We had the first year the treaty was in force about 16,000 tons
of sugar-that is, in 1876; maybe 18,000, but I think 16,000.
Q. And after that it increased to?
A. About 140,000 tons. I think this year there was 150,000 tons.
Q. What amount did these islands get in the way of remission of
duties annually up to the time of the passage of the McKinley law?
A. When the plantation is in full blast they got in the neighborhood
of $5,000,000 per annum.
Q. What do you mean by plantation in full blast?
A. That is to say, as we find them now. It took some time to get
the machinery, etc., ready. They were not ready the first year or so.
Q. Were profits great, then?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Ranging between what figures?
A. In some plantations they never made any profit.
Q. But where they were well managed?
A. I should think some years they havemade 50per cent and even over.
Q. How high would you say-as much as 80?
A. I do not think you could go 80 per cent. Some plantations have
not made a cent even with that treaty.
Q. How was that?
A. I should think bad management.
Q. Well, where it was well managed 50 per cent and upward was
usual?
A. I would not say every year. It depends on the price of sugar.
Q. Would not the duty itself make a large profit?
A. Yes, sir. A good plantation can hold its own and make mone,
at the present price of sugar.
Q. What is generally the character of the lands in these islands?
A. They are very rich lands.
Q. Is there very much of it waste land-mountain land?
A. A great deal.
Q. Where do these fine lands generally lie?
A. In the valley-sometimes in the interior-most on the coast.
Q. The great mass of lands, are they arable?
A. No; not the great mass. There would be more land for sugar
bane if they had water; but the trouble is, shortness of water in places
where they have good land.
Q. Are most of the cultivated lands irrigated?
A. Most of them lie on the trade-wind side where they get the rain.
On the island of Hawaii there is no irrigation. On the island of Maui
there is most irrigation.
Q. Your lands there are irrigated generally?
A. Yes, and we get some rain.
Q. Have you had to expend much money there to get water?
A. I spent a million of dollars. I have about 40 miles of ditch.
Q. Before you irrigated it, were they useful for any purpose?
A. No; there were a few cattle running on them in winter time.
Q. WVhen was it donet




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1783
A. I commenced in 1878 to build the ditch.
Q. Would you have been willing to have invested your money in
that way but for the reciprocity treaty?
A. No, sir; I would not.
Q. Has most of the irrigation been brought about under the influence of the reciprocity treaty?
A. Yes.
Q. And the profits, then, have largely come from reciprocity and
cheap labor.
A. Yes.
Q. If both of these were abandoned, what would be the material
prospects of the islands?
A. There would be no prospects at all. We could get along-the
majority of the plantations-without any subsidy if we had labor, but
without labor we could not get along at all.
Q. You would have to go out into the world and get cheap labor?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. You have been how long here-this last visit?
A. Since April 18.
Q. Have you met with any sugar-planters since your arrival?
A. I have.
Q. Those of them who are declaring themselves in favor of annexation, how do they look at the labor question in connection with annexation?
A. They think that the United States will make a different law for
the islands. If they could not get labor they don't want annexation.
Q. But they are satisfied they will get such legislation 
A. Yes, sir; they think and hope the United States will do that.
Q. Tell me some gentlemen who has argued that with you?
A. Glade, of Hackfelt & Co. He is interested in sugar.
Q. Who else 
A. Mr. Shafer; he is opposed, if he can not get labor.
Q. Does he believe he can get labor?
A. He does not think so; not quite so as the others do.
Q. Who else?
A. We have about ten plantations in our control. They all do not
want it.
Q. What part of the sugar in these islands do they produce?
A. Our plantations?
Q. Yes.
A. We have 45,000 to 50,000 thousand tons a year-fully one-thirdClaus Spreckels, Irwin & Co. We have control of that much. We are
agents for 20,000 tons more.
Q. Now, other owners of plantations?
A. Baldwin does not want it if he can not get labor. He has about
20,000 tons.
Q. Does Mr. Baldwin argue that the Government of the Tnited
States will relax the laws for these islands?
A. Yes; he believes so. They say where there's a will there's a way.
We will get it. Now, Judge Widemann, he is asgainst annexation anyhow.
Q. Is Campbell a sugar-planter 
A. Yes; he has interests.
Q. Is it your impression that the calculation of all sugar-planters
who are in favor of annexation believe that the United States will




1784


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


modify their general laws against contract labor so that they can
maintain a system of contract labor in the islands?
A. I would not say contract labor. They say we may have to give
up contract labor, but we can get all the labor we want from Japan.
Q. How?
A. They say: We send an agent there and send money and he sends
theln here, and when they are here then they can make a contract with
them.
Q. They think in that way they can evade the labor laws of the
United States 
A. Yes; they think they can get around it. My opinion is that they
caln not, but they think they can get around the United States laws.
President Dole (called upon me the Saturday before last and asked if I
would not be kind enough to go before the ministry and talk the labor
law with them on Tuesday. I went there and I asked President Dole
whether he had studied the immigration laws and whether he found that
I was correct. He answered that he found that I was correct in that
way. " But," he said, "I have belief that the United States will give
us a separate law that we can get laborers here."
Q. Did that idea seem to be in the minds of other members of the
cabinet?
A. Yes; that the United States will give them anything they ask for.
Q. You have been talking politics with these people here. What
sort of idea have they as to the kind of government they want and
expect for these islands in the event of annexation?
A. Their idea is that when they are annexed to the United States
they will have a governor-some of them will be appointed by the
President-and leave it to them, so to say, to rule these islands.
Q. Do they ever speak of the Washington, D. C., form of government as suitable?
A. Some speak about that; that they would like to have a government like that.
Q. Are they in favor of a system of government that allows the natives generally to vote?
A. They do not want the natives to vote.
Q. Would they be in favor of any form of government that would
leave the natives a majority of the voters?
A. No, sir; they would not.
Q. Would they consider any such government a stable government?
A. They think it would be stable with the United States cutting out
the Kanakas so that they could not vote.
Q. This is, then, largely a struggle to take political power from the
natives and put it in the hands of the whites?
A. Exactly.
Q. And that is what they hope to get in the event of annexation?
A. Exactly.
Q. What is the feeling of the natives on the subject of annexation?
A. I think that seven-eightlhs at least would be opposed to it. Some
are employed by the Provisional Government.. They had to sign the
annexation roll or be discharged.
Q. And they signed to hold their places?
A. Yes.
Q. Is the argument made to the native that if he is annexed to the
United States his right to vote will be preserved?
A. That I can not say.
Q. What is your opinion on this question: If a vote was had by




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1785
persons who are qualified under the constitution just abrogated to vote
for representatives under the Australian ballot system, in what proportion would annexationists appear to anti-annexationists?
A. I think they would be only one-fourth against three-fourths, if
left to a vote.
Q. Have you been studying the question since you have been here?
A. I have studied it very much.
Q. What about whites in the islands-what proportion for and
against annexation? I mean Europeans and Americans.
A. That is hard to say; I do not think the people would be more
than half for annexation in Honolulu, but in the other islands very few.
Q. What would be the proportion in Honolulu, do you think?
A. In Honolulu it might be three-fourths in favor of annexation,
for the simple reason that they are afraid of each other. If he did not
do it he would lose trade. He is at heart the other way.
Q. Would you say that there are as many as one-third of the whitesEuropeans and Americans-that would be against annexation?
A. I should say so.
Q. Where people had surplus money have they been pretty generally
investing in sugar stocks in past years?
A. I do not think they have.
Q. Is there much sugar stock owned in Honolulu?
A. Yes; there is a great deal owned.
Q. Is President Dole interested in sugar stocks?
A. I hardly think so. He may have a few shares.
Q. I notice at the mass meeting held here January 17 several persons made speeches, among them W. C. Wilder. Has he interest in
sugar at all?
A. I do not think so. He may have a few shares.
Q. What is his occupation?
A. They run this Wilder Steamship Company. They sell lumber.
Q. They are interested, therefore, in handling sugarI
A. Yes.
Q. Mr. H. F. Glade; is he interested in sugar?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. He is consul-general of Germany?
A. I believe so.
Q. I see Mr. Young making a speech-what is he?
A. He is a sugar planter.
Q. Is he president of the Planters' Labor and Supply Company?
A. No; I think Mr. Irwin is.
Q. Has Bolte any interests in sugar?
A. Yes.
Q. Mr. H. P. Baldwin made a speech. Has he any interest in sugars
A. Yes.
Q. Large interests?
A. Yes.
Q. Mr. J. Emmeluth?
A. No; he is a tinsmith.
Q. A man of any means?
A. I do not think he has.
Q. A man of education?
A. I do not know.
Q. Mr. B. J. Greene. Is he interested in sugar?
A. Not that I am aware of. I do not know him. He can not be of
m uch consequence.




1786


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Q. Mr. P. C. Jones; has he any interest in sugart
A. Yes; some.
Q. Mr. J. A. King; any?
A. I do not think he has.
Q. Mr. W. O. Smith?
A. He has an interest.
Q. Mr. Henry Waterhouse?
A. He may have a small interest.
Q. Mr. Damon?
A. I don't know.
Q. Mr. Tenney any?
A. Some.
Q. Mr. McChesney any?
A. No; he is a groceryman.
Q. A man of any means?
A. I do not know.
Q. Any education?
A. I do not think he has.
Q. Was Mr. Young at one time president of the Planters' Labor and
Supply Company?
A. Yes; I think so.
Q. Has there been any idea here of trying to get a treaty so as to
let pineapples come into the United States at a low rate?
A. Yes.
Q. Do they hope to get much out of that?
A. I really don't know.
Q. Has there been any idea here among people as to any advantage
coming out of annexation in connection with the Pearl River Harbor?
A. Yes.
Q. What do they look forward to in this connection?
A. They think the United States would take Pearl Harbor and
improve it and buy their property there for big prices.
Q. Who are interested?
A. Dr. MGcGrew is about the principal owner there.
Q. Any of the Waterhouses interested there?
A. Yes.
Q. Is Mr. Henry Waterhouse?
A. Yes.
Q. Any others?
A. There is another, named Jake Brown, married to a native woman.
Q. Is he for or against annexation?
A. For annexation.
Q. Is there an idea amongst these people that there would be a
cable built to San Francisco if there was annexation 
A. Yes.
Q. Pretty strong feeling of that sort?
A. Yes.
Q. What is the impression amongst business people-planters-as to
the increase of the value of property in the islands by annexation?
A. The idea is that property will advance about treble, and a great
many are waiting to sell it. They calculate there would be a big boom.
Q. They are holding their property with the idea that there will be
big profits in the event of annexation?
A. That is the idea.
Q. The Planters7 Labor and Supply Company is under the control of
the planters, is it not!




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1787
A. In some ways it is, but they have made a political machine out
of it.
Q. But 1 mean to say that the stock is owned by planters, mostly?
A. No, sir.
Q. How is that stock generally held?
A. I really do not know.
Q. In what way is it used as a political machine?
A. Well, they use the agents for their ends. The agents give the
managers directions for the natives-how they shall vote.
Q- That is the way it is generally done?
A. Yes. And the managers will do what the Labor Supply Company
say. Since 1886 I have never worried about politics. Stood entirely
clear.
Q. Please tell me the members of the Wilcox cabinet that was
voted out before the prorogation?
A. Cecil Brown, G. N. Wilcox, M. P. Robinson, P. C. Jones.
Q. What is Robinson's business?
A. He is with Allen & Robinson. They deal in lumber.
Q. Is he interested in sugar?
A. Very little.
Q. Is he interested in bananas?
A. Yes.
Q. Interested in the labor question mainly in that connection?
A. Yes.
Q. Wilcox-is he interested in sugar 
A. Yes.
Q. Largely?
A. Not very largely.
Q. Jones-has he any sugar interests?
A. Some.
Q. Cecil Brown?
A. I do not think he has any. He may have a share or two.
Q. There is no indication at present of any hostilities between the
people and the Provisional Government, so far as you have been able
to observe?
A. None whatever.
Q. What is keeping the people quiet?
A. They are waiting to see and hear the Commissioner's report that
justice may be done to them by the President to put the Queen back,
who would have stayed there if it had not been for Minister Stevens
sending the troops ashore. I was not here, but am expressing the mind
of the people as I understand it. Samuel Parker and others have
told me.
Q. And that is what keeps them quiet?
A. Yes; they think justice will be done them when Cleveland hears
the report, and the truth of how the Queen was dethroned.
Q. Suppose the Government of the United States were to decline to
annex the islands, would the Provisional Government be able to maintain itself without outside aid?
A. If the money would hold out and the people were willing to pay
what they pay for soldiers they could hold it.
Q. You think, with an army maintained here, that the natives would
stay quiet for all time?
A. They can not help themselves. They have nothing. All ammuni.
tion taken away from them. Everything like weapons forbidden. I




1788


TIAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


can not bring a rifle here. No native allowed to buy any firearms or
powder.
Q. Suppose they had arms?
A. Then this Government could not stand. They would bring the
Queen back to the throne. That is my idea. The Provisional Government would never be there if the United States troops were not landed,
and they knew that long before they landed.
Q. What class of people make up this army?
A. As far as I know, many who were in the chain gang-many who
were in prison; fellows of character you would not like to meet after
dark.
Q. The people of intelligence and wealth here don't participate much
in hostilities; they hire these fellows?
A. Yes; they leave it to them.
Q. There are very few firearms in the island other than those possessed by the Government?
A. Very few. The natives are forbidden to have them.
Q. The people, therefore, remain quiet because they have no arms.
A. Yes; they think it better for them to leave it to the President
to decide when he can see how they were wronged by Stevens.
Q. What is the weight of public opinion here on the question as to
whether or not the landing of the troops and the posting of them at
Arion Hall had to do with the success of the revolution?
A. It had everything to do with it. If the troops were not landed
there would be no Provisional Government to-day.
Q. Is that public opinion here?
A. It is; but, of course, the other side would say different.
Q. The wealth of the city of Honolulu-was it not largely built up
after the reciprocity treaty with the United States?
A. Yes, about three-fourths after the treaty.
Q. Most of the nice homes built since then 
A. Oh, yes; I should think something like three-fourths have been
built up since that treaty.
Q. Well, property holders as a general thing are in favor of annexation because they believe a great increase in the value of their private
estates would ensue, and that large improvements would be made at
Pearl Harbor by the United States?
A. That is what they calculated.
Q. And the cable?
A. Yes.
Q. Well, then you would say that this is a movement on the part of
property holders to enhance their private interests?
A. Yes, and a certain desire to rule this country.
Q. Mr. Spreckels, do you know Mr. Samuel Parker well?
A. I do.
Q. Do you know his general reputation for truth and veracity?
A. I do.
Q. And from that would you believe him on oath?
A. I would.
Q. Do you know Mr. Cornwell the same way?
A. I do.
Q. Would you from his general reputation believe him on oath?
A. I would; yes, sir.
Q. Do you know Colburn?
A. I do not.
Q. Do you know Petersont




IIAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                       1789
A. I know him by sight.
Q. You know Parker and Cornwell well?
A. Yes; I have known them since 1876.
I have carefilly read the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate
report of my interview with Mr. Blount.
CLAUS SPRECIELS.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
June 12, 1893.
In pursuance of the agreement hereto attached, the said laborer did arrive in this
country on the —, 1892, and in accordance with the said agreement has been
assigned to labor for           as a laborer at -, and has accepted such
assignment.
Now, therefore, the said employer stipulates and agrees to and with the said board
of immigration of this Kingdom, that he will faithfilly pay to the said laborer
twelve dollars and fifty cents per month for said period of three years, beginning
from the commencement of such service.
And the said employer hereby stipulates and agrees that he will faithfully keep
and perform all the other stipulations in the said agreements set forth, to be kept
and performed by the said board, in favor of the said laborer.
And the said employer agrees with the board of immigration, that the contract
for the service of the said laborer shall not be transferred to any third party during
the term of this contract without the consent of the said board of immigration or
its agent.
And it is further understood, stipulated, and agreed, by and between the parties
to this agreement, that it shall be the right of the said board of immigration, at
any time, during the time in this agreement stipulated for its duration, upon the
the representation of the said laborer, to cancel this contract for any cause deemed
by the said board to be sufficient, refunding the said employer such proportional
sun of the amount advanced by the said employer as the unexpired portion of the
time of service agreed upon may bear to the whole time herein above set forth.
But if the agreement shall be cancelled by at magistrate, for nonfulfillment or violation of any of the conditions thereof on the part of the said employer, then no
refunding will take place.
And it is further understood and agreed that all personal taxes levied by the Government shall be paid by the employer, without deducting the same from the wage
stipulated. And firther, during the continuance of this agreement the said laborer
is to be properly lodged and provided with good medical attendance by the employer.
In testimony, we have hereunto set our hands, at Honolulu, Oahu, this- day of, 1892.
THIE BOARD OF IMMIGRATION,
By   -     -
President.
This memorandum of agreement between the Hawaiian Government, represented
by Robert W. Irwin, Her Hawaiian Majesty's minister resident and special agent
of the Hawaiian bureau of immigration, party of the first part and -, a
Japanese subject, party of the second part: Whereas, the said party of the second
part has expressed a desire to proceed from Yokohama to Hawaii as an agricultural
laborer; and, whereas, His Imperial Japanese Majesty's Government have given
their consent thereto; and whereas, the Hawaiian Government has agreed to furnish
the wife and two children of the said party of the second part, if they accompany
him, free transportation to Hawaii, and upon arrival there to secure for the said
party of the second part agricultural employment, and employment for his wife;
and whereas, it has been determined by and between the parties hereto, in order to
avoid any misunderstanding which might otherwise arise, to conclude at once a
contract for the purposes hereinbefore recited. Now, therefore, this agreement witnesseth:
The Hawaiian Government, in consideration of the stipulations hereinafter contained, to be kept and performed by the said party of the second part, covenants
and agrees as follows:
I.-To furnish free steerage passage, including proper food, from 'Yokohama to
Honolulu, to -, his wife,, and to his two children, if they accompany him, which fact is to be noted at the bottom of this agreement, and also to procure proper transportation for the said party of the second part and his family from
Honolulu to the place where such labor is to be performed. The vessel in which




1790                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
auch passage from Yokohama to Honolulu is furnished to be subject to the approval
of the Chiji of Kanagawa.
II.-On arrival at Honolulu, the Hawaiian Government agrees to obtain employment.for the said party of the second part, as an agricultural laborer, for the full
period of three years, front the date such employment actually begins, and also
proper employment for the wife of the said party of the second part. Until such
employment is obtained, the Hawaiian Government will cause to be provided for
the party of the second part, and his family, lodgings commnodious enough to secure
health and a reasonable degree of comfort. The Hawaiian Government will, during
the continuance of the contract, cause to be furnished to the said party of the second
part and his family, fuel for cooking purposes free of expense.
III.-The Hawaiian Government guarantees to the said party of the second part
wages at the rate of twelve dollars and fifty cents per month, and to his said wife
ten dollars per month, payable in United States gold coin, with lodgings, and an
allowance of one dollar per month for each of the said two children. The said party
of the second part shall furnish blankets and bed clothing for himself and his fiamily.
IV.-The Hawaiian Government agrees to cause to be provided for the said partry
of the second part andl his family medticines and good lnmedical attendance free of cost.
V.-The Hawaiian Government guarantees that twenty-six days of ten hours each
actual work in the field, or twelve hours each in and about the suglar mill and sugar
house, shall, within the meaning of this agreement, constitute one month's service
as an agricultural laborer. Work overtime exceeding thirty minutes to be paid for
at the rate of twelve and one-half cents per hour to the said party of the second
part, and eight cents per hour to his wife.
VI.-The Hawaiian Government guarantees to the said party of the second part
and his family the full, equal, and perfect protection of the laws of the Hawaiian
Kingdom, and agrees that, during the continuance of this contract, the said party
of the second part and his family shall be exempt from all and every kind of personal
tax.
VII.-Fifteen per cent of the sum payable to the said party of the second part,
and to his wife, as wages, shall be remitted monthly by the employer directly to the
branch of the specie bank (Shokin Ginko) established at Honolulu in the name of
the said party of the second part, and for all amounts so remitted the said bank
shall issue receipts to and in favor of the party of the second part.
VIII.-The Hawaiian Government, having guaranteed employment and wages to
the said party of the second part, shall have the right to assign, withdraw, and
reassign the said party of the second part to such plantations for labor as it mnay see
fit. In case of such withdrawal and reassignment, all the expenses incidental
thereto shall be paid by the Hawaiian Government.
IX.-The said party of the second part agrees to proceed to Honolulu by the vessel provided for him in accordance with this agreement.
X.-On arrival at Honolulu, the said party of the second part agrees to accept
such employment as the Hawaiian Government may, under this contract, assign to
him, provided no valid objection thereto exists. In the matter of any such oljection
he agrees to abide by the decision of the bureau of immigration.
XI.-The party of the second part acknowledges to have received from  the
Hawaiian Government the sum of fifteen dollars and fifty cents silver yen to meet
his necessary expenses and for other purposes, and he agrees to repay the said sumn
in monthly installments after his employment actually begins, not exceeding fifty
cents silver yen each month until the said sum is paid, which payments shall be made
by the employer to the board of immigration; but in the event of sickness, protracted over twenty days in any one month, the installment for such month shall be
deferred.
XII.-During the continuance of this contract the said party of the second part
agrees to fulfill all the conditions of this agreement, and to observe and obey the
laws of Hawaii, and he further covenants and agrees to diligently and faithfully
perform all lawful and proper labor which may, under this agreement, be assigned
to him by the Hawaiian Government during the full period of three years from the
date such labor actually begins.
Signed and sealed in quadruplicate in the English and Japanese languages, at
Yokohama, this November 14th, A. D. 1892. Two copies to be retained by the
Hawaiian Government, one copy by the party of the second part, and one to be left
in the custody of the Chiji of Kanagawa.
One man'
No woman
No children
R. W. IRWIN,
EHr Hawaiian Majesty's Minister Reeident and Special Agent of the Bureau of Immigration.
Voluntary Emrigrant.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   1791
I hereby certify that the foregoing agreement was executed by both parties in
my presence, and that by virtue of the authority in me vested by his Imperal
Japanese Majesty's Government I have approved the same.
Kanagawa Ken Chiji.
(Attached to this is a Japanese translation.)
No. 52.
(Statement of Lient. Commander William Swineburne, May 3, 1893,
printed with Mr. Blount's No. 4, dated May 4, 1893.)
No. 53.
(Statement of L. A. Thurston, March 16, 1893, printed with Mr.
Blount's No. 2, dated April 8, 1893.)
No. 54.
Dr. TroZsseau's statements.
MAY 16, 1893.
Hon. J. H. BLOUNT:
SIR: As you are not acquainted with me, I take the liberty of stating
who I am. Born in Paris, France, in 1833, 1 am now a little over 60
years of age. I graduated in Paris as a physician in 1858. If you ask
who is Trousseau, you will be probably answered, why, he is one of the
Royalists.
In 1848 when 15i [years] old I enlisted in the first battalion of the
Mobile under the Republic and fought under the presidency of Cavaignac on the memorable days (three) of June, 1848, when the young
citizens of Paris, three battalions, under command of McMahon, afterwards President of the Third Republic, defeated the insurgents.
In 1852, at the coup d'6tat, I was a medical student, was caught fighting against Napoleon III, narrowly escaped being court-martialed and
shot of sent to New Caledonia.
I have been and am to this day a staunch believer in republican
institutions, always fought against monarchy, so did my father; I am a
great admirer of the United States Republic. Was I not a Frenchman,
I would like to be an American. Indeed, if you decide on annexing
the islands, in the straightforward, dignified way in which I know it
will be done, I will probably be one of the first to swear the oath of
allegiance to the United States.
This is, Mr. Blount, the kind of royalist I am.
From that point de vue I entreat you to consider my memorial, and if
I have bored you, as I am afraid I have, please consider that all I am
after is justice and fair play and you will bear up with me.
Yours, most respectfully,
G. TBOUSSEAU.




1792


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


SUNDAY MORNING, May 21, 1893.
MY DEAR NORDHOFF:
Inclosed please find a rectified list of taxpayers.
Take for granted(1) That all Chinese and Japanese are against annexation.
(2) That no corporation can have an opinion, as no one knows in
nmany cases who are the shareholders; in cases where it is known I have
stated it.
(3) That no native estate, such as Lunalilo's, Mrs. Bishop, Queen
Emma Kalakaua, although they may be administered by annexationists, can be considered as such as far as the capital is concerned.
This list, therefore, is grossly misleading and insulting to the memory of- the chiefs. Now we have all the natives who pay a large amount
of taxes, some quite a sum.
The 35,000 Asiatics pay $5 apiece, say (the laborers alone) $185,000.
Some own property; anyhow they pay licenses to the extent of over
$50,000. You can, therefore, form your opinion of who really pays the
expenses of the Government mostly since Spreckels has declared himself to you as against annexation.
Now about my memorial to Mr. Blount.
After inquiry yesterday I find that I had no right to give it to you
to read just now. Therefore you will please not mention to anyone
that you hate read it, except to Mr. Blount, as you would put me to
serious trouble indeed. It has for the present, anyhow, to be considered as of a strictly confidential nature, and therefore you will please
do so, and not use any part of it.
When the time comes I will be glad to let you have it.
Very truly yours,
G. TROUSSEAU.
You found out yesterday that I had not deceived you about Spreckels. The interview is a big thing for our side.
HONOLULU, June 27, 1893.
Hon. J. H. BLOUNT,
United States Commissioner:
SIR: In reference to your inquiries at the hotel this morning, I beg
to state: That I was down town on January 16, 1893, a little before 5
p. m. There was a large gathering of foreigners about Fort and Merchant street corners. I inquired and was told that the United States
forces would be landed at 5. Soon I saw C. L. Carter ride towards the
wharf. I followed. Boats were landing troops, guns, and ambulance
material; they were in undress campaign uniform. I saw C. L. Carter hand a letter to the commanding officer. The forces formed,
marched up Fort street, then into Merchant street. I met Wideman;
we jumped into a hack and drove at full speed to the palace, ahead of
the forces. We met the Queen; she was composed; had already
heard of the landing of the men, and said the United States minister
means to support the committee of safety. Wideman and I said at
once it must be the case; but it would be such an outrage that surely
your Majesty will get justice from the United States Government. We
stood on the veranda facing King street. Soon the forces advanced
and formed in this manner:
We comforted the Queen; I left Widemann and others with her;
drove hastily to the club. Met Wodehouse, Canavarro, and Vezzavona,




HAW7;AIIAN ISLANDS.


1793


coming from Mr. Stevens's. They told me they had just seen him
about his reasons for landing the forces. Wodehouse said to me: "I
told Stevens that the town was as quiet as a Quakers' meeting. I
asked him (Mr. Stevens) if the Queen's Government had asked for the
landing of the troops. He answered no. What is the object then?
Protect law and order. But there is no breach of law and order.
Answer: Ladies about town are very nervous and fear trouble. Why,
said Wodehouse, ladies are driving about as usual with their children.
No answer. We left, said Wodehouse." What is your impression, I
said. Why, said the three, no doubt but that Stevens means to help
the committee of public safety. At the same time happened the incident with Mr. Giffard and an officer of the Boston, fully related in my
memorial. That same evening after seeing Chairman Carter at the
hospital, as related also in my memorial, say about 9 o'clock, I went by
request to the Government building to meet the ministers and a number of persons friendly to the Queen's Government.
After some discussion it was decided to make no resistance, as all of
us understood that the United States forces who had then taken possession of Arion Hall were there to support any movement contemplated by the committee of safety. Therefore, I can assure you in perfect good faith that there was no doubt in anybody's mind but that if
resistance was shown the United States forces would take the part of
the revolutionists. Chairman Carter's statement was enough to prove
that. The next day, January 17 only 25 men took possession of the
Government house. When Mr. Cooper read the proclamation hardly
that number were present. I was leaning on the fence of the Government building and saw the whole performance as related in my memorial.
The United States troops were under arms in Mr. Nacayama's yard,
guns in position ready to advance, some of the men drawn up under the
veranda of Arion Hall, and some with, I think, one gun in the alley
from Nacayama's yard to Arion Hall.
This is, Mr. Blount, a succinct report of what I know of the facts on
January 16 and 17, 1893. For more details, I beg to refer you to the
last part of my memorial.
The men who had been instructed to provide the necessary force for
the taking of the Government building are Mr. P. Gardiner, an Englishman, and Mr. Harry Von Verthern, an American by birth, of German origin. They are willing to give you full information about their
action, the assurance they had of the support of the United States
forces, etc.
Respectfully submitted.
G. TROUSSEAU.
Hon. J. H. BLOUNT:
SIR: I beg to be excused if, unbidden, I take the liberty of addressing you. - I understand that you wish to make a thorough investigation
of our situation, and my position as a physician and old resident perhaps enables me to throw light on some obscure points. For over
twenty years I am connected professionally with all political parties
and the royal family.
I arrived here in 1872, under the reign of Kamehameha V. His prime
minister, Dr. Hutchinson, was his physician as well. The King was
not well, and shortly after I was called to see him. I soon found out
that his condition was critical, I told his ministers that his days were
8 Rep. 227 —113




1794                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
counted, and shortly after he was himself acquainted with his own
condition.
According to the constitution, which he had himself promulgated
in 1864, he had the right to appoint his successor. Urged to do so, he
demurred. His nearest kinsman was Lunalilo, a Kamehaineha by his
mother. But he was addicted to drink, and somewhat of a wag. The
King hated him, the feeling being reciprocal. How well I remember
the scenes at the old palace the day before the King's death. Most of
the chiefs were there, all of the pretendants to the throne. The dying
King was urged to make an appointmlent; Mrs. C. R. Bishop (Pauahi)
urged her own claim. Friends of Kalalkaua, of Queen Emma, widow.
of Kamehameha IV., urged their respective claims. Lunalilo kept
silent, never went near the King's room. At last, in my presence, the
King said: "The throne belongs to Lunalilo; I will not appoint him,
because I consider him unworthy of the position. The constitution,
in case I make no nomination, provides for the election of the next
King; let it be so." He died the next morning. Thus ended the
hereditary monarchy in the islands.
To this very important point I beg to call your special notice, as I
will refer to it hereafter.
After a short interregnum, just long enough to get the Legislature
together, Lunalilo was elected unanimously, and his election indorsed
by public opinion, foreign as well as native. For the first time in
many years our missionary friends and their sons and relatives mustered courage to recover their long-lost power. They used flattery,
claimed recognition for their support towards the election, and Mr. E.
O. Hall, father of the present W. Hall, had the formation of the new
cabinet. I was the physician and friend of the King. I did not interfere in politics, and limited myself to my duties as such. I had a good
deal of influence with him, but often, when I would be away, he would
start drinking again in spite of me. Some good qualities in the man
had strongly attached him to me.
One night, after a bout on board one of tie American warships in
port, he returned to Waikiki, went to sleep under his veranda, with
thin underclothing, exposed to the strong trade wind. Within twentyfour hours pneumonia set in and for days his condition was serious.
He recovered, however, but remained suffering from chronic pheumonia
and pleurisy.
We decided on going to Kailua, Hawaii, a splendid health resort
specially for lung troubles, and a favorite place of the Hawaiian chiefs.
As soon as I decided to take the King off to Kailua, the chiefs and pretendants understood that his condition had become critical, and all insisted in following the King.
Mrs. Bishop (Pauahi), Queen Emma, now dead, Liliuokalani, the
deposed Queen, her sister Likelike, now dead, Kapiolani, wife of Kalakaua, and others, calme along with us, and none left the King's side
either by day or night. We lived in a very large native hut, and I
dare say not less than 30 or 40 people slept there at, night. I was the
only white man there, and it was, I assure you, interesting to watch the
chiefs, their rivalries and intrigues.
Lunalilo was constantly urged as Kamehameha V. had been, to appoint his successor; he had a great regard and perhaps a softer feeling
toward Queen Emma, and would, I think, have married her, had it not
been the influence of an old mistress, a half-white, who was also there
with us. Mr. C. R. Bishop, Dominis, Kalakaua, the cabinet ministers,
and the chief justice made flying visits to ust never remnaiming more




IAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1795


than a day or two. All made me promise not to let the King die at
Kailua, but to bring him back in time to Honolulu. The King often
pointed out to me the maneuvers of the chiefs. He often said to me:
44 If I appoint any one it would be Emma, but I shall leave it to the
people. I have been elected and the next King must be elected." As
he did not ask me to keep the secret, I would often say to the chiefs,
to the cabinet ministers: " Please do not bother him; his mind is set;
he will make no appointment.7" But they mistrusted each other and
kept at him. In the meantime he kept failing, and I saw and told him
he was nearing his end. I also said that I had promised to bring him
back to Honolulu. He said: "Why won't they let me die here?" I
answered: " You have appointed no successor; the ministers say that
there are many things to settle, signatures to give, and so forth."
Yielding reluctantly to my entreaties, we started, the whole crowd of
us, and safely reached Honolulu, where the greatest ovation was made
to the dying King. He lived one more week, during whicl I never
left him either by day or night. The very same scenes that had taken
place when Kamehameha V died were renewed with perhaps more
insistence.
The premises-his father's house-were tlhronged day and night by
natives and foreigners. At last the Kinlg asked ime to allow no one to
bother him and no one in his room except his immediate attendants
and Queen Emma. They made sure that Queen Enllla would be appointed, but being appealed to constantly, I repeated, which I knew
to be a, fact, that he would make no appointment.
Nearly the whole of the natives were in favor of Queen Emma. The
whole of the foreigners, with few exceptions, were in favor of Kalakaua
-the whole, anyhow, of the so-called missionary party. The King
died without appointing his successor.
The same interregnum took place. The legislature was called together
and the election got through during the greatest excitement.
All of the native members were instructed to vote for Queen Emma
by their constituents. But for the first time in Hawaiian history bribes
were used by the missionary party and only 6 Hawaiian members stood
fast for Queen Emma; the rest followed the lead of the missionary
party and Kalakaua was elected. When the result was proclaimed
from the balcony of the legislative hall, a mob of natives invaded the
house to punish the native members for the treachery, and had it not
been for the United States marines, commanded by Captain, now
Admiral, Skerrett, the native members would have been killed. As
it was, three or four fared rather badly. No violence was manifested
toward any white member. And here I make another strong point,
that it would be impossible to mention one single case of violence
committed by a single native against a foreigner in the whole history
of the islands, even wheen foreigners were absolutely at their mercy.
Capt. Cook was the first and only victim, and he surely brought it upon
himself.
Probably Kalakaua never would have reigned, and no one can possibly deny that his ascension to the throne was due to the foreigners'
influence and the quelling of the riot by the United States and English
forces.
I wish you to make another point of this well-known fact, which
could be vouched for to you by Admiral Skerrett himself. Is this an
hereditary monarchy 
Kalakaua always thought, wrongly however, that my influence over
Lunalilo had prevented the latter from appointing Queen Emma, Lu



1796


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


nalilo's mind was settled on the subject. Kalakaua showed the greatest friendship to me, and was, up to his death, quite confidential.
He soon found out that the missionary party who had put him in
power wanted to get the upper hand and drive the natives to the wall,
as has always been their wont.
Several times he appealed to me to form a cabinet, once coming all
the way from Kona, Hawaii, all alone, but a native retainer, to my
place 5,000 feet up Maunaloa, where I had retired for rest.
I returned with him to Honolulu, and not wishing to enter into politics, advised him to call on Mr. S. G. Wilder, now dead (brother of Mr.
W. C. Wilder, one of the commissioners of the Provisional Government
at Washington), to form a cabinet.
This was done in the middle of the night after our return from
Hawaii. Wilder was a friend of the King, just to the natives, popular
with all parties.
But although himself quite the reverse of a missionary, his family
associations (he had married a daughter of Dr. Judd) prevented him
fiom fully renouncing the party.
He was a clever man, but used his power mostly for his own benefit.
However, it is under his ministry that an impulse was made in improvements that did benefit him personally, but benefited the country as
well.
But the King still resented the missionary influence and at last discarded it by appointing Mr. Gibson at the head of a new cabinet.
The missionary influence ceased from that time, and Mr. Gibson became a great favorite of the King and the natives. He was a man
of undoubted ability, a thorough politician, but a dreamer.
Hawaii for the Hawaiians was his motto. The missionary party
hated him, but until 1887 he matched them in every move. He pandered to every whim of the King, encouraged him to extravagant and
useless schemes; hence his power in retaining office.
Nevertheless, no one can deny that it is under his detested rule, under
the Kamajameha constitution, that the prosperity of the islands came
to its height. The reciprocity treaty, the higher price of sugar, enriched
everyone, and, although the missionary party kept active and anxious
to regain power, the mass of the people did not otherwise object to
Mr. Gibson's rule and to the extravagance at the palace by which the
whole retail trade of the islands was largely benefited.
The King was fond of display; had the military craze for show more
than anything else. He organized several military companies. Our
missionary friends did not lose their opportunity.
Selecting officers that neither the King nor Mr. Gibson suspected,
they asked for the organization of the " Honolulu Rifles" and obtained
it. Mr. V. V. Ashford was the chief of the organization.
The secret object was the overthrow of Mr. Gibson and of the King
himself and the proclamation of a republic.
A secret league was formed; I was asked to join, but refused. The
price of sugar went down gradually from $120 to $80 a ton. This
created some discontent and helped to made successful, in a certain
degree, the revolution of 1887.
The move was an overt act of treason. The " Honolulu Rifles" had
sworn allegiance to the King; had received from him presents. favors,
and their flag. He had encouraged and helped them in every possible
way, was proud of their appearance, and reviewed them often himself.
When I was asked to join I he league and refused I knew what wascomw;g I knew that a oonstitution establishing a republic was prepared




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1797


In refusing I had assured the leaders that I would not betray them in
giving their names, but that I was opposed to the movement, to the
overthrow of the King in particular, and that I would use whatever influence I might have in bringing about a compromise.
I advised the King to dismiss Mr. Gibson and appoint a ministry
more in accord with public opinion, and warned him that in niot doing so
he was taking great risks. He thanked me but assured me that he was
prepared; that he would make no attack, but if attacked would defend
himself. I once more asked him to dismiss Gibson but failed to persuade him. In the meantime the fighting enthusiasm of the " Honolulu
Rifles" cooled down considerably when they heard from their spies and
myself that they would get a rather hot reception at the palace.
I then volunteered to bring about a compromise and was authorized
to ask the King to sign a new constitution. I advised him to yield,
representing to him that personal government was a thing of the past;
that if he resisted, although I did not doubt but he was able to do so,
there necessarily would be bloodshed between natives and foreigners,
and that he risked interference from the United States. He told me
that he would sign a new constitution if presented to him. I so reported
to the leaders. The constitution was hurriedly recopied, substituting
monarchy for republic, and the King signed it, and Mr. Thurston was
intrusted with the formation of the new cabinet.
In the meantime, although I admit that the power of the King required to be curtailed, the reading of the enactments of the Legislature
under this detested administration will convince you that no measure
was ever neglected or opposed that possibly could assist or forward the
interestof theforeign residents. Themotto, "Hawaii forthe Hawaiianls"
never infringed on our rights except in the appointment to Government
offices.
In fact the Hawaiian statute book will show from the earliest period
to this very time that always due regard has been paid to the prosperty
of the white settler, and that every care had been taken to secure their
comfort and happiness. I do not hesitate to say that the laws of this
little country, although enacted with a constant majority of native representatives, can compare favorably with those of any other civilized
country. From 1887 has begun the real period of unrest.
The establishment of a republic with the intention of immediate annexation to the United States was the object of the revolution. Ever
since the missionary party, encouraged more especially by the attitude
of Mr. Stevens, has been conspiring against the monarchy.
Coming now to more recent events, I will consider them with absolute impartiability.
The Legislature of 1892 was protracted and agitated by constant
changes of cabinet. However, two measures only were passed that may
be considered as harmful. I refer to the opium license bill and the lottery bill. All other measures demanded by the foreign residents as
necessary to their welfare were passed without opposition by the native
members. The missionary party alone used bribes to recover power
with the well-known object of using it to do what they succeeded only
in doing by revolution and treachery on January 16 last. Hence the
resistance of the Queen and her friends to let them gain and retain their
power.
The opium bill was carried not only by the natives, but by a majority
of the whole of the members.
When I arrived in the country, opium was licensed. Any one acquainted as I am with the Chinese will know that the license is the best




1798                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
and the only way to stop smuggling. Several foreign citizens, now
strong supporters of the Provisional Government and strong annexationists, whose names are in every body's mouth, have been more or
less connected with opium smuggling, and although the Provisional
Government itself had nothing to do with it, I am sure their chartered
vessel, the Claudine, on which the commissioners went after the revolution, although manned by none but picked supporters of the Provisional Government and none but white men, returned chockful of
opium.
Anyhow, as I said before, the opium bill was supported by some of
the best white members, strong annexationists. I now come to the
lottery bill. I believe you have seen the petition. I have seen it, as it
was brought to me to sign, which I declined to do. You will notice
that it was signed by nearly every shopkeeper in Honolulu. The missionaries proper did not sign it.
I, for one, as a Frenchman, had no particular dislike to the bill, accustomed as we are in Europe to the working of it. Portugal, Spain,
Italy, Austria, Prussia, and other continental nations have state lotteries. France has no state lottery, but any one for a charitable or national purpose can be authorized by the Government to draw a lottery.
The City of Paris, the Credit Foncier, have drawings of their bonds
every three months. Furthermore, the Lotlisiana lottery is still in existence in the United States and $1,000 worth of its tickets are sold
here monthly by the employes of some of our best mercantile firms.
The natives were all in favor of it. Chinese lotteries are in full swing
every day in Honollul, and are patronized by foreigners as well as
natives. Why in presence of a petition in favor of the bill should the
Queen, who had vetoed no bill during the session, veto this particular
bill 
Now, the new constitution that the Queen wanted to promulgate is
supposed to have precipitated the crisis. The constitution of 1887 in
partially disfranchising the natives and giving a vote to all foreigners,
without even a residence clause, has always been distasteful to them.
This you will readily understand. They wanted the old Kainehameha
constitution back, the one indeed under w hich everyone in the islands
except the natives themselves became rich and prospered.
When it was abrogated in 1887, taxation, even with the acknowledged extravagance of Mr. Gibson's regime, was only I of 1 per
cent on the value of real estate.
In the year 1887 only it had to be raised to 1 per cent-a low enough
rate you will admit. But even these low rates never have been paid,
mostly by the planters, who always managed to have their friends appointed as tax assessors, and I have known plantations which only
paid the rate on their income, or dividends, instead of on their capital.
Even then another fraud has been constantly committed with the
tacit consent of even Mr. Gibsonis administration.  It consisted in
this: Declarations of value have to be made on July 1, of each year;
during the last part of June all the available vessels in port would be
loaded and cleared at the custom-house before the evening of the 30th
of June. Thousands of tons yearly escape taxation this way.
Returning to the new constitution, the queen was constantly pestered
by the native leaders to promulgate a new one.
Her advisers, even Mr. Wilson, who, as you probably heard, had a
great deal of influence with the Queen, entreated her to give up the
idea. Her excuse was in the constant verbal and written demands of
her people, who as a whole have no objection to personal government




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1799


as long as it is exercised by their own chiefs. The prime and perhaps
only real objection to the constitution of 1887 on the part of the
natives is that it was exacted from the King by an armed force and in
a revolutionary manner.
However, granting that the queen was wrong in asking her ministers (she did nothing more) to help her in proclaiming the new constitution, she had abandoned the idea and made, I believe, a sufficient
public retraction.
No, Mr. Blount, these were not the causes of the revolution.
The Missionary party, backed by Mr. Stevens and Capt. Wiltse,
made the revolution to regain lost power.
They were at the time backed by the planters and business men on
account of the low price in sugar and the McKinley bill.
Almost daily, to my personal knowledge, meetings were held at Mr.
Stevens' house in which the possibilities of a peaceful revolution with
the prospects of annexation were discussed. Prominent at these meetings were the Chief Justice, Mr. Dole, Mr. Thurston, Mr. Hartwell,
Charles Carter, and others, also Capt. Wiltse.
The latter, for the last three months before the revolution a guest of
the Pacific Club, of which I am a member, became so offensive that I
and others took issue and expressed it to him and often asked him:
Well, captain, when are you going to hoist the American flag?  Fully
six months before the revolution Mr. Stevens asked Mr. George
d'Anglade, French commissioner, now consul for France in New Orleans, and my friend Canavarro, the Portuguese charg6 d'affaires, to
dinner. They went and found the only guests besides themselves Mr.
Thurston and Mr. Hartwell. I met them the next day and they expressed their thorough disgust at Mr. Stevens' action.
They soon found after the first course the annexation question was
slyly brought about and felt that they were asked there to commit themselves. They kept on their guard and as soon as dinner was over withdrew and left Mr. Stevens and his two other guests.
I now come to the condition of affairs on January 16, the day the
forces were landed.
After the two meetings the town was aS quiet as ever it had been.
The Queen had withdrawn the constitution.
The natives "Hui Kalaiaiana"? had peacefully submitted. There
was no breach of law and order. Being down town, I noticed some excitement in Merchant street by the post-office and corners of Fort street.
I inquired the cause of it:  The United States forces will land in a
short while," I was told. A few minutes after, Charles Carter rode
down in a hack, I followed and saw him at the foot of Fort street waiting for the landing of the troops. He received the commanding officer,
handed him a letter, and showed him where to go. A large crowd
gathered. I went back, met Widemann, and we drove hastily to the
palace.
Soon the forces with Gatling guns, etc., marched up and formed in
the space between the palace, Kawaiaho church, and the Government
building, and halted there under arms. After comforting the Queen,
telling her that the United States could not possibly sustain Mr.
Stevens's action, I left at once to filnd out more about the trouble. I
drove hastily to the club, saw Wodehouse, Nanavarro, and Vizzavona in
a hack. They alighted to speak to me. As we met, Mr. Giffard, of Irwin
& Co. (Spreckels) joined us.
They said: " We just came from Stevens to find out about the landing of the forces. We asked him at whose request they landed." He




1800


IIAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


said, "Ladies about town are very nervous and feared troublee" "Why,"
said I (Wodehouse speaking), "the town, Mr. Stevens, is perfectly
quiet, as quiet as a Quaker's meeting." Continuing: "Were you asked
by the Queen's Government to land the troops?" "RNo."  "What is
your object?"  "Protect law and order." "Why," said Wodehouse,
"there is no breach of law and order." No answer. The Frenchman,
Vizzavona, said:
"But why are the forces occupying an armed position on the principal square of the town commanding the palace and the Government
building?" No answer. "We left" said Wodehouse "and are satisfied
that Stevens means to assist a movement from the committee of safety."
The five of us were standing on the sidewalk, corner of Beretania street
and Alakea close to the club. All at once rides up an officer from the
Boston and asks to speak to Mr. Giffard. After a short conversation
with the officer, Giffard returned to us and said, "What do think they
want?"  Why the use of the Music Hall as quarters for the forces. I
have refused." We went to the club. Within ten minutes the officer
returned with a written request to Mr. Giffard for the use of the Music
Hall.
The request was from Mr. Stevens himself. Giffard answered "I can
not grant the request. The Music Hall belongs to my principal, Mr.
Irwin, who is away. And again the Music Hall commands the Government building and the palace. I do not feel justified in giving the
United States forces such a commanding position, entrenched at that,
as long as I am satisfied that the forces are landed against the expressed
protest of the foreign representatives and of the Queen's Government."
(We knew from the cabinet members that they had protested.) This
ended the Music Hall business.
Later on Mr. Stevens also in writing requested the use of Arion Hall,
close by, and it was granted for one night only. Instead of leaving on
the morning as agreed upon, notwithstanding a protest from Mr. Nacayama and Mr. Waller, the lessees of the premises, the troops held the
premises until after the event of January 17. Is it not patent that Mr.
Stevens and Capt. Wiltse meant them to support the movement which
took place next day at 3 p. m.?
That same evening, January 16, at about 8 o'clock, I met Charles
Carter at the hospital. I am his family physician. He asked me to go
and see his wife, who was pregnant-close to her confinement-and felt
very nervous on account of the part he, Charles Carter, was taking in
the movement. He had been to my house and heard that I was at the
hospital. I said I would go at once. I asked, "What are you about
anyhow?" He said that they had asked Stevens to land the troops;
that he would support them; that they were going to depose the Queen,
and never stop short of annexation at any cost. I represented to him
that I doubted very much if the United States would sustain Stevens.
He said, "It is all arranged beforehand, and we can carry our point
with Foster and Harrison before the new administration comes in."
Knowing poor Charley, as I do, from his boyhood (and a big over-fat
boy lie is still), 1 did not think it worth my while to argue with him.
However, I said, "The Queen will do what is right if asked to do
so." He said, "We will not give her the chance. We will depose her.
Annexation is the word."
The next morning, a patient of mine, P. Gardiner by name, an
Englishman, called. He was under treatment. He said, "I am in a
hurry to-day" (the office being pretty full); " try not to keep me waiting." This was about 10 a. m. He added, " To-day (January 17th) we




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


depose the Queen. I have to be on hand any time after 12 o'clock. The
call will be one tap of the bell. ' Tower Bell."' Knowing my man well
as one of the unemployed, and knowing that his sympathies were The
otler way, I said, "What do you get for that job? " " One hundred
dollars cash, $2.50 a day and board afterwards, and the promise of a
billet of not less than $100 a month." "Who made you the promise!I"
"Thurston." The man is still connected with the revolutionists, and is
willing to make the statement to Mr. Blount himself.
I said "Do you mean fight?" Answer: "'Why, the United States
forces will support us." After 12 o'clock I kept on the lookout for that
one tap of the bell. At 2 p. m. my assistant, whom I had sent to pay a
bill to E. O. Hall & Son, rushed in and said, "John Good just cane
to Hall's to get arms, got them into his express wagon; a policeman
went to stop the wagon and Good shot him in the breast."
They drove up King street, supposed to go to the armory on Beretania street. I started on foot to the armory, which is close to my
office. Saw a few men there, amongst them the man Gardiner, and
went to the club, still watching for that one tap of the bell. I got to
the club at 2:15 p. m., met there several people, amongst them C. A.
Brown, who had been prominent in the 1887 revolution, and wlho, I
knew by Charles Carter and others, to be one of the committee of public safety. He had no arms and wore a morning suit.
I said: "Well, Brown, you are going to depose the Queen at the
stroke of the bell." He said: "How do you know?" I answered
" Never mind." I added " I understood that you will be supported by
Stevens." He said "Well you have got it pretty straight. That'sjust
how it is." "You are waiting for the tap of the bell," said I. (The
tower is close to the club.) He said, "Yes."
At half past 2 o'clock I heard the one tap. He (Brown) started at
a good pace. I followed. He went into the Government building and
I stopped outside the fence in the street leading from King to Queen
street. My glance could not count more than 20 people about, outside
of the Boston men who were under arms in Mr. Nacayama's yard, in
the lane between the said yard and Arion Hall and under the veranda
of Arion Hall.
Gatling guns were drawn up in Nacayama's yard.
A few minutes before 3 p. m. an unknown person-Mr. Cooper, I heard
since, a perfect stranger-now judge-read a proclamation of which I
only heard a part.
I went to the barracks. There were the Hawaiian troops, one hundred or so in number, ready for action if ordered out.
I went to the station house, and saw a number of foreigners rushing
in and putting themselves at the disposal of the marshal. Before an
hour had elapsed I found out that Mr. Stevens had already recognized
the Provisional Government and that the Queen had ordered, under
protest, the surrender of the barracks and station house to avoid bloodshed. I can assure you, Mr. Blount, that the Queen's Government was
perfectly competent to take care of the situation; that the force in the
Government building had no arms nor ammunition to speak of, and that
the whole game was one of bluff, a surprise, a coup de main, as we call
it in French. Why  The clerks in the Government building were at
their desks; the routine of the various departments was going on. A
handful of filibusters, backed by Mr. Stevens and Captain Wiltse, did
the job., and the Queen and her friends, trusting to redress from the
United States, yielded to avoid bloodshed, and with the full knowledge




1802                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
that if resistance was shown the United States forces would support
the rebels.
I am satisfied that by this time you have formed a correct opinion of
all facts, and perhaps you will find this long memorial rather tedious.
I will now try to conclude and spare your patience. It will be presumptuous for anyone. Provisional Government, royalists, native, and
so forth, to try to advise the United States about ourselves.
The question, therefore, simplifies itself. If President Cleveland
and yourself have made up your minds about the necessity of annexing the islands, very well; we have othilng more to say, and no one
better than yourself; Mr. Blount, can bring it about.
You must be well aware by this time that the Provisional Government is not a popular government. If you wish to go to the trouble,
procure the roll of the annexation club and the very complete registry
of voters made only a couple of years ago. A short comparison will
show you the comparative number of voters on the annexation roll.
After that, take into consideration that every business firm conliected
with the movement has compelled their employes under threat of dismissal to sign the roll and you can form a pretty correct opinion of how
the Provisional Government stands.
Therefore, satisfied that the Provisional Government is only a revolutionary government put in power by the United States forces and
without any support from the majority of the population, the United
States can refuse to treat the question of annexation with the Provisional Government.
Let the United States Government put things back where Mr. Stevens
found them on January 17; restore the queen; let her call her Legislature together and state to them, by special message, that in presence
of the necessity in which the United States are placed to secure the possession of the Hawaiian Islands, she herself is prepared to abdicate in
favor of Grover Cleveland, President of the United States, and expects
the representatives of the people to make no opposition to the measure,
and at once ratify a treaty of cession as agreed upon between yourself
and herself.
Being done in that manner you will find little opposition, and all of
us will assist in bringing the matter to a safe and peaceable solution.
If, on the other haind, the United States only wish to secure supremacy and absolute control of the islands without anne xation, thesame
course can be safely followed.
Restore the Queen and make with her, in accord with the Legislature,
a cast iron treaty to suit yourselves.
Take for instance the treaty between France and Tunis or England
and Egypt; they are not exactly a protectorate, as the flags of the two
countries do not fly either in Tunis or Egypt, but in both countries the
native rulers and legislatures are under the complete and absolute control of the European powers, and from my reading both systems work
well, notwithstanding the jealously of France in Egypt and of Italy in
Tunis.
Here, where no other power means to interfere, I think such a system
would answer. However, you are the best judges. But whatever you
wish you can get with the almost unanimous consent of this small
nation, when, on the contrary, if you treat with the Provisional Government the large majority wll feel that a great wrong has been committed
towards a people who have always been friendly to the United States,
are so now, and only wish to be allowed to attend to their affairs themselves.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1803
A third solution is a protectorate, same as we (the French) had in
Tahiti, until the ruling chiefs became extinct. The French flag was
raised, but the Pomares enjoyed the use of the palace, a pension from
the French Republic, and a kind of state befitting to the ancient owners
of the land.
But I understand that such a protectorate would not be agreeable to
the United States statesmen.
Further back I made a strong point of the fact that this was no more
on hereditary monarchy. These people are truly the elect of their subjects, Kalakaua by direct vote, and Liliuokalani by his appointing her
as his successor under, not only the Kaulnehaneha constitution, but
under the constitution 1887 made by the revolutionists themselves which
confirmed his appointment. During the King's absence to the coast,
when he died, these very people were in power, and Liliuokalani was
by them accepted as regent.
A few words now about the capital (American) invested in this
country.
I do not hesitate to say that Mr. Spreckels represents the only really
American capital invested here.
The loan is English money, so are the tramways, and a large number
of the plantations, principally in Kohala, on the island of Hawaii.
The whole of Mr. Bisbop's capital is Hawaiian. Mr. Bishop came
here as a poor clerk, married Pauahi, and out of the Kanaka country
made what he owns. He never lived in a house built by himself or
owned by himself until his wife died, leaving him all. Not only that,
but Mr. Bishop has invested very large sums in the States all out of
this country's resources.
Mr. Damon is also a creature of Mrs. Pauahi Bishop.
Mr. James Campbell came here as a journeyman carpenter.
The Ii estate-C. A. Brown's wife is an Ii.
The Robinsons estate, the Lunalilo estate, the Bishop estate, the
Kalakaua estate, and Hawaiian capital represents a very large portion
of the tax-paying capital, and are not represented in the annexation
party. Take now the taxes paid by the Chinese and the Japanese, and
if you will go to the trouble of consulting the tax assessors' books you
will find that the annexation club does not represent the wealth and
influence of the country.
None of the American firms or planters ever brought a cent from the
United States here. In dividends and investments they have exported
millions of dollars.
As far as the missionaries proper are concerned, they brought exactly
nothing. They were housed and fed by the natives, their children teiided
for them, and their churches built for them free of expense. They were
given land by the people, who served them, nursed them, cooked for them,
did all the most menial work without compensation, drew them about in
hand carts to church and to their social entertainments, and paid them
besides a tax of 10 cents a week per head for each adult all through the
districts overwhich they had spiritual control. When I lived in Hawaii,
Mr. Bond, a missionary and wealthy planter, still collected from the
natives of his district the weekly 10 cents himself.
The revolution was made by Messrs. Dole, Thurston, W. O. Smith,
C. L. Carter, Judd, etc., all sons of missionaries, who owe the whole of
their social and pecuniary position to the natives.
In their respective professions as lawyers they never were able to
make a living.
Dole, Thurston, and Smith's clearest income has been as trustees of




1804                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
various native estates, mentioned before. Of course all have interests
in plantations, outside, I think, of Dole and Thurston. These people
on the whole are good enough people, honest, I dare say on any subject
in which their ambition or their interest is not directly connected.
But they are all suffering from a very serious complaint, a swelled
head, incurable I am afraid. But I must not abuse your patience any
longer, and will qsubscribe myself,
Yours, respectfully,
G. TROUSSEAU.
Since writing the above memorial I have had communication of a
pamphlet shortly to be published by Mr. Stevens. I will not discuss
the very lame apology he gives for his interference nor the absolutely
false statements in which he indulges. These I believe sufficiently
elucidated by your personal information. But his slanderous attacks
on the private character of the Queen I will not leave unchallenged.
In my memorial I referred to the undoubted influence Charles B.
Wilson had over the Queen. I will now explain that influence. Wil.
son persuaded the Queen, I believe, that she was safe in his hands.
He is a determined man, has got plenty of personal courage, and often
told the Queen that, had he been marshal of the Kingdom in 1887, the
King never would have been compelled by the force of arms to sign
the constitution; he would have nipped the conspiracy in the bud.
Right or wrong, the Queen believed him, hence his influence.
I have known the Queen intimately for over twenty years. When I
arrived here she had not been married long, and her husband, John O.
Dominis, an American, and an intimate friend of mine, was fondly beloved by her. John IDoininis's character was unimpeachable-ask any
one who knew him-Mr. C. R. Bishop, Mr. W. F. Allen, and others. I
am now speaking from a physician's point of view. John was, to use a
euphemism, rather irregular as a husband-as many husbands in my
experience are. He was fond of society, sometimes took more liquor
than was good for him, and occasionally (although he never kept a regular mistress) had some love adventures. In this small community they
were reported to his wife, and I can vouch to how she suffered by it.
She was exceedingly fond and jealous of him. But, like most unfaithful
husbands, he would not have for one moment shut his eyes on even any
sign of unfaithfulness on the part of his wife. As long as he was alive.
any one slandering his wife would have, 1 assure you, been severely
punished. If there has been any failing in the Queen's faithfulness to
her husband it never has been known, and as far as Wilson is concerned,
it is on the part of Mr. Stevens an unmitigated lie. Did I know that
Mr. Stevens would resent it as we do in my country I would to day go
and give him the lie. But he would probably have me arrested and
convicted, and, busy as Iam with my arduous profession, I can't afford it.
Mr. Wilson has a half-white wife, an intimate friend of the Queen.
Although not a young woman, she is still attractive, and has been one
of the prettiest half-white women in Honolulu. I have also been her
physician and known her well. She is, and always has been, of a jealous disposition, and notwithstanding Mr. Stevens' abominable statement, would never countenance an intimacy between her husband and
any other woman, even were she the Queen. She is now more attractive than the Queen is or ever has been.
That Mr. Stevens believes these stories I strongly doubt. They suit
his purpose. If he is not wholly responsible for them, he has accepted
them, without control, from Sereno Bishop, and others who know
better.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1805
The whole matter, Mr. Blount, is an outrage that makes an honest
man's blood boil.
G. TROUSSEAU.
May:16, 1893.
No. 55.
(Interview with Henry Waterhouse, May 2, 1893, printed with Mr.
Blount's No. 4, dated May 4, 1893.)
No. 56.
Intcrrviec with C. B. Wells, of Wailucku, Maiui, May 157 1893.
Q. What is your business?
A. I am manager for two sugar plantations.
Q. Where were you born 
A. In the State of New York.
Q. How long have you lived in the islandst
A. Over thirteen years.
Q. Were you here on January 14, 1893 
A. Yes.
Q. Were.you here during the revolution?
A. I was not in Honolulu. I was in Maui.
Q. When did you first learn about it?
A. About four or five days after it was over.
Q. Then you could not give me any information about events here 
A. None whatever.
Q. What sort of laborers do you work on your plantations?
A. Hawaiians, Japanese, Chinese, and Portuguese.
Q. How many in all?
A. It varies according to the work we have. We run as high as 425
people.
Q. How many are contract'laborers?
A. About half, I think.
Q. What is the character of the Japanese laborer?
A. The Japanese are of very low caste indeed. I think they are the
lowest people in this country in every respect-not only in morals, but
in their relations to each other-in regard to the bond of sympathy.
Q. Are they a combative people among themselves?
A. Very.
Q. How are they gathered up in Japan-from what class?
A. Those who came to this country first were the riffraff of the cities,
but later on they have been gathered from the interior and are a better
class.
Q. Are they intelligent?
A. No.
Q. Do they bring their women to any extent?
A. No; not a large percentage. In lots of 50 there might perhaps be
13 women.
Q. What is the character of the women?
A. A majority of them loose in their morals.
Q. Do they work ia the fields with tho men 




1806                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
A. We try to separate them; put them to light work, such as irrigating cane. I think a majority of the women who come here are not
married to the men; come here merely to live with them.
Q. Loose women?
A. Yes; that is my impression.
Q. Why do you take themi out of the fields 
A. On account of their morals. They were likely to entice men to
cohabic with them. I have caught several in the act.
Q. Is that the character of the women generally?
A. That is my impression. My impression is that a majority of them
are rather loose; that for a consideration they will sell their body.
Q. What about the Chinese women?
A. There are none here to speak of:
Q. What about the character of the men-Chinese laborers 
A. I think as a whole they are a peaceful, quiet race of people and
reliable laborers.
Q. Do they speak the English language much?
A. No; a great many of them speak the Hawaiian language. Some
speak pigeon English.
Q. After their contract has expired do they remain here in any considerable number?
A. Of late a good many have returned to their own country.
Q. Those who remain here, what do they do?
A. Some remain on plantations. A large majority of them-I don't
know how they exist. I think through opium and gambling.
Q. Any engaged in cultivating taro and rice?
A. Yes. Many of them are crowding out the natives in making taro
(poi).
Q. Any engaged in fishing?
A. Not to a great extent. They are certainly getting control of the
raising of taro and the making of poi.
Q. Do any of them get to be merchants 
A. A great many of them.
Q. Now, the Portuguese.
A. They are the best class of laborers we have here. They are
extremely industrious; they are sober; they practice strict economy;
they save money and are a very desirable class of people. The only
drawback is you have to pay them more wages. They can not live as
cheaply as the Japanese and Chinese.
Q. You have quit bringing them here on that account?
A. Yes.
Q. How are the Portuguese, educated or illiterate?
A. As a whole they are illiterate. The rising generation is being
educated and is quite bright.
Q. Now, about the Hawaiians. How do they work?
A. They are very good in certain work-irrigating and handling of
water and driving bullock teams.
Q. Not as good in cane fields as Chinamen?
A. Well, if they have good overseers and watch them they will do
good work.
Q. How about Chinamen?
A. They are faithful workers.
Q. Without overseers?
A. No; no laborers are, excepting Portuguese. If you send 3 or 4
Portuguese a distance to mend a fence or road they will do the work,
but Hawaiians will talk and idle. Chinamen about the same. -China~,




HAWrAIIAN, ISLANDS.


1807


men are very good. I am doing contract work with them. I give them
watering and stripping to do at a certain figure. I find it works very
satisfactorily. They work hard, and you don't have to have any overseer.
Q. If the question were submitted to the people who voted under the
old constitution with the only qualification for a voter that he should
read and write, what would be the result-for or against annexation?
A. So far as the foreigner is concerned there would be a very large
majority in favor of annexation, and the Portuguese would be a unit
for annexation. As to the Hawaiians I think that a majority would
not be in favor of it.
Q. What would be the final result of these combined votes?
A. That is a question that would be rather hard for me to answer.
Q. Suppose it was done under the Australian ballot system?
A. I am inclined to think it would be against annexation. It might
be in favor of annexation, if the Portuguese were allowed to vote.
Q. They vote whether they can read and write or not; don't they?
A. Yes.
Q. That has been so from the beginning?
A. Since 1887. I am inclined to think if the Portuguese voted under
the Australian system, as a large percentage are illiterate, that perhaps they would be voting against annexation when they meant to
vote for annexation.
Q. Do you think you could have good government here if you only
required of a voter knowledge sufficient to read and write the English
language?
A. I doubt it very much.
Q. Why 
A. Because I think we would go back to the old order of things.
Q. What is the old order of tlilns?
A. The state we had under the deposed Queen.
Q. What is that state?
A. The Hawaiians getting control of the legislature and going in for
extravagance which the foreigners were having to pay for. The money
was not coming out of the pockets of the people who were voting the
mloney. It was coming out of other pockets. The action of the Queen
in wanting to spring this new constitution shows her feeling toward
foreigners and her deliberate intention of making them pay the fiddler,
so to speak, and without giving them any privileges.
Q. What do you mean by privileges 
A. That we could exist here and run our plantations. I have no
doubt if she could have her way she would disfranchise every foreigner
in the country and put it wholly in the hands of Hawaiians.
Q. Why do you think that?
A. I think we have had sufficient evidence of it in her actions in the
Legislature. In removing men from the Wilcox cabinet, men of stability
of character and influence, removing them to put in men who were
irresponsible and would soon wreck us.
Q. You think then with the privilege of any native to vote who could
read and write the English language that you would drift back to the
condition of things you have just stated~?
A. Yes.
Q. What would you think of the Japanese as voters?
A. I would most emphatically condemn any move toward giving the
Japanese franchise.
Q. Would it make the situation you speak of worse?




1808


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


A. I think it would make it a very serious matter.
Q. The Chinese allowed to vote-still worse?
A. I do not think so. I think the Chinese would be the opposite of
the Japanese. I think the Japanese would be controlled by their Government. They would vote as they were directed to vote. The Chinese
are not very friendly with the Japanese, and they would vote to the
contrary.
Q. Who would control the Chinese vote?
A. I think they would be very largely controlled by their societies.
Q. How many overseers have you on your plantations?
A. Nineteen.
Q. Do you have to have men with every squad of hands during the
hours of labor?
A. There is an overseer with every gang of 20 or 30 people. I have
a head overseer who looks after all the different gangs.
Q. Suppose a fellow is idling in the field, what do you do?
A. Well, if he is a day man, he is discharged.
Q. If he is a contract laborer?
A. We dock him. We give him half or three-quarters of a day and
if they keep it up we resort to the law and have them arrested for
refusilng to work.
Q. What do you accomplish by putting him in jail?
A. It has been rather unsatisfactory as a rule. The first offense he
is merely ordered back to his work and the plantation has to pay the
cost of the court and charge it to the man. He does not care. He has
to work it off.
Q. Well, what do you do then?
A. If he refuses to obey orders and work he is arrested again. Perhaps a light penalty of two or three dollars fine is inflicted. That the
plantation can pay and take out of his wages, or if the plantation
refuses to do so he is put on the road to work it out. The third offense
he is likely to have three months' imprisonment. That is a new law
enacted in the last Legislature. Before that you could go on havinlg
him arrested and paying fines. It was better to drop the man than to
go on with that.
Q. At this time most of the laborers are Japanese?
A. Yes; almost entirely. A few Chinese come in, but very few.
Q. The Portuguese cost so much you do not get them?
A. Yes. A large number leave the country and go to California. I
venture to say that 25 per cent of the Portuguese have left this country within the last eighteen months. The wages have been cut down in
order that the plantations might exist, and I doubt if they could exist if
they didn't have wives and children to work. By all working they
can get along very well. Many more would leave the country if they
had means.
Q. Then the sugar-planters' best reliance for labor now is by negotiations with the Japanese Government?
A. That is the only way we have now to speak of.
Q. Are you in favor of annexation?
A. Strongly.
Q. What would be the effect on property here-on values?
A. Outside of sugar plantations I think landswould enhance invalue.
It would open up our crown lands and bring a desirable class of people
here.
Q. Are not the crown lands very largely leased out?
A, A great many of them have not beeU leased out,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1809
Q. They are good lands.
A. A great many are very good lands.
Q. What is being done with them nowI
A. Nothing in particular. A great deal of crown land is idle now for
the reason that there is not large enough area for plantations, but it
would be large enough for the support of a family. It would be good
for raising pineapples, bananas, etc.
Q. Well, that population coming here to engage in that business
would be a new condition of things?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. What do you think about the value of sugar lands; would they
go up or not 
A. I do not think they would go up at all.
Q. Do you not think that this influx of population you speak of
would have generally the effect of increasing values of every sort?
A. Well, that would very largely depend on the arrangement regarding our sugar going into the United States. If the plantation was
realizing more for sugar it would increase the value of lands. There
is no sugar land to take up. It is mostly taken up.
Q. And the additional population that would come here would engage in the raising of fruit?
A. Yes; fruit and coffee. I have great faith in the coffee industry.
I think a thrifty farmer coming here could take small pieces of land.
I think some plantations would be better off if they could go into some
scheme of that character.
Q. That would involve the building of houses for these people?
A. Yes.
Q. Then you would expect men to come with means enough to build
his house 
A. Well, I think if they only had partial means that a portion would
be advanced to them.
Q. Well, what abuut his supplies while he was making a crop?
A. I have no doubt the plantation would advance him a certain percentage while he was making a crop.
Q. Charging him interest, of course, on advances?
A. Yes; certainly.  I think probably certain portions would be
advanced without interest. That would be a matter he would have to
take his chances on.
These notes have been read to me by Mr. Mills, and I pronounce them
an accurate report of the interview between myself and Col. Blount.
C. B. WELLS.
HONOLULU, May 15, 1893.
This was done because Mr. Wells was leaving the island. He could
not wait until the notes were transcribed.-E. M.
No. 57.
Interview with Judge E. A. Widemann, Honolulu, May 20, 1893.
Mr. BLOUNT. Judge, where were you born?
A. Hanover, Germany.
Q. How long have you lived here?
A. Forty-seven years.
S. Rep. 227-114




1810


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Q. What offices have you held in that time?
A. I have held every office this country can give. Sheriff of the
island of Kanai in 1854; circuit judge there in 1863, and deputy gov
ernor of that island at the same time. I held, also, a great many smaller
offices from 1854 to 1865-tax collector, school inspector, road supervisor; chief clerk of the interior office in 1865; associate justice of the
supreme court in 1869; minister of the interior in 1874. During those
years I have been privy councilor; member of the board of health, and
member of the board of education. I was a noble from 1881 to 1887,
appointed by the King. I was elected noble in 1887 to 1892. Febru
ary, 1892, I was taken ill and Mott Smith took my place, and when he
went to Washington I got well and took the place back. That brings
us up to date.
Q. On January 17, 1893, it is reported that the ministers of Liliuokalani, with the Hon. S. M. Damon, went to the palace and held a consultation with the Queen on the subject of her yielding to the move
ment for a provisional government. Were you there?
A. I was there at the Queen's request.
Q. Will you be kind enough to tell me in a general way what was
said and done?
A. There were present besides the ministers, Samuel Damon, Judge
Carter, Paul Neumann, and myself.
Q. What was the subject-matter of the interview?
A. It was a communication from the Provisional Government touch
ing her being turned out of office, her deposition which had been sent
her in the coarse of the day. I objected to reading the document; I
didn't know but it might be insulting. The Queen's Government was
then in possession of the barracks and the police station where the
arms and ammunition were. The question was, whether she should
make opposition to the Provisional Government. The advice given
was that we were too weak to oppose the United States forces, and consequently that she should surrender. The police station was surrendered immediately after the consultation. We were there perhaps an
hour in this consultation. Whilst we were, Mr. Stevens's letter to the
Queen's ministers, saying he had recognized the Provisional Government, was read by Sam Parker, Her Majesty's minister of foreign affairs.
Mr. Neumann and Joe Carter were appointed a committee of two to
draw up a protest for Her Majesty. We waited until they had done so.
We all approved of that protest, and then the Queen signed it.
Q. Was it dark then?
A. It was after dark; lamps were lighted.
Q. What was the condition of the city as to quiet when the troops
were landed on the day before?
A. There were no people on the street. It was as quiet as things
could be. I went to the palace to speak to the Queen. I told her that
the soldiers had landed and were coming towards the palace. Fearing
lest they should attack the palace, I advised Her Majesty to be ready
to go with them if they should come to her and ask her to go witll
them. I said this in my consternation upon seeing foreign troops landedt
in a peaceful country when there was no show of any disturbance.
Q. Was that consternation pretty general?
A. Most decidedly it was.
Q. Did that state of mind continue until the dethronement of the
Queen and the surrender of the barracks and station house?.
A. Yes; until we heard of the astablishment of the Provisional Government and then we knew what was what.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1811


Q. Everything quiet after that?
A. Everything was quiet. There was not a dog bark or a cock crow.
Q. Were you in the Legislature in 1892?
A. I was a member by appointment as a minister.
Q. Will you be kind enough to tell me how many parties were represented in that Legislature and by what names they were designated?
A. Three parties and some independents, National Reform, Reform,
and Liberal.
Q. How many members had each of these?
A. Nine National Reform; 14 Reform; 21 Liberals, and 4 Independents.
Q. Who were the 4 Independents?
A. R. R. Hind, J. Marsden, W. H. Cornwell, and A. Drier.
Q. How do those four gentlemen stand on the subject of annexation I
A. At the present moment?
Q. Yes.
A. Marsden is an annexation man. Hind is not, Cornwell is not, and
Drier is not. I am sure of those two. I am not sure of Hind.
Q. Twenty-five was a majority of the Legislature?
A. Yes.
Q. Did any one of these parties have that number?
A. No.
Q. How did it happen that so many cabinets were nominated and
voted out on want of contidence in 1892 
A. In the beginning of the session there was no possibility for uniting the parties to vote out a ministry. The first cabinet held until
September. In September W. A. Whiting, attorney-general, resiglled,
and Paul Neumann was appointed in his place. E. C. Macfarlane, with
several others of the National Reform party, sided with the Reforln
party, and got also a few of the natives to side with them, and voted
out the first cabinet.
Q. Why did Macfarlane make this move?
A. He objected to Neumann, a party member, going into the cabinet
without the consent of the party.
Q. What party did Neumann belong to?
A. The National Reform. The Neumann cabinet did not meet the
approval of the Reform party.
Q. Who were at the head of the new cabinets
A. Sam Parker, Neumann, Macfarlane, and a man by the name of
Gulick, It did not meet the approval of the Reform party, and, in consequence, after a week or two they were voted out.
Q. By what parties in the Legislature?
A. Then it was a conglomeration, party lines completely gone.
Macfarlane burst the party lines. They were voted out after a fortnight. The Reform party laid down the principle that the Queen
should appoint a cabinet from the members of the party that voted
out a cabinet. The Reform party never voted out any cabinet because
they could not on account of lack of numbers. Then the new cabinetf
was appointed. They lasted about half an hour or twenty minutes.
They were voted out again. A new cabinet was appointed which satisfied the Reform party.
Q. Was that the Wilcox cabinet?
A. Yes. When I returned from San Francisco-I was gone about
two months-they were voted out. They got just 25 votes to vote
them out.
Q. What party voted them outI




1812                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
A. The Liberal party-the native element.
Q. They must have had some other party to help them.
A. The National Reform party.
Q. Then a new cabinet was appointedl
A. Yes.
Q. Was that ever voted out I
A. No.
Q. It was appointed the day before the Legislature was prorogued I
A. Yes; on Friday.
Q. What was the cause of all this turning out of cabinets I
A. The great desire on the part of a great number of the members of
the house to get into the cabinet themselves.
Q. The hope of getting into the cabinet made these combinations
possible and successful 
A. Yes.
Q. Who were the members who wanted to be ministers?
A. John Ena, E. C. Macfarlane, A. P. Peterson, J. A. Cumnmins, J.
N. S. William's, Paul Neumann, J. Marsden, Alex. Young, W. 1I. Cornwell, W. C. Wilder, C. W. Ashford, R. W. Wilcox, J. E. Bush, J. Nawahi,
William White, and W. 0. Smith.
Q. Was this last Wilcox cabinet constituted wholly of Reformers?
A. Yes.
Q. This left out of the cabinet and representation from the National
Reform or Liberal parties 
A. Yes.
Q. Did that produce any dissatisfaction among aspirants for cabinet
places?
A. Decidedly. It produced strong dissatisfaction among the Liberal
party. They had been told before they would come in. Bush would
have cut his throat before he would have sided with the Reformers but
for the idea that he would get in himself.
Q. Is he an annexationist now?
A. No; he is an antiannexationist.
Q. On the voting out of the second cabintet, I think, you said they
went all to pieces; there were no parties 
A. Yes.
Q. Am I to understand that they just turned loose in a sort of scramble for cabinet places?
A. That was the simple reason for it.
Q. Was there ever a time when the Reform party had anything like
a majority of that body?
A. Not in 1892.
I have read the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate report of my
interview with Mr. Blount.
I.. A. WIDEMANN.
HONOLULU, June 10, 1893.
Judge Widemann, June 15, 1893.
Chief Justice Judd, who understands the native language, says "he
heard the Queen's speech on the 14th of January. She said to the
crowd she would proclaim a new constitution hereafter." She used the
words "ma keia man la." These words may signify a few days, a few




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1813


months, or a few years. The term is indefinite. It may be-one hundred years. It is equivalent to the expression, "one of these days."
This conversation was at noon on Monday, January 16, 1893.
H. W. WIDEMANN.
No. 58.
Interview with HITA.A. Widemann.
I beg to state that I lived in Honolulu in January and February last
past and took due notice of all the events that took place during those
months. In the latter days of January and on the 1st of February
everything was as quiet as could possibly be, and there was no reason
whatsoever to fear or be apprehensive of danger to property or danger
to life or limb of any man, woman, or child.
I did consider then, and do consider now, that the hoisting here of
the American flag at that time for the protection of life and property
was absolutely unnecessary.
H.. WIDEMANN.
HONOLULU, July 15, 1893.
No. 59.
Interview with Robert W. Wilcox.
HONOLULU, Tuesday, April 18, 1893.
Mr. BLOUNT. Mr. Wilcox, where were you educated?
Mr. WILCOX. Partly in these Islands and partly in Italy, at the mi i
tary academy at Turin.
Q. How came you to go there?
A. I was sent by the Hawaiian Government.
Q. In what year?
A. In 1880; the latter part of 1880.
Q. When did you return?
A. In 1887.
Q. Are you a native?
A. I am a native. My father is an American, from Rhode IslandNewport. My mother is a Hawaiian.
Q. Then you are one-half Hawaiian and one-half white?
A. Yes.
Q. You came here in 1887. How long did you remain?
A. About four months.
Q. Wheredid you go then?
A. I went to San Francisco with my wife.
Q. How long did you remain there?
A. About one year.
Q. And then you returned here?
A. I returned about April, 1889.
Q. Was that the year in what occurred what is termed the Wilcox
rebellion?
A, Yes; on July 30, 1889.




1814                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS:
Q. You were in what was called the Ashford-Wilcox rebellion?
A. Yes.
Q. In what year?
A. In 1892.
Q. Were you in the Legislature at that time?
A. I was in the Legislature at that time. I was in the Legislature
in 1890. I was one of the youngest men from the island of Maui.
Q. Then you have been identified all the while, from 1887, with public affairs in these Islands?
A. Yes.
Q. Do you understand the feelings of the whites and the natives?
A. Yes.
Q. What was the cause, or what were the causes, which led to the
dethronement of Queen Liliuokalani?
A. When what was called the Wilcox cabinet was ousted by the
House in January-about the 12th-I do not remember the date, and
then on Friday a new cabinet was formed by the Queen, composed of
Sam Parker, Cornwell, Colburn and Peterson. We met in the afternoon, and members of what we call the Reform party did not come,
and we decided that the house should prorogue on Saturday at 12
o'clock. At noon the Queen came in and prorogued the house. A
good many members of the house were not there-nearly all the members of the Reform party were not there-and soon the house prorogued. One of the members came to me and told me we were wanted
up at the palace.  So we all went up to the palace. As soon as we
got in there we found a big body of people, what is called Kalaiaina.
We stayed in the reception room of the palace, and the English minister was there, the French commissioner was there, the Portuguese
minister was there, but not the American minister. He had just come
back from Hilo that very morning. So we waited, the Queen was in
another room with the ministers.
The rumor was whispered around that there was to be proclaimed a
new constitution. The judges of the supreme court, two of them,
were there-Chief Justice Judd and Bickerton. Of course we waited
there until the foreign representatives went away. We heard the
Queen insisted that the ministers should sign and that the ministers
would not sign this document. I stayed there until the whole thing
ended, becaus, I wanted to know what would happen. We stayed
there until between 5 and 6, when the Queen came out and gave a
little speech saying she wished to proclaim a new constitution, but was
prevented. She would proclaim one in the future if the people would
insist upon it. Then we went home. I went out with Mr. Parker and,
in the meantime, I heard that they had got up an organization-the
committee of safety they called it. I went home and stayed there. I
did not care to go into any side, just hold myself neutral.
On Sunday Mr. Colburn called on me. He asked me if I would
assist the Government. He said Mr. Thurston had been there and
wanted him to sign a document to call the Boston marines on shore
and to proclaim the Provisional Government. Mr. Colburn wanted
me to help them to stand by the Queen. I told him I had no objection.
I would assist them as far as I could. He said their headquarters were
at the station house. He went away. I stayed at home. I did not
bother myself about the station house.
Mr. Colburn called on me again in the evening. He wanted me to
go to their meeting at the Government building. He took me down
there. I saw there Dr. Truseau, Mr. Gulick, Mr. Macfarlane, Paul




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1815
Nenmann. John E. Bush, and Anton Rosa, and some foreigners also
were there. They were also consulting over the situation-what to do.
Marshal Wilson was there. They stood up and talked. Wilson decided
it was proper to arrest the committee of safety, but nobody seconded
his motion, and they asked my opinion. I said the only thing was to
suppress them before they made any progress. They said they are
going to have a mass meeting at the armory on Beretana street, of
the committee of safety. Then they came to the conclusion to have
a meeting of the people who wanted to support the Government in the
square right opposite the Government building, and some one talked
about that the Government should proclaim martial law, and stop all
these rebels and riots and all that kind of thing. Paul Neumann, who
was present, said it would not be necessary; it would only create friction.
I told Paul Neumann that if there was any bloodshed the Government
would be responsible for taking such a very weak stand. Paul Neumann said there was a document to be read there to dethrone the
Queen, by the opposition party. He said, " that is no treason." I said,
" if that is not treason we had better give up the whole thing." Then
we came to the conclusion to have a mass meeting at the same hour
with the others. That was on Monday. I went home with Mr. Bush.
He asked my opinion. I told him, "I think you can not do anything.
I am not going to get myself in trouble. I would rather be neutral."
So I went home. The next day-the 16th-I was called to make a
speech in the meeting. It was merely to get the people to harmonize
and keep the peace.
Q. What meeting was that?
A. The meeting of the people to support the Queen's Government.
I did not make a speech. I told the people to behave and keep the
peace and order, and they passed a resolution and I was appointed to
be a member of that committee to see the Queen. So I went up that
afternoon to see the Queen at the palace. She received us. Mr. Parker
was there. She detained us a little while. Mr. Parker gave us a little
champagne, and when we left there we went out toward the Government building. A native came up and told us the Boston men had
landed. We went down to see the Boston's soldiers, and when we got
around to the consulate we saw the Boston's men marching up. They
halted there and divided the men; sent part of them up to the legation.
Some stayed, I think, at the consulate. The main body marched up to
King street, marched up by Merchant street to the front of the Government building, near the eastern corner of the palace fence. They
stayed there awhile and then went as far as Atherton's place.
In the evening Colburn called and asked me to go to the Government
building. When we got there they were talking about the landing of
the Boston's men. I saw the representatives of other countries there.
Finally the Boston's men came back and took a house behind the Opera
House near the Government building. They stayed there until the
next day. Next day I went down town in the morning. I saw Mr.
Damon, the present vice-president. I asked him about it. He told
me the best thing was to take no side-neither the Government nor the
committee of safety. He didn't want annexation, he said. He had
told me himself about that sometime previous to that. I didn't take
any part. There were rumors around town that I was appointed commander in chief of the Queen's guard. Many of my friends asked me
about it. I told them there was no truth in it. I stayed down the




1816                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
city nearly all that day. People were running about-all curious about
seeing the Boston's men on shore.
The committee of safety was working hard to enlist men for the new
Provisional Government to be proclaimed. Peterson came up to me
and asked me if I would use my services and see what is called the
"Drei Hundred," a German element-see them and get them to take
part in this movement. I said, a What is the situation?" He said he
thought he could eucher the American minister, and it would be all
right. I said, "I think we are taking a very weak stand." I was afraid
we were going to have bloodshed-on account of the weakness of the
Government. I went home, and then went down the city again. I saw
a cart coming from E. O. Hall's. A policeman tried to stop it. Capt.
Good, the present captain of the guard, was on the cart. He fired and
hit the native on the shoulder. They then ran up Fort street. There
were no police that day-all kept down at the station house, and the
soldiers were kept in the barracks. The streets were left at the mercy
of anybody. The "Drei Hundred" marched down on Beretania street
to the armory. They got ammunition there and went down to Government building. I heard the new government was proclaimed in the
Government building and supported by these thirty men. I went home
and stayed home.
Q. Were those all the troops that were there?
A. All that were there then. Others came in afterwards.
Q. How long afterwards?
A. About an hour afterwards-about sunset. They kept on coming,
little by little. Dole resigned that day as justice of the supreme court
and joined in. I went home, but, of course, the news was abroad what
they were doing. The Queen and ministers consulting, they gave up
the Government under protest, which was published afterwards-next
day. Gave up to the superior force of the United States.
Q. Where were the United States troops at the time of the reading
of the proclamation 
A. Right behind the opera house, in a building they called Arion
Hall.
Q. In the house or on the street?
A. Some inside and some outside. They took possession of that
quarter.
Q. Were they formed or not?
A. No; they just guarded the place.
Q. Had they arms?
A. Yes; and one or two Gatling guns-one or two, I am sure of that.
Q. At the time of the surrender of the Queen in the manner you
have stated was she not in possession of the palace, barracks, and station house?
A. Yes.
Q. No attempt had been made by the Provisional Government to
take them by force?
A. No.
Q. What time in the day did Minister Stevens recognize the Provisional Government-how long after it was proclaimed?
A. Nearly right afterwards.
Q. Now, when the Provisional Government was recognized by Mr.
Stevens, what was the effect on the Queen and her followers?
A. They all gave up.
Q. And was it on account of the recognition by Mr. Stevens that




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1817


there was no effort on the part of the Queen to take the Government
building?
A. Yes; on account of the recognition by Mr. Stevens and the presence of the United States troops.
Q. Was it or not the opinion of both parties that the recognition by
Mr. Stevens ended the contest?
A. Yes; the recognition by Mr. Stevens ended the contest, because
the Queen's Government knew they could not go against Mr. Stevens's
recognition.
Q. How many troops did the Queen have in all at the time of that
recognition 
A. She had a regular guard at the barracks; I think about 150.
Q. One hundred and fifty volunteers?
A. One hundred and fifty in all; and down at the station house some
200 or 300 men, with Wilson's police and volunteers. They were armed.
They had guns and Gatling guns.
Q. Were you in the palace on the 14th.
A. Yes, sir.
Q. What troops were about there?
A. The Queen's guard.
Q. How many?
A. About 80.
Q. There were certain of the members of a certain political society
there asking for a new constitution. Was that a committee from that
society 
A. Yes.
Q. Not only from Honolulu but from the other islands?
A. Yes.
Q. Is it a large organization and has it much influence among the
native population or not?
A. So far as the question of the constitution was concerned it had
nearly all of the natives. At every election that point was talked
about by every member to secure election.
Q. Why did they want a new constitution? What was the matter
with the constitution of 1887?
A. They felt that they were forced by the constitution of 1887, by
the party who got up that revolution, and that the qualification for
noble voter barred most of them from voting.
Q. Tell me how that was?
A. To vote for noble on these Islands a voter must have an income
of $600. If not an income, a property qualification of $3,000.
Q. Unincumbered?
A. Yes. Then there was a party called the Liberal party. We
didn't mean a constitution giving all power to the Queen. We meant
a constitution for equal rights.
Q. Do I understand you to mean this: That there was a large party
that wanted to give the Queen power to appoint the nobles, but the
Liberals were opposed to giving her the power to appoint the nobles,
but wanted freer franchise in the matter of electing nobles?
A. Yes; and the Liberals held that the Queen ought to let the strongest party in the House form a cabinet, and not appoint the favorites.
Q. How was the bulk of the native population on that question?
A. The bulk of the natives were Royalists. They held the old idea;
the Queen must have all power.
Q. Is that the general feeling among the native population?




1818


IHAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


A. Yes, sir; except the enlightened natives. They have a different
opinion.
Q. Now, your own idea. What qualification did you want for voting
for nobles?
A. The qualification of learning.
Q. What sort of property qualification, or any?
A. I wanted about one-half of the present qualification; and the
voter to know how to read and write and understand the constitution.
Q. That was in order to give to the native element a larger liberty
in the matter of electing nobles 
A. Yes, sir.
Q. In the desire to proclaim a new constitution did the Queen seem
to be meeting the wish of the native population?
A. Yes.
Q. She had, then, in her desire to have a new constitution the sup.
port of the natives?
A. Yes.
Q. Did you see that constitution?
A. I did not. I only heard from persons who read it.
Q. What did you hear it was?
A. Joseph Nawahi-the Queen gave it to him to read.
Q. What did he report to you?
A. He reported to me that the nobles and representatives should be
elected, but one-third of the nobles to be appointed by the Queen.
Q. Who was to elect the other two-thirds?
A. The other two-thirds of the nobles were to be elected by the same
people who elect representatives now.
Q. What was to be the qualification of a person who voted for nobles
under that constitution?
A. The same as that for representatives. The judges of the supreme
court were only for six years, to be recommissioned every six years.
Q. And how about the cabinet?
A. The cabinet was to be appointed by the Queen.
Q. And to go out by a vote of want of confidence?
A. Yes; and I asked him further about the exercise of suffrage. 1
understood him to say the foreigners must take the oath of allegiance
and stay here five or six years, except those foreigners who came here
and were allowed to vote by royal signature.
Q. You say that since 1887 the natives have been wanting to restore
the old constitution?
A. Yes.
Q. Giving to the Queen more power?
A. Yes.
Q. Have the parties been divided here on that line?
A. Yes.
Q. Why didn't the last Legislature do something in the matter of a
new constitution 
A. A majority opposed it. Even some of the natives dodged around.
They said they would support the convention for the new constitution,
but when the thing came up they tried to dodge.
Q. Why did they try to dodge?
A. I suppose they were influenced by the Reform party.
Q. But if they had voted as they were expected to do by the people
who elected them, would they have had the power to make a new constitution 
A. Yes; because there were two bills before the House to call a con



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1819


ven*ron of representative men all over the Islands to come and make a
new constitution, but it was defeated on the compromise in 1890, and
in 1892 they were defeated badly.
Q. What was the compromise of 1890?
A. To go by amendment. Ill 1890 we passed a good many amendments, and in 1892 those very people who promised to support it-they
went back on their promises-so it was defeated.
Q. What was proposed in these amendments?
A. One proposed to reduce the qualification to $300. That was the
principal point.
Q. Are these amendments in print?
A. Yes.
Q. Will you bring them 
A. Yes.
Q. How did the Liberals manage to get these representatives of this
new constitution movement to vote against these amendments?
A. The Reform you mean?
Q. Yes.
A. They used their influence against it.
Q. What was their influence?
A. They have a good deal of influence. Some of the men depended
upon them. Manyof the Reform party were sugar planters. They held
mortgages on the property of some of the legislators; some of them
were dependent upon them for their pasturage.
Q. Tell me about the voting out of the several cabinets in 1892.
A. The first cabinet was called the Widemann-Parker cabinet.
They were only voted out by combining the Progressive Liberals with
the Reform. The Progressive joined with the Reform. They got a
majority and ousted that cabinet. That was howthat cabinetwas ousted.
Q. Be kind enough now to state to me the parties in the body on the
assembling of the last Legislature, the points of difference between
them, and why the first cabinet was voted out.
A. They did anything to get the cabinet out. They had no confidence in it. Of course the Reform didn't like that cabinet, and the
Progressive Liberals didn't. Even the natives didn't like it. The Progressive Liberals thought that by having a new cabinet their views
would be carried out. Some of them wanted to form a convention for
a new constitution. That was not brought up before because the Reform
opposed that.
Q. Both the Liberal party and the Reform party wanted a new constitution 
A. The Liberal party wanted a new constitution and the natives did,
but the Reform didn't want a new constitution.
Q. What is the difference between the Liberal party and the natives 
A. The only difference is the natives wanted to give the whole power
to the Queen. The Liberal party did not believe in that.
Q. Well, please go on.
A. They voted out the cabinet. Then the Queen appointed another
cabinet, what is called the Macfarlane cabinet. It took a week to form
it. That cabinet was voted out.
Q. Why were they voted out?
A. They did not like them; they felt they were ignored. They laid
out a platform for the leader of the house to form a cabinet for the
Queen. Then another cabinet came in-Cornwell, Nawahi, Creighton,
and Gulick. We had a meeting the night before of the Reform and the
Progressive Liberals. Nearly all the men who voted out the former




1820                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
cabinet were at the meeting. They worked around about using all their
influence to work upon the native members by means of promises and
money. Then the Macfarlane cabinet was voted out. The natives
stuck together to hold that cabinet in.
Q. How was the vote on that?
A. Twenty-seven to twenty-eight.
Q. Who furnished the money?
A. Friends of the Reform people. The Reform knew that their friends
were using money to get some native votes to get that cabinet out.
Q. How do you know that money was being used?
A. I was told so, and I know it is a fact.
Q. How do you know it is a fact?
A. It was talked about. It was general belief.
Q. Was it generally believed, as you do, that the majority was gotten
by the use of money?
A. Yes. (Continuing.) Then this cabinet of Cornwell, Nawaki,
Creighton, and Gulick came in. We had a meeting the previous night.
We all decided we would vote them out without ceremony.
Q. Who decided that? Who was the meeting composed of?
A. Reform and Liberal. Because we felt the Queen was ignoring the
majority of the house.
The cabinet was voted out in three hours. Then, afterwards, it
took two weeks to form the Wilcox cabinet, which was composed of
the Reform party. The Liberal was left out this time. I was a Liberal,
but I didn't kick. I said I would keep still; I would pay them back in
some way. Bush was a Liberal then; he was kicking. Ashford was at
Hawaii. Finally the Queen's party commenced working against this
cabinet. Mr. Parker asked me how I would vote. I told him I was
tired about the cabinet, and I asked him if he was going to be in. He
said yes. He asked me if I would take some position abroad. I told
him I could not take a position except as minister. He said we were
were going to have a new constitution. He said that as soon as they
have a new cabinet they would proclaim a new constitution.
I did not believe what he said. I think he was merely working to
get people to vote the cabinet out. I told him there was no need of a
new constitution for giving a friend a position abroad. He said they
might send me out as consul-general to Hongkong. I said the cabinet did not act right and could expect nothing from me. When they
brought the resolution against that cabinet I stood and explained my
vote. I explained where they stood, so we had 25 votes when that cabinet was voted out. On the 13th, which was Friday, the new cabinet
was formed by the Qeeen, Sam Parker, Cornwell, Colburn, and Peterson.
I want to explain the influence of the white population here about
voting. Macfarlane and PaulNeumann, when their placeswerevacanttwo candidates were put out by the Reform party, called the Missionary party, Mr. Waterhouse and Mark Robinson, and the other
party put upQ. What other party?
A. The other foreign element here. They put up Mr. Maile and Mr.
Hopkins.
Q. What do you mean by this other foreign element?
A. I mean nonmissionaries, as noble voters. They need to get foreign
voters to elect nobles. All the missionaries stood solid to vote for their
candidate.
Q. Were the whites defeated in that election?




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1821
A. Yes; they are generally defeated. It is a question of prejudice
with them. When the word " missionary" is raised that party would
be defeated.
Q. Well, the missionary element is an American element?
A. Yes; Boston men. They are the sons of missionaries from Boston,
Q. Are there any other nationalities; what are they?
A. Some Portuguese, some English, some Germans.
Q. What is the feeling of the people here towards the native Govern.
ment; take the native population?
A. They are always for the native Government.
Q. Then they are not in favor of this Government?
A. No.
Q. How about the whites?
A. The whites in general do not favor the Government. Some of
them are for annexation, and some of them would rather have independence of the country.
Q. Well, now, the annexationists who are not for this Government
here, why are they opposed to this Government; are they apprehensive that this Government is not inclined to give the franchise to the
native people?
A. Yes; and besides they disapprove of the way it was brought about.
Q. What do you mean by the way it was brought about?
A. The way it was established. They have in mind that this Government was put in by Minister Stevens.
Q. That is the opinion of the native populationS
A. A good many whites feel the same way.
Q. There are a great many whites who feel that this Government
was set up by Mr. Stevens?
A. Yes; the landing of the Boston's men and the recognition on
the same day before they got the station house and the barracks.
Q. Was there any opinion on Saturday the 14th, or on Sunday, that
the troops were going to be landed and would be in the interest of the
dethronement of the Queen?
A. On Sunday the news came from Colburn. Thurston went up to
him with a document to get him, Peterson, and Cornwell to send for
the troops to support the Provisional Government. He assured him
that Minister Stevens would do what is right to support them if they
would only sign the document. Nobody had an idea that the troops
were going to be landed, except by the request of the Government,
until Monday evening. The 16th the troops were landed, and it was a
surprise to everybody. Nobody knows who called them.
Q. What was the condition of the city at the time as to peacefulnesst
A. Peaceful; just the same as before. Nobody was thinking about
revolution. On Sunday Mr. Parker asked me if I would take the post
of commander-in-chief. I told him I would take it if I had the appointment in writing. He told me he had to see his colleague. Cornwell said
he would have to consult other members of the cabinet and let me know
the day afterwards. I never heard anything from them any more. I
met Sam Parker. I blamed them for not acting-suppressing the
people before they got in the Government building. They said the
reason was they could not do it. I said if they had appointed me I
would have suppressed it before anything happened. I would have
gone and seen Mr. Stevens myself. Mr. Stevens told them he would
not assist them.
Q. Told them on Sunday?
A. No; Monday. That is what Parker told me; the American Gov.




1822                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
eminent would support the committee of thirteen, because they were
the only wealthy people of the country; would not support the Govern
ment. He told me he did not know what to do. We could not fight
the United States. I blamed them. I attacked them in the newspapers
on their weakness. Many of the natives accused the Government of
being slow-not energetic.
Q. Going back to the voting out of the Wilcox cabinet-the Progressive Liberal party united with the native element in the Legislature
and voted out the Wilcox cabinet because they had no representation
in the Wilcox cabinet?
A. They all represented one side-the Reform side.
Q. When that shifting of the Liberal party and the native element
took place and the Reform element lost the cabinet, how did they
accept it?
A. The Reform-they accepted it in bad grace. They never appeared
any more. They quit the house. None of them appeared around
there.
Q. Now the Legislature was prorogued, when would another assemsemble?
A. In 1894; in two years, unless a special session be called.
Q. That would leave the Queen with the last cabinet for two years?
A. Yes.
Q. And that was the situation which offended them?
A. Yes.
Q. Vas there any understanding between the Liberal element and
the native element that if this Wilcox cabinet was voted out that she
was to proclaim a new constitution 
A. It was talked over.
Q. By whom?
A. It was whispered around. Sam. Parker said there would be a
new constitution. I do not like to talk. He talked confidentially as a
friend.
Q. That is all right. This is not for local consumption.
A. And some of the members who had been up to see the Queen
told me also about the new constitution; that the wish of the people
would be fulfilled by a new constitution.
Q. Now, was the Liberal element favoring a new constitution?
A. They had already done so.
Q. Were they in favor of the Queen doing it by proclamation?
A. Yes.
Q. The Progressive Liberals?
A. Yes.
Q. They were for the native element when it narrowed down to a
controversy between the reform element and the native element?
A. Yes.
Q. And they were willing for a new constitution?
A. Yes; the whole thing was promised since after 1887. It was
promised by candidates running for office.
Q. Do you mean to say that popular elections were all on the line of
a new constitution?
A. Yes. In 1890 the Thurston cabinet was a strong one, but on
that alone it was defeated; a majority was elected and the cabinet was
ousted out, and of course the members did not carry out the wishes of
the people; they tried to promise the people the other way.
Q. Who did that?
A. Those in 1890 who were in the cabinet-Widemann and the others.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1823


Q. What is the reason the whites say they do not want the natives
to have suffrage?
A. They have an idea that the natives would have control of the
Legislature. That is the whole idea. They wanted to have the whole
thing in the hands of the sugar-planters.
Q. The sugar-planters are not many in numbers. How would they
have it in their hands?
A. Of course, they have the high qualifications.
Q. Were many sugar-planters elected nobles to the last Legislature 
A. Some of them. I don't know how many. On the islands of
Hawaii, Maui, and Kauai the nobles are controlled by sugar-planters. This is the only island they can not control.
Q. All the islands except this elected candidates of sugar-plantersnobles?
A. Yes. Here the most popular would be elected. Generally sugarplanters are not popular on account of cheap labor.
Q. They do not like the sugar-planting interest because it brings
cheap labor 
A. Yes; the workingmen are against that.
Q. Do the Chinese intermarry much with natives?
A. Not very much. The Chinese merchants marry natives.
Q. How about the Japanese?
A. Not very much.
Q. Do the Portuguese and natives marry very much?
A. They marry among themselves, principally.
Q. The principal intermarriages are between the natives themselves?
A. They marry sometimes with foreigners-nearly all half-castes are
Amnericans-that is, their fathers are Americans.
Q. What is your attitude in the matter of the present Government?
I mean, how do you feel about it? Do you feel that it ought to be continued or ought to have been established?
A. For myself, I tell you frankly, I am not for the present Government.
Q. What is your objection to it?
A. My objection is that this Government is a government defacto of
the Missionary party. It is not a popular one. It is against the wishes
of the natives and a good many white people. It was established by
Mr. Stevens, and in my heart I could say I am a lover of justice. I do
not believe in a government established by a strong hand. If I am
defeated I am all right. I am a revolutionist.
Q. What do you mean by saying "I am a revolutionist"
A I mean that I have started several.
Q. What was your motive for the revolution of 18891
A. The constitution.
Q. What did you want then?
A. I felt something like the people here felt about the constitution
of 1887, that it was forced upon them. Kalakaua was forced to sign it.
Q. What was your plan to change it?
A. My plan was to restore the old constitution, with some little
amendments, to suit the view of the people-not to have a high qualification of voters.
Q. Well, to do that you took the Palace, and then, what was your
next step?
A. I took the Palace with a view that I would be supported by the
King's guard. Of course, if I had that I would have had everything
in my hands.




1824                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Q. Why did you think they would support you?
A. I had some understanding with them. The King hinted to join
with the matter. Then we were to join with Ashford and have no
opposition.
Q. Did you take the Palace by an understanding with Kalakaua?
A. Yes; when I got there Kalakaua went down to the boathouse.
Q. Did you see him?
A. No. He sent word to go-that he would not allow me inside the
Palace.
Q. Who?
A. The King. He sent R. H. Baker with a message that I must not
go in the Palace-and those in the barracks told me to stay in the yardbut do not take possession of this place. I said to Baker to go and see
Kalakaua again. He went down to see the King, and I never heard
anything until the rifles commenced around. A party of sharpshooters
took possession of the opera house. They were whites. The first thing
I was fired upon by them-fired upon without any notice. I had twelve
men who took possession of the Government building. When fired upon
some men ran away-got shot. My men were unarmed. Had only a
few arms. We sent off shell up on the opera house. I wanted to take
the Palace at that time. I had no men at that time. My men were
scattered.
Q. Why did they scatter?
A. They were fired upon and they all jumped over the wall and went
away. I went into the bungalow and stayed there.
Q. What was Kalakaua doing all this time?
A. He stayed down there until I gave up in the evening.
Q. Who was he siding with 
A. Well, I do not know. He could go back and take possession of
the whole Government.
Q. Did Liliuokalani have anything to do with it in anyway?
A. No; she was a confidential friend of mine then. She knew something about it. I told her we had a little difficulty with her brother.
I told her to go and see Kalakaua and make up the difference. I told
her if Kalakaua got it into his head that the movement was to put her
on the throne, I might be in a bad position.
Q. What has become of Baker, the go-between between you and
Kalakaua?
A. He is living here.
Q. What is his position in the present Government?
A. Nothing. He was the man who went with Kalakaua, when he
died in San Francisco.
Q. There was never any understanding between you and Liliuokalani that she was to take the place of Kalakaua if you were successful 
A. No; but before that the Reform people wanted to put her on the
throne. The people talked, but it was all talk.
Q. Is Ashford the man in whose behalf the British minister interfered, in the matter of having him tried by a foreign jury, in 1892?
A. Yes; V. V. Ashford.
Q. Is he here now?
A. Yes.
Q. Where is his brother?
A. Here-Clarence-he was with him in 1892. He was a Liberal.
Q. What was the object of the movement in 1892?
A. The object was to establish a republic, with a view, when the people were educated to it, to favor annexation with the United States.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                 1825
Q. You proposed to experiment with a republic and in the course of
time to get into the American Union?
A. Yes.
Q. As a State?
A. Yes. When I was in prison in 1892 Mr. Stevens made a speech
in my favor at some Grand Army affair.
Q. Did he want you discharged?
A. He did his best. He said they did not arrest people in America
for such things.
Q. There was no force used in that Ashford-Wilcox conspiracy in
1892 1
A. No; it was one object to have equal rights-that was all.
Q. It is sometimes said that natives are signing petitions for annexation here, and that they are in favor of it. What have you to say about
that?
A. It is not true; they may sign under some influence against their
will.
Q. What sort of influence?
A. They hold positions; they would have to give up positions; they
have no other occupation. Besides, they do not like these people to
annex tbem.
Q. They hate the people who want to?
A. They hate the Provisional Governlment. They remember what
the Commissioner said when he went to Waslington.
Q. What is their idea?
A. They did not like Thurston speaking against them. He said they
were like Indians. It brought great prejudice against them.
Q. Are they suspicious that this is a movement in which they will
lose very largely their political power?
A. Yes.
Q. And that it is intended to put the foreigners in control?
A. Some of them think so. They think they would be disfranchised,
something like Alaska Indians.
Q. The movement of 1892-did that contemplate the use of force in
overturning the Government?
A. No; we talked about education. We thought we had a big following and would be supported by the people. Of course, the Government took an active part in it-took an active part in suppressing it.
Mr. BLOUNT. I think I have asked all I want to ask you. Is there
any statement you would like to make yourself in connection with this
matter?
A. No.
APRIL 27, 1893.
Q. Do the natives generally have some stock-horses and cattle?
A. Yes.
Q. How do they graze them?
A. On land; they lease it-pay so much a year.
Q. Who are the people who own the land; are they corporations or
individuals?
A. Some individuals, some corporations. These sugar-planters, they
have long leases on what is called crown lands.
Q. And the natives have no other means of grazing a cow or a horse?
A. Except by letting it go on their land and paying so much a year.
Q. Does this fact enable the sugar-planters and owners of plantations
to exert any influence over the native vote?
S. Rep. 227 —115




1826                  HAWAITAN ISLANDS.
A. They have great influence on those points.
Q. How?
A. In the election of 1892 at Kauai, Messrs. Gay and Robinson, who
owned large amount of property there, told a good many of the natives,
who voted against their candidate for representative, to take away
their horses and the few cattle they had on their land.
Q. What did they do with themnl
A. They sold thein-they had no place to keep them.
Q. Does that appear to enable them to control the native vote to a
considerable extent g
A. Sometimes, but we have secret vote in this country now. They
can not control it so well as they used to.
Q. Would that enable them to get natives to sign a petition for
annexation.
A. In that way they sign petitions because they are obliged. They
have their horses and cattle.
Q. The only chance the native has to get his; stock grazed is on land
belonging to large planters; sometimes individuals and sometimes corporations.
A. Yes.
Q. Generally corporations?
A. Yes; planters, generally corporations.
I have careffilly read the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate
report of my interviews with Mr. Blount.
ROBERT W. WILCOX.
HONOLULU, April 27.
No. 60.
Statement of C. B. Wilson.
FACTS IN RELATION TO THE REVOLUTION OF 1893, AND THE CAUSES
WHICH LED TO IT.
Two years ago the nation was preparing its decorations to joyously
celebrate and welcome the home-coming of His Majesty King Kalakaua,
who was away on a visit of business to the United States, endeavoring
to benefit his country and people by working for a modification of the
existing treaty of reciprocity with the United States, in the direction
of securing the admission of more Hawaiian I)roducts and manufactures free of duty into the United States. He had gone on this errand
a sick man-at the direct instigation and strong pressure of the planters and their friends, led by Thurston and others. They hoped that
through his royal rank and genial bonhomie to gain those privileges
from the American Government which they themselves when in power
as the cabinet of 1887 had fiiled to secure.
On the 29th of January, 1881, the U. S. S. Charleston, bearing the
body of the deceased monarch, in charge of Rear-Admiral George
Brown, arrived in Honolulu harbor.  The Charleston was draped in
mourning and her yards were cockbilled, which was the first intimation to the Hawaiian people that their monarch had laid down his life
in the attempt to benefit the sugar planters.  The arrangements tor
the celebration of his return with rejoicing were changed to that of
mourning for Hawaii's dead.




I  'HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,                 1827
Hurried arrangements were made to carry out the change in the form
of government that the sad circumstances had made necessary. His late
majesty's cabinet called a meeting of the privy council of state to be
held at the palace on that day at noon. To this meeting the princess
regent, now Queen, by hereditary right and the provisions of the
superseded constitution of 1865, as well as by the direct provisions of
the constitution of 1887, was summorned to be present in order to take
the oath of ofice and to be sworn in as sovereign, as provided for in
the constitution which had been forced on her late royal brother at
the point of the bayonet during the uprising of 1887, at the instigation of the same Thurston.anid his associates.
At this meeting her troubles began,. Naturally and properly opposed
to a constitution promulgated by her late brother under compulsion of
force, to which she had never consented, and feeling secure in her right
to ascend the throne ndller the provisiols of tle sulperseded Kamehameha constitution, sle hesitated to sign the constitution or to take the
oath which might bind her to acklowle(lge the validity of that docu
ment. The chancellor of the Kingdom, Chief Justice A. F. Judd, advised her to sign it, as the oath was merely the same as in the previous
constitution, and hinted to her that the then ministry could not hold
office under the colmmissions signed by the late King. Thus induced,
she reluctantly but finally signed the document and took the oatth.
Picture the scene: The dead body of her brother and late sovereign
still on board of the Charleston, no definite arrangements yet made to
bring it ashore; men at work in the very palace where they were draping it with mourning; no relatives near or far save a child niece 8,000
miles away in England and an invalid husband who died a few months
later; a subtle tempter promising-you shall do as you want if you
willingly give in on this one point; and a grief-stricken and lonely
woman in the first pangs of mourning, bereavement, and the bewildermlent of a sudden change called upon to assume the duties of head of
the nation.
Could anyone doubt the result? The chief justice's advice was followed. The oath was taken to support the Colnstitution of the Hawaiian
lslands, and immediately on the adjournment of the Privy Council,
the politicians both in it and out of it were at work. The chief
Justice at once stepped up to Her Majesty and whispered to her that if
the ministry resigned, as they could not legally hold their portfolios
unless commnissioned by her, she should ask tlem to hold their portfolios until after the funeral. This was indeed a Inost remarkable action
of the chief justice toward a woman thus suddenly called on to attend
to matters of the most important and serious nature possible, as
well as a singular prejudgment of matters which have to, and did,
come before him in his official capacity as head of the supreme bench.
For not without a struggle did the late King's cabinet give up the
reins of power, bowing only to the decision of the supreme court. It
was appealed to, as provided for in the Constitution. It will be remembered that Mr. J. A. Cummins was the minister of foreign affairs and
nominal premier in this cabinet which was now compelled to retire.
This fact accounts for much which happened later, is will be related
in due time. Considerable feeling ran through the community at the
time of the discussion, on the claim off right by the late King's ministers to hold office in defiance of the Queen. The Thurston faction saw
that their power was slipping surely and slowly from them, and they
made every effort, privately and publicly, to prevent the Queen from
acting contrary to their wishes and plans.




1828                    HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.,
However, as before stated, the supreme court decided that His late
Majesty's cabinet, could not hold office by virtue of their commissions,
signed by the deceased King, and Her Majesty exercised her undoubted privilege of selecting new counsellors. These were Messrs.
S. Parker, H. A. Widemluan, Charles N. Spencer, and W. A. Whiting.
It was a most conservative cabinet, although not at all favored by or
favoring the Thurston faction. Mr. C. N. Spencer, since deceased in
February, 1893, the minister of the interior, an American and a very
old resident of this Kingdom, was a member of the cabinet appointed
by the late King, who had just resigned on account of the decision of
the supreme court. He had previously, however, signified both his
absolute willingness and his deliberate intention of resigning his office
as a matter of courtesy to the sovereign, even though the supreme
court should decide that the King's cabinet had the right to continue
their offices under the Queen. None of his colleagues had expressed
such opinions and seemed determined to hold their seats at all hazard;
this no doubt influenced Her Majesty in her determination to select
new advisers.
Troublous indeed were the scenes at the opening of her reign, and
now she had to meet trouble from without as well as from within.
His excellency, John L. Stevens, envoy extraordinary and minister
plenipotentiary of the United States of America, had by virtue of his
office an official audience of the bereaved and mourning sovereign in
the palace on the day following the burial of the body of the late King,
on which occasion he addressed Her Majesty as follows:
MADAM: It is my official duty to offer to Your Majesty congratulations on your
accession to the throne, in accordance with the provisions of the constitution of
your Kingdom. Turning froml the filneral scenes throullgh whlich we have just passed,
I address Your Majesty words of hope as to the future of your reign. Standing on
the border land of death and the future world, of which we have been so solemnly
reminded by what has just transpired in our midst, and reversnt towards the Supreme God, to whom all are accountable, the minister of the United States expresses
his earnest gratification that Your Majesty has taken the firm resolution to aid in
making your reign a strictly constitutional reign, to maintain the constitutional
right of your ministers to administer the laws, and always to acknowledge their responsilility to the Legislature in the performance of their sworn obligations. In the
wish thus to respect the supreme autlhority of the constitution and the laws, Your
Majesty places yourself in the exalted rank of the best sovereigns of the world, and
thus will avoid those embarrassments and perplexities which have so often disturbed
the peace and crippled the prosperity of countries not blessed with free and enlightened constitutions. It is my earnest prayer that Your Majesty maybe able to carry
ont your noble resolution, and thus have full time and opportunity to discharge the
duties which Your Majesty justly regards necessary to the success of your reign and
beneeficial to your whole people. In endeavoring to make good these auspicious
promises, Your Majesty will have the full sympathy and the good wishes of the Government which I have the honor to represent at this capital.
Picture to yourself the time and scene. An elderly editor of an obscure country journal, accidentally pitchforked into the position of the
national representative of one of the greatest nations on earth-and a
republic at that-lecturing a monarch born and educated to the purple,
a woman in the hour of deepest bereavement, in the style and with the
ideas that he would have used to a Sunday school class of little children
or possibly to a benighted heathen from the depths of barbarism.
From this time forward he showed by every means in his power at
every opportunity the determination to make himself obnoxious to the
Queen and her Government by his high-handed and dictatorial actions
and speeches, both to herself personally and everyone in her Government that he had to deal with officially.
His mode of doing this was generally characterized by pettiness, as




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1829
the following instances will show: He once asked permission of the
Queen to introduce to her two or three friends. What was the astonishment of the officials to see him drive into the palace yard with all
the tourist guests of the hotel, about 30 or 40 in number. As it so
happened the Queen was indisposed, so that they had only the privilege of seeing through the palace. Upon receiving the excuses of the
Queen, Minister Stevens announced the fact to his guests, and in a
few minutes afterwards withdrew, leaving the party in the charge of
the palace officials. On another occasion the Queen was holding a general reception. Several influential and wealthy American visitors to the
Islands were desirous of being presented to Her Majesty. Minister
Stevens met them at the palace, and when he got to the door of the
throne room he left the party standing in the hallway while he marched
in alone, and standing before the Queen hastily read over a list of names
and marched out again, leaving his amazed countrymen and ladies to
their own devices, from which awkward position they were rescued by
the courtesy of the Queen's officials. and ushered into her presence.
Again, at a state dinner at the palace, he signalized himself by killing
mosquitoes, clapping both hands together with a loud report, letting
the mosquitoes fall into his soup, from which he afterward picked them
out. The onlookers and others at the table were simply paralyzed by
his coarse breach of etiquette.
Upon another occasion at a luau given on the palace grounds, to
which himself, wife, and family were invited, he created great irritation by his ungentlemanly and dictatorial insistance on having seats
placed at the Royal table, when a table had been specially set apart
for the families of diplomatic representatives, lor his second daughter
and lady friends. He expressed himself in language quite unbecoming
a gentlemen of his position.
When raiding a Chinese gambling den, the police at one time
arrested a murderous-looking inmate of the place, armed with a specially sharpened immense sheath knife. He was placed under arrest
with a second charge of carrying a deadly weapon contrary to law.
Minister Stevens immediately insisted on his release without trial,
and the return of the deadly blade, as the Mongolian was an attache
of the legation, to-wit, his coachman, and was therefore privileged from
arrest, notwithstanding the fact that he was not registered at the foreign office as such according to international law and custom. To
avoid any further fuss with the American dictator, the murderous
Celestial highbinder and criminal servant over whom had been unwarrantably thrown the acgis of the American eagle, was released.
In April last, when V. V. Ashford, R. W. Wilcox, and others were
under arrest on a charge of treason, a vagabond hoodlum, better known
as " the bad man from Alabama," who had been parading up and down
Merchant street, the principal business street, with cartridge belt stuck
full of cartridges, and a Springfield rifle, loudly uttering that he was
prepared to fall in when the word was given for a move to be made, on
which he was promptly arrested by a police officer. Minister Stevens
interfered in this man's behalf also, to secure his release, as he would
no doubt have of the rest could he have even furbished up the slightest
claim to interfere, and thus show his sympathy with revolutions and the
enemies of Her Majesty's throne and life.
When it came to attempting to search for a missing boat from the
wreck of the American ship W. A. Campbell, which contained six or
seven men, a woman, and a young child, he refused to allow the Boston
to go, on the grounds that he feared a revolution and damage to life




1830                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
and property in its absence. This was during the Maefarlane-Neunann
and the Cornwell-Nawahai cabinets regime, when the Thurston faction
were in opposition. A few weeks later, when they had got into power,
he took occasion to use the Boston to convey himself and family to
Hawaii. The incident caused strong conmment amongst Americans in
Honolulu on his heartlessness and cowardice in taking care of Americans and American interests, and called forth several communications
which were published in the Daily Bulletin, a leading newspaper
owned by a private corporation.    The articles referred to are as follows:
In the legislative assembly on Tuesday, the 27th of September, 1892, Noble Cornwell, under suspension of the rules, moved the following resolution:
"Whereas, information from authoritative sources has been received that an
American vessel has been wrecked near the coast of Hawaii, and by reports of one
boat's crew of survivors that another boat containing the captain and his wife, and
other people, was still missing;
"Resolved, That Her Majesty's Government is hereby requested to inquire into the
expediency of assisting the castaways, and is hereby authorized in that behalf to
employ the services of one of the Inter-island steamers for the purpose of searching
for the missing people, to render assistance if possible;
"Resolved, further, That the Government be authorized to incur the necessary
expenses connected therewith."
On motion of Noble Baldwin the words " if deemed necessary" were added, and
the resolution passed, and referred to the cabinet.
On the 28th of September the following communication appeared:
Editor Bulletin:
I would like to ask through your columns "of those who have the authority" why
the U. S. S. Boston is not sent out in search of the missing boat of the American ship
Wm. A. Campbell. I will venture to say that if the U. S. minister's or consul-general's
wife and child were in that boat the Boston would have steamed to sea in search of
it several days ago.                  j
AN INDIGNANT AMERICAN.
In its issue of the 29th was this editorial:
The U. S. S. Boston leaves port this afternoon on a cruise in search of the missing
boat of the lost ship WVm. A. Campbell. This movement is to be placed to the credit
of the action taken by the Hlawaiian Legislature on a resolution introduced by Noble
Cornwell. While there is no certainty that the captain's party have either perished
or been picked up, there is a chance that they may be found alive on the wide ocean
by the cruiser. Better late than never that the search is instituted.
The above was one of the specifications in Minister Stevens' libel
suit. 'Another Indignant American," on the 30th says:
Editor Bulletin:
It is just one week ago to-night since the American Minister Stevens, Consul-General Severance, and the U. S. S. Boston were communicated with on the subject of
instituting search for the missing boat's crew of the wrecked WT. A. Campbell, a
report of which appeared in the Bulletin first on last Friday afternoon.  The
answers were vague and indefinite, except such as received from the Boston which
supplied the information that no instructions had been received. Now, this afternoon, the Boston starts on her belated trip in the cause of humanity. The excuse
can not be offered that the attention of these officials was not drawn to the need for
hunmane action, nor can poverty of the nation they represent be advanced, in atonement for disgusting quiescence. If the Boston comes across a ship's boat containing
fourteen grinning ghastly corpses, including those of a loving mother and her babea woman and her child-it will not be a pleasant picture to contemplate, nor will it
be a source of satisfiaction to Hubites when they reflect upon the odium which has
already been cast upon the namesake of the capital city of the old "Bay State," by
the senility and Chinese-like stolidity of the man from Maine.
On October 1 "Looker-On" writes:
Editor Bulletin:
Last Friday, news was brought of a terrible disaster at sea. One boat was picked
up off the Hawaiian coast, and the exhausted survivors were able to tell of the still
more desperate condition of the occupants of another boat, supposed to be following
the first. A woman in a delicate condition and a baby were sharing the awful hardships of the open sea in a small ship's boat. The vessel was American. In the port




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1881
of Honolulu was lying a ship of the much-vaunted Navy. Moreover, a large number
of local steamers were anchored in the harbor waiting for employment. Thanks to
private charity and generosity a short ineffectual search was leade by the steamer
Kinau, whose owners declined to receive remuneration for what, in their opinion, was
the performance of an act of common humanity. Meanwhile, the Bo:ton, lies calmly
as if nothing had happened. Her searchlights sweep the heavens at night, resting
for a moment on the hotel cupola, then another moment on the rising towo. of the
American church, then flash away to far Waikiki or elsewhere, calculated no doubt
to strike terror into the Hawaiian breast, and to show the futility of trying to evade
the searching eye, not of Providence, but of Uncle Sam. There were those who said
that it had been better if that light had swept the horizon beyond Hawaii for that
speck in the wide ocean to which were clinging a mother and her child. However,
nothing absolutely is done, except that some theories are propounded by the American consul-general. Besides this, nothing.
It is said on good authority that the captain of the Boston offered his ship, but that
the American minister declined the offer. He was afraid, it is said, that something
might happen if the Boston were to leave port. Here, then, two reflections arise.
First, why is the Boston here at all? and, secondly, is it not manifest now that there
are occasions when we are deprived of the maternal protection of the United States
and need a small force of our own? Finally, seeing that humanity was being sacriiced to miserable considerations of politics, a memrber of the Hawaiian Legislature
moves that steps be taken immediately to attempt relief to the unfortunate captain
and his family. This poor little Kingdom, not in anyway connected with the disaster, was about to rescue citizens of the United States because the representatives
of their own country would not move hand or foot. And this is the country to which
the Advertiser invites us all to address ourselves for permanent protection and relief.
An English man-of-war would have been under weigh within two hours of receiving
the intelligence. The fact is, the American Republic has so much to tlhik of at home
that it has no time to spend over such trifles as shipwrecks. And, if in an unfortunate moment of mental obstruction Hawaii were ever to seek admission to the Union,
she would find that this little Kingdom would be too small to occupy the absorbing
interest which, according to the Advertiser, would be directed to her interests.
Minister Stevens took such exceptions to those articles that he forthwith visited the minister of foreign affairs, and stated that he wished
a personal interview with Her Majesty, without informing the minister
of the nature of his proposed visit.  On the appointed day and hour,
Minister Stevens, accompanied by Consul-General H. W. Severance,
arrived at the palace.  He was ushered into the Queen's presence with
a document in one hand, which subsequrently proved to be the articles
that had been printed in the ' Bulletin, " already referred to, and a volume under his other arm. He was asked politely to take a seat, and
did so. flinging one leg over the arm of the chair, and in this uncouth
position before a lady he most heatedly announced to the Queen, and
'to her amazement, that he was there not as plain Mr. Stevens but as
'nvoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States
of America. Then drawing himself up to an erect posture, proceeded
iin a very ungentlemanlly tone to inform the Queen that it ' was the
President of the United States of America addressing the Queen of
Hawaii."   He then went on to say that he was not to be insulted by
any newspapers in her realm, and said he referred to certain articles
which had been published in the "'Bulletin, " copies of which he had
brought witl him to place before Her Majesty. He expected an apology from the Queen, and also that she give him redress for the insult
he had received. He then read extracts on " international law"v from
the book which he had carried under his arm. He also read an
"amende honorable,'    which he insisted should be published in the
"Bulletin," but was not. It was as follows:
We desire to express our deep regret for the admission to our oltumns of communications reflecting on official American representatives relative to the wrecked
ship Win. A. Cacrnbell. We are satisfied that the insinuations and reflections contained in those communications are entirely unwarranted and unjust. The United
States officials now at Honolulu are responsible to their own Government at Washington. and not to residents of foreign countries. Nor are they at liberty to explain




1832


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


the reasons of their official actions in the public prints. Both the present minister and
the consul-general, so far as we know, during their residence here, have always
conducted themselves with discretion and propriety. These anonymous assaults
upon then are wholly unjustifiable, and if this paper has in any way implied a
reflection upon their official conduct we think it just to withdraw all such implicacation, and frankly make this "anmende honorable."
Their excellencies Samuel Parker and Paul Neumann, Consul-General Severance and Her Majesty's chamberlain were witnesses to this
extraordinary scene. At the conclusion of this most insane and unheard of proceeding, charging her with something that she neither
knew of or had any control over-namely, the conduct of a newspaper
with which she had no connection-Her Majesty properly referred him
to her ministers.
The cabinet, at Mr. Stevens' request and instance, commenced criminal proceedings for libel against the editor of the paper in question.
The suit was afterwards withdrawn at the request of Mr. Stevens, when
he found what a scrape he had got himself into, both at home and
abroad, by his tyrannical and insolent action towards Her Majesty, and
towards suppressing the privilege of free comments of the press on
public men, which when an editor himself he had freely availed himself of, and which the Hawaiian, like the American, Constitution,
expressly guarantees. His violation of diplomatic etiquette. by going
direct to Her Majesty, without first stating the nature of his interview
to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and his violent and personally
insulting language, would anywhere else have caused his recall, as a
persona ingrata to the Sovereign, but the Queen good-naturedly overlooked the insult and forgave his ignorance and ill-temper.
His actions were privately apologized for by Consul General Severance at a social at Fort Street Church, who said that if he had known
the nature of the errand he would never have accompanied the minister.
Previous to this incident he had been selected by American residents
for the honor of giving an address at the decoration-day services. On
that occasion he took the opportunity to air his antimonarchical sentiments by condemning all monarchies in general, and greatly reflected
on the Hawaiian monarchy. Noble E. C. Macfarlane brought the matter up in the Legislature on a question of privilege, and a resolution was
passed calling on Minister John L. Stevens to make an explanation to
Her Maljesty's Government, but influences were brought to bear, and
the subject-matter was dropped from the records, on the ground that
America might take it as an ungrateful action on the part of HIawaii,
and it might influence the safety of a pending treaty then in the process of negotiation. He had made a somewhat similar public expos6
of his sentiments in an address at the Young Men's Christian Assooiation Hall previously. We shall now drop Minister Stevens' peculiar actionIs, and take up the consideration of Her Majesty's reign from
the time when he first began his uncalled for interference with herself
and her Government.
After the period of mourning the Queen went on several tours of
inspection, visiting all of the islands and the most important districts on each. In every place she was most enthusiastically received
by the foreigners as well as by the native Hawaiians. The evidences
of her popularity with every class in every place were universal and
sincere. The only ones who expressed any dissent were disappointed
and disgruntled politicians who had failed to get any office or influence
with her, such as Messrs. J. E. Bush, R. W. Wilcox, the Ashfords, and
Rev. S. E. Bishop, but even these found the tide of popular feeling in
her favor too hard to stem and too openly expressed to be disguised or




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1833
covered up. It may be stated here that after having showered on the
Queen the most constant, and unlimited, and unparalleled abuse both
in their newspapers and in the Legislature to which they were elected
members, that towards the close of the session Messrs. Bush and WTil
cox, with Mr. C. W. Ashford, proffered their services to help her in any
way she deemed advisable, and professsed extreme loyalty to and affection for her.
In due time the biennial election took place in February, 1892, and
when the Legislature met in May it was found that the house was
divided amongst three parties, the planting missionary element with
Messrs. Thurston, Baldwin, and Smith at tleir head; the liberals, and
the national reform party. The ministry were supported by the
latter, and Thurston's party, in order to oust them and get into power,
formed an unholy alliance with their political enemies, the liberals, by
promising them a share of the power so gained and pledging themselves
not to abandon the agreement until the Queen had given into their
desires and appointed a cabinet of their nomination.
In order to give a fictitious color of constitutionality and liberty to
their nefarious office and power-seeking schemes, Mr. Thurston enunciated the astonishing principles, not to be found in the Hawaiian constitution, that the Queen must appoint her cabinet on the dictation of
whomsoever a majority of the legislature should nominate in caucus as
the leader to select a ministry. In pursuance of this object ministry
after ministry was rejected by a vote of these combined parties in the
house, not with any regard to the merits of the gentlemen comprising
them, but solely with a view towards conmpelling Her Majesty to assent
to their return to full and uncontrolled power, although they represented but a minority of both the noble and the representative voters
of the Kingdom. To secure their ends and keep their majority together
the Thurston-Baldwin faction entered on a career of the most shameless corruption and bribery ever known in a Hawaiian Legislature, and
by so doing defeated cabinet after cabinet. Finally, however, on a
cabinet being selected by Her Majesty, every member of which either
belonged to or strongly favored the interests of their clique, the alleged
principle vanished into thin air, and they basely deserted their quondam liberal allies without compunction, having, as they thought,
secured their return to power untrammeled till the following election
in 1894.
Amongst the cabinets thus unceremoniously overthrown in their
greed for office was that known as the Macfarlane-Neumann cabinet,
consisting of Messrs. E. C. Macfarlane, Samuel Parker, Clarles T. Gulick
and Paul Neumann. This cabinet for talent, executive ability, honesty,
patriotism, and integrity is probably unequaled in the history of the 
Kingdom. Every man il it was American, being either an American
citizen or the descendant of one. It had the support and confidence of
the financial and business circles. Yet by unblushing bribery and corruption, to the disgust of everyone, they were forced out of office on a
second vote of " want of confidence," after the first one had failed. At
this time, if the Queen had promulgated a new constitution and dissolved the Legislature she would have had an overwhelming support
both from foreigners and Hawaiians.
It is to this period that we must also go for evidence that Messrs.
Stevens and Wiltse had been for a long time engaged in conspiring to
overturn the Monarchy here; for on the failure of the first vote of
want of confidence in the Maactfarlane-Neunlann ministry, and before
bribery had got in its work to secure a majority in favor of a second,




1834                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
a provisional government was proposed to Messrs. Stevens and Wiltse.
by Messrs. J. A. Cummins and others of the then united faction of the
liberals and Thurston crowd. They pledged themselves then to support such movement with all the forces at their disposal if the move
could be made. This statement is made on the authority of a statement under oath by one who was present at a caucus held at Mr. Alex.
Young's place at that time, whenr Mr. J. A. Cummins announced the
fact to the meeting. The movement, however, was not made, as the
public feeling of all classes at the time was so strong and bitter against
the tactics of Messrs. Thurston and Co. that they knew that they would
have suffered severely from the popular indignation if they attempted
to do anything of the kind. They went as far as to try how many
men they could enlist to serve their purpose, but met with such rebuffs
and rebukes as to cause them to desist. Most of those whom they
approached told them that they had not forgotten their behavior in
the 1887 affair.
In the mean time the bribery had succeeded, the Macfarlane-Neumann cabinet were out, and after a short interval Messrs. Nawahi,
Cornwell, Gulick, and Creighton were appointed as the cabinet, but
were promlptly voted out in a couple of hours after taking their seats.
Although unwilling to surrender her constitutional prerogative at the
demand of the Thurston faction, the Queen determined, in the interests of peace, to appoint her next cabinet from amongst the more mod 
erate of their number, and did so, in the vain hope that that would
cause them to run the country's business at least fairly to every party
and stop. The ministry now appointed (the Brown-Wilcox ministry)
was entirely satisfactory to the so-called reform palty, but as their late
allies (the liberals) had not been consulted in its formation, and were
not represented in its composition, they refused to support it, and a
spectacle was presented of a ministry governing the country who teepmesented a minority in the house, and these but a feeble minority of
the voters of the country. Such a state of affairs could not last, except
under the peculiar electoral conditions of Hawaii, and only by political
trickery and extensive bribery was it kept up.
Finally, however, the INational Reform party and the Liberals coalesced and by the requisite majority, twenty-five out of forty-eighlt,
voted the Brown-Wilcox pro-missionary combination out of office.
Personally, I was sorry to see them retire from office, as I considered
them moderate men, who would exercise their power in a conservative
way until the following election in February next year, but the actions
of the ]reform party had been so unscrupulous that their opponents determined to force them out. They first tried to get them to resign by
passing bills obnoxious to their policy, such as the opium licelse law,
which was opposed by all but Cecil Brown (attorney-general), and the
lottery bill; but finding them determined on holding office they united,
as I before stated, and by appealing to the patriotic sentiments of the
Hawaiian members prevented the Reform party's gold from having any
effect, and carried the vote of "want of confidence" by a considerable
majority and by the requisite legal number (twenty-five) of members of
the House. I may now here mention the circumstances attending the
formation of the new ministry and the new Constitution proposed to
be promulgated.
My first knowledge that Her Majesty had received at this time any
idea of promulgating a Constitution was about the 8th of January last,
when we had some conversation on the subject, in which I objected to
its suitability and feasibility at the time. Although I knew that she




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1835


thoroughly believed she was doing her duty in the mlatter as a Queen
toward her people, her race, and her country, and that she was right
in thus acting toward her people, who lhad come to her as a last resort,
having failed to get their desires after trying every other mneans. I
knew tlhat she had received petitions from all sections of tfe group
witlh over 10,000 signatures, praying her to help her people with their
desires for a new Constitution.
The liberal party, which was elected on a platform in which the main
plank was the calling of a constitutional convention, were at this time
under the perfect control of the missionary wing of the reform l)arty,
under Thurston's leadership, lhad gone back on their pledges and refused
to grant a constitutional convention for the purpose of preparing a new
constitution satisfactory alike to Hawaiians and foreigners in a proper
and amicable manner, and afterwards placing it before the people for
its ratification and promulgation, although the petitions in favor of it
had over 4,00() signatures of voters. To meet such treatment by the
Legislature after these thousands had signified their desire for it, was
hard for her people. The people appealed to her for redress, and she,
in her sympathy for her people, although in the beginning of her reign
was taunted as being too much in favor of and under the advice and
influence of the foreigner, and against her own people and race, determined to show them that a Hawaiian monarch's chief care was to
redress the wrongs of the Hawaiian people whenever they were in the
right, and especially as she was advised that it simply needed the royal
mandate to relieve the oppression. To find me, whom she considered
would acquiesce to her every behest, opposing her, was a severe strain
for a monarch, especially as she knew that I myself was in sympathy
with the general idea of amending the constitution by having a new
one. To be met with opposition when one expects acquiesence and
obedience, is a severe strain to anyone, but more especially to a monarch,
who is also a lady, accustomed, therefore, to have her slightest wishes
regarded as law.
As nothing further was said until the 13th, I considered that the
matter had dropped, but on that day, in talking over the matter of the
new cabinet, which was to be appointed inl presence of Her Majesty,
the matter was brought up again; I again urged the objections which
I felt to the step, and, as I thought, successfully.
On the 14th of January, while at the palace waiting with the other
invited guests, after the ministers had retired for consultation, owing
to the prolonged wait, Governor A. S. Cleghorn urged me to go into
the blue room and see Her Majesty, and finll out what was the cause
of the delay. I saw Her Majesty and Minister S. Parker, and, after
lhearing the state of affairs, I said: " I'll make this proposition, as you
have here only a native copy of the constitution; have you an English
version?" She replied: "Yes.7 "Then send for it," I said, "and
send for the rest of the Cabinet and let them look it over, and if they
find there is nothing radically wrong in it, you then sign it and we
will stand by its results; but if it is not right, you follow the advice of
your ministers." To this proposition both Her Majesty and Mr. Parker
agreed, and Mr. Parker sent for the other ministers, who returned to
the palace. The English version of the constitution was sent for and
brought in by a messenger.
The proposition was laid before the cabinet by myself, which they
accepted and began to inspect the proposed constitution. Just then I
received a message that I was wanted outside. I went out, when a
note was handed to me stiting that 1 was required immediately at the




1836                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
police station. I therefore excused myself and left the blue room. I
was met by the chief justice and others, who wanted to know what had
taken place. As I was in haste, I simply told them that the ministry
had returned and were now in the blue room with Her Majesty, and
that the rumor of their resignation was untrue. I then went on to the
station house, and on my arrival there I was informed that Messrs.
Thurston and W. 0. Smith of the missionary party were organizing
and enlisting men to overthrow the Queen and her Government. After
making inquiry, I found that they alleged they were organizing simply
to support the ministry in opposing the Queen, in the event of her promulgating a new constitution, in defiance of the ministry, by force of
arms, as Minister Colburn had called upon Mr. Thurston that afternoon
for advice, and informed them that the Queen intended to promulgate
a new constitution. Mr. Thurston had advised Mr. Colburn to oppose
the measure, and not to resign; that they would render all the assist.
ance necessary. Hence they were enlisting the men at W. O. Smith's
office for that purpose.
As this seemed to me to be a legitimate purpose I did not make any
arrests, but as 1 saw from the excited condition of these men (Thurston,
Smith, etc.) that they saw an opportunity to raise trouble, and now
that the news had spread around town and knots of men were discussing the situation on the street corners, I felt it my duty to make
every preparation to preserve the peace and safety of the town if they
attempted to proceed to any violent acts. I therefore gave my instructions to the police and the specials to be carefully on the lookout for
any symptoms of this kind, and returned to the palace to see how
matters were proceeding there. On my way there I was informed by
those whom I met that the Queen had given way to the advice of her
cabinet and that the constitution matter was postponed.
When I arrived at the palace I found all the guests had gone except
a Hawaiian social club, who had prepared a "luau"in thebasementof the
palace to celebrate the prorogation, and that Her Majesty was just
seated as I entered. I was shown to a seat opposite Her Majesty, but
had no sooner sat down than I was telephoned for to go right back to
the police station, as I was wanted on an important matter. On my
arrival at the station house I was informed that Thurston and his party
were holding another meeting at W. 0. Smith's office, and were still
enlisting men. This was at 5 p. m. I therefore sent out my special
officers with instructions to report at once on the slightest sign of a
disturbance, and putting the regular police force on double duty I kept
an extra guard all night at the station house, and made every prepara
tion necessary to quell immediately any disturbance which might arise
Other specials were sent out to shadow the principals in the move, andl
instructions were given to the police to arrest all persons on the street;
found with arms and ammunition, and to keep a strict watch on the
dealers in firearms and their places of business until otherwise ordered
by mnyself.
By the advice and consent of the cabinet I ordered the saloons
closed at 9 o'clock p. m., two hours and a half earlier than usual, in
order to induce the usual Saturday night crowd to disperse to their
homes, and so keep the streets clear. These precautions were taken,
as I could not foresee what their next move would be. As matters had
settled down to their normal condition, and peace and quietness prevailed throughout the city, I could not understand why the Thurston
faction should continue to hold meetings and enlist men. Nothing occurred that night to denote any signs of disturbance, except the meet



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1837
ings of the Thurston faction, and on Sunday, the 15th. I received information from one special that a meeting had been held at Thurstor's
residence the night previous, and kept up until late, at which a majority of those afterwards known as the committee of safety were present.
I have learned since from one of those who were present that the object
of the meeting was to overthrow the Queen by force and bring about annexation, Mr. L. A. Thurston being the leader. Mr. A. S. Hartwell, who
was present, opposed the move, as he thought it was not the proper
way to bring about annexation, but Thurston and the others did not
agree with him and ridiculed his objections, in consequence of which
Mr. Hartwell had withdrawn from the compact and stated that he
could not be a party to any such action, and retired from the meeting.
At this meeting Thurston stated that Minister Stevens had promised
to support them, if they proclaimed a provisional government, with
troops from the U. S. S. Boston, and that their cause could not be a
success without those troops and Minister Stevens's assistance.
Another special brought in word that they were still recruiting and
arming, and that they could only rely on about seventy-five men and
not over eighty stand of arms. From another I received information
that L. A. Thurston, W. O. Smith, W. R. Castle, J. H. Soper, John
Good, C. W. Zeigler, H. Waterhouse, C. L. Carter, J. A. McCandless, J.
F. Morgan, A. Brown, W. W. Hall, J. H. Fisher, J. Emmeluth, W. Chan,
and C. T. Wilder were all out working the matter up round town among
people to see how many stood on the matter; that some were on horseback and others in hacks. Other specials reported that some of the
above named gentlemen were constantly in and out of Minister Stevens's
house (the United States legation), also those of W. W. Hall, L. A.
Thurston, F. W. Wundenberg, and H. Waterhouse. Another special
reported that Messrs. Thurston and Colburn had visited A. P. Peterson's
house early that morning, but could not learn what their course of
action was, but something serious was under foot.
On receipt of these reports, more special officers were detailed to
procure further information, and report as soon as possible. I then
sent immediately for Capt. Nowlien, and telephoned for Mr. Peterson,
the attorney-gelleral, and arranged for a meeting of the cabinet at
the police station. On Capt. Nowlien's arrival I imparted to him the
information I had received, and requested him to prepare and get the
barracks and his men ready for active service, as it was evident these
people (the Thurston fiction) meant business. I also asked him to lay
the state of affairs in town before Her Majesty, as I had to go myself
to the police station immediately.
On my arrival there, I found everything in regular order and the
men fully prepared for any emergency. The attorney-general arrived
shortly after, as also did the other members of the cabinet. I laid
before them the reports of the situation furnished me by my special
officers. They were not much surprised at receiving such information
as they were in possession of similar facts themselves and also of
documentary evidence of the same, which Mr. Peterson produced and
which I considered was sufficient cause for the arrest of these men on
a charge of treason.
After a short consultation, I made a proposition to swear out warrants for the arrest of the ringleaders of the plot at once. The attorney-general objected to the proposition, giving the following reasons,
stating that he had been called on by Minister Colburn and Mr. L. A.
Thurston early that morning at about 6 or 6:30 a. m., who made a
proposition to him showilg a course of procedure fully prepared,
which, if carried out, would cause the overthrow of the Queen and her




1838


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Government, and the establishment of a Provisional Government in
its place. That Thurston had then stated to Minister Colburn and
himself that the American minister, Mr. Stevens, would support
such a move with the United States troops fromi the U. S. S. Boston.
And that he had also showed them a forlm or draft of a letter or
request to be sent to Minister Steveiis, requesting him to land the
troops from the Boston, to assist Ministers Colburn and Peterson
under the guise of maintaining order and protecting life and property,
if they (Peterson and Colburn) would consent to sign it as attorneygeneral and minister of the interior.
I could see at once tlat this was a bait offered them to swallow to
legalize the landing of the United States troops, and for them to nominally remain as cabinet officers of the Queen's, but actually seceding
from her and thus dividing the executive, so that they being still in
authority would support the cause of the rebels,t and it would be an easy
task for them to accomplish their ends without risking their lives, as
their rebellious act would be termed a legal resisttance, and thus they
held out these inducements to Messrs. Colburn and Peterson to become
traitors to the Queen and her Government. Mr. Peterson also said that
the arrest of these parties would precipitate a conflict with the United
States troops, if Mir. Thurston's statements were true, which he (Mr.
Peterson) was satisfied they were, and that the troops would be landed
in any case. I then said we can protest against their landing, and if
they insist on landing for any other purpose than for that of protecting
the United States consulate and legation, that this Government will
resist them, and so, in other words, the United States would have to declare war against this Government, and I doubt whether they would
fire a shot in that case, as I doubt that Minister Stevens has the authority to declare war against a friendly nation, and furthermore we
are in a position to resist all the troops that can land, as their complement, all told, is not over 2350 mei, and not more than 175 of these could
be landed at the outside.
We can oppose them now with over 500 men, two Gatling guns, and
a battery of artillery of about 12 pieces (rifled Austrian breech-loaders),
with six or seven hundred rounds of ammunition, shot, shell. and
shrapnel, and about fifty or sixty thousand rounds for Springfield and
Winchester rifles, to say nothing' of what the volunteers may have. The
ministry then decided to inquire from Minister Stevens himself how
far he was supporting the plotters with the United States troops, and
to seek advice fromi and consult with those prominent business men
who were friendly to the Queen's government, and also with the consuls and members of tlhe diplomatic corps. Here our interview ceased
for that morning, and Colburn, Cornwell, and Parker started off to
arrange a meeting with those just mentioned for 2 p. m. that day.
When making my rounds about the city that afternoon in a hack
with Mr. S. F. Chillingsworth, who became my deputy on the following
day, while on our way down Nuuanu avenue I drew his attention as
also that of the hackman when passing the United States legation to
the presence of Messrs. L. A. Thurston, W. 0. Smith, and A. S. Hartwell inside, and to that of Mr. C. L. Carter on horseback outside in the
street apparently waiting for instructions. What were these people
doing there, especially at that time on a Sunday, about 3 p. m. or a
little after I
After returning to the office Mr. Colburn came along looking for W.
0. Smith or Thurston. I told him I had just seen them at Minister
Stevens's (the United States legation). About 4 p. Wm. I saw posters
being put up which the conspirators had drawn up and had printed




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   1839
that day, calling for a mass meeting on Monday afternoon, and signed
(' committee of safety." I met the cabinet at dinner at the Hawaiian
hotel, and they stated to me that the result of their meeting at 2 p. m.
had been satisfactory, and that they had decided that the Queen should
issue a proclamation in the morning to the effect that she would not
attempt to promulgate a new constitution again, as a guarantee of
good faith to the dillomatic and consular corps, and that the course of
the cabinet had the support of the merchants and business men who
had attended the meeting. They also informed me that they had
arranged for another meeting at the attorney-general's office for that
evening at 8 o'clock.
After dinner, a little after 7 o'clock, we all left the hotel to go to the
meeting at the attorney-general's office, excepting Ministers Parker and
Peterson, who proceeded to the United States Legation to see Minister
Stevens in regard to the situati-o, and get somle definite answer as to
his action in the event of an uprising. The meeting did not take place
until 8:30 p. m., although Messrs. P'arker and Peterson returnedl firom
Mr. Stevens's about 8 o'clock, as we waited for the arrival of the iHon.
Paul Neumann. On his arrival at 8:30 o'clock the meeting opened for
business. Mr. Peterson stated the object of the meeting was to devise
ways and means to overcome tle action of the conspirators in the event
of an uprising. He also stated that he had been to see Mr. Stevens,
the American minister, as to the stand he would take in regard to thle
conspirators, and the reply which Mr. Stevens had given Mr. Parker
and himself was that lhe was ready to support a provisional government with United States troops from the Boston, which meant no doubt
that lie was against the continuance of the Queen's government, and
he also stated to me tlat I was a scoundrel. When asked the reason
of this statement, he said that it was because I had arrested his coachman, a Chinese, and other matters which he did not specify. We then
discussed the question of the Boston landing its troops in regard to its
legality, violation of international laws, etc. The force we had at our
disposal was also discussed, as were other matters, such as the propriety
of holding a mass meeting, the proposed proclamation by the Queen
and cabinet, the proposed Provisional Government by the conspirators,
the subject of arms and ammunition, and other cognate matters.
More information was supplied here, as to the force and strength at
the command of the Thurston faction. I proposed that the ringleaders
should be arrested at once, and that all arms and ammuniition in the
town be seized, and the island put under martial law till the arrests
were effected. Messrs. Peterson and Neumann both objected, on the
grounds that it would precipitate a conflict, as Minister Stevens had
already declared himself, and that we must at all hazards avoid a conflict with the United States troops. A committee was appointed to
draw up a resolution and to call a mass meeting in support of the
cabinet's action, and other matters. The meeting then adjourned, and
the committee met at once for the transaction of their business.
After the meeting at the attorney-generals office I went to the police station with those of my staff, and prepared a map and an outline
of defense showing the outposts and the number of the Inen required
to guard the town in the event of martial 1aw being proclaimed by the
Queen. The cabinet had concluded to mIlake the police station their
headquarters. The map also showed the number of pickets required
for each guard, also the distance to and from all important buildings,
as the station house, palace, barracks, Government buildings, and other
strategic points, also the U. S. S. Boston from the same points. The
police station itself was safe from the line of fire of the Boston, as there




1840


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


were brick buildings full of sugar or other goods of a similar nature be
tween the two spots, and the building was safe from being undermined,
as the foundation is one solid mass of concrete from the coral of bed
rock, and it would take months to undermine this, even with the most
improved implements. As on the previous evening, I kept an extra
guard at the police station all night. That night I received information that a caucus had been held at Mr. Henry Waterhouse's.
The following Monday, the 16th, I received information that the committee of safety were to meet at Thurston's office. I went over shortly
afterwards to Mr. Thurston's office and met hin and asked of him what
they intended to do to-day, and also said to him that they had gone too
far, as the matter of the promulgation of a new constitution was now
settled and there would be a proclamation issued by the Queen to that
effect. Thurston said, "I am sorry for the country, but what guaranty
have we that this will not happen again. It is living on a volcano;
there is no telling when it will explode." At this, I said if the foreign
representatives are satisfied with the proclamation, that you people
should be, and also as long as I was there it would not occur again in
that way. He then replied: "Suppose you were to die to-night, what
then?" I said  That is going to extremes; you are unreasonable, and we
can not come to any terms."  He said: "Charlie, it can not be helped
now; it has gone too fir and there is no one to blame but herself." I
said: " I am sorry we can not agree about that," and left him. While I
was talking with him I could see the members of the committee coming upstairs and going into the office formerly occupied by Mr. Frear,
and close the door after entering. I then went over to the police station
and gave instructions for the enlistment of men as special constables,
and also sent an armed guard to the attorney-general's office in charge
of Capt. R. P. Waipa, to receive instructions from the attorney-general,
Mr. A. P. Peterson.
At 10 a. m. a committee from the conspirators had a meeting with
the cabinet in the foreign office. I sent for Capt. Nowlien and told
him to enlist volunteers and to send me 75 stand of Winchester repeating rifles, and for him to take what ammunition was wanted for
the artillery (as it was then in my custody), and to get all the powder
he required from the Government public powder magazine, and put it in
the magazine at the barracks. By 12 m. the above was carried out and
I had 700 men and over enrolled, mostly Hawaiians ready to take up
arms in supl)port of the Queen's Government, and a reserve of about
500 men, mostly foreigners. At about 12:30 p. nm. the Queen's proclamation was printed and circulated throughout the city. It read as
follows:
BY AUTHORITY.
Her Majesty's ministers desire to express their appreciation for the quiet and order
which has prevailed in this community since the events of Saturday, and are authorized to say that the position taken by Her Majesty in regard to the promulgation of
a new constitution was under the stress of her native subjects. Authority is given
for the assurance that any changes desired in the fundamental law of the land will
be sought only by methods provided in thb constitution itself. Her Majesty's ministers request all citizens to accept the assu rance of Her Majesty in the same spirit in
which it is given.
LILIUOKALANI,
SAMUEL PARKER,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
W. H. CORNWELL,
Minister of Finance.
JOHN F. COLBURN,
Minister of the Interior.
A. P. PETERSON,
IOLAI PALACE, Jvnuary 16, 199S.                   Attorney-Genral.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                       1.841
As both mass-meetings were called for 2 p. m., I sent a squad of
police to each place to preserve the peace and keep order if necessary.
About 3:30 p. m. the meetings had both adjourned, and the city was
quiet, there were no signs of any disturbance or disorder of any kind.
The attendance at the Thurston meeting was reported to me by count
as being between five and six hundred people, mainly foreigners, and
that at the Palace Square was estimated as numbering about 3,000.
Both meetings were conducted in a very orderly manner, and there
was no call for the services of the police at either meeting.
The meeting at the new armory, on Beritania street, was presided
over by the Hon. W. C. Wilder, a member of the Legislature, and was
addressed in several inflammatory speeches against the Queen by the
Hons. W. C. Wilder, L. A. Thurston, A. Young, and H. P. Baldwin,
also byMessrs. H. F. Glade (the German consul), C. Bolte, J. Emmeluth,
and R. J. Greene. No hint, however, was given of the proposal to
change the form of Government, although the Queen's proclamation
was read and referred to as being of no value. The following resolutions were passed at the meeting:
(1) Whereas Her Majesty Liliuokalani, acting in conjunction with certain other
persons, has illegally and unconstitutionally an angainst the advice and consent of
the lawfill executive officers of the Government, attempted to abrogate the existing
constitution and proclaim a new one in subversion of the rights of the people;
(2) And whereas such attempt has been accompanied by threats of violence and
bloodshed and a display of armed force, and such attempt and acts and threats,are
revolutionary and treasonable in character;
(3) And whereas Her Majesty's cabinet have informed her that such contemplated action was unlawful and would lead to bloodshed and riot, and have inmplored and demanded of her to desist fiom and renounce such proposed action;
(4) And whereas such advice has been in vain, and Her Majesty has in a public
speech announced that she was desirous and ready to promulgate such constitutio;, the same being now ready for such purpose, and that the only reason why it
was not now promulgated was because she had met with unexpected obstacles and
that a fitting opportunity in the future must be awaited for the consummation of
quch object, which would be within a few days;
(5) And whereas at a public meeting of citizens held in Honolulu on the 14th day
of January instant, a committee of thirteen, to be known as the "committee of
public safety," was appointed to consider the situation and to devise ways and
means for the maintenance of the public peace and safety and the preservation of
life and property;
(6) And whereas such committee has recommended the calling of this mass
meeting of citizens to protest against and condemn such action; and has this day
presented a report to such meeting denouncing the action of the Queen and her supporters as being unlawful, unwarranted, in derogation of the rights of the people,
endangering the peace of the community, and tending to excite riot and cause the
loss of life and destruction of property:
Now, therefore, we, the citizens of Honolulu, of all nationalities, and regardless
of political party affiliations, do hereby condemn and denounce the action of the
Queen and her supporters;
And we do hereby ratify the appointment and indorse the action taken and report made by the said committee of safety; and wedo hereby further empower such
committee to further consider the situation and further devise such ways and means
as may be necessary to secure the permanent maintenance of law and order and the
protection of life, liberty, and property in Hawaii.
Many of those present did not vote, and I was informed that the
enthusiasm and applause came only from those who were previously
acquainted with the objects of the leaders and were instructed to
applaud at the proper time and place.
At the meeting at Palace Square the assembled multitude were
addressed by the Hons. A. Rosa, J. E. Bush, J. Nawahi, and R.W.Wilcox,
who severally cautioned the people against any acts of violence or
turbulence, and urged them   to support the course of Her Majesty's
S. Rep. 227-   116




1842                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
cabinet. The Queen's proclamation was read and heartily indorsed by
all present, and the following resolution was unanimously passed:
Resolved, That the assurance of Her Majesty, the Queen, contained in this day's
proclamation is accepted by the people as a satisfactory guaranty that the Government does not and will not seek any modification of the constitution by any other
means than those provided in the organic law;
Resolved, That accepting this assurance the citizens here assembled will give their
cordial support to the administration and indlorse them in sustaining that policy.
A committee was appointed to present it to Her Majesty, which they
immediately proceeded to do.
The meetings seemed to have been safety valves for letting loose
whatever excess of feeling there may have been in the popular mind,
for by 4 p. m. it seemed as if the dissatisfaction was all over, as there
was scarcely anyone to be seen on the streets. It was like a calm after
the storm. About 4: 30 p. m. I got information that the Boston's men
were ordered to land. A watch was set to give the signal as soon as
signs of activity should be shown on board the Boston, and in the meantime I sent for the cabinet. It was difficult to find them, not having
seen or heard from them all day, and they could not be located as soon
as they might have been.
About 4:40 p. m. the signal was given that the boats were being got
ready on board the Boston, and that the artillery and gatling guns
were being put into the boats, also the men were armed with small arms.
At a little before 5 o'clock they were landed at the regular landing near
Brewer& Co.'s and Charlton's wharf. I therefore sent a messenger down
to find out who permitted them to land, or requested them to do so.
The messenger returned and stated that they did not know themselves,
but that they were to receive their instructions from shore, and that
Mr. C. L. Carter had just got there and was giving instructions to the
officers, as he judged by their actions.
About this time the cabinet arrived at the station house, and I
reported what had taken place to them. Mr. Cornwell suggested that
Messrs. Parker and Colburn go and see Mr. Stevens and protest
against such actions. They started on that errand at once, Mr. Cornwell remaining at the station house. A little after 5 p. m. the American
forces marched from the boat landing along Queen street and turned
up Fort street and halted at the corner of Merchant and Fort streets,
two doors off of which is the United States consulate.
There were three companies of blue jackets with Springfield rifles or
small arms, one company of blue jackets with the Gatling guns and
artillery, and a company of marines in full arms, having a total strength
of 150 to 155 men in all ranks, fully equipped for actual service, with
full belts of ammunition, and the caissons attached to the artillery
were also full. At this point the company of marines were left to
occupy the consulate. A company of blue jackets were ordered to the
United States legation, and the remaining companies were marched
up Merchant street into Palace Square, thence along King street
between the palace and the Government buildings, and were halted in
front of Mr, Hopper's residence, on the south corner of the palace
inclosure, in full view of Her Majesty the Queen, about 200 yards away
from the palace and the Government buildings. They remained there
till after dusk, when they were marched out along King street to Mr.
Atherton's residence, a distance of about 600 yards, and then stopped
until they lad some light refresllments of bananas and lemonade.
Afterwards they were marched back to town and took up quarters for
the night at the Arion Hall, a building separated from the Government




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1843
buildings by a lane known as Mililani street, about 20 feet wide, and
not more than 200 yards directly in front of the Queen's palace.
Messrs. Peterson, Parker, Colburn, and Cornwell, after returning
from the Government building, reported to me that Mr. Stevens had
stated that he had landed the troops at the request of Mr. Thurston
and the committee of safety, and that they (the cabinet) had protested
against the landing of the troops, and requested the U. S. minister to
withdraw the United States forces from the shore, but were refused or
did not get any reply. Then the cabinet left me to attend another
meeting of the Queen's friends. After the meeting the attorney-general, Mr. Peterson, returned to the station house, and remained with
me there during the night. At 11:30 p. in. a special officer reported to
me that the conspirators were now recruiting at Klemmne's lodging
house on Fort street, and that Mr. J. H. Fisher and J. B. Castle were
there. I again proposed to Mr. Peterson to proclaim martial law in the
morning and get out warrants for the arrest of the conspirators, and
showed him a proclamation to that purpose, ready prepared for the signatures of the Queen and the governor of the island of Oahu. I also
proposed placing an armed force in the Government building, but he
thought that it was no use to send armed men there, as it was a bad
building to defend, especially if Minister Stevens insists on continuing
to support the conspirators, as we can not afford to fight the United
States of America. Better let the matter rest until the morning and
see what may develop.
Perfect quietness reigned through the city, there being a band concert at the hotel, which was attended by a large and peaceable crowd,
as usual. The city was patrolled as usual by the regular police force,
and, as before, 1 had a strong guard at the station house in case of a
night attack. There were no unusual incidents during the night, with
the exception of two fire alarms, neither serious, one a little before 12
m., and the other about 3 a. m., which were promptly extinguished by
the fire department, which, by order of the cabinet, had been kept
ready for immediate service ever since Saturday night, as also were the
waterworks employes kept on duty in case these people might, in the
fury of defeat or with a view of creating an occasion for the United
States troops to interfere, attempt to create an incendiary scare. Every
precaution was taken by Her Majesty's cabinet and every means that
lay in their power was made use of to secure the protection of life and
property, and nothing was lacking in this respect, so that nothing warranted the landing of troops from the Boston, as the Queen's government was in a position to put down any insurrection if left without
interference from any foreign power. On Tuesday, the 17th, everything
appeared very quiet, so much so that I dismissed the extra guards at
the police station, but I still kept on the watchers on the stores of the
dealers in arms and ammunition.
About 9:30 a. m. I received information that a meeting was held at
the residence of Mr. H. Waterhouse, at which were present H. Waterhouse, T. F. Lansing, S. B. Dole, W. R. Castle, C. L. Carter, J. H. Soper,
F. W. Wundenberg, W. W. Hall, J. A. McCandless, J. Emmeluth, and
a number of others. I afterwards learned from one who was present at
that meeting that discussion of various plans was had, aind a committee
of three was appointed to personally confer with Minister Stevens, and
received his direct and personal assurance that they would get the support of the United States troops if they went on with the affair. Messrs.
Soper, Carter, and Waterhouse were the committee. They went over
to the United States legation, which is on the premises adjoining that




1844                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
of Waterhouse, and returning immediately reported that Mr. Stevens
had given them such assurance. At this meeting, also, Mr. S. B. Dole,
was offered the presidency of the proposed Provisional Government.
He said that he really was not an annexationist, and asked time to consider the proffer. The meeting adjourned to meet again in the morning to discuss matters, and appointed a committee to meet the Queen's
cabinet at 10 a. m. at the foreign office.
The conspirators had agreed to proclaim a Provisional Government
to overthrow the Hawaiian monarchy perpetually, and place either
Chief Justice Judd or Justice S. B. Dole at its head, and that they were
to hold another meeting before noon. At 11 a. m. I was informed that
they had concluded to accept S. B. Dole as president of the Provisional
Government, and that they had a guarantee from Minister Stevens of
his support, backed by the troops, and that they would make a move
on the Government House at 3 p. m. and on the police station at 4 p. m.
I also received information at the same time that they would rendezvous at the armory on Beritania street. I immiediately sent for the
cabinet, and also for Capt. Nowlien; Nowlien came, but there were
no signs of the cabinet. I gave Capt. Nowlien instructions to have
25 or 50 men in the basement of the palace ready for immediate service,
as I expected the conspirators would make an attempt this afternoon.
I also explained that I had been waiting for the ministers or a word
from them ever since morning, and had sent several messengers to them,
but they were closeted in the foreign office in consultation, and had
received in return promises to come or send me word, but as yet there
had been no appearance of anything of the kind. Capt. Nowlien then
went back to the palace to get ready, as I told him his men might be
required to be sent to guard the Government building as soon as the
cabinet finished their meeting there, and if so I would let him know.
I then sent out word for all the volunteers to report for duty promptly
at 12 noon at the station house, and called in all of the regular police
who were off duty to be at the station house at once.
At 1 p. m. I had 224 men under arms, and more men were coming in
than I could find guns for, and fresh volunteers were coming in so fast
that I finally instructed my men in charge not to register any more, as
we had more than enough already. A little after 2 p. in. the ministers
came down to the station house, and a few minutes later word was sent
in that a police officer had been shot by John Good. A little later the
officer came down the street, supported by a brother officer and Mr
P. M. Rooney to the station house. The officer, whose name was Leialoha, was at once attended to by Dr. C. A. Peterson, the police physician, who was on hand at the time. Leialoha was then sent to the
Queen's hospital. He was one of those who were on special detail,
watching the stores of the dealers in arms and ammunition, and was
shot in attempting to make the arrest of Mr Good, when he with
others was removing firearms and ammunition in a wagon from the
store of E. O. Hall & Son, limited, for the use of the insurgents. It
was a very fortunate thing for Good and the others that the police on
street duty were kept without fireams by my orders, as I had no desire
to excite or terrify the people by any display of arms or armed men on
the streets.
This occurrence, however, brought the people's excitement up to fireheat, and people of both natives and foreigners flocked down to the
station house by the hundreds to volunteer, and were in such an excited
state that I was compelled to close the doors of the station house, for
fear that the mob of volunteers would interfere with the discipline of




HAWAmTIIAN ISLANDS.


1845


the men already under arms, and so begin a disturbance which would end
in a conflict which foreign forces would call an opportunity to interfere
inl, under the pretence of upholding law and order. At 2:15 p. m. I
received information that the conspirators were holding a meeting ill
W. O. Smith's office, and about 2:45 p. m. Mr. C. J. McCarthy came
down from the Government building and stated that a Provisional Government had been proclaimed, with Mr. S. B. Dole as president. This
was confirmed shortly afterwards by Mr. F. P. Hastings, secretary of
the foreign office, and also by Mr. E. Norrie.
Previous to the proclamation of the Provisional Government, the
forces from the Boston were drawn up in line of battle under command
of Capt. Wiltse, facing the side of the Government building, and that
prior to the proclamation, Mr. C. L. Carter, one of the conspirators,
afterwards one of the commissioners to Washington, rode up on horseback and handed a large official document to Capt. Wiltse. This contained his orders from Minister Stevens presumably.   I received information a little later that the proclamation had been read by H. E.
Cooper, a lawyer recently arrived in the country, who had been an
unsuccessful candidate for the office of circuit judge, and that thirty-five
of the men, known as the "iDrei Hundred," were then armed and in
possession of the Government building.
After hearing of these actions of the now open rebels against Her
Majesty and her Government, I proposed to the cabinet to send our
armed forces out from all quarters, surround them, and shoot them
down, as they were only a handful. Mr. Peterson, as before, urged
that it would only accelerate a conflict with the United States troops,
as he and Mr. Parker had been told by Mr. Stevens that the Provisional Government would be supported by the United States forces. On
this the cabinet, with the cooperation of Messrs. E. C. Macfarlane,
A. Rosa, and others, after consultation, decided to address a letter to
Minister Stevens at once, to find out if he had recognized the Provisional Government. The letter was as follows:
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Honolulu, January 17, 1893.
His Excellency JOHN L. STEVENS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, etc.:
SIR: Her Hawaiian Majesty's Government having been informed that certain persons to them unknown have issued proclamation declaring a Provisional Government to exist in opposition to Her Majesty's Government, and having pretended to
depose the Queen, her cabinet and nmarshal, and that certain treasonable persons at
present occupy the Government building in Honolulu with an armed force, and pretending that your excellency, on behalf of the United States of Amnerica, has recognized such Provisional Government, Her Majesty's Government asks respectfully:
Has your excellency recognized said Provisional Government, and, if not, Her
Majesty's Government, under the above existing circumstances, respectfully requests
the assistance of your Government in preserving the peace of the country.
We have the honor to be your excellency's obedient servants.
SAMUEL PARKER,
Minister of Foreign Affairs,
WM. H. CORNWELL,
Minister of Finance,
JOHN F. COLBURN,
Minister of the Interior,
A. P. PETERSON,
Attorney- General.
HONOLULU, January 17, 1893.
The Hon. C. L. Hopkins was the bearer of the above communication
to Minister Stevens, and was instructed to wait until he had received
a reply. He returned to the station house with Mr. Stevens' reply at




1846                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
about 3:30 p. m. or later, and handed it to the attorney-general. It
was shown me by Mr. E. C. Macfarlane, and was substantially to this
effect:
That he acknowledged the receipt of the letter from the cabinet, and
that a Provisional Government had been duly constituted in the place
of the Queen's Government, and that that Government was in posses.
sion of the Government building, the treasury and the Government
archives, and was in control of the islands; and that he recognized that
Government as the defacto Government of the Hawaiian Islands.       He
signed this simply as John L. Stevens, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States.
The governor of the island of Oahu sent the following protest against
the landing of the troops from the U. S. S. Boston on the evening of
the 16th of January:
OFFICE GOVERNOR OF OAIIU,
Honolulu, January 16, 1893.
SIR: It is my duty to solemnly protest to your excellency against the landing this
evening without permission from the proper authorities of an armed force from the
United States ship Boston. Your excellency well knows that when you have desired
to land naval forces of the United States for the purpose of drill, permission by the
local authorities has been readily accorded. On the present occasion, howtver, the
circumstances are different, and ostensibly the present landing is for the discharge
of functions which are distinctly responsible duties of the Hawaiian Government.
Such being the case, I am compelled to impress upon your excellency the international questions involved in the matter and the grave responsibility thereby
assumed.
While solemnly protesting to your excellency against this unwarrantable proceeding to which I have referred,
I have the honor to remain, sir, your excellency's obedient and humble servant,
A. S. CLEGHORN,
Governor of Oahu.
His Excellency JOHN L. STEVENS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary United States of America.
Minister Stevens's reply to Governor Cleghorn was as follows:
UNITED STATES LEGATION,
HonoluluI, January 17, 1893.
SIR: Yours of yesterday, the 16th, regarding the landing of the United States
naval forces in Honolulu, is received. I have carefully read its terms and import.
My responsibility as the United States minister plenipotentiary at this critical time
in Hawaiian affairs it is impossible for me to ignore. I assure you that in whatever
responsibility the American diplomatic and naval representatives have assumed 6r
may assume, we shall do our utmost to regard the welfare of all present and interests concerned. 
Yours sincerely, and with the kindest consideration,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Hon. A. S. CLEGHORN,
Governor of Oahu.
About 4 p. m. a committee from the Provisional Government met Her
Majesty's cabinet, and made a proposition for the settlement of the
crisis. After the committee meeting Mr. S. M. Damon, on behalf of the
rebels, made demand on me to surrender, which I refused to do. He
said that Her Majesty's cabinet were willing that I should do so on the
following terms, which he proposed, viz: That the Queen be deposed
under protest, and remain in her palace with her guards until the
affair was settled by decision of the United States Government. I
stated to Mr. Damon and Mr. Macfarlane, who accompanied him, that
if Her Majesty and the ministers were satisfied with those terms I
would surrender, but only on the written order of the whole cabinet, approved by Her Majesty; and that unless I received such order in writ



IIAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                      1847
ing I would fight first, and would commence operations at once and
order Captain Nowlien, who was awaiting orders, to open fire at once
from  our artillery on the Government building, and that the Boston's
men must keep out of harm's way or suffer the consequences. They then
left me to meet the cabinet again, and said they would let me know
later. About 5:30 or 6 p. m. Messrs. Peterson and Macfarlane returned
and handed me the following written order from the cabinet:
C. B. WILSON, Esq.,
Marshal of the Kingdom,
You are hereby authorized to surrender to the so-called Provisional Government this
day established, headed by S. B. Dole, esq., the police station and Oahu prison and
Government property in your possession or under your control.
Dated at Honolulu this 17th day of January, A. D. 1893.
LILIUOKALANI R.
SAMUEL PARKER,
NMinister of Foreign Affairs.
JOHN FI. COLBURN,
Minister of the Interior.
WM. H. CORNWELL,
Minister of Finance.
A. P. PETERSON,
Attorney-General.
However, I did not make up my mind to give in finally until about 7
p. m. About 6 p. m. martial law was proclaimed by the Provisional
Government. About 6.30 p. m. or later the cabinet returned to the
station house in company with Messrs. E. C. Macfarlane, P. Neumann,
A. Rosa, and others, and we held a council over the situation, as I was
not yet quite satisfied what was the best course to pursue. On the advice of the cabinet and the above-mnentioned gentlemen I gave way,
and surrendered under the terms of the Queen's protest, which was
shown me by the cabinet. It was as follows:
I, Liliuokalani, by the grace of God and under the constitution of the Hawaiian
Kingdom, Queen, do hereby solemnly protest against any and all acts done against
myself and the constitutional Government of the IHwaiian Kingdom by certain
persons claiming to have established a Provisional Government of and for this
Kingdom.
That I yield to the superior force of the United States of America, whose minister
plenipotentiary, his excellency John L. Stevens, has caused United States troops to
be landed at Honolulu and declared that he would support the said Provisional
Government.
Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces, and perhaps the loss of life, I do
under this protest and impelled by said force yield my authority until such time
as the Government of the United States shall, upon the facts being presented to it,
undo the action of its representative and reinstate me in the authority which I
claim as the constitutional sovereign of the Hawafiian Islands.
Done at Honolulu this 17th day of January, A. D., 1893.
LILIUOKALANI R.
SAMUEL PARKER,
Minister of Foreign Affair..
WM. H. CORNWELL,
Minister of Finance.
JNO. F. COLBURN,
Minister of the Interior.
A. P. PETERSON,
ttorney- General.
To S B. DOLE, Esq., and others composing the Provisional Government of the
Hawaiian Islands.
This was received by Mr. Dole on behalf of the Provisional Govern
ment, and indorsed as follows:
Received by the hands of the late cabinet this 17th day of January, 1893.
SANFORD B, DOLE,
Chairman of Executive Council of Provisional Government.




1848                    HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
About 7:15 p. m. I disarmed all the volunteers I had under my com.
mand at the station house, and in dismissing them to their homes 1
made a few remarks to them explaining the situation, that in order to
save useless bloodshed Her Majesty had, on the advice of her cabinet,
determined to submit to the United States force, and that she had
ordered me to submit also and surrender the arms, ammunition, and
other Government property to the Provisional Government, awaiting
the decision of the United States, and that I would recommend them to
go quietly to their homes and say or do nothing to cause any trouble to
or irritation on the part of those now in power. They promised this
unanimously and gave three hearty cheers. Mr. Peterson, the attorneygeneral, also made a few remarks, showing that it was not cowardice
or fear on the part of those in authority that had caused them to take
this action but simply the action of the United States representative
and troops, with whom we desired no conflict. Mr. Neumann and others
also spoke in the same strain, and after giving three hearty cheers
again, the men dispersed quietly.
About 7:30 p. m., Messrs. J. H. Soper and J. A. McCandless came to
the station house, and I formally delivered to Mr. Soper, as commander-in-chief of the Provisional Government's forces, representing
the Provisional Government, the police station and the munitions of
war stored therein. At about 8 p. m., a detachment of the Provisional
Government's troops took possession. In the meantime, I introduced
Mr. Soper to the regular police force as the person from whom they
must take their orders in the future, in the following speech, which was
interpreted to the men by Capt. A. S. Mahaulu:
Officers and members of the police force of Honolulu: It is with deep regret that
I have to infom you that I have been requested by Her Majesty the Queen and her
cabinet to surrender to Mr. Soper, commander in chief of the forces of the Provisional Government, all arms and ammunition, the police station, and all property
under my control.
Gentlemen, it is not because I thought that you would not stand and fight, it is
not because I could not trust you, and not because I was afraid that we would not
win if we did fight, it was not for any of those causes, but it was in the cause of
humanity that I gave way, especially when it was pointed out to me that we would
have to fight a great nation like the United States with her millions of men, and to
do this would only cause the sacrifice of hundreds of valuable human lives, which
this country can not afford to lose without achieving finally the result we hope for.
But, gentlemen, I was perfectly satisfied that you were ready, nay, more than ready,
willing to stay by me in the defense of our Queen and country. I am satisfied if
we had had a conflict to-day with the rebels we would have won, notwithstanding
the aid of the Boston's men; but what would have been the result t We would have
been forced to give way in the end, after having caused a great loss of life, and
among the victims would have been many of our personal friends, and perhaps ourselves. It is better, therefore, to give way to the forces of the United States, and
await patiently the time until our Queen's protest shall have been heard by that
great and good nation, the American Republic, from which I have no doubt we will
receive justice, and that they will have restored to us our country and Government.
In conclusion, gentlemen, I thank you for your attention, and especially for obedience to orders and instructions during my incumbency, and for the loyalty to your
Queen and country you have always shown, but especially to-day. And I ask of you
all to remain in the police force, to be as loyal to my successor as you have been to
me, Cand to assist him and the new Government in perserving the peace and in maintaining law and order. With these words, I thank you again for your attention.
Aloha.
The men then gave three hearty cheers, after which Mr. Soper took
formal charge of the police station and made a short address to the men.
This concluded the events of the day as far as I was personally concerned, and I went to my home.
On Wednesday morning Her Majesty received a verbal message from
the executive and advisory councils, through her chamberlain, to the




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1849


effect that it was the desire of the councils that she should move from
the palace to Washington Place, her private residence, on Beritania
street; and also, that the royal standard was not to be hoisted. The
above action was contrary to the terms of the surrender. At about 11
o'clock a. m. Her Majesty went out for a drive and dlid not again returt
to the palace.
Respectfully submitted.
C. B. WILSON.
MAY 15, 1893.
No. 61.
Interview of F. Wundenberg.
Q. What were the reasons which caused the Queen to desire a new
constitution?
A. Her native Hawaiian subjects urged the measure. A great number of petitions, numerously signed, from all parts of the Kingdom were
presented to her praying for a new Constitution, and delegations of her
people waited on her, all clamoring for the restoration of the rights
enjoyed and exercised by the native rulers and people under the Constitution of 1864.
Q. What objection had the native Hawaiians to the constitution of
1887a
A. The natives looked upon the Constitution of 1887 as having been
illegally forced upon the nation, as it was not submitted to the vote of
either the people or the Legislative Assembly. They felt that it was
an outrage and denounced it as "the bayonet Constitution."  The
"Hui-Kalaiaina" (National Party) was a native organization started
shortly after the revolution of 1887, having branches in the remotest
parts of the Kingdom. The avowed object of the party was to oppose
the Constitution of 1887, and its supporters and candidates for Legis.
lative honors were required to pledge themselves to work for a new
Constitution.
Q. Was any action taken in the Legislature relative to a new Constitution I
A. Several native members presented resolutions in the Assembly
having for their object the election of a Constitutional Convention.
These resolutions were either ruled out on technicalities or voted down
through the influence of the people now in power. Consequently very
strong and bitter speeches were made by several native leaders such
as Bush, Wilcox, Kaunamano, White, and others, which convinced the
Queen that a crisis had arisen which left her no choice but to give heed
to the unmistakable wish of her native subjects, or throw herself
wholly into the hands of those who had promulgated the Constitution
of 1887, and abandon forever her native subjects to their fate.
The murmurs against the Queen were growing louder from day to
day, showing a gradual alienation of the natives from their Sovereign
on account of her inaction.
Q. Did the natives thinkthe Queen had the right to promulgate a
new Constitution at her own will?
A. They most certainly did. They would have been satisfied, in fact
would have preferred, that the whole matter should have been handled
by a Constitutional Convention; but they could not see why a Constitution proclaimed by their Sovereign would not be fully as legal and




1850                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
binding (if not more so) as a Constitution proclaimed by a self-constituted committee and maintained by bayonets against the will of both
the Sovereign and people.
The committee of safety met at the office of W. O. Smith, in Fort
street, Honolulu, at about 4 o'clock in the afternoon of Monday, the
16th day of January, 1893, for the purpose of discussing the necessary
steps to be taken in forming a new government.
Shortly after the committee met, it was decided that they were not
ready for the landing of the American troops, and a committee of
three, with Thurston as the chairman, was immediately dispatched to
the American legation to prevail upon Mr. Stevens to delay the landing of the Boston's men.  The committee returned shortly, and
reported that Mr. Stevens had said to them: "Gentlemen, the troops
of the Boston land this afternoon at 5 o'clock, whether you are ready
or not." The foregoing report of Mr. Stevens' reply to the committee
is as nearly literal as can be remembered, and gives a correct idea of
the meaning conveyed. The committee of safety adjourned to meet the
same evening at 7:30 o'clock, at the house of Henry Waterhouse, in
Nuuanu valley. The American troops landed at 5 o'clock, as Mr.
Stevens had told the committee they would, and marched up Fort
street to Merchant, and along Merchant street, halting in King street,
between the Palace and Government buildings.
At the time the men landed the town was perfectly quiet, business
hours were about over and the people, men, women, and children were
in the streets, and nothing unusual was to be seen except the landing
of a formidable armed force with Gatling guns, evidently fully prepared to remain on shore for an indefinite length of time, as the men
were supplied with double cartridge belts filled with ammunition. also
haversacks and canteens and were attended by an hospital corps with
stretchers and medical supplies. The curiosity of the people on the
streets was aroused and the youngsters more particularly, followed up
the troops to see what it was all about. Nobody seemed to know, so
when the troops found quarters the populace dispersed, the most of
them going to the band concert at the hotel, which was fully attended 
as it was a beautiful moonlight evening, all who were not in the
secret still wondering at the military demonstration.
The committee met at Mr. Waterhouse's residence, according to
adjournment, at 7:30 o'clock p. m. of the same day, January 16. The
formation of some sort of government was under discussion and it was
decided that a commander in chief of the forces supporting the proposed new government should be appointed. The position was offered
to Mr. John H. Soper, who demurred, as he did not see any backing
whatever to support the movement. Mr. Soper was aiswered by members of the committee that the American minister would support the
move with the troops of the Boston. Mr. Soper still doubted, so a
couple of the committee escorted him over to the legation, which, by
the way, was in the adjoining premises, and the three came back after
a time, reporting that Mr. Stevens had given them the full assurance
that any proclamation of the Government put forward at the Government building, or any other building in Honolulu for that matter,
would receive his immediate recognition and the support of the Boston's
men. This assurance seemed to satisfy Mr. Soper, and he accepted
the position.
On Tuesday afternoon, January 17, the committee of thirteen or Corn
mittee of Safety, proceeded from the office of W. O. Smith up Merchant
street to the Government building and read the proclamation of a new




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1851


government at 2:40 o'clock, there being practically no audience whatever. As the reading proceeded, a dozen or so loungers gathered, and
near the close of the cerenmony about thirty supporters, variously armed,
came running into the side and back entrances of the yard and
gathered about the committee.
At this moment the United States troops, in the temporary quarters
in rear of the Music Hall (less than 100 yards from where the committee
stood), appeared to be under arms and were evidently ready for any
emergency.
During all the deliberations of the committee, and, in fact, throughout
the whole proceedings connected with plans for the move up to the
final issue, the basis of action was the general understanding that
Minister Stevens would keep his promise to support the movement
with the men from the Boston, and the statement is now advisedly
made (with a full knowledge of the lack of arms, ammunition, and men;
also the utter absence of organization at all adequate to the undertaking) that without the previous assurance of support from the
American minister, and the actual presence of the United States troops,
no movement would have been attempted, and, if attempted, would
have been a dismal failure, resulting in the capture or death of the
participants in a very short time.
Having been present at the several meetings referred to in this statement, I hereby certify that the same is correct in every essential particular.
F. WJUNDENBERG.
At about 8 o'clock in the evening of January 16. 1893, a meeting of
some of the members of the Committee of Public Safety and a few others,
was held at the residence of Henry Waterhouse. As my memory now
serves me the following members of the committee were present, to wit:
Henry Waterhouse, W. 0. Smith, Andrew Brown, F. W. McChesney,
C. Bolte, T. F. Lansing, J. A. McCandless, Charles L. Carter, John
Emnmeluth, and H. E. Cooper. There were also present James B. Castle, Cecil Brown, John H. Soper, J. H. Fisher, and F. Wundenberg,
though not as members of the committee.
The discussion was general, no regular organization of those present
being formed, the general drift of the conversation showing the object
of the gathering to be the overthrow of the existing Hawaiian Government and the setting up in its place of a new one of some sort, not very
clearly defined.
The choice of a leader was discussed and after a little conference it
was decided to offer the same to S. B. Dole. Mr. Dole was accordingly
sent for and invited to attend the meeting, to which he responded in
person and later when the offer of leadership was made to him he said
lie would take it into consideration and give an answer at noon of the
next day.
The position of military commander was offered to Soper as previously described.
The general feeling of the members of the Committee of Safety, as
repeatedly expressed by them during the meeting, was that Stevens
would recognize any move they made in forming a new government
and would support them with the U. S. S. Boston's troops.
The Attorney-generalship was offered to Cecil Brown; he declined, and
shortly after left the meeting.
Throughout the whole meeting the discussion was quite irregular,
each one speaking and interrupting without order or method.




1852                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
The principal object of the meeting being the selection of a leader
and a military commander, when these two matters were disposed of
the parties separated informally.
F. WUNDENBERG.
No. 62.
(Statement of F. Wundenberg printed with Mr. Blount's No. 3, dated
April 26, 1893.)
No. 63.
(Tnterview with F. Wundenberg May 15, 1893, with Mr. Blountas No.
9, dated June 6, 1893.)




LIST OF PAPERS-MISCELLANEOUS.
1. Letter from A. F. Judd et al. to L. A. Thurston, January 25, 1890. Subject: San.
ford B. Dole et al. on voting laws.
2. Draft of constitution of January 14, 1893.
3. Committee of Safety to Mr. Stevens, January 16, 1893.
4. John L. Stevens to William Gifford, January 16, 1893. Subject: Asking for use
of opera house for troops.
5. John L. Stevens to Mr. Walker, January 16, 1893. Subject: Asking for use of
Arion Hall for troops.
6. Samuel Parker to John L. Stevens, January 16, 1893. Subject: Protest.
7 A. S. Cleghorn; Protest. January 16, 1893.
8. John L. Stevens to Samuel Parker.
9. John L. Stevens to A. S. Cleghorn, January 17, 1893.
10. Liliuokalani to S. M. Damon, January 31, 1893.
11. Annexation Club to Mr. Blount, March 31, 1893. Subject: Forwarding resolution.
12. Admiral Skerrett to Mr. Blount, April 1, 1893. Subject: Lowering the flag and
withdrawing the troops.
13. Capt. C. L. Hooper to Mr. Blount, April 2, 1893. Subject: Lowering the flag
and withdrawing troops.
14. R. W. Wilcox to Mr. Blount, April 6, 1893. In re Conspiracy, May, 1892.
15. R. W. Wilcox to Mr. Blount, April 7, 1893.
16. Admiral Skerrett to Mr. Blount, April 8, 1893.
17. Mr. Wilcox to Mr. Blount, April 19, 1893.
18. Mr. Wilcox to Mr. Blount, April 25, 1893.
19. C. J. McCarthy to C. B. Wilson, May 1, 1893. Subject: Position of Boston's
troops January 16.
20. J. C. Quinn: Events of May 2, 1893.
21. Edmund Norrie to C. B. Wilson. Subject: Events of January 17, 1893.
22. H. P. Baldwin to Mr. Blount, April 25, 1893. Subject: Annexation.
23. Theo. C. Porter to Mr. Blount, May 11, 1893. Subject: Land ownership, taxes,
etc.
24. J. W. Jones to Mr. Blount, May 15, 1893. Subject: Annexation.
25. A. Hassinger, June 20, 1893. Subject: In re Naturalization.
26. Thomas G. Thrum to Mr. Blount, June 20, 1893. Subject: Capital in sugar
industry; tabular statement.
27. W. D. Alexander to S. M. Damon, June 24, 1893. Subject: Lands.
28. John H. Soper to Mr. Blount, June 20, 1893. Subject: Arms and ammunition.
29. C. J. Jaukea to Mr. Blount, June 21, 1893. Subject: Public debt.
30. J. A. King to Mr. Blount, June 22, 1893. Subject: Naturalization.
31. James W. Robertson to Mr. Blount, June 23, 1893. Subject: Landing of
troops.
32. Hawaiian corporation tables.
33. J. O. Carter to Mr. Blount. Subject: Elections prior to 1887.
34. J. W. Jones to Mr. Blount, July 9, 1893. Subject: Census.
35. E. C. MacFarlane to Mr. Blount, July 13, 1893. Subject: Party classification
of members of Legislature.
36. E. C. MacFarlane to Mr. Blount, July 13, 1893. Subject: Taxation.
37. E. C. MacFarlane to Mr. Blount, July 13,1893. Subject: Statement of moneys
expended on account of immigration.
38. Lieut. Young to Mr. Blount, July 16, 1893. Subject: Events of 17th of January.
39. E. C. MacFarlane to Mr. Blount. Lottery petitions.
40. Memorandum of persons killed, revolution of 1889.
41. Officers of the Planters and Labor Supply Company.
42. Petitions against annexation.
1853




PART IV-MISCELLANEOUS.
No. 1.
Mr.A.A. F. Judd et al. to Mr. Thurston.
JANUARY 25, 1890.
His Excellency L. A. THURSTON,
Minister of the Interior:
SIR: Your communication of the 23d Januaryon behalf of the cabinet
addressed to justices of the supreme court, is received.
The first question upon which our opinion is asked is:
Whether section 24 of the act of 1888, 'To amend and consolidate
the election laws of the Kingdom," requires that in order to vote for a
noble an otherwise qualified elector of nobles must have resided in one
and only one of the "election districts" described in section 13 of the
act, or does the context prohibit such sense and does it mean that hemust
have resided for three months within the district for the election of
nobles, i. e., the island of Oahu.
Subdivision first of section 24 contains the proviso that he (the voter
for nobles) shall have resided in the country not less than three years,
and in the district in which he offers to vote not less than three months
immediately preceding the election at which he offers to vote.
The first section of the act defines " district" to mean an "election
district" as prescribed in this act, unless the context prohibit such
sense. The election districts are defined in section 13; they are twentyfour in number, and one representative is allowed for each district, and
can be voted for by only the voters of the particular district.
But the nobles, twenty-four in number, are not apportioned to be
voted for singly by the voters of the respective election districts, but
nine nobles are to be voted for by each voter (who is qualified) on the
island of Oahu, and six by each voter on the island of Hawaii, and so
on throughout the group. For the purpose therefore of voting for
nobles, the island of Oahu is the "district" as is also the island of
Hawaii, etc.
If all the voters qualified to vote for nobles can vote for the number
of nobles prescribed for the island on which the voter lives, it van make
no difference in which "election district" within the island or group of
islands he may reside, and any change from one to another of these
districts into which the island is divided can not affect his right to vote
for nobles, provided he has resided on the particular island where he
offers to vote for three months immediately preceding the election.
We are, therefore, of the opinion that the sense requires that the
word "district" mentioned in the first subdivision of section 24, respecting qualifications of voters for nobles, means the island or group
1854




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1855


of islands from which the nobles are to be elected, and not the "elec
tion districts" mentioned in section 13 of the act.
Before answering the second question we desire more time to consider it.
Respectfully submitted,
A. F. JUDD.
L. MCCULLY.
RICH. F. BICKERTON.
SANFORD B. DOLE.
No. 2.
Draft of constitution of January 14, 1893.
PREAMBLE.
Whereas the constitution of this Kingdom contains many provisions
inconsistent, ambiguous and contradictory in its terms, and is subversive and restrictive of civil and popular rights, and incompatible with
enlightened constitutional mnonarchlical government; and
Whereas the prayers of my people, coming in the form of petitions
from all parts of this Kingdom, to myself and to the Legislature, asking for a new constitution embodying in its provisions equal rights
among all my subjects; which prayer to the Legislature of this Kingdom has not been duly recognized by that body through undue and
unjust influences; and
Whereas it has become imperative in order to restore order and
tranquillity, and to gratify the just demand of my subjects for a new
constitution to be remodeled upon the most liberal and popular form
of Constitutional Monarchical Government, that a new constitution be
at once promulgated.
Now, therefore, I, Liliuokalani, Queen of the Hawaiian Islands, in
my capacity as Sovereign of this Kingdom, and as the representative
of the people, and in accordance with their almost universal desire,
and in conformity with their wishes, do annul and abrogate the constitution promulgated by Kalakaua on the 7th day of July, A. D. 1887,
and do proclaim and promulgate this constitution.
CONSTITUTION.
ARTICLE 1. God hath endowed all men with certain inalienable
rights; among which are life, liberty, and the right of acquiring, possessing, and protecting property, and of pursuing and obtaining safety
and happiness.
ARTICLE 2. All men are free to worship God according to the dictates
of their own consciences; but this sacred privilege hereby secured shall
not be so construed as to justify acts of licentiousness or practices inconsistent with the peace or safety of the Kingdom.
ARTICLE 3. All men may freely speak, write, and publish their sentimelts on all subjects, being responsible for the abuse of that right,
and no law shall be enacted to restrain the liberty of speech or of the
press, except such laws as may be necessary for the protection of Her
Majesty, the Queen, and the royal family.
AlTICLE 4!. All men shall have the right, in an orderly and peace



185G CHAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
able manner, to assemble, without arms, to consult upon the common
good, -and to petition the Queen or legislative assembly for redress of
grievances.
ARTICLE 5. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus belongs to
all men, and shall not be suspended, unless by the Queen, when in case
of rebellion or invasion the public safety shall require its suspension.
ARTICLE 6. iNo person shall be subject to punishment for any offence,
except on due and legal conviction thereof in a court having jurisdiction of the case.
ARTICLE 7. No person shall be held to answer for any crime or
offence (except in case of impeachment or for offences within the jurisdiction of a police or district justice, or in summary proceedings for
contempt), unless upon indictment, fully and plainly describing such
crime or offence, and he shall have the right to meet the witnesses who
are produced against him face to face; to produce witnesses and proofs
in his own favor; and by himself or his counsel, at his election, to
examine the witnesses produced by himself and cross-examine those
produced against him, and to be fully heard in his defence. In all
cases in which the right of trial by jury has been heretofore used, it
shall be held inviolable forever, except in actions of debt or assumpsiv
in which the amount claimed is less than $50.
ARTICLE 8. No person shall be required to answer again for an5
offence of which he has been duly convicted, or of which he has been
duly acquitted.
ARTICLE 9. No person shall be compelled in any criminal case to be
a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property
without due process of law.
ARTICLE 10. No person shall sit as a judge or juror in any case in
which his relative, by affinity, or by consanguinity within the third
degree, is interested, either as plaintiff or defendant, or in the issue of
which the said judge or juror may have either directly or through such
relative any pecuniary interest.
ARTICLE 11. Involuntary servitude, except for crime, is forever prohibited in this Kingdom; whenever a slave shall enter Hawaiian territory he shall be free.
ARTICLE 12. Every person has the right to be secure from all unreasonable searches and seizures of his person, his house, his papers,
and effects; and no warrants shall issue but on probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and describing the place to be searched
and the person or things to be seized.
ARTICLE 13. The Queen conducts her government for the common
good, and not for the profit, honor, or private interests of any one man,
family, or class of men among Her subjects.
ARTICLE 14. Each member of society has a right to be protected by
it in the enljoyment of his life, liberty, and property, according to law,
and therefore he shall be obliged to contribute his proportional share
to the expense of his protection and to give his personal services or
an equivalent when necessary; but no part of the property of any individual shall be taken from him or applied to public uses without his
own consent or the enactment of the legislative assembly, except the
same shall be necessary for the military operation of the Kingdom in
time of war or insurrection; and whenever the public exigencies may
require that the property of any individual should be appropriated to
public uses, he shall receive a reasonable compensation therefor.
ARTICLE 15. No subsidy, duty, or tax of any description shall be
established or levied without the consent of the legislative assembly,




HAW5AIIAN      I[SLANDS.U


1857


nor shall any money be drawn from the public treasury without such
consent, except when between the sessions of the legislative assembly
the emergencies of war, invasion, rebellion, pestilence, or other public
disaster shall arise, and then not without the concurrence of all the
cabinet and of a majority of the whole privy council; and the minister of finance shall render a detailed account of such expenditure to
the legislative assembly.
ARTICLE 16. No retrospective laws shall ever be enacted.
ARTICLE 17. The military shall always be subject to the laws of the
land, and no soldier shall in times of peace be quartered in any house
without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner
to be prescribed by the Legislature.
ARTICLE 18. Every elector shall be privileged from arrest on election days, during his attendance at election and in going to and returning therefrom, except in cases of treason, felony, or breach of the peace.
ARTICLE 19. No elector shall be so obliged to perform military duty
on the day of election as to prevent his voting, except in time of war or
public danger.
ARTICLE 20. The supreme power of the Kingdom in its exercises is
divided into the executive, legislative, and judicial; these shall always
be preserved distinct, and no executive or judicial officer or any contractor or employee of the Government or any person in the receipt of
salary or emolument from the Government shall be eligible to election
to the Legislature of the Hawaiian Kingdom, or to hold the position of
an elective member of the same, except members of the privy council,
notary public, attorney at law, and agent to take acknowledgment.
And no member of the legislative assembly shall, during the time for
which he is a member, be appointed to any civil office under the Government, except that of a member of the cabinet.
ARTICLE 21. The government of this Kingdom is that of a constitutional monarchy, under Her Majesty Liliuokalani, her heirs and successors.
ARTICLE 22. The Crown is hereby permanently confirmed to Her
Majesty Liliuokalani and to the heirs of her body lawfully begotten.
and to their lawful descendants in a direct line; failing whom, the Crown
shall descend to Her Royal Highness the Princess Victoria Kaiulani
and the heirs of her body lawfully begotten, and their descendant in a
direct line; failing whom, the Crown shall descend to His Royal Highness the Prince David Kawananakoa and the heirs of his body lawfully
begotten, and their descendant in a direct line; failing whom, the Crown
shall descend to His Royal Highness the Prince Jonah Kuhio Kalamianaole and the heirs of his body lawfully begotten, and their lawful
descendant in a direct line. The succession shall be to the senior male
child and to the heirs of his body; failing a male child he succession
shall be to the senior female child and to the heirs of her body In
case there is no heir, as above provided, then the successor shal be
the person whom the Sovereign shall appoint, with the consent of the
nobles, and publicly proclaimed during the Sovereign's life; but should
there be no such appointment and proclamation, and the Throne should
become vacant, then the cabinet council, immediately after the occurring of such vacancy, shall cause a meeting of the legislative assembly, who shall elect by ballot some native alii of the Kingdom as successor to the throne; and the successor so elected shall become a new
stirps for a royal family; and the succession from the Sovereign thus
elected shall be regulated by the same law as the present royal family
of Hawaii.
S. Rep. 227 —117




1858


HAWAAIIAN ISLANDS.


ARTICLE 23. It shall not be lawful for any member of the royal
family of Hawaii who may by law succeed to the Throne to contract
marriage without the consent of the reigning Sovereign. Every marriage so contracted shall be void, and the person so contracting a marriage may, by the proclamation of the reigning Sovereign, be declared
to have forfeited his or her right to the Throne, and after such proclamation the right of succession shall vest in the next heir as though
such offender were dead.
ARTICLE 24. Her Majesty Liliuokalani will, and her successors upon
coming to the Throne shall, take the following oath: "I solemnly
swear in the presence of Almighty God to maintain the Constitution
of the Kingdom whole and inviolable, and to govern in conformity
therewith."
ARTICLE 25. No person shall ever sit upon the Throne who has been
convicted of any infamous crime, or who is insane, or an idiot.
ARTICLE 26. The Queen is the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and
Navy, and of all other military forces of the Kingdom by sea and land,
and has full power by herself, or by any officer or officers she may
appoint, to train and govern such forces as she may judge best for the
defense and safety of the Kingdom. But she shall never proclaim war
without the consent of the legislative assembly.
ARTICLE 27. The Queen, by and with the consent of her privy council, has the power to grant reprieves and pardon, after conviction, for
all offenses, except in cases of impeachment.
ARTICLE 28. The Queen, by and with the consent of her privy council, convenes the Legislature at the seat of Government, or at a different place, if that should become dangerous from an enemy or any dangerous disorder; and in case of disagreement between Her Majesty and
the legislative assembly, she adjourns, prorogues, or dissolves it, but
not beyond the next ordinary session; under any great emergency, she
may convene the legislative assembly to extraordinary sessions.
ARTICLE 29. The Queen has the power to make treaties. Treaties
involving changes in the tariff or in any law of the Kingdom shall be
referred for approval to the Legislative Assembly. The Queen appoints
public ministers, who shall be commissioned, accredited, and instructed
agreeably to usage and law of nations.
ARTICLE 30. It is the Queen's prerogative to receive and acknowledge public ministers; to inform the Legislative Assembly by royal
message, from time to time, of the state of the Kingdom, and to recoimmend to its consideration such measures as she shall judge necessary
and expedient.
ARTICLE 31. The person of the Queen is inviolable and sacred. Her
ministers are responsible. To the Queen belongs the executive power.
All laws that have passed the Legislative Assembly, shall require Her
Majesty's signature in order to their validity.
ARTICLE 32. Whenever upon the decease of the reigning sovereign
the heir shall be less than eighteen years of age the royal power shall
be exercised by a regent or council of regency, as hereinafter provided.
ARTICLE 33. It shall be lawful for the Queen at any time, when she
may be about to absent herself from the Kingdom, to appoint a regent
or council of regency, who shall administer the Government in her
name; and likewise the Queen may, by her last will and testament,
appoint a regent or council of regency to administer the Government
during the minority of any heir to the throne, and should a sovereign
decease, leaving a minor heir, and having made no last will and testa




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1859


ment, the cabinet council at the time of such decease shall be a council
of regency, until the Legislative Assembly, which shall be called iinmediately, may be assembled, and the Legislative Assembly, immediately
that it is assembled, shall proceed to choose by ballot a regent or council of regency, who shall administer the Government in the name of the
Queen, and exercise all the powers which are constitutionally vested in
the Queen, until she shall have attained the age of eighteen years,
which age is declared to be the legal majority of such sovereign.
ArTICLE 34. The Queen is Sovereign of all the chiefs and of all the
people; the Kinggdom is Her.
ARTICLE 35. All titles of honor, orders, and other distinctions,
emanate from the Queen.
ARTICLE 36. The Queen coins money and regulates the currency by
law.
ARTICLE 37. The Queen in case of invasion or rebellion can place
the whole Kingdom or any part of it under martial law.
ARTICLE 38. The national ensign shall not be changed, except by
act of the Legislature.
ARTICLE 39. The Queen's private lands and other property are
inviolable.
ARTICLE 40. The Queen can not be sued or held to account in any
court or tribunal of the realm.
ARTICLE 41. There shall continue to be a council of state, for advising the Queen in all matters for the good of the state, wherein she may
require its advice, and for assisting her in administering the executive
affairs of the Government in such manner as she may direct; which
council shall be called the Queen's privy council of state, and the
members thereof shall be appointed by the Queen, to hold office during
Her Majesty's pleasure.
ARTICLE 42. The Queen's cabinet shall consist of the minister of
foreign affairs, the minister of the interior, the minister of finance,
and the attorney-general of the Kingdom, and these shall be the
Queen's special advisers in the executive affairs of the Kingdom;
and they shall be ex-officio members of the Queen's privy council of
state. They shall be appointed and commissioned by the Queen, and
hold office during the Queen's pleasure, subject to impeachment, or
upon a vote of want of confidence passed by a majority of all the
members of the legislative assembly. No act of the Queen shall have
any effect unless it be countersigned by a minister, who, by that signature, makes himself responsible.
ARTICLE 43. Each member of the Queen's cabinet shall keep an
office at the seat of Government, and shall be accountable for the conduct of his deputies and clerks. The ministers hold seat ex officio, as
nobles, in the legislative assembly with the right to vote, except on
a question of want of confidence in them.
ARTICLE 44. The minister of finance shall present to the legislative
assembly, in the name of the Government, on the first day of the meeting of the Legislature, the financial budget, in Hawaiian and English
languages.
ARTICLE 45. The legislative power of the three estates of this
Kingdom is vested in the Queen, and the legislative assembly, which
assembly shall consist of nobles appointed by the Queen, and of the
representatives of the people, sitting together.
ARTICLE 46. The legislative body shall assemble biennially, in the
month of April, and at such other time as the Queen may judge neces



1860


FIAWVATTAN      ITSLAN1~DS.


sary, for the purpose of seeking the welfare of the nation. This body
shall be styled the Legislature of the Hawaiian Kingdom.
ARTICLE 47. Every member of the legislative assembly shall take
the following oath: I most solemnly swear, in the presence of Alhnughty
God, that I will faithfully support the constitution of the Hawaiian
Kingdom, and conscientiously and impartially discharge my duties as
a member of this assembly.
ARTICLE 48. The Legislature has full power and authority to amend
the constitution, as hereinafter provided, and, from time to time, to
make all manner of wholesome laws not repugnant to the provisions
of the constitution.
ARTICLE 49. The Queen shall signify her approval of any bill or
resolution which shall have passed the legislative assembly by signing the same. If she approve not, she shall return it with her objections to the legislative assembly, which shall enter the objections at
large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If; after such
reconsideration, it shall be approved by a two-thirds vote of all the
members of the legislative assembly, it shall be presented again to
the Queen, and she shall sign it, and it shall therefore be alaw. In all
such cases the vote shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the
names of the persons voting for and against the bill or resolution
shall be entered on the journal of the Legislature.
ARTICLE 50. The legislative assembly shall be the judge of the
qualifications of its own members, and a majority shall constitute a
quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to
day, and compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner,
and under such penalties as the assembly may provide.
ARTICLE 51. The legislative assembly shall choose its own officers
and determine the rules of its own proceedings.
ARTICLE 52. The legislative assembly shall have authority to punish
by imprisonment, not exceeding thirty days, every person, not a
member, who shall be guilty of disrespect to the assembly, by any
disorderly or contemptuous behavior in its presence; or who, during
the time of its sitting, shall publish any false report of its proceedings,
or insulting comment upon the same; or who shall threaten harm to
the body or estate of any of its members, for anything said or done in
the assembly; or who shall assault any of them therefor, or who shall
assault or arrest any witness or other person ordered to attend the
assembly, in his way going or returning, or who shall rescue any
person arrested by order of the assembly.
ARTICLE 53. The legislative assembly may punish its own members
for disorderly behavior.
ARTICLE 54. The legislative assembly shall keep a journal of its
proceedings; and the yeas and nays of its members, on any question,
shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal.
ARTICLE 55. The members of the legislative assembly shall, in all
cases, except treason, felony, or breach of peace, be privileged from
arrest during their attendance at the sessions of the Legislature, and
in going to and returning from the same; and they shall not be held
to answer for any speech or debate made in the assembly, in any
other court or place whatsoever.
ARTICLE 56. The representatives shall receive for their services a
compensation to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the public
treasury, but no increase of compensation shall take effect during the
year in which it shall have been made; and no law shall be passed




HAWARIAN ISLANDS.                 1861
increasing the compensation of said representatives beyond the sum
of five hundred dollars each for each biennial term.
ARTICLE 57. The Queen appoints the nobles, who shall hold their
appointments during life, subject to the provisions of article 53; but
their number shall not exceed twenty-four.
ARTICLE 58. No person shall be appointed a noble who shall not
have attained the age of twenty-one years and resided in the Kingdom
five years.
ARTICLE 59. The nobles shall be a court with full and sole authority
to hear and determine all impeachments made by the representatives,
as the grand inquest of the Kingdom against any officer of the Kingdom, for misconduct or maladministration in their offices; but previous
to the trial of every impeachment the nobles shall respectively be
sworn truly and impartially to try and determine the charge in question according to evidence and the law. Their judgment, however,
shall not extend further than to removal from office and disqualification to hold or enjoy any place of honor, trust or profit, under this
Government; but the party so convicted shall be nevertheless liable
to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment according to the laws
of the land. No minister shall sit as a noble on the trial of any impeachment.
ARTICLE 60. The representation of the people shall be based upon
the principle of equality, and shall be regulated and apportioned by the
Legislature according to the population to be ascertained, from time to
time, by the official census. The representatives shall not be less in
number than twenty-four nor more than forty-eight, who shall be
elected biennially.
ARTICLE 61. No person shall be eligible for a representative of the
people who is insane or an idiot, nor unless he be a male subject of
the Kingdom who shall have arrived at the full age of twenty-one
years, who shall know how to read and write, who shall understand
accounts, and shall have been domiciled in the Kingdom for at least
three years, the last of which shall be the year immediately preceding
his election; and who shall own real estate, within the Kingdom, of a
clear value, over and above all incumbrances, of at least five hundred
dollars, or who shall have an annual income of at least two hundred
and fifty dollars derived from any property or lawful employment.
ARTICLE 62. Every male subject of the Kingdom who shall have
paid his taxes, who shall have attained the age of twenty years, and
shall have been domiciled in the 1 ingdom for one year immediately
preceding the election, and be possessed of real property in the Kingdom, to the value over and above all incumbrances of one hundred and
fifty dollars, or a leasehold property on which the rent is twenty-five
dollars per year, or of an income of not less than seventy-five dollars
per year, derived from any property or some lawful employment and
shall know how to read and write, if born since the year 1840 and shall
have caused his name to be entered on the list of voters of his district
as may be provided by the law, shall be entitled to one vote for the
representative or representatives of that district. Provided, however,
that no insane or idiotic person, nor any person who shall have been
convicted of any infamous crimes within this Kingdom, unless he shall
have been pardoned by the Queen, and by the terms of such pardon
have been restored to all rights of a subject, shall be allowed to vote.
ARTICLE 63. The property qualifications of the representatives of
the people, and of the electors, may be increased or decreased by law.
ARTICLE 64. The judicial power of the Kingdom shall be vested in




1862                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
one supreme court and in such inferior courts as the Legislature may,
from time to time, establish.
ARTICLE 65. The supreme court shall consist of a chief justice and
not less than two associate justices, any of whom may hold the court.
The justices of the supreme court shall hold their offices for a term of
six years, during good behavior, subject to removal upon impeachment.
Provided, however, that any judge of the supreme court or any other
court of record may be removed from office on a resolution passed by
two-thirds of the legislative, assembly, for good cause shown to the
satisfaction of the Queen.
The judge against whom the legislative assembly may be about to
proceed, shall receive due notice thereof, accompanied by a copy of the
causes alleged for his removal, at least ten days before the day on
which the legislative assembly shall act thereon. He shall be heard
before the legislative assembly.
ARTICLE 66. The judicial power shall be divided among the supreme
court and the several inferior courts of the Kingdom in such manner
as the Legislature may from time to time prescribe, and the tenure of
office in the inferior courts ef the Kingdom shall be such as may be
defined by the law creating them.
ARTICLE 67. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and
equity arising under the constitution and laws of this Kingdom and
treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority to all
cases affecting public ministers and council and to all cases of admiralty
and maritime jurisdiction.
ARTICLE 68. The chief justice of the supreme court shall be the
chancellor of the Kingdom; he shall be ex officio president of the
nobles in all cases of impeachment, unless when impeached himself,
and exercise such jurisdiction in equity or other cases as the law may
confer upon him, his decisions being subject, however, to the revision
of the supreme court on appeal. Should the chief justice ever be
impeached, some person specially commissioned by the Queen shall be
president of the court of impeachment during such trial.
ARTICLE 69. The decision of the supreme court, when made by a
majority of all the justices thereof, shall be final and conclusive upon
all parties.
ARTICLE 70. The Queen, her cabinet, and the legislative assembly
shall have authority to require the opinions of the justices of the
supreme court upon important questions of law and upon solemn occasions.
ARTICLE 71. The Queen appoints the justices of the supreme court
and all other judges of court of records; their salaries are fixed by
law.
ARTICLE 72. No judge or magistrate can sit alone on an appeal or
new trial in any case on which he may have given a previous judgment.
ARTICLE 73. The Queen also appoints and commissions the governors
of the several islands; the governors hold office for the term of four
years, subject to impeachment.
ARTICLE 74. The following persons shall not be permitted to register
for voting, to vote, or to hold office under any department of the Government, or to sit in the legislative assembly, namely: Any person who is
insane or an idiot, or any person who shall have beep convicted of any
of the following named offenses, viz: Arson, barratry, bribery, burglary, counterfeiting, embezzlement, felonious branding of cattle, forgery, gross cheat, incest, kidnapping, larceny, malicious burning, man



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1863
slaughter in the first degree, murder, perjury, rape, robbery, sodomy,
treason, subornation of perjury, and malfeasance in office, unless he
shall have been pardoned by the Queen and restored to his civil rights
and by the express term of his pardon declared to be eligible to office
of trust, honor, and profit.
ARTICLE 75. No officer of this Government shall hold any other office
or receive any salary from any other Government or power whatever.
ARTICLE 76. The Legislature votes the appropriations biennially,
after due consideration of the revenue and expenditure for the two
preceding years and the estimates of the revenue and expenditure of
the two succeeding years, which shall be submitted to them by the
minister of finance.
ARTICLE 77. The enacting style in making and passing all acts and
laws shall be: " Be it enacted by the Queen and the legislative assembly
of the Hawaiian Islands, in the Legislature of the Kingdom assembled."
ARTICLE 78. To avoid improper influences which may result from
intermixing in one and the same act such things as have no proper relation to each other, every law shall embrace but one object, and that
shall be expressed in its title.
ARTICLE 79. All laws now in force in this Kingdom shall continue
and remain in full effect, until altered or repealed by the Legislature;
such parts only excepted as are repugnant to this constitution. All
laws heretofore enacted, or that may hereafter be enacted, which are
contrary to this constitution, shall be null and void.
ARTICLE 80. This constitution shall be in force from the -   day
of ---. in the year —, but that there may be no failure of justice, or inconvenience to the Kingdom, from any change all officers of
this Kingdom, at the time this constitution shall take effect, shall have,
hold, and exercise all power to them granted, until other persons shall
be appointed in their stead.
ARTICLE 81. Any amendment or amendments to this constitution
may be proposed in the legislative assembly, and if the same shall be
agreed to by a majority of the members thereof; such proposed amendment or amendments shall be entered on its Journal, with the yeas and
nays taken thereon, and referred to next Legislature; which proposed
amendment or amendments shall be published for three months previous to the next election of Representatives; and if in the next Legislature such proposed amendment or amendments shall be agreed to by
two-thirds of all the members of the legislative assembly, and be approved by the Queen, such amendment or amendments shall become
part of the constitution of this country.
We have read the document purporting to be a copy of the constitution presented to us by Queen Liliuokalani on January 14th last, and
we deem it to be almost identical, except as to Article 62, which, according to our recollection, did not contain any property qualification
for voters for representatives.
We are yours, respectfully,
SAMUEL PARKER,
A. P. PETERSON,
WM. H. CORNWELL.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, July 16, 1893.
The proposed changes to the Kalakaua constitution were these:
ARTICLE 20. By adding to exceptions: Members of the privy council, notary public, agent to take acknowledgements.




1864


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


ART. 22. By adding Princes Kawananakoa and Kalanianaole as
heirs to the throne.
ART. 46. Changing the session of the Legislature to the month of
April.
ART. 49. That the Queen shall sign and approve all bills and resolutions, even to those that are voted when passed over her vote.
ART. 56. Pay of representatives raised to $500 instead $250 for biennial term.
ART. 57. The Queen shall appoint the nobles not to exceed 24.
ART. 60. The representatives may be increased from 24 as at present
to 48.
ART. 62. Only subjects shall vote, and the qualification of voters
reduced.
ART. 65. The term of appointment of the supreme court judges,
not for life, as before, but for six years.
ART. 75. The appcintment of governors of each island for four
years term.
No. 3.
The committee of safety to Mr. Stevens.
No. 7.]       HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, HONOLULU, January 16, 1S93.
His Excellency JOHN L. STEVENS,
American Minister Resident:
SIR: We, the undersigned citizens and residents of Honolulu, respectfully represent that, in view of recent public events in this Kingdom,
culminating in the revolutionary acts of Queen Liliuokalani on Saturday last, the public safety is menaced and lives and property are in
peril, and we appeal to you and the United States forces at your command for assistance.
The Queen, with the aid of armed force, and accompanied by threats
of violence and bloodshed from thosewith whom she was acting, attempted to proclaim a new constitution; and, while prevented for the
time from accomplishing her object, declared publicly that she would
only defer her action.
This conduct and action was upon an occasion and under circumstances which have created general alarm and terror.
We are unable to protect ourselves without aid, and therefore pray
for the protection of the United States forces.
HENRY E. CooPER,
F. W. MCCHESNEY,
W. C. WILDER,
C. BOLTE,
A. BROWN,
WILLIAM O. SMITH,
HENRY WATERHOUSE,
THEO. F. LANSING,
ED. SUHR,
L. A. THURSTON,
JOHN EMMELUTIH
WM. R. CASTLE,
J. A. McCANDLESS,
Citizens' Committee of Safety.




IAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1865


No. 4.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Gifford.
UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, January 16, 1893.
Mr.   M. (M. GPFORD:
SIR: Please allow Capt. Wiltse and his men the use of the opera
house h:li tor a, fair compensation for the same.
Your,' trllly,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
No. 5
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Walker.
UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, January 16, 1893.
DEAR SIR: Will you let Arion Hall for use for the sleeping and
lodgment of the soldiers and marines of Captain Wiltse, of the U. S.
Boston, at a fair price? Let the bearer know.
Yours truly,
JOHN L. STEVENS,
United States Minister.
No. 6.
Air. Parker to Mr. Stevens.
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 16, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to inform your excellency that the troops
from the U.S. S. Boston were landed in this port at 5 o'clock this
evening without the request or knowledge of Her Majesty's Government.
As the situation is one which does not call for interference on the
part of the United States Government, my colleagues and myself would
most respectfully request of your excellency the authority upon which
this action was taken. I would also add that any protection that may
have been considered necessary for the American Legation or for
American property and interests in this city would have been cheer.
fully furnished by.Her Majesty's Government.
With the highest respect, I have the honor to remain,
Your excellency's obedient servant,
SAMUEL PARKER,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
His Excellency, JOHN L. STEVENS,
U. S..Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Honolulu.




1866


I1AWAIIAN ISLANDS.


No. 7.
Mr. Cleghorn to Mr. Stevens.
OFFICE OF THE GOVERNOR OF OFOAU.
Honolulu, January 16, 1893.
Sin: It is my duty to solemnly protest to your excellency against
the lanldiig this evelling without permission from the proper authorities of an armred force fiom the United States ship Boston.
Your excellency well knows that when you have desired to land
naval forces of the United States for the purpose of drill, permission
by the local authorities has been readily accorded.
On the present occasion, however, the circumstances are entirely different, and ostensibly the present landing is for the discharge of functions which are distinctly responsible duties of the Hawaiian Government.
Such being the case, I am compelled to impress upon your excellency
the international questions involved in this matter and the grave
responsibilities thereby assumed.
While solemnly protesting to your excellency against the unwarrantable proceedings to which I have referred,
I have the honor to remain, sir, your excellency's obedient and
humble servant,
A. S. CLEGHORN,
Governor of Oahu.
His Excellency JOHN L. STEVENS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary
of the United States of America.
No. 8.
AIr. Stevens to Mr. Parker.
UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, January 17, 1893.
SIR: Yours of yesterday in regard to the landing of the United
States naval forces in Honolulu duly received and its import considered. In whatever the United States diplomatic and naval representatives have done or may do at this critical hour of Hawaiian affairs,
we will be guided by the kindest views and feelings for all the parties
concerned and by the warmest sentiments for the Hawaiian people and
the persons of all nationalities.
Most sincerely, yours,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Hon. SAiUEL PARKER,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1867


No. 9.
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Cleghorn.
UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, January 17, 1893.
SIlP: Yours of the 16th, yesterday, regarding the landing of the
UJnited States n:aval forces in Honolulu, is received. I have carefully
considered its import. My responsibility as the United StateS minister
plenipotentiary at this critical time in Hawaiian affairs it is impossible
for me to ignore. I assure you that whatever responsibility the
American diplomatic and naval representatives have assumed or may
assume, we shall do our utmost to regard the welfare of all persons and
interests concerned.
Yours, sincerely, and with the kindest consideration,
JOHN L. STEVENS.
Hon. A. S. CLEGHORN,
Governor of Oahu.
No. 10.
Liliuolcalani to Mr. Damon.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, January 31, 1893.
Mr. S. M. DAMON, Honolulu:
Sir: You having stated that, as a condition upon which you would
only authorize the lending by your firm of Bishop & Co. to me of the
further sum of $10,00, upon certain securities that I need not specify,
I should hand to you the original new constitution that it was my intention to promulgate on the day of the prorogation of the late Legislature, January 14, 1893, I assure you that I am unable to comply with
such condition, for the sole reason that such new constitution and all
copies thereof and the draft thereof have been destroyed, the original
constitution by my own hands and the copies thereof and the draft by
my orders.
LILIUOKALANI.
In presence ofPAUL NTEUMANN
HENRY HOLMES.
No. 11.
Besotution of Annexation Club, March31, 1893.
Mr. CO1MISSIONER: An association has recently been formed here
known as the Annexation Club. The vice-presidents of the club-its
president being temporarily absent-its secretary and treasurer, and the
chairmen of its regular committees now have the honor to present their
regards to you. The first steps to form this association were taken on
the 21st of this month, and its membership now includes some 2,000 of
the residents of this city, who are, it is believed, fully representative of
the intelligence and respectability, as well as of the material interests
of this community.




1868


HAWA~AIIAN ISLIANDS.


'A large number of the members of this association were not actually
concerned in the establishment of the present Government, but all the
members are convinced that it is essential to the safety and security of
life and property in the Hawaiian Islands, and to the permanent welfare of the people here, that this country shall become an integral portion of the American Union.
The need of a strong permanent Government to steady political passions, and keep this community free from dangers both of internal discord and foreign interference, has become apparent to all of us, and we
look forward with earnest hope to the time when Hawaii can enter the
great Republic.
We have learned with profound satisfaction that President Cleveland has appointed you to visit these islands, as we understand, for the
purpose of investigating their political conditions and needs. We are
confident that the most searching examination and analysis will disclose the fact that the present Government was established as a matter
of necessity and duty, in the interest of humanity as well as of civilization, and not as a scheme to promote the selfish objects of any set or
clique. The head of the recent Government having disavowed her
obligations to the only authority under which she held power, the constitution of 1887, and having publicly announced her solemn intention
to govern by royal proclamation and not by law, the only course to follow to preserve the body politic was to establish this Government in the
interests of law and order.
It is the hope of the members of this association that a treaty of
annexation may soon be accomplished between Hawaii and the United
States, which, while securing all the safeguards of a free and stable
government to all native aboriginal Hawaiians as well as to those of
foreign ancestry, will entail no burdens on the United States, but on
the contrary will be a source of additional strength and satisfaction.
We are aware, Mr. Commissioner, that your own views on any of
these matters will depend on the result of the observations and inquiries which you will make during your visit here, and that our call upon
you must be regarded as entirely informal and unofficial.
We beg to present to you the compliments of the Annexation Club of
Hawaii, and to express the hope that your visit will not only be enjoyed
by Mrs. Blount and yourself but will result in a way which shall be
most advantageous to all of the momentous interests involved.
No. 12.
Admiral Skerrett to Mr. Blount.
No. 110.]                      U. S. S. MOHICAN,
FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, April 1, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to inform Special United States Commissioner
Blount that in obedience to his directions the United States ensign
over the Government building was lowered at 11 a. m. of this date and
the lorce withdrawn from that building and the place designated as
Camp Boston at the same hour. I learn that quite a number of people
congregated about the Government building at the time; the force of
marines stationed there were relieved by a force of the Provisional Gov



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1869


ernment. There was no demonstration made by the populace present;
no cheering, nor any other signs of either joy or grief.
I went on shore this afternoon and saw quite an access in numbers
of those who were wearing the Annexation Club badge. There has
been no evidence shown of unruly or riotous characters. Absolutely,
there appears to be peace and quiet.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. S. SKERRETT,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
Special United States Commissioner, J. II. BLOUNT.
No. 13.
Captain Hooper to Mr. Blount.
U. S. REVENUE STEAMER RUSH,
Honolulu, April 2, 1893.
Hon. J. H. BLOUNT:
MY DEAR SIR: I witnessed the hauling down of the American flag
and the raising of the Hawaiian flag over the Government building at
this place yesterday, and was surprised not only at the absence of any
indication of the violent and partisan feeling which I had been led to
expect, but by the apparent apathy and indifference of the native portion of the assembled crowd, and also their politeness and evident good
feeling towards Americans. As I passed freely around among them,
accompanied by my son, we were kept busy returning their friendly salutes. The greatest good order prevailed throughout. There were no
demonstrations of any kind as the American flag came down and not
a single cheer greeted the Hawaiian flag as it was raised aloft.
The native men stood around in groups or singly, smoking and
chatting, and nodding familiarly to passing friends, or leaning idly
against the trees and fences, while the women and children which
formed a large proportion of the assemblage were talking and laughing good naturedly. As the hour for hauling down the American flag
approached, many people, men, and women, and children, could be
seen approaching the Government square in a most leisurely manner,
and showing more interest in the gala day appearance of the crowd
than in the restoration of their national flag. The air of good-natured
indifference and idle curiosity with which the native men regarded the
proceedings, and the presence of the women and children in their white
or bright colored dresses, was more suggestive of a county  fair " or
horse race than the sequel to a " revolution."
Even the presence of the armed forces" of the Provisional Government, numbering perhaps two hundred, parading the corridors of the
Government house failed to elicit any sign of a feeling of anger or
resentment. In half an hour after the exchange of flags had been made
the crowd had dispersed and only the "force" of the Provisional Government, which I was told was necessary to prevent mob violence,
remained to indicate that a "revolution" had recently taken place.
While among the crowd I looked carefully for indications of " arms"
upon the person of the natives but saw none, although with the thin
clothing worn by them the presence of a revolver or such an arm could
easily have been detected.




1870


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


If any danger of mob violence on the part of the natives existed all
outward signs of it were carefully concealed. Only evidences of the
greatest good feeling were apparent.
Hoping that this short statement of the facts as they appeared to me
may pro\ve of interest to you,
I am, very truly yours,
C. L. TIOOPER,
Captain U. S. evcnue Marine.
No. 14.
Mr. Wilcox to Mr. Blount.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, April 6, 1893.
Hon. J. H. BLOUNT,
United States Commissioner, etc.:
I beg to submit my scrap-book for your inspection, which will shed
some light on the motives which actuated me and my associates in the
conspiracy of May 1892.
You will please notice a letter from Fred. M. Somers to the San
Francisco Examiner under date of May 24, 1892, and also an extract
from the Illustrated American of December 26, 1891, and some extracts
from the P. C. Advertiser of Honolulu of the month of May 1892. In
the main these statements are correct.
My chief object was to establish a Republic with the view to ultimate
annexation to the United States of America.
If annexation should be rejected by your Congress, which I hope not,
I still believe that a Republic with the closest possible relations, commercial and otherwise, with the United States would be the best for
Hawaii.
The restablishment-of monarchy, in my humble opinion, ought not to
be considered for a moment.
Most respectfully yours,
l0E1ERT W. WVILCOX.
No. 15.
MZr. Wilcox to Mr. Blount.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
April 7, 1893.
Hon. JAMES H. BLOUNT,
United States Commissioner, etc.:
Yesterday I stated in my letter to you the position I held for sometime, which you will see in my scrap book. But I wish now to call
your attention to the opinion of the Hawaiians as to the treaty made
and submitted to your congress by the commissioner of the Provisonal Government, which President Grover Cleveland has withdrawn
from the congress. The Hawaiians are a unit against that treaty in
its present form, because it was intended by those commissioners to
disfranchise the Hawaiians.
The Hawaiians love liberty and the right of suffrage; and would only
be willing to be annexed to the Union with the understanding that they




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1871


would be'taken in as citizens of the United States. In other words,
that the full privileges of United States citizens would be given to
them.
The present Provisional Government started in a way to produce
the most violent race prejudices. One thing is sure, every Hawaiian
regards the Harrison Administration with disfavor and looks hopefully
to Mr. Cleveland's Administration.
I am sure if the Congress of the United States admits Hawaii as a
state of the Union, every Hawaiian will become a strong supporter ot
the Democratic party of the United States.
Respectfully, yours,
ROBERT W. WILCOX.
No. 16.
Admiral Skerrett to Mr. Blount.
U. S. S. MOHIcAN,
No. 123.]             FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulu, Hawzaiian Islands, April 8, 1893.
Col. J. H. BLOUNT,
United States Special Commissioner.
DEAR SIR: I have learned that the Boston's battalion consists of
153 men and that of the Mohican's battalion is 118 men; making a total
of 271 men, who can be landed if required.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. S. SKERRETT,
Rear Admiral U. S. N~avy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
No. 17.
Mr. Wilcox to Mr. Blount.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, April 19, 1893.
Hon. JAS. I. BLOUNT,
United States Commissioner, etc.
SIR: Referring to our conference of yesterday's in re "The establishment of this Provisional Government," I will submit the following
appendix for your consideration:
That this Provisional Government was fostered and made predomi 
nant only through the American force of arms of the U. S. S. Boston,
under the recognition of a decided minority of the white element, aided
and, abetted by United States Minister Stevens. Prior to any movement by the Queen's Government, and whilst her Government yet held
the places, to wit, palace, barracks, station house, etc., there were 150
native soldiers and 200 policemen under arms, besides about 400 natives
and foreigners who were ready to take up arms; the barracks and station house were amply supplied with war material (8 pieces of 75 centimeters caliber and 4 pieces of 5 centimeters caliber cannon and also two
Gatling guns); there were also about 500 rifles, with a large supply of
ammunitionfor same; whilst on the other hand the Provisional Government, before their recognition by Minister Stevens, i. e., from 3 to 6 p. m.




1872                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
on January 17, 1893, had only about 100 rifles and a very limited supply
of ammunition, and it was only at 6 p. m. that their men numbered 100.
Under Minister Stevens' assurance-that he recognized the Provisional Government notwithstanding-the station house recapitulated
at 6 p. in. that same day, with 200 rifles and other munitions.
The white element of this city did not join in with this Provisional
Government until the morning of January 18, when they knew that the
Queen's Government had given up everything to this Provisional Government, and then only under protest.
I have the honor to be yours, obediently,
ROBERT W. WILCOX.
No. 18.
Mr. Wilcox to Mr. Blount.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, April 25, 1893.
Hon. JAMES H. BLOUNT,
United States Commissioner, etc.:
SIR: Referring to the amount of appropriations by the Government
on account of contract laborers or coolies, under the guise of encouraging emigration, I present the following list of appropriations from 1874
to 1890, inclusive, amounting to the sum total of $1,315,000, as follows:
In 1874, encouraging agriculture and emigration.-...................... $50,000
In 1876, encouraging of emigration.. —.........-....................  35, 000
In  1880, encouraging  of  emigration-.....................................   100, 000
In 1882, encouraging of emigration (an act).-.-...-..-..... —........... 500, 000
In 1884, encouraging of emigration. —...................-.............-..  390, 000
In 1886, encouraging of emigration.......................................  150,000
In 1888, encouraging of emigration..................................  30, 000
In 1890, encouraging of emigration...........................  60, 000
1, 315, 000
In 1881 six thousand Chinese were imported. They brought with
them the smallpox, which caused the death of three hundred native
Hawaiians at Honolulu.
Nine-tenths of the above amount was spent for importing Chinese and
Japanese laborers, while the other tenth was spent for Germans, Portuguese and Norwegians laborers.
The European class of laborers would be good citizens for the country,
but were unable to make homes here, on account of the close and ruinous competition with the Asiatics. No men in the world can successfully compete with the Chinese and Japanese in most business pursuits
or as laborers. For this reason Europeans of the laboring classes have
left this country as soon as their contracts expired.
The late Legislature passed an act to limit the number of Chinese to
five thousand annually. For some time previous Chinese emigration was
stopped, Japanese being substituted for them.
If this country continues to be under the control of the sugar planters
Hawaii will be only fit to be a home for rich sugar planters and their
qlaves-the paradise and inferno of the Pacific.
Yours obediently,
ROBERT W. WILCOX.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
No. 19.
Mr. (C. J. McCarthy to Mr. C. B. Wilson.


1873


110NLUL7 HAAIIN ISAND-7 ay 1  83
Mr. (C. B. WILSON:
DEAR SIn: As per your request of to-day I inclose you a diagram
of the position of the _Boston troops as of Monday evening, January 16,
1893. They remained in. the third position for several days.


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CD
0
i CD
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I 
Second position, one block away:frow first, in direction of arrow.


In connection with the arrival of the committee of safety, I would
say that they, arrived at the Government building at 2:30 p. m. ou
S. Rep. 227-uS8




1874


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Tuesday, January 17, loitered about the corridor a few minutes, asked
Mr. Hossinger for possession of the building, and then Mr. Cooper proceeded to read the proclamation. He finished same at 2:40 p. m., at
which time I received your telephone message and came to the station
house.
Yours, etc.,
C. J. MCCARTHY.
No. 20.
Statement of J. C. Quinn.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, May 2, 1893.
A few brief notes of what I saw on January 17, 1893, the day the
Provisional Government was established, about 2 p. m.
I was driving along King street, going towards the Government
building; when I reached Palace square I heard a pistol shot; I looked
back and saw a large crowd by E. O. Hall & Son. The minute the
shot was fired I heard the rumbling of wheels in the direction of Arion
Hall. I drove over that way and saw some of the blue jackets who
were camped there getting ready for action.
They ran their cannon out so that it pointed towards Palace square.
The blue jackets stood ready for action, some at the cannons, the rest
formed in line behind the cannons with their guns in hands. I can't
say positively whether there were two cannons or not. This detachment of blue jackets that I speak of were on the northwest side of
the Arion Hall. The men and cannon, as they were drawn in line,
faced towards Palace square. I drove around the Opera House,
turned down Mililani street, which is on the southeast side of Arion
Hall. I saw a lot of blue jackets drawn up in line, ready for action,
with their cannon and men facing towards the Government building.
The blue jackets I speak of means the ones which were landed from
the Boston on the 16th of January last. I drove down Mililani street
and around to the U. C. C. office. I saw Mr. Hall standing by his
store. I asked him what the shooting was about. He said that John
Good had shot a policeman, for trying to stop a wagon which contained arms. I told him that the blue jackets were getting ready for
action. lie said that was good and ran down towards the Arion Hall.
In a few minutes I drove back to the Government building and saw
some armed men standing in front of the building, armed with guns.
J. C. QUINN,
Manager United Carriage Co., Telephone 290.
No. 21.
Mr. Edmund Norrie to Mr. C. B. Wilson.
Hon. C. B. WILSON, Honolulu:
SIR: In response to your request to reduce to writing the verbal report which I made to you on January 17 in regard to the situation at
the Government building and surroundings at the time of the proclamation of the Provisional Government I beg to submit it as follows:
I entered the Government building about 1 o'clock p. m. and went to
the foreign office where I, from the window in the minister's private




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  1875
office, watched the movements of the United States forces which were
stationed on the Hayselden premises. The attached roughly-drawn
diagram shows that the sailors were marched up from Kekaulike street
through the alleyway between the opera house and the Arion Hall, and
stood in the yard belonging to the premises occupied by Mr. Nakayama,
inspector of Japanese.
Two Gatling guns were placed at the entrance to the said alley, trailed
on the main entrance of the Government building. About 1:45 p. m. the
placing of the troops was accomplished and the men stood at ~ attention,"
the infantry with arms " ordered," the artillerists with the drawing ropes
of the guns in their hand s ready to move. I estimated that one company
with the half battery of Gatlings occupied Kekaulike street and the
alley, while the rest of the sailors with two other guns were in the yard
between the Arion Hall and Nakayama's house. I went down to Palace
Square to see if the insurgents were beginning to move on the Government building as expected. In the gateway of Nakayana's premises
towards Palace Square stood two officers of the Boston with drawn
swords looking towards the town. I now saw Mr. Dole and a body of
men coming up through Merchant street towards the Government buildings. They were crossing Alake street when I saw them. The Boston officers saw them at the same time and immediately went to Arion
Hall. I returned to the foreign office and took up my place at the window overlooking the Arion Hall.
I noticed that all the Boston officers had placed themselves in the
proper positions with their men ready to make a move. At this time
IMr. Charles L. Carter came riding on horseback very fast towards the
Arion Hall from Queen street [indicated by arrow on diagram] and
stopped outside the Arionl Hall, dismounted and entered the gate.
Capt. Wiltse and another officer were sitting on the veranda of the
hall facing the Government building. Mr. Carter approached Capt.
Wiltse and handed him a large envelope, which he opened, and after
having read the contents placed it in his pocket. He said something
to the officer with him, who left, and going among the troops spoke to
the different officers. Mr. Carter remounted and left by the same route
along Queen street. A few minutes after Mr. Dole and party turned
the corner of Palace Square and entered the Government yard from
Kekaulike street and thence to the main entrance of the building,
where they stopped and Mr. Cooper read the proclamation. As soon
as he had finished I left and reported to you.
EIUMUND NORRIE.
No. 22.
Mr. Hf. P. Baldwin to Mr. Blount.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, April 25 1893.
Col. J. H. BLOUNT,
American Commissioner.
-MY DEAR SIR: As you remember I had an appointment to meet you
last Saturday morning for an interview as a delegate from a branch
annexation organization on the island of Kauai. I found it impossible to come to Honolulu last Saturday, hence I failed to keep my
engagement.




1876


0:
1j
Mp
A


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Palace.


Palace Yard.


iL


King


Street.


Palace Square.


Opera House.
a000 
4 — -E-                -T-  5;a a D
E     000           11 a  1 1 
no n1 1D               r
0 0  0 a 3      Arion
0;1   13  1  n H a ll. 
13 a] [] la


4!j
W
Pl


Foreign
Office.
Minister's
Room
up stairs.
Government
Building.


Nacayama's
Residence.
p


U


Li


K


C. L. Carter's track. /
Queen


Street.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1877


I called to see you Monday this week, but your secretary told me
you were out, and I have since been told by the secretary of the Honolulu Annexation Club, Mr. Jones, that you will have no time for interviews till after the mail leaves Wednesday.
As I return to Kauai to-morrow, and will therefore have no opportunity of meeting you, I will give you briefly in writing the views as I
understand them of that portion of the people of Kauai who favor
annexation.
The two branches of the Annexation Club formed on Kauai are composed of all classes and include plantation men, ranchmen, tradesmen,
mechanics, and ordinary workmen. Most of those who represent the
property of the island are in favor of annexation and have joined the
organization.
When the delegates from Kauai had a short interview with you last
week I informed you that the Annexation Club from my side of the
island passed a resolution favoring annexation providing Asiatic labor,
which is considered almost indispensable for our plantations, should not
be prohibited by the United States Government. Last week the organization, taking a broader view of the question, rescinded the former vote
and passed an unconditional resolution in favor of annexation, trusting
that in case annexation should take place the United States Government would take into careful consideration our labor requirements.
The natives of the country furnish a very inadequate portion of the
labor required for the numerous operations of the country. We are
therefore obliged to draw on other countries for our labor supply. In
this tropical country white men can not work in our cane fields. We
have found that Asiatics are the most suitable and economical laborers
for our work, such as Japanese and Chinese. These are introduced
every year to take the places of those who leave, as very few of them'
make this country a permanent home.
You can readily understand why the labor question is a very important one to us and that any political change that may cut us off from
the labor supply we have heretofore enjoyed may work serious injury
to our sugar industry.
The belief that the United States would not allow Asiatics to come
into the country has prevented some of the planters on Kauai from
joining our annexation organization. The majority of those who have
joined the organization have done so after careful consideration and
because it is their firm conviction that the country can no longer maintain a good and stable independent government. Numerous reasons
may be given for this, but I will state only a few of the more prominent.
(1) The unfitness of a majority of the voters for representatives in
this country to have the franchise and use it for upright and progressive government.
(2) A growing jealousy among the natives of foreigners, who, they
feel, are acquiring the property and business of the country.
(3) The diversified foreign population of the country, who come from
all parts of the world. This population consists of all classes of men
who come here for different purposes, a great many to make what they
can out of the country and then leave. They compose a mixed population that can not and will not work together for good, honest and
substantial government.
The history of our Government during the past few years must convince anyone who will give it a careful study that the late Hawaiian
monarchs, who were really less competent to manage the affairs of state




1878


HAWAIIAI[AN  ISL-JANDS.


than former Kings were, are totally unfit and incompetent to guide the
affairs of the nation at this time of progress and prosperity; also, that
corruption has been on the increase amongst Government officials and
in the Legislature.
It is our belief that should this Government continue as an independent government, revolution and conspiracy, which has overturned and
disturbed the affairs of government so often during the past six years,
will increase in the future and result inevitably in anarchy.
I would add, for myself personally, that I was born in this country
and have lived here all my life. I have acquired considerable property and represent plantations that have this year an output of about
23,000 tons of sugar. This is my home, and I desire to make it the
home of my children if we can live under good government. I have
not favored annexation till this last revolutionary act of the Queen.
I share in the solicitude expressed by many of the planters relative
to the labor question and would be glad to have our Government continue independent if possible, but good government is of the first and
greatest importance to this as it is to all countries, and it is the belief,
for reasons given above, that we can not maintain good government
without the protection of a more powerful nation that has led me to
join the annexationists.
I remain, yours, very truly,
HI. P. BALDWIN,
Delegate Kauai Annexation Club.
No. 23.
Mr. Theo. C. Porter to Mr. Blount.
DEPARTMENT OF FINANCE,
Honolulu, May 11, 1893.
Hon. J. IH. BLOUNT,
Special Commissioner of the United States of America:
SIR: In accordance with my communication of the 12th ultimo,
I have caused to be prepared the following inclosures, viz:
No. 1.-Tabulated statement of taxes paid by different nationalities.
No. 2.-Tabulated statement of acreage owned by different nationalities on which taxes are paid.
No. 3.-Statement showing acreage and quality of Government lands
and where situated.
No. 4.-Statement showing acreage and quality of Crown lands and
where situated.
No. 5.-Statement showing acreage and quality of Bishop estate and
and where situated.
No. 6.-Statement showing acreage and quality of Crown lands,
where situated, and available for lease or homestead.
No. 7.-Table showing a summary by nationality of the Government
pay rolls, etc.
As I understand it, this will supply the desired information. It is
not claimed that these tables and statements are absolutely perfect;
such statistics never are and never can be, but they are as accurate as
it is possible at this time and under the circumstances to make them.
They include everything except the few delinquents, and the public
lands-Government and Crown. The persons classed as "natives " are
supposed to be of pure aboriginal birth and descent.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1879
Under the head of "Half Castes" are included all who have any
proportion of native blood, however small. Many of these are only a
quarter native, some an eighth or less. The acreage of the Bishop
estate, amounting to about 420,000 acres, is included in the " Half Caste"
column. If this estate were entirely eliminated from the calculation,
that class of our population would own only 7.78 per cent of the total
taxable acreage instead of 28.67 per cent, as appears in the table.
The large lands and very valuable buildings and improvements known
as the Kamehameha School on the Bishop estate is free from taxation,
and materially affects the taxes in the "Half-Caste" column. The
Bishop estate, together with the Government and Crown lands, amount
to 2,000,000 acres, or about one-half of the entire area of the country.
In short, these tables show that the pure Hawaiian pays $1.01 in
$7.39 of the taxes, owns 1 in every 7.02 acres of the taxable land, and
holds two-thirds of the offices and positions under the Government.
In connection with the above, the following data compiled from the
last census may be of interest:
The pure " Hawaiians and Half Castes " together constitute 45.01 per
cent of the entire population, furnish 30.98 per cent of the males over
15 years of age, 70.18 per cent of the voters, 9.30 per cent of the
laborers, 13.25 per cent of the merchants and traders, 35.55 per cent of
the mechanics, 48.47 per cent of the drivers and teamsters, 74.57 per
cent of the seamen, and 82.40 per cent of the fishermen. The 13.25 per
cent appearing under the head of merchants and traders are fishmongers, fruit-venders, and the like. Such a thing as a merchant in the
larger sense of the word can not be found among the pure natives.
Should there be any other information desired of this department or
any of its bureaus, I shall at any and all times be pleased to give it to
you.
I remain, with much respect, your obedient servant,
THEO. C. PORTER,
Minister of Finance.
No. 1.-Table showing the amount of taxes paid by various nationalities in the Hawaiian
Islands, compiled from the reports of the tax assessors and collectors of the four divisions into which the islands are divided, for the annual period of 1891-'92.
Taxa-               Americans                             Other
tion di-  Islands.  and Euro- Natives. Half. Chinese. Japanese. nation-  Total.
vision.              peante                               alities.
1  Oahu....... $128, 048. 42 $22, 898. 09 $13, 278. 03 $48, 237. 64 $7, 915.79  None.  $220, 377. 97
2 Maui, Lanai and  42, 940. 87 16,687.76 3,640.79 14,317.49 13,556.67 $370.10 91,513.68
Molokai.
3   awaii......... 64,252.19  23,705.44  9,275.48  11,814.36 29,838.61  None.  138, 886.08
4 KanaiandNiihau. 39,275.26 8,095.53  674. 38 12,896. 61 16,015.00  359.72  77,316.50
Total........ 274,516.74  71,386.8226, 868. 68  87, 266.10  67,326.07  729. 82  528, 094.23
Percentages of taxes.
Americans and Europeans.....................................................................  51.98
N atives........................................................................................  13. 52
Half-castes.............................................................................  5.10
Chinese........................................................................................  16.53
Japanese...................................      12.75
Others..................................12
100.00
The above tax includes poll anl school taxes.
THEO. C. PORTER,
Minister of Finance.
HONOLULA, May 10, 1893.




1880                                HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
No. 2. —Table showing the acreage on which taxes have. been paid by various nationalities
in the Hawaiian Islands, compiledfrom         the reports of the tax assessors and collectors of
thefour divisions into which the islands are divided, for the annual period of 1891-'92.
AI____.,__._.___.................. _  _
Taxa-                      Americans                 alf-                        Other
tion di-      Islands.      and Euro- Natives.      Haste   Chinese. Japanese. nation-      Total.
vision.                       peans.               cas.                       alities.
i   Oahu..............  177,168     38,123    70.949    *6,042       200   None.        292,482
2   Maui, Lanai, and     227,115     29,410    78, 526   *3. 733  None.     None.        338, 784
Molokai.
3   Hawaii...........   479, 384   159, 733  377, 998    2, 541  None.     None.      1, 019, 656
4   Klauai and Niihau.   168, 825    30,191     4, 072        8  None.      None.        203,096
Total........ 1,052,492    257,457   531,545     12,324       200  None.      1,854,018
*Mostly leased.
Percentages of acreage.
Americans and Europeans.....................................................................   5. 77
Natives............................           13.89
Half-castes..................................................................   28. 67
Chinese......................................................................................... 66
Japanese.....................................................................................   01
100.00


THEO. C. PORTER,
Minister of Finance.


HONOLULA, May 10, 1893.


No. 3.-Summary of the Government lands for 1893.
Island.                                   District.         Areas.
Acres.
Hawaii...........................................................  Hilo.................. 44,047
Hamakua.............   250, 969
Kohala..............     15, 865. 5
North Kona. —......   120, 047.5
South Kona..........    29, 995.5
Kau..................   92, 371
Puna.................   34, 950
Total for Hawaii.................................................................... 588,245. 5
Ma............................................................. Lahaina...........    510
Wailuku..........          644
Hon uaula.........   14,484
Hamakapoko........       4, 550
Hamakualoa.               9, 255
Koolau..........   17, 000
Hana...........   618, 626
Kipahulu........      1,162
Kaupo..........       6, 612
Kahikinui......   25. 000
Total for Mani.............3.............................  97, 843
Lanai...............................................................................   330, 347
Kahoolawe.......................................................              30, 000
M olokai...............................................................................   20, 000
Oahu..................................... Honolulu............                     4, 575
Ewa................      2,635
Waianae.............     3,648
Waialua..............   14,000
Koolau...............      329
Total for Oahu......................................., 2187
Kanai...................................................      23, 273
Total Government lands.......................................................  814,895.5
REMARK. —The total area of the Government land at this date, estimated in
round numbers, is 828,370 acres.        The total value, independent of buildings, etc.,
was estimated in 1890 to be about $2,128,850.         The annual income at that time by




HAWAIIAN      ISLANDS.                         1881
leases, etc., was $67,636. Of this income $19,500 was from wharfage, and $7,800
from the rent of land with buildings thereon.
The Government lands at the above date were classified to quality as follows:
Acres.
Cane and arable land....3...............................................  35,150
Forest land........-..................................               204, 670
Grazing land of fair quality....-......................................367, 270
Grazing land, barren and of little valuen...-...................-...     213, 800
Rugged inaccessible mountain tracts.................-................     40, 000
Old  fish-ponds..................................................  780
Valuable building lots.....-...........-................................     130
Total estimated in 1890..-........-.............................  861, 800
A considerable portion of the land classed above as " grazing land " might also be
classed as arable for certain products, while much of the "forest land" is of the
finest quality as regards soil and climate, but is at a higher elevation than land now
generally cultivated.
By an act passed in 1890, nine unassigned lands, which had been claimed by the
Government under a ruling by the supreme court in a parallel case, were transferred
to the commissioners of Crown lands. These had been included among the Government lands in the estimate of 1890.
No. 4.-Summary for the Crown lands for 1893.
Islands.                            Districts.        Areas.
Acres..
Hawaii....................................................  ilo...      256, 939
Hamakua............ —...  18,864
Kohala-.......-.......    57,680
Kona......................  2, 000
Puna...................  66,000
Kau. -...................  187, 990
Total for Hawaii............ -........................................................  589, 473
Maui.........................................................  Lahaina...............  2, 084
Olowalu.. —:. ----... —..  17, 040
Kula.......................  16,283
[ana......................  610
Koolau.....................  17, 408
Kahakuloa.................  10,523
Kaanapali.................  4,300
Total for Maui.......................................................  68, 248
M olokai...................................................................................  21, 383
Lanai.....................................................  17, 370
Oahu......5.......,.,..... Kona...................  5,581
Koolaupoko............   9, 958
K oolauloa  -...-............  6,672
Waianae and Ewa..........  41,967
Total for Oaihu..................................................  64,178
Kanai.........................5...................................  636
Total area of Crown lands.........................................................  915,288
E. and O. E.
W. D. ALEXANDER,
Surveyor-General.




1882


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
No. 5.-Summary of the lands of the estate of Berice Pauahi Bishop.*


Islands.                                       Districts.              Areas.
Acres.
Rawaii...................................................... Hilo........................           5,843
Hamakua...................         8,014
Kohala.................            3,000
North Kona............           153, 290
South Kona...............     32, 478
Kau......................   78, 874
Puna.......-..............       6, 790
Total for   awaii......................................................   288,289
Total for M aui........................................................................        6, 434
Total for Molokai.......................................             52, 722
Total for Oahu............................................     60,748
Total for Kauai.......................................................................         4,636
Grand total......................................................................    412,829
*Mr. Alexander now estimates the Bishop estate at 420,000 acres.-F. C. P.
The annual rents of the estate at the present time amount to about $50,000, and
are increasing.
E. and 0. E.
W. D. ALEXANDER,
Surveyor-General.


No. 6.-Crown lands available for lease, sale, or homestead.
Island.       District.       Name of tract.      Area.               Remarks.
Acres.
Hawaii.....     Kona......... Puuwaawaa (about)..     3, 000  Very rocky and dry grazing.
Haleohiu (about).....   1,000  Rocky and dry grazing.
Waiaha.........     200      Do.
Puaa.............      859      Do.
Onouli................     367      Do,
Puna......... Olaa.................  47, 000  Good agricultural land.
Waiakolea............    300   Rocky and dry grazing.
Kaimu (about).......     2,000      Do.
Hamakua....    Waimanu (about).....     5,000  Leap Valley.
Oa                 ola....... Makaw..1,200                          Lad.
'''''`' 1Iop~op ekea.~~~ ---1,200  Kula Land.
Ewa.......... Pouhala..............      43      Do.
Molokai................. Malapue (about).....    1, 200  Rocky and dry grazing.
Total..............  94,169
-...........


HONOLULU, May 6, 1893.


THEO. C. PORTER,
Minister of nnamoe.




HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.                       18E
No. 7.-Monthly pay roll of the Provisional Government-summary by nationality.


Per cein
No.                         Nationality.                        Amout. in numn
ber.
459  Hawaiians....................................................   $18,631.00  52.34
205 Americans (including 77 school teachers).-........................... 18, 367. 49  23. 38
110 British (including 37 school teachers)...................................  9,148. 74  12. 54
19  Germans. -—............      -......................    1,371.33    2.17
27  Portuguese...........................................................  866.63  3.08
13  Scandina ians........................................................  687. 92  1.48
15  Japanese......................................-..........................  762.60  1.71
7  Chinese..............................................  426.00.80
3  South Sea Islanders...............................................  145.00.34
1  M alay......................................................  0.00.11
1  Russian..........5...0......................................  50.00.11
17  Unclassified...........................................................  631. 66  1.94
877    Total.................................................................  51,148.37  100.00
NOTE.-The above is the monthly pay roll of the entire civil service, except the salaries of the cabinet
ministers and the pay of the police. The appropriation for the pay of the police is at the rate of nearly
6,750 per month, and the members of the force are nearly all native Hawaiians. Should they be
$dded to the above statement the Hawaiians will be found to hold at least two-thirds of the salaried
positions under the Government. Should day-laborers be taken into account, the percentage of
Hawaiians in the Government employ would be still further increased.
THEO. C. PORTER,
Minister of Finance.
HONOLULU, May 2, 1893.
No. 24.
Mr. J. W. Jones to Mr. Blount.
HEADQUARTERS ANNEXATION CLUB,
Honolulu, H. I., May 15, 1893.
Col. J. H. Blount, United States Commissioner, etc.:
DEAR SIR: Agreeably to your request, please find herein statement
of annexation clubs on the various islands, with number of names on
rolls of each island, and total.
I would state that there are 13 rolls still in circulation on this island,
estimated to contain about 250 names.        We are also informed that there
are similar rolls on the other islands, which will be sent us as fast as
turned in.
Number of names on Maui........................-..............   554
Number of names on Oahu............................................. 2,572
Number of names on Hawaii..-..........-... --- —. —....-............... ---  922
Number of names on Kauai.. —....-......-.. —.. —....-.-.. --- —-. --- —-.... 531
Total.................................................................  4,579
Hawaii annexation clubs.-Hilo, North Kohala, South Kona, Hookena, Napoopoo, Kapalilua.
Maui annexation club.-Wailuku.
Kauai annexation clubs.-Lehui, Waimea, Kealia.
I would also state that we have lists in the Hamakua District on
Hawaii, the     Lahaina, Hana, and       Paia   districts on Maui, and        at
Kaluaaha on Molokai.
Very respectfully,
J. W.   JONES,
Secretary Annexation Club.




1884                     IIAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
No. 25.
Mr. fassinger's certificate.
I certify that the [following] tabular statement hereon made is correct,
and is taken from the naturalization records of the interior department.
J. A. HASSINGER,
Chief Clerk of Department.
HONOLULU, HAW AIIAN ISLANDS, June 20, 1893.
Oath of citizen or resident.
No. -.]
HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, Island of, District of -, s9:
I, —, aged --, a native of --, residing at ---, in said district,
do solemnly swear, in the presence of Almighty God, that I will support the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, promulgated and proclaimed on the
17th day of January, 1893, not hereby renouncing, but expressly reserving all
allegiance to any foreign country now owing by me.
Subscribed and sworn to before me, this -   day of --, A. D. 1893.
No..]
HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, Island of, District of —, s:
I, the undersigned, -, do hereby certify that --, aged, a
native of -, residing at -—, in said district, has this day taken, before me,
the oath to support the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, promulgated and proclaimed on the 17th day of January, 1893.
—, 1893.
Oath of Government officer.
No. —.]
HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, Island of --, District of --, s8:
I,, —     agred-, a native of, residing at, in said district, do solemnly swear, in the presence of Almighty God, that I will support and bear true
allegiance to the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, and faithfully
perform the duties appertaining to the office or employment of —.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this-day of -, A. D. 1893.
No. -.]
HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, Island of --, District of —, ss:
I, the undersigned,, do hereby certify that -, aged -,
a native of --, residing at -, in said district, has this day taken, before me,
the oath to support and bear true allegiance to the Provisional Government of the
Hawaiian Islands, and faithfully perform the duties appertaining to the office or
employment of --.


-, -, 1893.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1885


THE HAWAIIAN KINGDOM.
Record of naturalization.
In the department of the interior. In the matter of the naturalization of ---.
Be it remembered that on this --   day of -, A. D. 18-, -,      an
alien; and late a subject or citizen of -, applied in writing to the minister of
the interior to be admitted a citizen of the Hawaiian Kingdom pursuant to the acts
of the Hawaiian Legislature in relation thereto, and it appearing by his said application and by other satisfactory proofs that he has resided within the Kingdom for
two years next preceding said application and that he intends to become a permanent
resident of this Kingdom, and that he is not a pauper nor a refugee from the justice
of some other country, and his said application having been approved by the
minister of interior, and the said        having, on the -   day of -
A. D. 18-, taken and subscribed the oath of allegiance required by law before --,
therefore I do admit the said-  --, and declare him to be a citizen of the
Hawaiian Kingdom.
-   of the Interior.
In re the matter of naturalization of foreigners.
Section 1284 of the civil code requires, "It shall also be necessary to validate the
marriage of native female subjects of these Islands with male foreigners coming
here to reside, that the foreigners have become first duly naturalized by taking the
oath of allegiance."
This section was repealed by Chapter XXIII of the session laws of 1872. Since
then, but few foreigners have taken the oath of allegiance (other than Asiatics)
except those holding appointments under the Government, as required by Chapter
XLII of the laws of 1874.
Letters patent of denization.


Name.                Nationality.  Date................~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~


Clarence W. A shford.....................................
William Foster...........................................
Wm. Russel Austin...............-.....................
Paul Neumann................ —.-......  -.....
Michael Thompson................................
Julius H. Smith.-...............................
Joseph Sykes Webb........................
Geo. Wiliia.ns Parker.....................................
Jno. William Pfiuger.....................................
Harry E. Avery........................................
James Brodie......................................
Rolando Knehn...........................-..
Volney V. Ashford........................................
J. Vanderbilt Simonson...................................
Elijah Nichols...........................................
Patrick H. W. Ross.....................................
Paul Petrovits...........................................
Jay H. Reist..............................................
A. Hoffnung..............................................
Geo. E. Gresley Jacksun..................................
Chas. B. Reynolds............................
Edw. C. Webb, M. D.....................................
S. E. Craddock, M. D.....................................
Edward Hore...........................................
Geo. Carson Kenyon....................................
Jno. Josiah Jones........................................
Charles Creighton..................................
Edmond Wright Norrie...............................
Zeno Kelly Myers......................................
John T. Dare.............................................
Allan B. Scrimgeour....................................
James Clinton Hlooker....................................
Robert J. Creighton.............................
A. W. Heydtmann........................................
Frank B. cStocker..............-....................
Abraham Rosenberg..................
Elenr3 Lardi Thiron...............
David McDonald.......................................
Karry Weeks.................................


British.....................
American........................................
American citizen..........
American........................do....................
English......................... do.................
German.....................
American...... - -. - -.
British.....................
American..................
British.....................
American........................ do....................
British.................
American citizen.........
American..................
English.....................
British...................
English....................
American.............
British........................... do......................... do....................
Jamaica...................
American citizen..........
Dane.......................
American......................... do.....................
British......................do.......do.....................
German....................
American...................
German.................
American citizen................ do.....................
British.....................


July 10,11883
Aug. 7,1883
Oct.  8,1883
Oct. 11,1883
Nov. 23,1883
Apr. 7,1884
May 13,1884
Do.
Oct. 4,1884
Oct.  6,1884
Jan. 29,1885
Jan. 15,1885
Feb. 11,1885
Apr. 7,1885
Feb. 11,1885
Sept. 1,1885
Do.
Oct. 13,1885
Aug. 15,1885
Jan. 16,1886
Nov. 15,1885
Nov. 18, 1885
Jan. 13,1886
Jan. 23,1886
Do.
Jan. 25,1886
Feb. 26,1886
May 13,1880
Lo.
May   6,1880
May 13,1886
May 31,1886
June 29,1886
Dec. 30,1886
Feb. 9,1887
Mar. 4,1887
Feb. 24,1887
Mar. 22,1887
Mar. 6, 187




1886                      HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.
Letters patent of denization-Continued.
Name.                         Nationality.       Date.
Charles Lind..............................................  American...................  Apr.  4,1887
W illiam   Joseph  Harris...............................................................................
John Calway.....-...........- --.....................................
Charles N. Spencer.......................................  American..................  May  13,1887
W illiam  John Cox....................................  British.....................  May  17,1887
Melvin  Staples.......................................  American..................  Au. 11,1887
John Ritson........................................... British................... Sept. 19,1887
William  Hurst Graenhalgll...........................  American.................. Nov. 19,1888
William Tufts Brigham.............................do.................. Feb. 26,1889
Hong Yen Chang.......................................  American citizen..........  July  30,1889
A. Van Clief Gear.....................................  American................   July  21,1890
Hugh James Gallagher..................-...............do.....................  o.
Philip Sheridan Woolsey                         o..........................................  Do.
John Walter Jones.....................d...............................  July  23,1890
Dow  Lee Huntsman.........................................do..................... July  25,1890
William Woodworth Bruner.-............................................. to.
Paul Hamil.........................................do..................   Do.
W illiam  Todd Seward................................ do.................  Aug.  2,1890
George Nelson Armstrong............. o......................do..................... Aug. 5,1890
Frank P. Hastings.................................................  Mar.  2,1891
John  Ross...................................................... do..................... Oct. 28,1891
Henry E. Cooper...........................................   do....June 30,1892
Robert B. Brenham.dFb1...........................................  Feb. 12,1892
Francis M. English.......n.......................... nglish.................  Sept. 29,1892
C. J. Falk...........................     American...      Feb. 14,1893
Theodore C. Porter............do......................... do.......................  Mar. 15,1893
Francis M. Wakefield..................................... British.................  May  15,1893
Kalakaua, by the grace of God, of the Hawaiian Islands King. To all whom these
presents shall come, greeting:
Know ye, that whereas by section number 443 of our civil code the royal prerogative is expressly reserved to us of granting to any alien resident abroad, or temporarily resident in this Kingdom, letters patent of denization, conferring upon such
alien, without abjuration of allegiance, all the rights, privileges, and immunities of
a citizen, which said letters patent shall render such denizen in all respects accountable to the laws of this Kingdom, and impose upon him like fealty to us as if he had
been duly naturalized according to law; and
Whereas, by petition duly prr sented to us by   -, a native of --, at
present temporarily resident in this Kingdom, the said petitioner solicits of us the
issue to him of such letters patent of denization.
Now, therefore, we, reposing trust and confidence in the said -  -, and
believing him to be well affected towards our person and Government, and by virtue
of the royal prerogative expressly reserved to and reposed in us by law, as above
recited, do, by these letters patent of denization, confer upon the said --
without abjuration of his allegiance, all the rights, privileges, and immunities of a
native Hawaiian subject, and he, the said, is hereby declared to be invested
with all such rights, privileges, and immunities as aforesaid, subject, nevertheless,
to an accountability to the laws of this Kingdom, and fealty to our throne in manner
and form similar to that devolving upon naturalized subjects of this Kingdom.
Witness our hand and the great seal of the Hawaiian Kingdom at our palace of
Iolani, this --  day of —, A. D. 18-.
By the King:
Minister of Foreign Affairs and Premier.
Kalakaua, by the grace of God, of the Hawaiian Islands King, to all to whom these
presents shall come, greeting:
Know ye, that by virtue of section 433, Article VIII of Chapter VII of the civil
code as amended by section 1 of Chapter X of the laws of 1887, and by and with the
advice and consent of the cabinet, we do by these letters patent of denization, confer upon  -   -, a citizen of the --, an alien temporarily resident in this
Kingdom, without abjuration of allegiance, all the rights, privileges, and immunities
of a native subject, nevertheless, in all respects to an accountability to the laws of
this Kingdom and the like fealty to our throne as if he had been duly naturalized.
Witness our hand and the great seal of our Kingdom at our palace of Iolani this
--    day of --    A. D. 18-.
By the King:
Minister of Foreign Affairs.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        1887
Letters patent of denizat.on.
Liliuokalani, by the grace of God of the Hawaiian Islands Queen, to all whom
these presents shall come, greeting:
Know ye, that by virtue of section 433, Article VII of Chapter vII of the civil
code, as amended by section 1 of Chapter x, of the laws of 1887, and by and with
the advice and consent of the cabinet, we do by these letters patent of denization
confer upon  -     -, a citizen of --, an alien, temporarily resident of this
Kingdom, without abjuration of allegiance, all the rights, privileges and immunities of a native,subject, nevertheless, in all respects to an accountability to the laws
of this Kingdom, and the like fealty to our throne, as if he had been duly naturalized.
Witness our hand, and the great seal of our Kingdom, at our palace of Iolani, in
Honolulu, this -   day of --, A. D. 189-, and in the  year of our reign.
By the Queen:
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Letters patent of denization.
Lilinokalani, by the Grace of God of the Hawaiian Islands Queen, to all to whom
these presents shall come, greeting:
Know ye, that by virtue of section 433, Article viI of Chapter vii of the civil
code, as amended by section 1 of Chapter x of the laws of 1887, and by and with
the advice and consent of the cabinet, we do by these letters patent of denization
confer upon -, a citizen of        -, an alien, temporarily resident in this
Kingdom, without abjuration of allegiance, all the rights, privileges and immunities of a native, subject, nevertheless, in all respects to an accountability to the
laws of this Kingdom, and the like fealty to our throne, as if he had been duly
naturalized, and to our pleasure.
Witness our hand, and the great seal of our Kingdom, at our palace of Iolani,
in Honolulu, this --    day of --, A.. 189-, and in the  --    year of our
reign.
By the Queen:
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Letters patent of denization.
Sanford B. Dole, President of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands,
to all to whom these presents shall come, greeting:
Know ye, that by virtue of section 433, Article viii of Chapter vii of the civil
code, as amended by section 1 of Chapter x of the laws of 1887, and by and with
the advice and consent of the executive council, I do by these letters patent of
denization confer upon  -, an alien, temporarily resident in these islands,
without abjuration of allegience, all the rights, privileges and immunities of a native, subject nevertheless in all respects to an accountability to the laws of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, and the like fealty to its Government as if he had been duly naturalized.
Witness my hand, and the great seal of the Provisional Government of the
Hawaiian Islands in Honolulu this --   day of -, A. D. 1893.
By the President,
Minister of the Interior.
Applieation for naturalization.
HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, -----, 18-.
To His Excellency --- -—,
Minister of the Interior:
The undersigned, a native of the city of ---, district or county of -, state
of ---, country --, respectfully represents that he has resided in the Hawaiian
Kingdom for -    years next preceding this application; that his present plaoo of




1888                       HAWAIIAN    ISLANDS.
residence is ---  that it is his intention to become a permanent resident of the
Kingdom; that "fie is not a pauper nor a refugee from the justice of some other
country," and he prays that he may be allowed to take the oath of naturalization
as provided by law.
We concur,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Miiister of Finance.
Attorney General.
Minister of the Interior.
Approved ---—, 18-.
Nationality and number of naturalizations for each biennial fiscal period from April 1,
1876, to March 31, 1892.
Two years to March 31 -Country.
1878.  f 1880.  | 1882.  1884.
United States.- -.....................................................   7  23  18  14
Great Britain....... —....................-.......................  7  3  6  8
Canada.. —. — -.. --- --—. —. --- —---- ---—. ----. —. —.- --------- -  1  1.......  1  2
Australian Colonies. ----........ —... ---.............. ---.. —...-.  1  3  1  1
Germany  -..-......- ---...... --- —-----..-..-. --- —----.. —  4  3  4  2
Holland...... —.. —......-....... --- — --------—.......... --- —---—...-.....................
ussia.......................................................................  1................
Iceland.... —. ----. ----..... ---------: - —.. --- —------—....-..........
Denmark -....... —...... ---..-........... -...-. —.....-.... —.. —.1 -—.....
Norway-...................... ---.. --- —.-.-. —... --- —         2........
Sweden. —............................ —.. --- —.. —.-............................
China --- ——............ --- ——. —...- ----—... --- —-----.... ----...-.  5  1  2  2
East Indies-....-.. ----........ —.... —.... ----... —....-.. ----....................
Portuguese Colonies.......... ----—.............................................  1........  2
Nova  Scotia-..................................................  1......
Buenos Ayres. — -.-. —..-. ---. ---- -.. --- - - - - -- - -- ---  ------------- -........-.........
Italy....- -.. —.-. — -.-. --- —. — ----- - - - -- - --------------........  ----— 1  1
Belgium.......................................................................
West Indies..............................................................
France.eri        ds.-..-.-.....-.... -.-............................
Total for the periods........................................... 25  35  43  33


Two years to March 31 -Country.
1886.   1888.    1890.   1892.
United States -............................. -...........        8      15      22        8
United States-s                                                                   15      22        s
Great Britain.-....................................................  7       7       8        8
Canada....-........................................................  2..1.....  1        3
Australian Colonies.......................2.......                 1
Germany....................................................................  6  3  3  5
Holland.
Russia. —....-..... —...- -..-. -  -----...-.  -.............H olland..............................................................................................
R ussia............................................................................................
Iceland. 
Denmark-.....................
N orway..............................................................
Sweden................................................................
China-..-......... ----....................-.                8       4       5       91
East Indies..............................................................................           1
Portuguese Colonies-............................................
Nova  Scotia..........................................................    1 
Buenos Ay.res........................................................   1- iiii....:......
Italyum.................................................................................
B elgiumst..............................................................
Wert Indies.........................................................  1 
France........................................................................     1........
Total for the periods...............................       35      32      46      117
_  ____,,~,____ _             ~~_                             -35




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
No. 26.
Mr. Thos. G. Thrum to Mr. Blount.


1889


BUREAU OF CONVEYANCES,
Honolulu, Ihawaiian Islands, June 20, 1893.
His Excellency J. H. BLOUNT,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary
of the United States:
SIR: I have the honor to hand you herewith the exhibit in detail,
summary, and tabular form of the amount and nationality of invested
capital in the sugar industry of these islands, as you desired, compiled
from the last official returns, or later information of owners or agents.
With the limited time at my disposal it has taken longer than was perhaps anticipated, but it is accurate throughout according to returns,
and is believed to be full and complete. With a few exceptions, all
ownerships have been verified as to nationality.
In the lists of nationalities I have purposely made divisions as to
those born here of full or half foreign parentage, rather than that an
opportunity of so valuable a showing —in case it might be required-be
lost sight of by a too general classification.
Several corporation summaries show a larger division of nationalities
than appear in their list of shareholders. This is accounted for by the
necessary proportioning of interested parties where corporations are
stockholders, as in the case of Brewer & Co.'s interests in the Hawaiian
Agricultural Company, Honomu, Onomea and other concerns.
Trusting the same will meet your approval,
I have the honor to remain, yours, very respectfully,
THOS. G. THRUM.
D.-Hawaiian sugar plantations and planting interests, not incorporated.
[Compiled from agent's latest reports.]


Estimated American.
value.


Hawaiianborn
American.


British.


German. Nian.


Beecroft plantation.......... ---
Eleele plantation.......... ---.
Faye & Co., I[. P..-.. ---....
Gay & Robinson ----........(rrove Farm plantation.........
l[alawa plantation. ---. --- —
l alnakua plantation... --- —
Hanamaulu plantation.........
Hawi mill and plantation.......
Kekaha Sugar Company.....
Knudsen V.....................
Kukaian Mill Company... ---.
Laie plantation....... —....
Mendonca, J. P.............
Meyer & Kruse...... ---. ----.
Niulii mill and plantation -..
Overend, R. M..   -..............
Pioneer Mill Company.........
Puehuehu plantation...........
Smith & Co., A. H.............
Waialna plantation.............
Huelo plantation..............
Total.....................


$40, 000
150, (00
50, 000
150, 00(
250, (00
100, (;00
120, 000
150, 000
200, 000
300, 000
250, 000
120, 000
75, 000
75, 000
40, 000
200, 000
30,000
400, 000
70, 000
50,000
150, 000
30,000
3, 000, 000............
$60, 000
75, 000.......:
30, 000
200,000
50,000
415,000..........................................
$250, 000
o............
150, 000)............
100, 000
o............................................................................................................................. oo..


$40,000
75, 000
150,000
100, 000
120, 000
200, 000
60, 000........i.
200, 000
70, 000
150, 000
30,000..........    $50, 000
$.75,00...."75, 000
40,000...............
200, 000      5
515.000    3*75, 000
515, 000    375, 000


500, 000  1, 195,000




* Portuguese.


E. and 0. Ex.
Honolulu, June 20, 1893.
S. Rep. 227    119


THao. G. THRUM.




1890                           nAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Agents' reports of estimated value and ownership of unincorporated plantations, situation,
etc., to accompany Table D.
[Compiled June, 1893, for His Excellency J. H. Blount. Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipoten.
tiary of United States.]
Beecroft plantation: Kohala, Hawaii. Probable value $40,000. Owners: Executors Jas. Woods one
half, T. H. Davies one-half; British.
Eleele plantation: Kauai. Estimated value $150,000. Owned equally between Mrs. E. A. McBryde,
English, and Aug. Dreier, German.
H. P. Faye & Co.: Maua, Kauai. Estimated value $50,000. Owners: H. P. Faye and V. Knudsen;
Norwegians.
Gay & Robinson: Kauai Estimated value of planting interests $150,000. Ownership; British.
Grove Farm plantation: Kauai. Estimated value $250,000. Owners: G. N. and S. W. Wilcox; both
Hawaiian-born Americans.
Halawa plantation: Kohala, Hawaii. Estimated value $100,000. Owner: Dr. J. Wight; British.
Hamakua plantatisn: Hawaii. Probable value$120,000. Owners: C. Notley two-thirds, T. H. Davies
one-third; both British.
Hanamaulu plantation: Kauai. Estimated value $150,000. Owners: A. S. and H. H. Wilcox; both
Hawaiian-born Americans.
Hawi Mill and plantation: Kohala, Hawaii. Estimated value $200,000. Owner: R. R. Hind; British.
Huelo plantation: Maui. Estimated value $30,000. Owner: W.R. Watson; British.
Kekaha Sugar Co.: Kauai. Estimated value $300,000. Owners: P. 0. and C. Isenberg and F. W.
Glade, Germans, two-thirds, and G. N., A. S., and S. W. Wilcox, Hawaiian-born Americans, one-third.
V. Knudsen: Waimea, Kauai. Estimated value of planting interests, etc., $250,000. Owner: Nor.
wegian.
Kukaiau Mill Co.: Hamakua, Hawaii. Estimated value$120,000. Owners: J. M. Horner & Sons
(Americans), and T. H. Davies (British), each one-half.
Laie plantation: Oahu. Estimated value $75,000. Owners: The Mormon Church of Salt Lake;
American.
J. P. Mendonca: Koolau and Waialua, Oahu. Estimated value of planting, grazing, and stock inter.
ests $75,000. Owner: Portuguese.
Meyer & Kruse: Kauai. Estimated value, $40.000. Owners: F. W. Meyer and E. Kruse; Germans.
Niulii Mill and Plantation: Kohala, Hawaii. Estimatedvalue, $200,000. Owner: C. F. Hart; British.
R. M. Overend, Hamakua, Hawaii. Estimated value, $30,000. Owner: American.
Pioneer Mill, Lahaina, Maui. Estimated value, $400,000. Owners: C. F. Horner, American, and
P. Isenberg, German, each one-half interest.
PuehuehuPlantation, Kohala, Hawaii. Estimated value, $70,000. Owners: Kynnersley Bros. and R.
Wallace; British.
A. H. Smith & Co., Koloa, Kauai. Estimated valueof planting interests, $40,000. Owners: A. H. and
J. K. Smith, Hawaii; born Americans.
Waialua Plantation, Oahu. Estimated value, $200,000. Owner: R. Halstead; British.
E. & 0. Ex.
THOS. G. THIUM.
HONOLULU, Tnns 10, 1893.
B. —Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments therein and
nationality of stockholders in each. Compiled June, 1893, from  latest offiical returns
for his excellency J. H. Blount, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary
of the United States.


o              oHawaiian American-          Hawaiian  British.
Corporations.     aptl American.       brn     Hawaiian British.     born   Hawaiian
~stock.can.        (J caste.)           British. (J caste.)


Ewa Plantation Co........     $750,000    $380,100   $140,000........     $10,000     $3,400       $500
Haiku Sugar Co...........       500,000    131000     368,000..........      1,000........
Hakalan Plantation Co.*... 1,000 000      1,000, 000.................................
Hamakua Mill Co.......... 0....00.................  240,000.................
Hana Plantation Co.*......  300,000   29, 000..............................
Hawaiian Commercial and
Sugar Co. *............   10, 000, 000  9, 655, 800  316,200........    28,000.........
Hawaiian Sugar Co......2, 000,000          700, 840   686,207........    570,417      5,600         90
Hawaiian Agricultural Co        500, 000    201, 214   207, 560       600    67, 725       300        503
Heeia Agricultural Co......    150,000     106, 500................................
Hilo Sugar Co.............      500, 000    349, 900..................     150,100...............
lonokaa Sugar Co.........      200, 000     10,.............   53.000..........    10,000
Honomu Sugar Co..               2..... 250,00  70,756  73,542    1,000     79, 406    21,800        585
Hutchinson Sugar Plantation Co.*................2,500,000     2,500,000...............................
Kahuku Plantn. Co.......  500, 000  120, 000    89,900......  153, 000     9, 000     25,000
Koloa Sugar Co.............     200,000       4,000      8, 000.....................
Kilauea Sugar Co..........        00,000     75,000........          225,000............
iKipah lu Sugar Co.........       80, 000..............................................
Kohala Sugar Co...........  480,000  302,000      5,000..........    158,500......           8,500
Kukaiau Piantn. Co.....        120, 000    120, 000.............
Laupahoehoe Plantn. Co...       500,000........................ 500,000.........
Lihue Plantn. Co...........     700, 000    125, 000   225,000..........
Makee Sugar Co...........       500, 000   492, 000........................ 
Olowalu Sugar Co..........      150. 000     51, 500..4........3.....     40,800      3,300...
Onomea Sugar Co......          500, 000    286,301    136,783.........   70,208......,12
Ookala Sugar Co....             200,000      47,500      4,500...  141,000      6,000.......




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1891


B.-Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments therein and
nationality of stockholders in each, etc.-Continued.


Capital    Amou.Hawisan- American.                   Hawaiian- British.
Corporations.           Capital     Amount.    born    Hawaiian    British.    boru    Hawaiian
C ts8tock.            Aanri.   (j caste.)            British. (i caste.)
Paanhau Plantn. Co........$1, 000,000    $500, 000.................... $500,000....................
Pacific Sugar Mill Co......     300, 000    83, 600..................  118,300..........  $6,200
Paia Plantn. Co............     750,000    413, 300  $297,100..........    16,600    $4, 200..........
Paukaa Sugar Co..........       170, 000    31, 786    50, 328    1,200      1, 060      100        103
Pepeekeo Sugar Co.........     750, 000    15, 000     5, 000......      530, 000....................
Princeville Plantn. Co          240, 000   154, 368     5, 325..........                            63
Reciprocity Sugar Co......     214, 300     7, 200   116, 200  t 43, 700    6, 000    1,100        600
Union Mil Co..............      160,000...............................   150, 000     5, 000     5,000
Waianae Sugar Co.........     255, 000      6, 000   65, 000    41,400    16, 900     1,900        400
Waiakea Mill Co...........      300, 000...................  300,000....................
Waihee Sugar Co...........      250, 000   122, 000    60,000..        16,430..........    263
Waikapu Sugar Co.........       250, 000   123, 000...2, 000                 125,000..........
Wailuku Sugar Co.........       265, 000    63,130     93,035.........     86,840     1,500      6,166
Waimanalo Sugar Co......       180, 000    49,900      7, 600    1,000      7, 000..........   95, 000
Waimea Sugar Mill........       70,000.............................................................
Total................. 28, 274, 000 18,594, 695 2,960, 280  88,900 4, 303,218  196,200    160, 098
* San Francisco corporations; all others Hawaiian.
E. & O. Ex.
THOS. G. THaUM.
HONOLULU, June 20, 1893.
Corporations.                     4~.                      0       ~
0     0                                       - o 
B  Fj Hw (P


Ewa Plantation Co.......     $35,500   $3,000.......
Haiku Sugar Co...........................
Haikalau Plantation Co.*..................
Hamakua Mill Co...........................
Hana Planter Co.*.........    4,000..................
Hawn. Coml. & Sugar Co.*..........
Hawaiian Sugar Co........    26, 503  10, 000    10
Hawaiian Agricultural Co.    15, 477t.....      56
fIeeia Agricultural Co...../  13, 500 i...............
dilo Sugar Co................................
Honokaa Sugar Co.........    126,200.....     8... 
Honomu Sugar Co..........        680      65.
Hutchinson Sugar Plantation  Co.*...........................................
Kahuku Plantation Co.. —.     49, 000...-........    I
Koloa Sugar Co..... 1.....  187,000   1,000.. --- —-...
Kilauea Sugar Co..........
Kipahuln Sugar Co........    80,000..................
Kohala Sugar Co...........     6,000..................
Kukaiau Plantation Co.........................
Laupahoehoe Plantation Co............................
Lihue Plantation Co.......325, 325,000  25, 000........
Makee Sugar Co......................................
Olowalu Sugar Co.......................
Onomea Sugar Co..........      1,291........    125  4
Ookala Sugar Co....         1,....
Paauhan Plantation Co..........................-...
Pacific Sugar Mill Co......   91,..................
Paia Plantation Co-.....,....
Paukaa Sugar Co...........
* San Francisco corporations; all others Hawaiian.
* Swedish, $1,000.
{ $500 FPortuguese-Hawaiian.


333
~, 365!, 166


$500........................................................................................


t$1, 000
200
30, 000
30::'"'


$1,000......................................................................
I......


$575, 000
500, 000
1,000,000
240.000
300, 000
10,000,000
2,000, 000
500, 000
150, 000
500,000
200, 000
250,000


1.... — 3.,1001 31


',167..............
I...........I.................... I 2,500,000, 000:3,000 17,500:2,500    500, 000...........................   200,000
300, 000
80, 000
480, 000
120, 000
500, 000
700, 000
500, 000
6,000......................    150, 000...........................  500, 000
200, 000...........................  1,000,000...........................  300,000............  800.......  750, 000
1150i  84, 990
Swedlb150Danish, $1,500 Dah $1,000.
Blritish-Tahitiau.




1892                          HAWAIIAN ISLANDS
B.-HBawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments therein and
nationality of stockholders in each, etc,-Continued.
Corporations.                ~   tC  5                                     - 
Pepeekeo Sugar Co-200, 007.000
].cc           Cd                 -   ~  '..
aI.t...... 24,       0 00r  _
UP peekeo SuM ar Co.....................................  0,   0..................  $750,000
W aiakea Mill Co...........................................   300, 000
Waihee Sugar Co      -..302-      -30      97...
W aihee Sugar Co                           30   975..................  30........................  200, 000
W aikapu  Sugar  Co.....................................................................  250, 00
W ailnku   Sugar Co.........  1,0         307..  12, 992..............................  265, 000
W aimanalo Sugar Co......  15, 409.............  3, 700  400.................., 000
Waimea Sugar Mill            00..0 000
IC~a~ikap3 991, 03045
Total................ 233, 935 39,165j 2, 058 38,99 259, 700 34,' 9,00  $3,,50, 27, 94,290
~ o~   V~     ~{                          3~,~oo.        _ 


A.-Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nationality of stockholders therein, with summary of each, being details to accompany table
marked B.
[Compiled from last official returns, or later information, at request of his excellency J.. Blonnt.
envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States. E. and O. Ex., Honolulu,
June 20, 1893. Thos. G. Thrum.]
EWA PLANTATION COMPANY, OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $750,000, in shares of $100 par value each; 5,750 shares issued.]


Stockholders.


Castle & Cooke....... —..-.......... 
Castle, S. N...-......................
Welch & Co. —. --- ——.. —........Castle, J. B...........................
Atherton, J. B.. ---....-..-......
Castle, W. R.-....................-....
Kopke, E —......................
Lowrie, W. J. ----...-............. ---;ooke, C. M ----—...................,
Lowers & Cooke...................
Allen, S. C..........-....... --- —-.
Castle, H. N........ ----......... —
Hackfeld, J. F.........................
Allen, W. F....................
Dillingham, B. F...............
Hall, W. W.-..........................
Bishop, C. R.........................
Hopper, J. A...-..................
Paty, J. H.............................
Cleghorn, A. S.........-.....-..... ---
Whitney, J. M................. —.Austin, J... ---........ --- ——...
Boardman, G. E1........................
Cunha, E. S.........................
Chrisholm, A.......................
Carden, I.......................
Egan, J. J................
Fergusan, C............................
Howell, I...............
Hubbard, L. H.........................
Hopper, W. L................
Isenberg, Mrs. Dora....................
Lyle, A................................
Lowrie, F............................
yman, F. S............................


Nationality.
American firm......................
American............................
San Francisco firm......................
Hawaiian-horn Ametrican.............
American. ----.. --- —..... ---......
Hawaiian-born American...............
German..........................
American..............................
Hawaiian-born American..............
American firm....-.............
American......................
Hawaiian-born American...............
German.................................
Americar -..................................... do.-.................................
Hawaiian-born American...............
American................................do.......................................do..................................
British........................
American.............................. do......................
Hawaiian-born American..........
Portuguese..............................
Swede...........................
British..................................
American...............................
British.....................
American..................................... do........................................ do..................................
Hawaiian-born German..................
British..................................
American..........................
Hawaiian-born American...............


900
750
750
500
454
450
250
25(!
248
200
125
100
100
50
50
50
40
30
25
15
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10


Shares.  Value.


$90, 000
75, 000
75, 000
50, 000
45, 400
45,000
25, 000
25, 0)0
24, 800
20, 000
12, 500
10, 000
10, 000
5, 000
5, 000
5, 000
4, 00C
3,000
2, 500
1,500
1.000
1, 000
1, 000
1, 000
1, 000
1, 000
1, 0)0
1,000
1, 000
1,000
1, 000
1, 000
1, 000
1, 000
1,000




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1893


A.- -Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nationality of stockholders therein, etc.-Continued.


3EWA PLANTATION COMPANY, OAHU-Continued.


Stockholders.                      Nationality.            Shares.  Value.......~,,


Monsarrat, J. M.......................
Malone, N. I..-................
Peterson, E. U...-...........-.......
Peterson, A. P -'.......... —.. —.
Robertson, A. G. M.....................
Ramsey, W. J..........................
Snow, F. S —........-.. ---....
Von Holt, H...........................
Worn, WV..............................
Atlerton, C. 11. --- —-----------------
Atherton, C. H....... —...........-......
Achi, C -.........-         -.-.....-.-.
Boyd, J. 11..................-....
Baldwin, H. P.... —...-..-..-......
Barnet, J..............................
Baldwin,,. D.....................
Clapp, C. H......... —
Campbell, T. F..........
Carter, A. W..........................
Carter, C. HI...........................
Greig, W. H. C...................
Hawaiian Construction Company.....
Hines, Miss E. E..................
Harrison, F............................
Harrison, A.......................
Howard, W. L.........................
Hyde, Mrs. C. M....................-.
Kopke, Mrs. E........................
Lewis & Co.........     -.-   --—..............
McKenzie, R. M......................
McInerny, W. H.......................
Osborne. Mrs. G........................
Rowe, E. C.............................
Roth, S..............................
White, J.N............................
Wilhelm, F............................
Wall, C. i..............................
Wall, W.E............................
Wright, T...........................
Wicke, I.............................
Brewer, M. A..........................
McInerny, E. A........................
Mclnern,. D.........................
Coan, Mrs. L........ —.............
Thrum, T. G...........................


IHawaiian-born British..................
American..................................... d...................................do..................................
Hawaiian-born British................
British..................................
American...............................
Hawaiian-born German..............
American....................
1Hawaiian-born American............
Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........
British — awaiian (half-caste)..........
Hawaiian-born American.............
American.............-..-    -...... —.....
Hawaiian-born American.............American.....................................do.................................
Hawaiian-born American............
do....... —. —............
Hawaiian-born British..................
American firm..........................
British........................................ do..................-..............
Amorican....................................do..................................
British..........................
American firm............
American............................
Hawaiian-born British................
American..................................... do.;...........................
German.... --- —--------—... --- —-....... --- —----
American................................
Hawaiian-born German................
British....................................... lo..................................... do.................................
Hawaiian-born German................
American...............................
Hawaiian-born British...................... do.................................
Hawaiian-born American...............
British..............................


10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
2
2
2
7
10
5, 750


$1, 000
1, 000
1, 000
1, 000
1, 000
1,000
1,000
1,000
1,000
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
290
200
200
700
1, 000
575,000


Total.........................................................


SUMMARY.
American..................................................................................... $380,100
Hawaiian-born American............................................. 1..............  140,000
British...................................................................................         10, 000
Hawaiian-born British..................................           3, 400
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)......................... --.................................      500
German.......................................................................................  35,500
Hawaiian-born German......................................................................                   3,000
Portuguese.....................................................................  1,000
Swede.........................................................................................              1,000
Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste).................................................................                 500
Total................................................................................ 575,000




1894


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
HA1KU SUGAR COMPANY, MAUI.


(Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock, $500,000, in shares of $100 par value each.J
Stockholders.                            lNationality.                 Shares.   Value.
Baldwin, H. P.......................... Hawaiian-born American...............  2510   $251, 000
Alexanner, S. T..................... American...............................  450   45, 000
Alexander, S. T., Mrs...................... do...........................      50       5, 000
Atherton, Mr. and Mrs..............................do.....         355      35, 00
Castle, S. N.................................   do.................................  325     32,500
Castle, J. B................       Hawaiian-born American.............         250      25,000
Cooke, H.. E.............. do.............................  205      20, 500
Cooke, C. M.................................. do........175                                     17.500
Cooke, C. M., trustee......................... do..............        50       5,000
Cooke, A. F., trustee....................... do..................          25       2,500
Jones, P. C.......................... American............................  5         500
Damon, S. M.Ha....................... Hawaiian-born American...............   50       6,000
Damo, H.M...........................................................   10       1, 000
Jones, E. A............d..o...........d...                   5          500
Brash, W................  British..........................  10       1,000
Wilcox, G. N....................... Hiawaiian-born American..2.........  262       26, 200
Wilcox, S.A.............................    do............................      23        2,390
Wilcox, A.S................................................................     23        2,30
Wilcox, H. H................................do..................................             2,300
Wilcox, E. P..............................   do..........................      23        2,300
Wilcox, C. H..                                                                       23................do..................................  23  2,300
Wilcox. W. L..................... do..................................     23        2,300
Walsh, E. M..................... American...............................         50       5,000
Atwater, W. O..d................   do.. -................................  65  6,500
Peterson, E. W                                do............... do......................10       1,000
Total..........................................................  5,000     600,000
SUMMARY.
Hawaiian-born American...............           0..0...................................... $368,000
American.....................................................................................  131,000
British.......................................................................................   1, 000
500, 000
[HAKALAU PLANTATION COMPANY, HAWAII.
[San Francisco corporation; capital stock, $1,000,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]
Stockholders.                             Nationality.                 Shares.    Value.
Sundry San Francisco stockholders... American............................          10,000   $1,000,000
HAMAKUA MILL COMPANY, HAWAIIAN.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $240,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]
Davies, T. H........................... British................................  1,200     $120, 000
Janion, D. R.................... do                                      9........................... 900  90,000
Renton, J. R.............................     do.................................    300       30,000
Total........................................                                  2,400       40, 000
HANA PLANTATION COMPANY, MAUI.
[San Francisco corporation, capital stock $3,000,000, in shares of $100 par value each, 10 per cent
paid up.]
Sundry San Francisco stockholders... American.........................    29,600     $296, 000
Bolte.C............................... German....:...........................          400       4, 000
Total................................................................       80 000      800000




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1895


A.-Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investment and nationality of stockholders therein, etc.-Continued.
HAWAIIAN COMMISSION AND SUGAR COMPANY, MAUI.
[San Francisco corporation, capital stock, $10,000,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]
Stockholders.                                Nationality.                  Shares.     Value
Sundry San Francf9to stockholders... American..........................                 96,558   $9, 655,800
Baldwin, H. P.......................... Hawaiian-born American.....                       3,162      316, 200
Campbell,........................... British........................     130       13,000
oss, Geo...................................do..................................            100       10, 000
Morrison, H......do.............................   50       5,OO0
Total...................................................................... 100,000       10,000,000
SUMMARY.
American...................................................................... $9,655,800
Hawaiian-born American.316,200
Hawaiian-born American...................................................................            316, 200
British....................................................................................     28, 000
Total................................................................................. 10,00,009
HAWAIIAN AGRICULTURAL COMPANY, HAWAII.
(Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $500,000, in shares of $100 par value each.1




Stockholders.                                Nationality.
Brewer, C., & Co. (limited)........... Hawaiian corporation...................
Cooke, C. M............................ Hawaiian-born American...............
Austin, J. W........................... American...............................
Rice, N. R...............................................................
Rice, N. R. (guardian)...............   do..................................
Judd, A. F............................. Hawaiian-born American...............
Hunnewell........................... American...............................
Austin, J. (estate of)......................... do..............................
Welch, A., (estate of)............... British..........................
Hackfeld, J. F........................     German...................
Lord, T. A....................         American.....................
May, T................... British..................................
Henderson, Mrs. R. A...........  do...........
Brash, W. G............................... do..........................
Liliuokalani, Her Majesty............. Hawaiian...............................
Castle, J...................... Hawaiiaa born American.........
Hobron, T. W........................     do...........................
Smith, W.O................................ do...........................
Lewers, R............................. American........                —.............
Hobron, T. W. (trustee)................ Hawaiian born American...............
White, Z. L........................... American...........
Alexander, M.......................... Hawaiian born American..-.-.....
Hobron, Mrs. F. E. (trustee)........... American..................-....
White, J. N..                           do
White, J.N................................... do..................................
McCully, Mrs. L........................................................
Allen, S....................................do......................
Isenberg, Mrs. D................. German.......................
Lowrey, F. J..........................      American...........................
Collins, G. H..............................do..................................
Allen & Robinson...........................do.................................
Jones, E. A.................-......... Hawaiian-born American..............
Jones, P. C............................ American...............................
Fuller, Mrs. M........................   do...............................
Richards, M. A..-.............. Hawaiian-born American..............
Cooke, C.M. (trustee).................. do................. —.............
Hillebrand, Miss...........................do.................................
Judd, A. F. (trustee)........................do...................
Allen, W. F........................... American...............................
Norton, G............................American-Hawaiian (half caste )......
Lyman, Mrs. M. B..................... Hawaiian-born American...............
Lewers,............................. H...... do..........................
Hatch, F. M........................... American..  -.......................
Zeigler, Mrs. R.......................     German............................
Lewers, W.H.......................... Hawaiian-born American...............
Bishop, Mrs. C......................... American..............................
Monsarrat, J........................... Hawaiian-born British..................
Hosmer, F. A......................... American...............................
Brewer, Miss M............................ do..................................
Malone, Miss................................. do..................................
Wood, J.Q...................................   do..................................
Livera, J. de........................... Portuguese.................
Bishop, S. E............................ Hawawiian-born American.............
Total.......................................................................


Shares. Value.




1,119
1,095
573
132
264
170
138
138
120
120
115
109
109
25
45
93
86
79
65
34
46
30
29
29
25
25
23
14
11
11
11
11
11
11
10


I


$111, 900
109, 500
57, 300
13, 200
26,400
17, 000
13,800
13,800
12,000
12,000
11,500
10, 90
10, 900
2,500
4, 500
9,300
8, 600
7, 900
6,500
3,400
4,600
3,000
2,900
2,900
2,500
2,500
2,300
1,400
1,100
1,100
1,100
1,100
1,100
1,100
1,000
700
700
600
600
600
500
600
600
600
800
300
200
200
200
20
100
500,000




I


7
7
6
6
6
5
6
6
5
5
3
3
2
2
2
2
1
5,000


I


__-_-__ __ --




1896                                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
&.-Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nationality of stockholders therein, etc.-Continued.
SUMMARY.
American.................................................................................... $201, 214
Hawaiian-born American............................................... —..-.. ---.......-  207, 560
B ritish......................................................................................       67, 725
Hawaiian-born British......................................................................               300
German-......................................................................................  15,477
H aw aiian....................................................................................  6, 3605
American-Hawaiian (half caste).............................................................  600
British-Hawaiian (half caste)! -...... —......................-............. —... --- —   -.......       503
German-Hawaiian (half caste)............................................................... ---             56
Portuguese..................................................................................             200
Total..................................................................................        500,000
HEEIA AGRICULTURAL COMPANY LIMITED,, OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $150,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]
Stockholders.                                Nationality.                  Shares.     Value.
Mendoca, J. P.......................... Portuguese.............................             300     $30, 000
Esberg, M............................. American...............................             187J      18,750
Bachmann, S.................................do..................................            187       18,750
Grinbanit, M. S..............................do..................................        270       27, 000
Louisson, M.................................do..-....... ---..... —... ---.. —..-      260       26,000
Cahn, D......................................do..................................-    150      15,000
Bolte, C.....-............-............  German....-...........................      75        7,500
Buchholtz, J..... —. —......................do..................................             60       6,000
Aschheim, A. (estate of).............. American..............................                10       1,000
Total............................                                                   1, 500     150,000
SUMMARY.
American.................................................................................... $10f, 500
German.......................................................................................  13, 500
Portuguese -..... —.......-. —..-..-...... —...-...-...................-........... —.-......         30,00
Total....................................................................................       150, 000
HAWAIIAN SUGAR COMPANY, KAUAI.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $2,000,000 in 20,000 shares of $100 par value each.)


Stockholders.                            Nationality.
Baldwin, H. P......................... Hawaiian-born American...............
Alexander, S. T........................ American...............................
M irlees, J. B...........................  British..................................
Watson, W. R -—..-............ ---.          do..........do........................
Spreckles & Bros., J. D................ American firm..................... —.
Wilcox, A. S........................... Hawaiian-born American...............
Wilcox, G. N....... --- —............... —do.................................
Welch, Andrew, (estate of)............ British.................................
Watson & Co.,M...................... British firm.............................
Bishop, C. R........................... American...............................
Gay & Robinson.................. British..................................
Fowler, W..................................do................... --- —-..... — --
Hopper, J. A.......................... American. ---..........................
Lewers & Cooke....................... American firm..........................
Allen, S.C.................. American.... ---. —............ —
Brewer & Co., C.........H..............  Awaiian corporation. —.. —......... ---
Fowler, R. H.......................... British -.... ---................... —. ---Smith, J. M............................ American...............................
Morrison, H...-.....-... ----..... --- British......... - -.................
Foster, T. R., estate of.....do........... --- —-—.-...... ---
Irwin, W. G...........................i -.....do.-..-.............. —. ---
Cooke, C.M-............................  awaiian-born American ----.. —...... -
Grinbaum, M. S................. American...............................
W alters, Dr...........................  British..................................
Soper, J. HI. and J. H., jr..do.............do......................
Hockinq, A.................................do..................................
Snow, Miss J. Rl....................... American.........-......-.........Dowsett, J.M......................... Hawaiian-born British.... —....... ---
Holmes, H.............................  British..................................
McBea, A............................ American...............................


Shares.  Value.


5,100
3, 355
1, 015
1,015
750
600
550
500
500
400
300
250
265
150
200
200
160
100
100
100
535
400
100
100
56
50
5
25
25
25


$510,000
335,500
101, 500
101, 500
75,000
60, 000
55, 000
50,000
50,000
40, 000
30, 000
25, 000
26, 500
15, 000
20,000
20, 000
16,000
10, 000
10, 000
10, 000
53, 500
40,000
10,000
10, 000
5, 600
5,000
500
2,500
2,500
2,500




HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.                        1897
AK-Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and natioa
ality of stockholders therein, etc.-Continued.
HAWAIIAN SUGAR COMPANY, KAUAI-Continued.


Stockholders.                       Nationality.             Shares.  Value.


Cockburn, A...-...............-........ British —. —. --- —-........-.... ----. —  10  $1,000
Hosmer, F. A. ---... --- --------. ----.  American --- —.. —. —..... --- —--- --. —  25 2,500
W ood, J. Q. ---..-.-..-.. --- —-----—. ---   ----— (lo-.do..-..............-. —....- -  1,200
Parod, MI. A.-J --- -do                --                   12 —1, 200
Paris, Miss A. M -.-................ Hawaiian-born American -... --- —----- 12  1,200
Knights, Miss E. B....-..............- American-................80
I/aLstead, Mrs. M. E................... British-...............-....... 13  1, 300
Fuller, Mrs. I. S -.. ----...... --- ——. ----  American...............-.......5 500
Frear, W. F -     -........................... ---.. — -—. —  1,100
Crockett, A.W...........-...................8................................ 8800
Winter, MissC. P ---------------------- -..( ----.-do..........2................  2200
Armstrong, Miss A. M. --- —...... ----. —..- do-...-.... ----...........-.-......2 200
Snow, Miss C-... ----.. — --—.. --- —--- ----— do-.....-. ---. --- —.-. --- —--. —.. —. 2200
Hadley, Miss A. Z --          do..................................00
Hadley,M iss A. Z  -...........................  B.................................. 12  100
Halstead, F     -..ri...................     2     1, 200
W hite, J. N................... —. --- —  British................................. 1100
White, J.................... N -- American-......2.........  200 25, 000
]Iani n,  Mrs.H.............................h...... o................................ 60 0 00
l oaning, M rs.. G................................. ------
PhoenharW - - German --------------------------------- 25  2, 500
Klam p, S..............................-......do......................... —.6)  60. 00
Cummings, J. H -  -American.......................       10     10. 00
Woon, W  ---- ---- --- -------— do-..................................  10 10. C6
Lackland, Mrs. A-............................do-5........................5.00
Halstead, N. ----.....-........ --- —---- Hawaiian, born British-'- - --- - 2  2. 00
Humberg, J. F..-. —..-.......... --- —  German.................................  20  20. 00
Isenber~, Mrs. D.. —.............. do.................... 5 5.00
Greig, W. H. C-........................  Hawaiian, born British.................  18  18. C
Fries, A..-........... --- —-—. —.-.German...................  5 5. 
Garvie, A-                 Brt....... British......5..     5     $5.00
Wolters, W  —......-...-..............  German.......................24 24.00
Rodick, dG..........-.....do.......................  10  10.00
Spreckels, C - -...................... -American......................   30 330.00
Hayward, H. M.............................. do.....................  30  30.00
Bosse, C...........- -.............. German......................   58 58. 00
Hyde, Mrs. M.C................- -   American...............................  10  10.00
Fairchilds, G. H....................... —......do...................20 20.00
Wilcox, H. H —..H.............. Hawaiian, born American.........50  50. 00
Schmidt,  0......... --- —-. --- —------ German.....................0...  10.00
Catton, R........-.......  British.....................50.....   50.00
Fisher, J. H[...... --- —------—. ----..-  American................  125  25.00
Iyman Bros.........-......  American firm...H..........45    45. 00
Lewis & Co-...........-..... —.-............do-................... --- —-----  150  150.00
Good...................... —...... --- American................  20  20. 00
Hackfeld, J. H-. —.... --- —--—. --- —-  German................................. 20  20. 00
Castle, J. B., trustee -.... --- —-.. ----  American...............................  20  20. 00
Hopper, W.  L-... —..........-...... —. ---......do.........................  10  10. 00
Peterson, Mrs. E............................ do.................................   10  10.00
Hopper, Miss M. L..-..-........... Hawaiian-born American.. 25  2,500
Hopper, Miss J E. --...............do.......i..........  10  1, 000
Gulick, T. L -................................do.................   10  1, 00
Barnes, A...........................  American...............................  10  1, 00
Soper, M.E  -...........................  British..................................  400
Oleson, MV. B........W —...... —. --- — American..1.0...-... —...-........... 1,0 00
Baldwin, Miss W.V........ Hawaiian-born American.............. 5  500
Macfarlane, G. W..................... Hawaiian-born British...................1 1 00)
Sproiul, A. M..... —...... —. —........ British-..................................  500
Richards, T.-........-.....  American -...............................5 500
Gardenberg A............. -....... do.. —...-...-.-. —...-.. ----.... —.  50  5,000
Lowrie, F. J..........................do............................   50 5,000
Wolers, C..               German................ —..... --- 22  2, 200
Stackable, E.R......................... American.....................  20  2,000
Goodale, W.....................W...... do........-....ic............... 50 5,000
Walsh, E.M-................................do... —. —... —...-.-............ 200  20,000
Melnerny, J. D........................ Hawaiian-born British-...5 ----.-......-   500
Baldwin, Mrs. L. M................... Hawaiian-born American.... ---.. --- 10  1,000
Scott, J. A......I....................  British................................  30  3, 000
Colville, d. W          -.. --- --— do..................................  100  10,000
Turiell, F..............................American...............................  100  10, 000
Castle, Mrs. G — ---- -------------  G....do...........10      1,000
Castle, G. B. (trustee)-...-. ---.Hawaiian-born American.. ---.-. 2  200
Castles, MEs D................... do....................  2     2, 200
Bowen, Mrs.W.A..............b..... American............2..... 2  2 00
Malone, MissJ.N...    do..10                             1, 000
lenwick,.Miss............ -......do...........................9....... 20 00
I-inning, B. R --- —------------------- Hawaiian-born Germani. --- —---—. 100  10,000
Coleman, Mrs. H....................  Hawaiian-born American...............  600
Scott, J-~~~ ~ ~ ~ Ame --- —----------  rican.................................  0 3  0
slone. Miss J.. ----.     American...............................  10 12, 00
Coward. W. L.t........-..-.. ---- -   Hawaiian-bo rn Amerian...............-   71 0
Bow( n Mr.W A --- —-----   -  Ameriaa...............................  2i200
Cl ai, Mrs. H5. Ht....................I Hawaiian-born American............... 6  0
Pone. M fgss..........:........... ].  American.............................
Uuward, W. L..................    2 ~ ~~~~~~200..........d......................




1898                                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
A.-Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of tnvestments and nationality of stockholders therein, etc.-Continued.
HAWAIIAN SUGAR COMPANY, KAUAI-Continued.
09tockholders.                              Nationality.                  Shares.    Value.
Greig, Miss............................ British..................................          50      $5, 000
Catton, R. (trustee)...........................do...................           78       7,800
Smart, G. F..................................do..................................        125      12,500
Hardy. P.....................................do.............................      100      10, 000
Park, J......................................do..................................        100       10, 000
Murray, T. D.......................... -......do..................................         50        5,000
reirD...       do................................        50       5,000
Fower, J.G................................ de..................................    50        5,000
Howell, J. G.................................do..................................       40       4, 000
McIntosh, W....................... do..................................          25        2, 500
Dewhurst, J. B..............................do..................................           25        2,500
Edison, J. E..................................do...............................            15       1,500
Joergens, G...............-..              German.................................           5          500
White, Mrs. Z........................ American...............................              100       10, 000
Total.....................................................................       20, 000, 2,000,000
SUMMARY.
British.....................................................                     $570, 417
Hawaiian-born British........................................................              5, 600
American..................................................................................  700,840
Hawaiian-born American..................................................................           686, 207
German....................................................................................   2, 503
awain-born German.....................................................................  10,000
H awaiian'..................................................................................           333
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)..............................................................             90
Gorman-flawaiian (half-caste)............................................................              10
Total................................................................................      2,000, 000
HILO SUGAR COMPANY, HAWAII.L
[Hnawlian corporation; capital stock, $500,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]
Stockholders.                               Nationality.                  Shares.    Value.
Irwin, W. G........................... British..................................        1, 500   $150, 000
Spreckles, C........................... American...............................        1,499      149, 900
Giffard, W.......................... British.................................            1         100
Spreckles, J. D., & Bro.......... Americanfirm....................    2,000      200,000
Total..........................................                    5, 000      00,000
SUMMARY.
American..................................................................................... $349,900
British........................................................................................ 150,100
Total................................................................................... 600,000




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1899


A.-Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nationality of stockholders therein, etc.-Continued.
HONOKAA SUGAR COMPANY. HAWAII.
[Hawaiian Corporation; capital stock $200,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]
Stockholders.                               Nationality.                  Shares.    Value.
Schaefer, F. A., & Co................... German firm............................       1,180     $118,000
Marsden, J............................ British..................................          500      50, 000
Foster, Mrs. M. E...................... Hawaiian-British (half-caste)...........         100       10,000
Mills, Mrs. C. T........................ American...............................          100      10, 000
Schaefer, Mrs. F. A.................... German.................................           40        4,000
McIlnerny, M.......................... British..................................        30        3,000
Von Mengersen, C..................... German.................................             20        2,000
Suhr, E....................................do...................................         20        2,000
Widemann, A............... German-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........                         4          400
Widemann, G........................          do....................................        1          100
Widemann, Anna.....................  do....................................         1         100
Widemann, H..............................do....................................      2          200
Berger, C. O............................ German.................................             2          200
Total......................................................................       2,000      200,000
SUMMARY.
German.................................................................................. $126,200
German-Hawaiian (half-caste)................................................................            800
British.......................................................................................     53, 000
British-Hawaiian (half-caste).................................................................       10,000
American.....................................................................................        10, 000
Total.................................................................................... $200,000
HONOMU SUGAR COMPANY, HAWAII.
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock, $250, 000, in shares of $100 par value each.]


Stockholders.                       Nationality.              Shares.  Vaue.


Brewer, C., & Co......................
May, T................................
Wundenberg, F.......................
Spreckels, J., D. & Co.................
Carter, A. W..........................
Brash, W. G...........................
Kinney, W............................
Sherman, Jno..........................
Soper, J. H............................
Hall, W. W...........................
Cartwright, A. J.......................
Jones,.............................
Castle, W. R..........................
Hobron, F. E., trustee.................
White, E. O............................
Good, Jno., jr..........................
Forbes, Mrs. M. J......................
Cooke, C. M............................
Austin, J., estate of....................
Lyman,M. B...........................
all.. V.........................
Lindsay, A. B..........................
King, Sarah L.........................
Dexter, E..............................
White, J. N...........................
Carter, H. C...........................
Carter, J. O. jr........................
Hobron, T. W., trustee................
Hobron, T. W........................ 
Dexter, R. A..........................
Bidwell, J. E., estate of................


Hawaiian corporation...................
British..........................
Hawaiian-born British..................
American corporation....................
Hawaiian-born American...............
British....................................... do..................................
American...............................
British..................................
Hawaiian-born American...............
American...............................
Hawaiian-born American..................... do.................................
American......................
Hawaiian-born American...............
American..........................
Hawaiian-born American.....................do..................................
American...............................
H awaiian-born American...............
American...............................
British..................................
American-Hawaiian (half-caste).......
American..................................... do................................
Hawaiian-born American..................... do..................................... do................................ do................................
American..................................... do.................................


1, 300
259
218
113
60
60
50
50
50
50
38
30
25
25
25
20
19
7
13
13
12
10
10
7
6
4
3
3
2
8
10
2,500


$130, 000
25,900
21,800
11,300
6,000
6,000
5, 000
5,000
5, 000
5,000
3,800, 000
2,500
2,500
2,500
2, 000
1,900
700
1,300
1,300
1,200
1,000
1, 006
700
600
400
300
300
200
800
1,000
250,000


Total.....................................................................




1900                                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
A.-Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investntents and nation.
ality of stockholders therein, etc.-Continued.
SUMMARY.
American....................................................................................           $70,756
Hawaiian-born American-....................................................................             73, 542
British.......................................................................................           79,400
Hawaiian-born British...... —.........-.-..............-.-......................-.......      21, 800
Germ  an......................................................................................             680
American-Hawaiian (half-caste).............................................................               1, 000
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)................................................................               585
German-Hawaiian (half-caste)...............................................................                 605
H awaiian....................................................................................             2,166
Total..................................................................................          250,000
HUTCHINSON SUGAR PLANTATION COMPANY, HAWAIi,
[San Francisco corporation; capital stock, $2,500,000, in shares of $50 par value each.]


Stockholders.                            Nationality.                Shares.   Value.
Sundry San Francisco stockholders —..- American...............................  50,000  $2,500,000
KAHUKU PLANTATION COMPANY, OAHU.
[Hawaiian Corporation; capital stock, $500,000, in 5,000 shares, of $100 par value.]
Stockholders.                            Nationality.               Shares.   Value.


Young, A..............................
Castle, S. N............................
Davies, T. i..........................
Castle, J. B..........................
Afong, C..............................
Cummins, J. A........................
Hackfeld, J. F.........................
Bolte, C................................
Mendonca, J. P........................
Castle, W. t...........................
Castle, G. P...........................
Allen, W. F...........................
Allen, S. C.............................
Hall, W. W...........................
Campbell T............................
Castle, H.N...........................
Lewers & Cooke -.......................
Macfarlane, F. W.....................
Hatch, F. M...........................
Waterhouse, J. T. jr..................
Atwater, W. 0........................
Bishop, C. R...........................
Isenberg, Paul.........................
Campbell, Jas.........................
Wilson, Mrs. J........................
Ahlborn, L............................
Thurston, L.A........................
Dillingham,. F......................
Smith, T...............................
Brown, A.............................
Lansing, T. F..........................
Monteagle, i..........................
Lycett, J.............................
Shaw, J................................
Paty, J.H.............................
Douse, F. G............................
Jones, T...............................
Hopper,J. A..........................
White, E. O............................
Grossman, M. E.......................
Way, L................................
WhitneyJ. M -. ---...-.-.............
Fisher, J. H............................
Tenney,E.D..........................
Carlson, L.E..........................
Aclhi, W. C............................


British..................................
American...............................
British..................................
Hawaiian-born American...............
Chinaman.. ---....-...................
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........
German.. ---...... —.................-.-... do........ --- ——....... ---.........Portuguese..... --- —-. —.-........I.....
Hawaiian-born American.....................do..................................
American..................................... do...............
Hawaiian-born American...............
British............-..................
Hawaiian-born American...............
American firm.........................
Hawaiian-born British.................
American...............................
British.................................
American............................... —.. do.................................
German.................................
British...........-..-...-............... —. do..................................
German....... --------—.............
Hawaiian-born American. —.. ----......
American...............................
British..................................
—.-.. do..................................
American...............................
British..................................... —. do........................................do................-........ —. —....... do........................................ do...... ---....-.. —...-................ do.................................
American...............................
Hawaiian-born American...............
American....... --- ——.. ---. --- —. ---.British.......... —......-............
American..................... --- —-----...... do............... — ---. --- —--—.-......do.................. ----. —.... ---
Swede-.... —................. —. —. ---Half-caste Chinese....................


600
500
450
403
300
250
200
200
175
150
150
100
100
75
70
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
40
40
40
35
30
30
30
30
30
25
25
25
25
20
20
20
22
20
20
20
20
15
15
115


$60,000
50, 000
45, 000
40, 300
30, 000
25, 000
20,000
20, 000
17, 500
15,000
15, 000
10,000
10,000
7,500
7, 000
5,000
5,000
5, 000
5,000
5, 000
5,000
5, 000
4, 000
4,000
4, 000
3, 500
3, 000
3,000
3, 008
3,000
3, 000
2,500
2, 500
2,500
2 500
2,000
2,000
2,000
2, 200
2,000
2,000
2,000
2,000
1,500
1,50.0
1,500




IHAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1901


A.-Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investment and nation.
ality of stockholders therein, etc.-Continued.
KAHEUKTU PLANTATION COMPANY, OAHTU.


Stockholders.                       Nationality.             Shares.  Value...                            1_______


Cartwright, A. J....................
White, W.J.-........-.............
Crozier, C............. —..........Atherton, J. B..................
Bowen, W. A..........................
Austin, John..........................
Terry, W. S.-.. --- —. --- —. ---... ---Lyman, F. S., jr... —.. ---. ----. --- —
Thrum, W. F.................. —.
Thrum, G. E -...................
Lowrey, F. C.... —...... —.
Monsarrat, J. M......-....... ---Brown, C.....-.... —.. --- —---—..
Woon, W.............................
Isenberg, Dora...........-.. --- —. ---
Barwick, Frank.......... --- —. ---
Hall, Mrs. W. W......................
White, Mrs. Anna.....................
Austin, Miss M.......................
Dow, H. M............................
Sorenson, T.......-....... --- —-----
Phillips, C.............................
Peacock, N. C................
Smith S................................
Allen, N —.-. —.............................
Akau, A. K    -.... —.. ----...... ---
Kanlukon, J. L........................
Campbell, J. T........................
Lowrey, Miss N.......................
Wicke, F. D....... ---..... ---.
Chung, Hoon W......-...-..-..-.. —.
Fernandez, A..........................
Andrews, Mrs. S. D.....................
Fuller, S. I) -......-. ---. ---.. —.Hall & Son, E. O0......................
Hall, W. W., trustee..................
Kalani, J. L --—............. —
Gilbert, O. H. J........................
Brown, L. A...........................
White, (C.........................
Hall, Miss C...........................
Mahiki, S...............................


American...............................
British....................................do..................................
American..............................do.....................................     o.....................................-. --- do -... --- —.. —....-............-..
Hawaiian-born American...-..-.......Hawaiian-born British................... do.........................-.......
American -----------—...............Hawaiian-born British..................do -—........-... —............. ---
American..............
Germian............ ---........
Briti sh..................................
American.........................do........................................ do......... ----------—.. ---...... ---......do..................................
Dane..........................
British........................do............ -—......
American..... --- —-...........
Half-caste American.............
Half-caste Chinese -.. —.............. --- —
H] awaiian...............................
British --..-. --- —-—.-. ---.-...... --- —
American...............................
(Gerian.........................
Half-caste Chinese —...-........
Half-caste Portuguese..................
American................................... do..................................
America firm............................
American......................
Hawaiian................. —.........
British..................................
American.. --- —---...............
Hawaiian-born American.............    (.. do..................................
Hawaiian...............................


12
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
3
2
2
1.
5,000


$1,200
1,000
1,000
1, 000
1, 000
1, 000
1, (00
1, 000
1, 000
1.000
1,000
1,000
1,000
1,000
1,000
1,000
1, 000
1,000
1, 000
1, 000
1, 000
1,000
1, 000
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
500
300
200
200
100
500, 000


Total.............................. ---............. ---. --- —------—. -----


SUMMARY.
American............... —...-... ---.........-................................................ $120, 000
Hawaiian-born American....................................................  89, 9C0
lBritish  --. —.-. --- —-.. --- —---.... —...-..- --.....................-..-.......-..-  153, 000
Hawaiian-born British.-...................................................................  9, 000
British-Hawaiian (half caste)...........................-..-............-..-...-........  25, 000
German......................................................................................  49, ')
Chinese —................ --- —-------- ---—.-....... — —................................ — ---  30,000
Chinese-Hawaiian  (half caste)..............................................................  2, )00
Portuguese............. ----.. —..-...-..............................-............ ---- ------  17, 500
Portuguese-Hawaiian (half caste)............................. --- —----—............................. 500
Danish.....1...................................                             1.000
Hawaiian.....................................................................  --------------  1,100
Swedish.....................................................................................  1,500
Total.................................................................................  500,000




1902


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


A.-Hawaiian sagar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments an anatioa.
ality of stockholders therein, etc.-Continued.
KOLOA SUGAR COMPANY. KOLOA KAUAI.
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock, $200,000, in 200 shares of $1,000 par value.]
Stockholders.                                  Nationality.                    Shares.     Value.
Isenberg, P............................ German.................................                   76      $76, o000oo
Cropp, A...................-..............do.......                           75       75,000
Hackfeld & Co.H..................... German firm............................                25       25,000
Cooke, C. M............................ Hawaiian-born American...............                 8         8,000
Pfieuger, Dr. H. H..................... German.................................               5         5, 000
Hebron, T. H., estate of................ American...............................                   4        4,000
Suhr.................................. German..........3.......................                              3,000
Bosse, C................ do..................................                  3         3,000
Iaenberg, D............................ Hawaiian-born German.................                     1         1,000
Total......................................................................            200      200,000
SUMMARY.
German....................................................................................... $187,000
Hawaiian-born German.......................................................................                  1,000
American.....................................................................................  4,000
Hawaiian-born American.....................................................................                   8,0001)
Total.................................................................................        200,000
KILAUEA SUGAR COMPANY, KAUAI.
(Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $300,000 in shares of $1,000 par value.]
Stockholders.                                  Nationality.                    Shares.     Value.
Macfe, R. A., jr....................... British..................................                 150     $150,000
Spreckels, C........................... American.............................0                             150,000
Irwmin, W. G........................... British................................ 
Total..............................................................         300       300,000
KIPAHULU SUGAR COMPANY, MAUI.
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $80,000 in shares of $100 par value.]
Hackfeld & Co......................... German firm............................                    400       40,000
Pfluger, J. C......d...................... do............................         400       40,000
Total......................................................................        800      $80,000
KOHALA SUGAR COMPANY, HAWAII.
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $480,000, in shares of $500 par value.]
Robinson, Jas., (estate of).............. British..................................       221     $110,560
Bond E............................... American...............................                   276      138,000
Smith, J.M.................................do..................................              144       72,000
Wight, J. Dr........................... British.............................         96       48,000
Castle, S. N............................ American...............................                  60       30,000
Cooke, J. M.......................      do........... do.....................         60       30,000
Wetnor, 0.............................. do..................................      48       24,000
Robinson, C. J......................... Hawaiian-British (half caste).......        15        7,500
Hillebrand J. (estate of).............. German.................................                   12        6, 000
Cooke, C............................. Hawaiian-born American...............              10        5,000
Thompson, J.H. (estate of)............ American...............................                     4        2,000
Robinson, J. J.......................... Hawaiian-British (half caste)...........              2        1,000
Frear, W. F. (trustee).................. American...............................  2        1,000
Pogue,M. W.Mrs........................... do..................................         10        5,000
Total...................................................................... 960  480,000
SUMMARY.
American................................................................... $302,000
British....................................................................................... 158,500
Hawaiaun-born American.....................................................................  5000
British-Hawaiian (half caste).................................................................             S. 500
Gema.....................................................................................  6,000
Total.........................................................                    48,000




IIAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1903..-Hlawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nationality of stockholders therein, etc.-Continued.
KUKAIAU PLANTATION COMPANY, HAWAII.
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $120,000, in shares of $100 par value.]
Stockholders.                              Nationality.                 Shares.    Value.
Horner, Jno.M........................ American...............................           420     $42, 000
Horner, A........................     do..................................    260      26,000
Horner, Jay.......                       do..................................       260      26,000
Horner, Robt................................ do.......                           260      26,000
Total.....................................................................      1,200      120,000
LAUPAHOEHOE PLANTATION COMPANY, HAWAII.
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $500,000, in shares of $100 par value.]
T. H. Davis........................... British..................................      5,000    $500,000
LIHUE PLANTATION COMPANY, KAUAI.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $700,000, in shares of $100 par value.]
Isenberg, P............................ German.................................        3,000    $300,000
Rice, W. H............................ Hawaiian-born American...............           500      50,000
De la Vergne, E....................... American.                                         250      25,000
Cooke, A. C........................... Hawaiian-born American.........500                         50,000
Isenberg, D............................ German........................      250      25,000
Isenberg, D. P. R...-...-...H...-.. Hawaiian-born German.................          250      25,000
Parke, A. S............................ American...........................      500      50,000
Youmans, C.N........................   do..................................      500      50,000
Cooke, C. M........................... Hawaiian-born American...............           750      75,000
Wilcox, A. S..........................       do..................................     500      50,000
Total.....................................................................      7,000     700, 000
SUMMARY.
German born................................................................................. $325,000
German, Hawaiian born......................................................................       25,000
American born............................................................................... 125,000
American, Hawaiian born.................................................................... 225,000
700, 000
MAKEE SUGAR COMPANY, KEALIA, KAUAI.
[Hawaiian Corporation; capital stock, $500,000, in shares of $100 par value.]
Stockholders.                              Nationality.                  Shares.   Value.
Spalding, Z. S........................ American......................                4,915     $491,500
Blaisdell, W.......................... Hawaiian-born British..................          80       8,000
Spalding, Mrs.. C................. American...............................          5          500
Total..........................................................             5,000   500,000
SUMMARY.
American born............................................................................... $492,000:British, Hawaiian born......................................................................       8,000
Total............................................................... 500,000




1904                          HAWAIIAN       ISLANDS.
A.-Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nation.
ality of stockholders therein, etc.-Continued.
OLOWALU SUGAR COMPANY, OLOWALU, MAUI.
[Hawaiian Corporation; capital stock, $150,000, in shares of $100 par value.]
Stockholders.                      Nationality.             Shares.  Value.
Haneherg, A...........................  German..................................  386  $38,600
Haneberg, A.................................do...................................  33  3,300
Macfarlane, E -.......................... British..................................  83  8,300
Spreckles, J. D., Bros. & Co............ American firm..........................  150  15, 000
Allen, F.W  --—.-..............- -..........do..................................  30  3,000
Heen, H. A  -. ---    ------  -    Chinese.................................  50  5, 000
Macfarlane, F. -W -------— ']] --- —---- Hawaiian-horn British-..................  33  3,300
W olters, W.. --- —.-.........-...-... —  German.................................  38  3, 800
Bosse, C.................................... do.............. -....................  20  2, 000
Clamp, F.......... —. --- —-. --- —---   do...............do..-...........-...... 6  600
Hatch, F. M -------------------— I American       —..-............-.........  10  1,000
Lan Cheon-..-............... Chinese -------------     -----------      10      1,000
Spreckels,........-................... American...............................  325  32,500
Irwin, W.G 0 --- —---------------- British-...............................  325    32, 500
Widemann, H. A -—. --- —------------- German     -....-........-.................  1  100
Total......................................................................   1,500  150,000
SUMMARY.
Germ an  born  ---------------                ---------- - - ------ ---- ----- ---- ----  $48, 40t
American born -   ----------------------------------------                        51,50G
British  horn  ----------- ----- --------- ---- ---------        ------------------  40, 800
Total —~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~15,000
British, Hawaiian  orn..............................................................  3, 300
Chinese  born  ----------------—......... -- - - ---- - - - ----- --- -- ---.........................  6,000
Total..............................................................................  150,000
OOKALA SUGAR COMPANY, HAMAKUA, HAWAII.
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock, $200,000, in 2,000 shares of $100 par value each.]


Stockholders.                          Nationality.               Shares.   Value.




Wright, J.N..........................
McKibbin, R.        ----------
)o............................ ---Green, A —.... —.. ---.. —............
Mist, H. W...........................
Walker, W. G -.................... ---
Dowsett, Mary......... ---...........
Bickerton, R. F. —............... ----;proull, WV. C.........................
Green, J-............................ ---
Cartwright. B.. --- —-----—. —..... ---
Hatch, }. M...........................
Williams, N —. —     --------
Dowsett, J. M........................
Bows, Mary..-.........................
Austin, J..............-..-.-.........
Hustace, C. C......................
Hall, Mrs. M. D.......................
Hackfeld, J. F.........................
Morgan, J. F...........................
Williams, J. N. S.......................


American...............................
British-................................. do........................................ do........................................ do........................................ do........................................ do...................................-.   do....................................... do.......................................do. --- —------
Hawaiian-born American...............
American...............................
Hawaiian-born British....................-..- do..................................
British..................................
American.................................... do -----............................ do..................................
German.................................
Hawaiian-born British..................
British..................................


400
295
280
240
200
85
70
70
90
50
45
35
25
25
20
20
10
10
10
10
10
2,000


$40,000
29, 500
28,000
24,000
20, 000
8, 500
7, 000
7, 000
9, 000
5, 000
4,500
3,500
2, 500
2,500
2,000
2, 000
1, 000
1,000
1,000
1, 000
1,000
200,000


Total.............................I........................................


SUMMARY.
American.....................................................................................                  $47, 500
Hawaiian-born American......................................................................  4,500
British........................................................................................ 141,000
Hawaiian-born British........................................................................  6,000
German.......................................................................................    1,000
Total...................................................................................            200.000




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1905


A..-Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nationality of stockholders therein, etc.-Continued.
ONOMEA SUGAR COMPANY, HILO, HAWAII.
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $500,000 in shares of $100 par value each.]
Stockholders.                                Nationality.                   Shares.    Value.
Brewer & Co., C....................... Hawaiian corporation...................           2,500     $250,000
Atherton, J. B......................... American...............................            1,250      125,000
Castle, S. N.......................-...........do.................................          833       83,300
Castle, George P....................... Hawaiian-born American...............                417       41.700
Total.....................................................................   5,000      500,000
SUMMARY.
American............$........................................................................ $286,301
Hawaiian-born American..................................................................... 136,783
British......................................................................................          70,208
Hawaiian.....................................................................................            4,167
British-Hawaiian (half-caste).................................................................           1,125
German...... ---.. —.... —.. —.. —.............-..-.................-................. ---.-...   1,291
German-Hawaiian (half-caste)...............................................................                125
Total.. ---... ---... ---..... —..............................................-......... 500,000
PAAUHAU PLANTATION COMPANY, HAMAKUA, HAWAII.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $1,000,000, in shares of $100, par value.]
Stockholders.                                Nationality.                   Shares.    Value.
Spreckels, Claus................  American...............................       5,000     $500,090
Irwin, W........................... British..................................        4,999      499,900
Giffard, W. M.............................. do..................................        1          100
Total.....................................................-........    10,000    1,000, 000
SUMMARY.
American................................................................................... $500,000
British.....................................................................................          499,900
Do......................................................................................  100
Total.................................................................................. 1, 000,000
PACIFIC SUGAR MILL COMPANY, HAMAKUA, HAWAII.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $300,000, in shares of $100, par value.]
Stockholders.                                Nationality.                   Shares.    Value.
Schaefer & Co., F. A.................. German firm............................        676     $67,600
Smith, Dr. J. M........................ American...............................              625       62,500
Purvis, John.......................... British..................................  525      52,500
Purvis, W. H................................do..................................            250       25,000
Purvis, R. W................................ do..................................           250      25,000
Purvis, A. B.................................do..................................            100       10,000
Bishop, C. R.......................... American...............................               200       20,000
Suhr, E............................... German.................................  75        7,500
Von Mengersen, C.......................... do..................................         65       6,500
Foster, Mrs. Mary E.................-      British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........          62         6,200
Kay, T. S.............................. British..................................              56        5,600
Schaefer, Mrs. F. A.................... German.................................      19        1,900
Bosbe, C.....................................do..................................             19        1,900
Renjes, H..............................     do..................................        18        1,800
Focke, H..............................     do..................................        18        1,800
Hoting, J....................................do..................................            17        1,700
Schultz, H................................... do..................................            12        1,200
Horner, W............................. American...............................                10        1,000
Massey, Miss......................... British..................................    2          200
Paty, J.H............................. American...............................                            1 00
Total.......................................................................       3,000      300,000
SUMMARY.
American horn................................................................................ $8.,600
British born................................................................................... 118,300
British-Hawaiian (half-caste).................................................................          6,200
German horn.................................................................................. 91,900
Total................................................................................... 300,000
S. Rep. 227             120




lUb,. IIAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.
A.-Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nation
ality of stockholders therein, etc.-Continued.
PAIA PLANTATION COMPANY, MAUI.
[IIawaiian corporation; capital stock, $750,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]


Stockholders.                       Nationality.             Shares.   Value.


Alexander, S. T........................
Allen, W. F... —....... ---
Atherton, Mrs. J. M    ---—............ ---
Alexander, Miss I,.....................
Alexander, Miss V. D............ --- —-..
Atwater, W. 0.......................Austin, W. i..........................
Allen, S. C......... --- —------------—........
Alexander, J. M.....................Baldwin, H. P................ --- —.. —
Beckwith, G. E..................Brewer, A. A (trustee)................
Castle, Mrs. I. B..-................
Carpenter. Miss H. E. --- ——.... ---
Cooke. Mrs. H. E. (trustee)..-......
Colville, J. W.......................
Cornwell, Miss A. --- —-—....................
Campbell, A. (estate of)...............
Canavarro, A. de S................-...
Canavarro, A. de S. (trustee)...........
Dowsett, J. M.........................
Dodge, F. S............................
Dole, M. C-.....................
Dickey, Mrs. A........................
Gulick, T. L -.................... —
Hobron, Mrs. F. E.....................
Henderson, Miss B. A.................
Hall, Mrs. M. D........................
Hustace, C. J..........................
Hartwell, A. S........................
Hatch, F.M...........................
Humburg, F. J..................
Klamp,:?..............................
Koch, Geo.............................
Kaiser, Carl..................
Lindsay, N. C.........................
Lord, T. A............................. ---
Laws, H...............................
Lewers, R.............................
Lazarus, J.............................
Lowrey, N.............................
Lowrey, Mrs. A. L....................
Lane, Mrs. D. W. C....................
May, T................................
Mett, C................................
Oleson, W. B...........................
Parke, Mrs. W. C......................
Paris, Miss A. M.....................
Porter, Capt. Chas...................
Purvis. MissM........................
Photenhauer, N........................
Spreckels, J. D., Bros. &. Co............
Smith, A. H............................
Smith, A. H. & Co......................
Suhr, E................................
Spooner, Miss M. E....................
Smith, J. K............................
Sterling, R. (estate of).................
Smith, W. G...........................
Walsh, E. M...........................
Wilcox, A. S..........................
Wilcox, G. N...........................
Waller, J..............................


American..................................... do........................................ do..
Hawaiian-born American........... --- —...... do...................................
American.................................... do....................................... do.................................... do -—... —..... --- —-...........
Hawaiian-born American..............
American............................................................................. do........................................ do.........-........................
Hawaiian-born American...............
British..................................
Portuguese................................... do.................................
Hawaiian-born British..................
American.....................................do...................................... do..................................
Hawaiian-born American...............
American...............................
British..................................
American.........................
Hawaiian -born American..............
American.....................................do..................................
German....................................... do........................................ do........................................ do..................................
British..................................
American.................................... do........................................ do..................................
British..................................
American....................................do........................................do..................................
British..................................
German.................................
American...............................
American...............................
Hawaiian-born American...............
American...............................
British..................................
German.................................
American firm.........................
HIawaiian-born American............
Hawaiian-American firm...............
German.................................
American............
Hawaiian-born American...............
British..................................
American..................................... do..................................
Hawaiian-born American.................... do..................................
British..................................


2,156
14
290
13
10
115
6
16
200
2, 062
20
202
3
4
6
42
46
18
2
6
42
10
26
10
7
263
18
33
12
400
25
10
15
10
10
4
60
30
12
10
1
2
2
18
20
10
12
4
12
10
9
10)5
21
52
106
8
149
26
10
10
352
243
20
7,500


$215, 600
1,400
29, 000
1, 3(00
1, 01)
11, 500
601
1, 60t
20, 000
206, 200
2, 000
26, 200
300
400
600
4, 20
4, 600
1,800
200
600
4, 200
1, 000
2, 600
1, 000
700
26, 300
1, 800
3,300
1, 200
40,000
2, 500
1, 000
1, 500
1,000
1, 000
400
6, 000
3,000
1;200
1, 000
100
200
200
1, 800
2, 000
1, 000
1, 200
400
1, 200
1, 000
900
10, 500
2,100
5, 200
10,600
800
14, 900
2, 600
1, 000
1, 000
35, 200
24, 300
2, 000
750,000


Total.........................................




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1907


A.-Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nationality of stockholders therein, etc.-Contiuued.
SUMMARY.
American..................................................................................  $413, 300
Hawaiian-born American....................................................................         297,100
British.    -..... ---.. —..............................................................................  16,600
Hawaiian-born British.....................................................................  4, 200
German......................................................................................   18,00G
Portuguese............................................................................... 800
Total..................................................................................       750, 000
PAUKAA SUGAR COMPANY. HAWAII.
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $170,000, in shares of $10, par value each.]
Stockholders.                               Nationality.                  Shares.    Value.
Cooke, C. M. (trustee)................. Hawaiian-born American..............    4, 653     $46, 530
Austin, B. H. (estate of)............... American. —. —..-...................  2, 500   25, 000
Hobron, T. H. (estate of).-(..........   10.........-.........................  200        2, 000
obron, E. C................................ do..................................  200    2,000
Smith, A. H........................... Hawaiian-born American...............     200        2,000
Allen, S. C............................ American...............................           70          700
Dwight, S. C.......................... American-Hawaiian (half caste)........             70          700
Kolomoku, H.......................... Hawaiian...............................  35  350
Grieve, R.............................. British-..................................       100        1,000
Austin, J. (estate of).....-............. American...............................         62          620
Onomea Sugar Co...................... Hawaiian corporation...................             60          600
Cooke, C. M........................... Hawaiian-born American...............         55          550
Austin, S. L........................... American...............................           50          500
Smith, H....-.. —.. ---... ---........-. American-Hawaiian (one-half caste)....           50          500
Hoffman, Mrs.......................... American...............................    47          470
Thurston, L. A --- —---—.... —.... --- -. Hawaiian-born American...............       70          700
Hobron, T. W. (trustee)-..................... do..................................   22          220
Hartwell, A. S-........................ American...............................           20          200
Nott, Mrs. E................................ do-..................................        10          100
Monsarrat, J. M....................... Hawaiian-born British..................          10          100
Kellett, P. D.......................... British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........          10          100
Wilson, C. B........................... British-Tahitian (half-caste)............          5           50
8,499       84,990
Shares not issued................................................................       8, 501      85, 010
Total......................................................................   17,000      170, 000
SUMMARY.
American....................................-............................................ $31,786
Hawaiian-born American -..-.... —..-.....-..- -....-.....-......-........... ----............. 50,328
British........................................................................................  1, 060
Hawaiian-born British........................................................................          100
German......................................-..................................................  3
H awaiian......................................................................................  360
American-Hawaiian (half caste)...............................................................        1, 200
British-Hawaiian (half caste).................................................................         103
British-Tahitian (half caste)..................................................................         50
Total....................................................................................     84,990
PEEPEEKEO SUGAR COMPANY, HAWAII.
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock, $750,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]
Stockholders.                               Nationality.                  Shares.    Value.
Baird, W.H........................... British..................................           250      $25,000
Ashford, C. W............................-do2.....................:............      25        2,500
Thurston, L.A........................ Ifawaiian-born American...............              50        5,000
Kennedy, C. C-......................... British..................................        120       12, 000
Wyllie, b....................................do..................................         30        3,000
Pullar, W.......................      do..................................       20        2, 000
Deacon, H............................. American...............................            80        8, 000
Gilfillan, J............................. British..................................       40        4,000
Davies, T. H.& Co................... British firm.............................            178       17,800
Young, A............................. British..................................        4, 637     463,700
Austin, J..................... American...............................          70        7,000
Allen, W. F. (trustee)...-............ Chinese.................................         2,000      200,000
Total......................................................................      7,500      750,000




1908


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


A. -Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nation.
ality of stockholders therein, etc.-Continued.
SUMMARY.
British.......................................................................................   $530, 00
American.....................................................................................          15,000
Hawaiian-born American....................................................................             5, 000
Chinese....................................................................................... 200, 000
Total...................................................................................       750, 00
PRINCEVILLE PLANTATION COMPANY, HANALEI, KAUAI.
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $240,000, in shares of $100 par value.]
Stockholders.                                Nationality.                   Shares.    Value.
Welch, A. (estate of).................. British..................................            600      $60, 000
Allen, F. H..................... American...............................           364       36,400
Allen, M. Y..................................do..................................           364       36, 400
Allen, E. H. (estate of).....................do..................................           304       30,400
Hesselchaeft, S. F.............................do..................................         304       30,400
Cooke, J. M. Mrs.................-........-do..................................         164       16,400
Conrade, A. (estate of)................. German.................................            160       16, 000
Brewer, C., & Co.................. Hawaiian corporation...................            140       14, 000
Total......................................................................         2, 400     240, 000
SUMMARY.
American................................................................................... $154,368
Hawaiian-born American....................................................................              5,325
British.........-...... ----. ----. —.. —.............................            63,932
German......-................... --- —---—...-...-.......-....-........     16,072
Hawaiian....................................................................................  233
German-Hawaiian (half caste).........................................7......................     7
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)................................................................              63
Total...................................................................................        240,000
UNION MILL COMPANY, KOHALA, HAWAII.
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $160, 000, in shares of $1,000 par value.]
Stockholders.                                Nationality.                   Shares.    Value.
Renton, Jas........................... British..................................            45      $45, 000
Holmes, G. F. (executor).....................do..................................           25       25,000
Janion, R. C. (executor)...................... do.................................          20       20, 000
Davies, T. H.................................do..................................           20       20, 000
Kynnersley Bros........................... do..................................             30       30, 000
Renton, H. H.......................... Hawaiian-born British..................       5        5,000
Wallace, R............................. British..................................             5        5, 000
Maguire, John......................... British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........               5        5,000
Walker, T. R. (trustee).......................do..................................             5        5, 000
Total.........................................                                         160     160,000
SUMMARY.
British........................................................................................ $150.000
Hawaiian-born British......................................................................             5,000
British-Hawaiian (half-caste).:............................................................    5,000
Total....................................                                        160,00Q




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1909


A.-fHawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amonnt of investments and nationality of stookholdars therein, etc.-Continued.
RECIPI4OCITY SUGAR COMPANY, MAIUI.
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $214,300, in shares of $100 par value.]


Stockholders.                        Nationality.              Shares.  Value.......


Cummings, W. H....-.................
Castle, W.R..........................
Hobron, T. W.........................
Smith, W. 0............................
Wilcox, A. S....................-.... —
Wilcox, G. N...........................
Wilcox, H. H..........................
Wilcox, S. W..............
Baldwin, H. P....................
Lau Chong............................
Achi, W. C.............................
Akau, L., administrator...............
Hobron, E. W., trustee.................
Paris, J. D.,jr..........................
Tenney, E. D..........................
McLane, M. J..........................
Walker, J. S.. --- —-—...............
Hayselden, J. G(., estate of. ---.......
Minwai, N.............................
Hanuna, J. K....................
Johnson, E.........................
Kanoa, P. P...................
Morgan, J. F.....................
Castle, Gr. P............................
Colburn, J. F..........................
Smith, H...............................
Paakaula, J............................
Dole, S. B...............
Richardson, Geo. (estate of)...........
Ahina, A. M...........................
Hanaike, J. B..........................
Kahale, W. S....................
Kaaukai, S. M.........................
Napualii, J............................
King, J. L.............................
Kahoohuli, P..........................
Macfarlane, H. R.......................
von Gravemeyer, W...-.... ---.-.Apa, Helen M..........................


American-Hawaiian (half-caste).........
Hawaiian-born American..................... do....................................... do........................................do........................................do...................................... do...................................     do........................................do..................................
Chinese.. —........................
Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste)................ do   —........ —......... --- —
Hawaiian-born American.-..........-...... do..................................
American................................... do..................................
British.......................................do..........................
Chinese.................................
Hawaiian..................................do.......... —.....-....-.-....-. ---....do.................................
Hawaiian-born British..............
Hawaiian-born American... ---......Hawaiian-American (half-caste)........
—..  do.................................
Hawaiian.. —.. ----........ —.......... ---Hawaiian-born American..............
Hawaiian-born British (half-castes)...
Chinese..........................
Hawaiian.................................... do........................................ do........................................ do..................................
American...............................
Hawaiian.................
Hawaiian-born British..................
German.................................
Hawaiian..............................


417
240
161
150
100
100
100
100
100
148
100
56
50
40
40
30
30
30
24
15
12
11
10
10
10
10
8
8
6
5
3
3
3
3
2
2
1
1
1
2,143


$41,700
24,000
16,400
15,000
10,000
10, 000
10,000
10, 000
10,000
14, 800
10, 000
5,600
5,000
4,000
4,000
3, 000
3,000
3, 000
2, 400
1, 500
1,200
1, 100
1,000
1, 000
1,000
1,000
800
800
600
500
300
300
300
300
300
200
200
100
100
109
214,300


Total...........    I^.................................


SUMMARY.
American.....................................................................................              $7,200
Hawaiian-born Americans..................................................................... 116,200
American Hawaiian (half-castes).............................................................  43, 700
British........................................................................................  6,000
Hawaiian-born British........................................................................               1,100
British-Hawaiian (half castes).................................................................     600
Hawaiian.................................................................................   6,100
Chinese................ ---........................................................................ 23,300
Chinese-Hawaiian (half-castes)................................................................  10,000
German........................................................................................   100
Total..................................................................................... 214,300




1910                          HAWAIIAN       ISLANDS.
A.-Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments ann nation.
ality of stockholders therein, etc.-Continued.
WAIANAE SUGAR COMPANY,.OAHU.
[ Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $255,000, in shares of $100 par value.]


Stockholders.                                Nationality.                  Shares.     Value.
Wilcox, G. N.......................... Hawaiian-born American...............                500      $50,000
Bishop, C. R........................... American...............................               45        4,500
Isenberg, P............................ German.................................                 7          700
Wilcox, A. S.......................... Hawaiian-born American...............                150       15,000
Stirling, R. (estate of).................. Britiah...............................             75        7,500
Cleghorn, A. S-..............................do.................................             37        3,700
Macfarlane, E......................... Hawaiian-born British..................                7          700
Jaeger, A......................  German................................         7          700
Dowsett, J. M......................... Hawaiian-born British..................                 12        1,200
Kruse, E.............................. German................................                10        1,000
Hobron, E. C.......................... American...............................                 12        1,200
Widemann, M......................... German-Hawaiian (half-caste)..........                    7          700
Chamberlain, A. C.................... American..............................                  3          300
Kawainui, Mrs........................ Hawaiian...............................                  5          500
Ahrens, Aug.......................... German................................         90        9,000
Arnermann, W...............................do..................................                30        3, 000
Richardson, Mrs. E.................... Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........              205       20,590
Richardson, J. L. (children of)......... American-Hawaiian (half-caste)........              414       41, 400
Wright, J.............................. British..................................             57        5,700
Widemann, H. A...................... German.................................                 730       73, 000
Berger, C. 0O.................................do..................................            110       11,000
Bosse, C..................................... do..................................             25        2,500
Suhr, E......................................do..................................              5          500
Berger, C. O.jr......................... German-Hawaiian (half-caste)..-.-........             3          300
Cleghorn, A........................... British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........               2          200
Macfarlane, G. E.............................. do..................................            2          200
Total......................................................................          2,550      255,000


SUMMARY.
German....................................................................................... $101,400
German-Hawaiian (half-caste)................................................................        1, 000
American.....................................................................................       6,000
American-Hawaiian (half-caste)..............................................................       41,400
Hawaiian-born American.....................................................................  65,000
British........................................................................................     10,900
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)................................................................        400
Hawaiian-born British.......................................................................        1,900
Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste)................................................................      20,500
Hawaiian....................................................................................         500
Total....................................................................................  255, 000
WAIKAPU SUGAR COMPATNY, MAUI.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $250,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]
Stockholders.                              Nationality.                 Shares.     Value.
Sprecke lsC............................ American...............................        1,230    $123,000
Macfarlane, G. W...................... Hawaiian-born British..................          1, 250     125, 000
Irwin, W. G............................ Biritish..................................         10        1,000
Giffard,W..................................do.................................        10        1,000
SUMMARY.
American..................................................................................... $123, 000
British.......................................................................................      2, 000
Hawaiian-born British....................................................................... 125, 000
Total..................................................................................  250,000




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1911


A.-Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and n ationality of stockholders therein, etc.-Continued.
WAIHEE SUGAR COMPANY, MAUL.
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $200,000 in shares of $1,000 par value each.]
Stockholders.                               Nationality.                 Shares.     Value.
Brewer, C., & Co.a....................        Hawaiian corporation...................    58       $58,500
Makee, C. B............................ Hawaiian-born American...............              371       37, 750
Hastings, A. M........................ American..............................            20j       20, 750
Herbert, K.S.............................do..................................     201       20,750
Tenney, R. S.................................do..................................         201       20,750
Noonan, H. G-................................ do..................................        20       20,750
Spalding, W-.................................do           2..................................  20  0,750
Total......................................................................          200     200,000
SUMMARY.
American................................................................................... $122,000
Hawaiian-born American....................................................................          60,000
British.......................................................................................      16, 430
Hawaiian....................................................................................           975
German-......................................................................................          302
British-Hawaiian half-caste..................................................................          263
German-Hawaiian half-caste....................................................              30
Total..................................................................................      200,000


WAIAKEA MILL COMPANY, HAWAII.
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $300,000 in shares of $100 par value each.]


Stockholders.                              Nationality.                  Shares.    Value.
Davies, T. H........................... British..................................-    1, 250   $125,000
oung, A................................     -.do..................................  1,250      125,000
Janion, I)............................ -......do..................................    375      37,500
Kennedy, C. C.-..............................do.-...............................       125      12,500
Total......................................................................  3,000    300,000
WAIMANALA SUGAR COMPANY, OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $180,000, in shares of $100, par value, each.]
Stockholders.                              Nationality.                  Shares.   Value.


Cummins, J. A.........................
Herbert,A............................
Cartwright, A. J......................
Bishop, O. R...........................
Bolte, C................................
Cartwright, B........................
Hobron, T...........................
Campbell, A...........................
Suhr, E................................
Scholz,0..............................
Hopper, J. A..........................
Bickerton, R. F........................
Peirce, J., Mrs.........................
Kapiolani (Queen).....................
Bosse, C...............................
Cartwright, A. J., jr...................
Smith, H......
Kahai, M..............................
Shaw, Jona...........................
Tenney, E. D..........................
Agnew, H. J...........................
Likelike...............................
Hackfeld, J. F........................
Huber, Captain.........................
Hobron, E...........................


British-Hawaiian (half caste)...........
American.................................... do........................................ do..................................
German................................
Hawaiian-born American...............
American...............................
British..................................
German....................................... do..................................
American...............................
British..................................
American.............................
Hawaiian.......................
German.................................
Hawaiian-born American...............
American-.Hawaiian (half caste)........
Hawaiian...............................
British..................................
American..................................... do..................................
Hawaiian...............................
German.................................
American................................... do................................


950
200
100
75
60
50
41
40
25
20
20
20
15
15
14
13
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
9
8


$95,000
20,000
10. 000
7,500
6,000
5,000
4,100
4,000
2, 500
2,000
2, 000
2,000
1,500
1,500
1,400
1,300
1,000
1,000
1,000
1,000
1,000
1,000
1, 000
900
8W




1912                                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
A.-Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investmenti and nationality of stockholders therein, etc.-Continued.
WAIMANALA SUGAR COMPANY, OAHU —Continued.
Stockholders.                                Nationality.                   Shares.    Value.
Focke, H.............................. German..............................        8         $800
Emerson, D., Mrs...................... American................-...............                          5 500
Pierce, C., Miss........................... do. —.................................      5          500
Thies, G., Miss........................ German.................................                    5     500
Stockmar, Mrs...............................    do..................................         5          500
Thurston, L. A....................... Hawaiian-born American...............                   5          500
Bolte, C., Mrs......................... German................................                5          500
Lau Chon........................... Chinese.................................    4          400
Hall, W............................. Hawaiian-born American...............                3          300
Cartwright, B.............................. do..................................              2          200
Roth, S., Mrs.......................... German.................................               2          200
Liiuokalani........................... Hawaiian...............................               2          200
Cartwright, D......................... Hawaiian-born American...............                   1          100
Stoves, M.............................. American...............................               1          100
Cartwright, K......................... Hawaiian-born American...............                  1          100
Cartwright, R............................... do..................................       1          100
Total.....................................................................          1,800      180,000
SUMMARY.
American..................................................................................... $49, 900
Hawaiian-born American.................................................-...................  7, 600
American-Hawaiian (half-caste)..............................................................            1,000
British.......................................................................................          7, 000
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)................................................................          95, 000
German................................1....................................................   15,400
Hawaiian.................................................................................... —           3, 700
Chinese......................................................................................             400
Total....................................................II............. 180,000
WAIMEA SUGAZ MILL, KATAI.
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $70,000 in shares of $100 par value each.]


Stockholder.                            Nationality.                Shares.   Value.
H. W. Smidt....................    German.................................     700     $70, 000
WAILUKU SUGAR COMPANY, MAUI.
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $265,000 in shares of $100 par value each.]


Brewer, C., & Co. (limited).............
Smith, J. Mott........................
Cummins, T. (estate of)...............
Cartwright, A. J. (estate of)...........
Welch, A. (estate of)..................
Robinson, M. P........................
Robinson, Jas. (estate of)..............
Alexander, W. P. (estate of)............
Bailey, W. H..........................
Bailey E.............................
Mills College..........................
Campbell, A. J.........................
Forbes, Mrs. M. J......................
Hobron, F. E. (trustee).................
Isenberg, Mrs. D......................
White, E.............................
Lowrey, W. J..........................
Rice, Mrs. N. R.......................
Rice, Mrs. N. R. (guardian)............
Welch & Co...........................
Robinson, Caroline....................
Frear, W. F. (trustee)..................
Robinson, James J.....................
Cooke, C. M............................


Hawaiian corporation...................
American...............................
British..................................
American.............................
British..........................
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........
Hawaiian..............................
American...............................
Hawaiian-born American...............
American...............................
American corporation..................
Hawaiian-born British..................
American..................................... do..................................
German.................................
Hawaiian-bo      rn American..............
American...-....................
Hawaiian-born American.................. do............ -.....................American corporation...................
British Hawaiian (half caste)...........
American...............................
British Hawaiian (half caste)...........
Hawaiian-born American. —..............


595
75
100
60
601
50
120
20
600
60
15
15
10
20
10
5
35
20
40
150
8
I
1
39
2,650


$59, 500
7, 500
10,000
6,000
60,100
5,000
12,000
2, 000
60,000
6,000
1,500
1,500
1,000
2,000
1, 000
600
3,500
2,000
4, 000
15,000
800
100
100
3, 900
265,000


Total......................................................................




HAWAIIAN    ISLANDS.                      1913
A.-Hawaiian sugar plantation corporation8, 8hounng amount of investments and nationality of stockholders therein, etc.-Continued.
SUMMARY.
American............................................ $63, 130
Hawaiian-born  Ameiican-....................................         93, 035
British-............................................. 86, 840
British-Hawaiian  (half castes)-.................................    6, 166
H~awaiian-born  British-.....................................        1, 500
Germ an-............................................ 1, 307
German-Hawaiian  (hallf castes)-.................................       30
Hawaiian-........................................... 12,992
Total-...........................................265, 000
DUTIES.
DEPARTMENT OF FINANCE, Honolulu, June 19, 1893.
The duties collected at the custom-house in Honolulu for the past five years on
goods from all ports, other than American, are as follows:
Years.                         Spirits.  Merchandise.
1883-........................................  $157, 958. 44  $126, 243. 64
1889 —..........................;.......... 124, 473. 04  118, 354. 14
1890 —....................................   198,678.72  182,573.39
1891-.............. * --- —---------------— 252,648.96             211,170.21
1892 —....................................   139, 289. 53  95, 409.99
Total for five years-.........................     871,048.69  733,751.37
A  yearly average of-............................      174,209. 74  146,750.26
The yearly average income for five years on spirits being $174,209.74, and the
yearly average income for five years on merchandise $146,750.26, m aking atotal on
all goods of $320,960, which, multiplied by twenty, the number of years that our
bonrds have to run, makes a total income from duties alone, on goods other than
American, of $6,419,200. Our public debt is $3,250,000; five years' interest on this at
6per cent, as specified in bonds, is $975,000; fifteen years' interest on same at 3 percent
(United States rates)'is $1,462,500, and add to this the total public debt, $3,250,000,
which makes a total of $5,687,500, will show that the income ($731.700) from customs
duties alone for twenty years (the term of our bonds), taken on above average, will
pay the entire interest on the public debt, together with the debt itself, and leave
a balance in the Treasury of $731,700.
No. 27.
Mr. Alexander to Mr. Damon.
HAWAIIAN GOVERNMENT SURVEY,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, June 24, 1893.
His Excellency S. M. DAMON,
Minister of Finance:
SIR: In accordance with your request I have had the areas of all the
Government land sales, alias grants, to June 8, 1893, added up, making
a total of 667; 317.4 acres. A recent estimate of the lands at present
held, by the Government gives a -total of 828,000 acres. Adding this
amount to the total area sold, we obtain 1,495,317 acres as the approximate, amount of land held by the Government at the end of the great
division (Mahele) in 1848.
The Crown lands at present are estimated to contain 915,000 acres,
inacluding a few unassigned lands, which were transferred to the Crown
by the Legislature of 1890. 




1914


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


The kuleanas proper or land commission awards to the common
people, including a few lots awarded to foreigners (chiefly in Honolulu),
amount to 28,65S.5 acres.
These were generally either house lots or small pieces of cultivated
land. The number of L. C. awards was 11,309, which included 177
awards made to chiefs or konohikis, whose names are in the Mahele
book. Deductiug these the number of kuleanas was 11,132, averaging
2.57 acres apiece.
My assistants have also added up those konohiki (chiefs') awards,
whose areas were given in the index of land claims amounting to
133,012.6 acres. But these are only a small part of them, as most of
this class of lands were awarded by name without survey.
For example, the Bishop estate alone at present comprises about
420,000 acres.   However, adding the kuleanas and the surveyed
awards to chiefs given in the index of land claims together, we obtain
a total of 161,670 acres awarded at that time by survey.
I remain, yours, very respectfully,
W. D. ALEXANDER,
Surveyor- General.
Approximate division of the lands of the Hawaiian Kingdom, 1848-1855.
Acres.
Crown lands (as in  1893)..............................................  915, 000
Government lands (as in 1848) ---  --   -----     -------- 1,495,000
Kuleanas.-.........................-......-....... ----..   28, 658.5
Bishop estate for manual training schools (as in 1893) ---—. —. --- —--—. 420, 000
Other chiefs' lands surveyed before 1855............................... --- —  133, 012.6
Other chiefs' lands not surveyed before 1855........................... 1, 018, 329
Grand  total.............................................. 4,010,000.1
Total of chiefs' lands, including Bishop estate......................... 1,571, 341
E. & 0. E.
W. D. ALEXANDER.
Total area of land-commission awards.
KULEANAS.
Hawaii:                       A                                Acres.
Hilo..........................................................  466.35
Hamnakua..............................................   2,542
Kohala......-....................................... 2,129.16
Kona.....-.........................................  2, 119
Kau.................................................................  2,124.18
Kan                                                       ---—........ 2, 124. 18
Puna... —.-    -—............. —..................... --- —  32.18
Total area of Hawaii Kuleanas........................................... 9, 412.87
Total area of Maui Kuleanas............................................. 7,:79. 74
Total area of Molokai Kuleanas.......................................... 2   288.87
Total area of  Oahu  Kuleanas..........................................  7,311. 17
Total area of Kauai Kuleanas........-..-...-......... 1, 824. 17
Total area of Lanai Kuleanas..............................    441.67
Grand total..................-........................*........ 28,658.49




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Total area of land-commission awards-Continued.
AHIUPUAAS AND ILIS, OR LARGER TRACTS A)ND SUBDIVISIONS.


1915


B
E
K
0
]V


[Awaii:                                                                     Acres.
Hilo..............................................................  6,620.25
Hamakua -.........................................................  8,248.48
Kohl  a...........................................................      1,933
Kona.............................................................  1, 261.79
Total for hawaii.1..............................................  18, 063.52
a       -ai.-..-n..-. --- —.. —. —...... ---. ----. --- ——. ---. --- —-.....-   54, 272
[olokai —.... —.. — - ------..- - ------—..... ---.............-........ 10, 343.62
'aim -......-....................... —... --- —. --- —--. ---.... ---.  32, 785.62
[aui...............................-17, 547.83
Total area of Ahupuaas and Ils surveyed for the land commission.     133, 012.59
E. & 0. E.
W. D. ALEXANDER.


Estimate of area included in all Government grants (land sales) to date, June 8, 1893.
Hawaii:                                                           Acres.       Acres.
Kohala...............................................  21, 520.95
Hlamniakua.............................................     63, 439.41
Hilo -.. ---.... --- —---—.... —............ --- —-..-..  14,884.41
Puna.................................................  17, 411.73
Kau.. —......- -....... ----. --- —- -..... --- —. ---.. —  215, 538.81
Kona.................................................  56, 101.16
________RR     Rclr. 


1'7


Maui:
Lahaina.. —.... ---.... --- - ---—.....-............... 364.17
Kaanapali. ----..-.-2.......- -... ---.. —.-...-.....-   2, 675.00
W ailuku n.. ---... ---.. ---... —...............-......  25, 825.51
Hamakua-.. ---..-.. --- —----—.... --- —-—. —.....- - 18,711.53
Koolau  -.......... — - - ---.. ----. --- —... —......... —  2, 024.72
Hana -...........-...-.-..-....-...-............. 6,216.92
Kipah ilu..........-..-.-................. 1,540.03
Kaupo-..-... —... ---.. --- —............-............ 11,534.73
Kahikiuni... —. —.... —....-...-...-..-............3, 3595.67
Honuaula. —.. ---...... — -----... —................. 15,100.84
Kula  -... —........-..-......-.............. —..-   13,054.92
Oahu:
Kona district.....................-....................  5, 549.10
Ewa district.. —.....-...................... --- —  7, 401.31
W aialna district.. --- —.............. ----. —.. ----  19, 596.47
Koolan  district -. —... —.............. --- —-...-.. — -  12. 321.94


100,644.04


Lall*-i      44, 868.82
Lalai................................................................    735.93
Molokai...............................................................  55, 960.90
Kauai................................................................  15,123.25
Niihua.................................................................  61,088
N ii h u a.~                                           ~ ~~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~61,  0 8 8
Grand  total.-........ —....... —.... ----.. ----. ----...-.... ---  667, 317.41
The foregoing estimate of areas is largely increased by the inclusion of several
exceptionally large grants, viz:
Acres.
Grant 2769 to J. P. Parker in Hamakua.................................... 37, 888
Grant 2791 to C. C. Harris in Kau.......................................... 184, 298
Grant 3343 to C. Spreckels in Wailukn.................................... 24,000
Grant 3146 to C. R. Bishop in W. Molokai —........... ----. ---. ---...... —. 46, 500
Grant 2944 to J. M. and F. Sinclair in Niihua............................... 61,038
Total...............................................................  353, 724
A recent estimate of area of present Government lands gave a total, in round numbers, of 828,000 acres, which, together with the total amount granted, would give, in
round numbers, 1,495,300 acres as the amount originally held by the Government.
J. F. BROWX.
JUNE 8, 1893.




1916                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
No. 28.
Mr. John H. Soper to Mr. Blount.
HEADQUARTERS OF THE VOLUNTEER FORCES OF THE
PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
fonolulu, June 20, 1893.
His Excellency JAMES H. BLOUNT,
United States Minister:
SIR: I beg to transmit herewith memorandum of arms and ammunition, as per your request.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
JNO. H. SOPER,
Colonel, Commanding National Guard of Honolulu.
Memorandum of arms and ammunition in hands of Provisional Government January 17,
1893.


18 Winchester repeating rifles from
Castle & Cooke.
24 revolvers from Castle & Cooke.
2 Winchester carbines from E. 0. Hall
& Son.
7 Winchester repeating rifles from E. 0.
Hall & Son.
5 Marlin repeating rifles from E. 0.
Hall & Son.
13,350 45-70 cartridges from E. 0. Hall
& Son.
2,750 45-70 cartridges from E. 0. Hall
& Son.
3,690 45-70 cartridges from sundry persons.
6 Springfield rifles from F. Wundenberg.
150 rifles, "private property," in the
hands of forces most of whom came supplied with ammunition.
9 Springfield rifles from various parties.
3 Winchester rifles from J. T. Waterhouse.
1 Winchester rifle from J. Marsden.
1 Winchester rifle from H. Juen.
1 Winchester rifle from Dr. Whitney.
8 brass field pieces, 8 centimeters.
4 brass mountain pieces, 7 centimeters.
1 Gatling gun.
20 cases, 8 centimeters, 120 shells.
11 cases, 7 centimeters, 66 shells.
2 cases, 8 centimeters, 10 shells.
5 cases, 7 centimeters, 54 shells.
21 grapeshot.
otSpringfield rifles.


4 Springfield rifles, dam*ged.
100 Winchester military rifles without
rear sights, and most of them otherwise
damaged. These guns were discarded in
1887.
14,950 45-70 cartridges.
120 40-60 cartridges.
73 Springfield rifles.
96 Winchester military rifles-all but
27 lacking rear sights and majority
out of repair.
1 Hotchkiss rifle.
3 Remington rifles.
1 Gatling gun.
7 Remington carbines rim fire.
12 muskets, muzzle loaders.
52 bayonets.
16 revolvers.
2 swords.
1 set single sticks.
1 set wooden ramrods.
10 canister for 8-centimeter guns.
54 shell for 8-centimeter guns.
1 keg powder.
10,340 45-75 cartridges, 500-grain bullet.
3,500 45-70 cartridges, 500-grain bullet.
4,120 45-70 cartridges, 405-grain bullet.
280 45-90 cartridges, 300-grain bullet.
640 45-60 cartridges, 300-grain bullet.
960 Remington cartridges.
240 45-75 cartridges, 350-grain bullet.
6,330 45-75 cartridges, 405-grain bullet.
4,600 4440 cartriges, 217-grain bullet.
1,800 buckshot.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                    1917
No. 29.
Mr. Jaukea to Mr. Blount.
[Private.]
HONOLULU, June 21, 1893.
H1is Excellency J. H. BLOUNT:
DEAR SIR: Referring to our conversation of thi's morning in regard
to the large excess of the appropriations over the ordinary receipts
passed by the Legislature of 1886, 1 have the honor to hand you copy
of the minister of finance's report to the Legislature of 1887. In looking over the items which make up the total of *4,567,377 the following
items for permanent public improvements appear:
Addition to waterworks-..........................          $75,000
Road damages --- —------------------------— 275, 000
Road Nuuanu  Pali-............................         75, 000
Encouragement immigration-.......................          150,000
New  wharves-...............................  40,000
Purchase new tug ---------------------------— 40, 000
Interisland  cable-.............................  65, 000
Electric light-26.............                               5000
Completion new  police building......................      2,0
Dredging Honolulu Harbor-........................           40,000
Waterworks, Hilo and Molokai-.......................        30,000
Total-................................ 831, 000
To this total $851, 000 should also be added.
National debt falling  due............................   $267, 900
Interest on national debt-........................         255, 000
Subsidy Oriental Steamship Company-..................       72,000
Making a grand total of-...........I...........1,445,900
This should explain why the appropriations exceeded the ordinary revenue by such
a large amount.
I am afraid that I will not be able to obtain the statement by the staff officers as
requested in time for the mail. Mr. Robertson will call and explain personally.
Very respectfully,                       C. P. JAIAUKEA.
No. 30.
Mr. J. A. King to Mr. Blount.
DEPARTMEINT OF THE INTERTOR,7
Honolulu, June 22, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your'note of to-day's
date, asking what number of citizens were naturalized in these island's
between 1860 and 1878, and to say in reply that the records of this
department show the total number of foreigners naturalized between
January 1, 1860, and December 31, 1878, to be 750.
I have the honor to be, your most obedient servant,
J. A. KING,
Minister of the Interior.
His Excellency JAx~ns H. BLOUNT7
United States Envoy Extraordina~ry and Minister Plenipoetay
Honolulu.pontay




1.918                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
No. 31.
Mr. Robertson to Mir. Blount.
HONOLUJLU_,June 23, 1893.
His Excellency, JAMEs HI. BLO'UNT,
Envoy -Extraordinary and Mlinister Pleni potentiary of the United
States of America.
YOUR~ EXCELLENCY: I beg to submit the following statement:
I was on duty at Joani palace on the 16th day of January last. The
report of the landing of the United States naval forces, created a feeling of surprise and excitement among the officials at lolani palace.
Standing on the front veranda of the palace building at the time
the United States troops marched past, the scene greatly depressed
me, and the immediate impression conveyed to my mind was that they
had been landed to take possession of these islands.
Later on, and during the evening, I heard the rumor that the reason
for their landing was for the purpose of assisting the revolutionists in
carrying out their scheme for overthrowing the Queen and her Government. Next morning (Tuesday) on seeing the position in which the
troops were quartered, commanding both the palace and the GIovernment buildings, I felt assured that such was the case, and, that the
troops were landed for the purpose of intimidating the Governinent
forces and to lend their aid to the revolutionists if it was required.
I have the honor to be, sir, your excellency's obedient and humble
servant,                   ~~~JAMES W. ROBERTSON,
Her ]Jajesty's Chamberlain..
No. 32.
Jiawaiian corporationts other than sugar _plantations.
[From latest official returns, June, 1893. E. and 0. Ex. Thos. G. Thrum.)
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations, showing amount of investmtents therein
and nationality of 8toclcholders in each.
(Compiled June, 1893, from latest official returns for His Excellency, J. H. Blount, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States.]


Capital ~Hawaiian- American                     Hawaiin- BritishCorporations.        capitalck  American.  born   Hawaii an British.    born   Hawaiian
stock.       ~American. (j caste).          British. (Q caste).


Brewer & Co., C........$600, 000  $187, 200  $228, 200.......$168, 500....... $2, 700
Club Stables Co.......   25,000  6,800......  $5,700  12, 500...........
Daily Bulletin Pub. Co....15, 000  100............    300..........
Fashion Stables Co-.....60, 000  17, 798  93.....    12, 820  $13, 134  10
Grinbaum & Co., At. S-...-300, 000  247,000......................
Hail & Son, E. 0.......150, 000  47, 700  65, 400  23,000.  11,. 10.0-  800......
Haleakala Ranch Co.....220, 000  68,400  151, 600.....................
Hamakua & S. Kohala T. &
T. Co...........     5,375   1,292     206.................          34
Haw'n Bell Telephone Co  50, 000  13, 910  4, 180......28, 670  2,790......
Haw'n Carriage Mfg Co.* 45, 000  44, 600.................     300......
Haw'n Construction Co  419, 800  107, 000  30, 000.......25, 000....... 41,800
Haw'n Electric Light Co  20, 000  7, 400  7, 200...... 2, 000...........
Haw'n Fruit & Taro Co - 50. 000   40   12, 860  1,820  1, 820  3, 000   520
Haw'n Gazette Co......40, 000....... 40, 000.....................
Haw'n Hardware Co.....75, 000  20,350  1, 250.......16,200    1,050.....
Hawaii Holomua Pub. Co.  2,000................ 1...  50     100     250
Haw'n R. Ri. Co........227, 500  227, 500............................
Haw'n Tramways (,o.....325, 000.................325, 000...........
lIutoand HawaiizT. &T.Co.  0,900  4,345  1,830    79   2,847     32       2




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations-Continued.


91 9


Capital             Hawaiian- American             Hawaii'n- BritishCorporations.         Capita   American.     born    Hawaiian British.     born    Hawaiian
stock.             American. (j caste).            British. (j caste).
Hilo Soda Works Co.......    $5, 000    $4, 000      $500..........     $500..........
Hobron, Neuman & Co.....      7, 500     3, 800     3,300      $100......... $200..........
Honolulu I)airy Co........   20, 000       500...........   500.........  16,300      $500
Honolulu Iron Works Co.-    200, 000    12, 000..................... 176, 000....................
Hluunula Sheep Stn. Co.... 100, 000..........0.................................................
Interisland S. N. Co........  425, 000  95, 800   125, 800    2,000    78, 300    9, 700    21, 400
Irwin & Co., W. G..........  500, 000  246, 500    10,000..........  242, 500    1, 000..........
Kahului R. R. Co...........  150, 000  150, 000.................................................
Kauai Telephone Co.......    14, 700     3, 340     6, 510      154       873         8..........
Kohala Telephone Co......     7, 930     1,165      1, 070.........    3, 765      990        100
Maui Telephone Co........    10,000      6,267        858        70     2,114       252          6
Mutual Telephone Co......   100,000     29, 020     2, 290       50    22, 480      850      2, 500
North Pacific Phos. and      100, 000.  22,500     44,500..........   17,500....................
Fert. Co.                                                          I 
Oahu R. R. and Land Co....   700, 000   456, 700    62, 400..........  36,500     2, 600   118,900
Pacific Hardware Co.......  150, 000   147, 000     3, 000........................................
Press Pub. Co.............   16,000      1, 550       800..........   13,650....................
Peoples' Ice and Ref. Co...  150, 000   101, 067    27, 200..........  14, 033      800      1,067
Puuloa Sheep Ranch Co....     60, 000..........................................  60,000..........
Royal Haw'n Hotel Co.....    75, 000.................................    50    74, 950..
Union Feed Co.............-  75, 000  14, 850    7, 000..........   1, 500   40, 000       750
Waiohinu Agricul. and         15,000...........     3,400..........      500     2,400..........
Graz. Co.
Wilder's S. S. Co...........  500, 000  291, 600  106,200..........   67,100...........   11, 600
Woodlawn Dairy Co.......    100, 000   100, 000..................................................
Woodlawn Fruit Co.......     30, 000     1, 900       550......      900     1,750........
Total......I 1,..........,.             2
Total................. 6,150,705  2, 690, 994  948,197  33,473 1, 289,520  233,006    201,639
h. ~     t     *3           * = h              S *      ( 
Corporations.                          Ce,, a 
__       __     __ ~                       "   I I       H
' ~ ~ ~ ~ ~  ~  C                 i -- 


Brewer & Co., C............
Club Stables Co...........
Daily Bulletin Pub. Co....
Fashion Stables Co........
Grinbaum & Co., M. S....
Hall & Son, E. 0...........
Haleakala Ranch Co.......
Hamakua & S. Kohala T. &
T. Co....................
Haw'n Bell Telephone Co..
Haw'n Carriage Mfg. Co...
Haw'n Construction Co....
Haw'n Electric Light Co...
Haw'n Fruit & Taro Co....
Haw'n Gazette Co..........
Haw'n Hardware Co.... —.
Hawaii-Holomua Pub. Co..
Itaw'n R.R. Co.............
Haw'n Tramways Co.......
Hilo & Hawaii T. & T. Co..
Hilo Soda Works Co........
Hobron, Neumann & Co....
Honolulu Dairy Co.........
Honolulu Iron Works Co...
Humuula Sheep Stn. Co....
Interisland S. N. Co........
Irwin & Co., W. G..........
Kahului R. R. Co...........
Kauai Telephone Co........
Kohala Telephone Co.......
Maui Telephone Co.........
Mutual Telephone Co......
North Pacific Phos. and
Fert. Co..................
Oahu R. R. and Land Co....
Pacific Hardware Co.......
Press Pub. Co..............
People's Ice and Ref. Co....
Punuloa Sheep Ranch Co..


$3,100
1, (00
140
53, (000
500
40
200
5
1, 200
12,000
100, 000
57, 200
1,767
""21'
15, 150
15, 000
1,200
4,000


$300 $10,00ooo..6............


i.2....................:...................
----------
$2,000


$500
5.......


794
5,000........


1...................
200
1 ------
1 --- —1-... --- 
1 --- —--
1 --- —--
1 --- —--..... —
1.......
4, 200


1,600
450
1'i4,600
"1, 920
445 
510
500 
3,600
390
380
162
630
"5,000
""733"............................
5, 880
25, 450
100
"20'
60
1 --- —130
1,100
10,"700
1 --- —--
120
160
130
1, 100
1.......
110, 700.......................................
2,100..........
10, 500
100
1 --- —----
150
100
1.........
500
21, 100
1 —56 —...i,'i66"
13
200
1 -   "i3............................
1 --- —1 --- —.
1- ----
I......
1 --- —--
1 --- —.
1 ---- -
1 ---- -
1 ----..1 --- —.
1 - - --
1 — -.
130
160
230
1 —.....1..........
1i,'580"
20
60
300
500.....................
1 --- —1 --- —1 --- —1 ---- -
1.......
1...................................
10, 100..............
1, 580
20
60
1300
500


$600,000
25,000
7, 500
60,000
300, 000
350, 000
220, 000
5,375
50, 000
45, 000
223,400
17, 100
30, 000
40, 000
75,000
1,445
227, 500
325, 000
9,900
5,000
7,500
200, 000
100, 000
425,000
500,000
150, 000
14,700
7,580
10,000
79,000
100,000
700,000
150,000
16,000
150,000
60,000........
6,000....................   '.......       100.. 1........
-- --— 1 --    - -1.  100................................................ *




1920


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations —Continued.


Caporations.              500.......... $75000
GrazngCo.............................
ilder'S. S. Co.                                                 2..........
Royal Hawaian Hotel Co..................................00$75, 000
Union Feed Co..5........... $10,00 | --- — -—. --- —..... - - - - - $400- -  75,000
Walohinu Agricultural and I
GrazingCo.............                             $8,700...............................     15,000
Wilder's S. S.Co......-      23,500...............-..........I............................  500,000
Woodlawn Dairy Co.....................................................................    100,000
Woodlawn Fruit Co.......................................       $300........................      5,400
Total................-..299, 523 $28. 839  4,701  51,620 44,640    $36,763   $420 13,565 5,877,400
E. & O. Ex.                                                                       Taos. G. TiRUM.
HONOLULU, June 26, 1893.
C. BREWER & CO., HONOLULU, OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $600,000, in shares of $100 par value.]
Stockholders.                             Nationality.                 Shares.    Value.


Bishop, C. R...........................
Welch, Andrew     (estate of)...........
Carter, H. A. P. (estate of)...........
Cooke, C. M...........................
Jones, P. C......................
May, Tom.....................
Wilcox, Geo. N......................
Wilcox, A. S...........................
Henderson, B. A.......................
Jones, Mrs. C. H.......................
Rice, Mrs. N. R........................
Hall, Mrs. M. D..............
Bishop, E. F.......................
Lunalilo (estate of)....................
Waterhouse, H........................
Cooke, C.M. & A. C..............
Allen, S. C.........................
Pratt, Mrs. John.......................
Fuller, A..............................
Carter. C. L...................
Allen, W. F............................
Faster, Mrs. T. R......................
Brown, G........................ --- —---
Hobron, F. E. (trustee).............
Judd, Miss H. S................
Wolters, W...........................
Mouritz, A.............................
Dole, S. B.............................
Crozier, Mrs. A. C..............
Hobron, T. W. (trustee)...............
Robertson, S. M. (estate)...........
Judd, A. F...................
Hillebrand, Miss M....................
Robertson, Mrs. S. S................
Maynard, Mrs. E......................
Bosse,C...............................
Cartwright, B.....................
Hoffman, Mrs..................
Coan, Mrs. L. B........................
Hall, W. W. (trustee).................
Juad, A. F. (trustee)...................
Bidwell, J. E. (estate of)...............
Whitney, J. M.....................
Carter, Geo. R...................
Austin, Nancy (estate of)..............
Nolte, Miss............................
Johnson, Miss.........................


American...............................
British......
Hawaiian-born American................      do.............................
American........................
British...............
Hawaiian-born American................ do................................
British..................................
Hawaiian-born American................-    do..................................
American................................-    do..................................
Hawaiian...............................
British..................................
Hawaiian-born American..........
American........................
Hawaiian-born American.........
American.....................
Hawaiian-born American...............
American..........................
British-Hawaiian (half castes)........
British..................................
American...............................
Hawaiian-born American..........
German................................
British..................................
Hawaiian-born American..........
British.................................
Hawaiian-born American...............
British..................................
Hawaiian-born American.....................do..................................
British....................................... do..................................
German.................................
Hawaiian-born American...............
American.....................
Hawaiian-born American...................................................... do................................
American.....................................do..................................
Hawaiian-born American...............
American...............................
German-Hawaiian (half caste)..........
Hawaiian-born American...............


1,097
1,090
1, 050
400
350
247
163
163
136
109
104
101
100
100
102
81
103
50
43
40
32
27
27
25
21
21
20
20
20
17
16
15
15
14
13
10
10
8
8
5
5
5
4
3
3
2
6.000


$109,700
109, 000
105, 000
40,000
35,000
24,700
16, 300
16,300
13, 600
10,900
10,400
10,100
10, 000
10,000
10,200
8,100
10, 300
5, 000
4, 300
4,000
3,200
2,700
2,700
2,500
2,100
2,100
2,000
2,000
2, 000
1, 700
1,600
1,500
1, 500
1,400
1, 300
1, 000
1,000
800
800
500
500
500
500
400
300
300
200
600.000


Total.......................................................




HAWAliAN     ISLANDS.
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations-Continued.


1921


SUMMARY.
American.................................................................................... $187,200
Hawaiian-born American..................................................................... 228, 200
British.................................................-......................................   168,500
Hawaiian...................................................................................        10, 000
German........................-...............................................................            3,100
German-Hawaiian (half caste)..... ---.........................................                   300
British-Hawaiian (half caste).................................................................            2, 700
Total.................................................................................           600, 000
M. S. GRINBAUM & COMPANY (LIMITED) HONOLULU, OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $300,000, in shares of $100 par value.l


Stockholders.                                Nationality.                  Shares.     Value.
Grinbaum, M. S........................ American!...............................           1,485     $148, 500
Louisson, M.............................. do...............................          985       98, 500
Bolte, C -............................... German.................................            500        50, 000
Gartenberg, A..............................................................                  3, 000
Total....................................................................   3, 000     3   0000
SUMMARY.
American...................................................................................         $247, 000
German.....................................................................................           53,000
Total.................................................................................          300, 000
HAWAIIAN CARRIAGE MANUFACTURE COMPANY, HONOLULU, OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $45,000, in shares of $100 par value.]
Stockholders.                                Nationality.                  Shares.     Value.
Dillingham, B. F...................... American...............................              325      $32, 500
Dillingham, Geo-..........................-    do..................................        100      10, 000
Angus, J. M............................. do..................................        15         1,500
Spencer, J. G................................do..................................      6           600
Wundenburg, F. W................... Hawaiian-born British..................             3           300
449       44, 900
Unaccounted for................................................................. 100
Total......................................................................           450       45,000
SUMMARY.
American...................................................................................... $44, 600
Hawaiian-born British.............................................-.................       300
Undenominated...............................................................................              100
Total...................................................,...........................     45,00
R. Rep. 227 — 12




1.922


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations-Continued.
CLUB STABLES COMPANY, HONOLULU, OAHU.
(Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $25,000 in shares of $100 par value each.]


Stockholders.                               Nationality.                  Shares.    Value.
Graham, S. F.......................... American..-......................  57     $5, 700
Holt, J. D., jr......................... American-Hawaiian (half-caste)........            57       5, 700
Foster, W. E.......................... British.                                            125      12,500
King, T. R............................ American...............................   10       1,000
Peterson, A........................................-....................-.                     100
Total..........................................                      250      $25,000
Total.150                                                                                     $25, 000
SUMMARY.
American.....................................................................................        $6,800
American-Hawaiian (half-caste)..............................................................          5,700
British.......................................................................................     12,500
Total...................................................................................       25,000


DAILY BULLETIN PUBLISHING COMPANY, HONOLULU, OAHU.
(Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $15,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]
Value
Stockholders.                               lNationality.                   Shares. (pr:op ortion paid
in.)
Logan, D............................. British................. ---.. —....-..-..   25       $2,500
Parker, S.............................. Hawaiian............... o..........     20       2,000
Alfong, C.............................. Chinese.................................          9          900
McIntyre, H. E........................ British..................................           5          500
Muller, E. (trustee).................... German.........................            5          500
Muller, E...................................do...................................              5          500
Trousseau, G...........-.......... French.................................  5      500
Johnstone, A.......................... American...........................-....            1          100
Total......................................................................            75        7, 500
SUMMARY.
British.......................................................................................        $3, 000
Hawaiian......................................................................................           2,000
Chinese........................................................................................  900
German........................................................................................  1,000
French.......................................................................................              500
Amaerican......................................................................................           I00
Total...................................................................................         7,500
FASHION STABLE COMPANY (LIMITED), HONOLULU, OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $60,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]


Stockholders.


Nationality.


Shi


ares.   Value.


Sullivan,. J.......................... British..................................            128     $12,80
Buckley,J............................ American............................   127   12,70
Macfarlane, H......................... Hawaiian-born British............      120       12,00
Davis, R. H........................... American...............................               19        1,90
Macfarlane, G. W..................... Hawaiian-born British..................              5
Macfarlane, E. C............................do......................1                                      10
UTnion Feed Company................. Hawaiian corporation..............0.....00
Cornwell, W. H....................... American1......                                          30        1,00
Isenberg, D. P. R..................... Hawaiian-born German.................                 160       16,00
Total......................................................................           600       60,0


0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Hawaiian eorporations other than sugar plantations-Continued.
SUMMARY.


1923


British......................................................................................... $12,820
Hawaiian-born British......................................................................... 13,134
American ---17,- 798......................................................................... 17,798
Hawaiian-born American.....................................................................              93
German-.............................................................-..........................        140
Hawaiian-born German -................-...................'.......................... 16,000
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)..................................................................         10
Hawaiian-born Chilian........................................................................            5
Total.................................................................................... 60,000
HAWAIIAN BELL TELEPHONE COMPANY, HONOLULU, OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $50,000, in shares of $10 par value each.]
Stockholders.                               Nationality.                  Shares.    Value.
Campbell, Jas.......................... British..................................       2, 523     $25,230
Brown, J. F............................ American...............................          562        5, 620
Brown, C.H., Mrs............................ do..................................       144        1,440
Meek, K., Mrs......................... Hawaiian...............................        45          450
Hobron, T. H. (estate)................. American...............................          225        2,250
Smith, W. 0-........................... Hawaiian-born American...............            148        1,480
Hall, M.D., Mrs....................... American...............................            54          540
Brown, G.............................. British-..................................        344        3,440
Brown, C.............................. Hawaiian-born British..................           27)        2,790
Cassidy, Jno........................... American...............................          406        4,060
Smith, A. H........................... Hawaiian-born American...............              90          900
Gilman, M.H., Mrs.......................... do..................................         90          900
Brown, A.M................................do...................................        90         900
Total......................................................................        5, 000      50,000
SUMMARY.
British........................................................................................ $28,670
Hawaiian-born British........................................................................        2,790
American......................................................................................        13,910
Hawaiian-born American......................................................................         4,180
Hawaiian.......................................................................................        450
Total...................................................................................       0,000
E. 0. HALL & SON (LIMITED), OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $150,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]
Stockholders.                               Nationality.                  Shares.    Value.
Hall, W. W............................ Hawaiian-born American................              637     $63,700
Ablies, L. C............................ American...............................             1          100
White, E. 0........................... Hawaiian-born American................              171      17,100
White, Anna.......................... American................................               1          100
Fernandez, A. ---....-.... ----..... ---- Portuguese-Hawaiian (half-caste).......       15       1, 500
Cartwright, A. J....................... American................................             7       7,000
Hall, M. D................................... do..................................          300      30,000
Smith, A. H............................ Hawaiian-born American................               30       3,000
Allen, W. F...........................    American...............................           I1         100
Chunghoon, W........................ Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste)..........     5         500
May, T......................... —.. — British..................................           67       6, 700
Rowell, Mrs. M. J..................... American...............................               8          800
Henderson, Mrs. B. A.................. British..................................             32       3,200
Wundenberg, F........................ Hawaiian-born British..................               8          800
Gilman, Mrs. S. A...................... American...............................             35       3,500
Wilcox, S. W.......................... Hawaiian-born American..............                  7         700
Gurney, C. F............................. —do..................................    2          200
Hobron, T.H.......................... American...............................               7         700
Dole, S. B.............................. Hawaiian-born American...............               8         800
Dole, A.C........................... American...............................             6          600
Allen,S. C...................................do..................................          15       1,500
King, Miss S. L........................ American-Hawaiian (half-caste)........              23, 300
Palmer, F. H........................... American...............................            50       5,000
Hall, Mrs.E.V. C.-........................... do..................................     40       4,000
Campbell, A. J. (executor)............. British.................................            18       1,800
Hall, W. W. (trustee).................. Hawaiian-born American...............                 6          600
Total.....................................................................        1, 500     150,000




1924


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations-Continued.
SUMMARY.
American..................................................................................  $47,70D
Hawaiian-born American......................................................................        65, 400
American-Hawaiian (half-caste)...................................................  23, 000
British.......................................................................................    11,100
Hawaiian-born British........................................................................          800
Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste)................................................................          500
Portuguese-Hawaiian (half-caste)............................................................         1, 504
Total...................................................................................      150,000
Ttl.......                                                                               0  0


HALEAKALA RANCH COMPANY, MAIU.
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $220,000, in shares of $100 par value each.1
Stockholders.                                Nationality.                  Shares.     Value.
Baldwin, H.P.......................... Hawaiian-born American...............                758      $75, 800
Thurston, L. A.................-.. -      lo..................................     758        75,800
Brewer, C., & Co...................... American firm..........................              342       34, 200
Brewer, W. P. A.....................       American...............................          342       34, 200
Total....................................................................      2,200      220,000
SUMMARY.
American............................................................................ $68,400
Hawaiian-born American...................................................................... 151,600
Total.................................................................................... 220,000


HOBRON, NEUMAN & CO. (LIMITED), OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $7,500 in shares of $100 par value each.]
Stockholders.                               Nationality.                  Shares.    Valae.
Smith, W. 0O........................... Hawaiian-born American...............               1        $100
Morgan, J. F......................... Hawaiian-born British..................               2         200:Forbes, W. J.......................... Hawaiian-born American...............               1         100
Neuman, E. R......................... American...............................              31       3,100
Hobron, T. W., trustee....................do..................................          2         200
Ena, John.............................. Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste)..........             1         100
Colburn, J. F.......................... American-Hawaiian (half-caste)........              1         100
Hobron, T. W......................... Hawaiian born American...............             31       3,100
Godfrey, W. B.........................    American...............................                     100
McCandless...................................  do..................................         2         200
Goodale, W. W............................... do.................................         2         200
Total.....................................................................           75       7,500
SUMMARY.
American...................................................................................... $3,800
Hawaiian-born American....................................................................... 3, 300
American-Hawaiian (half-caste)................................................................         10
Hawaiian-born British.........................................................................         200
Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste)................................................................. 100
Total...........................................................,........................  7,500




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1925


Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations-Continued.
HfAMf k UA AND S. KOHALA TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH COMPANY, HAWAIIA.
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $5,375, in shares of $25 par value each.]


Stockholders.


Nationality.


Shares.


Value.


S. Parker..............................
'Wideir Steamship Co..................
Pacific Sugar Mill Co..................
Horuer, J. M., & Sons.................
Honokaa Sugar Co.....................
W. H. Rickard........................
C. Notley, er..........................
C. 1]. Greenfield.......................
R. X.. Overend.........................
J. G. JTones............................
Paauhau Plantation Co...............
Ha. akua Mill Co.....................
R. A, Lyman.........................
T. 8. Kay..............................
J. "faalilio.............................
J. I, M ills............................
L. 'i,,Lungst...........................


Hawai ian...............................
Hawaiian corporation......................... do..................................
A merican...............................
Hawaiian corporation...................
British........................................ do..................................
—.... do..................................
American...............................
British..................................
Hawaiian corporation.................... ----. do..................................
H awaiian-born American...............
British..................................
Hawaiian...............................
American...............................
German.......................


60
20
18
16
10
10
10
8
8
6
5
5
4
4
4
8
19


$1,500
500
450
400
250
250
250
200
200
150
125
125
100
100
100
200
475
5,375


Total......................................................................


215


SUMMARY.
km  erican.......................................................................................      $1, 298
I awaiian-born American.......................................................................            202
British................... --- ——.. —....................................-...................... 1,446
J3ritish-Hawaiian (half-caste)...................................................................  35
German.........................................................................................           794
14erman.-Hawaiian (half-caste)..................................................................            1.liy,tiian.......................................................................................1,600
Total.................................................................................... 5,37
HAWAIIAN FRUIT AND TARO COMPANY, WAILUKU, MAUI.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $30,000, in shares of $20 par value each.]
Stockholders.                                Nationality.                   Shares.    Value.
Daniels, W. H.......................... British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........              10         $200
Kepoikai, A. N........................ hawaiian...............................    63       1, 2C0
Richardson, Jno..................  British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........        14          280
Holt, J. D.............................. American-Hawaiian (half-caste)........              68        1.360
Copp, C.............................do..................................                 5           100
Kuana, J.B...............                Hawaiian...............................            3           60
K alua.......................................do..................................             5          190
Smith, H.............................. American-Hawaiian (halfcaste)........                  15          300
Hopkins, C. L.......................... British-Hawaiian (half-caste)..........               120
Lonoaea, M............................ Hawaiian...............................                5          100
Aki, M................................ Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........              5          100
Clark, Thos............................ British..................................               5          100
Clark, Thos., Mrs............................do.................................             1           20
Kanakaole............................. Hawaiian..............................                 10          200
Jones, A. W........................... American..............................      2           40
Nemhiwa, N. P........................ Hawaiian..............................                  5          100
Kealoha, Jno.................................do.......................                          3           60
Maule, W.S.................................do.................................         2           40
Shaw, A. K............................ British-Hawaiian (half-caste)............                1           20
Ahpong............................... Chinese.................................                            100
A l a m a ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ d o..~                   ~~~~~~;    5          1 0 0
Alama.......................................do.................................              5          100
Young Hee..................................do..................................               12          240
Tam Yet....................................do........................        272        5,440
Treadway, H. G....................... American-Hawaiian (half-caste).........                 3           60
Smith, W.O........................... hawaiian-horn American................                300        6,000
Hons, Geo............................. (rerman............ —.....        2           40
Morgan,-........................... Hawaiian-horn British..................            150        8,000
Davies, T. H., & Co.................... British firm.............................             60        1,200
Ena, Jno.............................. Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste)..........              100           200
Bailey.E........................... Hawaiian-born American................              343        6,860
Cockburn, Alex........................ British..................................               13          260
Garvie, Alex.................................do..................................             12          240
Total.......................................................................       1,500       80, 000




1926                                    HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations-Continued.
SUMMARY.
British......................................................................................... *1,82G
Hawaiian-born British......................................................................... 3,000
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)............................-......................................               520
American......................................................................................                  40
Hawaiian-born American...................................................................... 12,860
American-Hawaiian (half-caste)....... --- ——.. ---.................-..............-... —...-. 1,820
Chinese........................................................................................           5,880
Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste).................................................................. 2,100
Hawaiian....................................................................................... 1,920
German........................................................................................                  40
Total.................................-............................................. 30,000


HAWAIIAN GAZETTE COMPANY (LIMITED), HONOLULU, OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $40,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]
Stockholders.                                  Nationality.                    Shares.     Value.
Castle, H. N............................ Hawaiian-born American................                  82       $8,200
Whitney, H. M............................... do -------------                            -       255       25, 500
Baldwin, H. P................................do..................................                25        2,500
Wilcox, G. N.................................do..................................                 15        1,500
Wilcox, A. S.................................do..................................               10        1, 000
Goodale, W. W..............................do..................................               10        1,000
Castle, W. R   -........do...................             d.......d..........-..  3  300
Total.400......................................................                           400        40,000
HAWAII HOLOMUA PUBLISHING COMPANY. HONOLULU, OAHU.
(Hawaiian corporation; capital stock $2,000, in shares of $5 par value each.]
Stockholders.                                  Nationality.                    Shares.     Value.
Waller, G. J........................... British..................................                 30         $150
Waller, G. J (trustee No. 1)..................do..................................              20          100
Waller, G. J. (trustee No. 2)..................do -....... —... —. ---. ----...-.....            20          100
Ena, Jno.........................- Chinese-Hawaiian, (half-caste)....-......            20          100
Cummins, J. A.............        —........... British-Hawaiian, (half-caste)..-.......         50          250
Poepoe, J. M........................... Hawaiian...............................                   25          125
Kualaku.G.W..............................do..................................              20          100
Kahai, M...................................do..................................                    20          100
Merseburg, S.......................... German-Hawaiian, (half-caste)..........                     40          200
Nathaniel, T. K....................... Hawaiia................................                      6            30
lianlia~~~~~iK..          do.~~~6                                                      30
Kaulia, J. K................................do..................................               6           30
Xealakai..........................do..................................          4           20
Xamokuiki, S...............................do..................................   2            10
Kamokuiki, Mrs. S..........................do..................................                   2           10
Kana,Jam. S.................................do..................................                  2            10
Mio,S: P.....................................do..................................                15
Poepoe J.E................................. do..................................                 1             5
Brown,C..............................Hawaiian-bornBritish..............       20           100
289         1,445
Shares not issued................................................................              Ill          555
Total.400.............- 2, 000
Total.-..........-...-...-.................................................               400         2.000
SUMMARY.
British......................................................................................... 
British.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~$150
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...................................................................  20
Hawaiian-born British.........................................................................                 10
Hawaiian.......................................................................................  445
German-Hawaiian, (half-caste)................................................................. 
Chinese-Hawaiian, (half-caste)..........................................       
Ttl-...........4............................................................




HIAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                                            1927
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations-Continued.
HAWAIIAN HARDWARE COMPANY (LIMITED), HONOLULU, OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock $75,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]
Stockholders.                               Nationality.                  Shares.    Value.
Campbell, James...................... British..................................          125      $12,500
Afong, C -............................- Chinese.................................          187i      18,750
Wing Wo Chan Co....-......... ---.........do..................................              25       2,500
Scott, Emma F......................... American...............................              12i      1,250
Sing Chong & Co...................... Chinese....        —............................    12j      1,250
Chong Wah,L.............................. do.................................               5         500
Goo York Kee...............................do..................................           10       1,000
Aswan......................................  do..................................    7         750
Akaka.................................-......do..................................         3          300
Aiona, C. Y.................................. do.................................          4          400
Hendry, G. W......................... American...............................           25       2,500
Von Holt, H. M....................... Hawaiian-born German................    2         200
Brown, -............... —.....-.. —.- British..................................             17       1,700
Hendry, E........................... American...............-...............          166      16,600
Ena, John..... —. —......-..... —. ---- Hawaiian-Chinese. (half-caste)..........           105      10, 500
Wodehonse, J.H., jr................... British..-.......................-........          20       2,000
Lymai, Mary B....................... Hawaiian-born American...............                 12i      1,250
Brown, C0.............................. Hawaiian-born British.......-...........         10j      1,060
Total....................7................................................       750      75,000
SUMMARY.
American-..........................a.................................-......................... $20,350
American, Hawaiian born...............-..1......2..........................................          1,250
British-1                                                                                                2.............................................................. 16,200
British, Hawaiian born................I0......I..................................0............        1,00
Chinese........................................................................................  25,450
Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste)................................................................. 10, 500
German........................-............0..................................................  200
Total................................................................................... 75,000
HAWAIIAN RAILROAD COMPANY (LIMITED), MAHUKONA, HAWAII.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock $227, 500, in shares of $500 par value.]
Stockholders.                               Nationality.                  Shares.     Value.
Wilder, S. G. (estate of)................ American...............-.............             453    $226,500
Wilder W. C................................do..................................              1          500
Wright, C. L................................do.................................            1          500
Total..........................................................     455     227, 500
KAHULtUI RAILROAD COMPANY, MAlt.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock $150,000, in shares of $100 par value.]
Stockholders.                               Nationality.                  Shares.    Value.
Wilder, S. G. (estate of)................ American...............................       1,125    $112, 500
Wilder, W.C................................do..................................           355       35,500
Wilder, W. C., Mrs........................      do..................................         20        2,000
Total......................................................................      1,500      150,000




1928


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations-Continued.
INTER-ISLAND STEAMSHIP COMPANY. OA-iU.
(Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $425,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]


Stockholders.                         Nationality.             Shares.   Value.


Wilcox, G. N...........................Hawaiian-horn American...............
W  ilcox, A. S.................................do..................................
Dreier, A.............................. German.................................
Godfrey, W. B......................... American...............................
Sinclair. F.............................British..................................
Walsh, E............................ Americah............. ---..............
Ena, J................................. Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste)..........
Foster, Mary E..... —...-.....-.... —  British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........
Hobron, Francis E., trustee. --- —....... American...............................
Brown, C. }............................ do..................................
Wilcox, S. W......................... Hawaiian-horn American...............
Wilcox, 11. H......................  -........do...................................
A hlhorn, L...........................- German.................................
Walters, S. D. G ----.. ----     1 Brtish...........................iti.
Widemann, H. A., guardian..      (c......m....................
~knudsenii, V...........................     orwegian..............................
'1all, Mrs. M. D........................ American...............................
Siuhr, E................................ Germian.................................
Collins, D............................     ]British..................................
Brown, A. M.................       Hawaiian-born American...............
Gilman, M. A..................... do..................................
Purvis, R.W. T........................ British..................................
Gra,   R......................................do..................................
Me Lean, G. T......................... Hawaiian-born British..................
D ickson,..............................  British..................................
Thurston, L. A., trustee heirs C. H.        Hawaiian-born American................
Alexander.
Gray, M. A., trustee.................. British.................................
Brown, J. F...........................-   American...............................
Bosse, C............................... German.................................
Irwin, W. Gr............................ British..................................
Irwin, W. G.......British.....     1
H aistead, F.................................. do..................................
McLean, J.L.......................... Hawaiian-horn British..................
Dortnumd, H.......................... Norwegian -.......-................
Beckley, Geo. C........................ British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........
Spreckels & Bros., J. 1). & Co......... American firm..........................
Bishop. C. E..... --- —----          ----    American...............................
Walbridge, Mrs. L..R................. do..................................
Grieve,.............................. British..................................
Hackfeld, J. F................   German.................................
Gandall, J............................ American-Hawaiian (half-caste)........
Howell, James......................... British........ —....-.......... ----Iobron, T. W., trustee; Mrs. W.0.   Hawaiian-born American...............
Smith.
McLean, W. H......................... Hawaiian-born British.......-.........
Harrison, E. V........................ Hawaiian-born British..................
Godfrey, C. E.............-.........- American...............................
Gray, M. A.....................            British..................................
Smith, A. J............................ American...............................
Savidge, S. ---           -    -; ---..     British..................................
Warfel, J. P.................................do..................................
Forbes. M. J........................... American...............................
Ross, W............................... British..................................
Lackland,. Mrs. A —.......... —. —...-. American...............................
McKibben, R.......................... British............................
Damon, Mrs. H. M..................... Hawaiian-born American........... —
Rosewarne, T................. British..................................
Bryant, J.............................. French.................................
Coney, L. A............................ Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste)..........
Marchant. L., estate................... American...............................
Cooke, A. C............................ Hawaiian-born American...............
Kalunat.............H-............... Hawaiian...............................:Rowell, M..               Aeia..............
JRowell, M............................. American...............................
Von Holt, H. M........................ Hawaiian-born German.................
Wills, T. C............................ British.................................
Kalama, M....................      Hawaiian...............................
Hobron, T. W. (trustee, Smith, M. A.)..- Hawaiian-born American...............
Kailihaona, M.........................Hawaiian...........
Halstead, E..Bri.................................
Hyde, M. T............................ American..............................
Beckwith, Mrs. E. S.................do..................................
Wilcox, A.S (urdia, Kaoakoi P               Hwia..............
Ward, Mrs, C. PP..................... British-Hawaiian (half caste)...........
~Wilcox, A. $. (gaardian, Kalonakeoki).I Hawaiian...............................
McBryde, A. I........................ Hawaiian-born American...............
Everett, Mrs. T. W. (estate)............ American...............................
Dickey, C. H. (trustee)............do.................................
Saow,     B.................................. do..................................


464
400
255
236
233
217
201
181
120
105
100
100
100
100
90
61
60
60
50
46
46
42
40
40
40
40
35
35
35
33
33
30
30
30
27
25
25
25
22
20
20
20
20
17
17
17
15
15
12
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10


$46,400
40,000
25,500
23,600
23,300
21,700
20,100
18,100
12,000
10, 500
10,000
10,000
10,000
10, 000
9,000
6,100
- 6,000
6,000
5, 000
4,600
4,600
4,200
4,000
4, 000
4,000
4,000
3,500
3,500
3,500
3, 300
3, 300
3, 000
3,000
3, 000
2, 700
2,500
2, 500
2,500
2, 200
2, 000
2,000
2,000
2,000
1, 700
1, 700
1, 700
1, 500
1,500
1,200
1, 000
1, 000
1, 000
1,000
1,000
1,000
1, 000
1,000
1, 000
1,000
1, 000
1, 000
1,000
1,000
1,000
900
900
900
Soo
500
590
500'
590
S00S






HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations-Continued.
INTER-ISLAND STEAMSHIP COMPANY, OAHU-Continued.


1929


Stockholders.                     Nationality.Shares. Value.


Gedge, N. E. (trustee)..................
Cartwrigh-t, B......................
Damon, Mrs.......................
Carpenter, H. E........................
Thurston, Mrs. S. A...................
Hanaike, J. B..........................
Rice, W.H.,jr.........................
Hardy, Mary H...................
Godfrey, W. D. (trustee)...............
Holdsworth, Mrs. E. W...............
Mackintosh............................


American...............................
Hawaiian-born American................. do..................................
American...............................
Hawaiian-born American...............
Hawaiian..............................
Hawaiian.born American...............
H awaiian-born American...............
American...............................
British........................................ do..................................


5
4
3
2
2
2
2
2
1
1
1
4,250


$500
400
300
200
200
200
200
200
100
100
100
425,000


Total......................................................................


SUMMARY.
British.........................................................................................   $78,300
British-Hawaiian (half-caste).................................................................. 21,400
Hawaiian-born British.........................................................................        9,700
American...................................................................................... 95,800
American-Hawaiian (half-caste).. —.. —........ —. ----. ---.....................-...............         2,000
Hawaiian-born American...................................................................... 125,800
German........................................................................................  57,200
Norwegian.....................................................................................  9,00
Norwegian.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~9,100
H awaiian......................................................................................  3,600
Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste)................................................................. 21,100
French.........................................................................................        1,000
Total..................................................................................... 425,000
HAWAIIAN ELECTRIC COMPANY, LIMITED, HONOLULU, OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $20,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]
Stockholders.                               Nationality.                  Shares.    Value.
Austin, J.............................. American...............................            25      $2, 500
Hall & Son, E. O....................... American firm..........................             34       3,400
White, E. O............................ Hawaiian-born American..............            12       1,200
Wilcox,G. N................................do..................................            2, 000
Wilcox,S. W...............................do..................................            10       1,000
Cooke, C. M..................................do..................................           10       1,000
M ay, T................................  British..................................         10       1,000
Hollister & Co........................     American firm..........................           5         500
Hatch, F. M...........................     American...............................           5          500
Irwin, W. G..........................     British..................................          5         500
Schaefer, F. A........................    German.................................           5         500
Wilcox, A. S..........................     Hawaiian-born American...............            20       2,000
Dayton, D............................      American...............................           1          100
Thomas, K. M........................       British..................................          5         500
Taylor, P. S............................ American...............................            4         400
Total......................................................................          171       17,100
Shares not issued................................................................            29       2,900
SUMMARY.
Aaerican....................................................................................... $7,400
Hawaiian-born American....................................................................... 7,200
British..........................................................................................     2, 000
German.........................................................................................        500
Total...............................'.................................................        17,100




1930


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations-Continued.
WILLIAM G. IRWIN & CO.
(Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $500,000 in shares of $100 par value each.]


Stockholders.                                  Nationality.                   Shares.     Value.
Spreckels, C........................... American...............................              2,115     $211, 500
Irwin, W. G.....C. -....-......   British..................................  2,115      211, 500
Giffard, W. M..............................    do................................           200        20, 000
Whitney, H. M., jr..-................ Hawaiian-born American...............            100        10,000
Eldredge, C. H....................... American..............................           100        10,000
Winter, J. W..d....... 5.............................                         50         5,000
Whitney, F.......................... British.............................       50         5,000
Porter, T. C..................               American..............................            100        10,000
Spalding, E. J................................do.........................             100        10, 000
Douglas, T. S......................... British..................................           50, 000
Giffard, E. B.................................  do..................................    10         1, 000
Cooper, H.................                   Hawaiiah-born British..................            10         1,000
Total................................................................     5,000      500, 000
SUMMARY.
American....................................................................... $246,500
Hawaiian-born American.....................................................................         10, 000
British...................................................................................... 22, 500
Hawaiian-born British      -...........................................................             1, 000
Total..............-......................................................... 500,000
PACIFIC HARDWARE COMPANY, HONOLULU, OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $150,000 in shares of $100 par value each.]
Stockholders.                                  Nationality.                    Shares.     Value.
Dillingham, B. F...................... American.........................         600       $60,000
Dillingham    & Co. (B. F. D. &J. G. S.)-......do..........................     559        55,900
Spencer, J. G.....................do.................................          187        18,700
Nott, S.................................doo..................................        100       10, 000
Winter, F. L...............................do..........................       14        1,400
Torbert, J. L.......................... Hawaiian-born American...............                     0        1,000
Dillingham, Mrs. E. L. (& L. S.)..........do..               —........... —.....................  20       2,000
Smith, A. L., trustee......do.......................I............                            500
Spencer, A. H..............................do.................................                   5          500
Total.....................................    1,00       150,000
_ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~......................


SUMMARY.
American................................................................................... $147,000
Hawaiian-born American....................................................................         3, 000
Total..................................................................................    150,000


HAWAIIAN TRAMWAY AND COMPANY (LIMITED), HONOLULU, OAHU.
[London corporation. Capital stock $325, 000, in shares of $25 par value each.]
Stockholders.                            Nationality.                Shares.   Value.
London stockholders.................. British..................................  13,000   $325, 000
Details not reported in exhibit to interior department.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations-Coittinued.
HUMIUULA SHEEP STATION COMPANY, HAWAII.
Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $100,000, in shares of $100 par value.]


i931


Stockholders.                                Nationality.                  Shares.     Value.
Haneberg, Aug.......... -.......... German...........................                300      $30, 000
Haneberg, Armin i —............................................          400       40, 000
Gramberg, Aug..........................do...-...................          300  30,000
otal...............................................................  1, 000  100,000
WAIOHINU AGRICULTURAL AND GRAZING COMPANY, HAWAII.
[Hawaiian corporation.     Capital stock $15,000, in shares of $100 par value.]
Stockholders.                                Nationality.                  Shares.     Value.
Kauhane,............................ Hawaiian...............................     20       $2,000
Martin, J. H. S-........................ -       do... —..-.....-...-...                    29        2, 900
Baker, J. T.................................    do..................................        15        1,500
Iaukea, C.P...........................     do..................................        9          900
Irwin, W. G........................... British..................................             5           500
Kekaula, J. K........................ Hawaiian..........................                 14        1,400
Paris, J. D.,jr.......................... Hawaiian-born American...............34                   3,400
Monsarrat, J. M....................... Hawaiian-born British..................    24        2,400
Total...........................................................                      150       15, 000


SUMMARY.
Hawaiian.....................$................................................ $8,700
Hawaiian-born American........................................................................          3, 400
British........................................................................................  500
Hawaiian-born British.................................................................                  2,400
Total.................................................1............................ 15,000
HILO SODA WORKS COMPANY, HILO, HAWAII.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock $5,00A, in shares of $100 par value each.]
Stockholders.                                Nationality.                  Shares.     Value.
Tucker, Jonas.......................... American..........................   18       $1, 800
Tucker, P. M., Mrs..........................do..................................      10        1, 000
Austin, S. L.......................   do..................................          2          200
Wadworth, R. A............................do................................         2          200
Austin, H. C.......................... Hawaiian-born American..............      3           300
Austin, H. C., Mrs.................... American...............................             2          200
Coan, H. P............................ Hawaiian-born American...............                 1           100
Hitchcock, A. E............................do........................1                    100
Saddler. R. C.......................... British.................................             5          500
Austin, Jona.......................... American...............................               5           500
Wetmore, C. H........................ do..................................        1           100
Total................................................................                  50        6,000
SUMMARY.
American........................................................................................$4,000
Hawaiian-born American....................................................................    500
British..........................................................................................        500
Total......................................................................................, 00




1932                        HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations8-Continued.
HILO AND HAWAII TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH COMPANY, HILO, HAWAII.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock $9,900, in shares of $25 par value each.]


Stockholders.                      Nationality.Shares.              Value.


Wetmore, C. H........................ American...............................                    17         $425
Porter, H....................................do..................................                  2           50
Kittredge, C. S..............................do..................................                 4          100
Lyman, F. S........................... Hawaiian-born American...............                      2           50
Richardson, C. E........ —............ American...............................       13          325
Terry, W. S................................do..................................          3           75
Hitchcock, D. H....................... Hawaiian-born American...............                     10          250
Townsend. C.E., Mrs -(...10................do..................................                     125
Holmes, W. H........................     American...............................             17          425
Like, E.L............................. Hawaiian...............................                    4          100
Like,L.K...................................do..................................                   3           75
Like, S.A................................... do..................................         2           50
Maby, F. W. &W. I.................. American-Hawaiian (half caste).........                       125
Maby,M. E. & H. 0O........................do..................................                                 25
Willfong,M., Mrs......................    do..................................            125
Hapai, H:.-..-...-..-.. ---...-........ Chinese-Hawaiian (half caste)...........                          50
Hapai, E. C...........................            do..................................             250
Matson, W............................ American...............................                             125
Deacon, H...................................do..................................                            175
Kennedy, C. C......................... British..................................                              150
Kennedy, S. A...............................do..................................                              125
Waiakea Mill Co....................... Hawaiian corporation...................                                 125
Scott, J. A............................ British..................................                            200
Hilo Sugar Co......................... Hawaiian corporation.................      22          550
Paukaa plantation.....................            do..................................                        200
Hitchcock, E. G.......................       Hawaiian-born American...............                7          175
Hitchcock, M. R. Miss.....................do..................................                   4          100
Austin, H. C................................do..................................                   250
Onomea Sugar Company............... Hawaiian corporation...................     35          875
Akana, W. S....................... Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste)..........                             50
Pepeekeo plantation................... Hawaiian corporation...................            15          375
Honomu Sugar Company....................do..................................                                  200
Hakalau Sugar Company.............. Ameican corporation...................                10          250
Hind, R. R............................. British..................................                 14          350
Lydgate, W.................................do.................................                 10          250
Lydgate; J..................................do..................................                 10          250
LauDahoehoe Sugar Company......... Hawaiian corporation...................                        17          425
Kimball, J. H.......................... American...............................                   15          375
Ookala SugarCo................... Hawaiian corporation...................                          20          500
Kauila, J. M., Mrs....................gHawaiian...................               250
Nahin, D.H.................... 1..............-...................                   25
Kauhane, S H.................................do..................................                   125
Kauhane, J...............................do..................................                      1           25
Kauhane, N.................................do..................................                              25
Kauhane, W. L. M.......................... do..................................                   125
Ricauhardne, W. E..............................do..................................                           25
GoodFurneauxle, W. W.............................. do..................................           14          350
Shipman,W. H........................ Hawaiian-born American...............                         250
Castle, W.................................do..................................               28          700
Scott, W. E............................ American................................ 2         50
Wilson, J. R................................do..................................                  250
Total....................................................................              396        9,900
SUMMARY.
Ameicman$4 34H50
Hawaiian-orn American...............1...... $4,3451
Castle, W~~~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~...................................
Hawaiian-born American....................................................................... 1,830
American-Hawaiian (half-caste)...............................................................                   79
British.........................................................................................2,847
Hawaiian born British..........................................................................                 32
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...................................................................                 2
Hawaiian.......................................................................................                 10
Chinese...........................................................100
Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste)..................................................................                150
German.........................................................................................                  5
Total...................................................................................... 900




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations-Continued.
1HONOLULU DAIRY COMPANY. OAHU.


1933


(Hawaiian corporation; capital stock $20,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]
Stockholders.                                  Nationality.                   Shares.     Value.
Dowsett, J. I........................... Hawaiian-born British.................                  163      $16,300
Roth,S -.............. ---.. —....-..... German.................................                   12        1,200
Kanoa, P. P --- —-—....... —. —.-...... Hawaiian...............................                    5          500
Colburn, J. F...-........-.....-..... American-Hawaiian (half-caste).........                   5          500
Ena, Jno-.............................. Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste)..........                    5          500
Dowsett, J. I.,.jr....................... British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........                5          500
Magoon, J. A..-...................... American...............................                  5          500
Total......................................................................             200       20 000
SUMMARY.
Hawaiian-born British..-...................................................................... $16,300
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)... ---........-...... --- —-......................................                500
German -.... ----    ----—.. —..... —.. ---.. ----.... —. —. —....... — -............................     1,200
Americaf -........ ---. ---. --- —...... --- —........ ---    --—..-..................................             500
American-Hawaiian (half-caste)...............................................................       500
H aw aiian  -.. ---....-  --------—..... —............ —............................................       500
Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste).................................................................                500
Total....................................................................................           20,000
HONOLULU IRON WORKS COMPANY, OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock $20,0000, in shares of $100 par value each.]
Stockholders.                                  Nationality.                    Shares.     Value.
Davies, T. H........................... British..................................          520      $52, 000
Janion, R. C. (executor)...................... do-..................................             520       52, 000
Janion, D.R.................................do..................................                 260       26, 000
Green, M. (executor).............. —...... -— do..................................              200        20,000
Green, A...do60.................................. do.                                             60        6,000
Irwix, W. G..-........................ --— do..................................                 200       20,000
Castle & Cooke........................ American firm..........................                   80        8, 000
Atherton, J. B............................... do..................................              40        4. 000
Hackfeld & Co......................... German firm............................                  120       12, 000
Total2,00                                                                                           2000
Total. —... ----.-....-... ---..-..-........................................ -             2,000      200, 000
SUMMARY.
British....................................................................................... $176,000
American ---—.. —... ---... —. —.-.... —... ----........................... ----...............  12, 000
German.......................................................................................              12,000
Total...................................................................................           200,000
KAUAI TELEPHONE COMPANY, KAUAI.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $14,700, in shares of $10 par value each.]


Stockholders.                          Nationality.               Shares.   Value.


Smith, J. W. (estate of)................
Smith, J. K.............................
Smith, A. H............................
Dreier, A..............................
Neal, J. D..............................
Wilcox. G.N...........................
Wilcox, S. W..........................
Wilcox, A. S...........................
Christian, C............................
Rice, W. H.............................
Isenberg, 0............................
Hardy, J...............................
golo# Sugar Company.................


American...............................
Hawaiian-born American..................... do.................................
German.................................
American...............................
Hawaiian-born American..................... do........................................ do..................................
German.................................
Hawaiian-born American...............
German.................................
American...............................
Hawaiian corporation.............


5
12
5
18
1
100
100
111
1
10
1
1
W9


$50
120
50
180
10
1,000
1,000
1,110
10
100
10
10
109




1934


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations-Continued.
KAUAI TELEPHONE COMPANY, KAUAI-Continued.


Stockholders.                                  Nationality.                    Shares.     Value.
Smith, W.O............................ Hawaiian-born American...............                       2          $20
Apo.                    Cies.1 10
Apoi...........................              Chinese.................................            110
Kai, S.....-.........................         Hawaiian........................1......                            10
Lihue plantation...................... Hawaiian corporation..................                   100        1,000
Wainwright, R -........................ American (?)...........................        220
Dole, G. H.............................     Hawaiian-born American................                1            10
EKahele, H.............................. Hawaiian...............................                    1            10
Kealoha, J. M................................do..................................                  I            10
Kaumualii..................................do..................................                    I           10
Conchee. A. C.......................... Chinese................................                   1           10
Purvis, R. W. T........................ British..................................     24          250
Spalding, Z. S....... ---........-.. —.- American...............................              25          250
Walters, G............................. British..................................                 27          270
Strehz,E.............................. German.................................      2           20
Isenberg, H.................................do..................................           20          200
Ahlborn,L..................................do..................................                 20          200
Bishop, Mrs. E......................... American...............................                               50
Zjedrum, K. S.........-.. —....-.....-. Norwegian..............................                    50
Lockwood, W. V....................... American...............................       10        1,100
Hall & Son, E. 0...................... Hawaiian corporation...................                  100        1, 000
White,E. 0..................... Hawaiian-born American...............                100        1,000
Lota, Mrs... --- —-.. —.......-........- Hawaiian...............................                     880
Austin, Jona. (estate)................. American...............................                             1,000
Faye, H.P............................. Norwegian..............................      25          250
Koelling, C............................ German.................................     30          300
Knudsen,Y............................. Norwegian..............................            100        1,000
Hawaiian Sugar Co.................... Hawaiian corporation...................                     100        1,000
Kaaloa, E........................... Hawaiian..................1"- -'....                    10
Wilcox, H. H..........................       Hawaiian.born American...............              100        1,000
Kahele, E. (trustee).................... Hawaiian...............................                   660
Kekaha Mill Co........................ German firm............................                    28          280
Hofgaard, C. B., & Co.................. Norwegian firm.........................                    14          140
Borchgrevink, C.............................do..................................                 14          140
Hanaike, J. B.......................... Hawaiian...............................                   20          200
Total.....................................................................              1,470       14,700
SUMMARY.
American...................................................................................... $3, 340
Hawaiian-born American......................................................................                6, 510
American.-Hawaiian (half-caste)...............................................................                 154
British........................................................................................  873
Hawaiian-born British...........................-..............................................       8
Hawaiian......................................................................................  390
Norwegian....................................................................................               1,580
German -....-..... —.-.. —....-...-..................-.....................................      1,767
Hawaiian-born German........................................................................                    45
Chinese........................................................................................                 20
Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste)................................................................ 3
Portuguese-Hawaiian (half-caste)..............................................................                  10
Total..................................................................................... 14,700


ROYAL HAWAIIAN HOTEL COMPANY, HONOLULU, OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $75,000, in shares of $50 par value each.]
Stockholders.                              Nationality.                  Shares.   Value.
Macfarlane, G. W. & Co................ Hawaiian-born British firm.............           396     $19,800
Macfarlane, G. W...................... Hawaian-born British..................          1,003      50,150
Macfarlane, E. C.............................do..................................        100      5,000
Catton, R.............................. British..................................           1          50
1,500       75,000
SUMMARY.
Hawaiian-born British....................................................................... $74,950
British...................................................................................  50
Total................................................................................... 75,000




HAWAIIAN      ISLANDS.
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations-Continued.
KOHALA TELEPHONE COMPANY, HAWAII.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $7,930, in shares of $10 par value each.]


1935


Stockholders.                      Nationality.            Shares.  Value.


T. H. Wright..........................
G. P. Tulloch..........................
Mrs. C. E. Desborough................
IH. H. Webb............................
J. 0. Desborough......................
Mrs. J. C. Hattie.......................
Jas. Renton.-.......................
W. J. Wright..........................
J. Maguire............................
W. C. Kapauno.........................
S. C. Luhiau......................
Kynnersley Bros......................
Hawaiian Railroad Co.................
S. G. Wilder & Co......................
Lung Hee...........................
H. H. Kenton....................
C. J. Falk..............................
C. Awai...............................
B. Pengelina..........................
R. Hall................................
M. A. Gonsalves................. —.J. P. Sisson............................
J. W. Moanauli........................
S. K. Kaunamano...............-......
Lakalo........................
P. A. Dias..............................
W. R. Castle....................
D. H. Nahinu..........................
C. F. Phelps...........................
Mrs. J. Renton.........................
Mrs. J. R. Kynnersley..................
E. C. Bond.............................
H. R. Bryant........................
Mrs. G. P. Tullock.....................
E. Wood...............................
Dr. B, D. Bond.........................
J. C. Hattie..........................
Dr. and Mrs. J. Wight...........
John and H. R. Hind...................
K. Pake................................
J. L. Blaisdell (estate of)...............
W. P. Macdougal......................
A. Wallace...........................
Hawaiian Mercantile Co...............


Hawaiian-born British...............
British...................................... do..................................
American...............................
British...................................... do........................................ do..................................
Hawaiian-born British..................
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........
Hawaiian....................................do..................................
British..................................
American firm................................do..................................
Chinese.................................
British..................................
American...............................
Chinese.................................
Spanish.........................
British..................................
Portuguese.............................
A merican...............................
Hawaiian......................   o........................................do..................................
Portuguese.............................
Hawaiian-born American...............
Hawaiian...............................
American...............................
British........................................ do....................
Hawaiian-born American...............
British.................................
British.................................
Hawaiian-born British.................
Hawaiian-born American..............
British........................................................................do.................................
Hawaiian...............................
Hawaiian-born British........................ do..................................
American (?).........................
Half British and half American....


10
30
20
5
6
5
30
20
10
2
2
30
50
8
3
30
1
3
2
10
2
5
5
2
1
1
25
16
5
15
2
25
10
2
9 
57
15
109
60
10
15
45
40
5
758


$100
300
200
50
60
50
300
200
100
20
20
300
500
80
30
300
10
30
20
100
20
50
50
20
10
10
250
160
50
150
20
250
100
20
90
570
150
1, 090
600
100
150
450
400
50
7, 580


Total.....................................................................


SUMMARY.
American.................................................................................... $1,165
Hawaiian-born American..................................................................    1,070
British.........................................................................................  3,765
Hawaiian-born British.........................................................................  990
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)..........................................                                     100
Portuguese..................................................................................                 30
Chinese....................................................................       60
Spanish....................................................................................                   20
lawaiian.....................................................................................               380
Total....................................................................................      7,580




1936


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations-Continued.
MAUl TELEPHONE COMPANY, MAUI.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $10,000, in shares of $10 par value each.]


Stockholders.                                 Nationality.
Armstrong, F. S-....................... Hawaiian-born American...............
Aluli, N................................
Ainli,~~~~~~~ NHawaiian................
Anderson, J........................... American...............................
Borba, A...-.......................... Portuguese.............................
Baldwin. H. P......................... Hawaiian-born American...............
Bailey, E. H................................do..................................
Carney, L --—... —... —... ---. —...... American...............................
Coilville, J. W......................... British..................................
Carney, E. P........................... Americafi...............................
Campbell, T........................... British..................................
Dickey, C.H.......................... American...............................
Enos & Co -............-..... ---........ Portuguese..-...........................
Engle. R. F -............................ American...............................
Everett. T.W...............................do............................
Fernandez, A............-. ---.-...... Portuguese.............................
Fleming, J -....................-.... British.................................
Forster, C. M. V   -.... ---.............. American...............................
Hopke,A.F................................do..................................
Hawaiian Commercial Co............. San Francisco corporation.............
Heineman, G.......................... German.................................
Hockings, A........................... British..................................
Herbert, G   —...............      -—........do..........................
Hardey, F. W.......................... American...............................
Haiku Sugar Co...................... Hawaiian corporation...................
Kahului store......................... American firm..........................
Lindsay, D. C.........-..... --- —.... British..................................
Laws, H   -....... —.. ---....-....... —. American...............................
Morrison, H........................... British.................................
Mossman, W. F........................ Hawaiian-born British..................
Milward,J............................ British..................................
Omsted, N............................. 1Norwegian..............................
Ogg, W.      B........................... British..................................
Plemmer, H........................... American-Hawaiian (half-caste)........
Stolz, F. L............................. American................................
Stolz, G.W...............................do..................................
Simpson, F. M................................do.
Treadway, H.G........................ American-Hawaiian (half-caste)........
Tweedie, G. H........................ British..................................
Vetlesen, L, M......................... American..............................
Wailuku plantation................... Hawaiian corporation..................
Walbridge, R.D.. ----... —......... —. American...............................
Waikapu plantation................... Hawaiian corporation..................
Wilder, L. K........................... Hawaiian-born American...............
Wilder, G. P.................................do..................................
Young, Hee............................ Chinese.................................
Total......................................................................


Shares.


13
15
5
2
25
13
25
51
8
50
20
2
32
43
2
25
10
5
75
2
19
1
5
15
10
13
100
10
15
13
6
20
1
52
174
33
6
1
5
25
5
20
10
5
13
1, 000


Value.
$130
150
50
20
250
130
250
510
80
500
200
20
320
430
20
250
100
50
750
20
190
10
50
150
100
130
1,000
100
150
130
60
200
10
520
1,740
330
60
10
50
250
50
200
100
50
130
10,000


SUMMARY.
American......................................................................................        $6,267
Hawaiian-born American......................................................................             858
American-Hawaiian (half-caste)...............................................................            70.British........................................................................................     2,114
Hawaiian-born British.........................................................................           252
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)..................................................................            6
H awaiian.....................................................................................           162
Chinese........................................................................................  130
Portuguese....................................................................................            60
Norwegian....................................................................................         60
Germ  an..................................................................-.............      21
Total...................................................................................10,000




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1937


Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations-Continued.
HAWAIIAN CONSTRUCTION COMPANY, OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $439,800, in shares of $100 par value each.]
Shares.
Stockholders.                               Nationality.                   (pro-     Value.
portion
paid in).
Dillingham, B. F...................... American...............................           541      $54, 000
Paty, Mrs. J. H......................do..................................     160       16,000
Frear, W. (trustee).............. ---....... do..................................    57       5, 700
Frear,  W....................................do..................................      55       5,500
Ashley, W. G...............................do.................................            12       1, 200
Iankea, C. P........................... Hawaiian...............................            26       2,600
Foster, Mrs. T. R....................-. British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........       100      10,000
Von Holt, H........................... Hawaiian-born German.................               50       5,000
Robinson, Mrs. J.....-................ British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........  15        1, 500
Robinson, M. P............................do..................................            303      30,300
Castle, W. R -......................... Hawaiian-born American...............              300       30,000
Hatch, F. M........................... American...............................           200       20, 000
M ay, T................................  British..................................   250       25, 000
Liliuokalani.......................... Hawaiian...............................           120       12,000
Graham, W. M....................... American...............................               45        4,500
Total....................................................................       2,234      223,400
SUMMA RY.
American...................................................................................  $107, 000
Hawaiian-born American.....................................................................  30, 000
British........................................................................................    25, 000
British-Hawaiian (half-caste).................................................................      41, 800
Hawaiian........................................ —............................................      14, 600
Hawaiian-born German......................................................................           5,000
Total................................................................................... 223, 400
MUTUAL TELEPHONE COMPANY, OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $190,000, in shares of $10 par value each.]


Stockholders.                       Nationality.             Shares.   Value.


Allen, W. F............................
Allen, S. C.............................
Atherton, J. B........................
Austin, Mrs. K........................
Afong, C...............................
Afong, A..............................
Bishop & Co...........................
Bishop, C. R..........................
Beger Company.......................
Brown, C.............................
Brown, G..............................
Brown, Mrs. L.........................
Bolte, C................................
Babcock, C...........................
Bickerton, R. F........................
Beckley, G. C..........................
Boyd, J. H.............................
Buckle, Mary..........................
Brown, C. K., Mrs......................
Campbell, Jas........................
Castle & Cooke........................
Castle, G. P............................
Castle, W. R...........................
Cartwright, B.........................
Cummins, J. A........................
Cooke, C. M............................
Canha, E. S..............
Chang, Lee...........................
Clevior, J. S..........................
Clark, J., Mrs.............
Dreier, A..............................
Dreier, E.............................
Davies, T. H.& Co.............
Dayton, D.............................
Dowsett. J. I...........................
Lncas,...............................
Ales, C. (estate of).....................
S, Rep, 227 — 122


American...................................do........................................do........................................do.................................
Chinese.................................
Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste)...............do....................................
American firm..............................do....................................
German.................................
Hawaiian-born British..................
British....................................... do..................................
German................................
American...............................
British..................................
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)................. do....................................... do..................................
Swedish-Hawaiian (half-caste)..........
British..................................
American firm..........................
Hawaiian-born American..................... do........................................do..................................
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........
Hawaiian-born American...............
Portuguese.............................
Chinese.................................
British..................................
American-Hawaiian (half-castej........
German.................................
German-Hawaiian (half-caste)..........
British firm.............................
American.....................
Hawaiian-born British........................ do.................................
Chinee................................


100
202
220
20
20
10
10
1, 800
100
50
10
20
20
10
10
40
20
5
5
5
998
20
79
20
30
20
20
20
10
5
5
100
20
20
20
20
20
20


$1,000
2, 020
2, 200
200
200
100
100
18, 000
1, 000
500
100
200
200
100
100
400
200
50
50
50
9, 980
200
790
200
300
200
200
200
100
50
50
1,000
200
200
200
20Q
200
209




1938


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations8-Continued.
MUTUAL TELEPHONE COMPANY, OAHU-Continued.


Stockholders.     Nlationality.  Shares.  Value.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[.Sas__...alue.


Foster, E..............................
Foster, Mary E.-..-..................
Grinbanum   & Co............. —.
Gartenberg, A..-..............
Green, W. L (estate of)....-.........
Green, M.......-....... —...........
Green, F. M..-.....................
Her Majesty........................
Hollister & Co... —...-......I
Henderson.............................
Hopper, J. A....................
Hackfeld & Co........................
Hall, W. W....-................
Hall, M.D...-.....-....-....: —
Herbert A.............................
Hassinger, A..........................
Hyman Bros.................
lyman, M.............................
Hoting, J...........-...............
Horn, F.............................
Hayselden, F. H.......................
Irwin, WVm. G...........-...... ---.
Jaeger, A.........-.... --- —
Jaeger, A., Mrs...............
Jaeger, H............-.......-.......
Jaeger, Jas..................
Jaeger, I..................
Jaeger, I. A...........................
Juddl, C-..............................
Keellet, P. D.......................
Lewers, R............................
Lovejoy, J. H..-............-........
Lucas, G. W..........................
May, T.....-..............
Macfarlane, F. W.................
Monsarrat, M. D........................
Mow, Keeong C.......................
Maertens, W.....................
Monsarrat, J. M........................
McIntyre, H. E......................
McChesney & Sons....................
McKibbin, R...........................
Muh]endorf, P.........-.......... ---
Nolte, H.J.............................
Nott,J.................................
Phillips & Co., M......................
Puahi, L. K., Mrs... 
Renjes, H..............................
Robinson, M. P......................
Robinson, C. J., Mrs....................
Riemensehneider, H...................
Smith, H..............................
Spencer, S............................
Spreckels, C...........................
Spencer, E. J..........................
Spencer, E., Mrs.......................
Schaefer, F. A.........................
Sorenson, T............................
Smith, J.M............................
Smith, W. J...........................
Tenney, E. D..........................
Trousseau, G., Dr......................
Wideman, H. A.......................
Walker, J. S., estate...................
Wilder, S. G., estate...................
Waterhouse, J. T., jr...................
Waterhouse, H........................
Waterhouse, J. T......................
Wing Wo Chan........................
Wilcox, S. WV..........................
Wilcox, G. N..........................
Wilson, C. B..........................
Young, Chee..........................
Yee Chin..............................
Baker, J. T............................
Eawainui, B. W.......................
Mercedes, K...........................
Ward, Mrs............................


American...............................
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........
German firm............................
American.........................
British..................................
American......................... do..................................
Hawaiian..............................
American firm..........................
British.................
American...............................
German firm............................
Hawaiian-born American...............
American.................................. do....................................... do.................................
American firm.............................. do..................................
German................................. do..................................
British........................................do..................................
Gelrman.................................. do..................................
German-Hawaiian (half-caste)................ do.........................B... do................................... do..................................
Hawaiian-born American...............
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........
American...............................
Ga..................................
British...................................... do..................................
Hawaiian-born British................... do......do............................. —
Chinese.......................
German.................................
Hawaiian-born British.................
British.................................
American...............................
British..................................
German...............................
-....   o (o..................................
British..................................
American firm..........................
Hawaiian...............................
German..............-...........
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...............do...............................
German...... —....................... —
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)............
American....................................................................... do..
ora........................
DaGermnean.................................
Danewaiia-born.American-..............
American........................
British............................
American...............................
French..................................
German...............................
British..................................
American...............................
British.......    -.. -...........   -—. -......do......   -..-...................
Naturalized American.................
Chinese....-.................
Hawaiian-born American.................... do........................
British Tahitian (half-caste).........
Chinese.............................do..................................
Hawaiian.................................... do...............................
Portuguese.............................
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........


20
20
20
10
10
10
10
35
45
10
25
20
20
20
20
10
20
20
5
10
20
800
5
200
100
100
100
100
20
20
20
10
5
50
10
5
20
10
20
120
20
20
20
5
10
20
10
10
20
60
5
40
20
20
20
20
20
5
10
10
20
20
1, 035
40
10
20
20
10
20
20
20
20
10
10
10
8
3
20
7,900


$200
200
200
100
100
100
100
350
450
100
250
200
200
200
200
100
200
200
50
100
200
8, 000
50
2,000
1,000
1, 000
1, 000
1, 000
200
200
200
100
50
500
100
50
200
100
200
1,200
200
200
200
50
100
200
100
100
200
600
50
400
200
200
200
200
200
50
100
100
200
200
10,350
400
100
* 200
200
100
200
200
200
200
100
100
100
80
30
200
79, o000


Total.................................................................




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1939


Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations-Continued.
SUMMARY.
American..................................................................................... $2, 020
British.......................................................................................          2, 480
German.......................................................................................            15,150
Hawaiian-born British.......................................................................                850
Hawaiian-born American............................................................       2,290
British-Hawaiian (half-caste).................................................................  2, 500
Chinese.......................................................................................            1,100
Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste)................................................................               200
H awaiian.....................................................................................             630
German-Hawaiian (half-caste)................................................................              4,200
Swede........................................................................................              50
Portuguese...................................................................................               230
American-Hawaiian (half-caste)..............................................................                 50
Dane..........................................................................................         50
French.......................................................................................               200
Total...................................................................................          79,000
OAHU RAILWAY AND LAND COMPANY, HONOLULU, OAHU.
[Hawaiian Corporation; capital stock, $700,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]


Stockholders.                         Nationality.              Shares.  Value.


Dillingham, B. F......................
Robinson, M. P........................
Castle, W. R..........................
Castle, S. N........................
Dowsett, J. I..........................
Hatch, F. M...........................
Lewers, R.............................
Jaeger, Mrs. A.........................
Wilder, W. C.........................
Jaeger, A.........................
Whitney, J. M.........................
Walker, T./..........................
Foster, W..............................
Allen, W. F............................
Lowrie, Mrs. A. L.....................
Allen, S. C. -.-............... --- —----
Paty,J.H......................
Paty, Julia A..........................
Poor,H. F.............................
Monsarrat, J. M.......................
Hustace, C., jr.........................
Bishop, S. E........................
Brown, Frank.................
Rowe, E. C.............................
Green, Mrs. A.........................
Thurston. L. A........................
Mist, H. W............................
Forster, W. E..........................
Frear, W..............................
Atherton, J. B....................
Afong, C...............................
Wong, Ah In..........................
Winter, F. L...........................
Kind, R.R.............................
Torbert J. L...........................
Von Holt, H. M........................
Stiles, E..............................
McStocker, F. B....................
Kanoa, P.P............................
May, T.................................
Hobron, T. E..................
Ashley, W. G.........................
Dillingham, M. E......................
Dillingham, W. F......................
Dillingham. H. G......................
Toler, Mrs. A.........................
Dillingham, M. E.......................
Spencer, J. G...........................
Dillingham, E. L.......................
Smith, D. B............................
Hill, W................................
Austin, J..............................
Hawaiian Construction Co.............
Total............................


American.....................
British Hawaiian (half-caste)...........
Hawaiian-born American...............
American.....................
Hawaiian-born British..................
American................................  do..................................
German.................................
American...............................
German.................................
American...............................
British..................................
American..................................... do.......................................do........................................ do........................................do........................................do..................................
Hawaiian-born American...............
Hawaiian-born British..................
1 awaiian-born American..................... do..................................
British........................................ do........................................do.............................
Hawaiian-born American...............
British........................................do..................................
American...................................  do..............................
Chinese.................................
Chinaman..............................
American................................
British..................................
Hawaiian-born American...............
EHawaiian-born German.................
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........
American...............................
Hawaiian...............................
British..................................
American...............................
do.................................
Hawaiian-born American................
do................................
do.................................
American...............................
Hawaiian-born American...............
American...............................
Hawaiian-born American...............
American...............................
British.................................
American...............................
American firm..........................


3, 542
1,184
242
390
10
22
10
2
10
10
3
10
10
15
1
10
10
4
21
16
55
5
7


5
5
5
115
5
25
105.2
55
174
2
60
5
5
50
28
200
26
10
10
10
7
10
7
257
5
16
5
200
7,000


$354, 200
118, 400
24, 200
39, 000
1 000
2, 200
1, 000
200
1,000
1, 000
300
1,000
1,000
1,500
100
1, 000
1,000
400
2, 100
1,600
200
5, 500
500
700
500
500
500
11,500
500
2, 500
10,500
200
5, 500
17, 400
200
6,000
500
500
5, 000
2,800
20,000
2,600
1,000
1, 000
1,000
700
1,000
700
25,700
500
1,600
500
20,000
700,000




1940                                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Hawaiian oorporations other than sugar plantations-Continued.
SUMMARY.
Ameiean.................................................................................... $456, 700
Hawaiiax-born American......0.............................................................              62,400
British........................................................................................         36, 600
Hawaiian-bern British.!......................................................................           2,60
Rritish-Hawaiiaa (hklf-caste)................................................................. 11, 600
German.......................................................................................            1,200
Hawaiian-born German.......................................................................              6, 00
Chinese.......................................................................................         10, 70
Hawaiian.....................................................................................            5, e00
Total.................................................................................. 700,000
PItRSS PUBLISHING COMITNY, OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock, $16,000 in shares of $25 par value each.]
Stockholders.                                Nationality.                   Shares.    Value.
Thrum, T. G.......................... British..................................           522     $13,050
Thrum, T. G.~~~~~British.522                                                               $13, 050
Dillingham, B. F....................... American...............................               30          750
Reynolds, W. F........................ British..................................               20          600e
Spencer, J. G-.......................... American...............................             18          450
Castle, W. R........................... HIawaiian-born American...............                12          3,0
Bond, B. D. & E. C...........................do..................................             20          500
Lowrie, W. J............-....... ---.. American...............................              5          125
Stolz,F.L...................................doFLdo.5                                                     125...........:-," -" -  5  125
Nott,J... ----------------      -----—.-. — 1Naturalizedk American..................          4          100
Foster, W. E........................... British..................................               4          100
Total......................................................................           64        16,000
SUMMARY.
British........................................................................................ $18,650
American.....................................................................................    1,550
Hawaiian-born American.......................................................................              800
Total.................................................................................... 16,000


PEOPLE'S ICE AND REFRIGERATING COMPANY, HONOLULU, OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $150,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]


Stockholders.


Ables, L. C...........................
Alexander, A., Mrs...................
Allen, W. F............................
Austin, Jonathan.....................
Austin. S.L...........................
Austin, Mrs. S. L......................I
Austin, S.E...........................
Banning, B. R........................
Bolles, Mrs. J.........................
Bishop, C. R...........................
Bingham, Miss E. K...................
Buckle, Mary..........................
Castle, G. P............................
Cartwright, A. J.......................
Carpenter, H. E........................
Cleghorn, A. S.........................
Cooke, L., Mrs........................
Collins, D..............................
Cooke, C. M............................
Dole, A., Mrs..........................
Dowsett, D., Miss......................
Damon, S. M. (trustee)................
Forbes, M. J., Mrs.....................
Fisher, J. H...........................
Gonsalves, M. A.......................
Grieve, R..............................
Gurney, C. F., estate..................
Hall, VW. W............................
Hall, M.D., Mrs.......................
Hackfeld,J.F.........................
Henderson, B. A., Mrs.................
#qbrpo, st*t.,..........


Nationality.
American...............................
Hawaiian-born American...............
American.....................................do........................................do........................................do........................................do..................................
Hawaiian-born German.................
American.....................................do..................................
Hawaiian-born American...............
British.-Hawaiian (?) (half-caste)........
Hawaiian-born American..................... do.................................
American...............................
British..................................
Hawaiian-born American...............
British..................................
Hawaiian-born American...............
American...............................
Hawaiian-born British..................
Hawaiian-born American...............
American..................................... do..................................
Portuguese.............................
British.................................
Hawaiian-born American................... do..................do..................................
America,..............................
German.........................
British..................................
A.eri.a.....,...,...,....  [


Shares.   Value.


78
12
29
8
1
1*
46
10
7
65
3
I
12
26
13
14
2
25
30
3
3
8
7
50
1
2
16
6
20
16
Q40


$7,800. 00
1,200.00
2,900.00
800.00
100.00
133.33
4,600.00
1,000. 00
700.00
6,500.00
300.00
66.67
1, 200.00
2, 600.00
1,300.00
1,400.00
200. 00eo
2,500.00
3, 020. 00
300. 00
300.00
800.00
700.00
5,000.0
lee0.00
200.00
200.00
1,600.00
600.00
2, 000o.o00
1,600.00
14. 00.o0




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1941


Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations-Continued.
PEOPLE'S ICE AND REFRIGERATING COMPANY, HONOLULU, OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $150,000, in shares of $100 par value each.-Continued.]


Stockholders.                      Nationality.             Shares.  Value.


Hobron, T. W..........................
Hosmer, S.K...........................
Hosmer, F. A.......................
Howell, Jas...........................
Hatch, F. M...........................
Hosier, Wm.......................
Hyde, Mary T.........................
Johnson, A. F., Miss..................
Judd, A. F............................
Jones, E. A...........................
Xaiulani, H. R. H.....................
Kaaepa, M., Mrs......................
Keil, E. A......................
Kaehu Wahine........................
Knight, E. B., Miss...................
Kruse, M. T., Mrs.............
Lydgate, J. M..........................
Lewis & Co............................
Lsvitt, M. C., Mrs......................
May, T........................
Mist, J., Mrs...........................
Mist, E.....................
Mist, H. W. M.........................
Mist, H. M.............................
Mist, H. W............................
Marchant, L., (estate of)...........
Makaihona & Kalahiki...............
McKibbin, R.........................
McCandles, J. A...............
McCandlea, L. L.......................
McCandles, J. S........................
McCandles, E., Mrs....................
McStocker, F. B....................
Nott, M rs..............................
Pratt, J., Mrs..........................
Parker, M., Mrs.......................
Reed, J. S., Mrs........................
Smith, W. 0...........................
Soper, J. H., Mrs......................
Staples, L. M., Mrs....................
Steiner Jas......................
Severence, H. C........................
Thurston, L. A. (trustee)..............
Wilder, J. K......................
Wilder, S. G. (estate of)................
Wilder, E. 1K., Mrs.....................
Wilcox, H. H..........................
Wilcox, Mrs. K........................
White, E. 0...........................
Wood, J. Q...................
Walbridge, Mrs. R. D.................
Walker, J. S..........................
Wilder & Co...........................
Walsh, E. M...........................


Hawaiian-born American...............
American...............................
British..................................
American.....................................do................................. do..............................
Hawaiian-born American.....................do........................................do..................................
British-Hawaiian (half-castes)..........
Hawaiian...............................
American...............................
Hawaiian...............................
American.............................
British'..................................
British.................................
American firm..........................
American...............................
British........................................ do..................................
Hawaiian-born British...................... do........................................ do.............................
British................................
American...............................
Hawaiians..............................
British..................................
American.....................................do........................................ do........................................ do........................................do.................................
British..................................
A merican..............................
Hawaiian-born American...............
American................................
Hawaiian-born American................
British..................................
American...............................
German.................................
Hawaiian-born American............-......do............................do................................
American.................................d.... d....................
Hawaiian-born American..............
Hawaiian..............................
Hawaiian-born American..............
American..............................
Hawaaian-born American...............
British.................................
American firm.........................
American...............................


33
2
8
12
16
35
10
3
14
1
10
4
10
*
4
5
5
10
6
18
4
1
3
1
1
10
14
20
55
44
20
5
25
6
6
2
1i
9
34
6
20
20
22
23
131
20
26
1i
6
5
2
9
19
108
1,500


$3,300.00
200.00
800.00
1,200.00
1,600.00
3,500.00
1,000.00
300.00
1, 400.00
100.00
1, 000. 00
400.00
1, 000. 00
66. 67
400.00
500.00
500. 00
1,000. 00
605. 00
1, 800.00
400. 00
100. 00
300.00
100. 00
100.00
1, 000.00
133. 33
2,000.00
5, 500.00
4,400.00
2,000.00
500.00
2, 500.00
600.00
600.00
200.00
133.33
900.00
333.33
60oo. 00
2,000.00
2,000. 00
2,200.00
2,300.00
13,100.00
2,000.00
2, 600. 00
133.34
600.00
500.00
200. 00
900.00
1,900.00
10,800.00
150, 000. 00


Total..............................................................


SUMMARY.
American....................................................................................    $101,067
Hawaiian-born American.....................................................................       27, 200
British.........................................................................................  14, 033
H awaiian.born  British.......................................................................      800
British-Hawaiian (half caste).................................................................     1, 067
German.......................................................................................     4,000
Hawaiian.....................................................................................      733
Hawaiian-born German......................................................................         1, 000
Port  guese..............................................................................,....      100
Total.................................................................................. 150, 000




1942


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations-Continued.
UNION FEED COMPANY, HONOLULU, OAHU.


(Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $75, 000, in shares of $50 par value each.]
Stockholders.                                Nationality.                  Shares.     Value.
Macfarlane, F. W...................... Hawaiian-born British..................               788      $39,400
Rackfeld, J. F......................... German             -          -................................. 110  5,500
Cartwright, A. J...................... Hawaiian-born.American..........      100         5,000
Spreckels & Co., J. D.................. American firm..........................               100        5,000
Hackfeld & Co., H..................... German firm...............                           100        5,000
Allen, W. F............................ American...............................               100        5,000
Brown, Mrs. J. H............................do..................................               55        2,750
Cartwright, Broce..................... Hawaiian-born American...............                  40         2,000
Brown, Mrs. M. J...................... British..................................              30        1,500
Vida, Mrs. K. L........................ American...............................                20        1,000
Macfarlane, F. W. (trustee).......... British-Hawaiian (half caste)...........               15          750
Cornwell, Mrs...................... HAmerican...............................            12           600
Macfarlane, Mrs. H. R................. Hawaiian-born British..................    10          500
Pratt, Mrs. Dr......................... American...............................                10          500
Vida, P. R............................. Hawaiian-born Chilian..................                8          400
Macfarlane, G. W. & E. C.............. Hawaiian-born British..................                 2          100
Total......................................................................        1,500       $75,000


SUMMARY.
British.........................................................................................      $1,500
Hawaiian-born British......................................................................... 40,000
British-Hawaiian (half-caste)..................................................................          750
A merican......................................................................................       14,850
Hawaiian-born American......................................................................           7,000
German........................................................................................        10,000
Hawaiian-born Chilian........................................................................          400
Total....................................................................................      75,000
WOODLAWN DAIRY AND) STOCK COMPANY, HONOLULU, OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $100,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]
Stockholders.                               Nationality.                  Shares.     Value.
Dillingham, B. F...................... American...............................     992      $99,200
Spencer, J.G................................do..................................             8          800
Total......................................................................        1,000     100,000
WILDER'S STEAMSHIP COMPANY H                       OLU, HO $OLULU, OAHU.
(Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $500,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]


Wilder, W.C.......................... American...............................
Bishop, C. R.................................do..................................
Rose, S. B....................................do..
Tucker, E. W................................do..................................
Wilder, S. G., estate of.......................do..................................
W  ight, L. R..................................do..................................
Wilder, G.P........................... Hawaiian-born American...............
Beckley, G.C.......................... British-Hawaiian (half-caste)...........
Henderson; B. A....................... British.................................
M ay, T......................................do..................................
Lamb, I. E............................. American..............................
Wilder, S. G........................... Hawaiian-born American...............
Boardman, Jennie..................... American...............................
Wilder, E. K.......................... Hawaiian-born American...............
Wilder, H. K...............................do..................................
Brash, W. G........................... British..................................
Austin, S. B.......................... Hawaiian-born American............
Boardman, G. E.............................do..................................
Dickson, John......................... British..................................
Wilder, J. A........................... Hawaiian-born American...............
Wilder, L....................................do..................................
Hebron, T. H., estate of............... American..............................
Thurston,, L. A., trustee.............. Hawaiian-born American...............
Hokir. T. W.............................do.................................




45
250
3
5
2, 283
30
7
116
37
13
127
20
12
40
6
10, 20
10
9
20
20
50
25
20


$4,500
25, 000
300
500
228,300
3,000
700
11, 600
3, 700
1,300
12,700
20,000
1,200
4,000
600
1,000
2.000
1,000
900
2,000
2,000
5,000
2,500
s, 0




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations-Continued.
WILDER'S STEAMSHIP COMPANY, HONOLITLUI, OAHU-Continued.


1943


Stockholders.
Judd, A. F., trustee...................
Dickson, H. J.........................
Allen, W. F...........................
Brash, W. G., executor.............
Parke, A. S............................
Parke, J. S.............................
Lyons, E. W.........................
Rowell, M. J...........................
Purvis, R. W. T........................
Wilcox, S. W..........................
Wilcox, G. N..........................
Judd, A. F.............................
White, E. O............................
Wilcox, A. S...........................
Hoffman, M. L......................
Hyde, M. T...........................
Beckwith, E. S.........................
Lidgate, J. M..........................
Carpenter, H. E................
lillebrand, H. L....................
FHackfeld, J. F........................
Bosse, C...............................
Soper, J. H..........................
Halstead, E..................
Thurston, C. S., estate.................
Wilder, Mrs. W. C....................
Lindemann, E........................
Howie, A. C............... ---...........
Walbridge, Mrs. B. P..............
Lackland, Mrs. A......................
Irwin, W. G...........................
Jndd, H. S.............................
Hocking, A.......................
Allen, C. C.............................
Judd, A. H. B..........................
Lackland, W. 0..............
Total............................


Nationality.
Hawaiian-born American..................... do................................
American...............................
British...................................Hawaiian-born American.................... do..................................
—..   do..................................
American...............................
British.........................
IHawaiian-born American................ do......................................... do...................................do.......................................
American............................ do................................do..................................
lBritish..................................
American...............................
Hawaiian-born American............
German.................................
G erman.....................
British...........................
British...................................
Hawaiian-born American...........
American. —           ---------—.................. German.................................
British..................................
American......................-   do..................................
British..................................
Hawaiian-born American......... —.
British..................................
American ---—.........................Hawaiian-born American...............
American..............................




Shares.   Value.
8        $800
5         500
20       2,000
15       1, 500
55       5, 500
2         200
4         400
16       1, 600
10       1, 000
200      20, 000
250      25, 000
21       2,100
2(0      2,000
250      25,000
10       1,000
10       1, 000
10       1,000
9         900
9         900
16       1,600
200      20,000
30       3,000
3         300
25       2,500
5         500
10       1,000
5         500
20       2, 000
2         200
5         500
500      50,000
22       2,200
20       2,000
4         400
16       1, 600
15       1,500
5, oo000  500,000


SUMMARY.
American..................................................................................        $291, 600
Hawaiian-born American...................................................................     106,200
British......................................................................................       67,100
British-Hawaiian (half-castes)..............................................................        11,600
German.....................................................................................           23,500
Total................................................................................        500,000
NORTH PACIFIC PHOSPHATE AND FERTILIZER COMPANY, OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $100,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]
Stockholders.                               Nationality.                  Shares.    Value.
Wilcox, G. N........................... Hawaiian-born American...............             290     $29, 000
Spencer, C. N.......................... American...............................           175       17, 500
Freeth, G. D........................... British..................................         175       17, 500
Hackfeld & Co., H..................... German firm...........................   150       15, 000
Wilcox, A. S..........................    Hawaiian-born American..............     145      14, 500
Spencer, L. D........................     American...........................       45       4,500
Smith, W. 0.......................... Hawaiian-born American...............                10       1,000
Rosehill, A........................... Sweden.................................              5         500
Lyons, A. B................... American...............................          5          500
Total.......................................................................      1, 000    100,000
SUMMARY.
American...................................................................................... $22,500
Hawaiian-born American....................-......................................... 44,500
British........................1................................................................      17,500
German.......................................................................................        15,000
Sweden......................................................................................       500
Total.................................................................................... 100,000




4 rs * j




1944                                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations-Continued.
WOODLAWN FRUIT COMPANY (LIMITED), OAHU.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $30,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]
Shares
Stockholders.                                Nationality.                  (propor-    Value
tion paid
in).
McCarthy, C. J......................... American...............................              45         $700
Love, J.............................. British.................                              5          100
Harrison, A.................................. do................                  5          100
Cartwright, B............... Hawaiian-born American...............                      25          350
Walker, J. S., jr........................ Hawaiian-born British..................            40          600
Morgan, J. F................................ do..................................           50        1.000
Hustace,F............................. Hawaiian-born American...............                  10          200
McCorriston, D........................ British..................................              5          100
Morgan, E. J........................... Hawaiian-born British...............      10          150
McChesney, P. W. (trustee)........... American...............................                30          600
Harrison, F........................... British..................................             25          500
Timble, G.................................... do.................................             5          100
Law, Chong............................ Chinese............................          10          200
Devlin, J.............................. American...............................              10          200
Wo Sing............................... Chinese................................                 5          100
Bowler, J. F............................ American...............................   20       400
Total.......................................................................          300        5,400
SUMMARY.
American.................................................................................... $1,900
Hawaiian-born American.....................................................................  550
B riish........................................................................................     900
Hawaiian-born British.....................................................................      1, 750
Chinese........................................................................................           300
Total....................................................................................        5, 400
PUULOA SHEEP AND STOCK RANCH COMPANY, HAWAII.
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $60,000, in shares of $100 par value each.]


Stockholders.              Nationality.       Shares. Value.
Macfalane, G. W....................... Hawaiian-born British.................. 00  $60, 000
No. 33.
Mr. Carter to Mr. Blount.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, July 6, 1893.
Sin: Regarding elections held in this Kingdom prior to 1887 as to
the proportion of foreign residents other than Asiatics, who were qualified voters for representatives, I may say that I had a personal interest
in two elections prior to 1880, one in Honolulu, island of Oahu, and one
in Wailuka, island of Maui, and was alto a candidate for Honolulu, on
two occasions between 1880 and 1887; that I was familiar with the lists
of voters, and can safely say that less than 30 per cent of the foreign
residents were naturalized.
Very respectfully, yours,
J. O. CARTER.
His Excellency JAMES H. BLOUNT,
U. S. Minister Resident, etc.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   1945
NO. 34.
Mr. Jones to Mr. Blount.
HEADQUARTERS ANNEXATION CLUB,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, July 9, 1893.
In answer to your communication of May I would say that the
names on our great register to date are 5,500 and that we are advised
of 190-odd on rolls not yet entered, on the other islands.
Of those which are entered I would estimate that 1,218 are American,
being 90-odd per cent of the total number of Americans on the islands,
and 20-odd per cent of those on the club rolls; English 251, being 26
per cent of those on the islands, and 4 per cent of club rolls.
One thousand and twenty-two Hawaiians, being 11 per cent of those
on islands and 18 per cent of club rolls.
Two thousand two hundred and sixty-one Portuguese, being 73 per
cent of Portuguese on islands and 41 per cent of club rolls.
Sixty-nine Norwegians, being 50 per cent of those on islands and I
per cent of club rolls.
Three hundred and fifty-one Germans, being 53 per cent of those on
islands and 6 per cent of club rolls.
Others 328, unclassified.
I have the honor to be, your obedient servant,
J. W. JONES,
Secretary Annexation Club.
Hon. J. H. BLOUNT,
United States Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary.
No. 35.
Mr. Macfarlane to Mr. Blount.
HONOLULU, July 13, 1893.
SIR: In obedience to your request I append herewith a list of the
members of the Legislature of 1892, classified under the political parties
represented in that session of the Legislature, by which you will see
that theNationals  numbered........................................................... 1
Reformers numbered..........................................................  11'
Liberals numbered.-.............................................. 15
Independents numbered......................................................  
Total-............. —................................ 52
The above fifty-two members comprising a full legal legislature, viz:
Nobles...................................................  24
Representatives..........................................  24
Cabinet ministers.................................4...............-........... 4
Total...................................................................  52
Of the three "Independents " noted above, two of them, Messrs. Hind
and Dreier, on every important vote joined with the Nationals and
throughout the session were always counted in the ranks of that party,
while Mr. Kauki generally followed in the lead of the Reform party.




1946                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
At the commencement of the session, then, with this disposition of'
the three Independent members, the House then stood:
N ationals-.................................... 20
Reform-......................18
Liberals-..................................... 1
Total-...................................52
In organizing the House Mr. J. S. Walker (National) was elected
president by acclamation. The real contest was -upon the election of
the secretary-all three parties placing candidates in nomination, as
follows: C. J. McCarthy (National), J. A. Low (Reform), ID. L. Kekumano (Liberal).
On the first ballot 46 votes were cast, of which McCarthy (national)
received 22; Low (reform) received 14; Kekumnano (liberal) received 10.
There was no election, a majority being required. On the second
ballot 45 votes were cast, resulting in the election of the national candidate upon the following vote: McCarthy (national), 23; Low (reform),
20; Kekumano (liberal), 2.
The nationals likewise succeeded in electing the balance of the officers
of the House, in spite of a fusion of the liberals and reform party.
At no time during the last session of the Legislature could the reform
party carry through any measures without the assistance of either of
the other two parties. A combination was finally effected between the
reform and liberal parties, and an attempt was made to vote out the
Macfarlane-Neumaun ministry (national), but they failed to carry the
resolution of want of confidence by one vote.
A second attempt was made shortly thereafter and the ministry was
retired.
The reform party then formed a ministry, but not being acceptable
to the nationals and liberals, the two latter fawtions combined and in
turn the Wilcox-Robin son cabinet was voted out on the day preceding
the4ast day of the session.
The Queen. appointed a new cabinet on the last day of the session
and then prorogaed the Legislature.
The revolution followed within a couple of days thereafter.
I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant,
E. C. MACFARLANEJ.
His Excellency J. II1. BLOUNT,
United S3tates Minister Plenipotentiary, etc., Hfonolulu.
Classification- of the mentbers of the Legislature of 18924 with respect to parties.
Nationals.               Reform.         Liberals.
1. Parker-.................... 1. Kaukane - 1........  Bipikane.
2. Widemaun-................. 2. J. M. Horner-...... 2. Asliford...Spencer-................... 3. W albridge -........ 3. Aki.
4. W hiting-................... 4. Anderson -........ 4. S. K. Pun.
5. Walker-.................... 5. Thurston -........ 5. R. W. Wilcox.
6. Berger-.................... 0. G. N. Wilcox -...... 6. Bush.
7. Ena......................7. Ka-noa...........7. Nawahi.
8. Macfarlane..............  8. Wilder..........8. Koahou.
9. 1). M. Pua-.................. 9. Kaluna -......... 9. Kamancha.
10. Peterson...................10. Josefa...........10. Nnhiun.
11. (Cummmns-..................11. W. 0. Smith —1 --- —I1. White.
12. Williams...................12. A. S. Wilcox -----— 12. K.anatis.
13. Neumann...................13. W. Y. Horner ----— 13. Akina.
14. Hloapili....................14. A.. Horner. --- —-— 14. Edwards.
15. Cornwell...................15. Baldwin.........
16. Rapala....................16. Marsden.........
17. IIKaunamano.................17. Young..........
18. Waipuilani......................I...........
Inde~pendents.-Hind, Dreier, Kauli.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1947


No. 36.
Mr. Macfarlane to Mr. Blount.
HONOLULU, July 13, 1893.
SrR: In answer to your inquiry as to the rate of taxation imposed
upon real and personal property in the Hawaiian Kingdom commencing from the reign of Kalakaua to the present time, I have the honor
to inform you that the rate of taxation was three-quarters of one per
centum up to 1886, and from that time forward the rate has been 1
per centum on the assessed valuation.
I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant,
E. C. MACFARLANE.
His Excellency J. H. BLOUNT,
United States Minister, etc.
No. 37.
Mr. Macfarlane to Mr. Blount.
HONOLULU, July 13, 1893.
SiR: Pursuant to your request, I herewith submit a statement of
monies expended by the Hawaiian Government on account of immigration, which amount has been appropriated by the legislature from
time to time, as hereinbelow mentioned. The amounts so expended
were in aid of our sugar-planters, who were in need of cheap labor for
their plantations.
1864-'66..................  $3,584.75  1880-'82..................  100,000.00
1866-'68..................  5,000.00 1882-'84..................  473,050.86
1868-'70..............  30,000.00  1884-'86.................  327,257.81
1870-'72.-......... --- —--.  15, 000.00  1886-'88....... -.......  71,398.90
1872-'74...............................   1888-90..................  12, 246.69
1874-'76..................  16, 098.23  1890-'92..................  17,878.23
1876-'78..................  48, 997.61
1878-'80..................  60, 807.79  Total.......... $1,181,320.87
The foregoing $1,181,320.87 expended for immigration was for Portuguese laborers from the Azores and for Asiatics, and the figures are
collated from the departmental reports of the successive biennial
periods.
I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant,
E. C. MACFARLANE.
His excellency J. H. BLOUNT,
United States Minister Plenipotentiary, etc.
No. 38.
Lieut. Young to Mr. Blount.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, July 16, 1893.
DEAR SIR: During the day of the 17th of January, 1893, at Arion
Hall I was in command of the artillery.
Capt. Wiltse said to me: "I will not allow any fighting in the
city."
Very respectfully yours,
LUCIEN    O UN G
Lieutenant, U. S. Navy.
Hon. J. H. BLOUNT,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands.




1948


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


No. 39.
Mr. Macfarlane to Mr. Blount.
MY DEAR MR. 3ILOUNT: I send you the copies of the lottery peti
tions duly attested by the clerk of the Legislative Assembly (C. J.
McCarthy), whose certificate I have been waiting for all this time. This
is my reason for not sending these lists before.
Accompanying these lists I send you another list showing the names
of those who are connected with the Provisional Government, also a
list of prominent mechanics. Both of these lists are taken from among
the signers of the lottery petitions.
Also find affidavit of Phillips and Rooney, who certify to the genuineness of the signatures. Mr. Phillips was the president of the Mechanics' Union and a noble of the Legislature of 1890. Mr. Rooney has
been for many years a sugar plantation manager.
Very respectfully,
E. C. MACFARLANE.
His Excellency J. H. BLOUNT.
To Hon. J. S. Walker, C. 0. Berger, John Ena, Paul Neumann, J. A. Cummins,
J. N. S. Williams. E. C, Macfarlane, A. P. Peterson, and D. W. Pua, Nobles of
the National Reform Party:
DEAR SIRS: We are informed that a measure is now before the Legislature, which,
if it becomes a law, will result in the yearly expenditure of $500,000 within, or for
the benefit of, this country.
We would respectfully call your attention to the fact that we believe this offer
can not be overlooked or refused. We hereby, as your constituents, earnestly ask
you to favor the proposed bill. We believe, if the bill becomes a law, that it will
solve the distressing financial problem which now confronts the country; we believe
it will restore the national credit; we believe it will prevent any danger of financial disaster; we believe the passage of the bill will open a new era of prosperity
both national and individual.
Furthermore, we believe that the condition of the country financially is such that
all questions of sentiment must be set aside and the proposed relief accepted if we
are to retain our national independence; and a proper development of our resources
can never be accomplished without the assistance tendered.
To refuse this proposition is political and commercial suicide, and we hasten to
inform you con cerning our feelings on the question, and again we urge you to leave
no stone unturned to further the accomplishment of this project.
J. J. Williams.          J. H. Hunt.              John Schleif.
W. H. Charlock, jr.      Jas. Hire.               F. M. Lewis.
J. S. Walker, jr.        Theod. H. Boehme.        E. A. Mclnerny.
H. G. McGrew.            S. F. Graham.            N. S. Sachs.
Hart & Co.               W. Lucas.                Hugh Gunn.
Chas. J. Fishel.         Club Stables Co.         F. Gertz.
Thos. Krouse.            S. I. Shaw.              M. G. Silva.
E. Vandoorn.             J. A. Gonsalves.         J. W. Fernandez.
A. L. Cron.              Geo. C. Stratemeyer.     M. S. Levy.
M. E. Grossman.          J. D. Tregloan.          Chas. L. Brown.
A. McWayne.              Chas. M. Keahinui.       E. R. Stackable.
A. F. Medeiros & Co.     Geo. W. Smith.           W. 0. Lackland.
J. P. Rodriguez.         E. Hammer.               W. R. Chilton.
Joe S. Alves.            H. F. Lewis.             Henry Congdon.
W. Miller.               P. G. Goldsworthy.       Chas. Hammer.
L. W. Toussaint.         J. T. McKeague.          M. Davis.
W. Larsen.              IH. A. Juen.
I hereby certify that the foregoing is a true and correct copy of the original thereof
now on file in the archives of the legislative assembly of 1892.
C. J. MCCARTHY,
Clerk legislative assembly of 1892.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 23d day of May, A. D. 1893.
[SEAL.]                                                 F. J. TESTA,
Notary Public, First Judicial Circuit.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1949


ro HOn. JOHN S. WALKER,
Pre8ident of the, Legi8 ature:
SiR: We, the undersigned, citizens of Honolulu, respectfully represent thlat they are
informed and believe that there is now before your honorable body a bill for the
purpose of granting a franchise for the purpose of establishing and maintaining an
international lottery for an annual subsidy $500,000 to be paid to the Hawaiian Government for certain purposes therein set forth which tend to the permanent improvement and prosperity of this Kingdom.
Feeling certain that unless this measure becomes a law this improvement will
not become an accomplished fact for a great many years, if ever, owing to the financial depression and outlook of the conntry. we earnestly recommend and petition
14that the said biUJ pass and become a law as being a financial measure of necessity.


John F. Bowler.
J. J. Sullivan.
B. Ordenstein.
T. Honan.
L. A. Sykes.
W. J. Ramsey.
Manual Phillips.
M. N. Kennedy.
Martin Coleman.
James Wallace.
John Clark.
S. I. Shaw.
D. W. Roach.
P. M. Rooney.
J. Lucas.
Henry Wright.
Thos. Wright.
F'redreco Freitas.
John McLain.
J. Galbraith.
Geo. Ritmnan.
James Monkhouse.
Thomas Rewcastle.
J. Reynolds.
J. W. MacDonald.
G. J. Cavanaugh.
W. L. Cottrell.
Peter O'Sullivan.
F. H. Cooper.
Joe. Ferreira.
D. McCorriston.
J. P. Bowen.
Robti. Waialeale.
William E. Tirrell.
J. O'Conner.
H. G. Wootten.
W. H. Bromley.
D. Porter Johnson.
Ralph Turner.
Henry Turner.
G. E. Barker.
J. H. Taylor.
P. Hughes.
William McLaren.
Wllliam. Boyd.
H. McCubbin.
Eugene B. Lee.
A. Paaniani.
J. Kekele.
Ben Johanssan.
Gus Schuman.
J. Y7. Angus.
Richard Day.
Win. F. Heilbron.
W. E. Edmondson.
J. T. Wright.
Albert Lacais.


C. J. Sherwood.
F. Goudie.
J., A. McGuire.
Elmas Froomberg.
Geo. W. R. King.
Win. Love.
G. W. Patterson.
James Brown.
S. Kea.
J. C. Quinn.
Sam. IKu Lla.
R. A. Carlile.
E. C. Rowe.
N. Peterson.
Fred. Harrison.
Edw. H. F. Wolter.
Kea.
John H. Elling.
Samuel Kekohoni.
Kalauwalu.
Peter Travens.
T. Hollinger.
J. E. Carroll.
W. W. Wright.
John F. Ashworth.
S. B. Champain.
George Ward.
F. H. Redward,
J. S. Andrade.
E. F. Imhof.
J. Silva.
Wallace Jackson.
Geo. Nichorls.
H1. Armitage.
Fred Philp.
Chas. Nelson,
Fritz Rowold.
D. H. Kahanamolin.
John C. White.
Thos. Pryce.
John Benito.
Cain D. Wiliokai.
Geo. Lycurgus.
G. Mutller.
Peter Keawe.
Antone Recard.
F. Fisher.
John Burke.
W. Kaluwa.
T. A. Simpson.
W. H. Tiaylor.
Manuel Fruize.
E. R. Ryan.
W. T McDonald.
W. M. Cunningham.
Queriuis Fernandez.
Thos. Lindsay.


P. J. Higgins.
W. M. Graham.
C. Klenmeu.
H. Brack.
Frank G omes.
Nakea I. D.
W. Bix.
John Palau.
Robt. Gardner.
Thos. Carpenter.
Richard Hogan.
Win. T. O'Gallaron.
Geo. Hawkins.
John A. French.
H. Kaia.
F. L. Leslie.
C. R. Dernent.
Z. L. Doane.
L. J. Levey.
D. McKinzie.
J. D. Conn.
W. Kahele.
Makaiwa.
Chas. Andrew.
Andrew Brown.
Albertus Kannigiessen.
James Veary.
J. A. McKinzie.
H. D. Roberts.
A. Turner.
Chas. Peter.
C. Klemine.
F. J. Souza.
H. Wagesend.
J. H. Lovejoy.
Arthur White.
H. F. Gibbs.
W. J. Donnelly.
John Graham.
J. T. Sylvey.
John T. Campbell.
Thos. P. McCarthy
James Fitzgerald.
P. Mclner-ny.
J. T. Downey.
Geo. P. Denison.
C. Fisher.
W. F. Sharratt.
H. T. Devoll.
A. Brown.
G. W. Lincoln.
T. W. Matthews.
John Riley.
E. Lacy.
Be-nj. Whitne~y.
A. Huggins,
A. Harris,




1950                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
J. A. Rodanet.          Chas. Monteno.            G. M. Smyth.
J. F. May.              J. E. Murty.              Chas. T. Day.
J. H. Buns.              Hugh Munro.              C. W. Spitz.
Hugh Galbraith.          William Dean.            0. Tideman.
B. Bergersen.           A. Sherpard.              A. R. Rowat.
W. H. Pond.             J. L. Tolbert.            W. H. Smith,119 King street.
J. Sharon.               T. H. Patterson.         J. Kahalekauila.
Thomas Carey.            Edward Bedford Thomas.
I hereby certify that the foregoing is a true and correct copy of the original
thereof now on file in the archives of the Legislative Assembly of 1892.
C. J. MCCARTHY,
Clerk Legislative Assembly of 1892.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 23d day of May, A. D. 1893.
[SEAL.]                                                F. J. TESTA,
Notary Public, First Judicial Circuit.
To Hon. J. S. WALKER,
President of the Legislature:
SIR: We, the undersigned, of Honolulu, respectfully represent that they are
informed and believe that the bill now before your honorable body for the purpose
of granting a franchise to establish and maintain a lottery is sound and good and
should not be overlooked or refused.
We, as your constituents, earnestly ask you to favor the said bill, for we believe if
it becomes a law it will solve the distressing financial problem that is now on this
country.
Aug. Dreier.             M. de Avila.             Peter O'Sullivan.
L. E. Sperry.            W. Larsen.               Horatio Barber.
H. Gorman.               W. A. Hardy.             C. K. Flagg.
L. J. Levey.             L. M. Toussaint.         Harry Armitage.
J. Campbell.             John Nieper.             J. W. Young.
G. W. Lincoln.           0. Tollesson.            W. H. Aldrich.
K. Podeyn.               A. Rosehill.             Frank Riedel.
Wm. Wright.              F. Rose.                 C. Allen.
I hereby certify that the foregoing is a true and correct copy of the original
thereof now on the file in the archives of the Legislative Assembly of 1892.
[SEAL].                                            C. J. MCCARTHY,
Clerk Legislative Assembly of 1892.
Subscribed and sworn to this 23d day of May, A. D. 1893, before me.
F. J. TESTA,
Notary Public First Judicial Circuit.
The Hon. JOHN S. WALKER,
President of the Legislature:
SIR: We, the undersigned merchants of Honolulu, respectfully represent that
they are informed and believe that there is now before your honorable body a bill
for the purpose of granting a franchise for the purpose of establishing and maintaining an international lottery for an annual subsidy of $500,000 to be paid to the
Hawaiian Government for certain purposes therein set forth, which tend to the permanent improvement and prosperity of this Kingdom.
Feeling certain that unless this measure becomes a law these improvements will
not become an accomplished fact for a great many years, if ever, owing to the financial depression and outlook of the country, we earnestly recommend and petition
that the said bill pass and become a law, as being a financial measure of necessity.
J. F. Clay.              M. N. Sanders.           H. F. Lewis.
J. J. Williams.          A. McWayne.              F. G. Goldsworthy.
E. E. Carey.             A. F. Medeiros & Co.     Hugh Gunn.
Chas. W. Weathermax.     J. P. Rodrigues.         F. Gertz.
W. H. Charlock, jr.      Joaquim da Silva.        Chas. L. Brown.
J. S. Walker, jr.        Theod. H. Boehme.        E. R. Stackable.
Hart & Co.               S. I. Shaw.              W. 0. Lackland.
Chas. J. FisheL          J. B. Tregloan.          W. R. Chilton.
Thos. Krouse.            Geo. W. Smith.           Henry Congdon.
A. L. Cron.              E. Hannuer.              Chaa. Hannuer.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1951


Alex. Chisholm.
F. Wilhelm.
M. Goldberg.
W. H. McInerny.
C. A. Peacock.
L. de L. Ward.
W. S. Luce.
F. L. Winter.
E. S. Cunha.
J. S. Martin.
J. E. Gomes.
T. E. Wall.
H. P. Jacobson of Wenner
& Co.
Geo. C. Stratemeyer.
E. A. McInerny.
Club Stable Co.
John S. McGrew.
Jas. Steiner.
E. Vandoorn.
M. E. Grossman.
W. Miller.
J. S. Alves.
W. Larsen.
L. M. Toussaint.
J. H. Hunt.
Jas. Ald.
S. F. Graham.


W. Lucas.                R. Spencer.
A. J. Cartwright.        A. W. Howe.
Js. Tinker.              Fed. J. Wilkens.
W. C. Peacock & Co., per Morley Philp.
C. A. P                Geo. McLeod.
F. J. Kruger.            J. MMcChesncy.
R. French.               H. Lose.
Wnm. Weight.             J. W. Leming.
John Lycurgus.           J. Shwanck.
Chas. W. Zeigler.        L. H. Dee.
F. Bereke.               Harry Miller.
W. C. King.              F. Wilburton.
J. A. Gonsalves.         S. Sachs.
D. H. Davis.             S. E. Pierce.
Chas. M. Keahinui.       Henri G. McGrcw,
J. Th. McKeague.         C. E. Williams.
H. A. Juen.              S. W. Lederer.
John Schleif.            M. Davis.
M. G. Silva.             Louis Adler.
J. W. Fernandez.         Ed. M. Marshall.
M. S. Levy.              Geo. Ordway.
L. C. Ables.             W. F. Reynolds.
L. T. Kenake.            L. J. Levey.
T. Dyer.                 R. McKibbin.
J. C. Cluney.            J. Lazarus.
Thos. King.              Chas. V. E. Dovo.
0. C. Johnson.           J. N. Wright.
J. G. Thompson.


I hereby certify that the foregoing is a true and correct copy of the original
thereof now on file in the archives of the legislative assembly of 1892.
C. J. MCCARTHY,
Clerk Legislative Assembly of 189g.
Subscribed and sworn to this 23d day of May, A. D. 1893, before me.
[SEAL.]                                                  F. J. TESTA,
Notary Public First Judicial Circuit.
Hon. J. S. WALKER,
President of the Legislature:
SIR: We, the undersigned, citizens of Honolulu, repectfully represent that they
are informed that there is now before your honorable body a bill for the purpose of
establishing an international lottery for an annual subsidy of $500,000 to be paid
to the Hawaiian Government for certain purposes therein set forth which tend to
the permanent improvement and prosperity of this Kingdom.
Feeling certain that unless this measure becomes a law these improvements will
not be accomplished for a great many years, if ever, owing to the financial depression and outlook of the country, we earnestly recommend and petition that the
said bill pass and become a law as being a financial measure of necessity.


John Radin.
Frank Murphy.
C. Kurtz.
Jon Keenedy.
Geo. Cavenagh.
Frank Lucewiko:
M. Ferreiar.
Wm. Davies.
S. S. Claudine.
H. H. Smyth.
Cyrus Edison.
John Rice.
Robert Laing.
A. F. Franca.
Henry Gregory.
John Johns.
Thomas Crosby.


George Courtney.
Peck.
E. M. Jones.
J. Dower, jr.
C. W. Cross.
W. Hunter.
F. J. Turner.
B. Houghtailing.
Ben Tenorio.
W. Wilson, esq.
H. J. Platts.
Geo. S. Harris.
T. Phillips.
A. McCabe.
J. R. Marmont.
E. M. Alencastre.
EL Welch.


James W. Mitchell.
P. C. Justice.
Aleck Kelco.
T. L. Gagar.
C. P. J. McGillicuddy.
Timothy Madden.
William Downer.
John Grace.
H. C. Vida.
E. H. Hart.
E. Wery.
Harry T. Mills.
J. Degreaves.
P. Murphy.
H. Adams, P. H. G.
E. K. Lilikalani.




1952                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
I hereby certify that the foregoing is a true and correct copy of the original thereof
now on file in the archives of the Legislative Assembly of 1892.
C. J. MCCARTHY,
Clerk Legislative Assembly of 1892.
Subscribed and sworn to this 23d day of May, A. D. 1893, before me.
[SEAL.]                                                 F. J. TESTA,
Notary Public, First Judicial Circuit.
Hons. J. S. WALKER, C. 0. BERGER, JOHN ENA, PAUL NEUMANN, J. A. CUMMINS,
J. N. S. WILLIAMS, E. C. MACFARLANE, A. P. PETERSON, and D. W. PUA,
Nobles of the National Reform Party:
GENTLEMjEN: We are informed that a measure is now before the Legislature which,
if it becomes a law, will result in the yearly expenditure of $500,000, within or for
the benefit of this country.
We would respectfully call your attention to the fact that we believe this offer
can not be overlooked or refused. We hereby, as your constituents, earnestly ask
you to favor the proposed bill.
We believe if the bill becomes a law that it will solve the distressing financial
problem which now confronts the country; we believe it will restore the national
credit; we believe it will prevent any danger of financial disaster; we believe the
passage of the bill will open a new era of prosperity, both national and individual.
Furthermore, we believe that the condition of the country, financially, is such
that all questions of sentiment must be set aside, and the proposed relief accepted,
if we are to retain our national independence, and a proper development of our resources can never be accomplished without the assistance tendered.
To refuse this proposition is political and commercial suicide, and we hasten to
inform you concerning our feelings on the question, and again we urge you to leave
no stone unturned to further the accomplishment of this project.
J. J. Williams.          J. E. Carroll.           C. Muller.
J. W. MacDonald.         W. W. Wright.            Edw. H. F. Wolter.
J. J. Sullivan.          Richard Day.             T. A. Simpson.
John F. Bowler.          John F. Ashworth.        Chas. Andrew.
G. J. Cavanaugh.        William F. Heilburn.      E. R. Ryan.
B. Ordenstien.           S. B. Champain.          Andrew Brown.
W. L. Cottrell.         W. E. Edmondson.          W. T. McDonald.
T. Honan.               George Ward.              Albertus Hannegieser.
Peter O'Sullivan.       J. T. Wright.             W. M. Cunningham.
L. A. Sykes.            Albert Lucas.             James Veary.
F. H. Cooper.           F. H. Redward.            Querino Fernandez.
W. J. Ramsay.           J. S. Andrade.            J. A. McKinzie.
Manuel Phillips.        C. J. Sherwood.           Thos. Lindsay.
D. McCorriston.         E. F. Imhof.              H. D. Roberts.
M. N. Kennedy.          F. Gaudis.                P. J. Higgins.
J. P. Bowen.            J. A. McGuire.            A. Turner.
Robt. Waialeale.        Wallace Jackson.          W. M. Graham.
James Wallace.           Elias Thoomberg.         Charles Liter.
William G. Tirrell.      George Nichorls.         J.A. Lovejoy.
John Clark.              George M. R. King.       W. Dix.
D. W. Roach.             M. N. Sanders.           Arthur White.
P. M. Rooney.            Harry Armitage.          John Palau.
J. Lucas.                William Love.            H. F. Gibbs.
G. E. Barker.           Fred. Philp.              P. McInerny.
P. Hughes.               Chas. Nelson.            F. L. Leslie.
J. Galbraith.            G. W. Patterson.         J. T. Downey.
William McLaren.         James Brown.             F. C. Smith.
Geo. Ritman.            Jese Kahle.               C. R. Dement.
William Boyd.            Fritz Rowold.            George P. Dennison.
James Monkhouse.         D. H. Kahanamoku.        Z. L. Doane.
H. McCubbin.            J. C. Quinn.              C. Fisher.
Thomas Rewcastlo.        John C, White.           L. J. Levey.
Eugene B. Lee.           Sam Kuula.               D. McKinzie.
J. Reynolds.             Thos. Pryce.             H. T. Devoll.
J. Kekele.               R. A. Carlile.           A. Brown.
T. Hollinger.            John Benito.             1. D. Conn.
J. M. Angus.             Cain D. Wiliokai.        G. W. Lincoln.
4Xs8 Schum=a.            N. Peterson,             T. W. Matthews.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1 95`3


J. E. Murfty.              A. Sherpardl.               B. Bergersenl.,John Riley.               J. L. Torbert.              0. Tideman.
J. ID. Marl in.            A. Harris.                  WV. H. Pond.
Huigh Miinro..J. A. Rodanct.              0. Tollesson).
E. Lacy.                   Chias. T. lDay.             A. R,. Rowat.
William Dean.              C. W. Spitz.                XW. H. Smith, 119 King St.
Benjamin Whitney.
I hereby certify that the foregoing is a truie anld correct copy of the original
thereof now on file in the archive-s of the Leg-islative, Assembly of 1892.
Subscribed and swvorn to before me this 23d day of May, A. D. 1893.
C. J. MCCARTHY,
Clerk, Legislative Assembly of 1892.
F. J. TESTA,
[SEAL.]                                    Notary Putblic, First Jutdicial Circuit.
Somne of the merntcr8 of the, Annexation Club and other, annexationis~ts wvho signed the
lottery 1))titioiis.


E. C. Crick, (editor "Liberal," Annexation Journal.)
G. W. Lincoln.
Win. Wright.
W. A. Hardy (police station house cle~rk,
now deputy sheriff of Hilo, Island of
Hawaii).
John Nieper.
B. Ordenstein.
F. H. Cooper.
M. N. Kennedy.
J. Lucas.
Henry Wright'.
Fredrick Freitas.
J. H. Taylor.
John. McLain.
P. Hughfles.
William M c~aren.
Thonias Rewveastlo.
Gus Schunman.
J. M. Angus.
Albert Lacas.
J. S. Andrade.
J. Sylva.
Wallace Jackson.
Geo. W. R.Khing (lieutenant Provisional
Government army).
-J. C.. Quinn.
E. C. Rowe.
Daul. Lyons.
Chas. Andrew.
E. R. Ryan.
W. M. Graham.
E. Klemnme.
C. Klemme, (ca,,ptainj police).
W. Dix.
Robt. Gardner.
Geo. P. Denison.
Benj. Whitney.
A. Huggins.
J. L. Tor~jert (Provisional Government
army officer)
A. Harris.
B. Bergersen.
0. Tidemanl.
W. A. Smith (contractor).
H. C. Reid.
L. Busnell.
J. Cusbingham.
W. C. Roo.
8. Rep. 227 —123


Wum. Wagener (Provisional Government
ariny).
F. Hustace, (chief engineer Honolnlu fire
(lepartulent)..Jas. Sutherland.
M. N. Sanders (port surveyor).
L. 11. Doe.
P. A. Dias.
M. Davis.
J. C. Strow.
J. H. Nye.
S. Peck.
Carl Willing (Government botanist).
E. Hopkins (Provisional Government
army)
J. M. Ferreira.
J. W. Pratt (asst. secy. Annex. Club).
Louis Marks.
J. K. W~ilder (brother of Comrs. Wilder).
Robt. W. Catlicart (bookkeeper -of Wilder & Co.).
J. WV. Sims (employ6 of Wilder & Co.).
J. D. Marlin (deputy marshal).
Geo. WV. Smith (Provisional Government
army).
Geo. Cavaimangl (secy. Red, White and
Blue Annex. Club).
James W. Mitchell.
Harry T. Mills.
j. Degreaves (Provisional Government
army).
J. F. Clay.
E. E. Carey (former editor Liberal).
Chas. WV. Weatherwax.
W. H. Charlock, jr.
Chas. J. Fishel.
Thos. Krouse.
J. D. Treg~loan (tailor Provisional Government army).
E. Hamimer.
Hungh Gunnn (captain Provisional Governeimmet volunteer forces).
C. Hammer.
F. W~ilhelm (,ad visory counucillor., resigned
on accounf ill health).
C. A. Peacock.
F. L. W~inter.
J. S. Martin (tailor and recruiter for Provisional Government-has contracts fuz
uniforms).




1954


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


T. E. Wall.
Geo. C. Stratemeyer (custom-house storekeeper).
E. A. Mclnerny (Provisional Government
army).
John. S. McGrew (editor of Star and head
of aInnexatioIn movement).
A. J. Cartwright.
E. A. Lundy.
J. H. Hunt (first assistant engineer fire
department).
S. F. Graham.
WV. Lncas..J. A. Gonsalves.
D. H. Davis.
HI. A. Jnen (captain of police, second
watch).
L.C. Ables (member executive committee Annexation Club).
Henry Davis.
L. T. Kenake (lieutenant, Provisional
Government volunteer forces and afterwards appointed clerk Honolulu postoffice.)
A. W. Howe.
F. A. Davis.
0Gco. McLeod (paymaster, Provisional
Government army).
J. M. McChesney (partner of F'. W. McChosney of advisory council).


S. W. Lederer.
Louis Adler.
E. M. Marshall.
Geo. Ordway.
Cap~t. J. C. Lorenzen (TIlonolnin barbur
p)ilot.
W. Larsen (chief ot (letective force Provisional Government).
J1. M. Wright.
Richard Day (Provisional Government
arnmy).
C. W.- Zeigler (captain Provisional GOVeranment volunteer forces).
Arthlitr White.
P. M. Luicas.
W. Hickey.
XV. H. Lentz.
W. C. King (Provisional Government
army).
A. D. Bolster,
John P. Coakley.
G. Muller.
H. G. McGrew, M. D. (Government physician, Honolulu).
J. E. Gomes.
F. Wilburton.
Harry Miller.
J. C. Claney.


And about 40 Portuguese, nearly all of whom are in the Provisional Government.
army.
(Tho sppointmients noted were made after the Provisional Government got into


power.)


Sam. F. Honsley.
John Neil.
L. Smith.
H. G. Cunha.
E. N. Voeller.
Thomas Mills.
H. Wicks.
F. Douse.
K. R. G. Wallace.
James Sutherland,
Edwin Hug-hes.
Fred. Smith.
E. Le Clair.
C. Podersen.
J. Dohuty.
Harry Walker.
C. H. Everett.
J. J. Sanders.
L. M. Everett.
II. English.
A. V. Inman.
A. A. Gilfihlan.
William lDavies.
W. R. Johnson.
Cesar Hoges.
F. J., Scott.
J. Tagus.
T. K. Clarke.
S. Davis.
WV. Brede, Jr.
C. H. Purdy.
S. A. Green.
H. Eberhardt.
James Gregory.
H. F. Criss.
John Selileif.


MECHANICS..T. W. Fernandez.
W. S. Coltrell.
Pe-ter O'Sullivan.
ID. MeCorriston.
M. N. Kennedy.
W. E. Tirrell.
Johin Clark.
J. 0. Cowen.
H1. G. Woolten.
ID. WN. Roachl.
W. D. Bromley.
D. Porter Johnson.
J. Lucas.
Henry W~right.
H~enry Porter.
J,. 1I. Taylor.
Thos. Wrig-ht.
John Mcetain.
P. HughAes.
W. MeLaren.
Thomas Rewcastle.
T. Ilolliniger.
Gus Sehirman.
J. E. Carroll.
J'. F. Ashworth.
Wam. F. Hleilb~ron.
Elmas Trooumherg.
G. Nichols.
(Iwo. W. Lincoln.
Fred. Philip.
Fritz Rowold.
J. C. Qninn.
E. C. Rowe.
FredI Harrison.
G. Mnller.
John H. Elling.




Charles Andrew.
Jamies Veary.
H1. D. Roberts.
P. J. Higgins.
H. Wegesen d.
Robert Gardner.
Win. T. O'llallaron.
P. Melnerny..J. T. Downey.
Z. L. Doane.
1). McKinzie.
H. T. Devoll.
J. D. Conn.
John Riley.
E. Lacy.
G. M. Smyth.
J. F. May (provisional
Government army).
J. H1. Burns.
C. T'. Day.
C. 6Calbraith.
W. H-. Pond.
J. Sharon.
Thomas Carey.
J. Rt. Mauic,61ley (captain).
C. J. Caminpbel~l.
T. S. Chaney.
H. M. Dows (clerk to marshial).
Danl. Lyons.
Store, A. F. Medeiros & CO.
Store, S. I. 51aw.
Store, F. Gertz.
Store, C. L. Brown.
Store, E. R. Stackable.
Store, w. 0. Lackimand.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Store, L. deL. Ward.       Store, S. Sachs.
Store, Hart & Co.          Store, C. E. Williams.
Store, Chas. J. Fishel.    Store, Geo. Lycurgus.
Store, A. L. Cron.         Store, Harry Miller.
Store, C. W. Spitz.        Store, J. S. Andrade.
Store, J. E. Gonmes.       Store, J. P. Bowen.
Store, N. P. Jacobson.     Store, J. L. Tolbert.
Store,,James Steiner.     Store, J. H. Lovejoy.
Store, E. Vandoorn.        Store, Arthur White.
Store, W. Miller.          Store, H. MeCubbin.
Store, J. S. Alves.        Richard Day.
Store, M. S. Levey.
To Hon. JOHN S.- WALKERi,
President of the legislature:


1955
Benj. Whitney (custom'house guard).
A. Harris.
J. H. MeKeagrue (soldier
Provisional Government
army).
L. C. Ables.
R. MeKibbin.
Club Stable Co.
Chas. V. E. Dove.
J. J. Sullivan.


SIR: We, the undersigned, mechanics, of Honolulu, respectfully represent that they
are informed and believe that there is now before your honorable body a bill for
the purpose of granting a franchise for the purpose of establishing and maintainiing
an international lottery, for an annual subsidy of $509,000, to be pa id to the Hawaiian
Government for certain purposes therein set forth, which tend to the permanent improvement and prosperity of this Kingdom.
Feeling certain that unless this measure becomes a law these improvements will
not become an accomplished fact for a great many years, if ever, owin~g to the financial depression and outlook of the country, we earnestly recoinnend and petition
that the said bill pass and become a law -,s beoing a financial measure of necessity.


H. C. Reid.
Thos. Smith.
Joseph Kela.
ilain Housley.
John Neill.
S. Smith.
A. G. Cunha.
E. N. Voeller.
Thomas Mills.
Dan L. Mahaka.
N. Simeona.
F. Hustace.
F. McIntyre.
K. R. G. Wallace.
Chas. E. Steel.
Luiz P. Rodrigo.
Joan Frank.
Anrik Frelas.
Jfames Sutherland.
Edwin Hughes.
Fred Sinith.
E. Le Clair.
H. W. Gahan.
John Piggott.
Win. Allen.
L. Busne~ll.
H. Wicks.
J. Cushiugham.
W. C. Roe.
F. lDouse.
William Wagener.
If. N. Kaha-usumaikai.
L. M. Everett.
II1. English.
J. C. Strow.
A. V. Inmian.
A. A. Gilltillan.
J. H. Nyve.
S. Peck.


William Davies.
W. R Johnson.
Camsar Koger.
F. J. Scott.
B. H. Norton.
G. Tyren.
J. Simonson.
C. Penersen.
John Dohuty.
Harry G. Walker.
C. H. Everett.
J. W. Luning.
M. N. Sander.
L. H. Fee.
W. Larsen.
P. A. Dias.
J. J. Saunders.
M. Davis.
A. P). Scrimigeous.
H.M. Dow.
E. Hopkins.
N. Fernandez.
A. S. Mahaulu.
B. P. Zablan.
Win. Cuelbo.
C. WV. Grey.
A. N. Tripp.
Dan'l Lyons.
Geo. Irvins.
D. Kaapa.
J. M. Ferreira.
D. P. Kaiena.
Jobn Paia.
D. Makaila.
D). M. Kane.
Albert MeGurn.
Sam Ku.
W. A. Hardy.
J'. W. Pratt.


Louis Marks.
Gibbs.
Doyle.
J. R. Wilelm.
Robert Wns. CathcartJ. M. Sims.
J. C. Lorensen.
J. Tagne.
Ht. Windrough.
T. K. Clarke.
Carl Willing.
W. Brede, jr.
C. H. Purdy.
J. D. Marlin.
H. H. Webb.
Jnlo. Crowder.
J. W. MecAlbert.
A. M. Queque.
G eo. W. Smith.
Alex. Moors.
S. A. Green.
Richard NT. Mossman.
Alex. Cliuk.
C. H. Clark.
M. R. Colburn.
J. R. Macaulay.
H. Eberhadt.
M1. Ilaws.
C. J. Campbell.
James Gregory.
Frank A. Chaney.
Andy. Guild.
William Mitchell.
James Wilkiinson.
John Grace.
Ht. H. Wharton.
W. G. Stahle.


I hereby certify that the foregoingr is a true and correct copy of the original thereof
nlow on file in the archives of the legislative assembly of 1892.
C. J. MCCARTHY,
Clerk legislative assembly of 1892.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 23d day of May, A. D. 1893.
[SEAL.]                                                      F. J. TESTA,
Notary Public, First Judicial Circuit.




1,956


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,


JIAWAIIAN ISLANDS, Ho~cnohlul, Oahu, 88.
John Phillips and P. M. Rooney, being severally duily sworn on oath, depose, andj
say: That they had charge and supervision of the petitions circulated in favor of tie
lottery bill. That they have grone over and revised the signatures attached to the(
petitions presented to the members of the national reform party and the Legislatulre,
and that the same are genuine signatures of the individuals who subscribed to such1
petitions. That said petitions were signed almost unanimously by the retail storekeepers and mechanics of Honolulu.
JOHN PHILLIPS.
P. M. RoONEY.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 25th day of April, 1893.
[SEAL.]                                                F. J. TESTA,
Notary Pusblic, FirsRt Judicial Circuit.
No. 40.
(Daily Bulletin, August 2, 1889.]
KICLLED,~ REVOLUTION OF 1889.
Loika, Poni, Sam Tucker, Keki, Kelelua, Kawaiwai, Tom Kapa,
'Total killed, 7. And 7 wounded.
No. 41.
OFFICERS OF THE PLKN-TERS' AND LABOR SUPPLY COMPANY.
President, William G. Irwin.
Vice-president, Alex. Young.
Secretary, W. 0..Smith.
Treasurer, F. M. Soranz (W. 0. Smith, acting).
Auditor, J. 0. Carter.
TRUSTEES.


J. B. Atherton,
W. 0. Smith,
W.-G. Irwin,


F. M. Swauzy,
F. A. Schaefer,
HI. P. Baldwin,


W. F. Glade,
A. Young,
J. 0. Cater.


JList of members: Numerous. Names if wanted can be obtained.
PLANTATION SUBSCRIBERS.


Koloa Sugar Co.
Kukaiau Plantation Co.
Lihue Plantation.
Kekaha Sugar Co.
Ilanamaulu Plantation.
Princeville Plantation.
Kukaiau. Mill Co.
Ilamakua Mill Co.
Laupahoehoe Sugar Co.
C. F. Hart.
Honomu. Sugar Co.
Makee Sugar Co.
Ewa Plantation Co.


Kohala Plantation Co.
Pacific Sugar Mill Co.
Eleele Plantation.
Waimanalo Sugar Co.
ilana Plantation.
Hawaiian Sugar Co.
Waihee Sugar Co.
Wailuku Sugar Co.
Pioneer Mill.
Grove Farm Plantation.
WV. Y. Homner's Plantation.
Pepeekeo Suigar Co.
Hamakua Plantation Co.


Union Mill Co.
Waiakea Mill Co.
R. R. Hind.
Hawaiian Agricultural Co.
Ouomea Sugar Co.
Waialua Plantation Co.
Waimea Sugar Co.
Honokea Sug-ar Co.
Kahuku Plantation Co.
Hecia Agricultural Co.
Kilauea Sugar Co.
Paia Plantation Co.
Haiku Plantatiom.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                     1957
INDIVIDUAL SUBSCRIBERS.
W. J. Lowrie.         C. Bolte.             F. A. Schaefer.
J. Marsden.           W. H. Ricard.         S. N. Castle.
H. P. Baldwin.        S. T. Alexander.      J. B. Atherton.
Z. S. Spalding.       W. H. Bailey.         W. W. Goodale.
G. E. Renton.         T. R. Walker.         James Renton.
Thco. H. Davies & Co.  C S. Kynnersley.     C. R. Bishop.
C. M. Cooke.          W. W. Hall.           H. M. Whitney.
H. F. Glade.          H. Hackfeld & Co.     G. N. Wilcox.
A. S. Wilcox.         L. Ahlborn.           R. 1). Walbridge.
P. C. Jones.          J. N. S. Williams.    J. G. Spencer.
B. F. Dillingham.     Alex. Young.          W. 0. Smith.
W. R. Castle.         S. B. Dole.           V. Knudsen.
T. S. Kay.            W. G. Irwin.         t1 Morrison.
W. M. Giffard.        A. H. Smith.
No. 42.
[Petitions against annexation.]
A.
To His Excellency JAZMES H. BLOUNT,
Special Commissioner of the United States of America:
SIR: The undersigned residents and property holders of the Hawaiian Islands, beg respectfully to place before your excellency their
views respecting the present important question of annexation now
pending before this community.
First. We beg to call your attention to the fact that the main industry
of these islands is the raising and manufacturing of sugar, and which
business, to be conducted successfully. and in a manner to compete
with other cane-sugar producing countries of the world, must have a
labor system such as is now maintained here, but which we understand is prohibited by the existing laws of the United States, and
would have to be abolished should the islands become an integral part
of that country.
Second. As friends of the Hawaiian race, in whose country we have
made our homes, and under whose Government we have heretofore
enjoyed prosperity and protection, we must protest against any measure which would deprive them of their civil rights as a race.
Feeling, therefore, that the terms of the treaty of annexation as
submitted to the Utnited States Government would cripplle the greatest
industry of the islands, and that no provision has been made for
securing the rights of the Hawaiians, we respectfiully su;bscribe our
names as opposed to same.
(Signed by 40 names.)
B.
To the Honorable JAMES H. BLOUNT,
Special Commiissioncr of the United States of Anerica to Halwaii:
SIR:-In view of the fact that the Provisional Government of the
Hawaiian Islands is now attempting to bring about annexation of
these islands to the United States of America, we, the undersigned,
residents, taxpayers, and voters of the Hawaiian Islands, of foreign
birth or parentage, do subscribe our names as signifying our opposi.
tion to such annexation.
(Signed by 31 names.)




1958                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
C.
HAWAIIAN PATRIOTIC LEAGUE, FOREIGN BRANCH.
We, the undersigned, foreign residents of the Hawaiian Islands
hereby indorse the sentiments set forth in the constitution of tlhe
Hawaiian Patriotic League, for the purpose of perpetuating the independent autonomy of these islands, thereby opposing annexation to
any foreign power; and we therefore hereunder subscribe our names
for presentation to his excellency Blount, special commissioner of the
United States Government.
(Signed by 43 names).
D.
To the Honorable JArEs H. BLOUNT,
Special Commissioner of the United States of America to Hawaii:
g SIR: In view of the fact that the Provisional Government of the
Hawaiian Islands is now attempting to bring about annexation of these
islands to the United States of America, we, the undersigned, residents, taxpayers, and voters of the Hawaiian Islands of foreign birth or
parentage, do subscribe our names as signifying our opposition to such
annexation.
(Signed by 67 names.)
E.
To the Hon. JAMES H. BLOUNT,
Special Commissioner of the United States of America to Hawaii:
SIR: In view of the fact that the Provisional Government of the
Hawaiian Islands is now attempting to bring about annexation of these
islands to the United States of America, we, the undersigned, residents,
taxpayers, and voters of the Hawaiian Islands, of foreign birth or parentage, do subscribe our names as signifying our opposition to such
annexation.
(Signed by 80 names.)
Recapitulation of signers against annexation.
Petition A............ 40 less 1 signed other petition.
Petitien B............ 31 less 2 signed other petition.
Petition C............ 48 less 1 signed other petition.
Petition D............ 67 less 8 signed other petition.
Petition E............ 80  -
12
261
e............  12
Total......... 249




Senate Ex. Doc. No. 13, Fifty-third Congress, second session.


MESSAGE
FROM THE
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
ON
The HJawaiian Question.
DECEMBER 20, 1893.-Read, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and
ordered to be printed.
To the Senate of the United States:
In compliance with a resolution passed by the Senate on the 6th
instant, 1 hereby transmit reports of the Secretaries of State and of
the Navy, with copies of all instructions given to the respective diplomatic and naval representatives of the United States in the Hawaiian
Islands since the 4th day of March, 1881, touching the matters speci
flied in the resolution.
It has seemed convenient to include in the present communication to
the Senate copies* of the diplomatic correspondence concerning the
political condition of Hawaii, prepared for transmission to the House
of Representatives in response to a later resolution passed by that body
on the 13th instant.
GROVER CLEVELAND.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
Washington, December 18, 1893.
The PRESIDENT:
The Secretary of State, to whom was referred a resolution of the Senate of the United States passed on the 6th instant, requesting the
Presidentso far as in his opinion it shall not be inconsistent with the public interest, to communicate to the Senate copies of all instructions which may have been gi yven to any
representative of the United States, or any naval officer thereof, since the 4th day
of March, 1881, in regard to the preservation of public order in Hawaii, or the protection of the lives and property of American citizens, or the recognition or support
of any government there;
has the honor to lay before the President, with a view to its transmission to the Senate should he deem proper so to do,copies of the instruc*For this correspondence see House Ex. Doc. No. 48, 53d Congress, 2d session.
1959




1960                        HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.
tions given to the diplomantic representatives of the United States in
the Hawaiiain Islands, as described in the said resolution.
Respectfully submitted.
MW. Q. GRESHAM.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, December 18, 1893.
INDEX OF INSTRUCTIONS.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Comly, No. 102, June 30, 1881.
Mr. l3laine to Mr. Coimlv, No. 105, July 27, 1881.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Coilly, No. 111, November 19, 1881.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Comly, No. 113, December 1, 1881.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Comly, No. 114, December 1, 1881.
Mr. Frelinoghuysen to Mr. Conmly, No. 118, May 31, 1882.
Mr. Frelingluysen to Mr. Comly, June 2, 1882.
Mr. Frelinghuysen to Mr. T)aggett, No. 10, October 23, 1882.
Mr. Frelinghuysen to Mr. 1)aggett, No. 19, March 2, 1883.
Mr. Freliughluysen to Mr. Daggett, No. 25, Maly 5, 1883.
Mr. Frelirghuysen to Mr. 1)aggett, No. 45, February 2, 1881.
Mr. Davis to Mr. Daggett, No. 62, August 2, 1884.
Mr. Bayard to Mr. Merrill, No. 36, January 8, 1887.
Mr. Bayard to Mr. Merrill, No. 48. May 26, 1887.
Mr. Bayard to Mr. Merrill, No. 52, July 12, 1887.
Mr. Bayard to Mr. Merrill, No. 53, July 22, 1887.
Mr. Bayard to Mr. Merrill, No. 55, August 16, 1887.
Mr. Bayard to Mr. Merrill, No. 61, September 30, 1887.
Mr. Bayard to Mr. Merrill, No. 77. March 29,1888.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Merrill, No. 127, May 27, 1889.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Merrill. No. 128, May 31, 1889.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Merrill, No. 13S, August 23, 1889.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens, No. 8, November 6, 1889.
Mr. Adee to Mr. Stevens, No. 11, November 16, 1889.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens, No. 12, December 3, 1889.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens, No. 24, April 24, 1890.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens, No. 27, June 14. 1890.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens, No. 2, August 16, 1890.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens, No. 4, September 10, 1890.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens, No. 9, November 12, 1890.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens, No. 10, 1)ecember 3, 1890.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens, No. 15, February 28, 1891.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens, No. 28, September 9, 1891.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens, No. 29, September 16, 1891.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens, No. 50, June 7, 1892.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens, No. 57, September 29, 1892.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens, No. 62, November 8, 1892.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens (telegram), January 28. 1893.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens, No. 71, February 11, 1893.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens (telegram), February 14, 1893.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens (telegram), February 15, 1S93.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens (telegram), February 15, 1893.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens, No. 72, February 16, 1893.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens, No. 73, February 16, 1893.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens, No. 74, February 17. 1893.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens (telegram), February 22, 1893.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens, No. 76, February 24, 1893.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens, No. 77, March 2, 1893.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Blount, March 11, 1893.
Mr. Greshan to Mr. Stevens, March 11, 1893.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Severance, March 11. 1893.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Stevens (telegram), April 25;1893.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Biount, No. 1, May 22, 1893.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Blount, No. 2, May 22,1893.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Blount, No. 5, June 23, 1893.
Mr. Adee to Mr. Willis, No. 2, September 28, 1893.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Willis, No. 4, October 18, 1893.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Willis (telegram), November 24,1893.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Willis (telegram), December 3,1893.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1961


Mr. Blaine to Mr. Comly.
No. 102.1                         DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington. June 30, 1881.
Sil: Your dispatch No. 172, of the 6th instant, has been considered
in (tonlnectioll with your former dispatches, to which you refer, partic(ularly Nos. 13 and 43.
Your course, upon the question to which you have called the attention of the Department, is approved. While I desire earnestly to avoid
the use of imperative language toward the Hawaiian Government, and
prefer that our relation in any consequent discussion should be that of
friendly advice and stipport, this Government can not permit any violation, direct or indirect, of the terms and conditions of the treaty of
1875.
That treaty was umade at the continuous and urgent request of the
Hawaiian Government. It was, as it was intended to be, an evidence
of the friendship of the United States, and was shaped by a large and
liberal disposition on our part to consult the wishes and interests of
the Hawaiian Governmeft. As you are aware, there was much opposition to some of its concessions by our ownI citizens whose capital was
employed in certain agricultural industries. The term of the treaty
was limited in order that both parties might obtain practical experience of its operation, and in order to secure the experiment from possible disturbance it was expressly stipulatedOn the part of His Hawaiian Majesty that so long as this treaty shall remain in
force, he will not make any treaty by which any other nation shall ol)tain the same
privileges, relative to the admission of any articles free of duty, hereby secured to
the United States. (Article IV.)
It would be an unnecessary waste of time and argument to undertake an elaborate demlonstration of a proposition so obvious as that
the extension of the privileges of this treaty to other nations under a
"most favored nation clause" in existing treaties, would be as flagrant
a violation of this explicit stipulation as a specific treaty making the
concession.
You are instructed to say to the Hawaiian Government that the
Government of the United State considers this stipulation as of the
very essence of the treaty, and can not consent to its abrogation or
modification, directly or indirectly. You will add that if any other
power should deem it proper to employ undue influence upon tlhe
Hawaiian Government to persuade or compel action in derogation of
this treaty. the Government of the United States will not be unobservant of its rights and interests, and will be neither unwilling nor
unprepared to support the Hawaiian Government in the faithful discharge of its treaty obligations.
In reference to the probability of a judicial construction of the treaty
by the Hawaiian courts, upon proceedings instituted by a British
merchant, I would have been glad if you had been able to furnish me
with the correspondence between the British commissioner and the
Hawaiian secretary for foreign affairs. From your history of the controversy, I find it difficult to understand how Her Britannic Majesty's
Government can consistently maintain a right of diplomatic intervention for the settlement of any claim for the difference in duty imposed
under the British treaties and under the treaty with the United States.
Be that as it may, a judicial decision of this question by the Hawaiian
courts would be as unsatisfactory to the United States as to Great




1962


IJAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Britain. I am not aware whether or not a treaty, according to the
Hawaiian constitution is, as with us, a supreme law of the land, upon
the construction of which-the proper case occurring-every citizen
would have the right to the judgment of the courts.
But, even if it be so, and if the judicial department is entirely independent of the executive authority of the Hawaiian Government, then
the decision of the court would be the authorized interpretation of the
Hawaiian Government, and however binding upon that Government
would be none the less a violation of the treaty.
In the event, therefore, that a judicial construction of the treaty
should annul the privileges stipulated, and be carried into practical
execution, this Government would have no alternative and would be
compelled to consider such action as the violation by the Hawaiian
Government of the express terms and conditions of the treaty, and,
with whatever regret, would be forced to consider what course in reference to its own interests had become necessary upon the manifestation
of such unfriendly feeling.
The diligence and ability which you have given this sub ject render
perhaps any further instruction unnecessary, but I will suggest that
in your communications with the Hawaiian Government it is desirable
that you should convey the impression that the Government of the
United States believes that the Hawaiian Government desires and
intends to carry out the provisions of the treaty in perfect good faith,
and that we understand and appreciate the unjust pressure of foreign
interests and influence brought to divert it from its plain and honorable duty. The position of the Government of the United States in
your representations should be rather that of encouragement of the
Hawaiian Government to persevere in the faithful discharge of its
treaty obligations than complaint of any anticipated dereliction.
The Department will be glad of the fullest and promptest communication upon this subject.
I am, etc.,
~,                                    JAMES G. BLAINE.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Comly.
No. 105.]                        DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, July 27, 1881.
SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your dispatch, marked
"separate and confidential," of the 4th instant, touching the reply of
the Hawaiian Government to her Britannic Majesty's commissioner in
the matter of the British claims.
Adverting to that part of your dispatch suggesting "that the
Hawaiian Government would be glad to have an intimation of the
opinion of the Secretary of State" upon the subject, I desire to refer
you to my instruction No. 102, of the 30th ultimo, in which I have distinctly stated that the claim of Great Britain for the same privileged
treatment by Hawaii as that enjoyed by the United States pursuant
to its reciprocity treaty was wholly inadmissible.
I am, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.




HAVWAIIAN -ISLANDS.


1963


Mr. Blamine to Mr. Conmly.
INo. 111.]                       DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, November 19, 1881.
SIR: In your dispatch No. 189 you have informed this Department of
the efforts made by the British commissioner to prejudice the inteiests
and influence of the United States in the Hawaiian Islands; and you
properly assume that such efforts, so far as they tend to improve the
diplomatic position of his country by his personal conduct, must be
counteracted by similar endeavors on your part without the formal
intervention of this Government.
The action of the Government must necessarily wait upon the actual
occurrence or threatened probability of some official transaction in conflict with its treaty rights. But with the proper information before it
this Department would undoubtedly instruct you to anticipate any such
transaction by such diplomatic remonstrance as our relations with
Hawaii would justify.
It is difficult to say that the information derived through the newspapers in reference to a supposed coolie convention with Great Britain
is of a character to require our official intervention. But I take it for
granted that, since the return of King Kalakaua, you will be able to
learn whether such a convention is contemplated, and if, in your opinion,
there is enough in the general rumors to warrant it, you will consider
yourself as instructed to make formal inquiry of the Hawaiian Government if any such project is entertained.
You say that the proposed convention provides for a"protector of the coolie immigrants," who tries all cases of disputes arising
among the coolies themselves, and also between coolies and citizens of the country
where they reside; and cases of appeal from his judgment go, not to the courts of
the (ounitry, but to the British consul or diplomatic representative.
I do not understand whether this is a recital from some existing convention or a rumor of what the contemplated convention is expected
to be.
In tlhe treaty between Great Britain and the Netherlands relative to
emigration of laborers from India to the Dutch colony of Surinam,
signed in 1870 and ratified in 1872, and which is the most recent to
which I have been able to refer, I find the following provision:
XIX. All emigrants within the provisions of this convention shall, in the same manner as other subjects of the British Crown, and conformably to the ordinary rules of
international law, enjoy in the Netherland colony the right of claiming the assistance
of the British consular agent, and no obstacle shall be opposed to the laborers resorting to the consular agent, and communicating with him, without prejudice, however,
to the obligations arising out of his engagement.
Properly interpreted and fairly applied, I do not see any reasonable
ground of objection to this or to a similar provision. But a convention
containing stipulations such as you describe would be very different.
To secure to the coolie immigrants from India, who are unquestionably
British subjects, such an extreme privilege of exterritoriality would be
extending to them advantages not possessed by the subjects of any
other power. And as articles VIII and X of the treaty between the
United States and the Hawaiian Islands of 1849 guarantee to the citizens and consular officers of the United States the treatment of the
most favored nation and a participation in all privileges granted to
others, the United States would have to insist upon equal treatment
for its citizens and consuls, and it can scarcely be doubted that other
pt wers would make the same demand.
A consideration of the embarrassment which such a condition of foreign rights and privileges would create for the Hawaiian Government




1964


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


would present almost insuperable difficulties in the way of such a con.
vention.
But if negotiations such as you describe are really in progress, you
will ask for an interview with the secretary for foreign affairs and
make the following representation of the views of the United States:
The Government of the United States has, with unvarying consistency,
manifested respect for the independence of the Hawaiian Kingdom and
an earnest desire for the welfare of its people. It has always felt and
acted on the conviction that the possession of the Islands by a peaceful
and prosperous power, with which there was no possibility of controversy or collision, was most desirable, in reference to its own large and
rapidly increasing interests on the Pacific. It has declined, even at
the request of the Hawaiian people, to assume over their affairs a protectorate, which would only be a thinly disguised domination, and it
has confined its efforts and influence to strengthen their Government
and open to their commerce and enterprise the readiest and most profitable connection with its own markets; but this policy has been based
upon our belief in the real and substantial independence of Hawaii.
The Government of the United States has always avowed and now
repeats that, under no circumstances, will it permit the transfer of the
territory or sovereignty of these Islands to any of the great European
powers. It is needless to restate the reasons upon which that determination rests. It is too obvious for argument that the possession of
these Islands by a great maritime power would not only be a dangerous
diminution of the just and necessary influence of the United States in
the waters of the Pacific, but in case of international difficulty it would
be a positive threat to interests too large and important to be lightly
risked.
Neither can the Government of the United States allow an arrangement which, by diplomatic finesse or legal technicality, substitutes for
the native and legitimate constitutional Government of Hawaii, the
controlling influence of a great foreign power. This is not the real and
substantial independence which it desires to see and which it is prepared to support. And this Government would consider a scheme by
which a large mass of British subjects, forming in time not improbably
the majority of its population, should be introduced into Hawaii, made
independent of the native Government, and be ruled by British
authorities, judicial and diplomatic, as one entirely inconsistent with
the friendly relations now existing between us, as trenching upon
treaty rights which we have secured by no small consideration, and as
certain to involve the two countries in irritating and unprofitable discussion.
In thus instructing you, however, I must impress upon you that much
is trusted to your discretion. There would be neither propriety nor
wisdom in making such declarations unnecessarily or prematurely.
If, therefore, you find that the proposed convention is not one with the
extreme provisions to which you refer, or if you have reason to believe
that your representations of the unfriendly impression which it would
make here will be sufficient to change the purpose of the Hawaiian
Government, you will confine yourself to ordinary diplomatic remonstrance. And, in any event, it will be prudent to indicate that such
would, in your opinion, be the view taken by this Government before
making the formal protest, which, under the contingency of persistent
adverse action on the part of the Hawaiian Government, you are
authorized to make.
I am, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1965


Mr. Blaine to Mr. Comly.
No. 113.]                         DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Washington, December 1, 1881.
SIR: My late instructions, and especially that of the 19th ultimo,
will have shown you the deep interest with which the United States
observes the course of events in the Hawaiian Islands. The apparent
disposition to extend other influences there in lines parallel to or offsetting our own must be watched with care, and met with considerate
firmness.
The intelligent and suggestive character of your recent dispatches
naturally leads me to a review of the relationship of the Hawaiian
Kingdom to the United States at somewhat greater length than was
practicable in the limited scope of my instruction of November 19.
That dispatch was necessarily confined to a consideration of the immediate question of a possible treaty engagement with Great Britain
which would give to that power in Hawaii a degree of extraterritoriality of jurisdiction inconsistent with the relations of the Islands to the
other powers, and especially to the United States.
With the abandonment of feudal government by King Kamehameha
III in 1839, and the inauguration of constitutional methods, the history
of the political relation of Hawaii to the world at large may very properly be said to begin. The recognition of independent sovereignty by
the great powers took place soon after that act on the part of the United
States, dating from 1844. Even at that early day, before the United
States had become a power on the Pacific coast, the commercial activity
of our people was manifested in their intercourse with the islands of
Oceanica, of which the Hawaiian group is the northern extremity. In
1848 the treaty of Guadelupe Hidalgo confirmed the territorial extension of the United States to the Pacific, and gave to the Union a coast
line on thatoceanlittle inferior in extent and superior in natural wealth
to the Atlantic seaboard of the original thirteen States. In 1848-'49 the
discoveries of gold in California laid the foundation for the marvelous
development of the Western coast, and, in that same year, the necessities of our altered relationship to the Pacific Ocean found expression
in a comprehensive treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation
with the sovereign Kingdom of Hawaii.
The material connection between the Hawaiian Islands and the
Pacific coast of the Union was natural and inevitable. But lately
admitted to the family of separate states, Hawaii was necessarily drawn
into close kinship with California, then just entering on a path of prosperity and greatness whose rapidity of development the world has
never seen equaled. Hence the movements toward intimate commercial relations between the two countries which, after the progressive
negotiations of 1856, 1867, and 1869, culminated in the existing reciprocity treaty of January 30, 1875, which gave to the United States in
Hawaii, and to Hawaii in the United States, trading rights and privileges in terms denied to other countries.
I have spoken of the Pacific coast line given to the American Union
by the cession of California in 1848 as little inferior in extent and
superior in natural wealth to the Atlantic seaboard of the original
Union. Since that time our domain on the Pacific has been vastly
increased by the purchase of Alaska. Taking San Francisco as the
commercial center on the Western slope, aline drawn northwestwardly
to the Aleutian group marks our Pacific border almost to the confines
of Asia. A corresponding line drawn southwestwardly from San Fran



1966


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


cisco to Honolulu marks the natural limit of the ocean belt within which
our trade with the oriental countries must flow, and is, moreover, the
direct line of communication between the United States and Australasia. Within this belt lies the commercial domain of our Western coast.
I have had recent occasion to set forth the vitally integral importance
of our Pacific possessions, in a circular letter addressed on the 24th of
June last to our representatives in Europe, touching the necessary
guarantees of the proposed Panama Canal as a purely American waterway to be treated as part of our own coast line. The extension of commercial empire westward from those States is no less vitally important
to their development than is their communication with the Eastern
coast by the Isthmian channel. And when we survey the stupendous
progress made by the western coast during the thirty years of its
national life as a part of our dominion, its enormous increase of popu
lation, its vast resources of agriculture and mines, and its boundless
enterprise, it is not easy to set a limit to its commercial activity or
foresee a check to its maritime supremacy in the waters of the Orient,
so long as those waters afford, as now, a free and neutral scope for our
peaceful trade.
In thirty years the United States has acquired a legitimately dominant influence in the North Pacific, which it can never consent to see
decreased by the intrusion therein of any element of influence hostile
to its own. The situation of the Hawaiian Islands, giving them the
strategic control of the North Pacific, brings their possession within the
range of questions of purely American policy, as much so as that of the
Isthmus itself. Hence the necessity, as recognized in our existing treaty
relations, of drawing the ties of intimate relationship between us and
the Hawaiian Islands so as to make them practically a part of the
American system without derogation of their absolute independence.
The reciprocity treaty of 1875 has made of Hawaii the sugar-raising
field of the Pacific slope and gives to our manufacturers therein the
same freedom as in California and Oregon. That treaty gave to Hawaii
its first great impetus in trade, and developed that activity of production which has attracted the eager attention of European powers,
anxious to share in the prosperity and advantages which the United
States have created in mid-ocean. From 1877, the first full year succeeding the conclusion of the reciprocity treaty, to 1880, the imports from
Hawaii to the United States nearly doubled, increasing from $2,550,335
in value to $4,606,444, and in this same period the exports from the
United States to Hawaii rose from $1,272,949 to $2,026,170. In a word,
Hawaii is, by the wise and beneficent provisions of the treaty, brought
within the circle of the domestic trade of the United States, and our
interest in its friendly neutrality is akin to that we feel in the guaranteed independence of Panama. On the other hand, the interests of
Hawaii must inevitably turn toward the United States in the future,
as in the present, as its natural and sole ally in conserving the dominion of both in the Pacific trade. Your own observation, during your
residence at Honolulu, has shown you the vitality of the American
sentiment which this state of things has irresistibly developed in the
Islands. I view that sentiment as the logical recognition of the needs
of Hawaii as a member of the American system of States rather than
as a blind desire for a protectorate or ultimate annexation to the
American Union.
This Government has on previous occasions been brought face to face
with the question of a protectorate over the Hawaiian group. It has, as
often as it arose, been set aside in the interest of such commercial union




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1967


and such reciprocity of benefits as would give to Hawaii the highest
advantages and at the same time strengthen its indepedent existence
as a sovereign state. In this I have sumined up the whole disposition
of the United States toward Hawaii in its present condition.
The policy of this country with regard to the Pacific is the natural
complement to its Atlantic policy. The history of our European relations for fifty years shows the jealous concern with which the United
States has guarded its control of the coast from foreign interference,
and this without extension of territorial possession beyond the mainland. It has always been its aim to preserve the friendly neutrality
of the adjacent states and insular possessions. Its attitude toward
Cuba is in point. That rich island, the key to the Gulf of Mexico,
and the field for our most extended trade in the Western Hemisphere
is, though in the hands of Spain, a part of the American commercial
system. Our relations, present and prospective, toward Cuba have
never been more ably set forth than in the remarkable note addressed
by my predecessor, Mr. Secretary Everett, to the ministers of Great
Britain and France in Washington, on the 1st of December, 1852, in
rejection of the suggested tripartite alliance to forever determine the
neutrality of the Spanish Antilles. In response to the proposal that
the United States, Great Britain, and France should severally and
collectively agree to forbid the acquisition of control over Cuba, by any
or all of them, Mr. Everett showed that, without forcing or even coveting possession of the island, its condition was essentially an American
question; that the renunciation forever by this Government of contingent interest therein would be far broader than the like renunciation by
Great Britain or France; that if ever ceasing to be Spanish, Cuba must
necessarily become American, and not fall under any other European
domination, and that the ceaseless movement of segregation of American interests from European control and unification in a broader American sphere of independent life could not and should not be checked by
any arbitrary agreement.
Nearly thirty years have demonstrated the wisdom of the attitude
then maintained by Mr. Everett and have made indispensable its continuance and its extension to all parts of the American Atlantic system
where a disturbance of the existing status might be attempted in the
interest of foreign powers. The present attitude of this Government
toward any European project for the control of an isthmian route is
but the logical sequence of the resistance made in 1852 to the attempted
pressure of an active foreign influence in the West Indies.
Hawaii, although much farther from the Californian coast than is Cuba
from the Floridian peninsula, holds in the western sea much the same
position as Cuba in the Atlantic. It is the key to the maritime dominion of the Pacific States, as Cubuf is the key to the Gulf trade. The
material possession of Hawaii is not desired by the United States any
more than was that of Cuba. But under no circumstances can the
United States permit any change in the territorial control of either which
would cut it adrift from the American system, whereto they both indispensably belong.
In this aspect of the question it is readily seen with what concern
this Government must view any tendency toward introducing into
Hawaii new social elements destructive of its necessarily Americau
character. The steady diminution of tie native population of the Islands,
amounting to some 10 per cent between 1872 and 1878, and still continuing, is doubtless a cause of great alarm to the Government of the
Kingdom, and it is no wonder that a solution should be sought with




1968                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
eagerness in any seemingly practicable quarter. The problem, however,
is not to be met by a substitution of Mongolian supremacy for native
control-as seems at first sight possible through the rapid increase in
Chinese immigration to the Islands. Neither is a wholesale introduction of the coolie element, professedly Anglo-Indian, likely to afford any
more satisfactory outcome to the difficulty. The Hawaiian Islands
can not be joined to the Asiatic system. If they drift from their independent station it must be toward assimilation and identification with
the American system, to which they belong by the operation of natural
laws and must belong by the operation of political necessity.
I have deemed it necessary to go, with somewhat of detail, into the
real nature of our relations toward Hawaii, in order that you may intelligently construe my recent instructions in the light of our true and
necessary policy on the Pacific. It may also tend to simplify your intercourse with the native government if you are in a position to disabuse
the minds of its statesmen of any belief or impression that our course
is selfishly intrusive, or looks merely to the exclusive retention of transient advantages of local commerce, in which other countries seek a
share. The United States was one of the first among the great nations
of the world to take an active interest in the upbuilding of Hawaiian
independence and the creation of a new and potential life for its people.
It has consistently endeavored, and with success, to enlarge the material
prosperity of Hawaii on such independent basis. It proposes to be
equally unremitting in its efforts hereafter to maintain and develop the
advantages which have accrued to Hawaii and to draw closer the ties
which imperatively unite it to the great body of American commonwealths.
In this line of action the United States does its simple duty both
to Hawaii and itself; and it can not permit such obvious neglect of
national interest as would be involved by silent acquiescence in any movement looking to a lessening of those American ties and the substitution
of alien and hostile interests. It firmly believes that the position of
the Hawaiian Islands as the key to the dominion of the American
Pacific demands their benevolent neutrality, to which end it will earnestly cooiperate with the native Government. And if, through anyeause,
the maintenance of such a position of benevolent neutrality should be
found by Hawaii to be impracticable, this Government would then
unhesitatingly meet the altered situation by seeking an avowedly
American solution for the grave issues presented.
The communication to the Hawaiian Government of the views herein
expressed is left, both as to manner and extent, to your own discretion.
If the treaty relations with Great Britain, of which my last instruction
treats, prove to be of such a nature as to require the 'communication
of a formal protest in the premises tb the Hawaiian minister of foreign
affairs, it would probably be wise for you to give him a copy of this
dispatch as a just and temperate exposition of the intentions of this
Government, and a succinct explanation of the reasons which have
induced such a protest. Even if the formal delivery hereof to tlhe
minister should not appear advisable, it would be well for you to reflect
this policy in your conversations with the public men at H1onolulu.
who will, [ am sure, find these views in hrmony with the true interests
of the Hawaiiant Kingdom as they arc with those of the United States
I am, etc.,
JAMES G. BI, NE.




IHAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1969


Mr. Blaine to Mr. Comly.
[Confide Atial.]
No. 114.]                      DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, December 1, 1SS1.
JAMES M. COMLY, Esq.,:Honolulu:
SIR: In my formal instruction of this date I have reviewed the gen.
eral question of the relationship between the United States and the
Hawaiian Islands, and the position of the latter, both as an integral part
of the American system and as the key to the commerce of the North
Pacific. As that instruction was written for communication to the
Hawaiian secretary of state, I touched but lightly on the essential question of the gradual and seemingly inevitable decadence and extinction
of the native race and its replacement by another, to which the powers
of Government would necessarily descend.
A single glance at the census returns of Hawaii for half a generation
past exhibits this alarming diminution of the indigenous element,
amounting to 1t per cent per annum of the population. Meanwhile
the industrial and productive development of Hawaii is on the increase,
and the native classes, never sufficiently numerous to develop the full
resources of the islands, have been supplemented by an adventitious
labor element, from China mainly, until the rice and sugar fields are
largely tilled by aliens. The worst of this state of things is that it
must inevitably keep on in increasing ratio, the native classes growing
smaller, the insular production larger, and the immigration to supply
the want of labor greater every year.
I have shown in a previous instruction how entirely Hawaii is a part
of the productive and commercial system of the American States. So
far as the staple growths and imports of the islands go, the reciprocity
treaty makes them practically members of an American zollverein, an
outlying district of the State of California. So far as political structure
and independence of action are concerned, Hawaii is as remote from
our control as China. This contradiction is only explicable by assuming what is the fiact, that thirty years ago, having the choice between
material annexation and commercial assimilation of the islands, the
United States chose the less responsible alternative. The soundness of
the choice, however, evidently depends on the perpetuity of the rule of
the native race as an independent government, and that imperiled, the
whole framework of our relations to Hawaii is changed, if not destroyed.
The decline of the native Hawaiian element in.the presence of newer
and sturdier growths must be accepted as an inevitable fact, in view of
the teachings of ethnological history. And as retrogression in the
development of the Islands can not be admitted without serious detriment to American interests in the North Pacific, the problem of a,
replenishment of the vital forces of Hawaii presents itself for intelligent solution in an American sense —not in an Asiatic or a British
sense.
There is little doubt that were the Hawaiian Islands, by annexation
or distinct protection, a part of the territory of the Union, their fertile
resources for the growth of rice and sugar would not only be controlled
by American capital, but so profitable a field of labor would attract
intelligent workers thither from the United States.
A purely American form of colonization in such a case would meet
all the phases of the problem. Within our borders could be found the
papital, the intelligence, the activity, aud the necessary labor trained
S..eIp. 227 —124




1970


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


in the rice swamps and cane fields of the Southern States, and it may
be well to consider how, even in the chosen alternative of maintaining
Hawaiian independence, these prosperous elements could be induced
to go from our shores to the islands, not like the coolies, practically
enslaved, not as human machines, but as thinking, intelligent, working
factors in the advancement of the material interests of the Islands.
I desire, therefore, that you will give this subject due attention. An
examination and report will be valuable if showing the proportion of
occupied rice and sugar lands to the unoccupied and undeveloped territory, the capacities of production, the peculiarities of climate, the
wages of labor, and the cost of living. It will also be well for you in
conversation with the leading men of Hawaii to turn their thoughts
discreetly in the direction of inviting American colonization there. A
Hawaiian homestead act for the benefit of actual American settlers,
with remission of taxation during the time necessary to establish new
plantations on a paying basis, might be in turn supplemented in the
United States by voluntarily organized emigration schemes and cooperative aid to bona fide settlers. Throughout the continent, north and
south, wherever a foothold is found for American enterprise, it is
quickly occupied, and this spirit of adventure, which seeks its outlet
in the mines of South America and the railroads of Mexico, would not
be slow to avail itself of openings for assured and profitable enterprise
even in mid-ocean,
Commending this aspect of the subject to your earnest and immediate
attention.
I am, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE,.
Mr. Frelinghuyscn to Mr. Comly.
No. 118.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, May 31, 1882.
SIR: Your No. 217, of the 8th instant, in which you report the political tendencies now making themselves manifest in the Islands and the
movement in the direction of onerous taxation of capital and property
to a degree which can not fail to work injury to the foreign interests and
enterprise which have built up Hawaiian prosperity, has been read with
attention.
It can not be doubted that indiscriminate and reckless exercise of the
tax-levying power by those portions of the native element who have little
or no taxable interests at stake must react harmfully on the essential
elements of insular prosperity. Independently of the consideration that
a large part of the operating capital and mechanical enterprises of Hawaii
has been contributed by citizens of the United States, this Government
feels itself so kindly bound to Hawaii by the traditions of past intercourse that it would not hesitate to remonstrate with the Hawaiian Government against the adoption of a shortsighted policy which would be
alike harmful to existing vested interests and repellant of the further
influx of capital from abroad.
While this Government recognized from the first the constitutional
sovereignty of Hawaii, and still recognizes her right to adjust internal
matters of taxation and revenue on constitutional principles, yet it can
not permit to pass, without very urgent protest in all proper quarters,
a measure subversive of the material interests of so many of its citizena




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1971


who, on the faith of international comity, have given their wealth,
labor, and skill to aid in the prosperity of Hawaii. And it makes this
protest the more earnestly, inasmuch as the treaty relations between
the two countries (in which Hawaiian interests were even more subserved than our own) are such as to give the United States the moral
right to expect that American property ih Hawaii will be no more
burdened than would Hawaiian property in the United States.
I am, etc.h
FRED'K T. FRELINGHUYSEN.
Mr. Frelinghuysen to Mr. Comly.
JUNE 2, 1882.
MY DEAR MR. COMLY: Permit me again to recur to your dispatch
No. 217 of the 8th ultimo, touching the possible tendency of political
events on the Hawaiian Islands, and to express to you my appreciation
of your vigilance in the matter.
In view of the very large interests which are held in those islands
by our citizens, many of whom are residents of the Pacific coast, I
have thought it expedient to furnish for the confidential information of
the honorables John F. Miller and James T. Farley, Senators of the
United States from the State of California, a copy of your dispatch
without its accompaniments, and a copy of it entire has been sent to
the Secretary of the Navy.
Very truly, yours,
FRED'K T. FRELINGHUYSEN.
MJIr. Frelinghuysen to Mr. Daggett.
No. 10.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, October 23, 1882.
SIR: Acknowledging the receipt of your No. 9 of the 15th ultimo, I
have to inclose, for your information, copy of a letter from the Secre.
tary of the Navy of the 20th instant, to whom the subject was appropriately referred, from which you will learn that he has issued instructions to the naval authorities on the Pacific station to have at least
two vessels of war at Honolulu during the coronation of the King,
February 12, 1883.
I am, etc.,
FREDtK T. FRELINGtIUYSEN.
(Inclosure in No. 10.]
MJfr. Chandler to Mr. Frelinghuysen.
NAVY DEPARTAMENT,
Washington, October 20, 1882.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letters, dated, respectively, the 11th and 13th instants, and a copy of each of the accompanying dispatches
from Mr. Daggett, United States minister resident at Honolulu, in which he suggests that the 4taska or some other of the United States vessels of war may be per



1972


1972         ~~~HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


mitted to remain at, that, port -until the coronation of the King of the Hawaiian
Islands, February 12 next.
This Department has instructed Rear-Admiral Balch. commanding our naval force,
on the Pacific Station, to send at least two of the vessels of his command to Honolulu, to arrive there some time previous to the coronuation, andl remnain until. after
the ceremony, and as miuch longer as many be deemyed advisable, their movemnents
being governed, to a proper extent, by the opinions and advice of the United States
minister resident.
W. E. CHANDLER,
Secretary of the Navy..2t.Frel'inghtuysen to Mr. -Daggett.
No 19.]                             DEPAR.TMENT OF STATE,
Washington, March 2, 1883.
SiR:. Your dispatch of the 12th ultimo, No. 49, reporting the peacefuli crowning of the King andl Queen of the Hawaiian Islands at noon
of that day has beeii received.
The present is a fitting occasion. to express anew the assurances of
the good will we bear to the Hawaiian Government and people. We
have also especial pleasuare in learning that, as reported in your No. 41
of the 10th ultimo, two of our national -vessels arrived at Honolulu in
season for His M jesty~s coronation.
I am, si, etc.,FRED'.K T. FRELINGHUYSEN.
Mr. Frelinghuysen to Mr. Daggett.
No. 25.]                            DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washinkqton. May 5, 1883.
SiR: Upon the receipt of your No. 63 of the 6th ulti mo I promptly
communicated to the Secretary of' the Navy yonr request touching the
prese-nceof awar vessel in thie]Hawaiian Isl~ands. Ibhave now recleived
Mr. Chandler's reply, of the 3d instant, in which he states that although
his Department will be nnable to keep a ship constantly at Honolulu,
he has given such directions as will insure one of its vessels visiting.1
that port at as frequent intervals as practicable.
I am, etc.,
FR.ED'K T. FRELINGRUJYSEN.
Mr. Frelinghuyscn to M~r. Daggett.
No. 45.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Waxshington, February 2, 1884.
SIR: Your dispatch No. 115 of the 1.4th ultimo, announcing the. death
of Her Royal Highniess the Princess Kekaulike, sister of the Q%)ueen
and governess of Hawaii, at Honolula the 8th of the past, month, has
been received, and in the namne of' thre Government and1 people of thle
United States I desire that you will properly convey aii expression of
their sympathy to the Hawaiian Government on account of the demaise
of this estimable lady.
FnF4'lx T. IJLG1YSN




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1973


Mr. Davis to Mr. Daggett.
No. 62.]                        DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, August 2, 1884.
SIR: I have rece:ved your dispatch No. 174, of the 14th ultimo, con.
cerning certain important financial proceeding in the Hawaiian legislative assembly, and have forwarded a copy of your dispatch to the
Secretary of the Treasury as of possible interest to his Department.
I am, sir, etc.,
JOHN DAVIS,
Acting Secretary.
Mr. Bayard to Mr. Merrill.
[Confidential.]
No. 36.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, January 8, 1887.
SIR: My attention was lately drawn to the proposed negotiation of
a loan of $2,000,000 in England to the Hawaiian Government, by the
terms of which the revenues of Hawaii were to be pledged as a collateral
security.
The terms, so reported to me, were practically the creation of a right
of inspection and possible control by foreign creditors over the financial measures and administration of the Hawaiian Government, and as
such were not in accordance with the spirit, if not of the letter, of the
existing treaty between the Hawaiian Islands and the United States,
which was intended to prevent any cession of territory or grant of a
political nature by Hawaii to any other government than that of the
United States.
The reasons for the treaty of 1875 exist to-day in increased and still
growing force. The political geography of the United States and the
relation of the island groups of the Pacific Ocean to our Pacific coast
and to the terminal points of its transcontinental railways have been
importantly affected by the progress and natural operation of events
since the formation of that treaty.
I shall have occasion shortly to direct your attention to some propositions of the Hawaiian Government in relation to sundry islands in the
Pacific, and will not do more at present than suggest to you that it
would be well for you discreetly to intimate to His Majesty King Kalakaua, the lively interest we feel in the autonomy and self-preserving
force of his Government, and the satisfaction experienced by the President in learning that the late loan, to which I have referred, did not
involve the pledge of the revenues of his Government and the possible
embarrassments to which he might otherwise have been internationally
subjected.
The safety and welfare of the Hawaiian group is obviously more interesting and important to the United States than to any other nation,
and for that reason our ties of intercourse and amity should be cherished.
By prudent and friendly approach to the King and expressions of
interest and good will in the affairs of Hawaii, it appears to me that
you can render efficient service to both governments.
I am, etc.,
T. F. BAYARD.




1974   *


HAWiAIIANU ISLANDS.


Mr. Bayard to Mr. Mlerrill.
No. 48.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, May 26, 1887.
SIR: You are no doubt aware of the departure from Honolulu of
Her Majesty the Queen Kapiolani, on her way to London to be present at the celebration of the jubilee in honor of the fiftieth year of her
Britannic Majesty's reign.
The Queen Kapiolani and her suite, consisting of her royal highness
the Princess Liliuokalani, Lieut. Gen. J. 0. Dominis, his excellency the
Hon. Curtis P. Jankea, chamberlain, and Col. John i. Boyd, aide-de.
eamp, reached San Francisco during the latter part of April, and
Washington on Tuesday, the 3d instant, for a visit of a few days. The
royal party was met at Baltimore by Mr. Sevellon A. Brown, chief
clerk of this Department, who, with Capt. D. M. Taylor, U. S. Army,
and Lieut. Rodgers, U. S. Navy, representing the War and Navy Departments, respectively, were detailed to attend the Queen and suite during
their brief sojourn in this Capital, and bestow such attentions and
civilities as might contribute to the pleasure of their visit.
Wednesday, the 4th instant, at noon, the Queen and her party were
presented to the President and his wife. at the Executive Mansion,
and soon thereafter Mrs. Cleveland, accompanied by the wives of several of the Cabinet officers, returned the Queen's visit, enjoying a halfhour of pleasant conversation at the Arlington Hotel. Friday morning, the 6th instant, at 10 o'clock, an excursion was given to Mount
Vernon, in honor of Her Majesty, on board of the U. S. S. Despatch
kindly placed at my disposal by the Secretary of the Navy. The excursion was very generally attended by the diplomatic corps in the city
and by prominent citizens both in public and private life. Friday
evening the Queen and her party were the guests of the President and
Mrs. Cleveland at a dinner; and prior to her Majesty's departure from
Washington she was accorded a serenade by the United States Marine
Band.
In concluding this brief narrative of Her Hawaiian Majesty's visit
to this capital, I take pleasure in inclosing for your information a copy
of a note from the minister of Hawaii here, dated the 9th instant,
expressing, by the Queen's direction, her sense of her appreciation of
the civilities and courtesies extended to her by this Government. and
of my reply thereto, dated the 11th instant.
I am, sir, etc.,
T. F. BAYARD.
Mr. Bayard to Mr. Merrill.
No. 52.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, July 12, 1887.
SIR: The tenor of your late dispatches coincides with other reports
from the Hawaiian Kingdom, and indicates the most unsatisfactory and
disturbed condition of aftairs in the government of that country, which
renders it essential that the strictest vigilance should be exercised by




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1975


those charged with the care of the rights of American citizens within
that jurisdiction, as well as the rights of the United States secured
under existing international conventions.
Whilst regretting deeply the existence of domestic disorders in
Hawaii, and with no disposition whatever to interfere therein or to
obtrude counsel unasked, yet the consequences which may possibly
result to the interests of American citizens which have grown up under
the extension of the commerce between that country and the United
States, under the guaranties of existing treaty, must not be jeopardized by internal confusion in the government of these islands, and it
is the duty of the United States to see that these interests are not
imperiled or injured and to do all things necessary for their just protection.
The existing treaty between the United States and Hawaii, as was
contemplated and intended by the parties thereto, has created and fostered commercial relations more intimate in their nature and of incomparably greater volume and value than Hawaii ever had or ever can
have with any other government.
The growth of this commerce and the consequent advancement of
these Islands in wealth and importance has been most satisfactory to
the United States, and by reason of their geographical position and
comparative propinquity to our own territory they possess an interest
and importance to ud far exceeding that with which they can be regarded
by any other power. In the absence of any detailed information from you
of the late regrettable disorders in the domestic control of Hawaii and the
changes which have taken place in the official corps of that Government, I am not able to give you other than general instructions, which
may be communicated in substance to the commanding officer of the
vessel or vessels of this Government in the waters of Hawaii, with whom
you will freely confer, in order that such prompt and efficient action
may be taken as the circumstances may make necessary.
Whilst we abstain from interference with the domestic affairs of
Hawaii, in accordance with the policy and practice of this Government,
yet obstruction to the channels of legitimate commerce under existing
treaty must not be allowed, and American citizens in Hawaii must be
protected in their persons and property by the representatives of their
country's law and power, and no internal discord must be suffered to
impair them. Your own aid and counsel, as well as the assistance of
the officers of our Government vessels, if found necessary, will therefore be promptly afforded to promote the reign of law and respect for
orderly government in Hawaii.
As is well known, no intent is cherished or policy entertained by the
United States which is otherwise than friendly to the autonomical control and independence of Hawaii, and no other member of the family of
nations has so great and immediate an interest in the welfare and prosperity of Hawaii on such a basis as this Republic.
The vast line of our national territory on the Pacific coast, and its
neighborhood to the Hawaiian group, indicate the recognized predominance of our interests in the regions of these Islands.
This superiority of interest in the welfare of the Hawaiian Islands is
accompanied by an appreciation of the right of these friendly inhabitants and their Government to our good offices, which we freely tender
whenever they can be efficacious in securing the safety and promoting
the welfare of that island group.
I am, etc.,
T. F. BAYARD.




1976


HAWAIV&IAN ISLANDS. I


Mr. Bayard to Mr. Merrill.
No. 53.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, July 227 1887.
SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your No. 126 of the 5th
instant, concerning the recent political changes in the Hawaiian
Islands, and to say that your course in maintaining communication
and consultation with the commanding officer of the U. S. S. Adams,
with a view to promptly meeting an emergency affecting the lives and
property of American citizens in Honolulu, anticipates the Depart.
ment's instruction No. 52 of 12th instant and is approved.
I am, etc.,
T. F. BAYARD.
Mr. Bayard to Mr. Merrill.
No. 55.]                        DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, August 16, 1887.
SIR: I have forwarded a copy of your dispatch No. 132 of July 15,
1887, touching the presence of naval vessels in Hawaiian waters, to the
Secretary of the Navy, calling his attention to your recommendation
that an American man-of-war be permitted to remain in that vicinity
for several months, at least.
1 am~ etch.
T. F. BAYARD.
Mr. Bayard to Mr. Merrill.
No. 61.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, September 30, 1887.
SiR: Your No. 134 of the 25th of July last in reference to an oath
required of foreign residents in the Islands is received.
This question was brought to the notice of the Department by Mr.
Putnam in his No. 125 of the 1st ultimo, and in reply he was instructed
on the 18th ultimo that citizens of the United States who take the oath
of fealty prescribed by the new constitution of Hawaii remain citizens
of the United States, and are entitled to be regarded and treated as
such by our consular and diplomatic officers.
That such a result is contemplated by the Hawaiian Government
appears evident from the last sentence of the oath, which reads:
Not here by renouncing, but expressly reserving all allegiance and citizenship
now owing or held by me.
This Department is informed that the oath is indiscriminately required
of citizens of other nations, who are nevertheless understood by their
own governments to retain their nationality of origin. Inasmuch, also,
as this oath is a requisite condition for exercising any political privileges on the Island, it is evident that a refusal on the part of this Government of the assent to taking it granted by other Governments to
their citizens would result in the destruction of any political power previously possessed by our citizens and its transfer to citizens of other
assenting nations.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   19 77
The Department therefore desires that you will consider the above
instruction as addressed to yourself and that you will relieve the minds
of all bona fide American citizens who while honestly desiring to retain
their American nationality are, in order to obtain the privileges necessary for a residence in the Islands, obliged under local law to take an
oath to support the constitution of the Hawaiian Kingdom.
1 am, etc.,
T. F. BAYARD.
Mr. Bayard to Mr. Merrill.
No. 77.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, March 29, 1888.
SIR: I have to acknowledge receipt of your No. 166 of January 14
last, in which you inform the Department of the appointment of Mr.
Austin as minister of foreign affairs of Hawaii; of Mr. Dole, as fourth
associate justice of the supreme court, in place of Judge Fornander,
deceased, and of the subsidence of political commotion and popular
excitement at Honolulu.
It is gratifying to note the satisfactory turn affairs have taken in
Hawaii in the direction of order and stable government. And it is
especially pleasing to remark that this desirable and happy change
having been brought about without foreign interference gives encouragement to the hope that the inhabitants of the islands may enter upon
a period of freedom from the disturbing domestic questions that rendered the situation last summer so uncertain and disquieting.
I am, etch
I am, etc,  T. F. BAYARD.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Merrill.
No 127.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, May 27, 1889.
SIR: I have received your No. 241 of the 8th instant, representing
the circumstances under which you regard it advisable for a United
States ship of war to remain for the present in Hawaiian waters.
A copy of your dispatch has been submitted for the consideration of
the Secretary of the Navy.
1 am, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Merrill.
No. 128.]                         DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, May 31, 1889.
SIn: Adverting to my No. 127 of the 27th instant, I have now to
apprise you of the receipt of a letter from the Secretary of the Navy,
of that date, saying that the Adams, now fitting for service at the Mare
Island navy-yard, was ordered some days sine to proceed to Honolulu
as soon as ready for sea.
I am, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.




1978


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. Wharton to Mr. Merrill.
No. 138.]                            DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, August 23, 1889.
SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your No. 255 of the 1st
instant, relative to the attempt of July 30 last to overthrow the Hawaiian Government.
The steps taken by the legation to protect the lives and property of
our citizens at Honolulu in that emergency seem to have proved effectual. A copy of your dispatch will be sent to the Navy Department.
I am, etc.?
WILLIAM F. WHARTON,
Acting Secretary.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens.
No. 8.]                            DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, November 6, 1889.
SIR: I transmit for your confidential information a copy of a letter
from the Secretary of the Navy and its inclosure, relating to the political situation in Hawaii; also a copy of the reply of this Department.
I am, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.
[Inclosure 1 in No. 8.]
Mr. Tracy to Mr. Blaine.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, November 1, 1889.
SIR: I have the honor to inclose herewith for the information of the Department
of State a copy of a report dated the 18th ultimo from Rear-Admiral L. A. Kimberly,
commanding the United States naval force on the Pacific station, with reference to
the political situation in the Hawaiian Islands.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
B. F. TRACY.
[Inclosure to inclosure 1 in No. 8.]
Rear-Admiral Kimberly to Mr. Tracy.
U. S. FLAGSHIP ALERT (3D RATE),
Honolulu, October 18, 1889.
SIR: I have to report that, politically spealking, quietness prevails at present.
There is an agitation quietly working as to the race question, which no doubt will
become a prominent factor in the elections that come off in February.
The natives seem to have an uneasy feeling as to their rights being usurped by
the whites, and their gradual loss of prestige and power in the Government as laid
down in the principles of the present constitution, which to their ideas circumscribes too much the Kingly power.
It would promote a feeling of security to our own people and, I think, other foreigners, if at the February elections we had a force here competent to preserve order
should necessity arise.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,          L. A. KIMiEjLY.
L. A. KXIMBER-LY.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                          1979
[In closure 2 in No. 8.]
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Tracy.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, November 6, 1889.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 1st instant,
and of the copy of Rear-Admiral Kimberly's report of the 18th ultimo, which you
inclose, on the political situation in Hawaii.
In view of his opinion that the security of our citizens there would be promoted
"if, at the February elections," the United States had a force in those waters competent to preserve order should the necessity arise, I trust that your Department
may find it convenient to muke such disposition in that quarter as will subserve the
desired object.
I have, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.
Mr. Adee to Mr. Stevens.
[Confidential.]
No. 11.]                            DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, November 16, 1889.
SIn: I herewith inclose for your confidential information a copy of
the instructions addressed by the Secretary of the Navy (and received
with his letter of the 13th instant) to the commanding officer of the
United States naval force of the Pacific station, relative to the retention
of a sufficient number of vessels of his fleet in Hawaiian waters during
the approaching February elections for the prompt protection of American interests should occasion arise.
I amc etc.,
ALVEY A. ADEE,
Acting Secretary.
[Inclosure in No. 11.]
Mr. Tracy to Mr. Blaine.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washingtont, Norember 13, 1889.
SIR: Referring to your letter of the 6th instant, concurring in the opinion of RearAdmiral Kimberly that security to our citizens there would be promoted if at the
February elections the United States had a force in Hawaiian waters competent to
preserve order should necessity arise, the Department incloses herewith, for your
information, a copy of its instructions issued this day to that officer for his guidance.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
B. F. TRACY.
[Inclosure to inclosure in No. 11.]
Mr. Tracy to Rear-Admiral Kimberly.
NAVY DEPr RTMENT,
Washin.qton, Novem ber 13, 1889.
SIR: Referring to your letter No. 165 of the 18th ultimo, with reference to the
political situation in the Hawaiian Islands, and in which you state that "it would
promote a feeling of security to our people, and, I think, to foreigners, if at the
February election we had a force here competent to preserve order should necessity
arise," the Department directs that you will keep as many of the vessels of your




1980


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


command in Hawaiian waters as you may deem expedient for the purpose of carrying
out the object in view.
A copy of a letter from the honorable the Secretary of State, concurring in your
opinion as to the desirability of such action, is inclosed herewith for your information.
Very respectfully,
B. F. TRACY.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens.
No. 12.]                     DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, December 3, 1889.
SIR: I have received your No. 11 of the 14th ultimo, confirmatory of
the statements of previous dispatches touching the importance of retaining one or more of our naval vessels in Hawaiian waters until after the
elections of February next.
You were informed by instruction No. 11 of the 16th ultimo of the
action of the Secretary of the Navy in this regard.
You can exhibit to the naval officers concerned copies of the dispatches referred to, and will, in general, keep such officers advised of
any political events of importance.
I am, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens.
No. 24.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, April 24, 1890.
SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your No. 20 of the 20th
ultimo, touching the commercial relations of Hawaii with the United
States. A copy of your dispatch has been confidentially communicated
to the Secretary of the Navy.
I am, etc.
JAMES G. BLAINE.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens.
No. 27.]                           DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, June 14, 1890.
SIR: 1 have received your number 25 of the 28th ultimo, apprising
me of the unexpected change in the attitude of "4 two or three" of the
new members of the Hawaiian legislature, by which the opposition to
the Reform party gains strength enough to control that body; also of
the fact that one member of the present ministry, of Canadian birth, is
in declared agreement with the opposition party.
Noting your reference to the circumstance that the present " aspect
of the sugar question " in our Congress " strengthens the opponents of
the existing ministry and continues to depress and alarm the Americans
in Hawaii."
I am, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         1981
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens.
No. 2.]                                 DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, August 1, 1890.
SIR: I inclose for your confidential information copy of a letter
recently received from the Acting Secretary of the Navy, transmitting
one from   the Commander in Chief of United States naval force on
the Pacific Station, in regard to political affairs in the Hawaiian Islands.
The letter in question seems to confirm   the general tenor of your dispatches on the same subject.
I am, etc.~
WILLIAM F. WHARTON,
Acting Secretary.
[Inclosure.]
LMr. Soley to Mr. Blaine.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, Atugust 14, 1890.
SIR: I have the honor to inclose herewith, for your information, a copy of a dispatch, dated the 29th ultimo, from the commander-in-chief of the United States
naval force on the Pacific station, regarding political affairs in the Hawaiian Islands.
Very respectfully,
J. R. SOLEY,
Acting Secretary of the Navy.
[Tnclosure to inclosure in No. 2. ]
Bear-Admiral Brown to Mr. Tracy.
No. 269.]                                  U. S. FLAGSHIP CHARLESTON,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, July 29, 1890.
SIR: In reference to political matters in the Hawaiian Islands I have to report
that since my last communication on this subject, No. 228, of June 26. 1890, many
events have transpired in Honolulu which indicate that serious trouble, if not a
revolution, is imminent at no distant day. The legislature, now in session, will not
probably adjourn before the middle of September next, and until that time the
discordant element in the National Reform party, as represented by several natives
and half-castes in the legislature, who were prominent leaders in the attempted
revolutionary discussions and movements, either in the legislature or at public
meetings on the streets. Their efforts are now being made in favor of a constitutional convention, with a view to revising the present constitution, which was
adopted in 1887.
The revision of this constitution which these revolutionists desire to bring about
is nothing less than an entire new constitution, which will restore to the King his
former powers, give the native element almost absolute control of the Government,
and ignore the interests of foreign residents and the vast amount of capital they now
have invested in the several islands. The present constitution provides for the only
way by which it can be amended, and requires the approval of any amendment by
two regular successive legislatures. The legislature meets biennially. Any attempt
to change the constitution in any other way will be revolutionary and will be resisted
by the reform party and by the best elements of the national reformers. It is almost
assured that there will be a majority in the legislature opposed to granting a petition
for the proposed constitutional convention, and that the defeat of the revolutionists
in the legislature will be the signal for an uprising of the lower class of natives.
The result of such an uprising will undoubtedly prove disastrous to them, as the
interests of the whites and the better class of natives and half-castes can not be permitted to be jeopardized by a small number of irresponsible and impecunious but
educated natives and half-castes. The presence of the force under my command has
a marked influence on the would-be revolutionists, as, while they are well aware
that I am here to protect the persons and property of citizens of the United States,
the general belief armong t4lem is, that I will, in t4h oYvest Qf  TYvolutiol tk1e 0




1982,                       HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.
more decided stand in the interests of those opposed to them than I might be warranted in doing.
The white residents and -natives and half-castes who stand ready to oppose the
revolutionists have every confidenee fin their -ability to do so sucecessfully, and take
great comfort in the knowledge of an -adequate naval force being Present. I am in
frequent personal communication with our minister resident, as also with many of
the leading American merchants and lawyers, and from them am able to keep Conlstantly advised of the progress of evenits.
I am, etc.,                          ~~~~~GEORGE BROWN,
Bear-Admiral, U. S. N., commanding U. S. Naval Forces, Pacific Station.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. AStevens.
No. 4.]                               DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, Septembher 10, 1890.
SiR:. I inclose a copy of the letter of the Secreitary of the Navy and
a copy of the report therewith on the serious political situation in
Hawaii, which, as confirmatory of your No. 30, of the 19thulio
will doubtless be read with interest.
I am, etc.,                         WILLIAM     F. WH9ARTON,
Acting Secretaryq.
(Inclo sure in No. 4.]
Mr. Tracy to Mr. Blamne.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, September 5, 1890.
SuR: I have the honor to inclose herewith. for yonr information, a copy of a com.munication received by this Department from Commander Felix MeCurley, commanding the UT. S. S. NAipsic, at Honolulu, and dated August 22, 1890, reporting the
political situation of affairs at Honoluilu, Hawaiian Islands.
I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully,
B. F. TR AC Y.
Secretary of the Navy.
(Inclosure to inclosure No. 4.1
No. 3749.1                                     U. S. S. Ni'sic (3Tn RATE),
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, August 232, 1890.
SIR: I would respectfully report that since the departur e of the flagship Charleston from. this place, on the 7th inlstant, the political, situation has assumed a more
disturbed appearance within the last several days, so I (leem. it advisable to report
the political state of affairs immediately instead - of waiting until. the end of the
mon th to do so. as is the usu al cu stom, th e (cause of the disturb ince heiug -as followvs:
Several days ago a petition was presented. to His M Ijesty King( Kala~kain-a by ai
native delegation asking that the old constitution he revived,`,ad the new or preseln t
constitution, formed in'18874, be abrogated;- and this p~etition has been indorsed by
the King and presented to the legislature for their consideiation anld, a's I have been',
informed by reliable authorities, that -the native and bad hbalf-wliitt' element
threaten to surroundl the legislative chamber and coerce the members of the legislature into voting for it, so as to give a. form of legality to what is otherwise not
only against the present conistitution, but highly inimical and dangerous to American interests.
The present constitution, formed in 1.887, seems to-give entire sattisfaction to the
majority of the prominent Aniericatn aiid Eniglish residents ait this place, inlcluding
even those white people of the workting classes who are prosperous and thrivingo", ii04
it io of a liboral ehtvritcer, aud4 fi~vors their ilnto)13 M vi*Vir4~ W40




HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.                       1983
The present constitution. formed in 1887, was, in a manner, forced on the King by
a delegation of the prominent residents at this place, and as I was informed by a
former minister of the late cabinet, the Hon. John Austin, that if the King had not
signed the present constitution and given it his support, a Republic would have
been declared, and at that time a sworn league composed of about 4,000 white
men residing on the different islands were back of this movement; opposition to it
would have been useless, as the respectable element were determined to have a
liberal constitution or else a Republic.
The constitution that the natives and the bad half-white element (under the
leadership of Mr. Bush) desire is the one just presented to the legislature and
indorsed by the King for their consideration, and is somewhat similar to the old
constitution existing before the present 'one, and is objected to strongly by the
American and English element, as it in a manner gives the King absolute power to
appoint the nobles of the legislature, instead of their being elected as they are at
present; and also would enable the ignorant natives to control the situation through
the ballot, freehold qualification being waived, all of which would be highly
prejudicial to American interest.
The fact is, to form a new reactionary constitution for these Islands and restore
arbitrary power to the King would not only be highly disastrous to American interest, but to the prosperity of these Islands, and the people also; but the Anglo-Saxon
race here, with intelligence and civilization behind them, move irresistably forward
on their march to democracy, and it is only a question of time when a more liberal
government will be formed; as the sentiment is universally expressed that, should
the present King die, or the new constitution be formed, giving him absolute power,
go into effect, he would then be dethroned and a republic declared, and should the
sworn league that existed in 1887 be reorganized they could control these Islands
without any outside assistance whatever, it being composed entirely of whites,
and all natives being strictly excluded.
I must mention here that the English residents at this place, although numerically
much less than the Americans, have one great advantage over them, whether acting
politically or otherwise, and that is, whenever there is any matter that is of advantage to them, politically, commercially, or otherwise, they bury all social or personal
feeling and act together as a unit, thus giving them a great advantage over the
Americans in any matter that concerns their interest.
Unfortunately for the interest of the United States the Americans here are composed of two parties or factions, between whom there seems to be no feeling of
unity, socially, politically, or otherwise.
One of these factions is that composed of the old Puritanical stock, whose ideas
are very rigid regarding social proprieties, observance of the Sabbath, etc., and
whom, I must say, are rather intolerant of the other Americans, who may be termed
the society set of these islands; and although they possess an equal degree of intelligence, brains, etc., as their more rigid brethren, they are looked upon by them
as being rather frivolous and not setting a proper example to the native element,
whereas they take as much interest in furthering the views of our Government as
the other faction, although their strong social differences prevent them from acting
together, like the English, and placing American interests at a great disadvantage
whenever a question of political or commercial advantage arises between American
and English interests.
Mr. C. W. Ashford, ex-attorney-general of the late cabinet, changed his politics
previous to the dissolution of the late cabinet. and in doing so lost the confidence
of both parties; consequently he is eliminated as a factor for pioducing further
trouble, as he did formerly.
Mr. R. Wilcox, another great agitator, still possesses great influence among the
native element, and, although lately in public speeches he advocates a quiet settlement of difficulties, he is not to be trusted.
At present the leading spirit of the disturbing element is the Hon. J. E. Bush, a
member of the Legislature, but as he is not a military man therefore I do not think
he would prove a successful leader in case of any disturbance, as what is termed a
revolution at this place would be called a street riot in the United States, and a few
hundred men led by a determined man could easily quell any such so-called revolution, and one such lesson to them would be highly beneficial to their future welfare.
Although the different representatives of the different governments here apprehend serious trouble I do not think the situation alarming as a new constitution can
not be formed unless it passes the present Legislature, then it has to remain in
abeyance and again be brought before the next session before going into force. and
the better men of both parties being opposed to such a change I judge it will be
quietly settled without resort to force.
The only trouble that may occur is that if the mob attempt to coerce the Legislature to vote for the new constitution, our minister, Hon. John L. Stevens, and the
EnglisJi comiissionert Maj. WQodvvue, propose to laud the men from tlhoAmerin.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


can and British vessels of war to prevent it, and think this display of force will
prevent further trouble.
As regards this movement I asked the Hon. John L. Stevens if this was not
interfering with the autonomy of the Government at this place, to which he replied
no, not if the Government authorities request it; so as my instructions direct me
to support him with the available force at my command, and as the Department
of State indicates to the minister the policy to be observed, and I am directed to
act in unison with hinm, I shall in accordance with such instructions fully
cooperate and sustain him in any action he may take, deferring to his better
judgment on any question that may arise regarding international law.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
FELIX MCCURLEY,
Commander U. S. N., Commanding and Senior Officer Present.
The SECRETARY OF TiHE NAVY,
NYavy Department, Washington, D. 0..Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens.
No. 9.]                                DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, November 12, 1890.
SIR: I have received your No. 7 of the 22d October last, favoring
the establishment of a coal depot at Honolulu, for the use of our naval
force.
A copy has been sent to the Secretary of the Navy.
I am, sir, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens.
No. 10.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, December 3, 1890.
SIR: I have read with interest your No. 8 of the 14th ultimo relative to the political situation in Hawaii, and have made known to the
Secretary of the Navy what you remark touching the arrival at Honolulu of the U. S. S. Charleston.
I am, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens.
No. 15.]                         DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 28, 1891.
SIR: I have received your No. 16 of the 5th instant relating to the
death of King Kalakaua and the accession of Queen Liliuokalani; and
your No. 18 of the 9th instant, transmitting a resolution of Hawaiian
citizens expressive of the gratitude to the Government of the United
States, the governor of California, and the mayor of San Francisco, and
through them to the people they represent, for courtesies extended to
the late King during his recent visit to California, and of their thanks
to Rear-Admiral Brown and the officers and men under his command
on the United States flagship Charleston for the attentive entertainm~t of hiX Ote Majesty on hi* way to this country, and the solicitude




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1985


and care with which his remains were returned to Honolula on board
that ship.
This Government is gratified to be apprised of the accession of Her
Majesty Queen Liliuokalani, surrounded and sustained as she is by the
good will and sympathy of her people; and I hasten to express on its
behalf, not congratulations and good wishes alone, but the confident
expectation that the high duties devolved upon her by the act of Providence will be wisely and beneficently discharged.
By his visits to this country, where he was always assured of a sincere and cordial welcome, the person of the late King had become
familiar to many of the people, and his approachableness, the simplicity
and amiability of his manner, and the kindliness of his disposition, had
rendered him the object of their friendly regard and aroused the desire,
on their part, to testify their sentiments by such hospitalities as they
might offer with propriety. It is, therefore, not necessary to emphasize
the fact that his death among them became the cause of something
more than a merely formal expression of sorrow, or that he will be long
and pleasantly borne in remembrance.
The many years of friendship between his late Majesty and the
Government of the United States, and the neighborhood and common
interests of the Hawaiian and American peoples made it peculiarly
fitting that the last honors should be paid to him, and his body be
returned to his people, by officers and men of the American Navy, and
on board an American ship of war.
Your address to the committee of Hawaiian citizens, at whose hands
you received the copy of resolutions transmitted by you, is approved.
I am, etc.,
JAMES G. BLAINE.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens.
No. 28.1                     DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, September 9, 1891.
SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your No. 30, of the 20th
ultimo, in relation to the need of an American ship of war at Honolulu.
A copy of your dispatch has been transmitted to the Secretary of the
Navy.
I am, eta.*
WILLIAM F. WHARrON,
Assistant Secretary.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens.
No. 29.1                      DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, September 16, 1891.
SIR: In connection with my No. 28 of the 9th instant I inclose herewith a copy of a letter from the Secretary of the Navy, dated the 10th
instant, announcing that the U. S. S. Pensacola has been directed to
proceed to Honolulu, and to remain there until further ordered.
I am, etc.,
WILLIAM F. WHARTON,
Acting Secretary.
S. Rep. 227  125




1986


HA~WAIIAN ISLANDS.


[Inclosure in No. 29.]
Mr. Tracy to Mr. Blaine.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, September 10, 1891.
Sin: I have the honor to acknowledge, with thanks, the receipt of your letter ol
the 9th instant, inclosing copy of a dispatch from the United States minister to
Hawaii, presenting the necessity of an American man-of-war at Honolulu, and to
inform you that the U. S. S. Pensacola was directed by telegram on the 7th instant
to proceed to Honolulu and to remain there until further instructed.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
B. F. TRACY,
Secretary of the Navy.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens.
No. 50.]                             DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, June 7, 1892.
SIR: I have received your No. 56 of 21st ultimo, relative to the arrest
of several prominent persons at Honolulu on a charge of treason, and
have advised the Secretary of the Navy of your suggestions as to the
presence of a war vessel of this Government at that port.
WILLIAM F. WHARTON,
Acting Secretary.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
So. 57.]                       DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, September 29, 1892.
SIR: I have received your No. 65 (confidential) of the 14th instant,
describing the deadlock existing between the Hawaiian legislature
and the Queen over the constitution of a ministry, and have inclosed
a copy to the Secretary of the Navy for his confidential information.
I am, etc.,
JOHN W. FOSTER.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
[Confidential.]
No. 62.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, November 8, 1892.
SIR: Adverting to your current dispatches in relation to the course
of political events in the Hawaiian Islands, many of which are marked
by you " confidential," and for obvious reasons, I desire to suggest that
you endeavor to separate your reports into two classes, one of which
shall aim to give the narrative of public affairs in their open historical
aspect, and the other to be of a strictly reserved and confidential character, reporting and commenting upon matters of personal intrigue and
the like so far as you may deem necessary for my full understanding of
the situation. Many of your dispatches combine these two modes of
treatment to such a degree as to make their publication, in the event
of a call from Congress or other occasion therefor, inexpedient, and,
indeed, impracticable, without extended omissions.
I am, etc.,
JOHN W. FOSTER.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                       1987
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
[Telegram.]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE.
Washington, January 28, 1893,
Your dispatch, telegraphed from San Francisco, announcing revolution and establishment of a Provisional Government, was received
to-day. Your course in recognizing an unopposed defacto government
appears to have been discreet and in accordance with the facts. The
rule of this Government has uniformly been to recognize and enter into
relation with any actual government in full possession of effective power
with the assent of the people. You will continue to recognize the new
Government under such conditions. It is trusted that the change,
besides conducingto the tranquility and welfareof the Hawaiian Islands,
will tend to draw closer the intimate ties of amity and common interests which so conspicuously and necessarily link them to the United
States. You will keep in constant communication with the commander
of the United States naval force at Honolulu, with a view to acting, if
need be, for the protection of the interests and property of American
citizens and aiding in the preservation of good order under the changed
condition reported.
JOHN W. FOSTER.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
No. 71.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 11, 1893.
SIR: Your cipher telegram, dated the 1st instant, and transmitted
through the Navy Department's good offices, was received here at 4:30
p. m. on the 9th instant.
You therein make the following important statement:
To-day, at 9 a.m., in accordance with the request of the Provisional Government
of Hawaii, I have placed Government of Hawaii under the United States protection
during negotiations, not interfering with the execution of public affairs.
The precise character and scope of the act thus announced by you do
not appear from this brief recital. The press, however, prints full
details of the occurrences of the 1st instant, as telegraphed from San
Francisco on the arrival of the mail steamer Australia at that port on
the morning of the 9th, and I therein find what purports, with appearance of general correctness, to be the text of a proclamation issued by
you on the 1st instant, which reads as follows:
By authority, to the Hawaiian people:
At the request of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, I hereby,
in the name of the United States of America, assume protection of the Hawaiian
Islands for the protection of life and property, and occupation of the public buildings and Hawaiian soil, so far as may be necessary for the purpose specified, but not
interfering with the administration of public affairs by the Provisional Government.
This action is taken pending and subject to negotiations at Washington.
JOHN L. STEVENS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States.
UNITED STATES LEGATION, February 1, 1893.
Approved and executed by C. C. Wiltse, captain U. S. N., commanding U. S. S.
Boston




1988


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


The manner and degree of the execution of your proclamation by
the naval force are not related with particularity in a brief telegraphic
report just received from Capt. Wiltse. He merely says:
To-day at 9 a. m., in accordance with request of Provisional Government of Hawaii,
the United States minister plenipotentiary placed the Government of Hawaii under
United States protection during negotiations, not interfering with the execution of
public affairs.
It appears from the press reports that the ceremonial for the execution of your orders consisted in the landing of a battalion from the
Boston, its formation at the Government building in concert with three
volunteer companies of the Provisional Government, the reading of
your proclamation by Lieut. Rushy and the hoisting of the United States
flag over the Government building. The Hawaiian flag on other public buildings in Honolulu is stated not to have been disturbed.
The phraseology of your proclamation in announcing your action in
assumption of protection of the Hawaiian Islands in the name of the
United States would appear to be tantamount to the assumption of a
protectorate over those Islands in behalf of the United States with all
the rights and obligations which the term implies. To this extent it
goes beyond the necessities of the situation and the instructions heretofore given you.
Your existing instructions, and those under which the commanders
of naval vessels of the United States act, were and are ample to provide all legitimate material protection in case of need, either in your
discretion or at the request of the duly constituted authorities of the
Hawaiian Islands, for the lives and property of American citizens
endangered or menaced, or for the prevention of lawless and tumultuous
acts of disturbance of the public peace and safety. The accordance of
such measures of protection, or the unsolicited taking of the needful
precautions to those ends, is, however, not to be confounded with the
establishment of a protectorate, which is, in fact, the positive erection
of a paramount authority over or in place of the duly constituted local
government and the assumption by the protector of the especial responsibilities attaching to such formal protection.
It is not thought probable that the Provisional Government of the
Hawaiian Islands, in soliciting protection, contemplated more than the
cooperation of the moral and material forces of the United States to
strengthen its own authority and power as a recognized sovereign
Government for the protection of life and property, as stated in your
proclamation. Such a degree of protection you were, as I have said,
already fully competent to accord, or to exercise in your discretion in
case of need.
Your proclamation expresses no reservation as to confirmation of your
action by the Government of the United States. Its provisos are, that
the assumed function of protection is to be exercised so far as may be
necessary for the specified purpose of protecting life and property,
without interference with the administration of public affairs by the
Provisional Government, and that the action in question " is taken
pending and subject to negotiations at Washington." These qualifications are entirely in the line of my views of the scope and intent of
the request made to you by the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian
Islands. The omission of reference to the necessary sanction of the
Government of the United States is immaterial, for its function of
revision and confirmation or disavowal of the acts of its agents is inherrent and exercisable at its discretion.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1989


So far, therefore, as your action amounts to according, at the request
of the de facto sovereign Government of the Hawaiian Islands, the cooperation of the moral and material forces of the United States for the
protection of life and property from apprehended disorders, your action
is commended. But so far as it may appear to overstep that limit by
setting the authority and power of the United States above that of the
Government of the Hawaiian Islands, in the capacity of protector, or
to impair in any way the independent sovereignty of the Hawaiian
Government by substituting the flag and power of the United States
as the symbol and manifestation of paramount authority, it is disavowed.
Instructions will be sent to the commanding officers of the United
States naval forces in the Hawaiian Islands confirming and renewing
the instructions heretofore given them under which they are authorized
and directed to cooperate with you for the preservation of American
life and property, and the maintenance of good order in case of need.
Your own instructions in the same sense are continued.
You are accordingly authorized, upon the receipt of these instructions, to arrange with the commanding naval officer for the continued
presence on shore of such marine force as may be practicable and
requisite for the security of the lives and property interests of citizens
of the United States, and the repression of lawlessness and public disturbance threatening them, whenever in your judgment it shall be necessary so to do, or when such cooperative measures may be sought for
good cause by the Government of the Hawaiian Islands; being, however, always careful to make due discrimination between these functions of voluntary or accorded protection and the assumption of a protectorate over the Hawaiian Islands by the United States. No step
should be taken by you, or will be sanctioned by this Government,
which might tend to derogate in anyway from t1 we independence of the
Government of the Hawaiian Islands, which the United States have
recognized as sovereign and with which they treat on terms of sovereign equality.
A telegraphic instruction briefly outlining the substance of this dispatch, will be sent to you, by way of San Francisco, by the mail
steamer sailing from that port on the 15th instant.
I am, sir, etc.,
JOHN W. FOSTERS
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
[Telegram.]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 14, 1893.
Your telegram of the 1st instant has been received, with coincident
report from commander of the Boston. Press telegrams from San
Francisco give full details of events of 1st instant, with text of your
proclamation. The latter, in announcing assumption of protection of
the Hawaiian Islands in the name of the United States, would seem
to be tantamount to the assumption of a protectorate over those Islands
onwbehalf of the United States, with all the rights and obligations
which the term implies. It is not thought, however, that the request
of the Provisional Government for protection, or your action in comrn



1990


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


pliance therewith, contemplated more than the cooperation of the
moral and material forces of the United States to strengthen the
authority of the Provisional Government, by according to it adequate
protection for life and property during the negotiations instituted here,
and without interfering with the execution ot public affairs. Such
cooperation was and is within your standing instructions and those of
the naval commanders in Hawaiian waters. So far as your course
accords to the de facto sovereign Government the material cooperation
of the United States for the maintenance of good order and protection
of life and property from apprehended disorders, it is commended; but
so far as it may appear to overstep that limit by setting the authority
of the United States above that of the Hawaiian Government, in the
capacity of protector, or to impair the independent sovereignty of that
Government by substituting the flag and power of the United States,
it is disavowed.
Instructions will be sent to naval commanders, confirming and renew.
ing those heretofore given them, under which they are authorized and
directed to cooperate with you in case of need. Your own instructions
are likewise renewed and you are accordingly authorized to arrange
with the commanding officer for the continued presence on shore of
such marine force as may be practicable and requisite for the security
of the lives and property interests of American citizens and the repression of lawlessness threatening them whenever in your judgment it
shall be necessary so to do, or when such cooperation may be sought
for good cause by the Government of the Hawaiian Islands, being,
however, always careful to distinguish between these functions of voluntary or accorded protection and the assumption of a protectorate
over the Government of the Hawaiian Islands, which the United States
have recognized as sovereign and with which they treat on terms of
sovereign equality.
JOHN W. FOSTER.
MIr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
[Telegram.]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 15, 1893.
A treaty of annexation has been signed and will be sent to the Senate
without delay.
JOHN W. FOSTER.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
[Telegram.]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 15, 1893.
The President tenders his heartfelt condolences by reason of your
great bereavement. I add my tribute of sincere sorrow.
JOHN W. FOSTER.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


1991


Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
No. 72.]                        DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VAashington, February 16, 1893.
SIR: I append copies of my telegrams to you of the 15th instant ir
relation to your recent bereavement and to the treaty annexing the
Hawaiian Islands to the United States.
I am, etc.,
JOHN W. FOSTER.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
No. 73.]                         DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 16, 1893.
SIR: I append on the overleaf a copy of a telegram sent to you on
the 14th instant relative to the Hawaiian. revolution.
I am, etc.,
JOHN W. FOSTER.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens.
No. 74.]                              DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 17, 1893.
SIR: I append for your information copy of an instruction to the consul-general at Honolulu, of this date, directing him to report fully as to
the shipping under Hawaiian registry on the 17th day of January,
1893, and any transfer of vessels to the Hawaiian flag which may have
been or may be affected since that date.
You will kindly lend Mr. Severance your counsel and aid in preparing the indicated report.
I suggest, moreover, for your confidential guidance, that it may be
well for you to make such friendly and discreet intimation to the pres.
ent Government as may discourage the placing of foreign shipping
under its flag at this juncture.
I am, etc.,
WILLIAM F. WHARTON,
Acting Secretary.
[Inclosure in No. 74.]
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Severance.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 17, 1893.
SIR: I have to request that you will prepare at as early a day as may be possible,
and forward to the Department, a table showing all vessels, bona fide, under Hawaiian
registry on the 17th of January last, giving names, character, tonnage, horse power,
if steamers, where and when built, and how owned at that date, whether by Hawaiian citizens or foreigners.




1992


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


You will also be expected to report what vessels, if any, have been or may be
transferred from foreign registry to the Hawaiian flag since the 17th of January,
giving the same particulars.
It is said, but with what positive foundation is not here known, that a movement
is on foot to place a number of foreign vessels under the Hawaiian registry with a
view to eventually obtaining the benefits of United States registry. Your inquiries,
which should be discreet, and your report should aim to throw light on this subject.
The minister has been informed of this instruction, and you may confer with him
on the subject.
I am, etc.,
WILLIAM F. WHARTON,
Acting Secretary.
Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens.
[Telegram.]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 22, 1893.
The treaty of annexation still pending in Senate. In addition to
previous instructions you will, in cooperation with naval authorities,
support Provisional Government in maintaining security to life and
property and good order until action can be taken on treaty.
FOSTER.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens.
No. 76.]                              DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 24, 1893.
SIR: I append a copy of a telegram sent you on 22d instant.
I am, etc.
WILLIAM    F. WHARTON,
Acting Secretary.
Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens.
No. 77.]                               DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, March 2, 1893.
SIR: I transmit a letter of the President in reply to the letter of
January 24, 1893, of His Excellency the President of the Provisional
Government of the Hawaiian Islands, relating to political events, and
a copy thereof. You will send the copy to the foreign offices and
deliver the original at a time and in a manner agreeable to His
Excellency.
I am, sir, etc.,
WILLIAM F. WHARTON,
Acting Secretary.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                       1993
[Inclosure in No. 77.]
President Harrison to President Dole.
BENJAMIN HARRISON, President of the United States of America, to His Excellency
SANFORD B. DOLE, President of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian
Islands:
GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND: I have received your letter of January 24, 1893, by
which you inform me that the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands has
been quietly and peaceably established under a proclamation formally and publicly
made at the door of the Government building, in Honolulu, on the 17th day of January; 1893, and that the said Government has honored you with the office of President of the Provisional Government and chairman of the executive and advisory
councils of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
I am pleased to note the expression of your earnest desire to maintain and
strengthen the strong friendship which has for so many years existed between the
United States and the Hawaiian Islands, and to assure Your Excellency that I shall
omit no effort which may conduce to the accomplishment of a purpose which I so
heartily desire.
May God have Your Excellency and the people of the Hawaiian Islands in His
wise keeping.
Your good friend,
BENJ. HARRISON.
By the President:
WILLIAM F. WHARTON,
Acting Secretary of State.
WASIIINGTON, March 1, 1893.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Blount.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, March 11, 1893.
Hon. JAMES ]H. BLOUNT, etc.:
SIR: The situation created in the Hawaiian Islands by the recent
deposition of Queen Liliuokalani and the erection of a Provisional
Government demands the fullest consideration of the President, and
in order to obtain trustworthy information on this subject, as well as
for the discharge of other duties herein specified, he has decided to
dispatch you to the Hawaiian Islands as his special commissioner, in
which capacity you will herewith receive a commission and also a letter,
whereby the President accredits you to the president of the executive
and advisory councils of the Hawaiian Islands.
The comprehensive, delicate, and confidential character of your mission can now only be briefly outlined, the details of its execution being
necessarily left, in a great measure, to your good judgment and wise discretion.                                          i
You will investigate and fully report to the President all the facts
you can learn respecting the condition of affairs in the Hawaiian Islands,
the causes of the revolution by which the Queen's Government was
overthrown, the sentiment of the people toward existing authority, and,
in general, all that can fully enlighten the President touching the subjects of your mission.
To enable you to fulfill this charge, your authority in all matters
touching the relations of this Government to the existing or other government of the Islands, and the protection of our citizens therein, is
paramount, and in you alone, acting in cooperation with the commander
of the naval forces, is vested full discretion and power to determine
when such forces should be landed or withdrawn.




1994                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
You are, however, authorized to avail yourself of such aid and
information as you may desire from the present minister of the United
States at Honolulu, Mr. John L. Stevens, who will continue until
further notice to perform the usual functions attaching to his office
not inconsistent with the powers intrusted to you. An instruction will
be sent to Mr. Stevens directing him to facilitate your presentation to
the head of the Government upon your arrival, and to render you all
needed assistance.
The withdrawal from the Senate of the recently signed treaty of
annexation, for reexamination by the President, leaves its subject-matter in abeyance, and you are not charged with any duty in respect
thereto. It may be well, however, for you to dispel any possible misapprehension which its withdrawal may have excited touching the
entire friendliness of the President and the Government of the United
States toward the people of the Hawaiian Islands or the earnest solicitude here felt for their welfare, tranquillity, and progress.
Historical precedents and the general course of the United States
authorize the employment of its armed force in foreign territory for the
security of the lives and property of American citizens, and for the
repression of lawless and tumultuous acts threatening them; and the
powers conferred to that end upon the representatives of the United
States are both necessary and proper, subject always to the exercise of
a sound discretion in their application.
In the judgment of the President your authority, as well as that of
the commander of the naval forces in Hawaiian waters, should be, and
is, limited in the use of the physical force to such measures as are necessary to protect the persons and property of our citizens; and while
abstaining from any manner of interference with the domestic concerns
of the Islands, you should indicate your willingness to intervene with
your friendly offices in the interest of a peaceful settlement of troubles
within the limits of sound discretion.
Should it be necessary to land an armed force upon Hawaiian territory on occasions of popular disturbance, when the local authority may
be unable to afford adequate protection to the life and property of citizens of the United States, the assent of such authority should first be
obtained, if it can be done without prejudice to the interests involved.
Your power in this regard should not, however, be claimed to the exclusion of similar measures by the representatives of other powers for the
protection of the lives and property of their citizens or subjects residing
in the Islands.
While the United States claim no right to interfere in the political
or domestic affairs or in the internal conflicts of the Hawaiian Islands
otherwise than as herein stated, or for the purpose of maintaining any
treaty or other rights which they possess, this Government will adhere
to its consistent and established policy in relation to them, and it will
not acquiesce in domestic interference by other powers.
The foregoing general exposition of the President's views will indicate the safe courses within which your action should be shaped and
mark the limits of your discretion in calling upon the naval commander
for cooperation.
The United States revenue cutter Rush is under orders to await you
at San Francisco and convey you to Honolulu.
A stenographic clerk will be detailed to accompany you and remain
subject to your orders.
It is expected that you will use all convenient dispatch for the
fulfillment of your mission, as it is the President's wish to have the




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   1995
results before him at the earliest possible day. Besides the connected
report you are expected to furnish you will from time to time, as occasion
may offer, correspond with the Secretary of State, communicating
information or soliciting special instruction on such points as you may
deem necessary. In case of urgency you may telegraph, either in
plain text or in the cipher of the Navy Department, through the
kind offices of the admiral commanding, which may be sent to Mr. W. A.
Cooper, United States dispatch agent at San Francisco, to be transmitted.
Reposing the amplest confidence in your ability and zeal for the realization of the trust thus confided to you,
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
W. Q. GRESHAM.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Stevens.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Wlshington, March 11, 1893.
SIR: With a view to obtaining the fullest possible information ir
regard to the condition of affairs in the Hawaiian Islands, the President has determined to send to Honolulu, as his Special Commissioner,
the honorable James H. Blount, lately chairman of the Committee on
Foreign Affairs.
Mr. Blount bears credential letters in that capacity addressed to the
president of the executive and advisory councils of the Provisional
Government, and you are requested to facilitate his presentation.
In all matters pertaining to the existing or other Government of the
Islands the authority of Mr. Blount is paramount. As regards the
conduct of the usual business of the legation, you are requested to
continue until further notice in the performance of your official functions, so far as they may not be inconsistent with the special powers
confided to Mr. Blount. You are also requested to aid him in the fulfillment of his important mission by furnishing any desired assistance
and information, and the archives of the legation should be freely
accessible to him.
Mr. Blount is fully instructed touching his relations to the commanding officer of the United States naval force in Hawaiian waters.
I am, etc.,
W. Q. GRESHAM.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Severance.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, March 11, 1893.
SIR: With a view to obtaining the fullest possible information in
regard to the condition of affairs in the Hawaiian Islands, the President
sends to Honolulu, as his special commissioner, the honorable James
H. Blount, lately chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs.
You are requested to aid Mr. Blount in the fulfillment of his important mission by furnishing any desired assistance and information;
and the archives of the consulate-general should be freely accessible
to him.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
W. Q. GRESHAM.




1996                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Stevens.
[Telegram.]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, April 25, 1893.
In view of your tender of resignation dated March 7 and of your dis.
patch 94 of April 4, I am directed by the President to inform you that
your resignation is accepted. You are therefore authorized to quit your
post at your early convenience, leaving the archives and property of
the legation in custody of Consul-General Severance without diplomatic
functions.
GRESHAM.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Blount.
No. 1.]                           DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, May 22, 1893.
SIR: The President having appointed you to be envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States to the
Hawaiian Islands, I herewith transmit the following papers:
1. Your commission in that capacity.
2. A letter of credence addressed to His Excellency Sanford B. Dole,
President of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands,
with an office copy of the same. This latter you will deliver to the
minister for foreign affairs upon asking, through him, an audience
with his excellency for the purpose of presenting the original.
3. A copy of the printed personal instructions prescribed by this
Department for the government of the diplomatic officers abroad.
4. A special passport for yourself and suite.
5. A register of the Department of State.
Your compensation, as fixed by law, will be at the rate of $7,500 a
year, for which you will draw upon this Department, quarterly, as it
becomes due. You will also be allowed $1,000 per aninum on account
of rent and contingent expenses of the legation, and will draw for the
same quarterly, as above.
You are particularly referred to the printed personal instructions
for detailed information and directions as to the mode of drawing your
salary and rendering your accounts, as well as for the regulations
relating to the expenditures of your legation.
To become properly conversant with the business of the legation,
you will have recourse to the correspondence between this Department
and your predecessors in the mission recorded in its archives. Special instructions on important subjects between the two Governments
will be sent to you from time to time as occasion may require.
The Department entertains the confidence that your intelligent and
zealous attention to the interests of the United States, now confided to
your care, will be conducive to the harmony and friendly relations
existing between the Governments of the two countries.
You will execute the necessary oath of office, herewith inclosed, and
return it to the Department.
Your salary as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary
begins from that date.
I am, etc..                            W. Q. GRESHAM.
Inclosures: (1) Commission; (2) letter of credence and office copy;
(3) printed personal instructions; (4) a special passport for yourself
and suite; (5) Department of State Register; (6) oath of office.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                    1997
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Blount.
No. 2.]                            DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, May 22, 1893.
SIR: I inclose herewith the letter of the President recalling Mr.
John L. Stevens, your predecessor in the mission to the Hawaiian
Islands, with an office copy of the same.
Mr. Stevens, having taken his departure from Honolulu, you will,
at the same time you ask an audience for the purpose of presenting
your letters of credence, request the privilege of delivering Mr. Steven's
letters of recall in view of his departure before they could reach him.
I am, etc.,
W. Q. GRESHAM.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Blount.
No. 5.]                            DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, June 23, 1893.
SIR: I transmit for your information a copy of a note of the minister
of Hawaii, touching the recall by the Provisional Government of the
commission appointed last January, for the purpose of negotiating
terms for the union of the Hawaiian Islands with the United States,
and announcing his readiness to resume the subject at any convenient
time.
I am, etc.
W. Q. GRESHAM.
Mr. Adee to Mr. Willis.
No. 2.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE.
Washington, September 28? 1893.
SIR: I inclose herewith a letter from the President recalling Mr.
James H. Blount as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary
of the United States to the Hawaiian Islands, with an office copy
thereof. This letter you will present to the President of the Provisional
Government, with your letter of credence, having previously sent the
copy to the foreign office, and explain that Mr. Blount is unable to
present it in person by reason of his having resigned the office while in
the United States.
I am, etc.,
ALVEY A. ADEE,
Acting Secretary.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Willis.
[Confidential.]
No. 4.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, October 18, 1893.
SIR: Supplementingthe generalinstructions * which you have received
with regard to your official duties, it is necessary to communicate to
you, in confidence, special instructions for your guidance in so far as
'Similar to the instructions sent to Mr. Blount under date of May 22, 1893.




1998                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
concerns the relation of the Government of the United States towards
the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islainds.
The President deemed it his duty to withdraw from the Senate the
treaty of annexation which has been signed by the Secretary of State
and the agents of the Provisional Government, and to dispatch a
trusted representative to Hawaii to impartially investigate the causes
of the so-called revolution and ascertain and report the true situation
in those Islands. This information was needed the better to enable
the President to discharge a delicate and important public duty.
The instructions given to Mr. Blount, of which you are furnished
with a copy, point ouit a line of conduct to be observed by him in his
official and personal relations on the Islands, by which you will be
guided so far as they are applicable and not inconsistent with what is
herein contained.
It remains to acquaint you with the President's conclusions upon
the facts embodied in Mr. Blount's reports and to direct your course
in accordance therewith.
The Provisional Government was not established by the Hawaiian
people or with their consent or acquisecence, nor has it since existed
with their consent. The Queen refused to surrender her powers to the
Provisional Government until convinced that the minister of the United
States had recognized it as the de facto authority and would support
and defend it with the military force of the United States, and that
resistance would precipitate a bloody conflict with that force. She was
advised and assured by her ministers and by leaders of the movement
for the overthrow of her Government that if she surrendered under
protest her case would afterwards be fairly considered by the President
of the United States. The Queen finally wisely yielded to the armed
forces of the United States then quartered in Honolulu, relying upon
the good faith and honor of the President, when informed of what had
occurred, to undo the action of the minister and reinstate her and the
authority which she claimed as the constitutional sovereign of the
Hawaiian Islands.
After a patient examination of Mr. Blount's report the President is
satisfied that the movement against the Queen, if not instigated, was
encouraged and supported by the representative of this Government at
Honolulu; that he promised in advance to aid her enemies in an effort
to overthrow the Hawaiian Government and set up by force a new
government in the place, and that he kept this promise by causing a
detachment of troops to be landed from the Boston on the 16th of January, and by recognizing the Provisional Government the next day
when it was too feeble to defend itself, and the Constitutional Government was able to successfully maintain its authority against any
threatening force other than that of the United States already landed.
The President has, therefore, determined that he will not send back
to the Senate for its action thereon the treaty which he withdrew from
that body for further consideration on the 9th day of March last.
On your arrival at Honolulu you will take advantage of an early
opportunity to inform the Queen of this determination, making known
to her the President's sincere regret that the reprehensible conduct of
the American minister and the unauthorized presence on land of a military force of the United States obliged her to surrender her sovereignty
for the time being and rely on the justice of this Government to undo
the flagrant wrong.
You will, however, at the same time inform the Queen that when
reinstated the President expects that she will pursue a magnanimous




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
I'll


1999


course by granting full amnesty to all who participated in the movement against her, including persons who are or have been officially or
otherwise connected with the Provisional Government, depriving them
of no right or privilege which they enjoyed before the so-called revolution. All obligations created by the Provisional Government in due
course of administration should be assumed.
Having secured the Queen's agreement to pursue this wise and
humane policy, which it is believed you will speedily obtain, you will
then advise the executive of the Provisional Government and his ministers of the President's determination of the question which their
action and that of the Queen developed upon him, and that they are
expected to promptly relinquish to her her constitutional authority.
Should the Queen decline to pursue the liberal course suggested, or
should the Provisional Government refuse to abide by the President's
decision, you will report the facts and wait further directions.
In carrying out the general instructions, you will be guided largely
by your own good judgment in dealing with the delicate situation.
I am, etc.,
W. Q. GRESHAM.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. WMllis.
[telegram.]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
tWashington, November 24, 1893.
The brevity and uncertainty of your telegrams are embarrassing.
You will insist upon amnesty and recognition of obligations of the
Provisional Government as essential conditions of restoration. All
interests will be promoted by prompt action.
W. Q. GRESHAM.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Willts.
[Telegram.]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, December 3, 1893.
SIR: Your dispatch, which was answered by steamer on the 25th of
November, seems to call for additional instructions.
Should the Queen refuse assent to the written conditions you will at
once inform her that the President will cease interposition in her
behalf, and that while he deems it his duty to endeavor to restore to the
sovereign the constitutional government of the Islands, his further
efforts in that direction will depend upon the Queen's unqualified agreemnent that all obligations created by the Provisional Government
in a proper course of administration shall be assumed, and upon
such pledges by her as will prevent the adoption of any measures of
proscription or punishment for what has been done in the past by those
setting up or supporting the Provisional Government. The President
feels that by our original interference and what followed we have
incurred responsibilities to the whole Hawaiian community, and it
would not be just to put one party at the mercy of the other.




2000                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Shouldthe Queen ask whether, if she accedes to conditions, active
steps will be taken by the United States to effect her restoration, or to
maintain her authority thereafter, you will say that the President can
not use force without the authority of Congress.
Should the Queen accept conditions, and the Provisional Government refuse to surrender, you will be governed by previous instructions.
If the Provisional Government asks whether the United States will
hold the Queen to fulfillment of stipulated conditions you will say the
President, acting under dictates of honor and duty as he has done in
endeavoring to effect restoration, will do all in his constitutional power
to cause observance of the conditions he has imposed.
I am, etc.,
W. Q. GRESHAM.




NAVAL INSTRUCTIONS,
2001
S. Rep. 227-126








LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, D. C., December 12, 1893.
TO THE PRESIDENT:
I have the honor to transmit herewith copies of all instructions giv
to naval officers of the United States with reference to affairs in the
Hawaiian Islands, from March 4, 1881, up to the present time.
I have the honor 'to be, with great respect,
Very respectfully,
W. MCADoo,
Acting Secretary of the Navy.
2003




I




LIST OF INSTRUCTIONS
Mr. Chandler to Rear-Admiral Balch, June 6, 1882.
Mr. Chandler to Mr. Frelinghuysen, June 7, 1882.
Mr. Chandler to Rear-Admiral Balch, October 19,1882.
Mr. Chandler to Mr. Frelinghuysen, May 3, 1883.
Mr. Whitney to American consul at Panama, cablegram, June 24, 1887.
Mr. Whitney to commander-in-chief Pacific Station, July 12, 1887.
Mr. Harmony to Rear-Admiral Kimberly, November 11, 1887.
Mr. Tracy to Rear-Admiral Kimberly, September 13, 1889.
Same to same, December 2, 1889.
Mr. Tracy to Rear-Admiral Brown, May 15, 1890.
Same to same, June 20, 1890.
Mr. Tracy to commanding officer Mohican, telegram, August 23, 1890.
Mr. Tracy to Rear-Admiral Brown, telegram, August 27,1890.
Mr. Ramsay to Rear-Admiral Brown, January 20, 1891.
Mr. Tracy to Rear-Admiral Brown, telegram, January 21,1891.
Same to same, telegram, January 21, 1891.
Same to same, January 22, 1891.
Same to same, telegram, January 24, 1891.
Same to same, March 11, 1891.
Mr. Ramsay to Rear-Admiral Brown, March 25, 1891.
Mr. Tracy to commanding officer Iroquois, June 26, 1891.
Mr. Tracy to commander-in-chief Pacific Station, September 8, 1891.
Mr. Tracy to commanding officer Boston, July 15, 1S92.
Mr. Soley to commanding officer Boston, telegram, August 16, 1892.
Mr. Ramsay to commanding officer Boston, telegram, September 2, 1892.
Mr. Ramsay to Admiral Harmony, telegram, September 2, 1892.
Mr. Ramsay to Rear-Admiral Brown, telegram, September 13, 1892.
Same to same, telegram, September 15, 1892.
Same to same, telegram, September 21, 1892.
Mr. Tracy to Rear-Admiral Brown, September 28,1892.
Mr. Tracy to commanding officer Alliance, telegram, October 11, 1892.
Mr. Tracy to Admiral Skerrett, telegram, January 28, 1893.
Same to same, telegram, February 14, 1893.
Mr. Tracy to commander-in-chief Pacific Station, February 14, 1893.
Mr. Ramsay to commanding officer Boston, February 17, 1893.
Mr. Herbert to Admiral Skerrett, March 11, 1893.
Same to same, telegram, April 8, 1893.
Mr. McAdoo to commander-iu-chief Pacific Station, May 10, 1893.
Mr. Herbert to Pay-Inspector Lyons, telegram, August 16, 1893.
Mr. Herbert to commander-in-chief Pacific Station, August 18, 1893.
Mr. Herbert to Admiral Skerrett, telegram, September 27, 1893.
Same to same, telegram, October 9, 1893.
Mr. Herbert to Rear-Admiral Irwin, telegram, October 10, 1893.
2005




1%
I
I




NAVAL INSTRUCTIONS.
Secretary Chandler to Rear-Admiral Balch.
1NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, June 6, 1882.
SIR: I inclose for your information a copy of a dispatch from Gen.
Comly, United States minister resident at Honolulu, addressed to the
honorable the Secretary of State, and have to direct that you send one
of the vessels of your squadron to Honolulu for a reasonable visit, and
to other ports of the Hawaiian Kingdom, if thought advisable, after
which you will make such disposition of that vessel as the needs of the
station may dictate. It is not thought advisable for the flagship to
leave the west coast of South America at present. You will therefore
detail the Alaska or Lackawanna for the services indicated above.
Very respectfully,
WM. E. CHANDLER,
Secretary of the Navy.
Rear-Admiral GEORGE B. BALCH,
Commanding United States Naval Force on Pacific Station.
Secretary Chandler to Secretary Frelinghuysen.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, June 7, 1882.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your confidential letter of the 2d instant, and the copy of the dispatch of the 8th
ultimo, with accompanying papers, from the United States minister
resident at Honolulu. Instructions have been given Rear-Admiral
George B. Balch, commanding our naval force in the Pacific, to send
one of the vessels of the squadron to the Hawaiian Islands, in compliance with your suggestion.
I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant
WM. E. CHANDLER,
Secretary of the Navy.
Hon. FREDK. T. FRELINGHUYSEN,
Secretary of State.
2007




2008


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Secretary Chandler to Rear-Admiral Balch.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, October 19, 1882.
SIR: The coronation of the King of the Hawaiian Islands is fixed
for the 12th of February next. It is desirable that at least two of our
vessels of war should go to Honolulu some time previous to that date
and remain until after the ceremony, and as much longer as may be
deemed advisable, their movements being governed to a proper extent
by the opinions and advice of the United States minister.
You will give the necessary orders to carry these instructions into
effect.
Very respectfully,
WM. E. CHANDLER,
Secretary of the Navy.
Rear-Admiral GEORGE B. BALCHI, U. S. Navy,
Commanding United States Naval Force on Pacific Station.
Secretary Chandler to Secretary Prelinghuysen.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, May 3, 1883.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
April 28, transmitting copy of dispatch of April 6 from Mr. Daggett,
United States minister resident at Honolulu, giving reasons why a
United States naval vessel should at all times remain within the limits
of the Hawaiian Kingdom. In reply, I have to say that this Department, while unable to keep a vessel constantly at Honolulu, will give
such directions as to insure one of its vessels visiting Honolulu at as
frequent intervals as practicable.
I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
WM. E. CHANDLER,
Secretary of the Navy.
Hon. FREDERICK T. FRELINGHUYSEN,
Secretary of State.
[Cablegram.]
JUNE 24, 1887.
AMERICAN CONSUL, Panama.
(Via Galvestou.)
Wire Kimberly deemed advisable he go Sandwich Islands in near
future. Adams instructed await his arrival.
WHITNEY.
Secretary Whitney to Commander-in-Chief, United States Naval Force,
Pacific Station.
JULY 12, 1887.
SIR: In view of the reported unsettled condition of political affairs
in the Hawaiian Kingdom, the Department is very desirous that there
should be a cordial and cooperative understanding between our min
ister at Honolulu and the commanding officer of the naval force on




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2009


the Pacific station. The Department of State will indicate to the
minister the policy which it is desirable to be observed, and in order
that the views of our Government may be discreetly and properly
sustained, you will be pleased to keep yourself in constant communication with Mr. Morrill, supporting him if necessary with the available
force under your command.
Very respectfully,
W. C. WHITNEY,
Secretary of the Navy.
The COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF,
United States Naval lForce, Pacific Station.
Acting Secretary Harmony to Rear-Admiral Kimberly.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, November 11, 1887.
SIR: Under the late treaty between this Government and that of
the Hawaiian Islands the United States has acquired certain rights in
Pearl Harbor, Island of Oahu. For the present it is deemed advisable
for such ships of your squadron as practicable to remain at the Sandwich Islands. While there you will be pleased to have Pearl Harbor
examined, particularly at the entrance, the extent of artificial channel
which it will be necessary to cut and the best point for such work determined, and an estimate made of its cost. At the same time you will
procure as full information as possible with regard to the rights of private individuals in Pearl Harbor, together with any other information
bearing upon the general subject that you may be able to collect, and
forward the whole to the Navy Department for the information of this
Government.
The Marion, now at Panama, has been ordered to touch at various
Central American and Mexican ports as far north as Acapulco, from
which point she is to proceed to the Sandwich Islands to remain a reasonable time before proceeding to Yokohama to report for duty on the
Asiatic station. Similar orders will probably be issued to the Omaha
in March next.
Very respectfully,
D. B. HARMONY,
Acting Secretary of the Navy.
Rear-Admiral L. A. KIMBERLY, U. S. Navy,
Commanding United States lForce on Pacific Station,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands.
Secretary Tracy to Rear-Admiral Kimberly.
NAVY DEPARTMENT, September 13, 1889.
SIR: The Department incloses herewith, for your information, a copy
of a cipher message sent you yesterday by wire, through the United
States consul at Auckland, N. Z.
Very respectfully,
B. B. TRACY,
Secretary of the Navy.
Rear-Admiral L. A. KIMBERLY, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force on Pacific Station, Apia, Samoa.




2010                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Secretary Tracy to Rear-Admiral Kimberly.
NAVY DEPARTMENT, November 13, 1889.
SIR: Referring to your letter, No. 165, of the 18th ultimo, with reference to the political situation in the Hawaiian Islands, and in which
you state that 'it would promote a feeling of security to our own people, and I think to other foreigners, if at the February election we had
a force here competent to preserve order should necessity arise," the
Department directs that you will keep as many of the vessels of your
command in Hawaiian waters as you may deem expedient for the purpose of carrying out the object in view.
A copy of a letter from the Honorable the Secretary of State, concurring in your opinion as to the desirability of such action, is inclosed
herewith for your information.
Very respectfully,
B. F. TRACY,
Secretary of the Navy.
Rear-Admiral L. A. KIMBERLY,
Commanding United States Naval Force, Pacific Station.
Secretary Tracy to Rear-Admiral Kimberly.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
December 2, 1889.
SIR: In reply to your letter, No. 177d, of the 16th ultimo, expressing
a desire to relinquish the command of your station at Honolulu about
the 15th of January, 1890, in order that you can return to the United
States by the steamer of January 17, you are informed that the Department finds it inconvenient to comply with this request, but authorizes
you to proceed to San Francisco, Cal., by the steamer of January 17,
and to turn over your command at that place upon the arrival of your
relief.
Upon your arrival at San Francisco you are authorized to hoist
your flag upon any vessel of your squadron that may be in that port.
Very respectfully,
B. F. TRACY,
Secretary of the Navy.
Rear-Admiral L. A. KIMBERLY, U. S. Navy.
Commanding Pacific Station,
U. S. E. S. Mohican, Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands.
Secretary Tracy to Admiral Brown.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, May 15, 1890.
SIR: The Department deems it advisable that you give up, for the
present, your projected cruise along the coast of Central and South
America, and that you proceed, without delay, to the Sandwich Islands.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                     2011
Inclosed are copies of two confidential papers received from the, State
Department, which will inform you of matters that need your consideration.
The Department desires that you will carefully study the situation
at these islands, and relies upon your discretion in looking after our
interests. Any change of policy on the part of the Hawaiian Governinent, or any matter which may affect the policy of this Government,
should be immediately reported.
Very respectfully,
B. F. TRACY.
[Inclosures.]
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. Confidential letter (No. 20), United States legation;
Honolulu, March 20, 1890.
Mr. Cleghorn to Mr. Damon. Letter, Honolulu, March 13, 1890.
Secretary Tracy to Admiral Brown.
WASHINGTON, June 20, 1890.
SIR: The Department has received yonr letter 203, of the 5th instant,
and has to say that your interpretation of its order of the 15th ultimo
to remain in Hawaiian waters until further instructed is correct.
Very respectfully,
B. F. TRA-CY.
Secretary Tracy to commanding officer Mohican.
(Telegram.]
WASHINGTON, August 23, 1890.
SHEPARD,
American Steamer Mohican,
Sydney, Australia.
Go to Honolulu.
TR.AC'.
Secretary Tracy to Admiral Brown.
[Telegram.]
WASHINGTON, August 27, 1890.
Admiral BROWN,
Flagship Charleston,
Seattle, 'Wash.:
Proceed with all dispatch to Honolulu, Hawaii. Keep your movements, and intentions secret.
TRAcy.




2012


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Commodore Ramsay to Admiral Brown.
WASHINGTON, January 20, 1891.
SIR: The following telegram was sent you yesterday:
Admiral BROWN,
Flagship Charleston,
Mare Island, Cal.:
Within how many hours can you sail for Honolulu, Hawaii?
TRACY.
Very respectfully,
F. M. RAMSAY,
Chief of Bureau.
Secretary Tracy to Admiral Brown.
[Telegram.]
WASHINGTON, January 21, 1891.
Rear Admiral BROWN,
Flagship Charleston, San Francisco, Cal:
San Francisco Examiner requests authority to send out reporter to
Honolulu in Charleston. If one representative will satisfy San Francisco press, you may take if agreeable. Act as you think best.
TRACY.
Secretary Tracy to Admiral Browon.
[Telegram,]
WASHINGTON, January 21, 1891.
Rear-Admiral GEORGE BROWN,
Flagship Charleston, San Francisco, Cal:
When King of Hawaii's funeral takes place? It is very important
you sail as soon as possible.
TRACY.
Secretary Tracy to Admiral Brown.
WASHINGTON, January 22, 1891.
Rear Admiral GEORGE BROWN,
Flagship Charleston, San Francisco, Cal:
It is important to reach Honolulu, Hawaii, as soon as possible; full
speed.
TRACY.
Secretary Tracy to Admiral Brown.
[Telegram.]
WASHINGTON. January 24, 1891.
Will remain until further orders at Honolulu, unless affairs are settled and absolutely safe.
TRACY.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                     2013
Secretary Tracy to Rear-Admiral Brown.
MARCH 11, 1891.
SIR: Referring to your dispatches Nos. 37, 39, 50, and 54, in which you
give a detailed account of the services rendered by you and the
officers and men under your command, in connection with the funeral
of the late Hawaiian King and the ceremonies attending the accession
to the throne of his successor, Queen Liliuokalani, the Department
desires to express to you its high appreciation of the thorough and
efficient manner in which the delicate and responsible duties connected
with those events have been performed.
B. F. TRACY.
Acting Secretary Ramsay to Rear-Admiral Brown.
MARCH 25, 1891.
SIR: The Department incloses a copy of a telegram received this
day from Mr. de Young, of the San Francisco Chronicle, and desires a
full explanation of your action in connection with the cipher telegram
sent you January 21 last, which was as follows:
The San Francisco Examiner requests authority to send out reporters to Honolulu,
Hawaiian Islands, in the Charleston. If one representative will satisfy the San
Francisco press, you may take, if agreeable. Do as you think best.
F. M. RAMSAY.
Secretary Tracy to Commanding Officer Iroquois.
[Telegram.]
JUNE 26, 1891.
Proceed to Samoa as early as you can conveniently, unless in your
opipion it is not advisable to leave Sandwich Islands at present time
without a ship of war.
TRACY.
Secretary Tracy to Commander-in-Chief Pacific Station.
SEPTEMBER 8, 1891.
SIR: You are informed that the U. S. S. Pensacola has been attached
to the Pacific Station under your command. The following orders were
telegraphed to her commanding officer on the 7th instant:
Proceed to Honolulu, Hawaii, and guard American interests in that vicinity until
further instructed. Report to Brown by letter.                  *
B. F. TRACY.
Secretary Tracy to Commanding Officer Boston.
WASHINGTON, July 15, 1892.
SIR: As soon as the U. S. S. Boston is in all respects ready for sea,
proceed with her to Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, and report to the
Commander-in-Chief of the Pacific Station.
Respectfully,
B. F. TRACY.




2014


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Acting Secretary Soley to Commanding Officer Boston.
[Telegram.]
WVASHINGTON, August 16, 1892.
Commanding Officer Steamer Boston,
Through Commandant, Navy Yard, Mare Island, Cal.:
Upon your arrival at Honolulu deliver following telegram:
STEVENS,
United States Minister, Honolulu:
If you have not already done so, prepare report on annexation of Johnson's Island
by British steamer Cliampion. with statement of history, occupancy by American
comers, and any adverse claims thereto.
FOSTER.
Acknowledge receipt.
JAMES R. SOLEY.
Commodore Raitsay to Commanding Officer Boston.
[Telegram.]
Washington, Sept. 2, 1892.
Commanding Officer Steamer Boston, Honolulu, H. L
(Care Navy Pay Office, San Francisco, Cal.)
Should Alliance arrive at Honolulu, order her to remain there and
proceed with Boston to San Francisco.
RAMSAY.
Commodore Ramcusay to Admiral Harmony.
[Telegram.]
WASHINGTON, September 2, 1892.
HARMONY,
Steamer Lancaster, Yokohama, Japan:
Order Alliance to stop at Honolulu.
RAMSAY.
Commodore Ramsay to Admiral Brown.
[Telegram.]
WASHINGTON, September 13, 1892.
Rear-Admiral BROWN,
Steamer San Francisco,
Mare Island, Cal.:
Commandant directed to have Alliance ready for sea without delay
and to order her to report to you. She will be attached to your squadron. Department wants her to go at once to Honolulu and relieve Boston. Report when Alliance can sail.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2015


Commodore Ramsay to Admiral Brown.
[Telegram.]
WASHINGTON, September 15, 1992.
Rear-Admiral BRoWN,
Steamer San Francisco,
Navy-yard, Mare Island, Cal.:
Department does not desire Boston to leave Honolulu until Alliance
arrives. Commander Barclay will go by steamer to Honolulu to relieve
Rich.
RAMSAY.
Commodore Ramsay to Admiral Brown.
[Telegram.]
WASHINGTON, September 21, 1892.
Rear-Admiral BROWN,
Steamer San Francisco, Mare Island, Cal.:
Order Alliance to proceed with dispatch to Honolulu. Order Boston
upon arrival of Alliance to proceed to Acapulco.
RAMSAY.
Secretary Tracy to Admiral Brown.
[Telegram.]
WASHINGTON, September 28, 1892.
Commanding Officer Steamer Boston, Honolulu,
(Care Navy Pay Office, San Francisco, Cal.:)
Remain at Honolulu until further orders.
TRACY.
Secretary Tracy to commanding officer Alliance.
[Telegram.]
OCTOBER 11, 1892.
Commanding Officer U. S. S. Alliance:
(Care Navy Pay Office, San Francisco, Cal.)
Orders to Samoa revoked. Remain at Honolulu until further orders.
TRACY.
Secretary Tracy to Admiral Skerrett.
I[Telegram.]
JANUARY 28, 1893.
Admiral SKERRETT,
Flagship Mohican:
(Through commandant navy-yard, Mare Island, Cal.)
When the Mohican is ready for sea proceed with her to Honolulu
with all dispatch. The present Provisional Government of Hawaii is
recognized by this Government and by all foreign governments except
England. Be vigilant in protecting American interests and be prepared to meet any danger by which such interests may be threatened.
Deliver to Minister Stevens, Honolulu, the following dispatch from the
State Department.
TRACY




2016                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Secretary Foster to Mr. Stevens.
[Telegram.]
JOHN L. STEVENS,
United States Minister, Honolulu:
Your dispatch, telegraphed from San Francisco, announcing revolution and establishment of a provisional government, was received to-day. Your course in recognizing an unopposed de facto government appears to have been discreet and in
accordance with the facts. The rule of this Government has uniformly been to
recognize and enter into relations with any actual government in full possession of
effective power with the assent of the people. You will continue to recognize the
new government under such conditions. It is trusted that the change, besides conducing to the tranquility and welfare of the Hawaiian Islands, will tend to draw
closer the intimate ties of amity and common interests which so conspicuously and
necessarily link them to the United States. You will keep in constant communication with the commander of the United States naval f6rce at Honolulu, with a view
to acting, if need be, for the protection of the interests and property of American
citizens, and aiding in the preservation of good order under the changed conditions
reported.
JOHN W. FOSTER.
Acknowledge receipt of the above.
B. F. TRACY.
Secretary Tracy to Rear-Admiral Skerrett.
[Telegram.]
FEBRUARY 14, 1893.
Rear-Admiral SKERRETT,
United States Steamer Mohican, Honolulu, Hawaii:
(Through Pay Inspector Lyon, Navy Pay Office, San Francisco, Cal.)
The following is a copy of a telegram, dated February 14, from the
Secretary of State to the United States minister at Honolulu, which is
transmitted for your information and guidance:
Your telegram of the 1st instant has been received, with coincident report from
commander of the Boston. Press telegrams from San Francisco give full details of
events of 1st instant, with text of your proclamation. The latter, in announcing
assumption of protection of the Hawaiian Islands in the name of the United States,
would seem to be tantamount to the assumption of a protectorate over those
islands on behalf of the United States, with all the rights and obligations which
the term implies. It is not thought, however, that the request of the Provisional
Government for protection, or your action in compliance therewith, contemplated
more than the cooperation of the moral and material forces of the United States to
strengthen the authority of the Provisional Government by according to it adequate
protection for life and property during the negotiations instituted here, and without interfering with the execution of public affairs. Such cooperation was and is
within your standing instructions and those of the naval commanders in Hawaiian
waters.
So far as your course accords to the de facto sovereign government the material cooperation of the United States for the maintenance of good order and protection of
life and property from apprehended disorders, it is commended; but so far as it may
appear to overstep that limit by setting the authority of the United States above
that of the Hawaiian Government, in the capacity of protector, or to impair the independent sovereignity of that Government by substituting the flag and power of the
United States, it is disavowed.
Instructions will be sent to naval commanders, confirming and renewing those
heretofore given them, under which they are authorized and directed to cooperate
with you in case of need. Your own instructions are likewise renewed and you are
accordingly authorized to arrange with the commanding officer for the continued
presence on shore of such marine force as may be practicable and requsite for the
security of the lives and property interests of American citizens and the repression of
lawlessness threatening them whenever in your judgment it shall be necessary so to
do, or when such cooperation may be sought for good cause by the Government of
the Hawaiian Islands; being, however, always careful to distinguish between these




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         2017
functions of voluntary or accorded protection and the assumption of a protectorate
over the Government of the Hawaiian Islands, which the United States have recognized as sovereign and with which they treat on terms of sovereign equality.
(Signed) John W. Foster.
B. F. TRACY,
Secretary of the Navy.
Secretary Tracy to Commander in Chief Pacific Station.
FEBRUARY 14, 1893.
SIR: I have to transmit, for your information and guidance, a copy
of a letter from the honorable Secretary of State to the United States
minister at Honolulu, dated February 11, 1893.
Very respectfully,
B. F. TRACY,
Secretary of the Navy.
COMMANDER IN CHIEF PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands.
[Inclosure.]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 11, 1893.
SIR: Your cipher telegram, dated the Ist instant, and transmitted through the
Navy Department's good offices, was received here at 4:30 p. m. on the 9th instant.
You therein make the following important statement:
"To-day at 9 a. m., in accordance with the request of the Provisional Government
of Hawaii, I have placed Government of Hawaii under the United States protection
during negotiations, not interfering with the execution of public affairs."
The prdecise character and scope of the act thus announced by you do not appear
from this brief recital. The press, however, prints full details of the occurences of
the 4st instant, as telegraphed from San Francisco on the arrival of the mail steamer
Australia at that port on the morning of the 9th, and I therein find what purports,
with appearance of general correctness, to be the text of the proclamation issued by
you on the 1st instant, which reads as follows:
"By authority of the Hawaiian people:
"At the request of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, I hereby,
in the name of the United States of America, assume protection of the Hawaiian
Islands for the protection of life and property, and occupation of the public buildings and Hawaiian soil, so far as may be necessary for the purpose specified, but not
interfering with the administration of public affairs by the Provisional Government. This action is taken pending and subject to negotiations at Washington.
"JOHN L. STEVENS,
" Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States.
" UNITED STATES LEGATION, February 1, 1893.
"Approved and executed by G. C. Wiltse, captain, U. S. Navy, commanding
U. S. S. Boston."
The manner and degree of the execution of your proclamation by the naval force
are not related with particularity in a brief telegraphic report just received from
Capt. Wiltse. He merely says:
"To-day, at 9 a. m., in accordance with request of Provisional Government of
Hawaii, the United States minister plenipotentiary placed the Government of Hawaii
under United States protection, during negotiations, not interfering with the execution of public affairs."
It appears from the press reports that the ceremonial for the execution of your
orders consisted in the landing of a battalion from the Boston, its formation at the
Government building in concert with three volunteer companies of the Provisional
Government, the reading of your proclamation by Lieut. Rush, and the hoisting of
the United States flag over the Government building. The Hawaiian flag on other
public buildings in Honolulu is stated not to have been disturbed.
ST Rep. 227-127




2018                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
The phraseology of your proclamation in announcing your action in assumption
of protection of the Hawaiian Islands in the name of the United States would
appear to be tantamount to the assumption of a protectorate over those islands in
behalf of the United States with all the right and obligations which the term implies.
To this extent it goes beyond the necessities of the situation, and the instructions
heretofore given you.
Your existing instructions and those under which the commanders of naval vessels of the United States acted were and are ample to provide all legitimate material protection in case of need, either in your discretion or at the request of the dulyconstituted authorities of the Hawaiian Islands, for the lives and property of American citizens endangered or menaced or for the prevention of lawless and tumultuous acts of disturbance of the public peace and safety. The accordance of such
measures of protection or the unsolicitated taking of the needful precautions to
those ends is, however, not to be confounded with the establishment of a protectorate, which is in fact the positive erection of a paramount authority over or in place
of the duly-constituted local government, and the assumption by the protector of
the especial responsibilities attached to such formal protection.
It is not thought probable that the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian
Islands, in solicitating protection, contemplated more than the cooperation of the
moral and material forces of the United States to strengthen its own authority and
power, as a recognized sovereign government, for the protection of life and property, as stated in your proclamation. Such a degree of protection you were, as I
have said already, fully competent to accord, or to exercise in your discretion, in
case of need.
Your proclamation expresses no reservation as to confirmation of your action by
the Government of the United States.
Its provisos are that the assumed function of protection is to be exercised so far
as may be necessary for the specified purpose of protecting life and property without
interference with the administration of public affairs by the Provisional Government, and that the action in question "is taken pending and subject to negotiations
at Washington."
These qualifications are entirely in the line of my views of the scope and intent of
the request made to you by the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
The omission of reference to the necessary sanction of the Government of the United
States is immaterial, for its function of revision and confirmation or disavowal of
the acts of its agents is inherent and exercisable at its discretion.
So far, therefore, as your action amounts to according, at the request of the de
facto sovereign Government of the Hawaiian Islands, the cooperation of the moral
and material forces of the United States for the protection of life and property from
apprehended disorders, your action is commended. But so far as it may appear to
overstep that limit by setting the authority and power of the United States above
that of the Government of the Hawaiian Islands in the capacity of protector, or to
impair in any way the independent sovereignty of the Hawaiian Government by
substituting the flag and power of the United States as the symbol and manifestation of paramount authority, it is disavowed.
Instructions will be sent to the commanding officers of the United States naval
forces in the Hawaiian Islands confirming and renewing the instruction heretofore
given them under which they are authorized and directed to cooperate with you for
the preservation of American life and property and the maintenance of good order
in case of need. Your own instructions in the same sense are continued. You are
accordingly authorized, upon receipt of these instructions, to arrange with the
commanding naval officer for the continued presence on shore of such marine force
as may be practicable and requisite for the security of the lives and property
interests of the citizens of the United States and the repression of lawlessness and
public disturbance threatening them whenever in your judgment it shall be necessary.so to do, or when such cooperative measures may be sought for good cause by
the Government of the Hawaiian Islands; being, however, always careful to make
due discrimination between those functions of voluntary or accorded protection
and the assumption of a protectorate over the Hawaiian Islands by the United
States.
No step should be taken by you or will be sanctioned by this Government which
might tend to derogate in any way from the independence of the Government of the
Hawaiian Islands, which the United States have recognized as sovereign and with
which they treat on terms of sovereign equality.
A telegraphic instruction, briefly outlining the substance of this dispatch, will be
sent to you, by way of San Francisco, by the mail steamer sailing from that port on
the 15th instant.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
JOHN W. FOSTER.
JOHN L. STEVENS,
Eto., Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   2019
Commodore Ramsay to commanding officer Boston.
FEBRUARY 17, 1893.
SIR: The vessel under your command is detached from the squadron for special service and assigned to duty on the Pacific Station.
Report by letter to Rear-Admiral Joseph S. Skerrett, U. S. Navy,
the Commander-in-Chief.
Very respectfully,
F. A. RAMSAY,
Chief of Bureau.
COMMANDING OFFICER IU. S. S. BOSTON,
Honolulu, Hawaii.
Secretary Herbert to Rear-Admiral Skerrett.
MARCH 11, 1893.
SIR: This letter will be handed to you by the Hon. James H. Blount,
Special Commissioner from the President of the United States to the
Government of the Hawaiian Islands.                          (
You will consult freely with Mr. Blount, and will obey any instructions you may receive from him regarding the course to be pursued at
said islands by the force under your command.
You will also afford Mr. Blount all such facilities as he may desire
for the use of your cipher code in communicating by telegraph with this
Government.
Respectfully,
HILARY A. HERBERT,
Secretary of the Navy.
Rear-Admiral J. S. SKERRETT,
Commander in Chief United States Naval Forces,
Pacific Station, -Flagship Mohican, Honolulu, H. I.
Secretary Herbert to Rear-Admiral Skerrett.
[Telegram.]
APRIL 8, 1893.
Rear-Admiral SKERRETT,
Honolulu, H. I.
(Care Navy Pay Office, San Francisco, Cal.):
Have Mohican ready for service in Bering Sea. Adams will be sent
to Honolulu. Shift your flag to such vessel as you deem proper.
HERBERT.




2020                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Acting Secretary McAdoo to Co~mmander in Chief Pacific Station.
MAY 10, 1893.
Siru: Replying to your letter of the 25th ultirno, reporting the political condition of affairs at Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, I have to invite
your attention to paragraphs 9 and 10, article 1607, of the U. S. Navy
Regulations, 1893.
The Department regrets the necessity which caused the detail of
the ilfohican for duty in Bering Sea, and will send a suitable flagship
to the station under your command as soon as practicable.
There is no appropriation that can be drawn upon to pay the rent of
a room on shore to be used as your office.
Very respectfully,
W. MCADOO,
Acting Secretar-y of the Niavy.
COMMANDER IN CHIEF PACIFIC STATION,
(Care of Navy Pay Office, San Francisco,, Cal.)
(Translation of cipher dispatch,]
Secretary Herbert to Pay Inspector Lyons.
NAVY PAY OFFICE,
San Francisco, August 16, 1893.
Pay Inspector LYON,
Navy Pay Office, San Francisco, Cal.:
Send following message to Admiral Skerrett, Honolulu, by firstmail:
I desire to impress upon you in the absence of United States Minister Blount that your sole duty is confined to that of an officer of the
Navy, although it is to be performed in the spirit of the instructions
of Minister Blount, which doubtless have beeni seen by you. Protect
American citizens and~ American property, but do not give aid, physical or moral, to either party contending for the government of Honolulu.
HERBERT.
Secretary Herbert to Commander in Chief Pacific Station.
AUGOUST 18, 1893.
Sm:. I have the honor to inform you that the U-. S. S. Philadel~phia
has to-day been ordered by cable to proceed from Callao, Pern, to
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, and there report to you.
Upon the arrival of the Philadelphia you will please order the U. S.
S. Boston to the navy-yard, Mare Island, Cal., to be docked.
A cipher telegram to the same effect as this letter was sent to you
to-day through U. S. Navy Pay Office, at San Francisco.
Very respectfully,
H.L A. HERBERT,
Secretary of the Na~vy.
COMMANDER IN CHIEFI
U. S. NAVAL FORCE~ ON PACIFIC STATION,
United States Flagship Botn  oouu     aaian Islands-.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2021


[Translation of cipher dispatch.]
Secretary Herbert to Rear-Admiral Skerrett.
SEPTEMBER 27, 1893.
Yours September 12 received. My instructions misconstrued. You
will afford to British subjects and property such protection as has
always been accorded by vessels of American fleets to the subjects of
Her Britannic Majesty and their property under like circumstances in
the absence of British vessels.
HERBERT.
Rear-Admiral SKERRETT.
(Care Pay Inspector Lyons, Navy Pay Office, San Francisco, Cal.)
[Translation of cipher dispatch.]
Secretary Herbert to Rear-Admiral Skerrett.
[Confidential.]
OCTOBER 9, 1893.
Transfer flag to the Boston at San Francisco. Proceed to San Francisco with personal staff by first mail steamer practicable. It is thQ
intention of the Department to transfer you to command Asiatic Station.
HERBERT.
Admiral SKERRETT,
(Care Navy Pay Office, San Francisco.)
[Translation of cipher dispatch.]
Secretary Herbert to Rear-Admiral Irwin.
[Confidential.]
OCTOBER 10, 1893.
You are relieved of command of naval force on Asiatic Station on
October 27. Proceed with personal staff by mail steamer leaving Yokohama, Japan, on October 27, to Honolulu, Hawaii Islands, hoist flag
on board the Philadelphia, and assume command of naval force on
the Pacific Station.
HERBERT.
Admiral IRWIN,
Yokohama.




11




Senate Ex. Doc. No. 46, Fifty-third Congress, second session.


MESSAGE
FROM THE
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
IN ANSWER TO
The Senate resolution of February 16, 1891, and transmitting copies oJ
additional dispatches, and exhibits thereto, relating to Hawaii.
FEBRUARY 20, 1894.-Read, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and
ordered to be printed.
To the Senate:
On the evening of the 16th instant I received a copy of a resolution
passed by the Senate, requesting the transmission to that body of all
reports and dispatches from our minister at Hawaii, and especially a
certain letter written to him by Mr. Dole, President of the Provisional
Government.
On the same day I received from the State Department a copy of a
dispatch from Minister Willis, accompanied by various exhibits. I was
not able to send them to the Senate on that day. The Senate adjourned
that afternoon until to-day, and thus prevented the submission until
now of these papers.
The next day after the receipt of the Senate resolution, and on the
17th instant, other dispatches were received from Mr. Willis at the
State Department. They were copied with all possible haste and are
now submitted at the first meeting of the Senate since their receipt.
They include the letter mentioned in the Senate resolution and the
answer of Minister Willis to the same.
Since the 18th day of December last, when I submitted to the
"broader authority and discretion of the Congress" all matters connected with our relations with Hawaii, I have, with the utmost promptness, transmitted to the Congress all dispatches and reports relative
to the subject, and I am not aware of any dispatches or documents in
the remotest way connected with these relations which have come to
the possession of the State Department or the Executive and been
withheld from the Senate.
GROVER CLEVELAND.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
February 19, 1894.                         2023




2024


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


The PRESIDENT:
The Secretary of State has the honor to lay before the President,
with a view to their transmission to Congress, copies of additional
correspondence from our minister to Hawaii.
Dispatches No. 31 to No. 34, inclusive, were received to-day.
Respectfully submitted,
W. Q. GRESHAM.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 19, 1894.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
No. 30.]                 LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 19,1894.
SIR: The first anniversary of the Provisional Government was celebrated last Wednesday, January 17, in accordance with the programme
set forth in Dispatch No. 28, of January 16, by public reception, military parade, illuminations of Executive building, and a mass meeting
at night. None of the foreign representatives participated in the
observance of the day. No salutes were fired from the American,
English, or Japanese war vessels in port. The day passed with no
disturbance.
I inclose clippings from Commercial Pacific Advertiser of January
18, and The Hawaiian Star of same date, giving full account of the day's
proceedings and comments upon the failure of our Government to participate.
The representatives of foreign governments acted upon the instructions of their own governments, and upon their own responsibility,
with the distinct disavowal on the part of the representative of the
United States that its action was either intended or desired to control
theirs.
Frequent editorials, similar in character to those inclosed, many of
them severely reflecting upon the President of the United States and
his Secretary of State, and also upon Mr. Blount, have appeared in the
daily press. As the Hawaiian question is now pending before the
Congress, and as the feeling here has been very intense, I have not
thought proper thus far to take any official notice of them. I would
be glad to have instructions from you upon the subject.
Very respectfully,
ALBERT S. WILLIS7
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary.
[The Pacific Commercial Advertiser: Honolulu, January 18,1894.]
A wonderful celebration-What Honolulu did on its Government's first birthday-The
speeches and speakers of the evening-Splendid illuminations at the Executive building'The morning's parade-fireworks in the evening-The largest crowd ever gathered
together in Hawaii assembles on Palace Square.
The greatest anniversary in Hawaiian history has come and gone-January 17, a
day that will live in the memories of all loyal people in the group, a day that by us
and our descendants will be considered a day of rejoicing and gladness, a day that
will be celebrated by everyone.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS                          2025
The celebration of the day started early in the morning, and a regular Fourth of
July noise was heard from all quarters. Guns, firecrackers, bombs, tin horns, and
every other available instrument that would make a noise was used. At about 6 a.
m. the "antiques and horribles" turned out. At 9:30 the parade of the military
forces started and drew an immense crowd, estimated at at least 4,000 people, who
watched their evolutions with great interest. The reception of the President and
Mrs. Dole was also a big attraction.
The raising of the big American flag on the flag pole of the American League also
took place during the morning. In the afternoon the band concert at Thomas Square
attracted a large crowd.
But the crowning event of the day occurred in the evening. Palace Square was
not only crowded, but it was absolutely jammed with a seething mass of humanity.
Fully 7,000 people were present at the evening's celebration, and they were amply
repaid for their trouble in going. There has never been such a crowd on any previous occasion in the history of Hawaii as assembled at the mass meeting last evening, and the fact that it was, in spite of the immense number, a most orderly gathering, is a matter of congratulation for the people of Honolulu.
The executive building and the grounds were a bower of loveliness. Thousands
of lanterns were scattered about, suspended on trees, shrubbery, and every available
point, while the building itself seemed covered with the soft radiance of innumerable lamps. Stretching from the ground on one side to the ground on the other, and
extending to the highest point of the flag poles on the executive building, was a
row of delicately colored lanterns. At the top of each flag pole was a circlet of
lanterns. Across the entrance to the former palace, a row of brilliant red lights was
extended. Each balcony was illuminated, and the whole building and grounds
looked like a glimpse of fairyland.
All along the front of the grounds of the executive building a row of lanterns,
lighted by incandescent electric lights, made a grand display. In front of the
speakers stand two long lines of flags of all nations were crossed. The stand itself
was lighted by a number of lanterns and decorated with American flags. A few
chairs were placed in front of the stand, but the great majority of the listeners stood.
Before the speeches began a great many fireworks were set off in the executive
building yard. The display was magnificent, and is an immense credit to those in
charge. There were firecrackers, skyrockets, dynamite bombs, red and green lights,
and many other kinds of fiery illuminations, both before and after speech-making.
They were fired from all parts of the grounds and from the top of the building, and
were greatly enjoyed by the thousands present.
A more detailed account of the day's proceedings follows:
ANTIQUES AND HORRIBLES-THEY TURN OUT EARLY IN THE MORNING AND ENJOY
THEMSELVES.
The Antiques and Horribles made their appearance at 6 o'clock, as advertised. All
Fort street, between King and Hotel, was crowded with people, mostly little boys,
who were out early to see fun.
About 6:30 o'clock the procession started up Fort street. The caricatures were
not horrible enough, and so created but little mirth and laughter. One of the characters represented Blount carrying a rat trap on which were the words "Blount's
instruments." Much fun was caused by one of the Antiques running through the
crowd on a bullock. The take-off on Mrs. Vina King and George Washington was poor.
Satan made a good hit. About 7:30 o'clock the Antiques and Horribles, after parading through the principal streets, broke up near May's store on Fort street.
RAISING THE FLAG-THE AMERICAN LEAGUE'S HUGE BANNER IS ELEVATED.
The huge flag of the American League was unfurled to the breeze during the
morning, accompanied by martial strains from the band. The tall flagpole, with a
big star on its top, looked rather bare before the big banner was hauled up, but
when the wind caught the large folds of the flag, and the Stars and Stripes floated
gracefully to the breeze, the pole was complete, and a cheer went up from the crowd
that had assembled to see the raising.
THE PARADE-THE TROOPS TURN OUT IN HONOR OF THE DAY.
An immense throng of people watched the parade of the military on Palace Square
during the morning. There were over 800 men in line, and the drill passed off in a
manner most creditable to the officers and men of the different companies. Col.
Soper received the troops, and after a short preliminary drill they were handed over
to Lieut. Col. Fisher, who put them through the manual of arms. After this the




2026                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
men were marched up Punchbowl to Beretania, to Fort, to King, to Nuuanu, and
+hence back to the barracks, where they were dismissed. When they arrived in
front of the building of the American League the new flag was saluted, while the
band played the Star Spangled Banner. The men were followed over the whole line
of march by quite a crowd.
The following are the companies and the commanders who took part in the parade:
Company B, Capt. John Good; Company C, Capt. Jos. Camara; Company F, Capt.
Julius Asch; Company D, Capt. Hugh Gunn; Company A, Capt. Ziegler; and Company E, Capt. Wilder.
THE PRESIDENT RECEIVES.-A FEW OF THOSE WHO CALLED AT THE EXECUTIVE
BUILDING.
The reception held at the executive building was a great success, and was in many
ways a marked contrast with those which were held in the palace under the monarchy. There was no stiffness, but an atmosphere of free and democratic good fellowship prevailed. The people came in freely, in their every morning dress, and
were received by President Dole and Mrs. Dole, with the Vice-President, the members of the cabinet, and the members of the supreme court and their ladies, and
also Judges Cooper and Whiting of the circuit court. Immediately behind the
President were the officers of his staff, Col. J. H. Super, Lieut. Col. Fisher, and
Maj. McLeod. Maj. Potter introduced the guests. Mrs. Dole was also assisted
by the following ladies: Mrs. C. L. Carter, Mrs. laukea, Miss Hopper, Miss Lowrey,
Miss Parke, Miss Perry, Miss Von Holt, Miss Mossman, Miss Gilman, Miss Judd,
Miss Wing, Miss Forbes, Miss Jones, Miss Hartwell, Miss Mott-Smith, Miss Helen
Wilder, Miss Lita Wilder, the Misses Young, Miss Glade, Miss Atkinson, Miss Paty,
Miss McGrew, Miss Hassinger, Miss Sorrenson, Miss Hatch, Miss Tanner, Miss Afong,
and Miss Howland.
The reception took place in the large council chamber. It was undecorated
except with bunches of crysanthemums, with which flower also many official
button holes were adorned. The stream of people came in double file and flowed
unceasingly from 11 o'clock until 10 minutes of 12, after which it began to intermit.
The halls and verandas of the executive building, as well as the council chamber,
were thronged. Among those who called to pay their respects to the President and
his wife were a considerable number of Hawaiians. One old native from Manoa
Valley presented Mr. Dole with a large boquet. The incident was a very pretty
and affecting one, and excited much attention.
A few naval officers were present in civilian dress. Royalists were conspicuous
by their absence.
About one hundred of those present inscribed their names in the visitors list, but
owing to the large attendance hundreds went away without doing so.
Following are the names of those who registered:
J. W. Pratt, Thomas E. Wall, Joseph A. Altsheler, John S. McGrew, James L.
Torbert, Wray Taylor, Joseph Marsden, William Horace Wright, R. P. Waipa, E. M.
Langley, D. 0. Kaimae, J. Kanae, Joseph U. Kawainui, H. Stangelwald, M. D., and
wife, E. R. Neuman and wife, T. M. Starkey, W. James Smith, D. B. Smith, G. West,
Miss L. West, A. A. Montana, Lieut. J. Bergot, Lieut. Julius Asch, W. C. Wilder, jr.,
H. M. Leonards, W. C. Parke, L. W. Hough, George L. Desha, F. M. Lyon, L. M.
Johnson, W. L. Stanley, Henry Danfad, C. Bolte and wife, Mr. T. W. Horbron and
wife, Miss K. Grey, Laura Duncan, Mr. and Mrs. F. J. Lowery, Jonathan Shaw,
George C. Ross, Charles F. Peterson, De B. P. Penhallow, Mrs. Penhallow, Charles
M. Cooke, Anna C. Cooke, C. H. Kluegel, H. H. Williams and wife, W. R. Castle and
wife, H. T. Taylor, W. C. Waldman, U. S. N, J. J. Egan, Mrs. J. Egan, E. L. Marshal, Mr. and Mrs. G. P. Castle, Mrs. M. E. Tenny, Dr. F. J. Cordiao, U. S. N.,
Ambroise Perry, W. D. Alexander, jr., Miss Nanon Gullixon, Portland, Oreg., Miss
Myrtle Compson, Portland, Oreg., Mr. and Mrs. Thomas F. Lansing, Charles J.
Fishee, Frank Godfrey, editor Paradise of the Pacific, C. S. Bradford, Seattle, Wash.,
S. Sacks, sr., Denver House, R. T. Coulter, Los Angeles, Cal., W. H. Mclnerney,
Mr. and Mrs. E. Loisson, H. M. Whitney, Mrs. Clara Banning, E. E. Mossman, Miss
M. H. Mossman, Mr. and Mrs. J. S. Andrade, Miss Fanny Vieria, Mr. and Mrs. C. H.
Luther, Mr. and Mrs. H. F. Whichman, Mrs. Sorrenson, Miss H. Sorrenson, M. A.
Gonsalves, Mrs. W. D. Alexander, Curtis B. Lyons, W. A. Kinney, Henry Smith,
Mapuana Smith, Mr. and Mrs. Henry Davis, Mr. and Mrs. J. A. Kennedy, Mr. and
Mrs. J. A. Hopper, Mr. and Mrs. W. L. Hopper, Miss Hopper, Miss E. E. Hopper,
Mr. and Mrs. E. W. Peterson, Miss Burroughs of Brooklyn, N. Y., Miss R. Lewers,
Miss H. Lewers, Miss E. Carter, Mrs. S. Gilman, F. Atherton, J. M. Oat and wife,
Mr. E. Hammer, Mrs. R. Corea, Mrs. S. W. Wilson, Mrs. M. J. Forbes, Miss H.
Forbes, M. P. Robinson, William J. J. Keasler, Mrs. A. McWayne, Miss Frances
Jonnson, Miss Bertha Bindt, Mr. F. Bindt, John L. Bush, Mrs. John L. Bush, F. A.
DPaies, Mr. and Mrs. M. D. Monsarrat, Miss Fanning, Lieut. L. T. Kanake, MiM 8.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         2027
Genns, Mark Green, H. H. Palmer, Mrs. G. J. Ross, Mrs. M. A. Wood, Miss F. Lynch,
Miss T. Henry, William A. Bowen, F. B. McStocker, Mrs N. L. McStocker, Mise Bessie
Afong, Miss L. Brickwood, Mrs. C. K. Brown, Miss Mabel Ladd, John H. Paty, Miss
Annie Paty, Otto G. Benschultz, Ella V. Benschultz, William P. Elliott, lieutenant
U. S. Navy, C. Theo. Vogelgesang, ensign U. S. Navy, T. B. Murray, W. N. F.
Behrens, Flora Glade. Clara Glade, Mr. and Mrs. E. D. Tenney, Mary Ann Hatch,
Mary H. S. Carter, Zoe Atkinson, J. B. Atherton, F. A. Hosmer and wife, Miss E. B.
McLoud, Miss Beckwith, Mr. and Miss P. H. Dodge, Miss Snow, Hiram Bingham, E.
K. Bingham, L. Bingham Coan, Mrs. William W. Hall, Miss Charlotte Hall, A. B.
Lyons, P. J. Frein, S. E. Bishop, Mrs. S. E. Bishop, Mildred S. Kinney, Mr. and
Mrs. J. S. Martin, Mrs. E. Damon, Frank W. Damon, R. J. Green, Mrs. R. Jay
Green, Ida C. Mott-Smith, Mary F. PaTy. John Effinger, J. Lucas, Nell M. Lowrey,
Margaret L. Hopper, Dr. and Mrs. R. P. Myers, Mrs. George C. Lees, Mrs. E. W.
Jordan, Miss Emma Jordan, Mrs. P. C. Jones, Ada Jones, Rev. C. M. Hyde, Mrs. Hyde,
Miss Knight, Mrs. Tenney, Miss Gilman, Anna M. Sorrenson, Marie R. Von Holt, Mr.
and Mrs. L. A. Andrews, Miss Mabel Hartwell, Miss Forbes, Miss Parke, Anna Perry,
Kate Howland, Myra Angus, Grace L. Wing, Ida C. Dower, Mary G. Dower, Susanna
R. Patch, Arthur F. Wall, W. E. Brown, G. H. Paris, Ellen R. Hopper, Harriet Burrows, W. M. Templeton, Rev. A. Mackintosh, Mrs. A. Mackintosh, Miss A. Mossman,
Miss J. Tanner, Miss B. Ruth Young, Miss Young, Miss M. Smith, Mrs. Mary Clement
Leavitt, Justice and Mrs. Bickerton, Helen Kinau Wilder, Lita Wilder, Miss
Hassinger, Mrs. J. M. Angus, Mrs. Jaonew, Francis M. Nicoll, Mr. and Mrs. Walter
C. Weedon, Virginia S. Winslow, Marie Afong, E. A. Magee, John M. Angus, Agnes
E. Judd, G. G. Tucker, George W. Smith, Mr. and Mrs. Melancethon M. Hurd, Miss
Alice G. Hurd, Mrs. Arthur Whipple, A. F. Judd, Dr. J. A. Cloud, R. C. A. Peterson,
Henry W. Howard, M. D., R. B. Dunlop, Maj. George McLoud, Hugh J. Ordway,
H. F. Glade, German consul, Mrs. Glade.
PORTUGUESE PROCESSION-HEADED BY THE BAND THEY MAKE A FINE APPEARANCE.
Just before the speeches began a large number of Portuguese marched down Richard
street, headed by their own band. A large number of torches were carried, and also
transparencies, on which the following mottoes were conspicuous: "Progresso,
uniao, liberdado," "No monarchy in ours," "P. G. and Portugee, we're the 400,"
"Liberty or death," "Liberty and union," "America is our goal," and others of a
like nature. They took up their position on the corner of King and Richard streets,
where they stood during the speaking.
TIHE SPEECHES.-WHAT WAS SAID BY THE SPEAKERS OF THE EVENING.
The immense throng that crowded around the speakers' platform long before the
time set for the speeches to begin was amply rewarded by hearing what followed.
Eloquent eulogiums of the Provisional Government were applauded to the echo, and
great enthusiasm was shown by the audience. Never has such a crowd been seen at
a mass meeting in Honolulu. In the right-hand part of the stand was the place
reserved for the speakers and a few other prominent men. On the left, the press
stand, occupied by representatives of the local press and the foreign correspondents.
Mr. ATHERTON, the chairman of the evening, spoke as follows:
" Fellow Citizens: The last mass meeting of citizens and others in this city was
held on the 28th of November, 1893. It was called to protest against the action of
Mr. Cleveland, and was large and enthusiastic. The protest was emphatic. Contrary to the expectation of Grover Cleveland, the publication of Gresham's letter
bound together the men who had imperiled not only their lives, but their property
and their fortunes, in an effort to establish a good, an honest, and a strong government in Hawaii. The same men have come together again to-night, though not in
the same place nor for the same purpose. We are here to celebrate the anniversary
of the Provisional Government. It has been on trial for a full year, and in spite of
prophecies it has stood firm and has been sustained by the best and the most trustworthy men in Hawaii. The future is in the hands of men whom we can trust. The
Government is morally and financially sound, and upheld as it is by strong hands
and willing hearts, it will live and prosper, until in the providence of God it shall
be absorbed in the great American Union."
J. B. CASTLE: " Fellow annexationists: It seems to me that there is but little to
say, but that little should be said in tones to reverberate through the ages of
Hawaii's future, in tones which will reach our children's children. These truths,
citizens of the future State of Hawaii, others can emphasize better than I, but two
thoughts have come to me. One year ago to-day noon, we stood on a platform with
two planks-the abolition of the monarchy and absorption into the United States.
On the 24th day of last month the Provisional Government drove the last nail in the




2028                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
coffin of Hawaiian monarchy. By the strength of our own right arms and steadfast
purpose, united in all that is essential, the last article of our platform will be
accomplished, and our mother in Washington will take to herself her own. 'All
roads lead to Rome,' was a proverbial saying in that greatEmpire. In Hawaii every
political highway and byway should lead to annexation. Our hope is in that. Every
road leads to Washington. Standing upon this platform of one plank, all differences
must vanish; all factions melt away. We wish no permanent government, nor
anything else which does not lead to annexation; no change which does not make
for that; no republic but the Great Republic. The question before us is simplicity
itself. No man of clear brain and right heart will oppose union with that country
which secures, by its system of equal liberty and equal laws, the best opportunity
for the solution of every problem which can assail us in the century to come. We
hear voices which might as well come from royalists: 'You're not out of the woods
yet' ' Don't count your chickens before they are hatched.'
" Such words should come, if not from cowards, at least from men who have no
faith in our cause. We celebrate the justice of our cause, and would do so still
though a thousand restorations were to follow. I would write this day in our statutes and make it an eternal holiday, and in the future our children will thank God
that there were men here who held to their purpose, and who never flinched. The
17th is a day of auspicious omen. It was the birthday of Kamehameha III, who,
at the close of his life, wearied with an ineffectual struggle, fought for union with
the United States. It is worthy of note that the influences against us then came
from the slave power, as the only element which has caused delay now, has come
from the party which upheld slavery in the United States. Gentlemen, I am done.
I have made no preparation for to-night. This sea of heads, this illumination, surpassing every other, are inspiration enough. There is one man in this city to-night
whom I envy. It is the anniversary of his wedding day, and when in the future
his children gather around his knee, he will add to the patriotic memories of this
holiday, those which cluster around the hearth-side, and will bless doubly the 17th
of January, 1893.
Gen. HARTWELL said: "The development of national liberty, regulated by law, is
not the result of accident or chance. It is peculiar to no country nor clime; wherever there is a community in which intelligent, honest, and independent habits of
thought and of action prevail, civil liberty is sure to come and abide. The day of
the divine rights of kings and queens has disappeared from modern civilization;
but the supremacy of law is everywhere bound to assert itself, for it has a divine
origin in the Great Law Giver of the universe. On the 13th day of January, 1893,
the Government of the Hawaiian Islands was that of a constitutional monarchy,
under the constitution which was established in July, 1887. The head of the Government, the Queen, was not amenable to any law, except to the unwritten law
which required her to govern herself in accordance with the requirements. of the
constitution under which she became a sovereign, which she had sworn to observe,
and under which alone she could legally remain a sovereign. If any official of the
Government, whether in the executive, legislative, or judicial department, violated
the law, he could be called to account, and the community had a remedy, more or
less effective, for such violation of its rights.
"What was the remedy if the head of the Government declined to be bound by the
constitution? When King John refused to govern himself by English by-laws, the
barons of England at the point of the sword, compelled him to sign and swear to the
Magna Charta of Runnymede in the year 1215. The right of petition and the right of
habeas corpus followed, culminating in the glorious revolution of 1688, when William and Mary came over. All this is known to every school boy, as part of the
history of civil liberty in the great Republic of England. But how was it in Hawaii
last January? The Hawaiian Runnymede had been passed in July of 1887, and yet
the Hawaiian Sovereign declined to keep her obligations. The result was that the
system known as the Hawaiian Constitutional Monarchy, no longer existed. It was
like the removal of the keystone of an arch, the structure fell. It was then that
citizens of Honolulu established a Provisional Government, in the presence of actual
or impending anarchy. That was a conservative and not a revolutionary proceeding.
"The avowed and the legitimate objects of that Goverement were to maintain the
public peace and to promote political union with the United States of America.
The latter object awaits the result of time and full consideration and may depend
upon events and contingencies yet to occur; but the preservation of law and order
which thus far has been secured is a simple necessity. For the continued accomplishment of that object there will be ample scope for the wisdom and patriotism
and moderation and charity of this community to display themselves. With the
founders and supporters of the existing Government of Hawaii there is no place for
selfish interest or personal aggrandizement. The strong common sense of the people is thoroughly enlisted in the cause of honest stable government. It will have




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         2029
nothing short of that, and it will have no other, for the end in view is, that ' this
shall be a government of laws and not of men."'
President HOSMER. "Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, and fellow citizens, at
a banquet given to Prince Bismarck, a few years before his retirement, he offered a
toast to the three greatt branches of the Anglo-Saxon race, to the German Fatherland, to Great Britain, and to the young Republic of the West. While these three
nations have taken the largest strides, and the Latin race has been less fortunate.
it has an example of popular government in France, and the spirit of liberty still
lives in Portugal. This community with its mixed population has seen fit to resist
absolutism, and to create a purer form of government. For the last twenty years
there has not been a stable government here, a government that commanded the
respect of the civilized world. If we get annexation we will have a stable government (A voice: That's what we want), and that's what we will get. With annexation
there will be a brilliant opportunity for every industrious man and prosperity will
be within the reach of all.
1The Nicaragua Canal will bring a flood of trade, and immensely enhance the
importance of these islands. Annexation is manifest destiny, and we are bound to
have it. During these troubles we have been fortunate in the possession of men
who have been willing, at great personal loss and sacrifice, to assume the burdens
and responsibilities of public office. We want to assure them of our heavy support,
and entire confidence, and they have it."
1-. T. WATERHOUSE spoke briefly in Hawaiian, [pointing to the motto Aloha]:
" That is our foundation, to live in love to each other. The light has broken upon
us-we have lived in darkness. Let us now embrace the light. The doors of the
former palace were opened to-day for the poor and needy to enter, and that movement will enlarge the opportunities of the poor. Then go forward and secure
liberty and prosperity."
W. b. SMITH: "I am to speak on behalf of the Provisional Government; I am sorry
no one worthier has been found. [A voice, " You are good enough! "] Our feeling
should be one of gratitude and pride. I am proud of the strong and brave men
who have supported the Provisional Government for the past year." The speaker
then went on to say a good word forthe Hawaiians, who have been quiet and orderly,
submitting to the laws although the meaning of the movement had been misrepresented to them, and they were mistrustful in consequence. Europeans would not
have done so under the same circumstances. It was necessary to have patience and
forbearance with them. Matters of a public nature were difficult enough to deal
with under any circumstances, but now this is more than ordinarily the case. The
ordinary channels of expression through the ballot box have been closed, and there
has been a powerful, hostile influence from without to contend against.
"It is a matter of pride that thus far self-interest has been subordinated to higher
considerations. Men have stood ready to make any sacrifices to support the great
principle at stake. If any one thinks it is an easy job to be wet nurse to a baby
government let him try it and see. The baby has been teething, has had the whooping cough and the measles, and lately I think it has been suffering with the colic, and
then the grandmother in the Uuited States wanted to come over and spank it, but it
has lived through it all, and is a lusty and growing infant, and with your aid and
support another year will find it stronger. I have just a few words more to say. I
don't know in just what form our future difficulties will arrive. Our grand object
is the attainment of good government through union with the United States. We
must subordinate personal ambition and self-interest to this one end and then we
will move on to success."
Some one in the crowd then proposed three cheers for President Dole, which were
given with a will.
Judge ROBERTSON: "I thank the committee for giving me this opportunity to
appear as a fellow Annexationist. A year ago I was five thousand miles away,
unconscious of what was taking place and unable to take part in the resistance to
the fatal act of the foolish Queen. Upon the arrival of the five commissioners in
the United States I recognized the same spirit which told Kalakaua in 1887 to
come down from his high horse, and in 1889 told Bob Wilcox to come out from his
gasoline tank. I was pleased to hear that the boys of '87 were still in the ranks in
1893. I read a letter in the Star the other day in which a British sailor was
offended at being called a boy, but I shall never feel insulted at being called ' one
of the boys.' Old men for counsel; young men for war. The young men here were
ready a few weeks ago to fight our great and good friend, Grover Cleveland.
' I am not ashamed to confess that my conversion to annexation dates back only
one year. I was proud of my country's independence and willing to submit to the
monarchy until its abuses and corruptions were too intolerable to be borne any
longer. We will seek a new and greater independence in the United States, where all
our people will become citizens of the Republic, where the accident of birth will no
longer be regarded, and all will be equal before the law. I believe that now that$




2030                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
there is no more monarchy and no more royalty, the country is better for it. Every
boy who grows up will feel on an equal footing with his neighbor. The royalists
have prophesied that the Queen would be restored to her throne. The throne was
not hers, but lent her by the people, whose voice is as the voice of God, and when
she violated the conditions and abused her privileges the people had an inalienable
right to take it away from her again. Many had hoped that she had learned something from the example of Kalakaua and believed that she should have a fair chance.
The supreme court gave her a chance to choose her own cabinet, and everybody
knows how she returned the compliment in the constitution which she didn't promulgate. While we decline to return in our steps, we must be patient and considerate. The period is one of transition and trial, and the future will depend on our
present conduct. With an administration like the present we may be sure that what
the Government does will be for the best interest of the country at large, and that
their efforts will be finally crowned with success."
WALTER G. SMITH said: "The 17th of January is a day which stands for a great
deal that is inspiring in the political annals of the world. It was upon that day, in
1793, that the people of France condemned to death a despotic king and made liberty,
which has been the dream of the philosopher, the possession of the subject. Then
and there the republican movement in Europe, in spite of precedents and older
activities, really began its onward march. Up to that era most of the people of the
European mainland had been fixed in the belief that a state without a king and a
church without a bishop meant chaos and infidelity.
" The events which grouped about that January day brought them to their senses.
The scales fell from their eyes when the King's head fell into the basket, and they
saw that the divinity which had seemed to hedge the despot had been but a figment
of their own superstitious and inherited fears. It was then that the feudal principle
in the politics of the world received a wound that was to defy all surgery. One
hundred years after that great day in France came a day in Hawaii when the last
independent sovereign in the Western Hemisphere lost her throne and the last
recognized dynasty on this side of the globe was expunged from the calendar of
princes.
"Thereupon the 17th of January gained the right to be known as one of the
world's democratic holidays. It is the day from which an historical chapter in the
contest of the subject against the crown, on both sides of the earth, transpicuously
dates. Let what the day has witnessed for France, for Hawaii, and for all men,
approve the thought that it is a sign set eternal in the heavens of futurity that
kings and queens and potentates shall be no more, and that the reign of the people
has begun. My friends, it builds up a man's political constitution to be a citizen
of Hawaii in such an era as is now in the vigor and brightness of its prime. It
is a privilege, so far as the principle is concerned, equal to that enjoyed by the
fortunate men, some- of them your ancestors and mine, who did duty at Faneuil
Hall or behind the earthworks of Bunker Hill. I do not withdraw the comparison,
because Hawaii in contrast with colonial America is so small or because the forces
with which you grappled beside those which stood for England, were so weak
and impotent; for it must ever be remembered that your defiance to the tottering
Hawaiian monarchy lost no tone of sternness or of courage when you stood at bay
to the President of the United States and the power which he misused.
" There is nothing more inspiring in the annals of 1776 than the unwavering front
which you preserved in your great emergency. There, on the one side, was the
chief of sixty millions; here was an armed body of a paltry thousand; there wae
the strongest of modern powers, with its army and its fleets; here were a few lone
rocks in the ocean without a fort upon its pinnacles and without a gun upon a
deck; there was a great Government whose President had declared that our dethroned
Queen should reign again; here was a little band of men who said that she must
pass over their dead bodies first; there in our harbor were the broadsides of a possible foe; here on shore was a battalion behind its sandbags! The odds were great,
but the patriots of Hawaii took them; and if the American people, aroused by that
spectacle, had not placed themselves between us and all harm, I feel that here upon
this soil would have been a new Thermopylae, not less consecrated to human courage
than was that which made immortal the memory of 300 Greeks. It is not enough,
fellow citizens, to look backward with pride, for we must look forward with courage.
You destroyed a monarchy one year ago to-day; what are we to have in place of it s
year from to-day or ten years hence?
"The problem of January 17 was easy to solve beside the problems that may be in
store; problems which will tax the calmest statesmanship of the great man who is
our President to-day; which will also tax the wisdom and experience of his cabinet,
the sagacity and patience of our councils. We have a party at home devoted to the
lost cause and a moneyed influence abroad conspiring for control. We are in the
midst of alien races and more alien creeds. There is a clamor of many tongues
within our gates; the pressure of foreign governments at the outer walls. Our




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         2031
enemies are powerful and insidious, and though some work secretly and others
openly all are united to defeat the objects of the January revolution. It is for us to
remain steadfast to those objects, no matter who or what may prove false to them;
no matter who or what may conspire or oppose; no matter what self-interest may
undermine; no matter who may come with the olive branch in one hand and a dagger in another. This is our highest public duty. There is but one political goal
and watchword for us all and that is annexation. It is the beginning and end of
our political alphabet. It is the best hope of the Americans in Hawaii, and of thousands who are not Americans except in principle, and it is the best that could happen
to the natives.
" Whatever comes and whatever proposals of government may be, we must be
true to the obj ects of the revolution or we shall be undone by the forces now at work
against us. But what, it may be asked, if annexation is long delayed, if the wait
becomes one of years? What if we are left to work out our own salvation first?
Fellow-citizens, in that event, the best thing we can do is to work it out on the
American plan and by the exercise of Anglo-Saxon pluck, and leave the rest to the Ruler
of all nations. I sometimes think that Providence may have a great political work for
this little island community to perform before our common hopes may be secured
and realized. It is in such small confines that God has set the mightiest forces of
the world's affairs in motion. Events upon a narrow strip of sea shore, among the
fishers and the poor, have swayed the world for nineteen centuries.
" Some of the brightest chapters of civilization and the strongest ones of philosophy, and the most heroic ones of war, opened among the isles of Greece. Upon the
narrow ledges of Switzerland a few plain people and a few plain rules did more for
mankind in one unhappy day than all the empires. Among the sea-girt hills of
Corsica was born the genius of Napoleon. In Haiti all men were once taught the
might of a free people. Nor is this all. From those little islands in the northern
seas where the British flag first reddened the dull air, the strongest tides of civilization have flowed for a thousand years in a continuous stream. You might take those
islands and put them in the midst of one of the many great American lakes and they
could not be seen from the shore; but their very name to the Zulu of the Cape, to
the bushman of Australia, to the redman of the forests of Manitoba, to the high and
the low all over the earth is the incarnation of one of the world's affairs. Surely the
opportunity to do great things and useful things is not dependent upon the size of
the theater. It may be, for ought we know, that Hawaii has some historical function to perform before her identity is merged into the greatness of the Union.
"No man can foresee where and how the responsibility is to fall; but if it should
be for us to spread ideas of free government through the thousands sent among us
from the coast of Asia; if it becomes our privilege to inspire the same eagerness for
liberty among them which the colonial Americans lodged in the minds of their
French allies, and which the latter put to such good service on the 17th of January,
1793, why that is a duty which all true Americans would be proud to perform as
the best homage they could pay to the Fatherland, to the flag they yet hope to see
waving over the North American continent, and to the principles which they believe
will some day dominate the world. Whether annexation comes now or is deferred
for a generation, in either case there are American principles to teach and American
duties to perform on the Hawaiian Islands which our people will uphold with courage, administer with prudence, and defend, if needs be, with their lives. And if
such years are to come and stern duties befall, I am sure that none of us will forget
that annexation is the end that must be sought, the object that must and shall be
won. It is that which will give Hawaii diversified industries; fill the land with the
instruments of modern progress; connect it with the cable systems of the world;
multiply its population by a score; expand its commerce and its trade; upbuild its
civilization; give peace to all its people, and strengthen the authority of the American Republic in this great ocean.
" It is a prize worth working for, and one upon which courage and patience will
not be wasted. Standing here upon ground once consecrated to the pomp of monarchy, face to face with the deroyalized house of government, knowing no flag so
dear as the Stars and Stripes, we appeal to our countrymen to open their gates to us
of kindred blood; but we pledge ourselves, if that can not be, to be at least worthy
of the service by the work we shall do on this soil for the glory of American principles."
NOTES OF THE DAY-SOMB OF THE HAPPENINGS OF YESTERDAY BRIEFLY REVIEWED.
Two large bon fires, in honor of the day, were made on the peninsula at Ewa, by
the Portuguese, from 7 till 8 o'clock.
The decorations of the executive building and grounds surpassed anything of the
kind ever attempted.




2032                      HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.
Three thousand people grilled in the sun watching the parade.
The report of Judge Hartwell's and W. G. Smith's speeches in this issue is a ver.
batim one.
An old resident states that he has never seen as large a crowd in Honolulu, except,
possibly, at the funeral of Kamehameha III.
One of the policemen on duty last night at Palace Square states that he had never
seen such an orderly and well-behaved crowd.
'The column was so long that when the head of the battalion reached the corner of
Fort street and Beretania one company was still on Richard street.
A number of fireworks in the executive grounds were " homnemade."
The green and red lights that so beautifully lit up the grounds made a scene not
soon to be forgotten by those fortunate enough to see it.
The Portuguese procession was a great success.
C. S. Bradford deserved great credit for his arrangement of the speakers and press
stand.
Notwithstanding the fact that orders were received by the officers of the men of
war in port not to call officially at the presidents reception, a number of them did
so, though in plain clothes.
The fireworks that were being fired from the roof of the executive building accidentally caught fire and went up in one big blaze. It was hard on the boys, but it
was a beautiful sight while it lasted.
The flag pole of No. 1 engine company was gaily decorated with lanterns last
evening.
In front of th]e engine house No. 2 an evergreen banner was stretched across the
street containing the word "Annexation." In the evening the flag pole and house
were illuminated with lanterns.
[The Pacific Commercial Advertiser, Thursday, January 18,1894.]
The celebration of the 17th of January was the most enthusiastic and successful
festival ever held in this city. The prograimmle of the day weit off without a jar.
The Government and the Annexation party stand more strong] y intrenched and more
united in feeling now that they have turned to review the events and mark the
progress of this stirring y ear.
A VICARIOUS APOLOGY.
A great deal of indignation is felt at the discourtesy, to use no stronger word,
shown by the diplomatic corps towards the Provisional Government yesterday. This
indignation is directed towards the U. S. minister plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary, Willis, who as' the head of the diplomatic body, is of course responsible
for the course taken, the other members merely following his lead.
We feel no sympathy for this indignation, which appears to us quite unfounded.
At the same time it is so natural that it should be felt, and expressed too, that we
take the liberty of suggesting some considerations in explanation of the apparently
extraordinary course of the American minister.
In a nutshell, the truth is that Mr. Willis found himself in a dilemma. The entire
sovereignty and independence of the Hawaiian Government having been fully recognized by the United States, the American war ships should have fired a salute. On
the other hand, the United States having demanded the surrender of the Government,
a salute should not have been fired. As a free and independent nation, we should
have been saluted, but as a private dependency of Mr. Cleveland, we should not.
As we are at peace with the United States, the minister should have bowed and
smiled at the Executive building, but as we are at war, he should have barred his
front gate, rolled himself up in the American flag, and gazed around with an air
of gloomy and forbidding defiance. Who shall "redel this riddle; who shall resolve
these contradictions? Whatever course Mr. Willis had pursued, he might have
cited chapter and verse for it. Whatever he had done he would have been right.
Is this Government at peace with the United States or not? Does the United States
recognize its sovereignty or not? Who shall say? Does Mr. Willis himself know?
We think that the foregoing facts should teach us to be patient and forbearing in
our relations with the United States minister, and to withhold our judgments. Whichever way he turns he finds himself confronted with the bristling horns of a dilemma.
Everywhere bloody prospects of impalement, and no way of escape. If he has not
found a way out of the difficulty consistent with the usages of diplomacy, the ordinary requirements of courtesy, the dignity and power of the great nation which he
represents, the fault is not his, but his master's.
The whole situation is an extraordinary commentary upon the foreign policy which
has brought things to such a pass. Mr. Cleveland disowning the aots of his prede



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         2033
cessor is like the Pope who exhumed the body of a rival and cast it into the Tiber.
Unhappily, the President has not to deal with a rival only. His own acts of recognition are there, in like manner to be exhumed and disowned. What is to be done
with them? He would, and he would not; and what with calling President Dole
his "great and good friend," and then stabbing him under the fifth rib-between
the open smiles of friendship and the secret acts of enmity-he has brought the
diplomatic rel ations of the United States with this country into a tangle which it
would take a greater than Solomon to unravel. Hawaii is at peace with the American people, but at war with Mr. Cleveland, and Mr. Willis has chosen to cast in his
lot with that of the man who unquestionably is his master, and who claims to be
the master of the American people, too.
We are inclined to believe that the above suggestions contain a sound theory of
the conduct f the American minister. At the same time any hypothesis can be at
best but tentative and provisional. We are treading here diplomatic mazes where
all light fails us and precedents are not. Yet the theory indicated would seem to
be as plausible as any. It would be absurd to suppose that Mr. Willis denies the
right of this Government to observe such holidays as it may choose. It would be
monstrous to imagine that he or his Government resents the celebration of a day
which marks above all other days the regard which this Government and is supporters bear the United States. If it be true, indeed, that the constant affection of
Americans for their native land is a crime in the eyes of Mr. Willis and his master,
then, certainly, like Othello, we have " loved not wisely, but too well."
In the meanwhile, in spite of the neglect of the United States minister plenipotentiary, the Provisional Government still lives and pursues its calm way unmoved.
It has celebrated its anniversary, rejoicing. It has not only survived a year of
trial within and without, but it has grown stronger, wiser, and better, and it stands
to-day secure in its strength, in the brightness of its hopes, in anticipations well
founded upon the deeds of the past, leading away from despotism, pointing forward
to the freedom of the American flag, and remaining an abiding guarantee that
government of the people, by the people and for the people shall not perish in this
outpost of civilization in the Pacific.
[The Hawaiian Star, Thursday, January 18, 1894.]
JANUARY 17.
Within the memory of the oldest inhabitant there has been no more inspiringholiday than that of January 17. This is not alone due to the events it stood for. A
fact of but less significance was in the way it was received by the natives who have
been so strongly counted on to swell the following of the lost cause. They flocked
to the reception at the executive building and paid sincere honors to the chief of the
State, and hundreds of them participated with unmistakable good will in the splendid festivities of the evening. The day was one of rejoicing and satisfaction to the
masses, and the party of reactionaries was forgotten in the midst of the common
jubilee. The Provisional Government and the cause of annexation are the stronger
for the way in which the people showed their aloha for the powers that be.
DID VERY WELL WITHOUT HIM.
It is to be regretted that "contingencies" should have arisen by which Minister
Willis was unable to take note of yesterday's holiday and by which the Philadelphia
and her consort were prevented from hanging up flags in place of their weekly
washing. These "contingencies," it may be observed, are due to the strange perversity of the Americans here in not making way when asked to, for the return of
a discarded heathen Queen and her rabble of boodlers and hula-drivers. To have
them do that is so strong and fervid an ambition of the part of the worshipful
chieftain of the American Democracy, or what there is left of it since the November
elections, that he would see them in the river Styx before he would let his personal
agent here acknowledge their claims of independence; that is to say acknowledge
them again. As to that personal agent himself, whom we have heard was a gallant
Union captain during the war, we are constrained to doubt that he fully believes in
the justice and Americanism of such a programme. However, He-Who-Must-BeObeyed leaves his official employes small latitude of judgment when a question
comes up between the rights of a free people and the prerogatives of a would-be
dictator. Being somewhat in the dictator line himself, Cleveland feels like standing
in with the profession. We must surmise that he abhors the fact that such an
uncontrollable thing as popular sentiment and Congressional initiative sometimes
gets in his way.
However, the Americans of Hawaii and their 3erwapi, English, Vortuqnesp, (44
S. Rep. 227 ---128




2034                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
native friends made a great holiday all by themselves on the 17th of January, and
hardly missed the diplomatic absentee, or stopped to grumble at the long lines
of half-dry undershirts and pantaloons with which the Navy saluted the Republican
anniversary. They were having too good a time for anything of that sort and were
content to leave the extraordinary envoy to himself and to the pleasure which he
might derive from hearing the song of the dinkey bird in the damafula tree.
The local public need not be surprised to hear at any time that the lower branch
of Congress has indorsed the President's Hawaiian policy. So much may be predicated of its partisanship and its desire to let the Executive down easily. The meaning of such action, if it has been or should be taken, would fall very short of doing
any harm to the Provisional Government. So far as it has developed, the Cleveland policy is of the pleading and admonitory type towards Hawaii and to indorse
that would be, so far as the government of these islands is concerned, a harmless
proceeding, " intended," as a former Congressman would have put it, " for Buncombe
County only."
WAS A DAY OF DAYS-COMPLETE SUCCESS OF TIHE FIRST CELEBRATION-LEAGUE
FLAG RAISING-MILITARY PARADE-RECEPTION-MEETING-DECORATIONS-FIREWORKS.
The celebration programme was carried through with a dash. There was no variations from the proceedings as announced in advance. The weather was absolutely
perfect. The feeling was enthusiastic. So far as could be observed, none held
aloof from the occasion. It seemed that nearly everybody in the city was heart and
soul in the observance of the first regular "Fourth of July" for Hawaii. A little
coterie, which wandered about in holiday attire, attempted to wet-blanket the
affair, but found its mission the saddest sort of a failure and was actually compelled
to become an indistinguishable part of the gala gathering. During the evening of
the 16th and on the morning of the 17th this worthy contingent circulated rumors
designed to frighten people. The scare scheme miscarried completely. Even the
roundabout threat of a dynamite explosion at the speaker's stand had not the least
effect. There was no brooking the tide of patriotism; it was universal and resistless. The sentiments of freedom and independence pervaded and governed everywhere. Vent was given to the spirit of the day by actions indorsing fully the Provisional Government and reaffirming the principles which actuated the overthrow
of monarchy.
The events of the day were the flag-raising by the American League, the battalion
drill and review of troops, the reception by President Dole and Mrs. Dole, the great
mass meeting, and the display of fireworks.
THE FLAG-RAISING.
At 8 o'clock an immense crowd had gathered at the corner of Nuuanu and King to
witness the hoisting of a 60 by 30 American flag on a 120-foot pole. The band was in
attendance, and rendered such patriotic airs as "Star-Spangled Banner," "Marching through Georgia," "Rally Round the Flag."  A great cheer went up from
the throng that congested two streets as the flag was hauled aloft. R. H. Sampson,
who served in the civil war as first lieutenant of Company G, First Massachusetts
Cavalry, cracked a bottle of champagne and christened the flag "General Dix."
Three cheers were then proposed and given with a will. Twenty-one giant bombs,
furnished by John Egan, were set off as a salute. Each explosion brought cheers.
Gen. Dix, of New York, is the man who said, "If any man hauls down the American
flag, shoot him on the spot." This was the feeling throughout the concourse of
liberty-loving people. As the flag gracefully swung to the breeze, winding itself
like a thing of life, and as the band sent into the air the glorious music so dear to
Americans the world over, eyes moistened, and men with the G. A. R. button, and
men and women who are with them, said: " It would not go well with the one who
molested that flag." It was a pretty, impressive scene, really inspiring, conjuring
to the surface all that is best in the man. For some time a crowd lingered about,
and all day the flag was a center of attraction.
REVIEW AND PARADE.
The review of the troops attracted about the entire population to Union Square.
The band, of which Prof. Berger lately said, " They will either fight or play," led
the column of seven companies fully accoutered. Col. Soper delivered a few commands, and then Lieut. Col. Fisher put the battalion through a series of intricate
maneuvers, concluding with the manual of arms, Every movmaent was executed




HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.                     2035
with the precision and finish noticeable in veteran regulars in the United States.
The troops have profited by their training at the hands of capable tacticians. All
are proud of the military branch of the Government. The officers at the head of the
companies were Capts. Good, Camnara, Lient. Asch, Capts. Gunn, Ziegler, and Wilder.
The Line of march was up Punchbowl street to Beretania, thence to Fort, to King,
to Nunanu, and back to the garrison on King. The streets were almost impassable
during the parade, thousands lining the sidewalks.
At the headquarters of the American League the celebrants on'ce more centered.
The grand flag raised in the morning was given by the Provisional Government and
the assembled multitude that cordial salute denied it from a certain quarter.
"The Star Spangled Banner" was again heard, and cheer after cheer almost rent
the air. Each succeeding explosion of patriotism was more hearty than the one
before.
STATE RECEPTION.
The council hall and, in fact, the entire executive building and grounds, had been
decorated for the reception by President and Mrs. Dole between the hours of 11 and
12. Carpets were laid in the great hallways and in the legislative chamber. There
were flowers everywhere. Paper lanterns were pendent from trees and festooned
about the place. There was an entire absence of ceremony and formality. All were
welcomed, and after being received the guests scattered about and a social, free
from restraint, lasted a couple of hours. The President was attended by his staff
officers, Col. Soper, Lieut. Col. Fisher, and Majs. McLeod and Potter. The latter presented the guests. In the immediate receiving party were President Dole and wife,
the cabinet members and their ladies, and the judges of thesupreme and circuit courts
with their ladies. Mrs. Dole was assisted by Mrs. C. L. Carter, Mrs. Iaukea,
and the Misses Hopper, Lowry, Park, Perry, Von Holt, Mossman, Gillman, Judd,
Wing, Forbes, Jones, Hartwell, Mott-Sinith, Wilder, Young, Glade, Atkinson, Paty,
McGrew, Hassenger, Sorenson, Hatch, Tyler, Afong, and Howland. Ball dresses
were not shown, but many exquisite costumes were worn. The callers numbered
about 750. Over 250 registered. Many natives called, one with an immense bouquet
for the President. The German consul was present, and a number of officers from
the American men-of-war attended in civilian dress. The book for names was in
an out-of-the-way place, and there was such a crush during the first half of the hour
that comparatively few placed their names. During the reception the band played
on the veranda.
At noon the national salute of 21 guns was fired in short order by a detail from the
artillery company.
ILLUMINATIONS.
It was agreed on all sides that Honolulu was never before so brilliantly illuminated as last night. Further, it was asserted freely that never before had so many
people appeared on the streets in the evening. The committee on decorations was
extensively assisted by the military companies, the fire companies, business men, and
citizens generally. There were flags everywhere. Such buildings as the headquarters of the Annexation Club, the American League, and the fire houses were
resplendent in bunting and paper lanterns. Across Union Lane from No. 2 fire
house the word "Annexation" in evergreen letters three feet high greeted all. At
Union Square a pole in the center bore lines of merchantmen signals in four directions. The speakers' stand was literally covered with bunting, with the word
"Aloha'" in big red letters with a white background in the crowning piece. Some
of the best artistic effects were produced at the Judiciary building, where lines of
light made a pleasing whole.
An enormous amount of labor was expended on the Executive building and
grounds. The illumination began at the pinnacle of the flagstaff, and the brilliancy increased and broadened to the limits of the great square, rich in tropical
trees and shrubs and flowers. Above 1,000 waxen candles were used here, and nearly
as many incandescent electric lights were placed through the efforts of Mr. Cassidy
and his well-organized corps of wiremen.  There was a line of incandescents
inclosed with Japanese and Chinese lanterns extending from the corner of Richards
and King a square up King. A couple of miles of light found place in front of and
above the Executive building. Several sketches were made of the illuminations.
A trip around the city developed many private residences appropriately decorated.
The fireworks, which were used lavishly, consisted of rockets, roman candles,
and crackers and bombs. These were set off on the grounds of the Executive and.Judiciary buildings, and the displays were greatly admired. The decoration of the
Government buildings was the offering of the soldiers themselves, and were highly
creditable in every way.




2036                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
EVENING PARADE.
The evening demonstration, abandoned by the general arrangement committee,
was taken up by the enthusiastic Portuguese contingent and most successfully
carried out. These patriotic citizens came down from the slopes of Punchbowl
about 300 strong, just in time for the speechmaking. Their own band led the procession and played unusually well. The marchers bore torches and transparancies.
The sentiment first shown was "Progresso, uniao, liberedado." Other inscriptions
were: "Lily, make room for your anti," "Liberty or death," "America is our goal,"
"No monarchy in ours," "Liberty and union," '" P. G., and Portuguese," "We're
the 400." At the end of the column was a fireworks wagon, which left a trail of
explosives and colored lights.
MASS MEETING.
The attendance:it the mass meeting was variously estimated at from 7,000 to
10,000. It included throngs of natives, and the seats reserved for ladies were all
occupied. Enthusiasm was unbounded, the speakers being constantly interrupted
by cheering and marks of approval. The proceedings were enlivened by the discharge of fireworks at intervals, and music from the band. A spontaneous outburst
was given of three cheers for President Dole.
Hon. J. B. Atherton was chairman. In a brief address he spoke of the meeting of
November 28 to protest against the action of Mr. Cleveland. The opinions they
expressed are fixed. The year just ended had been one of trial. The Provisional Government administered and sustained by the most trustworthy men of Hawaii has stood
firm and it is now, with strength, means, and backing, on a solid footing. It will
live and prosper until admitted into the great American Union.
Collector-General J. B. Castle said: There was but little to be added to what had
already been uttered. What was to be said should be heard in no uncertain tones.
It should be such expression as would reverberate through the ages of the Hawaiian
future and live as a legacy to our children. A year ago there was struck a blow
which drove the last nail into the coffin of monarchy. Those associated in the Government had been steadfast and faithful. They believed their hopes would witness
fruition before the year 1897. "All roads lead to Rome," was an ancient and significant saying. Our watchword is "All roads lead to Washington." We believe
Hawaii will come into the Union. We have here a Government that is sound and
strong, and in which the people have confidence. He was certain it was satisfactory, and it, or its immediate successors, were good enough for those who desired
annexation.
There have been objections to the celebration of this day. Comments tinged with
disapproval have emanated in some instances from our own ranks. The day was a
most memorable one and the speaker would be in favor of making it a holiday for
all time. Those who thought otherwise were either imbued with lack of confidence
or even cowardice. It was a day worthy of celebration for many reasons. For one
thing, it commemorated the unsuccessful seizure of the islands nearly one hundred
years ago by the English, who were forced to restore them by the action of Napoleon.
The 17th was the birthday anniversary of Kamehameha III, the King who desired
the annexation of the islands to the United States.
Said Judge HARTWELL: "Wherever is found a community enjoying possession of
higher sentiments, there is civil liberty. The day of kings is past but the rule of
law is never ending." Judge Hartwell entered upon a legal analysis of the Hawaiian
Government. "Until the advent of Kalakaua there had beenno actual constitutional
government. For the first time, then, a monarch was sworn to enforce and observe a
constitution; for the first time absolute kingly authority was abolished. In Liliuokalani the country found a sovereign who disregarded and ignored the constitution.
What did the English do when their King John rebelled? They forced him at
Runnymede to obligate himself by signing Magna Charta. On the 17th of January,
1893, the monarch of this country abrogated constitutional government by violating
and defying the constitution. From that instant Hawaiian constitutional government ceased to exist. The proceeding that followed was a conservative and legitimate one. Citizens took upon themselvesthe functions of government. Theultimate
end sought is annexation to the United States. The Government is protecting citizens and property and q uietly and fairly conducting the affairs of state. We have
actable government. That is the only Government, and it will continue to be the
recognized, honored, and efficient power on the islands.
President of Punahou College, Prof. F. A. Hosmer, said that Prince Bismarck, at
a banquet, offered a toast to the fatherland Great Britain and the Republic of the
West. The French and Portuguese governments further afford fine examples of
republican forms of government. Out here on an island on the mid-Pacific, people
with the incentive of patriotism have been brave enough to resist absolution. Prof.
Alexander's history is authority for the notorious fact that Hawaii has not for twenty
years had a stable government. We have it now and we will have annexation.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         2037
Their inventors will cease to be backward. Every man here will have an opportunity. The islands are rich in material resources. We have Pearl locks and other
grand harbors. There is prosperity in store for all. We have been extremely fortunate in having men here who have accepted public office as a public trust. They
are able and self-sacrificing gentlemen, worthy of our trust and confidence, and
entitled to our support.
H. T. Waterhouse made a few timely and effective remarks in the native tongue.
The effort was received with every mark of cordiality and favor. This translation
was furnished by Rev. Sereno Bishop: [Pointing to the motto "Aloha."] "That is
our foundation, to live in love to each other. The light has broken upon us; we
have lived in darkness-let us now embrace the light. The doors of the former
palace were open to-day for the poor and needy to enter, and that movement will enlarge the opportunities of the poor. Then go forward and secure liberty and prosperity.
Attorney-General W. 0. Smith said, in speaking for the Government, that if any
one feeling should animate our hearts it should be a union of gratitude and pride.
I am proud of the conduct of the people and of their support of the Government. The
natives, many of them, not clearly understanding the situation, have evinced confidence in us. Their behavior merits the greatest commendation. The Government
has had to contend with many difficulties; the people have been patient; there has
been no exercise of the ballot; self-interest has been subordinated to public interest;
men have been brave, courageous, and forbearing. It has been no easy task to act
as wet nurse to an infant. The child has had the measles and the colic, and it has
even been threatened with a spanking; but it is now a lusty little one, able to walk.
We are working for one great destiny-stability of government. We will secure it
in annexation. Let there be a continuance of the noble subordination of self-interests, and we shall march on to victory.
Judge Robertson said he was thankful for the opportunity to lift his voice as an
Annexationist. He was in the United States when the Queen committed her fatal
error. He recognized the effects of the happenings when accounts were wired across
the continent. He knew that the sentiments which were then uppermost were the
same sentiments which forced Kalakaua to dismount his high horse in 1881 and drew
Bob Wilcox from his gasoline tank in 1889. He had been amused at the complaint
of an English man of war's man upon being called a boy.  t Old men for council,
young men for war." The services of the "boys" were in demand a few weeks ago
when it looked as if "our great and good friend" Grover Cleveland, would force us
to fight. He was with the boys. The speaker had not been an ardent Annexationist
until about one year ago. Having been born here he was proud of the autonomy
of Hawaii. Now he was convinced that a higher state of citizenship would be the
possession of all who went into the American Union with Hawaii. As Robert Lincoln said, every man is the equal of every other man in the United States. Some of
the Royalists are saying that Lilioukalani will be given back her throne. There was
no such thing as her throne. She had forfeited it when she abolished constitutional
government.
Walter G. Smith said the 17th day of January was a date of note in the political
history of the world. On that day in 1792 the people of France condemned a despotic
king to death and gained that liberty which, from the dream of the philosopher,
had become the possession of the subject. That day marked the inauguration of
the republican movement in Europe. It dispelled the belief that a country without
a king or a church without a bishop meant chaos and infidelity. The events of that
January day had brought men to their senses. They saw that the attributed
divinity of a monarch was but the figment of their inherited fears and superstitions.
The feudal principle then received a wound that defied all surgery. A century after
that day in France came a day in Hawaii when the last independent sovereign on
the Western Hemisphere lost her throne and the last recognized dynasty on. this
side of the globe was expunged from the calendar of princes. Then the 17th of January gained the right to be known as one of the world's democratic holidays. Let
it approve the fact that it is a sign set eternal in the heavens of history that kings
and queens and potentates shall be no more and that the reign of the people has
begun. There is nothing more inspiring in the annals of 1776 than the unwavering
front this people preserved in their great emergency.
On one side was the chief of 60,000,000, here an armed body of a paltry thousand;
there was the greatest of modern powers with its armies and fleets, here a few lone
rocks in the ocean without a fort upon their pinnacles or a gun upon a deck; there
was a government whose President declared that our dethroned queen should reign
again; there was a little band of men who said that she must pass over their dead
bodies first. In our harbor was the broadside of a possible foe, here on shore was a
battalion behind its sandbags. The odds were great, but the patriots of Hawaii
took them. If the American people had not intervened there might have been a
new Thermopyla3. While we look back with pride we must look forward with




2038                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
courage. There are grave problems yet to solve. We have an antgoiiistic ele
ment at home and a negative moneyed influence abroad conspiring for control. Our
enemies are powerful and insidious. They are united to defeat the objects of the
January revolution. It is for us to remain steadfast to those objects no matter how
they may be assailed. This is our highest duty.
There is but one political goal and watchword for us all, and that is annexation.
If this is delayed, and we are left to work out our own salvation, the best thing is
to work it out on the American plan by the exercise of Anglo-Saxon pluck, and leave
the rest to the Ruler of all nations. Perhaps Providence may have a great political
work for this little island community to perform. Perhaps its destiny is to work out
a parallel to Greece, to Switzerland, to Haiti. On rocky shores, among fishermen
and the poor, occurred events which, after nineteen centuries, sway and control the
world. In closing, Mr. Smith said: "Standing here upon ground once consecrated
to the pomp of monarchy, face to face with the deroyalized house of Government,
knowing no flag so dear as the Stars and Stripes, we appeal to our countrymen to
open their gates to us of kindred blood; but we pledge ourselves, if that can not
be, to at least be worthy of the service by the work we shall do on this soil for the
glory of American principles."
The crowd lingered about the square for an hour after the mass meeting closed,
viewing the fireworks and illuminations.
NOTES OF THE DAY.
Mr. Emmeluth fired a salute at his residence early in the morning.
There was a large crowd at Thomas Square in the afternoon to hear the concert.
The judiciary building was decorated by Company F, and the executive building
by Company E.
The crowds were very orderly throughout the day and evening. Not a single disturbance occurred.
The Antiques and Horribles made up an interesting circus and especially pleased
the young folks. The award of prizes was just and entirely satisfactory.
Bonfires lit up the evening in Ewa.
Corporal Kelby, E Company, had a hand severely injured by a premature explosion of fireworks on the tower of the executive building. He is in the hospital.
A private of E Company made a bomb with a piece of gas pipe. The metal was
blown to fragments on the executive Wlilding front. Five panes of glass were
shattered and some stucco work loosened. The man was only slightly bi uised.
A GOOD WORD FOR MR. WILLIS.
The excitement attending the arrival and departure of the Corwin having subsided, we hope that our citizens will be fair and just toward Mr. Willis. His position is not one of his own creation. It was made by his master. He did not seek
trouble but was ordered to make it. The sins of the principals are often visited
upon the heads of the agents. If his temper has not been altogether lovely in making his answers to questions regarding his use of force in restoring the ex-Queen, it
must be remembered that he was instructed to perform a difficult job. "Don't use
force, but don't let them know that you won't use it." A nobleman said to the artist who was about to paint his portrait: "In painting my portrait paint that of my
valet standing behind me, but so that he can not be seen." Instructions are often
difficult to execute.
Mr. Willis knows, for he must read some books, that in no modern time has an
envoy been sent to express good will toward a government, and at the same time
ordered peremptorily to compass, instigate, and procure the destruction of that
government. He knows, furthermore, that he never would have been ordered to do
so if we had numbered fifty millions of people; that the "high sense of justice"
which inspired his instructions was accompanied with an equally high and lively
sense of superior.strength. Mr. Willis is not responsible for all this. If he stands
out in diplomatic history as one of the parties to a queer and novel diplomatic
escapade, he must thank his principal for it. His character and ours, as good
Christians, are to be tested in the future. It may occur to him that a Christian
spirit are not incompatible with true statesmanship. Still, he may feel like the
darkey preacher who made this reply to an inquiry: "I reckons I'se broke all de
Commandments, but tank de Lord I keeps my religion," and while he may cultivate
for private use that which is the greatest of all, charity, he may feel that his public
mission here will be to "get even" with us poor Hawaiian worms of the dust. The
mothers in Honolulu, who, after the arrival of the Corwit, bent over their babes ill
prayer anxiously inquiring if the guns of the Philadelphia and Adams were shotted
for them, gratefully thank him that he ordered the death angel to touch but not to
rest on their pillows. It is now in order that we cultivate charity and forgiveness.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         2039
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
NO. 31.]                   LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 19, 1894.
SIR: In recent dispatches I have sent letters between Hon. S. B.
Dole, minister of foreign affairs, and myself in regard to my " attitude
showing the intention to use force."
I have the honor to transmit herewith the letters of Mr. Dole of January 11 and 18, 1894, and my reply of this and prior date, which will, on
my part, end correspondence on the subject.
Very respectfully,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
Inclosures.
1. Letter of Mr. Dole to Mr. Willis.
2. Letter of Mr. Willis to Mr. Dole.
3. Letter of Mr. Willis to Mr. D)ole, January 15, 1894.
4. Letter of Mr. Dole to Mr. Willis, January 18, 1894.
[Inclosure 1, in No. 31.]
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Honolulu, January 11, 1894.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication dated
January 1 instant, in which you refer to my communication to you dated December
27 as "containing statements which I am fully prepared to show are not warranted
by the facts, seriously affecting the President of the United States and the represenltatives of the United States in this country, and that these charges and statements, if accepted as the official views of your Government, demand prompt answer
and equally prompt action on the part of the Government of the United States to
the end that the condition of affairs therein described should be removed by the
removal of the alleged causes."
You also refer to the intervening correspondence between us, stating that my
above-mentioned communication, " being for the first time the official information
that the warlike preparations described by you were caused by and intended for
the diplomatic and military representatives of the United States."
You further state that, believing that upon further consideration I would realize
the great injustice of my statements, you, on the 29th ultimo, wrote, suggesting the
withdrawal of my communication of the 27th ultimo and your reply, and that no
copies be given to the public or made a record by either Government; and on the
31st stated to Mr. Damon that your note to me " was prompted by no improper or
unfriendly spirit, but was intended to continue the amicable relations heretofore
existing."
You further state that, in my letter of December 29, there is no "withdrawal or
modification of the statements complained of, but, on the contrary, an expression of
readiness, implying ability, to furnish the specifications requested."
You also acknowledge the receipt of my note to you, dated January 1, stating that
it was not my intention to withdraw any of my letters, which note you state is
unsigned by me. The omission of the signature was unintentional.
You conclude by stating that "I have now to ask that you furnish me, at your
earliest convenience, with the desired specifications, as I wish to make immediate
answer."
I will comply with your request. Before doing so, however, I desire to say, in
reply to your communication of the 1st instant, that I have made no "charges"
against the President of the United States or its representatives. On the contrary,
in order that there might be no misapprehension concerning the matter, I specifically stated, in my comnmunication to you of the 27th ultimo, that I do not claim or
intimate that this unfortunate situation has been intentionally created by you or
by the Government which you represent. I still disclaim any intention of charging
you or your Government with intent to produce the results and conditions described
in my communication of December 27.
The object of my communication to you was to formally bring to your attention certain facts and conditions existing in this country; what, in my opinion, were




2040                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
the causes of the same, and to obtain from you such information and assurances as
would tend to allay the prevailing excitement and apprehension.
Concerning your statement above referred to, that my communication of December
27 contains statements which you are fully prepared to show are not warranted by
the facts, I would say that it would give me great pleasure to become convinced
that the alleged conditions and facts referred to by me did not in truth exist. The
matters hereinafter stated constitute in part the basis for my belief in the existence of the conditions referred to and the causes producing the same; but I shall be
glad to receive from you any evidence tending to remove from my mind the belief
that they or any of them did exist, and assuring you that upon becoming convinced
that I am under misapprehension concerning any of such alleged facts, the allegations concerning the same will be immediately withdrawn.
Concerning your statement that my letter of December 29 contains "no withdrawal or modifications of the statements complained of," you will pardon me if I
say that I was not aware that any complaint had been made concerning any statement
made by me, your reply having been primarily directed to eliciting more specific
information concerning certain points.
Referring to the suggestion contained in your note of the 29th and your interview
with Mr. Damon, that I withdraw my communication of December 27, I would
say that to do so would have been in the nature of an admission that the statements therein contained were incorrect, which, unfortunately, in the absence of the
information which you say you are prepared to present and with certain other evidence before me, it was impossible for me to do so.
Allow me to assure you that it is with deep gratification that I received your
assurance that your communication to me of the 29th December was prompted by
no improper motive or unfriendly spirit, but was intended to continue the amicable relations heretofore existing, and to further assure you that this and all other
communications from this Government are written in the same spirit, and I trust
that no statement presenting the claims and views of this Government concerning
any matter of law or fact may by reason of its directness and distinctness be construed as otherwise than of a similar character.
In compliance with your request for certain specifications concerning my letter of
December 27, I reply thereto as follows:
First. You inquire as to the meaning of the word " attitude " as used in my letter.
I reply that the word was used by me in its ordinarily accepted sense, meaning
the bearing, the posture as indicating purpose, of those referred to.
You further say: "Will you point out where and when and how the representatives of the United States assumed any attitude toward the supporters of the Provisional Government, or that Government itself, other than one essentially and
designedly expressive of peace?"
In reply I would say that the attitude of a person is to be ascertained only by
inferences drawn from the known words and acts of such person, and the conditions
and circumstances under which they take place.
Some of the words and actions of the United States and its representatives in this
connection and the conditions and circumstances attendant thereupon, from which
its intentions and attitude toward the Provisional Government must be inferred, are
as follows:
(1) A treaty of annexation had been negotiated between the Provisional Government and the United States Government and presented to the Senate for ratification.
This treaty was withdrawn by President Cleveland immediately upon his entering
office without prior notice to this Government or its representatives of his intention
so to do, or of his reasons for such action.
(2) Immediately thereafter the President appointed Hon. James H. Blount a
special commissioner to Hawaii to investigate the condition of affairs at Hawaii.
The knowledge of such appointment was withheld from the representatives of
this Government at Washington. The press having announced the appointment, the
Hawaiian representatives applied to the State Department for information concerning the same. The Secretary of State refused to state the objects of the mission or
even to admit that a commissioner had been appointed.
(3) On the 19th day of June, 1893, Mr. Thurston, Hawaiian minister at Washington, addressed a communication to Mr. Gresham, Secretary of State, in which the
following language is used, viz:
"I am directed by my Government to represent to you that, while the Hawaiian
Government has full confidence in the good faith of the United States towards
Hawaii in and concerning its treatment of the relations between the two countries,
it seems proper that it should be informed as to the effect the present uncertainty as
to the ultimate course to be pursued has upon the situation in Hawaii.
" The long-continued delay and uncertainty keeps the entire community in a feverish state of mind, by reason of which business is seriously affected; capital is rendered timid, thereby hampering all enterprises which are conducting their business




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                          2041
on credit; the Government credit and ability to borrow is prejudiced; the expenses
of the Government are largely increased by the necessity of maintaining a considerable armed force for the protection of public order, and the enemies of the Government are encouraged to conspire against law and order, all of which is highly prejudicial and injurious not only to the Hawaiians, but to the very large amount of
American capital invested in Hawaii and the mutual trade now being conducted
between the two countries.
" It is important for the Hawaiian Government to know the intention of the United
States Government concerning annexation at as early a date as possible, as if annexation is nlot to take place the methods of treating local conditions in Hawaii must be
radically different from those to be pursued if annexation is to take place.
" It is also important that whatever the intentions of the United States Government may be concerning the subject-matter, the Hawaiian Government be informed
what such intentions are before the same are made public, in order that it may consider the situation with full knowledge of all its aspects and decide upon such
course of action as may be necessary to preserve order and protect the interests of
the people of Hawaii.
" For the reasons above stated I respectfully request that a decision may be arrived
at and communicated as speedily as is consistent with the interests of the United
States."
No reply has ever been made to such communication.
(4) Upon the arrival of Mr. Blount in this country he did not communicate nor in
any matter intimate to the Hawaiian Government that his investigations were to be
directed toward the right of existence of the Government to whom he was accredited.
All of his investigations and examinations were private, and such persons only were
examined as he chose to call.
(5) An examination of his report, since published, shows that there are statements made by approximately 60 Royalists and 20 supporters of the Provisional
Government.
That he has obtained no statements from the 4 members of the cabinet voted out
three days before the revolutionary attempt of the Queen, although he has obtained
exhaustive statements from their Royalist successors.
That he has examined only 2 of the 13 members of the committee of safety; one of
the original 4 members of the executive council of the Provisional Government; 3
of the original 14 members of the advisory council; 2 of the 8 speakers who addressed
the mass meeting called by the committee of safety on the day prior to the establishment of the Provisional Government, and but 1 of the 8 field and staff officers,
and none of the 17 line officers in command of the forces of the Provisional Government and none of the 5 commissioners sent to Washington, although all of such men
omitted to be examined were eye witnesses and active participants in the overthrow
of the monarchy and the establishment of the Provisional Government, and are men
of character and standing in the community, while a number of those examined on
the Royalist side are irresponsible characters.
(6) Upon the 15th day of May, 1893, Mr. Blount, without first communicating to
this Government what his instructions were, or his intention so to do, published his
official instructions in a Honolulu newspaper in the form of an address "To the
people of the Hawaiian Islands," and concluded with the following words:
" While I shall refrain from interference between conflicting forces of whatever
nationality for supremacy, I will protect American citizens not participating in such
conflict."
(7) Although Mr. Blount's report is official in character, vitally affects this Government, and is distinctly hostile to it in tone and conclusions, no request to this Government for explanation of the charges therein made was received nor opportunity
to reply thereto or notice of its contents given prior to its publication. The first
information concerning the contents of such report was obtained by this Government through published extracts in the American papers dated November 20, last, no
official copy thereof being furnished the Hawaiian minister at Washington until
November 25, and none received by this Government at Honolulu until December 22,
last, such copies having been furnished only after several applications therefor at
the State Department.
(8) On November 7 you, having arrived in Honolulu, presented your credentials
to this Government as American minister, with the usual declarations of friendship
and regard and were duly received and acknowledged. Simultaneously therewith,
Admiral Skerrett was suddenly and unexpectedly removed and Rear-Admiral Irwin
appointed to the command of the American naval forces in Honolulu. Such change
was almost universally interpreted by the press of the United States as having a
bearing upon the contemplated execution of the announced policy of the President
concerning Hawaii. The extract hereinafter contained from the New York Herald
is a sample of the interpretation placed thereon by the press of your own country
faUvorable to such policy.




2042                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
I do not claim or intimate that the personnel of the commanding officer of the
United States forces is of any concern to this Government, nor suggest that the
interpretation placed thereon by the American press is correct, nor that your Government is responsible for such interpretation. This incident is mentioned simply
as a part of the res gesto of the case which this Government had before it, and as
one of the many things which it was obliged to consider in drawing its inferences
as to what the intentions of your Government were.
(9) Upon the 8th of November last the New York Herald published a statement
from its Washington correspondent from which I make the following extracts:
"A diplomatic bombshell will burst within the next few days and the report will
be heard throughout the entire world.
"The bomb will be thrown by an accredited representative of the United States
Government, and he will hurl it against the badly conceived and worse managed
Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
"If Minister Willis and Rear-Admiral Irwin arrived in Honolulu on schedule there
would be even livelier times in the capital city of the Hawaiian Islands to-day
than there is in the metropolis of the United States. * * *  Briefly stated, the
present administration will do all in its power to restore the condition of affairs
which existed in Hawaii at the time Minister Stevens * * * brought about the
overthrow of Queen Liliuokalani, * X *
" The same force, that of the United States Government, which made the Provisional Government possible has sustained them in power to this day. They could
not have made the revolution of which they were the head center a success but for
the support given them by the administration in Washington, and there is every
reason to believe * * * that the Provisional Government would have gone down
long ago but for this same support. * * *
"The fact that a new minister has been sent to Honolulu to succeed Minister
Stevens and that Rear-Admiral Irwin has been sent to relieve Commander Skerrett
has been accepted in many instances as an inkling of the administration's policy
towards Hawaii. * * *
"This means that the Queen will be restored to her throne and the Provisional
Government, representing only a small part of the people of Hawaii, will soon be
a thing of the past."
I do not intimate that the U. S. Government is responsible for the utterances of
the Herald, but cite the above as one of several instances in which information of
intended acts on the part of your Government, vital to this Government, has been
denied to this Government and first made known to it through the public press.
(10) On November 11 the papers of the United States published a letter from the
Secretary of State to the President, dated October 18, 1893.
No previous notice had been given to this Government of the contents of such
letter or of the intention to make it public.
In that letter the Secretary, referring to the initiation of this Government, says:
"They relied on no military force of their own, for they had none worthy of the
name. The Provisional Government was established by the action of the American
minister and the presence of the troops landed from the Boston, and its continued
existence is due to the belief of the Hawaiians that if they made an effort to overthrow it they would encounter the armed forces of the United States.
"The earnest appeals to the American minister for military protection by the
officers of the Provisional Government after it had been recognized show the utter
absurdity of the claim that it was established by a successful revolution of the
people of the islands.
"These appeals were a confession by the men who made them of their weakness
and timidity. Courageous men, conscious of their strength and the justice of their
cause do not act thus. * * *
" Should not the great wrong done to a feeble but independent State by an abuse
of the authority of the United States be undone by restoring the legitimate Government? Anything short of that will not, I respectfully submit, satisfy the demands
of justice. * *   * Our Government was the first to recognize the independence
of the islands, and it should be the last to acquire sovereignty over them by force
and fraud."
You have intimated in your communication dated December 2 that the foregoing
letter, "being a domestic affair, the transaction is not the subject of diplomatic
representation," which statement you have reiterated in your communication of
January 1.
I must submit, however, that an official communication from the chief of the
Department of State to the President, in which he charges this Government and its
officers with conspiracy, weakness, timidity, and fraud, and recommends its subversion, which letter is officially furnished to and published by the public press
without any information concerning the same being afforded to this Government, is
not a "domestic transaction," and is preeminently a proper subject for inquiry on




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         2043
the part of this Government as to the intentions of your Government concerning
the subject-matter.
(11) On November 14 Mr. Thurston, Hawaiian minister at Washington, called upon
the Secretary of State and inquired if the above letter was authentic, and was
assured by Mr. Gresham that it was.
Mr. Thurston then said: "I wish, then, to further ask whether it is the intention
of the U. S. Government to carry out the policy therein indicated by force; or, in
other words, whether if the Provisional Government declines to accede to the
request of the U. S. Government to vacate in favor of the Queen, U. S. troops
will be used to enforce the request."
To which Mr. Gresham replied: "I am not at liberty at present to answer that
question. It is a matter concerning which I will speak to the President and talk
with you more fully this afternoon."
In the afternoon of the same day Mr. Gresham further said to Mr. Thurston:
" I have already answered your first question, to the effect that the letter published
(Secretary Gre(sham to the President) was authentic and a correct statement of the
policy of the United States. As to your second question, as to whether force is to be
used by the United States to restore the Queen, all that I am at liberty to state is
that Mr. Willis has no instructions to do anything which will cause injury to life or
property of anyone at the islands. Further than this I am not at liberty to state
what his instructions are. You can draw your own inferences from my statement
and allay any apprehension which may have been caused by what has been published."
Mr. Thurston further said to Mr. Gresham:
" Your answer does not convey the information which I requested. What I desire
is to obtain information which will guide my Government in their action. If they
know that force is to be used by you their course of action will necessarily be different from what it otherwise would be. The definite information from me that you
intend to use force may be the means of preventing them from using force and causing bloodshed."
To which Mr. Gresham replied:
"Our relations in the past have been pleasant and I want them to continue to be
so in the future, and to be perfectly courteous to you, but I can not at present
answer you more fully than I have."
(12) On the 16th of last November there was published in the Honolulu Star an
interview with you, with the accompanying statement that the proofs had been
revised by you.
The following are extracts therefrom, purporting to be statements made by you:
"You are authorized to say from me that no change in the present situation will
take place for several weeks. I brought with me certain instructions.  *  *  *
Since my arrival here contingencies have arisen about which neither the United
States Government nor myself were aware when I left Washington. *  *  I forwarded my dispatches to Washington by to-day's steamer, and until I receive an
answer to them no change will take place in the present situation, nor will any be
allowed.
" What do you mean by the expression 'nor will any be allowed?"'
"I mean just this; that until the time comes for me to carry out my instructions,
the peace and good order of this community will be kept undisturbed in the interests
of humanity. That any attempt made by any person or persons to make trouble will
be promptly checked and punished. You may put theamatter more plainly and say
that even if the Provisional Government discharged the whole of its troops to-day,
no lawlessness would be allowed for one moment under the present situation of
affairs. * * * The whole Hawaiian question is now in abeyance and nothing the
newspapers can say or do, will alter the situation one iota; * * * There is not
the slightest necessity for any one to stay out of bed nights for fear of trouble of any
kind, for none will be permitted."
In the Honolulu Bulletin of November 17, last, there is published what purports
to be a letter signed by yourself, in which you state concerning the above-mentioned
interview:
"The interview in the Star was submitted to me but I did not scrutinize it carefully. It contains several expressions which are misleading; due, I am sure, not to
any intention on the part of the writer."
There is no specification of what the "misleading" portions are, although you
have since verbally informed me in substance that you did not intend to use such
words and had no intention of exercising authority inconsistent with that of the
Government.
(13) On November 29, last, the Hawaiian Star published a statement purporting
to be a report of remarks made by you to a delegation of the American League, in
which the following words are stated to have been used by you:
'l have my instructions which I can not divulge. * * * But this much I can say:




2044                       HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
The policy of the United States is already formulated regarding these islands, and
that nothing which can be said or done either here or there can avail anything now.
I do not come here as did Mr. Blount. I come here as the executive officer. I come
to act. When the proper time comes, I shall act. " * * I wish to state, positively,
that any outside interference will not be tolerated by the United States."
1 am not aware that you have ever disavowed the correctness of this report.
(14) On November 29 last, having that day for the first time received information
through the Hawaiian minister at Washington of the contents of Mr. Gresham's
letter to the President, and of his statements concerning the same and his refusal
to state whether it was the intention of your Government to carry out its policy by
force, I called upon you in company with the Attorney-General, stated to you the
substance of my information, and asked you what the intentions of your Government were in relation to Mr. Gresham's recommendations. You replied that you
were not at liberty to tell us, but would do so as soon as you could.
(15) Immediately thereafter, I addressed a communication to you, revoking the
general permission theretofore granted to the United States forces to land for drill,
and a further communication formally stating to you the information received by
me concerning said letter of Mr. Gresham and asking you the following question:
"I desire to inquire of you whether the published reports of such letter of Secretary Gresham are substantially correct? If they are, I feel that it is due this Government that it should be informed of the intention of your Government in relation
to the suggestions contained in the said letter of Mr. Gresham."
On December 2, you replied to such letter stating that " as to the letter of Mr.
Gresham I have the honor to call your attention to the fact, as shown by you, that
it is a communication from a member of the cabinet to the President of the United
States, and being a domestic transaction is not the subject of diplomatic representation. Answering your note further, I must express my sincere regret that it is not
in my power at present to inform you of the views or intentions of the United
States."
(16) On December 4th last President Cleveland transmitted his annual message to
Congress, in which the following language was used concerning Hawaii.
Referring to Mr. Blount's report he said:
"Upon the facts developed it seemed to me the only honorable course for our Government to pursue was to undo the wrong that had been done by those representing
us, and to restore, as far as practicable, the status existing at the timne of our forcible
intervention. With a view of accomplishing this result within the constitutional
limits of executive power our present minister at Honolulu has received appropriate
instructions to that end."
(17) On December 14 last the U. S. dispatch-boat Corwin arrived in Honolulu from
San Francisco bringing dispatches to yourself. No mail was allowed to be brought
by her, but the press of Honolulu obtained from persons on board of her and published the above extract from the President's message. But for such accidental information no information concerning the same would have been obtained by this Government until the arrival of the Alameda on December 22.
Up to the time of the arrival of the Corwin the U. S. naval officers in port were
in the habit of coming ashore in citizens dress, the crews received the usual liberty
on shore, and no unusual warlike preparations were visible on board.
Immediately after the arrival of the Corwin the liberty of the crews was stopped,
as was that of most of the officers. Those who came on shore were in service uniform. Rifles were stacked, cartridge belts were filled with ball cartridges, and
knapsacks packed for immediate use were conspicuous on the decks of the ships,
and were seen there by visiting citizens, who in reply to inquiry as to the meaning
of such preparations were informed by the officers that they were ready to land at
a moment's notice. When asked if the landing would be to protect or fight us the
reply of the officers of the Philadelphia was that no one on board knew what orders
would be received.
(18) It was known at the time that several of the wives of the U. S. naval officers
temporarily in Honolulu were packing up their baggage preparatory for immediate
removal in view of possible hostilities.
(19) It was also known that you were in frequent communication with the exQueen, and leading royalists were constantly reiterating that you were going to
immediately restore the Queen by force.
As a sample of the innumerable assertions of this character is the following, made
by Mr. J. 0. Carter, the ex-Queen's most trusted counselor and confidant, a gentleman who was then known to be in consultation with you and the ex-Queen and who
appears as the attesting witness, to the exclusion of the former members of her
cabinet, to her proposition of amnesty hereunder referred to.
Mr. Carter warned his nephew, Mr. C. L. Carter, a supporter of the Provisional
Government, that restoration was certain; that force would be used by the United




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2045


States for that purpose, and that he ought to consider the rights of his family and
not risk his life in opposing the inevitable.
This information was from one of the sources from which numerous prophecies of
future action on the part of the United States had emanated, with almost invariable
correctness.
(20) It was the almost well-nigh universal belief in the city that you were about
to attempt to land the naval forces of the United States to enforce the execution of
the President's policy.
In anticipation thereof for a number of days the wharves were lined with crowds
of people, among them prominent Royalists, waiting to see the United States troops
land to restore the Queen.
(21) On December 18, Mr. H. F. Glade, consul for Germany, called upon you and,
in substance, asked if you could not speak out and relieve the public from the state
of extreme tension they were in, which was becoming unbearable; to which you
replied, in substance, that you were aware of the conditions and were making every
effort to bring the matter to a speedy determination and would act within forty-eight
hours.
(22) On December 16, it being reported that the Corwin was at an early date to
return to San Francisco, the attorney-general called upon you stating that there
would be no regular mail for nearly three weeks and asked permission to forward
Hawaiian Government dispatches by her, which permission you refused, stating that
your instructions would not permit it.
(23) On December 18, Maj. Wodehouse, the British minister, and Mr. Fujii, the
Japanese diplomatic representative, both asked permission to land troops from their
respective warships for the purpose of protecting their respective legations, which
permission was granted by this Government.
(24) In view of the existing conditions, Mr. Fujii, the diplomatic representative,
sent word to a number of prominent American supporters of the Provisional Government offering the use of the Japanese legation as a refuge for their families in
case of hostilities.
(25) On December 18 last, I addressed to you a communication containing the
following words:
" I am informed that you are in communication with Liliuokalani, the ex-Queen,
with a view of reestablishing the monarchy in the Hawaiian Islands, and of supporting her pretensions to the sovereignty. Will you inform me if this report is
true, or if you are acting in any way hostile to this Government. * * * You will
pardon me for pressing you for an immediate answer."
(26) On December 19 you. called upon and made a verbal address to me furnishing me with a manuscript copy of your remarks from which I make the following
extracts:
" The President regrets, as I do, that any secrecy should have surrounded the interchange of views between our two Governments. I may say this, however, that the
secrecy thus far observed has been in the interest and for the safety of all your people. * * 
" Upon the facts embodied in Mr. Blount's reports the President has arrived at
certain conclusions and determined upon a certain course of action with which it
becomes my duty to acquaint you.
"The Provisional Government was not established by the Hawaiian people or with
their consent or acquiescence, nor has it since existed with their consent. * * *
(Other reasons are set forth for the conclusions reached.)
"In view of these conclusions I was instructed by the President to take advantage of an early opportunity to inform the Queen of this determination, and of his
views as to the responsibility of our Governmient. * * * I was instructed at the
same time to inform the Queen that, when reinstated, that the President expected
that she would pursue a magnanimous course by granting full amnesty to all who
participated in the movement against her. * * i
"In obedience to the commands of the President, I have secured the Queen's
agreement to this course. * * * It becomes my duty further to advise you, sir,
the Executive of the Provisional Government and your ministers, of the President's
determination of the question which your action and that of the Queen devolved
upon him, and that you are expected to promptly relinquish to her her constitutional authority. And now Mr. President and gentlemen of the Provisional Government, with a deep and solemn sense of the gravity of the situation * * * in
the name and by the authority of the United States of America I submit to you the
question ' Are you willing to abide by the decision of the President. "
(27) Upon the 23d of December, I replied to the foregoing communication in the
negative.
Up to the time of sending you my communication of December 27, no further
communication had been received by me from you and no assurance had been




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


received that force was not to be used nor what your further intentions were con.
cerning this Government.
(28) During your nearly two months' residence in this city you and your family
have declined the customary social courtesies usually extended to those occupying
your official position, on the specified ground that it was not deemed best under
existing circumstances to accept such civilities.
I do not for a moment intimate that such a course is improper or that it is a subject for criticism. It is simply referred to by me as an existing fact bearing upon
your relations to this Government and germane in considering the question of
your attitude thereto. It would not have been referred to by me except in response
to your inquiry.
In the absence of specific definite information as to the intentions of your
Government, the foregoing are some of the facts from which this Government has
been obliged to infer what such intentions were, and which, considered as a whole,
constitute the "attitude toward this Government.
It may be that the proper logical deduction and inference from the foregoing
facts is that the attitude of the United States and its representative toward the
Provisional Government is and has been "one essentially and designedly expressive
of peace."' It will give us the greatest pleasure to receive assurances to that effect,
but I submit that under the circumstances and in the absence of such assurances,
they are capable of another construction, to a sufficient extent at least, to warrant
the question which I have asked you in my communication of December 27.
Your second request for information is as follows:
"You assert that at the time of my arrival in this country the forces of this Government were organized and amply sufficientto suppress any internal disorder. Will
you inform me what connection this statement has or is designed to have with the
Government of the United States or with the future action of its representative?"
I reply that there are two reasons for the said statement. First, that already stated
in my letter of December, that "in consequence of your attitude, the enemies of the
Government, believing in your intentions to restore the monarchy by force, have
become emboldened," etc.; and, second, that by reason of my inability to ascertain
whether your Government proposed to use force in support of its policy of restoration, [ was obliged to act as though it did so intend; as a result of which this Government has been obliged to increase its forces, and has been, and now is, subjected
to the necessity of increased watchfulness and large additional expense, which, but
for such attitude, would have been unnecessary.
The effect which I had hoped this communication might have upon the future
action of the representative of the United States was that le might give such assurances that such additional watchfulness and expense might be avoided.
Your third request is for the time, place, and subject-matter of the "language"
used by yourself in public and in communication to this Government. The answer
to this is covered by my reply to your first inquiry.
Your fourth inquiby is as to what particular words in the published letter from
Secretary Gresham and in the President's message, and which message of the President I referred to. I reply that certain of the words of the Secretary and the President which I deem pertinent to the subject-matter have already been quoted in my
reply to your first inquiry, although there are other obviously bearing on the same
subject.
I have already replied to you that I referred to the President's first message in
my letter dated the 27th, having actually been written on the 26th of December, and
forwarded to you before I had knowledge of the contents of the second message.
Your fifth inquiry is as to the time and contents of your communications which
were "ambiguous."
I have enumerated them in my reply to your first inquiry.
The ambiguity consists in the reiterated statement that you proposed to do some
act and carry out certain instructions which all the surrounding circumstances indicated were inimical to this Government, without stating what that act nor what
those instructions were; and, while presenting and speaking assurances of friendship and amity, without the consent of this Government negotiating with its enemies for its subversion and declining to state what your intentions were.
Such utterances and actions were so inconsistent, one with the other, with international rules of comity, and the past relations and international policy of the
wo governments, as to be not only ambiguous but incomprehensible to this Government.
Your sixth inquiry is as to when, where, and to whom you declared that you
intended to do some act when the proper time arrived. The reply to your first
inquiry covers this also.
Your seventh inquiry is as to the time and manner when the Government has
sought the assurance that force would not be used. The answer is contained in my
reply to your first inquiry,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                          2047
You finally ask my "careful consideration" of the following statement contained
in my letter:
"Your action has unfortunately aroused the passions of all parties and made it
probable that disturbances may be created at any moment," and say that you " refuse
to believe that upon reexamination you (1) will feel at liberty to affix your (my)
official signature to such an extraordinary declaration."
In reply I beg to state that I have resided in this country for nearly fifty years
and had intimate personal knowledge of the conditions prevailing during the riot
of 1874 and the revolutions of 1887, 1889, and 1893, and with all deliberation I state
of my own knowledge that during such period there has never been a time when
this country has been subjected to such strain and excitement as during the eight
days following the arrival of the Corwin. The business of the entire community was
practically suspended and its time and energy devoted to an excited and absorbing
qonsideration of the political situation and to military preparations to meet unknown
contingencies; which state of things has since been fortunately allayed by advices
from America furnishing, in reports of the President's special Hawaiian message to
Congress and his instructions to your excellency, information which made a satisfactory and favorable response to the inquiry of my letter to you of December 27.
I also state with equal deliberation that such condition was produced and maintained by reason of your actions and declarations and the actions and declarations of
your Government and the circumstances and uncertainties attendant thereupon, as
detailed in my letter of December 27, and herein.
I make this statement in no spirit of unfriendliness to you or your Government
but as an historical fact which, if not already known to you, should, in the interests
of both countries, be made known to you.
In conclusion, I beg to refer to the statement in your communication of January
1, wherein you state that it is a source of "sincere and profound regret" that my
letter "brings, for the first time, the official information that the war-like preparations described by you were caused by and intended for the diplomatic and military
representatives of the United States."
In reply, I would say that such regret on your part at receiving such information can not exceed the sincerity and profoundness of my own regret that such a
condition should exist.
Such regret on my part is only equaled by inability to understand how it has
come about that a Government and a community which is to-day more closely connected with the United States by ties of commerce, friendship, and blood, than any
other lying beyond its borders, which values your friendship above that of all other
nations, which fully admits and appreciates the many and deep obligations which it
is under to your Government and people, which has done you and your country no
wrong, has been forced into a position where, in defense of their very right to exist,
they have been obliged to take up arms to meet the possible hostility of that country
whose flag they revere and whose principles of liberty they love.
I can not but believe that it has arisen through a misunderstanding of facts on the
part of your Government and a mutual misapprehension of motives and intentions
which may, I sincerely hope, at an early day, be cleared away.
Allow me, in closing, to thank you, Mr. Minister, for your frequent expressions of
personal regard, and for the evident sincerity of purpose displayed by you under
recent trying circumstances, and to assure you ofmy deep appreciation thereof.
I have the honor to assure you, that, with highest consideration,
I am, your excellency's obedient servant,
SANFORD B. DOLE,
'I         Minister of Foreign Affairs.
His excellency, ALBERT S. WILLIS,
U. S. Envoy and Minister Plenipotentiary.
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, ----   -, 1894.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of the
11th instant, which was in reply to mine of the 1st.
The only question of practical importance arising out of the present correspondence was whether the United States war vessels were at the time your letter was
written objectionable to your Government. Certain language which seemed to
convey that idea was, in a subsequent note of January 18, withdrawn, thus, as I am
pleased to know, leaving their peaceful and friendly purpose without question.
In addition to the above there were statements which were, as I thought, unjust,
in that the sole responsibility for the recent disturbed condition of this community
was attributed to te, the diplomatic agent of the United $tates,




2048                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS
ID your last communication you expressly disclaim any intention of charging me
or my Government " with intent to produce the results or conditions described in
the communication of December 27." Your first letter contains a similar assurance,
coupled with the statement that your " Government is reluctant to believe that this
condition of affairs was contemplated or expected by yourself or by the Presiident
of the United States."
In view of the above, a reply to your last communication may not be necessary,
nor would one be made except from the desire of my Government to have the good
will and friendship of the people for whom you speak, which result will, in my
opinion, be advanced by an explanation of several matters therein referred to.
I am the more encouraged to this course because of your assurance that upon
becoming convinced that you are "under misapprehension concerning any such
alleged facts the allegations concerning the same will be immediately withdrawn."
With the hope that I may be able to convince you of such misapprehension, I
will now briefly consider the "specifications" furnished by you which refer to my
"attitude," "language" and "public communications" since arriving here, and
which in your judgment show that I " intended to use force. "
Your last communication embraces many topics that are not only irrelevant to the
above inquiry, but are not proper for me to discuss. Among these are (1) the withdrawal of the treaty of annexation; (2) the appointment of Mr. Blount; (4) his official
conduct while here; (5) the class of witnesses whom he examined; (6) the publication in a.' Honolulu newspaper," of his official instructions "without your previous knowledge," and (7) the publication of his reports to the State Department
without an opportunity on the part of your Government to "reply thereto."
The above paragraphs, rbtferring to matters occurring before my arrival, I do not
feel at liberty to discuss further than to say that they were not at the time given
the unfriendly construction now imputed to them, nor do they, except in a very
remote degree, bear upon your statements as to my "purpose to use force."
The following five paragraphs, embracing matters occurring in the United States,
some of them now for the first time brought to my knowledge and with none of
which had I any connection, have so slight a reference to my "attitude" showing
an "intention to use force" that I will, with due respect to you, confine myself to a
brief epitome of their contents.
Paragraph 3 recites a communication of the 19th of last June from Hon. L. A.
Thurston, Hawaiian minister at Washington, to Secretary Gresham, to which no
answer was received.
Paragraph 8 refers to the appointment of Admiral Irwin as successor to Admiral
Skerrett.
Paragraph 9 is an extract from a letter of November 8, sent to the New York
Herald by its Washington correspondent, giving his interpretation of the above
change.
Paragraph 10 gives copious extracts from Secretary Gresham's letter published in
the press of the United States on November 11, outlining the views of the State
Department, which letter reached here on November 24.
Paragraph 11 contains extracts from a dispatch of Hon. L. A. Thurston to your
Government which, as appears from your note of the 18th instant, was received
here Friday, November 24, simultaneously with the letter of Mr. Gresham referred
to in your paragraph 10.
This dispatch shows that three days after the publication of Mr. Gresham's letter
Mr. Thurston called upon him and inquired as to its authenticity and as to the
"intention of the United States Government to carry out the policy therein
indicated by force."
After speaking to the President on the subject, Mr. Gresham replied as follows:
" I have already answered your first question to the effect that the letter published [Secretary Gresham to the President] was authentic and a correct statement
of the policy of the United States. As to your second question, as to whether force
is to be used by the United States to restore the Queen, all that I am at liberty to
state is that Mr. Willis has no instructions to do anything which will cause injury
to life or property of anyone at the islands. * * * You can draw your own
inferences from my statement, and allay any apprehension which may have been
caused by what has been published."
Waiving for the present, for reasons stated, any further consideration of the
eleven foregoing paragraphs, I come now to number 12, which quotes certain expressions from an interview in a local paper of the 16th of last November. As this does
involve my "attitude," I have this to say:
The subject-matter of that interview and the circumstances out of which it arose
were known to you at the time.
In the forenoon of Wednesday, November 15, Hon. S. M. Damon, minister of
finance, notified me in person that there were rumors of an attack that night, or
the ensuing night upon the Executive building. The Government did not credit




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                          2049
these rumors, but there were many people who had apprehensions upon the subject,
inconsequence of which, as he informed me, the regular guard had been increased
and one of the volunteer companies would be ordered under arms for the night. I
asked him, I" Who constitute the volunteer companies " His reply was, "They consist mainly of the citizens, many of them being the young men employed in the
banks and business houses of the city."
I then said: "It seems hard to have these young men called from their homes
under such circumstances, as their families will necessarily be under great anxiety
during their absence." I furthler remarked: "The Japanese consul-general, the
English minister, and other foreign representatives have already called to say that
their people are apprehensive of mob violence, and had asked me as the only representative whose Government has war vessels now in port to protect their people.
The friends of the Queen, also, are apprehensive as to her safety. I do not wish to
interfere in any way with your domestic affairs, except with your approval. If you
do not object, however, I will publicly announce that the United States will cooperate to prevent mob violence. I will also state that there will be no communication
to your Government from the President of the United States for several weeks."
Mr. Damon replied, thanking me for the offer, and saying that he could see no
objection to it whatever, that such an announcement would go very far toward
allaying excitement and relieving general anxiety.
In reply to the question whether the order calling out the volunteer troops could
not be rescinded he said that he would go immediately to the executive building,
but was afraid it was too late to make any change for that night.
The following evening I met Mr. Damon at a dinner given by Capt. Barker on
board the U. S. flagship Philadelphia, when he expressed his hearty appreciation of
my action, and said that the effect of the interview, which you quote, had been to
greatly relieve the apprehensions of the community as to mob violence.
On the following morning you called at this legation, and being informed of the
preceding facts and that. as stated in your letter, I " had no intention of exercising
authority inconsistent with that of your Government," A ou expressed your satisfaction and approval of what had occurred. The representatives of the foreign governments and many prominent citizens expressed themselves to the same effect.
The action taken was meant and understood at the time as in the interest of peace,
humanity, and good order, and will, after this explanation, no longer, I hope, be considered an evidence of hostility.
Paragraph (13) contains extracts from remarks published in a local paper of the
17th of last November, purporting to have been made by me to a " delegation of
the American League," and which you accept as correct.
In the same issue of that paper, its editor, commenting upon these "remarks,"
says: "They contained two statements which must give encouragement to those
to whom the future of Hawaii as a civilized state is a cherished and Christian object.
We group these declarations together so that they may stand out with the prominence which is their due.
"I am an ardent American. I would like to see the Stars and Stripes waving,
under proper conditions, not only over the Pacific islands, but over any other territory which would be beneficial to the United States, and this-' knowing the policy
of the United States, I could not have accepted the position of an executive officer
had it been in conflict with the principles I hold."'
" Surely," continues this editor, "the time can not be far off when the American
flag shall wave over these Pacific islands and do so under proper conditions."
By a singular coincidence the "two statements" above cited were the only portions of the alleged "address" that are omitted in your quotation. I respectfully
submit that as an entirety the "address" admits only of the friendly construction
given by this editor.
Without reference, however, to such construction or to the question of the correctness of the published "address," I state now that nothing was said on that
occasion which was intended or which could be construed into an unfriendly sentiment towards you or your Government.
Paragraphs (14) and (15) refer to your personal call at the legation in company with
the attorney-general on Friday, November 24, and inquiry as to "what the intentions of my Government were" and to your letter of November 29, asking " whether
the published reports of the letter of Secretary Gresham are substantially correct;" 
and stating "if they are, I feel tiat it is due this Government that it should be
informed of the intention of your Government."
My duty, as I understood it, did not permit me to discuss with you, the letter of
Mr. Gresham to the President, nor could I, under the state of facts, be questioned as
to the existence or nature of the "intentions" of my Government. As a matter of
fact, it was, at that time, doubtful whether my Government had any "intentions,"
hostile or otherwise, towards your Government.
This inability to comply with your requests should not have been construed as an
8. Rep. 227 —129




2050                       HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
evidence of "hostile intent" for the further reason that the information upon both
points submitted to me, had already on November 14, been given to your minister at
Washington and through him, on November 24, to four Government.
If there was nothing in the subject of your inquiries to warrant the belief that
the United States "intended to use force," was there anything unfriendly it my
manner of receiving or responding thereto I
As to the written communication, the language used will answer for itself. The
oral interview is reported to the United Press by its correspondent here, whose accuracy you will attest. In a letter from Honolulu of December 5 he says:
" On the 24th ultimo the Warrimoo brought from Victoria our earliest knowledge
of Secretary Gresham's letter. *   *  Immediately after the news by the WVarrimoo was received President Dole and Attorney-General Smith waited upon Minister
Willis. They asked to know his instructions. He courteously declined to communicate them, but renewed to them a previous assurance that he would take absolutely no action until the return of the Alameda on December 21. He further assured
them that they would be the first to know of any course of action decided upon by
him. He evinced a genuine sympathy for the Government if not for their cause.
Minister Willis then listened appreciatively to a representation by the attorneygeneral to the effect that their struggles for a good and constitutional government
had been protracted for fifteen years."
You further, in paragraph (15), refer to your communication of November 29,
"revoking the general permission theretofore granted to the U. S. forces to lalnd for
drill." You assigned no reason for such action, and I know of none. You were, however, promptly notified that such privilege would not thereafter be exercised, and to
this day no armed soldier of our Government has been landed here for that or any
other purpose.
Indeed, as appears from a letter of Admiral Irwin of November 29, acknowledging the receipt of a copy of your letter above referred to, he had " already given
orders that our troops were not to be landed for drill or any other purpose," as in
his opinion the landing of troops for drill would have a tendency to incrbase the disquiet already existing.
Your paragraph (16) is a brief extract from the message of President Cleveland of
December 4, which was received here on the Corvin December 14.
Under our Constitution, as you are well aware, Congress alone has the "power to
declare war." As the President distinctly announced that he would only act
"within the constitutional limits of Executive power," he precluded the idea of
using force and reaffirmed his declaration of November 14, delivered through Secretary Gresham, not "to do anything which would cause injury to life or property of
anyone at the islands."
Paragraph (17) describes, upon the authority of certain "visiting citizens," the
preparations on board our war vessels after the arrival of the Corwvin, which seemed
to imply that our forces " were ready to land at a moment's notice." "Rifles were
stacked, cartridge belts were filled with ball cartridges, and knapsacks packed for
immediate use."  "The liberty of the crews was stopped as was that of most of the
officers. Those who came on shore were in service uniform," etc.
If those "visiting citizens" had made inquiry of the officers in command their
apprehensions would have been promptly allayed by the information that what they
saw on that Friday they could have seen on any third Friday in the month, it being
the usual "squadron routine drill," viz: "Boat drill, fire party, arm and away,"
requiring the "packing of knapsacks" and other preparations which you detail.
I append two letters of Rear-Admiral Irwin of the 13th and 15th instant, giving
"notes from entry in log book U. S. Flagship Philadelphia" and "extract from
Squadron Routine Drills," showing the above facts, and further that, in his own
words:
(1) "No different preparations for landing have ever been made since I assumed
command of this squadron than those made by my predecessor, Rear-Admiral Skerrett  * * * which were intended to suppress riot and to protect the lives and
property of 'American and English residents."'
(2) As to the stoppage of shore leave he explains: "I did, as a matter of precatution, suspend liberty to the crews until I could ascertain whether it would be prudent
to permit them to land without danger of collision. After coming ashore and having
satisfied myself on that point, which I did in less than an hoar, the order was
revoked by telephone."
(3) " On the 18th of December, as the excitement on shore was very great, and na,'
quite a mob had gathered at our usual landing, I gave orders for our officers to wear
their uniforms on shore, which is the usual precaution taken in foreign countries ill
times of great public excitement. It is proper to add that I had been informed by
Capt. Rooke, of the British cruiser Champion, that lie had given a similar order."
(4) "The great guns of the Philadelphia and Adams have never been loaded since
their last target practice at sea. The usual harbor drills have been kept up, as




HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.                      2051
required by regulations, the exception being that our men have not been landed for
the purpose of drill since my assumption of command."
(5) "The reply quoted as made by the officers of the Philadelphia 'that no one on
board knew what orders would be received,' should convince any reasonable person
that no order had been given."
The admiral says in conclusion: "As you are aware, I have studiously avoided
doing anything that would have a tendency to increase the excitement prevailing in
Honolulu, and I now distinctly state that the naval force under my command is in
no way responsible for the feeling now existing."
Your letter referring to the preceding facts makes this frank and just admission:
"Up to the time of the arxival of the Corwin * * * no unusual warlike preparations were visible on board." The only warlike preparations seem, therefore, to
have been confined to one day-December 15-and these as just shown by Admiral
Irwin were not subject to an unfriendly construction.
In this connection it may not be improper to mention the conduct of our naval
forces during the trying circumstances succeeding the 24th of last November. The
many rumors as to their purpose of landing and attacking your people, the feelings
of resentment naturally resulting from the honest belief by a large part of the community that such was their intention, the opprobrious epithets that were freely
employed, brought such a dangerous and critical condition that for a time, as Admiral Irwin states, it became necessary for all our officers going ashore to wear their
service uniform as a protection against insult and attack. During the whole of this
unfortunate and regretable situation the demeanor of both officers and men was one
of forbearance and self-control.
Your paragraph (18) sets forth that " it was known at this time that several of the
wives of the U. S. naval officers, temporarily in Honolulu, were packing up their
baggage preparatory for immediate removal in view of possible hostilities."
It is true that on the day of the Corwin's arrival, December 14, three ladies, wives
of naval officers. in the absence of their husbands on board ship, made preparations
to leave. Within a few hours their apprehensions were allayed and they decided to
remain where they were. If, however, these ladies had left the city upon the 24th
of last November it would not, even at that early date, have been an evidence of any
hostile purpose nor "in view of possible hostilities toward your Government," but
an act of ordinary prudence and protection against the contingency of mob violence.
Their fears, under the circumstances, were, it must be admitted, not unreasonable.
The wives of the officers to whom you refer and others, with their children, numbering nearly a score, having no anticipation of danger, had selected as their residence a most central and exposed location, within a few hundred yards of the
executive building, and of easy access from every direction. Their husbands were
daily absent on shipboard and if danger threatened were compelled to be absent.
Their diplomatic representative could not exercise the usual privilege of landing
troops for their protection, because that act, in the unfortunate condition of affairs,
would, he feared, have been construed as a hostile invasion, of which the lawless
element might have taken advantage.
Paragraph (19) states: " It was also known that you were in frequent comnmunication with the ex-Queen." I desire to state that the only communications of a political character which I have had with the Queen were limited to three occasions.
As to the first of these, on November 14, I have no reason to believe you were
informed. The other two, on the 16th and 18th of December last, were the following day reported by me in person to your Government and their subject-matter
fully explained. The sole purpose of these negotiations were, as you know, to
secure proper guarantees front the Queen as to life and property of all connected
with the overthrow of the monarchy. These having been secured, I then, under the
instructions of the President of the United States, presented his decision, setting
forth the reasons therefor and submitting it to your Government for its voluntary
action.
With regard to Mr. J. 0. Carter's comments on the situation and conversation with
his nephew, I have this to say. Mr. Carter was invited by me to the last interviews
with the Queen, December 16 and 18. lie knew nothing until then of the interview
of November 14. As a native Hawaiian, of American parentage, whose ch)aracter for
integrity and intelligence was acknowledged in the community, I considered him a
proper person to be present. His counsel to his nephew was, to use his own language, "based entirely upon Secretary Gresham's published letter and current newspaper comments. * * i It was not a warning in the sense the letter of Minister
Dole conveys."
In paragraph (20) you state: "It was the almost well-nigh universal belief in the
city that you were about to attempt to land the naval forces of the United States
to enforce the execution of the President's policy."
My answer is that my Government, one month prior to the time referred to, had
given you information negativing the idea of using force and had authorized th0




2052                       HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
publication of such information "to allay any such apprehension."  Fumrthermore, as
frankly admitted by you in this correspondence, "your Government did not itself
entertain this apprehension."
As to the "crowds of people among them, many prominent Royalists" at the
wharves "for several days," you will recall the fact as set forth in your subsequent paragraph (23) that the British minister and the Japanese consul-general
at this time, December 18, " asked permission to land troops." As much publicity
had been given these facts in the daily press, I respectfully suggest that the crowd
was most probably assembled out of harmless curiosity to witness the anticipated
landing of the English and Japanese troops and not that of the United States "to
enforce the execution of the President's policy."
Touching the statement in paragraph (22) that your Government was refused permission to forward " Hawaiian Government dispatches" by the dispatch boat Corwin
it is only necessary to remind you that the naval officers of the United States and
the public generally were denied such privil-ge fand that no inference of unfriendly
feeling should therefore have been drawn. Moreover, at the time your letter was
written, you were aware of the fact that for the accommodation of your Government the Corwin had been delayed over half a week.
As to the requests referred to in paragraph (23) of the British minister and Japanese
consul-general, for permission to land troops, they were, I am informed, precautionary measures against possible mob violence. This permission is still outstanding
and is not now and was not then, in my judgment, proper evidence of a hostile purpose on the part of our Government.
In reply to paragraph (24) and also to a clause in your letter of the 27th, I have
the honor to state upon the authority of a letter now in my possession from the
diplomatic agent of Japan that it is a mistake in supposing that his offer of protection was confined to "prominent American supporters of the Provisional Government," or was based upon the fear of "American invasion." Mr. Fujii says in his
letter: "Many of my neighbors were nervous and excited, being afraid of some
sudden acts of lawless people, and I deemed it proper to say to them that in case of
immediate need [his residence being in a somewhat distant part of the city] my consulate was always at their service as a good friend and neighbor."
My answer to paragraph (25) is set forth in my reply to paragraph (19), which
shows that all the communications with the Queen were fully, and, I trust, satisfactorily explained to your Government.
In paragraph (26) you quote from my address of December 19, submitting the views
of the President upon the Hawaiian question. I respectfully suggest that there is
in this address no intimation as to the use of force and that even had there been no
prior information to you upon the subject, there is enough in its tone and terms to
show that, as stated in the opening words of the address itself, "the President's
action is now and has been from the beginning, absolutely free from resentment
and entirely consistent with the long-established friendship and treaty ties which
have so closely bound together our respective Governments."
Your paragraph (27) states " Upon the 23d December I replied to the foregoing
communication in the negative. Up to the time of sending you my communication of
December 27 no farther communication had been received by me from you, and no
assurance had been received that force was not to be used, nor what your further
instructions were concerning this Government."
Let me call'your attention to the fact that at the time your answer was delivered
I notified you that I would forward it to Washington, and that nothing would be
done by me until further instructed. To this your reply was: "That will be very
satisfactory to our people."
The Corwin, which, as hereinbefore stated, had been delayed for the purpose of
receiving your answer, left at 4 a. m. Sunday, December 24. The next day being
Christmas no communication could be sent to you, but on the following day, December 26, I acknowledged, in writing, the receipt of your answer to President Cleveland's decision, notifying you that it had been sent to Washington. This communication was delivered at the executive building before 3 p. m. of date above named,
December 26. On the following day, December 27, at 4 p. m., I received the letter
out of which this correspondence has arisen.
Your paragraph (28) states: "During your nearly two months' residence in this
city you and your family have declined the customary social courtesies usually
extended to those occupying your official position, on the specified ground that it
was not deemed best, under existing circumstances, to accept such civilities."
In reply permit me to say that the course of conduct referred to was prompted by
the friendliest motive,, had no official significance, was adopted, not toward the
Provisional Government alone, and was intended to leave all persons, after the disclosure of the views of my Government, free and unembarrassed to determine for
themselves the relations they desired to hold to me and to my family. The only




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                          2053
official courtesy extended up to the date of your present commnnication was a concert by the Government band on the night of our arrival, which was accepted.
Thus, without unnecessary comment, I have considered and endeavored to explain
those portions of your correspondence which bore upon the question of the "purpose
to use force" and the responsibilities arising therefrom.
While duly respecting the doctrine of noninterference by the representative of
another government with your domestic affairs, I shall rejoice to know that anything I have done or said, now or heretofore, has tended to a better understanding
of recent events in your history and of motives and intentions as to which there
may be, as you state, "mutual misapprehension."
Thanking you for the courteous and appreciated terms which you have been
pleased to express and which are cordially reciprocated, and trusting that there may
be a speedy, honorable, and satisfactory adjustment of all pending questions, I have
the honor, with renewed assurances of high consideration to be, sir,
Yours, most respectfully,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
Hon. SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
LEGATION OF ThE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 15, 1894.
SiR: In the fourteenth paragraph of your communication of January 11, 1894, is
the following statement:
"On November 29 last, having that day for the first time received information
through the Hawaiian minister at Washington of the contents of Mr. Gresham's
letter to the President and of his statements concerning the same and his refusal to
state whether it was the intention of your Government to carry out its policy by
force, I called upon you, in company with the Attorney-General."
I desire to inquire whether the date above mentioned is not a clerical mistake,
as your call upon me was on the 24th, not the 29th, of November, and it was the 24th,
as I am informed, that you received the information above referred to from your
minister at Washington. Am I correct in this?
I wish also in this official way to call your attention to three extracts from your
letters, of which the two first have already been mentioned to you.
In your letter of December 27 you say:
"The Government offices have been placed and still continue in a condition of
defense and preparation for siege and the community has been put into a state of
mind bordering on terrorism."
In your letter of January 11, page 42, you say:
"As a result of which this Government has been, and now is, subjected to the
necessity of increased watchfulness and large additional expense, which, but for
such attitude, would have been unnecessary."
In the same communication, toward the close, you say:
"I can not but believe that it —the necessity of 'taking up arms to meet the possible hostility' of the United States-has arisen through a misunderstanding of facts
on the part of your Government, and a mutual misapprehension of motives and
intentions, which may, I sincerely hope, at an early day be cleared away."
Asking your attention to the above, I am, sir,
With sincere respect, very truly, yours,
ALBERT S. WILLIS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary,
United States of America.
Hon. S. B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 18, 1894.
SIR: A communication, dated January 15, 1894, received by me on the 16th, calls
my attention to a probable mistake of dates in my letter to you of January 11, 1894,
in connection with my allusion to a call made by the attorney-general and myself
on you to ask for information concerning the intentions of the United States Government in relation to the recommendations of Mr. Gresham's letter to the President.
My letter stated that this call was made November 29, and that on that day I had
received information of the contents of the Gresham letter. I now find, in accordance with your suggestion, that our call was made some days before November 29,
probably on November 24, the former date being the day upon which I sent you a
written communication on the same subject.




2054                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
You further call my attention to an extract of the same letter, page 42, which you
quote as follows:
"As a result of which this Government has been and now is subject to the necessity of increased watchfulness and large additional expense, which but for such attituide would have been unnecessary." I find that you have left out a line belonging
to this part of my letter, which should read as follows:
" As a result of which this Government has been obliged to increase its forces and
has been and now is subjected to the necessity of increased watchfulness and large
additional expense, which but for such attitude would have been unnecessary." As
I have already verbally assured your excellency, when you kindly called my attention informally to the words importing the present tense into this sentence, such a
meaning was not intended and is inconsistent with other expressions of my letter.
I then requested you to erase the words "and now is" and promised to make the
same correction in my copy of the letter, which has been done.
You further call my attention to another extract from my letter of December 27,
1893, but you make no comment on these extracts. Being ignorant of your reasons
for calling my attention to these passages, I am unable to consider them, and ask
that you will at your convenience state such reasons.
I have the honor to be, sir, your excellency's most obedient servant,
SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
His Excellency ALBERT S. WILLIS,
U. S. Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Honolulu.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
No. 32.]                   LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, February 2, 1894.
SIR: In my dispatch No. 10, of December 9, 1893, transmitting an
interview with Col. C. B. Wilson, former marshal of the Kingdom, reference is made by him to a list of special and supplementary advisers
whom he had selected, and among whom were many of the most prominent and influential citizens. It was not claimed by Mr. Wilson, as
far as I am  informed, that the selection by him was with the knowledge or consent of these gentlemen, some of whom in the daily press,
and others to me in person, have so stated. Among these are Hon.
Richard F. Bickerton, first associate justice of the supreme court, Hon.
W. Austin Whiting, first judge circuit court, and Hon. F. A. Schaefer,
who explicitly disavow any knowledge of the said list, and state that
the use of their names was entirely unauthorized and unwarranted.
The same disavowal is made by Hon. A. G. M. Robertson, Hon. Paul
Neumann, Messrs. James H. Boyd, Henry Smith, Thomas R. Lucas,
W. M. Cunningham, and others. It is doubtful whether any of those
whose names are on these lists were informed of the fact.
Very respectfully,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
No. 33.]                   LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 20, 1894.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your telegram
of January 12, 1894, sent to W. A. Cooper, U. S. dispatch agent at
San Francisco, and by him forwarded, which reached here to-day.
Permit me to express my thanks for your words of approval.
I will, as directed, endeavor to keep the Department fully informed
of the course of events and will, until further notice, consider that my




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                    2055
special inistructions have been fully complied with, the, Hawaiian question befing, as you niow inform me, submitted to the Congre-ss.
I hiave hirth~er to ack~nowledg-e the receipt of your dispatch No. 6 of
Decemiber 23, 1893, in regard to Department ciLpher, and your dispatch
No. 7 of JDccember 30,7 1893, inclosing copies of documents in relation
to Mawaaiia affaiirs.
I am, etc.,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
No. 34.]                LEGATION OF THE UNITED ~STATES,s
Refers to salary.  ]TnllH~ainIlns            erary 3, 1894.




I




Senate Ex. Doe. No. 57, Fifty-third Congress, second session.


MffESSAGE
FROM THE
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATIES,
TRANSMITTING
Copies of additional dispatches from the minister at Hawaii, and inclositres
accompanying the same.
MARciu 7, 1894.-Read, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and ordlcred
to be printed.
The CONGRESS:
J transmit herewith copies of certain dispatches lately received from
our minister at Hawaii, together with copies of the inclosures which
accompanied such dispatches.
GR-OVER CLEVELAND.
ExECUTTIVE, MANSION,
March 7, 1894.
DIEPART1MENT OF -STATE,
Washington, March 7, 1891.
The PRESIDENT:
The Secretary of State has the honor to lay before the President
copies of dispatches, nunmbered 35, 36, and 37, received from our miuiister to Hawaii.
W. Q. GREFSHAM.
No.'35.]                  LEGATION OF TimE UNITED SfPATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, February 10, 1894.
Hon. W. Q. GiRESHAM,
Secretary of State:
SiR: I have the honor to acknowledge, the receipt of your dispatches
numbered 8 and 9.
Very respectfully,                    ALIBERT S. WILLIS.
2057




2058


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


No. 36.]               LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, February 14, 1894.
Hon. W. Q. GRESHAM,
Secretary of State:
SIR: The past month has been unusually quiet. The action of Congress is awaited with great interest, as indicating the future policy ol
the United States towards this country.
Several days ago a number of the Government soldiers were affected
in a peculiar way, which gave rise to a rumor of poisoning. There
seens, however, to have been little cause for such suspicion.
To-day at 6 o'clock p. m. the Chinese have called a meeting to consider certain proposed changes in the law affecting them. Upon this
slender basis a rumor is current of a Chinese uprising. This is, in my
judgment, utterly without foundation. The absence of frequent communication with the outside world, and the feeling of unrest and excitement naturally incident to the surroundings, make it an easy matter to
originate these sensational reports.
By a vote of the executive council the salary of the President has
been fixed at $12,000 per annum. This action must, however, be ratified by the advisory council. Under the act, a printed copy of which
I inclose, the office of minister of foreign affairs is separated from
that of the office of president. Hon. F. M. Hatch, late Vice-President,
will, it is understood, be chosen minister of foreign affairs, becoming
thereby also a member of the executive council. In this connection
may be mentioned the published report that Mr. Dole, in his retirement
from the foreign office, will devote himself to the work of preparing a
new constitution.
At a mass meeting held last night, Mr. D. B. Smith, a merchant of
this city, was nominated to fill the vacancy in the advisory council
created by the resignation of Mr. Hatch. This nomination is subject
to the approval of the councils.
A spirited contest is now in progress, looking to the introduction of
the "representative system" into the councils of the Provisional
Government. In this direction a resolution was passed by the meeting last night, favoring the enactment of a law " increasing the membership of the advisory council from 14 to 24." the new members to
" be selected by the suffrages of loyal citizens in a manner to be hereafter provided."
The reasons set forth in the resolutions for such legislation are (1)
"The advisory council as at present constituted is not representative
of either the varied interests of the islands or the mass of the supporters of the Provisional Government and the policy of annexation
of Hawaii to the United States;" (2) "The legislative department of
the Government is dangerously compact as well as too small for its constituency;" (3) "The composition of the advisory council has been
made objectionable by the action of retiring members in practically
selecting their own successors;" (4) "The personnel of the advisory
council has been considerably changed since it came into existence;"
and (5) "In making changes the mass of the supporters of the Provisional Government have had no voice."
The above resolution and preamble looking to the enlargement of the
council, according to the report of the newspaper favoring it, "was
adopted with less than a dozen negative votes."
I send you herewith the reports and editorial comments of the two
newspapers which agree upon the question of annexation, but differ as
to the propriety and necessity of the proposed changes.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS8


2059


The Chinese question has given rise to considerable discussion in the
press and in the councils. The meeting of the Chinese, heretofore
referred to, as one of their representatives informed me, is for the purpose of expressing their views upon the new legislation now pending.
With sentiments of high esteem, I am, sir, your obedient servant,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
[Inclosure 1 in No. 36.]
BY AUTHORITY.
ACT 63.-AN ACT relating to the office of minister of foreign affairs.
Be it enacted by the Executive and Advisory Councils of the Provisional Government of
the Hawaiian Islands:
SECTION 1. The office of minister of foreign affairs is hereby separated from that
of the office of President.
Hereafter the department of foreign affairs shall be presided over by an officer
called the minister of foreign affairs who shall be chosen by the executive and
advisory councils of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
The minister of foreign affairs so chosen shall be a member of the executive
council of the Government.
SEC. 2. This act shall take effect from the date of its publication.
Approved this 8th day of February, A. D. 1894.
SANFORD B. DOLE,
President of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
J. A. KING,
Minister of the Interior.
[Inclosure 2 in No. 36.]
[Advertiser report of mass meeting, February 13, 1894.]
D. B. SMITH IS AGAIN NOMINATED-TIHE AMERICAN LEAGUE TAKES POSSESSION OF TIlE
ANNEXATION CLUB-TIlE CLUB IS EASILY PULLED ALONG BY TIlE NOSE-THE TAIL
WVAGS THE DOG AND ALL GOES AS MERRY AS A MARRIAGE BELL-NO ONE ELSE IS
ALLOWED IN NOMINATION EXCEPT THE LEAGUE'S CANDIDATE.
I). B. Smith, the chosen candidate of the American League for the vacancy in the
councils, was railroaded through the Annexation Club meeting last evening in very
quick order. The American League was out in force, and would not allow anyone
except their own members to have a word to say on any subject.
The crowd was very orderly until the meeting opened. The league was present
almost in toto, and they formed a solid circle around the chairman's table. As soon
as the meeting opened, Mr. W. tH. Hoogs placed in nomination Mr. F. W. McChesney
as a candidate. This was seconded by four or five voices. T. B. Murray, the president of the league, took possession of the floor and read the following resolution:
"Whereas the American League of this city is a respectable and representative
body composed of several hundred men pledged to support the Provisional Government and the policy of annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States;
and
"Whereas the American League is without a spokesman or representative in the
councils of this Government; and
" Whereas it is just and proper that such a section of the loyal citizenship should
have a voice in the conduct of the Provisional Government; and
"Whereas it has been generally conceded and so stated by at least one cabinet
minister that the American League should designate the successor to Mr. F. M.
Hatch, who is about to retire from the advisory council; and
"Whereas the American League has named Mr. D. B. Smith for this place: There.
fore, be it
" Resolved, That this mass meeting hereby indorses Mr. D. B. Smith for the advisory council, and shall, through its secretary and president, so inform the executive
and advisory councils."
Great applause followed this resolution, every league man in the hall shouting
vociferously. As soon as he could, T. B. Severin moved that nominations close. He
was promptly ruled out of order by the chairman.




2060                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Mr. Hatch then announced that Mr. McChesney had been placed in nomination
and asked the pleasure of the meeting in regard to his name. Those in favor of his
candidacy were asked to raise their hands. Not many were raised. When the
adverse opinion was called for, the league, as if moved by a single lever worked by
an invisible engine, lifted their hands and voices at the same time. Mr. Hatch then
declared that Mr. McChesney was not nominated.
T. B. Severin then placed in nomination D. B. Smith. His name was received
with prolonged cheers, and was seconded by the whole league. Three howls were
called for on the nomination, the clockwork was again put in motion and the league,
as one man, signified its approval of Mr. Smith. J. B. Atherton then moved that
the nominations be closed, which was carried, and D. B. Smith had been sent through
the meeting like water through a tin horn.
After a loud cry of "three cheers for Smith," the latter was called on for a speech.
He made the following:
"Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN: As this is my first experience on the platform
in the capacity of a speaker, you will not expect a speech from me of any length.
I want to say this: I am heart and soul in favor of annexation to the United States,
our mother country, where our prosperity, progress, and civilization come from, and
I will and have always done everything in my power to further it since the 14th
of January last. ' We have not got it, but we will, just as certain as the sun rises
and sets.' These words are not mine, but were spoken to me by the grandest
American statesman that ever put foot on these coral sands-Minister John L.
Stevens-and I heartily indorse his words. That is as far as I got. I fully appreciate the honor you have done me in signifying the wish to have me represent you
in the council."
T. B. Murray then moved that his resolution be adopted as the sense of the meeting. Again the machinery worked and the pendulum-like hands rose and fell.
James Nott, jr., then read the following resolution:
"Whereas the advisory council, as at present constituted, is not representative
of either the varied interests of the islands or the mass of the supporters of the
Provisional Government, and the policy of annexation of Hawaii to the United
States; and
"Whereas the legislative department of the Government is dangerously compact, as well as too small for its constituency; and
"Whereas the composition of the advisory council has been made objectionable
by the action of retiring members in practically selecting their own successors; and
"Whereas the personnel of the advisory council has been considerably changed
since the body came into existence; and
"Whereas in making changes the mass of the supporters of the Provisional Government have had no voice: Therefore be it
" Resolved, That this mass meeting of annexationists and supporters of the Provisional Government hereby petitions the councils to enact a law increasing the membership of the advisory council from 14 to 24.
" Resolved, That the 10 men to fill the new places be selected by the suffrages of
loyal citizens in a manner to be hereafter provided.
" Resolved, That the councils are hereby petitioned to elect to membership the 10
men to be chosen by loyal citizens.
"Resolved, That copies of these resolutions be transmitted to the executive and
advisory councils."
The chairman said that this resolution was not included in the business for which
the meeting had been called.
Mr. T. F. Lansing protested, as a member of the Annexation Club, against allowing such a resolution, which was totally out of order, being adopted, and also said
he wished to remonstrate against the American League taking possession of the
meeting as they had done. He was interrupted by the league and the machinery,
as with one voice, drowned his remarks. Some one in the crowd recommended
appealing from the chair's ruling. When Mr. Hatch called for hands the clock
struck again and up went all hands, overruling Mr. Hatch's decision, and cheers
were again given. Mr. Hoogs demanded a roll call, and was promptly squelched
by the machinery, and after it had run down the chair announced that its decision
was overruled. The resolution was then adopted by another turn of the wheels.
Speeches were then called for, and Mr. Hatch responded. He said, in part:
"There is one good sign of the times, and that is that the Annexation Club can
call a meeting andhave it largely attended. There are always enough who turnout
to show that the annexation movement is the strong movement and will be carried
on to victory. [Applause and cheers.] Our friends on the other side are very fond
of spreading the report that there is dissention in our party [cries of No, No]? and
I am glad to have an opportunity to say a few words on the subject. There is no
split. We are all working with one object, and that is to keep good government
here until annexation is an established fact. This is not a one-man government.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                          2061
Every man has a right to express his views on any question. In closing I want to
congratulate you on the neatness and dispatch with which you have carried your
point."
Mr. W. G. Smith was then called upon. He said:
"This is an occasion of rejoicing, that we have met in so orderly a manner. We
have secured the boon that we have a long time been waiting for. I mean representative government. I presume that the councils will be responsive to the sense
of this meeting. It is an open meeting of the Annexation Club, and I resent the
imputation that it has been attempted to confine this meeting to the representatives
of any one league. There have been many objections to the enlargement of the
councils, the principal one being that the time was not opportune. This is the great
cry of the conservatives. It was the same in 1887, when it was proposed to dethrone
Kalakaua, when we had an American President in Washington, who was favorable
to annexation. Instead of this they did not think that the ' time was opportune,'
and they waited until 1893, when they had to put up with Cleveland, Gresham, and
Blount. I plead for the radical course in a revolutionary movement. As Bismarck
said, 'Some eggs must be broken to make an omelette,' and I advocate breaking all
the royalist eggs that Me can find. As I said, I have heard many times that it was
not advisable to increase the size of the advisory council. This is the conservative
idea. At the last day, when the heavens split and the earth quakes, some Honolulu
conservative will lift up his head and cry in a weak voice: ' Don't toot now, Gabriel;
it isn't opportune.' I hope it will be impressed on all our friends who dissent from
us that in this country and this era the radical movement must and shall and will
have its way." [Cheers and applause.]
The meeting then adjourned.
The drill shed was not vacated for some time. D. B. Smith was congratulated by
all his friends. Many stood around and talked over the result of the meeting, and
then went down town and talked it over again.
[Advertiser editorial comments.]
Mr. Hatch made a very happy speech at the close of the meeting last night. He
drew attention to the fact that annexation was the live movement in this country,
and that the alleged dissensions between the different wings of the Annexation
party only ruffle the surface, without going to the essence. There could be no more
striking proof of the fundamental unanimity which exists in the Annexation party
to-day than the good nature which prevailed at last nights meeting, and the enthusiasm. which expressed itself upon every mention of the common cause.
THEY WILL CONSIDER IT.
The programme for an election to be held by the Annexation Club this week has
fallen through. This is owing to the fact that last night's mass meeting forgot that
it was summoned simply as a preliminary nominating convention, and proceeded to
lix upon a single candidate. This course was due apparently to an error of Mr.
Hatch.
Of course a nomination made in this way can not be regarded as though it were
the result of a regular election. It would be absurd to expect anything of the sort.
Mr. D. B. Smith will go before the councils in connection with other nominations
as the candidate of the American League, and as such will receive consideration.
THE HAND OF ESAU.
The mass meetings of the Annexation Club have generally been rather serious
affairs; last night's, however, afforded for once a humorous diversion.
The Star claims that the American League is not a, secret organization. Last
night certainly it was not. It marched up in a body, took possession of the meeting,
issued a declaration of its own rights, and, in the name of the Annexation Club,
loudly chanted its own praises. Everything was done, as Mr. Hatch observed, with
"neatness and dispatch" and with great good humor.
The action thus taken is, of course, simply the action of the American League.
The course taken was laid out in advance by that body; the resolutions passed were
(trafted and adopted in its meeting of the night before. Everything was cut
annd dried, and the work was done by men who were acting, not in the interest of
lhe Annexation Club, but in that of an altogether different organization. The
forims were observed, and that was all. The voice was the voice of Jacob, but the
hand was the hand of Esau.




2062                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
IS IT SECRET OR NOT 
Last night's Star devotes a column of its valuable space to what is apparently an
attempt to prove that the American League is not a secret orgai,ization. At the
same time it argues that secrecy is all right, because there was a se. ret league here
in 1887.
This double defense reminds one of the Irishman who exonerated himself from a
charge of breaking his neighbor's wheelbarrow as follows: 1. I never borrowed your.
wheelbarrow. 2. It was broken when I borrowed it. 3. It was whole when I
returned it.
If it is true that the American League is not a secret organization then all
objections to it on this score fall to the ground. But if it is not secret, let it publish the list of its members and admit reporters to its deliberations.
The comparison instituted by the Star between the American League and the
League of 1887 is a rather unlucky one. The League of 1887 was secret because its
aims were revolutionary. Those of the American League, on the other hand, are
peaceful and lawful. The first league was organized to overthrow the Governmenlt;
the second to support it. Secrecy was as appropriate in tQie one case as openness
would be in the other.
WHAT IS THE PLEDGE 
The Advertiser is informed that before D. B. Smith became the American League's
candidate, he was required to take a "' cast-iron" pledge of some kind, and that one
reason the other candidates withdrew was because they declined to bind themselves in any such manner. We will not venture any remarks as to the precise
character of this pledge, since, in spite of correction from a very high quarter, we
are still of opinion that the proceedings of the American League are secret. We
can not, therefore, pretend to know exactly what this oath may have been.
What was the pledge? That public will want to know. They have a right to
know. The councils too, may be desirous of satisfying a natural curiosity on this
question before they proceed to hold their election. The "representative principle,"
that is, the principle that secret leagues shall be represented, is perhaps not vet so
firmly established as to exclude the lawful Government of the country from asserting their right to a voice in its affairs.
What is the pledge?
[Inclosure in No. 36.-From the Star, February 13, 1894. Report of meeting.]
D. B. SMITH THE WINNER.-LEAGUE CHOICE RATIFIED BY THE MASS MEETING.-GREAT
GATHERING AT THE DRILL SHED.-VOTED FOR AN ENLARGED COUNCIL.-SPEECIIES
MADE.-D. B. SMITH FIRST, THE REST NOWHERE.
That is the result, so far as the electors are concerned, of the contest for the seat
in the advisory council that is to become vacant, owing to the promotion of Mr. F.
M. Hatch to the foreign portfolio. The voice of the people was heard again in the
historic drill shed last night. The people went on record in the regulation American
manner. They resented the attempt at clique domination, and in clear tones
declared for rule by the masses.
The Annexationists were out early for the expected fray. The programme was for
a nominating conventionas preliminary to an election projected to be held during the
week. By the action of the mass meeting of the Annexation Club the necessity for
an election is removed entirely. There was only one nominee. The name of F. W.
McChesney was proposed, but a very large majority voted down the motion to place
him in nomination.
There was a most enthusiastic indorsement by the meeting of the proposal to
enlarge the advisory council by electing 10 more members.
A little conservative combination attempted to control the meeting, but were
simply "snowed under." Members of the American League who were also members
of the Annexation Club, took an active part in the proceedings, working like beavers for their candidate, Mr. D. B. Smith, and for the larger council.
President Hatch was in the chair and Secretary Jones kept account of the proceedings. Itwas about 7:45 when the meeting was rapped to order. The call wasread.
The remark that nominations were in order was not entirely out of the President's
mouth when W. H. Eloogs, who was but a couple of feet from the desk, shouted:
"I nominate F. W. McChesney." T. B. Murray then offered resolutions indorsing the
American League candidate. Mr. Hatch stated the motion before the meeting as:
"Shall Mr. McChesney be placed in nomination?" It was voted that Mr. MeChes



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         2063
ney should not be placed in nomination. The negative majority was very large.
D. B. Smith was placed in nomination by T. B. Severin. This was received with
great cheers, then with three more. The nominations were then closed on motion
of J. B. Atherton. Mr. Murray then called for his resolution, which reads as follows:
"Whereas the American League, of this city, is a respectable and representative
body composed of several hundred men pledged to support the Provisional Government and the policy of annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States,
and
"Whereas the American League is without a spokesman or representative in the
councils of this Government, and
"Whereas it is just and proper that such a section of the loyal citizenship should
have a voice in the conduct of the Provisional Government, and
"Whereas it has been generally conceded and so stated by at least one cabinet
minister that the American League should designate the successor to Mr. F. M.
Hatch, who is about to retire from the advisory council, and
"Whereas the American League has named D. B. Smith for the place, therefore
be it
"Resolved, That this mass meeting hereby endorses D. B. Smith for the advisory
council, and shall, through the secretary and president, so inform the executive and
advisory councils."
This resolution was adopted almost unanimously.
There were calls for D. B. Smith. Mounting the table, he said:
Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN: As this is my first experience on the platform
in the capacity of a speaker, you will not expect a speech from me of any length. I
want to say this: I am, heart and soul, in favor of annexation to the United States,
our mother country, where our prosperity, progress, and civilization come from, and
I will, and have, always done everything in my power to further it since the 14th of
January last. That was before the revolution. "We have not got it, but we will,
just as certain as the sun rises and sets." These words are not mine, but were
spoken to me by the grandest American statesman that ever put foot or these coral
sands, Minister John L. Stevens, and I heartily indorse his words. That is as far as
I got. I fully appreciate the honor you have done me in signifying the wish to
have me represent you in the council, and when I learn that my services there are
not satisfactory I will step down and out.
These resolutions were offered by James Nott, jr.:
"Whereas the advisory council as at present constituted is not representative
of either the varied interests of the islands or the mass of the supporters of the Provisional Government and the policy of annexation of Hawaii to the United States;
and
"Whereas the legislative department of the Government is dangerously compact,
as well as too small for its constituency, and
"Whereas the composition of the advisory council has been made objectionable
by the action of retiring members, in practically selecting their own successors; and
"Whereas the personnel of the advisory council has been considerably changed
since it came into existence; and
" Whereas in making changes the mass of the supporters of the Provisional Government have had no voice: Therefore be it
"Resolved, That this mass meeting of annexationists and supporters of the Provisional Government hereby petition the councils to enact a law increasing the
membership of the advisory council from 14 to 24.
"1 esolved, That the ten men to fill the new places be selected by the suffrages of
loyal citizens in a manner to be hereafter provided.
" Resolved, That the councils are hereby petitioned to elect to membership the ten
men to be chosen by loyal citizens.
"Reeoltved, That copies of these resolutions be transmitted to the executive and
advisory councils."
Cheering for the resolutions was loud and long.
President Hatch, referring to the call for the meeting, ruled the resolutions out
of order. W. G. Smith appealedfrom the decision of the chair, and the chair was overruled. T. F. Lansing said he protested against the manner in which the meeting was
being conducted. W. H. Hoogs demanded a roll call. The meeting went on with
business and the resolution to enlarge the council was adopted with less than a
dozen negative votes.
The president suggested that adjournment may be in order, as no other business
was brought forward. Mr. Hatch was called upon to speak. His popularity was
evidenced oy his cordial reception. He said:
"There is one good sign of the times, gentlemen; the Annexation Club never calls
a meeting which is not well attended. [Applause.] There are always enough of
the members of this club who turn out on every opportunity which is given them




2064                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
to strike right home on this question, that this movement is the live movement, and
it is the movement which will be carried through by the people of this community. [Applause.] Now our friends on the other side are fond of spreading reports
both here and abroad, very largely abroad, that we are split up by dissensions in
our ranks. [Cries of 'No!' No!' 'No!']
"Gentlemen, nothing of that kind exists and this is a very good opportunity to
brand all statements of that kind which have been so industriously spread broadcast by certain people in this community, in order to discredit the standing of this
party and this movement abroad, that the fact is not so, and I am glad to have this
opportunity to express my ideas upon that point. Gentlemen, we are all working
for a common object, there is no split or division between us, and that one object is
the maintenance of a good stable government here until we obtain annexation to the
United States. [Applause. 1 I think there will be no difficulty in carrying out that
programme. This is not the government of one man or one individual; every man
in this community has a right to express his views and will be heard. I congratulate
you, gentlemen, on the neatness and dispatch with which the business of the evening has been carried. [Laughter and applause.]"
Walter G. Smith was called upon. He said:
"FFELLOW-CITIZENS: It is certainly an occasion of rejoicing that we have met
here in so orderly a manner, and, as Mr. Hatch has so aptly said, have conducted
our deliberations with neatness and dispatch. I think we have secured the one boon
which we have been waiting for and working for so long a time, and that is the
introduction of the representative system into the councils of the Provisional
Government. [Applause.] I assume that the councils will be responsive to the
wish of this majority. This has been an open meeting, not called by the American
League, but called by the Annexation Club, to which all annexationists are welcome,
and I resent the- imputation that there has been anything done to keep annexationists away, or to confine these proceedings within the limits of a single league.
This has been a thoroughly and fairly and completely representative meeting, and
I believe that its wishes will be respected by every man in the councils.
" There have been some objections raised from time to time to this enlargement of
the councils. We have all heard them. We have heard, for instance, that the
time is not opportune. That is a very favorite expression of the conservative element. You heard in 1887 that the time was not opportune to dethrone Kalakaua
and declare a republic, in spite of the fact that you soon after had an American
President and Secretary of State in favor of annexation. Our conservative friends
thought it opportune to drop that great cause then and thus leave annexation to
the tender mercies of Cleveland, Gresham, and Blount.
" We heard again from a great many that it was not opportune to have the revolution of 1893. But, gentlemen, not all the conservatives thought that. I credit them
with it, but all the radicals thought that it was opportune and the revolution you
had. We heard later on that it was not opportune to take off the name of the ex-Queen
from the salary list and to deprive her of her guard, but our conservative friends
were outvoted again, and the heavens didn't fall and the earth didn't quake.
[Laughter and applause]. The radicals had their way, and what was done was
properly done, and no harm has come to us since.
"I am pleading now, gentlemen, for the radical course in a revolutionary era. I
never heard of any other course succeeding at such a time. As Bismarck says,when
an omelet has to be made some eggs must be broken, and we propose to break every
royalist and anti-American egg we find. (Applause.) We have continually heard
that this, that, and the other thing was not opportune, and all day long up to the time
this meeting came together I have heard it was not opportune to increase the advisory council to twenty-four, and I have sometimes thought, hearing that word used
so often in the last few months, that, to paraphrase a great American orator, on that
last dread day when the heavens roll up like a scroll and the angel of resurrection
with one foot on the sea and another foot on the land shall raise that tremendous
trumpet to his lips there will be the spirit of some Honolulu conservative to cry up
out of the dust, "Don't toot now, Gabriel. Don't toot yet. It is not opportune."
(Great laughter and applause.)
"I tell you, gentlemen, it is opportune to do the right thing and the decisive thing
always in a revolutionary era, and I believe that is the thing we have done to-night.
The conservatism that stands in the way of political progress I am sure must go.
The conservative of that disposition is like the conservative horse that won't budge
out of his burning stable and could not be led out of it, because he has always been
there and it was not opportune to go at that time.
" I have nothing more to say except I hope it will be impressed upon all our friends
who dissent from some of our views that in this country, under these conditions,
in this era, the radical, which is the progressive and decisive element, will and must
and should have its way. I thank you, gentlemen." [Great applause and three
oheers for the speaker.]




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         2065
The meeting lasted less than an hour. Quite a crowd remained in the drill shed
for some time. There were knots of men on the streets till quite late. D. B. Smith,
as the successful candidate, is still receiving congratulations to-day.
[From the Star, February 14,1894.-Editorial comments on meetiig.]
THE ACT OF ANNEXATIONISTS.
Under the headline, "The American League takes possession of the Annexation
Club," the Advertiser implies that the action of the mass meeting last night was
that of a foreign body invading the unprotected camp of the legitimate party garrison. A poor excuse for the defeat of the conservative group is probably better than
none, hence we can not blame the morning paper for saying what it has; but when
the public comes to understand that all but about 5 per cent of the members of the
American League present are members of the Annexation Club; that the gentleman
who presided at the meeting is president of the club; that the gentleman who presented the resolution indorsing Mr. Smith and the one who spoke for the enlargement of the advisory council are both members of the governing body of the Annexation Club; and that there were nearly as many radicals at the turnout who do not
belong to the American League as there were of those who do, it will be seen how
far short the Advertiser has come of summing up the actual meaning and describing
the real personnel of the great rally.
What was seen last night was not the machination of a secret league, but the
outpouring of the radical majority in the Annexation party-of the men who believe
that the time has come to change the old order. The reason why the sentiment was
so strong in one direction is because the sentiment of four-fifths of the Annexation
party is that way-the party which has, in turn, made the revolution in spite of conservative objections, which cut the ex-Queen from the Provisional salary list, which
has enforced royalist removals, and which challenged Cleveland last December to
match the prowess of his troops with those of the Provisional Government. It
was this element which proclaimed its numbers and principles last night, and if it
controlled the situation it was not by machine trickery, but by the power of a clear
majority of the loyal supporters of the present r6gime.
It does not become the Advertiser to accuse the American League of machine
methods, particularly since its bland acquiescence in the results of the packed conservative meeting in the Fishel block a few days ago. Then the action of a hundred gentlemen in the name of the Annexation party, and by means of a prearranged
programme, was cordially indorsed. It is only when a successful appeal is made from
that small junta to the wider discretion of the party as a whole that the Advertiser
raises the whites of its eyes and the palms of its hands over a wicked "prearrangement"-a deadly assault upon the liberty of club action.
We therefore say: Publish the names of the secret league.-(Holomua).
"If it is true that the American League is not a secret organization then all
objections to it on this score fall to the ground. But if it is not secret let it publish the list of its members and admit reporters to its deliberations."-(Advertiser.)
'Why publish the list any more than that of the Annexation Club, which, if we
remember aright, was kept away from Mr. Blount and Mr. Nordhoff, who wanted
copies of it? When it becomes the usage to hand over the muster roll of any organization, either military or civil, to the enemy then the league will probably accede
to the wishes of the Holomua and the Advertiser in that respect. Until then our
eager contemporaries should gird their souls with patience.
Mr. Smith will go before the councils as the nominee of both the American League
and the Annexation Club. He has behind him the annexation majority on this island.
The credentials he will carry are as good as those of any official in the executive
building, high or low. He can not be rejected without a serious affront to the representative principle and to party unity.
AS TO THE BALLOT.
"The Star does not believe that anybody outside of the Annexationists should ever
be allowed to vote or to have a voice in the affairs of the country. We presume that
the Star would find it perfectly legitimate if the Democratic party should refuse to
grant the Republicans a vote because the Republicans are not in favor of the Democratic government."-(Holomua.)
Well, when the Republicans had the Southern and anti-Union wing of the Democracy to deal with after 1865, they forbade it a vote until after it had taken the ironclad oath and become thoroughly reconstructed. Men who refused to accept the
new order of things, as did Jeff Davis, Robert Toombs, and a few hundred others,
were thenceforth men without a country and were denied all electoral participation
S. Rep. 227-130




2066                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
In the concerns of the American nation or of the town, county, and State in which
they lived. It is the rule also in the United States, subject to some local modifica.
tion in the Indian Territory, that aborigines shall not vote. It is not necessary to
be so severe in the latter regard towards the aboriginal race of Hawaii, but as
to disloyal citizens of any kind, men who would overthrow the Government by
force if they could and establish a monarchy in its place, it would be absurd and
un-American to give them equal voice with loyal people in the voting booths.
Before the adherents of Mrs. Dominis can vote in Hawaii for anything really
decisive, there should be a long reconstruction period.
" The programme for an election to be held by the Annexation Club this week has
fallen through. This is owing to the fact that last nights mass meeting forgot that
it was summoned simply as a preliminary nominating convention and proceeded to
fix upon a single candidate. Thi~ course was due apparently to an error of Mr.
Hatch."-(Advertiser.)
If Mr. Hatch was in error in letting the Annexation Club, in mass meeting assembled, overrule the action of its own board of officers, then the oftener he makes such
errors the better it will be for the party. No doubt the Advertiser would like to
have had him hold that the club has no rights which its executive committee is
bound to respect; but as the chief of that committee, and as a man of sense and
fairness, Mr. Hatch knew better than to make any such ruling.
Mr. Damon was "present and voting" with the progressive element last night, a
fact which speaks well for his political prescience and sagacity. Being a friend of
the annexation of Hawaii to America, he has quickly seen the fitness of adopting
those American ideas which have expressed themselves in the demand for a representative council. Under annexation those ideas must have full swing in Hawaii,
and Mr. Damon sees no reason why we should not all get used to them now.
Mr. F. W. McChesney called at the Star office this morning and stated that the
use of his name at the mass meeting last night as a candidate for the prospective
council vacancy was unauthorized by him, and that he supports and will continue
to support the candidacy of D. B. Smith.
If the Cocoanut Club has any more resolutions on hand it had better feed them to
the office cat.
"The old order changeth."
[From the Advertiser, February 13, 1894.]
THE COCOANUT CLUB.
It demands representation in the advisory council.
The following resolutions were adopted at an adjourned meeting of the Cocoanut
Club, held at Waikiki on Saturday, the 9th instant:
"Resolved, That the cocoanut industry of these islands has great value, and should
receive recognition from the Provisional Government.
" Resolved, That this club, in order to secure political preference, shall hereafter
be conducted as a secret club, and be known as the ' Cocoanut League.'. "Resolved, That this club is entitled to representation in the advisory council,
and that that council will prove recreant to its high trust if it refuses to grant it.
" Besolved, That the Cocoanut League protests against the existence of any other
league.
"Re8olved, That this league knows where the milk in the cocoanut is to be found."
THE PLOT THICKENS.
We publish this morning a set of resolutions by which it appears that the Cocoanut Club demands representation in the councils.
And who, pray, is the Cocoanut Club ~ What is it composed of, and what is it
for? We never saw a list of its members nor read an account of its transactions.
According to its own statement it knows where the milk in the cocoanut is to be
found, and it does not take a very shrewd guesser to opine that about all the society
was ever organized for was to extract the milk.
It is about time that this impertinent folly should cease. The Cocoanut Club,
indeed! The next thing we shall have a series of resolutions and demands from the
Roast Pig Hui.
ANOTHER CLUB HEARD FROM.-THE SISTERS, COUSINS, AND AUNTS SOCIETY PASS RESOLUTIONS.
Editor Star: At a regular back-office meeting of the Sisters, Cousins, and Aunts
Society the following preamble and resolutions were unanimously passed, a full
representation of the office-holders belonging to the society being present and voting:
"Whereas the control of the Provisional Government and the selection of its leg



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        2067
islative members having been heretofore left to the Sisters, Cousins, and Aunts
Society; and
" Whereas the members of that society are engaged in the same line of business
and therefore know what the country needs; and
"Whereas government by a secret back-office caucus of this society has resulted
in great benefits to the sisters, cousins. and aunts and therefore to Hawaii; and
"Whereas if there is going to be a permanent form of government we, of that
compact, are able to build it without help from those who call themselves the masses,
but are really the masses: Therefore be it
"Resolved, That we view with alarm and disfavor the attempt of anybody not
related to us or in our line of business to become a member of the advisory council.
"Resolved, That we attend the mass meeting of the Annexation Party and elect a
sister, a cousin, or an aunt, if we have to bust a trace."
The Cocoanut Club and the Schuetzen-Verein were not alone in the business meeting last night. The Sisters, Cousins, and Aunts Society also held a meeting and
passed appropriate resolutions. These appear elsewhere.-(From the Star, February 13.)
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
No. 37.]                   LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honotulu, Hawaiian Islands, February 15, 1894.
SIR: At the regular meeting this afternoon of the Government
councils, Hon. F. M. Hatch read the report of the judiciary committee
on the petition for the enlargement of the advisory council, recommending, as reported in the newspapers, " that there be chosen delegates to sit with the councils and prepare a constitution for a permanent form of government." The report was adopted and a committee
appointed by the President to prepare an act for the holding of the
constitutional convention.
At the same meeting Mr. Hatch was elected and took his seat as minister of foreign affairs.
The mass meeting of the Chinese last night was very largely attended.
The newspapers report the attendance at 3,000. Vigorous resolutions
against the proposed legislation of the Government were passed. I
send newspaper clippings in regard to the above subjects.
Very respectfully,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
[Extract from the Star, February 15,1894.]
NOW FOR A NEW DEAL-A PLAN OF PERMANENT GOVERNMENT BROACHED-HATCH
FOR MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS-THREE ADVISORY NOMINATIONS MADE
TO-DAY.
The members attending this afternoon's regular meeting at the councils were:
President Dole; Ministers Smith, Damon, and King; Messrs. Wilder, Hatch, Allen,
Waterhouse, Ena, Brown, Tenney, Nott, Morgan, Bolte, and Emmeluth.
Mr. Brown presented a petition from 150 Chinese merchants and trades, praying
that the councils refrain from enacting into a law the pending anti-Chinese bill.
Referred to the judiciary committee.
Mr. Smith read the resolutions adopted at the Chinese mass meeting last evening.
These resolutions were in yellow coverings, bound with red ribbons. The second
set was in Chinese and English.
Secretary Rodgers read the resolutions adopted at the Annexation Club mass
meeting Tuesday evening. The first was the indorsement of D. B. Smith for the
advisory council. The second was the petition for the enlargement of the council.
Mr. Smith said that the cabinet proposed to make some answer to the resolution,
which he believed intimated that the Provisional Government was not favorable to




2068                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
the policy of annexation of the islands to the United States. Both resolutions were
placed on file.
A note from the board of officers of the Annexation Club recommended Mr. Hatch
for the office of minister of foreign affairs. The executive council has replied that
in view of former correspondence, the selection of a member of the executive council
should not be interfered with by the public.
A note from the American League mentioned the action of that organization in
nominating D. B. Smith for the advisory council.
The Schuetzen Club, in a set of resolutions which were read by Mr. Smith, urges
that the Government undertake public improvements, to the end that loyal citizens
now idle may receive employment. Mr. Smith said there had been consideration of
this letter, in the way of canvassing on improvements needed and money available.
Resolutions referred to the executive council.
There was a big surprise when Mr. Hatch read a report of the judiciary committee on the petition for enlargment of the advisory council. It was set forth that
even greater numbers might not give the representation which seems to be so greatly
desired. In view of this, and perhaps the fact that more councilmen elected at a
mass meeting might become unsatisfactory, and the certainty that a semblance of
perpetuity in office was dangerous, the committee recommends that there be chosen
delegates to sit with the councils and prepare a constitution for a permanent form
of government. The report was adopted.
President Dole named as the committee to prepare an act for a constitutional convention, Messrs. Hatch, Bolte, Wilder, Nott, and W. 0. Smith.
Mr. Smith moved that the councils proceed to the election of a minister of foreign
affairs.
Mr. Hatch said that he wanted to tell the councils that he was not a candidate for
this place in the sense of seeking it. If he was elected and installed it must be with
the understanding that he had leave to resign when prior private engagements
demanded his time. He could only accept the office temporarily.
Mr. Waterhouse nominated Mr. Hatch for the place. Messrs. Tenney and Waterhouse were appointed tellers and the ballot spread. All the ballots were for Mr.
Hatch, and there was applause when the result was announced. Messrs. Brown
and Ena conducted the new minister to a seat at a table beside Messrs. Smith,
Damon, and King.
Mr. Wilder moved that the election of a successor to Mr. Hatch as an advisory
councilman be postponed for a week.
Mr. Emmeluth, ascertaining from the chair that nominations were in order,
entered Fritz Wilhelm who was described as a "man who had been earnest in the
cause so long as his health permitted."
Mr. Damon named D, B. Smith as an active worker for annexation and good government.
Mr. Allen offered Mark Robinson, an Hawaiian, as a candidate, saying that it
would not be out of place to have another Hawaiian in the council.
The nominations were closed and the election postponed for one week.
VOICE OF THE CHINESE COLONY DECLARES ITSELF IN A BIG MASS MEETING-POSITIVE EXPRESSIONS-WHAT THEY HAVE DONE FOR THE COUNTRY-THEIR RIGHTSRESOLUTIONS.
In no city of a State or Territory of the American Union could the Chinese have
made such a demonstration as was held at the theater of the colony last night. Here
the Pakes have been first tolerated, then encouraged, until they assume an attitude
plainly defiant and close bordering on the dominant and dictatorial. From the weak
and lowly field hand of the time of 1851 and the wage scale of $3 a month they
have, by an unparalleled and alarming evolution, reached the station of an assertive
element in the policy of the nation. The spectacle has not its counterpart elsewhere
on the globe.
The Chinese theater here is a larger and better building than the colony of some
40,000 Asiatics in the city of San Francisco can boast. Last night the playhouse
was jammed. It contained not less than 2,500 men, perhaps 500 more. Every particle of space was occupied. All Chinese business places, except the restaurants,
closed at 4 o'clock. During the next two hours and a half Chinamen flocked to the
theater from every direction. Hundreds of them rode in hacks. The tram cars
were crowded and the rest walked in the heavy rain. The storm kept away many
living at a distance. A weight was borne by the big gallery that it never had
before. The throng extended well out into the street. As a mass meeting the event
was in every way a success. The place is illy ventilated and scores were compelled
to stand. The proceedings throughout riveted the attention of all. There were




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         2069
frequent outbursts of applause and positive expressions from the audience. Half a
hundred of the leading Chinese had seats on the stage. A number of natives and a
few whites were present. A squad of police was in attendance. It is said that
nearly all the 800 vagrants of Chinatown were on hand.
The tenor of the meeting may be judged by the fact that the use of a man-of-war
was more than hinted at. The statement the Chinese paid more taxes than any
other class was made, also the claim that but for them Honolulu trade would die,
and that they had only to unite and stand firm to gain their ends.
Kam Chim, editor of one of the Chinese newspapers, called the meeting to order.
He named Lau Chung, of the Wing Wo Tai Company, as president. No one else was
mentioned. Lau Chung designated Chang Kim and Chang Den Sing as secretaries.
Next Lau Chung announced the objects of the meeting at length and read and commented upon the license bill which has been placed before the councils by AttorneyGeneral Smith. They were gathered, Chung said, to ascertain the views of the
colony upon the proposed legislation. Chung had the act written on a sheet of
paper about as large as a page of this paper andoccupied about a quarter of an hour
in placing it before the meeting.
Ing Chan, of the Tong On Jan Company, was presented as the first speaker, and
was greeted with great cheering. He made a salaam and launched out into an
impassioned tale of the wrongs of his race. When he asked: " Shall we put up with
it?" a storm of noes came from all over the house. After suggesting that they communicate to the councils, he said: "If they will not listen to us, let us instruct our
representative to communicate with the Chinese minister at Washington and ask
him to write the home Government about our troubles." Chan said that up to ten
years ago the Chinese on the islands had been treated as men and as the equals of
all. They are law-abiding, but their treatment is getting worse all the time. They
do not meddle with the politics. They are now over 20,000 strong, and in varied
occupations do good for the country; and, like one big family, must unite their
forces. The white people are dissatisfied and want to impose laws that other countries would not think of passing.
The next speaker was Wong Wah Toy of the Wing Wo Tai Company, who said
they were assembled to see if all were of one mind respecting the Situation.
Through their energy and industry they have made land more valuable. They
have been oppressed long enough. The Government wants to tie their hands still
more. Shall we allow it? [No, no, from the audience.] " These foreigners do not
remember their own scripture, which says ' Do unto others as you would they should
do unto you.' They claim to be an enlightened people, but I say they are not if
they act in this way. Unity is what we want and must have-unity in mind and
action. If we unite we will gain our point. [Cheers.] We must unite, but in a
peaceful way. There must be no talk yet of a man of war settling our troubles for
us. That may come later."
"I have been in the country for fifteen years," said Ching Ling Him, a clerk for
the Hawaiian Hardware Company, who says he hopes to become a merchant. "We
are not a better nor a worse class than any other. [Cheers.] If this bill passes no
man can do any business except the one allowed him by law. The Chinese pay
most of the taxes, and were it not for us the white merchants of Honolulu would be
ruined. I can not be a rich man if this law passes, and we are treated worse than
dogs. We do not steal. Why do they want to make such laws against it? All we
must do is to stick together and we will come out all right."
Chung Kim, a lawyer's clerk, who brought his speech from C. W. Ashford's office,
said that the meeting was occasioned by the purpose of the Government to place
Chinese under the ban and favor Portuguese. The Chinese have been extremely
patient. They have borne oppression which would from almost any other race have
provoked revolution. The Government seems to have formed the opinion that no
injustice heaped upon the Chinese will be opposed or resented. That is a mistake.
Even a worm will turn when trodden upon, and so it may be with the despised Chinese should the oppression be carried too far. Are we not all members of one great
family? Is there any reason why one of God's creatures should be trampled upon
by his brothers?
By what right do our white-skinned brothers lord it over us and to say that we
shall do business and trade and live and breathe only by their consent? Is it only
because our skins are brown and theirs are white? The Government is glad enough
to collect taxes from the Chinese, but when it comes to finding a class upon whom
the spite of all cranks shall be expended, they at once light upon the patient and
long-suffering Chinaman. The Geary Act in the United States is bad enough, but
this act proposed to be imposed upon us is even worse than that. The Hawaiian
constitution declares that the Government is established for the equal benefit of all
men and all classes, but if the Chinese license act shall pass it will show that the
Government intends to deny to us the equal benefit of the laws.




2070                       HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
W. C. Achi, a practicing attorney, who calls himself a Chinaman without a queue.
and who addressed the gathering as " countrymen of my father," spoke in the native
tongue at length. " You have no representation in the councils to speak for you,"
wailed Mr. Achi, "but you have the right to make your wishes known to the councils by resolutions. If this law passes a laborer who may save his money can not
engage in business. The law will put a rope around your necks; it will injure all
the Chinese, rich and poor, high and low, strong and weak. To turn in our favor
the tide that is setting against us we must take some intelligent action. [Very
good.] The supreme court would decide that this law was wholly unconstitutional."
Another clerk of a lawyer was now heard. This was N. Monwor, of Paul Neumann's office. He believed that the good men at the head of the Government would
refrain from passing an unjust law. Like Achi, he mentioned the supreme court,
saying that it had protected the Chinese against the law of 1888.
Lee Chu, a carpenter, is a radical. Said he: " We are descended from great fathers.
Why should we be treated differently from others? I say that if we do not do our
best to overcome this law we will show that we have no blood in us."
A number of other addresses were made and this committee of thirteen was selected
to place the resolutions given below: C. Winam, Wong Wah Foy, Yun Quom, Chu
Gem, Chang Kim, Ho Ton, Lau Chock, Chang Chick, N. Monwar, N. Chan, Chu
Wing, I. Kat Poo, Lau Chang. The resolutions read:
"*Whereas there is now pending before the legislative body of the Provisional
Government an act obliging Chinese residents of these islands to obtain a special
license, not called for in the case of any other nationality, as a prerequisite to conducting business in this country; and
"Whereas such legislation is directed against the Chinese as a class, in violation
of constitutional provisions and of the principles of equity and justice supposed to
inhere in all civilized governments; and would, if enacted into law, prove an irritating oppression to a numerous and law-abiding class of residents who pay a large
proportion of the taxes collected by the Government, and who are entitled to the
protection of the laws, on terms of equality with other residents of these islands;
now, therefore, be it
"Resolved, That we, the Chinese residents of Honolulu, in mass meeting assembled,
on the evening of Wednesday, the 14th day of February, 1894, do solmenly protest
against the injustice, degradation, and insult threatened to be imposed upon us and
our race by the legislation so, as aforesaid, pending and proposed to be enacted into
law;
"Resolved, That we respectfully assert our right, under the principles of enlightened justice and the provisions of the Hawaiian constitution, to dwell in Hawaii
and be accorded the protection of the law upon terms of equality with those of
other nationalities here sojourning.
"Resolved, That the Chinese in Hawaii have been guilty of no act or course of
action which should in justice subject them to the humiliation of being singled out
as objects of legislative caprice, oppression, or hatred, such as the act herein protested against will, if passed into law, embody and express.
"Resolved, That while we ask for nothing more than equality with other residents
of equally good behavior, we shall be satisfied with and shall support and respect
nothing that accords to our race a lesser degree of consideration and justice than
residents of other nationalities enjoy.
"Resolved, That the chairman of this meeting do appoint a committee of 13
Chinese residents of this city to present these resolutions to his Excellency the
Minister of Foreign Affairs at their earliest opportunity, and to urge upon his
excellency the sentiments herein expressed."




House Ex. Doc. No. 76, Fifty-third Congress, second sessiion


MESSAGE
FROM THE
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
TRANSMITTING
Further correspondence relating to the Hawaiian Islands.
JANUARY 20, 1894.-Referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs and ordered to
be printed.
The CONGRESS:
I transmit herewith dispatches received yesterday from our minister
at Hawaii, with certain correspondence which accompanied the same,
including a most extraordinary letter, dated December 27, 1893, signed
by Sanford B. Dole, minister of foreign affairs of the Provisional
Government, addressed to our minister, Mr. Willis, and delivered to
him a number of hours after the arrival at Honolulu of a copy of my
message to Congress on the Hawaiian question, with copies of the
instructions given to our minister.
GROVER CLEVELAND.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
Washington, January 20, 1894.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
No. 20.]                LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, December 26, 1893.
SiR: The Corwin did not leave until 4 a.m. December 24. I delivered
the dispatches 14 to 19, inclusive, and telegram, with files of Hawaiian
newspapers, to Capt. Munger in person. This delay was caused by
the failure of the Provisional Government to deliver its answer to the
President's decision.
This morning I acknowledged the receipt of its answer, with the
information that a copy thereof had been forwarded to you as above.
I inclose my letter.
On the same day I notified the Queen, th rough Mr. J. 0. Carter, of the
result. I inclose the letter to Mr. Carter.
I have the honor to be, etc.,
ALBERT S. WILLIS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, United States of
Avwrica.
2071




2072                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
[Inclosure 1 in No. 2041
Mr. Willi8 to Mr. Dole.
LEGATION OF THE UNrrnn STATEMS,
Honolulu,, December 26, 1893.
Sip: t have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of the
24th instant, conveying the response of the Provisional Government to the decision
of the President of the United States, submitted through me on the 19th instant,
and to inform you that a copy thereof was forwarded, on the same day, to Hon. W'.
Q. Gresham, Secretary of State.
With assurances of high regard, I am, sir, etc.,  Ai-R.WLI
ALBERT S. WILLIS,~~~
Envoy Extraordinary and Mrinister Plenipotentiary, United State8 of America.
(Inclosure 2 in No. 20.1
Mr. Willis to Mr. Carter.
LEGATION OF THrm UNITED STATES',
Honolulu, Hawvaiian Islands, December 26, 1893.
Sin:- Will you inform 11cr Majesty the Queen that on the 20th instant, in obedience
to my instructions, I notified the President and ministers of the Provisional Government that the President of the United States had reached the decision that she had
been illegally deprived of her authority as the constitutional sovereign of the
Hawaiian Jislands, and that they were expected to promptly relinquish to the Queen
her constitutional authority. 
On the 24th instant I received in reply a written communication from the Provisional Government, which was of such a nature that it became my duty, as previously instructed, to submit it to the Secretary of State, Hon. W. Q. Gresham, which
was done on the same day.
With assurances of high regard, I am, sir, etc.,
ALBECRT S. WILLIS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, United States of America.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
No. 2.]LEGATION OF THE UTNITERD SPVATEis,
20k.]         H~Ionolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 5, 1894.
SiR.: On Tuesday the 26th ultimo, as stated in my dispatch No. 20,
of December 26, I wrote to Hlon. S. B. Dole, miniter of foreign affairs,
acknowledging the receipt of his response to the decision of the President and informing him that his communication had been forwarded to
you.
On Wednesday the 27th ultimo, at 12 a. in., the steamship Oceanic
arrived,with newspapers containing the President's special message in
fall, together with the instructions to Mr. Blount and myself. The message was reproduced in the afternoon papers under conspicuous headlines.
At 4 p. m. of the same day I received the four-page, closely-written
letter, which I inclose, from,Mr. Dole, minister of foreign affairs, asking to be informed, "with the least delay, whether you (I) held instructions to enforce your policy with the use of arms in any evn-        The
information desired, although fully embodied in the President's message,
might have been asked for and, except for the remarkable statements
contained in the letter, would have been promptly and satisfactorily
given in a few words.




IR4WATIAN ISL4ANDS.                 07
Confident that. the charges so surprisingly and unjustly made could
not be sustained, an answer, herewith inclosed, was on the following
(Thursday) morning sent to Minister Dole, asking that they be made
more direct and specific.
On Friday morning, 29th ultimo, I received another letter from Mr.
Dole, herewith inclosed, in which he says the "4special message of the
President of the United States * * * has rendered any further
correspondence on the subject of my letter of 27th December unnecessary, as the message satisfactorily answers the question;" but he added,
"I1f you still desire the specifications requested I will be ready to furnish them."
The instructions of the President to me had been strictly followed or,
if departed from at all, it had been in favor of the beneficiaries of our
wrongdoing. I felt, therefore, that the statements contained in the
letter of Mr. Dole of the 27th ultimo were directed not at me personally,
but at the President, and should be qualified or absolutely withdrawn.
Believing, from the high character and sense of justice of Mr. Dole,
that if he reexamined his letter such would be the result, I wrote him
a note, which I inclose. This note was delivered at his residence on
the night of the same day (Friday, December 29) upon which his
second letter was received. Having no answer up to Sunday night
(December 31), and having occasion to communicate with his colleague,
Mr. Damon, upon another matter, I called his attention to the failure
of Mr. Dole to reply to my note, which, I explained to him, was written
with no unfriendly purpose, but was, as by itself declared, "4for the
best interests of all."7 He informed me that the "Advisory Conil1
met the next day at 12 o'clock,7 and he thought the subject would then
receive attention.
At 3 p. m. of that day (January 1) I received the letter from Hon.
S. B. Dole, herewith inclosed, in which he states that "4it was not my
intention to withdraw any of my letters." This, of course, left every
charge and statement in full force as of that date.
Believing that these charges, whether so intended or not, reflected
very unjustly upon the President, whose agent I was, at 6 p. in. of
the same day (Mondfty, January 1) I replied in the inclosed letter,
asking that the "4desired specifications be furnished at the earliest
convenience."
Up to this hour (Friday, January 5) no reply has been received to
this request nor have I any intimation when one may be expected.
My request for specifications bus been in the hands of the minister of
foreign affairs since Monday, January 1, at 6 o'clock. I had hoped
to receive it in time to answer by steamer Pekin, leaving to-day at 2
o'clock, especially as Mr. Thurston and Mr. HEatch, late Yice-President
of the Provisional Government, leave to-morrow on the Australia for
the United States. This delay in answering is a great surprise anad
regret.
I am fully prepared to show that every step taken by the representatives of our Government has been in the direction of peace and good
order and that the military preparations of the Provisional Government
were in progress at the time of my arrival, cases of arms, as I telegraphed
you on November 4, having been brought by the steamer upon which I
arrived. At that time and up to the morning of November 24 (which
was the day your letter to the President first appeared here) it will not
be claimed that there was the slightest apprehension as to the inter.
ference of the United States forces. And yet on the 13th of November,
aAis well known here, the greatest excitement prevailed at the ExeciA




2074                      HAWAIAN ISLAD.
tive building, the military forces were increased in number, and the
volunteer companies were ordered on duty at night. These preparations
were due, not to any fear of "American intervention," but as Mr.
Damon, minister of finance, called officially to explain, resulted from
the apprehensions of many citizens, mostly women and children, that
as the following day was the birthday anniversary of King Kalakaua
large numbers of natives from the adjoining districts would be here and
an outbreak might occur. The steamer leaves in a few moments and I
am unable to write more at length, but will do so when the expected
answer is received.
With high regard, I am, very respectfully,
ALBERT S. WILLIS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary,
United States of America.
[Inclosure No. 1 in No. 20J.]
Mr. Dole to Mr. Willis.
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, December 27, 1893.
SIR: Pending the further action of the Government of the United States upon
the matters contained in your communication of December 19, and my reply to the
same, dated December 23, 1 desire to call your excellency's most serious consideration to the dangerous and critical condition of this community, arising, I must
respectfully submit, out of the attitude which you have assumed, and the language
which you have used in public, and in communications to this Government, and also
out of the published letter of the Secretary of State of the United States, and the
President's message on the subject of the restoration of the monarchy.
I do not, however, claim or intimate that this unfortunate situation has been intentionally created by you, or by the Government which you represent, but arises from
a natural construction of your attitude, and the ambiguous terms of the statements
referred to.
At the time of your arrival in this country the forces of this Government were
organized and were amply sufficient to suppress any internal disorder.
After your arrival you made communications regarding your policy which were
ambiguous, and for several weeks you failed to disclose your intentions, and have
only partially done so up to the present moment, leaving this Government to infer
what they may ultimately be from the letter of Mr. Gresham and the President's
message, in which it has been declared in very distinct language that the deposed
Queen ought to be restored to the throne by the Government of the United States,
and leaving us, further, to infer that this assumed obligation would be discharged.
Your language expressed in public declared that you intended to perform some
act when the proper time arrived, without disclosing what that act would be.
Under these circumstances there arose at once a general feeling of disquiet. The
natural inference, from your attitude, language, and refusal to disclose your purpose
and from Mr. Gresham's letter and the President's message, was, and is, that you
intended to use force in maintaining your policy. The fact is well known that you,
as admitted by yourself in your communication of December 19, without the consent or knowledge of this Government, have held negotiations with the deposed
Queen for the purpose of overthrowing this Government. The apprehension of
both political parties, as well as that of persons who remain neutral in these matters,
is that you hold instructions to use physical force for the restoration of the monarchy. I am not prepared to state that this Government entertains this opinion,
although its want of information to the contrary has compelled it to act as if it
was correct.
In consequence of your attitude in this behalf, the enemies of the Government,
believing in your intentions to restore the monarchy by force, have become emboldened. Threats of assassination of the officers of this Government have been made.
The police force is frequently informed of conspiracies to create disorder. Aged and
sick persons, of all nationalities, have been and are in a state of distress and anxiety.
Children in the schools are agitated by the fear of political disturbances. The wives,
sister, and daughters of residents, including many Americans, have bee in daily




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2075


apprehension of civic disorder, many of them having even armed themselves in preparation therefor; citizens have made preparation in their homes for defense against
assaults which may arise directly or indirectly from such conflict. Persons have
begun to pack their valuables with a view of immediate departure; large'quantities
of bandages have been prepared. Unprotected women have received the promise of
asylum from the Japanese representative against possible disturbance arising in
consequence of American invasion. Rumors of the intended landing of your forces
for offensive purposes have agitated the community for many days. The situation
for weeks has been one of warfare, without the incident of actual combat. Even
the ex-Queen has called upon this Government for protection, which was awarded
to her. Owing to your attitude, the Government has been compelled by public
apprehension to largely increase its military force, at great expense. Its offices
have been placed and still continue in a condition of defense and preparation for
siege; and the community has been put into a state of mind bordering on terrorism.
This Government has most earnestly sought from you, and through our representative at Washington from your Government, some assurance that force would not be
used, and has failed to obtain it. Your action has, unfortunately, aroused the passions of all parties, and made it probable that disturbances may be created at any
moment.
I am informed by military authorities that while the force at your command is
sufficient to destroy this city it is insufficient to suppress any general rising and
conflict of armed forces and insurrections or to prevent the loss of life and property.
This Government is reluctant to believe that this condition of affairs was contemplated or expected by yourself or by the President of the United States.
I have therefore to ask you to inform me with the least delay whether you hold
instructions to inforce your policy with the use of arms in any event.
I trust that you will be able, in reply, to give assurances that will tend to allay
the apprehensions existing in the community.
I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration,
Your excellency's obedient servant,
SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minis8ter of Foreign Affairs.
[Inclosure INo. 2 in No. 20j.]
Mr. Willis to Mr. Dole.
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, December 27, 1893.
Sin: Your communication of this date was delivered at 4 p. m., and would have
received an immediate answer except for the statements reflecting upon the President of the United States and upon his diplomatic agent in this country, which, in
view of their gravity, should, I respectfully submit, be set forth with more particularity and certainty.
In order, therefore, to answer your communication as it deserves to be answered,
I beg leave to call your attention to the following clauses and sentences, which can
not be properly commented on or replied to until understood.
(1) You refer in several places to "' the attitude which you (the diplomatic agent
of the United States) assumed," "the natural construction of my attitude," "the
natural inference from your attitude," "in consequence of your attitude in this
behalf," " owing to your attitude the Government has been compelled," etc.
"Attitude," as is well understood, is "essentially and designedly expressive," its
object being "to set forth and exhibit some internal feelinog.
If this is the accepted meaning of the word will you point out when, and where,
and how, the representative of the United States t" assumed" any " attitude" towards
the supporters of the Provisional Government, or that Government itself, other than
one "essentially and designedly expressive" of peace.
(2) You assert that "at the time of your (my) arrival in this country the forces of
this (your) Government were organized and were amply sufficient to suppress any
internal disorder." Will you inform me what connection this statement has or is
desired to have with the Government of the United States or with the future action
of its representative T
(3) You refer to the "language which you (I) have used in public, and in communication to this (your) Government," but you give neither the time, place, or subject-matter of the "language or " communication."
(4) You call attention to the " published letter of the Secretary of State of the
United States, and the President's message on the subject of the restoration of the
Queen," but you quote the words of neither, so that if I were at liberty to discuss




2076


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


with you, matters not properly subject to diplomatic cognizanoe, I haoe not suffi.
cient data to do so, as the Secretary's letter is not before me and the President has
transmitted to the Congress two messages on the subject referred to, both of which,
I assume, you were familiar with at the t"ne you wrote your communication. May
I ask, therefore, to which message do you refer, or do you include both?
(5) You further state that " after your (my) arrival, you (I) made communications
regarding your policy, which were ambiguous." May I ask to whom and when
these "communications" were made and what were their contents V
(6) You also say "your (my) language, expressed in public, declared that you (I)
intended to perform some act when the proper time arrived, without declaring
what that act would be." May I inquire, again, when and where and to what
"public" was such language used?
(7) You further say: "This Government has most earnestly sought from you * * '
some assurance that force would not be used, and has failed to obtain it." Will you
inform me at what time and in what manner your Government 'earnestly sought"
the "assurance" referred to?
In conclusion, I would ask your careful consideration of the following statement:
"Your (my) action has unfortunately aroused the passions of all parties and made
it probable that disturbances may be created at any moment." Before replying to
the above, I think that your further attention should be drawn to it, as I refuse to
believe that upon reexamination you will feel at liberty to affix your official signature to such an extraordinary declaration.
Hoping that you will enable me to reply " with the least delay," as requested, by
giving me the desired information, I am, sir, with renewed assurances of friendly
consideration,
Very respectfully,                             ALBERT S. WILLIS,
ALBERT S. WILLIS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, United States of America.
(Inclosure No. 3 in No. 201.]
Mr. Dole to Mr. Willis.
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, December 29, 1893.
SIR. Your excellency's letter of December 27, referring to my communication of
the same date, which requests information as to the nature of your instructions from
your Government in regard to the use of force against this Government, and asking
for a more specific statement of matters therein contained, has been received.
I desire to state that the arrival of newspaper copies by the late mail, since my
note to you was written, of the special message of the President of the United States
to Congress on the Hawaiian matter has rendered any further correspondence on
the subject of my letter unnecessary, as the message satisfactorily answers my question as to future action of the American administration towards the Government,
the whole Hawaiian matter having been referred to Congress by the President.
If, however, you still desire the specifications requested I will be ready to furnish
them.
With assurances of the highest consideration, etc.,
SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
[Inclosure 4 in No. 20k.]
Mr. Willis to Mr. Dole.
HONOLULU, December 29, 1893.
SIR: I received your note of this date in answer to one from me of the 27th instant.
Am I to understand that your communication of the latter date is withdrawn? If
this is your intention, as I hope it is, I would for the best interests of all suggest
that the whole correspondence on the subject be withdrawn, with the understanding that the original letters be returned to their authors, and that no copies be given
to the pullic or made a record by either government.
With sincere regard, I am, etc.,                   ALBER. 
ALBER~ S. WIILIS.




ZRAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        2077
(Tnclosure 5 in No. 201.]
Without signature to Mr. Willis.
DEPARTMENT OF FOREiGN AFFAIRS,
HONOLULu, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, January 1, 1894.
Sip.: Your Excellency's communication of 'December 29, inquiring if my note
amounted to a withdrawal of my communication on the subject referred to, has been
received.
It was not my intention to withdraw any of my letters, but merely to inform you
that the arrival of newspaper copies of the special message of the President of the
United States on the Hawaiian matter, made it unnecessary for me to press you for
further answer to my question.
With the highest appreciation of your kindly interest, I have the honor, etc.,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
(Not signed.)
(Inclosure 6 in No. 201.]
MA'r. Willi to Mr. Dole.
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES9
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 1, 1894.
SIR: On the 27th ultimo, at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, I received a lengthy communication from you containing statements, which I am fully prepared to show
are not warranted by the facts, seriously affecting the President of the United
States and the representatives of the United States in this country. These charges
and statements, if accepted as the official views of your Government, demanded
prompt answer and equally prompt action on the part of the Government of the
United States, to the end that the condition. of things therein described should be
removed by the removal of the alleged causes.
In order more satisfactorily to answer your communication I immediately, in a
letter written the same day, requested a more specific statemcnt upon seven points
at issue.
I have the honor now to acknowledge the receipt on last Friday, December 29, at
1 p. in., of a letter from you stating that the last message of the President of the
United States "satisfactorily answers your question as to the future action of the
American administration toward this (your) Government."
You further say: "If, however, you still desire the specifications requested I will
be ready to furnish them."
In reply to this last letter, I beg leave most respectfully to state that if your first
communication on this subject had been confined to the single question above mentioned an immediate and satisfactory answer would have been given. That a different course was adopted, has been a source of sincere and profound regret to myself,
as it will be, I know, to my Government, and this for several reasons, among which
not the least is that it brings for the first time the official information that the warlike preparations described by you were caused by and intended for the diplomatic
and military representatives of the United States.
Your communications on this subject, being official in character, become a part of
the permanent records of this legation, and are required to be transmitted to the
Government at Washington.
In view of these fiacts, and in the confident belief that upon fuller consideration
you would realize the great injustice of your statements, I wrote you a brief note,
which was delivered at your residence on the night of Friday, December 29, expressing the hope that your letter of the 27th instant was intended as a withdrawal of your
first communication, and Atating that if such was the case I would "for the best
interests of all suggest that the whole correspondence on the subject be withdrawn,
with the understanding that the original letters be returned to their authors and
that no copies be given to the public or made a record by either Government."
Having received no reply to this note, I took occasion last night (December 31) to,explain in an informal way to one of your ministers (Mr. Damon) that my note to
you was prompted by no improper or unfriendly spirit, but was intended to continue
the amicable relations heretofore existing.




2078                        HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.
There was in your letter of December 29 no withdrawal or modification of the
statements and charges complained of, but on the contrary an expression of " readiness," implying ability, to furnish the "specifications requested."
I am just in receipt of your letter (which bears no signature) of this date, in reply
to my last note, in which you say: "It is not my intention to withdraw any of my
letters, but merely to inform you that the arrival of newspaper copies of the special
message of the President of the United States on the Hawaiian matter made it
unnecessary for me to press you for further answer to my question."
Accepting the above as your decision, I have now to ask that you furnish me, at
your earliest convenience, with the desired specifications, as I wish to make imme.
diate answer.
With renewed assurances, etc.,
ALBERT S. WILLIS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, United States of Ameriac




House Ex. Doc. No. 79, Fifty-third Congress, second session.


MESSAGE
FROM THr
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
TRANSMITTING
Additional correspondence relating to the Hawaiian Islands.
JANUARY 22, 1894.-Referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs and ordered to
be printed.
The Congress:
I transmit herewith copies of dispatches received from our minister
to Hawaii after the arrival of those, copies of which accompanied my
message of the 20th instant.
I also inclose for the information of the Congress copies of reports
and a copy of an order just received by the Secretary of the Navy from
Rear-Admiral Irwin, commanding our naval forces at Honolulu.
GRROVER CLEVELAND.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
January 22, 1894.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
No. 21.]                           HONOLULU, January 4, 1894.
Transmits contingent expense account of the legation.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
No. 22.]                LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
*                   Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 6, 1894.
SIR: I have the honor to call your attention to the following changes
in the Provisional Government: Hon. F. M. Hatch resigned yesterday the office of vice-president, assigning as reason that he was "under
the necessity of going beyond the limits of the country." Hon. W. C.
Wilder, of the advisory council, was elected to fill the vacancy.
2079




2080


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


An act was brought before the executive and advisory council "separating the office of minister of foreign affairs from that of the office of
president," and providing "that hereafter the department of foreign
affairs shall be presided over by an officer called the minister of foreign
affairs, who shall be chosen by the executive and advisory councils of
the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands. The minister of
foreign affairs so chosen shall be a member of the executive council of
the Government." This act was referred to the judiciary committee,
but it was understood to be the unanimous judgment of the councils
and that Mr. Hatch will be elected to the position. At present the
duties of the minister of foreign affairs are discharged by the president,
Mr. Dole. The executive committee now consists of four persons. By
the above act it will be increased to five.
With assurances, etc.,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
No. 23.]                               HONOLULU, January 6, 1894.
Transmits minister's monthly salary account.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
No. 24.]                  LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 6, 1894.
SIR: I send herewith the petition of the" Hui Aloha Aina" (Hawaiian
Patriotic League), an association which claims to represent over 8,000
legal voters. The petition was brought here last night by Hon. J. A.
Cunmmins, the honorary president of the association, and Mr. A. Marques, a member of its " executive council," who stated that they were a
committee for that purpose.
With high regard, etc.,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
[Original.]
Petition of the Hawaiian Patriotic League to President Cleveland.
To His8 Excellency Grover Cleveland, President of the United States of America:
SIR: The Hawaiian people are moved with the deepest concern in view of the
delayed and uncertain conditions of affairs in Hawaii, and also of the active hostility
that seems to have suddenly developed in the United States against the policy of
Your Excellency and the American administration regarding our unhappy little
counury and the just restoration of our national monarchy. We have noted with
anxiety and sorrow the apparent success which a campaign of malign falsehoods
has had in the American press to embarrass the administration at Washington, and
we reproach the newspapers of America for their unchivalrous and untruthful abuse
of our Queen, who, only a year ago, was in the acknowledged lead of the Christian
work in Hawaii and the gracious patron of the sycophantic church society that now
maligns her. Therefore, in the event of the Hawaiian question having to be discussed before the American Congress, the Hawaiian people have thought it timely
to come out of their past reserve and to assert their views, as against those of the
Provisional Government, who falsely assume to represent the whole nation.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                          2081
To this effect, the officers and members of the Hui Aloha Aina (Hawaiian Patriotic
League), an association numbering over 8,000 legal voters, created for the purpose
of preserving the autonomy of the country under the native Monarchy, have prepared for such use as your Excellency may deem proper the present memorial, for
the public ratification of which they can confidently vouch, had the association
been permitted to hold public meetings for that purpose, in Honolulu and the other
districts.
In this document we aim principally at making patent what the people at large,
have suffered and lost since the assumption of the so-called Provisional Government.
MEMORIAL.
Last January, a political crime was committed, not only against the legitimate
Sovereign of the Hawaiian Kingdom, but also against the whole Hawaiian nation, a
nation who, for the past sixty years, had enjoyed free and happy constitutional selfgovernment. This was done by a coup de main of U. S. Minister Stevens, in collusion
with a cabal of conspirators, mainly faithless sons of missionaries and local politicians angered by continuous political defeat, who, as a revenge for being a hopeless
minority in the country, resolved to "rule or ruin" through foreign help.
The facts of this "revolution," as it is improperly called, are now a matter of history. Under the false pretense of protecting American interests, which were in no
way endangered, troops were landed regardless of international rights from the U.
S. S. Boston on the afternoon of January 16, 1893, and so placed as to intimidate the
Queen and interfere with the forces at her command, which were ample to quell any
domestic disturbance. At about 3 o'clock p. m. on the next day, the 17th of January, a mob of a dozen aliens, principally Germans of a desperate character, paid by
the conspirators, invaded the Government building, which was virtually commanded by the United States troops. They then went through the farce of proclaiming the Provisional Government, which Minister Stevens hastened to recognize and
support before they had obtained possession of any of the other public buildings,
all strongly occupied by the armed police and the Queen's guard. The Queen and
her Government, realizing the situation, but unwilling to make war with the United
States forces and to occasion useless bloodshed of innocent Hawaiian subjects,
yielded under protest to the superior force and moral power of the United States.
And while waiting for the result of this appeal, with full confidence in the American
honor, the Queen requested all her loyal subjects to remain absolutely quiet and
passive, and to submit with patience to all the insults that have been since heaped
upon both the Queen and the people by the usurping Government.
The necessity of this attitude of absolute inactivity on the part of the Hawaiian
people was further indorsed and emphasized by Commissioner Blount, so that, if the
Hawaiians have held their peace in a manner that will vindicate their character as
law-abiding citizens, yet it can not and must not be construed as evidence that they
are apathetic or indifferent, or ready to acquiesce in the wrong and bow to the
usurpers. No; the traditional virtue of the aborigines is respect and obedience to
their rulers, and it has been fully tested in the present crisis; and when the
Hawaiian Patriotic League, whose representatives the present memorialists are,
formed its enthusiastic branches all over the islands, the first watchword was to
maintain a dignified peace pending the arbitrament of the United States. Had it
not been for this request of our Sovereign, there would doubtless have been a tremendous uprising throughout the islands to crush the usurpers, but it would have
been a sad tale of blood and destruction, which, from the first, it was sought to
avoid if possible.
The advent of Mr. Blount as a special commissioner was hailed with satisfaction
by both contending factions. His course in Hawaii was marked by a dignity, courtesy, and discretion that was highly creditable to his country, and gained for him
at the time the respect and confidence of all classes. His report to the President
has been characterized by the greatest impartiality and absolute respect for truth,
so that this Patriotic League have fully indorsed it and can solemnly testify to its
veracity and reliability.
The letter of Secretary Gresham to the President and the instructions to Minister
Willis to request the Provisional Government to relinquish its power to our legitimate Sovereign have created a deep feeling of gratitude in the minds and hearts of
the Hawaiian people, and a still more profound respect for the American Government, who now appears to be acting with the same spirit of justice and friendship
that has always characterized its actions in the past toward this little nation. And
the policy therein outlined, though quite expected, has caused us to honor and
respect Your Excellency as a distinguished, firm, and just ruler, worthy of a great
people.
But, in the meantime, a number of the American people, deceived by the most
astounding and unblushing falsehoods disseminated through the States by the papers
S. Rep. 227      131




2082                       HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
supporting the plotters, do not realize the wrongs and sufferings that the true people
of these islands have undergone for the past eleven months under the shield of American prestige. In fact, it ought to be understood that the people have suffered ever
more than the Sovereign. The Queen was simply deprived of her throne, power,
and revenues, while, under the pretense of obtaining American liberty, the people
have lost their dearest liberties and civil rights, many their livelihood, and were on
the eve of losing even their nationality, their country having been offei ed without
their assent as a barter by the filibusterers who owe their power to Minister Stevens.
The Provisional Government, its leaders, and their defenders claim abroad to represent the Hawaiian nation. This we most emphatically deny; they represent only a
clique bent upon oppressing the masses, they are only a fractional portion of the
population, wealth, intelligence, and civilization of Hawaii, and even a fraction only
of the American colony, and the fact of there being among the usurpers some men of
intelligence and capital makes their conduct only more odious, because in direct
violation of those American principles for which Americans have repeatedly shed
their blood, viz, the government of the people, by the people, and for the people, and
the rule of the majority. The presence of men of intelligence and capital among the
usurpers only shows that even in those classes there can be found depraved men
and moral criminals. We assert that any trial at the ballot box would show that
the native Hawaiians and the rapidly increasing class of halfwhites, both claiming to
be the equal in intelligence of any electorate in the United States, are virtually, as a unit, "Royalists" and opposed politically to the P. G. and its
self-appointed dictators; moreover, fully one-half of the foreign merchants, capitalists, planters, and mechanics are also opposed to the same and are avowed sympathizers of the monarchy. And we solemnly declare that unless crushed by force, as
old Poland was, the Hawaiian people will never be conciliated to the present misrule. This the P. G. so well know that they have persistently refused to
have their tenure of power legalized and ratified by public vote, even on
a restricted basis of property qualification; and ever since Mr. Stevens's coup de main
to maintain themselves in power they have depended, as proved by their military
display, not on the sympathies, confidence, and good will of the people, but on the
force'of alien bayonets and of Draconian laws. How can they have the insolence to
call themselves "the people" when they exist solely as a military despotism and
oligarchy, which defies all public opinion and constitutional ideas? They are common pirates, and cling to their ill-gotten power as freebooters.
Furthermore, the Provisional Government now claim their right (through might)
to perpetuate themselves, to declare themselves permanent without any reference to
the people or to the taxpayers, although the American Government have very correctly declared that the only excuse to their existence (viz, the negotiations for
annexation to the U. S.) was at an end. This is the greatest of all the aggravations and provocations to the Hawaiians that have been accumulated against
them, on account probably of their peaceful and patient attitude. And here a short
exposg of our grievances, as resulting from our patient confidence in the justice and
honor of the American nation, will not be out of place:
(1) Through Minister Stevens's premeditated conspiracy the Hawaiian people have
been deprived of all their political rights, and the Provisional Government have
emphatically declared that no more elections would be held as long as they could
keep control of the country; thus sixty years of recognized rights are swept away
at the whim of a selfish and small minority.
(2) The legal constitution having been virtually abrogated, as declared by judicial
decisions, the inhabitants of Hawaii now really live under the arbitrary sufferance
ofthe Provisional Government and under the laws which an irresponsible "advisory
council,"' recruited between themselves, chose to enact or to cancel to satisfy the
prejudices and whims of their little clique, and it is only the fear of the foreign
representatives that deters them from absolute star-chamber rule.
(3) The people have lost all confidence in the administration of justice, as the
supreme bench-formerly the model of integrity and the pride of the country-as
well as all the lower courts, have been filled by adventurers with no other claim
than partizanship, whereby crimes are conveniently condoned when committed by
followers or sympathizers of the P. G., while honest citizens known to be Royalists, have been harshly treated or denied justice and satisfaction.
(4) The public funds have been outrageously squandered for the maintenance of
an unnecessary large army, fed in luxury, and composed entirely of aliens, mainly
recruited from the most disreputable classes of San Francisco. To face the expenditures of this force and( the arms that have been imported by thousands, nearly all
the public works have been suspended; and yet in presence of the country's impending bankruptcy, the taxes (which have already been largely increased) will have to
be doubled or more.
(5) All the natives and the foreign Royalists have been disarmed, while arms have
been distributed wholesale to all aliens who profess sympathy to the P. G. and




HAWAIIAN    ISLANDS.                       2083
principally to the Portuguese element, who form a large but ignorant and vicious
part of our population; and this alone constitutes a permanent menace to the
security and peace of the community.
(6) Several clubs and leagues, composed mostly of Germans, Portuguese, and
Scandinavians, with really very few American citizens, have been called into existence for the support of the revolutionary government, and these organizations,
with socialistic tendencies, have become an uncontrollable power, this fact being
recognized and admitted by the executive council, who are intimidated -by their
clamors for the dismissal from public service of all Hawaiian or Hawaiian born
subjects, to be replaced by the newly arrived adventurers, at their nomination.
(7) These clubs and their organs have repeatedly threatened murder, violence,
and deportation against all those not in sympathy with the present state of things,
and the police being in their control, intimidation is a common weapon, under various forms, even that of nocturnal searches in the residences of peaceful citizens, so
that, were it not for the presence in port of foreign men-of-war, the population
would be living under a hopeless reign of terror.
(8) The situation may be summed up by saying that never before in these islands,
under what our filibusterers are pleased to refer to as the rule of heathenism,
have we had such an unruly, despotic, unrepresentative, and squandering government, whose chief supporters are from the disorderly and adventurous foreign
element, not from the natural inhabitants with families and property. And never
before have the lives and peace of inoffensive citizens been so jeopardized, all of
this under the pretense of American peace and civilization!!!
The above is but a faint outline of what the Hawaiian have suffered and are now
suffering under the regime imposed on them by the alleged Christians of Mr. Stevens's
following. And while the Hawaiians, disarmed by American intervention, have
been patiently and peacefully waiting the judgment of your administration, the
Provisional Government, actually under American protection, have diligently em.
ployed the long delay and used the people's money in fortifying themselves. They
have grown desperate, so that when the arbitration of the United States is decided
against them, those very men who appealed to America and claimed American citizenship for the furtherance of their selfish ends, turn around ready with their alien
soldiers imported for the purpose to fight against their own Government and the
soldiers of their nation. These unholy "patriots" are ready and willing to commit,
against their own country, the crimes of rebellion and high treason, all the more
heinous in this case, since the Hawaiians, who might have some right to fight in
their own country for their own independence, have always declared their unchangeable resolution not to lift an aggressive hand against the great nation which, in the
past, has so befriended Hawaii, and their readiness to abide by its decision, be that
what it may.
Will it now appear a wonder that the Provisional Government have rendered
themselves odious to all classes except their immediate supporters 
We shall not dwell on the fact that the Provisional Government have never been
a legally constituted administration, but merely a temporary de facto police organization to preserve the peace pending the action of the United States; their power
could only come from the people, who have not been consulted, because a public
meeting of less than 1,000 foreigners, mostly nonvoters, out of a total voting
population of 13,000 and a total number of inhabitants of 92,000 can not be said to
constitute the nation.
Yet we hear that the principal objection raised, by otherwise well-meaning Americans, against your excellency's policy of doing justice to our cause is the apparent
inconsistency of a republican form of government restoring a monarchy. But we
claim that our case is really a question of right and equity, and not one of a form of
government; it is the matter of a peaceful monarchy, friendly to the United States,
invaded by the hostile forces of that Republic to assist a revolutionary junta who
verily intended to use America only as a convenient cat's-paw for their personal
interests.
The principle of monarchical government may be distasteful to the radical democracy of America. But it is the chosen and preferred form of the Hawaiian people,
under which, with its constitutional limitations, they and the foreign settlers have
prospered and enjoyed, equally as well as any Republic, all the advantages and
democratic privileges of popular government. Why should the Americans in Hawaii,
who constitute only the small portion of 2*14 per cent of our population, or the
people in America, 2,000 miles away, object to a monarchical form of government in
Hawaii, popular with the great majority of the population who have here their
only home and country?
Therefore the Hawaiians, as a nation, appeal for justice and redress to the impartiality of the American nation, in whose honor, integrity, and love of fair play we
have so long and so patiently trusted. As peaceful and law-abiding citizens, ever
ready to submit to the constitutional rule of the majority, duly expressed through




2084


HAWAIIAN ISLAND&.


an untrammeled ballot box, we ask thati the place of the present temporary
cusurpers who are hostile to the native race, our own government, in the person of,Queen Liliuokialani, be restored to us, with a new constitution more equitable to.us than the one that was wrested from the late King Kala'kaua in 1887 through
-force of arms.
To this effect we now pray the God of a common faith, that, right, justice, and
honor prevailing, Hawaii, our home and country, be allowed again to enjoy the
blessings of the independent autonomy and constitutional regime which were so
infamously subverted on the 17th day of January last; and we also earnestly pray
tbat the Almighty may grant all His blessings on yourself, Mr. President, and on the,noble Americau nation.
And your memorialists, Mr. President, have the honor to be, of your excellency,
most hiumble and obedient servanuts,
J. A. CummiNs,
Honorary President.
JosEvn riNAWAHI,
President.
J~o. E. Busii,
Vice-President.
JOHN LOT KATJLUKOU,
Vice-President.
J. K. KAUNUMANO,
'Vice-President.
J. W. BIPIKANE,
Vice-President.
JAS. K. KAULIA,
Secretary.
ENoci-r JOHNSON,
Treasurer.
JNO. UAHIAi KANEAKUA,
Executive Councilor.
D. W. PUA,
Executive Councilor.
J. K. MERSEBURG,
Executive Councilor.
W. H. RICKARD,
Executive Councilor.
JOHN Ross,
Executive Councilor.
JOHN K. PRENDERGAST,
Executive Councilor.
ABRAHAM K. PAL-EKALUHII,
Executive Councilor.
J. KAHEAHIAWAL,
Executive Councilor.
A. MARQUES,
Executive Councilor.
W. T. SEWARD,
Executive Councilor.
HowoLUWu, this 27th day of December, 1893.
PACIFIC STATION, OFFICE OF THE
COMMANDER IN CHIEF, U. S. NAVAL FoRcE,,
U-. S. F. S. PHILADELPHIA,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 2, 1894.
Sm: I have the honor to submit the following report in regard to
the situation since the departure of the Corwin on the 24th ul-timo.
The military preparations for defense continue to be made by the
Provisional Government and the excitement is unabated.
The newspapers assume that I, as the military representative of the
U. S. Government, in tend to use force to restore the Queen, at the, sanme
time they quote me 4s saying that Ii would not obey any order which I




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  2085
considered unlawful, also that the officers and men under my command
had assumed the same attitude.
These sensational reports are intended to influence public opinion
in the United States and are entirely without foundation. Since my
arrival I have carefully avoided all expression of opinion except in
conference with the U. S. minister, and have ordered all my command
to pursue a similar course. I may further add that Mr. Willis has
never given me the slightest hint that there was ever any intention
on the part of the U. S. Government to use force in order to restore the
Queen. My own orders to preserve strict neutrality have been implicitly obeyed.
It has been asserted quite often that we were prepared to land, which
is true, but our motives were intentionally misconstrued, as Mr. Willis
stated openly, and his statement was published that we would land
solely for the purpose of suppressing riot, and to protect the lives and
property of the defenseless.
Were it not for the course of the newspapers in their endeavor to
influence public opinion in the United States, no uneasiness would be
felt, and business would go on as usual. I do not believe that ordinary
business is seriously affected, as is reported, but no new enterprises will
be undertaken until there is some settled government.
The commanding officers of the Japanese cruiser Naniwa Kan and
the British cruiser Champion called on me to arrange for landing a force
to protect the lives and property of their countrymen in case there
should be any serious riot. They offered to cooperate with me and to
place their landing parties where, in my opinion, they would do the
most good.
Now, as the general public in Honolulu is fully aware of the above
fact, and have no longer any apprehension of any riot, and, as the
perusal of the President's message has convinced every one that no
force would be used to change the Government, it is criminal for any
one to make the misstatements referyed to.
Foreign influence, inimical to the interests of the United States, is
secretly at work here, as it is wherever we have any trade interests,
and that influence will account for many of the misstatements in the
papers.
I forward files of newspapers covering the period since last mail.
The health of the crews of the vessels here remains good.
Very respectfully, jour obedient servant,
JOHN IRWIN,
Rear Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Xaval Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. (.
PACIFIC STATION,
OFFICE COMMANDER IN CHIEF U. S. NAVAL FORCE,
U. S. FLAGSHIP PHILADELPHIA,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 3, 1894.
SIR: I have the honor to call the attention of the Department to the
admirable discretion exercised by the officers and men of this squadron under the most trying circumstances.




2086                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Notwithstanding the great parade of preparations for war nft one
case of misconduct on shore has occurred, and this evidence of perfect
discipline has been very favorably commented upon by disinterested
parties ashore and afloat.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN IRWIN,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. 0.
GENERAL ORDER, I                    PACIFIC STATION,
No. 2.      '              FLAGSHIP PHILADELPHIA,
Hqonolulu. Hawaiian Islands, November 29, 1893.
The commander in chief calls the attention of all under his command
to the manifest impropriety of taking sides with either political party
in Hawaii.
The expression of political opinion or the wearing of badges is
strictly forbidden.
JOHN IRWIN,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force on Pacific Station.




House Ex. Doe. No. 70, Fifty-third Congress, second session.


MESSAGE
X                         FROM THE
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
TRANSMITTING
Certain further information relating to the Hawaiian Islands.
JANUARY 13, 1894.-Referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs and ordered to
be printed.
To the Congress:
I transmit herewith copies of all dispatches from our minister at
Hawaii relating in any way to political affairs in that country, except
such as have been heretofore laid before the Congress.
I also transmit a copy of the last instructions sent to our minister,
dated January 12, 1894, being the only instructions to him not already
sent to the Congress.
In transmitting certain correspondence with my message, dated
December 18, 1893, I withheld a dispatch from our present minister,
numbered 3, and dated November 16, 1893, and also a dispatch from our
former minister, numbered 70, and dated October 8, 1892. Inasmuch as
the contents of the dispatch of November 16, 1893, are referred to in the
dispatches of a more recent date now sent to Congress, and inasmuch
as there seems no longer to be sufficient reason for withholding said
dispatch, a copy of the same is herewith submitted. The dispatch,
numbered 70, and dated October 8, 1892, above referred to, is still withheld for the reason that such a course still appears to be justifiable and
proper.
GROVER CLEVELAND.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, January 13, 1894.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
No. 3.]                LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, November 16, 1893.
SIR: In the forenoon of Monday the 13th instant, by prearragement,
the Queen, accompanied by the royal chamberlain, Mr. Robertson,
called at the legation. No one was present at the half-hour interview
which followed, her chamberlain having been taken to another room
and Consul-General Mills, who had invited her to come, remaining in
the front of the house to prevent interruption.
2087




2088                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
After a formal greeting, the Queen was informed that the President
of the United States had important communications to make to her and
she was asked whether she was willing to receive them alone and in
confidence, assuring her that this was for her own interest and safety.
She answered in the affirmative.
I then made known to her the President's sincere regret that, through
the unauthorized intervention of the United States, she had been
obliged to surrender her sovereignty, and his hope that, with her consent and cooperation, the wrong done to her and to her people might
be redressed. To this, she bowed her acknowledgments.
I then said to her, " The President expects and believes that when
reinstated you will show forgiveness and magnanimity; that you will
wish to be the Queen of all the people, both native and foreign born;
that you will make haste to secure their love and loyalty and to establish peace, friendship, and good government." To this she made no
reply. After -waiting a moment, I continued: " The President not only
tenders you his sympathy but wishes to help you. Before fully making
known to you his purposes, I desire to know whether you are willing
to answer certain questions which it is my duty to ask I" She
answered, " I am willing." I then asked her, " Should you be restored
to the throne, would you grant full amnesty as to life and property to all
those persons who have been or who are now in the Provisional Government, or who have been instrumental in the overthrow of your government." She hesitated a moment and then slowly and calmly answered:
"There are certain laws of my Government by which I shall abide.
My decision would be, as the law directs, that such persons should be
beheaded and their property confiscated to the Government." I then
said, repeating very distinctly hler words, "It is your feeling that these
people should be beheaded and their property confiscated?" She
replied, "It is." I then said to her, " Do you fully understand the
meaning of every word which I have said to you, and of every word
which you have said to me, and, if so, do you still have the same opinion?" Her answer was,;" I have understood and mean all I have said,
but I might leave the decision of this to my ministers." To this I
replied, "Suppose it was necessary to make a decision before you
appointed any ministers, and that you were asked to issue a royal
proclamation of general amnesty, would you do it?" She answered,
"I have no legal right to do that, and I would not do it." Pausing a
moment she continued, "4 These people were the cause of the revolution
and constitution of 1887. There will never be any peace while they
are here. They must be sent out of the country, or punished, and
their property confiscated." I then said, "I have no further communication to make to you now, and will have none until I hear from my
Government, which will probably be three or four weeks."
Nothing was said for several minutes, when I asked her whether she
was willing to give me the names of four of her most trusted friends,
as I might, within a day or two, consider it my duty to hold a consultation with them in her presence. She assented, and gave these names:
J. 0. Carter, John Richardson, Joseph Nawahi, and E. C. Macfarlane.
I then inquired whether she had any fears for her safety at her present residence, Washington Square. She replied that she did have
some fears, that while she had trusty friends that guarded her house
every night, they were armed only with clubs, and that men shabbily
dressed had been often seen prowling about the adjoining premisesa. schoolhouse with large yard. I informed her that I was authorized
by the President to offer her protection either on one of our war ships




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2089


or at the legation and desired her to accept the offer at once. She
declined, saying she believed it was best for her at present to remain
at her own residence. I then said to her that at any moment, night or
day, this offer of our Government was open to her acceptance.
The interview thereupon, after some personal remarks, was brought
to a close.
Upon reflection, I concluded not to hold any consultation at present
with the Queen's friends, as they have no official position, and furthermore, because I feared, if known to so many, her declarations might
become public, to her great detriment, if not danger, and to the interruption of the plans of our Government.
Mr. J. 0. Carter is a brother of Mr. H. A. P. Carter, the former
Hawaiian minister to the United States, and is conceded to be a
man of high character, integrity, and intelligence. He is about 55
years old. He has had no public experience. Mr. Macfarlane, like Mr.
Carter, is of white parentage, is an unmarried man, about 42 years old,
and is engaged in the commission business. John Richardson is a young
man of about 35 years old. He is a cousin of Samuel Parker, the halfcaste, who was a member of the Queen's cabinet at the time of the last
revolution. He is a resident of Maui, being designated in the directory
of 1889 as "attorney at law, stock-raiser, and proprietor Bismark
livery stable." Richardson is "half-caste." Joseph Nawaki is a fullblooded native, practices law (as he told me) in the native courts, and
has a moderate English education. He has served twenty years in the
legislature, but displays very little knowledge of the structure and
philosophy of the Government which he so long represented. He is 51
years old, and is president of the native Hawaiian political club.
Upon being asked to name three of the most prominent native
leaders, he gave the names of John E. Bush, R. W. Wilcox, and modestly added, a I am a leader." John E. Bush is a man of considerable
ability, but his reputation is very bad. R. W. Wilcox is the notorious
half-breed who engineered the revolution of 1889. Of all these men
Carter and Macfarlane are the only two to whom the ministerial bureaus
could be safely entrusted. In conversation with Sam Parker, and also
with Joseph Nawahi, it was plainly evident that the Queen's implied
condemnation of the constitution of 1887 was fully indorsed by them.
From these and other facts which have been developed I feel satisfied
that there will be a concerted movement in the event of restoration for
the overthrow of that constitution which would mean the overthrow of
constitutional and limited government and the absolute dominion of
the Queen.
The law referred to by the Queen is Chapter Vi, section 9 of the Penal
Code, as follows:
Whoever shall commit the crime of treason shall suffer the punishment of death'
and all his property shall be confiscated to the Government.
There are, under this law, no degrees of treason. Plotting alone car
ries with it the death sentence.
I need hardly add, in conclusion, that the tension of feeling is so
great that the promptest action is necessary to prevent disastrous consequences,
I send a cipher telegram asking that Mr. Blount's report be withheld for the present, and I send with it a telegram, not in cipher, as fol
lows:
Views of the first party so extreme as to require further instructions.


I am, etc.


ALBERT S. WILLIS.




2090                     HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
No. 6.]                     LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, November 19, 1893.
SiR: 1] will be remembered that in connection with the presentation
on the 19th of July, 1893, of a cane to Mr. Claus Spreckels, there was
an unwarrantable use of the name of Hon. James H. Blount, late envoy
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary at Honolulu.
On yesterday, November 18, Hon. Sanford B. Dole, minister of
foreign affairs, transmitted a letter dated July 24, 1893, addressed by
him to Mr. Charles Crighton, calling his (Crighton's) attention to the
improper and unauthorized use of Mr. Blount's name and asking an
apology therefor. He also inclosed Mr. Crighton's answer to the effect
that Mr. Blounthad no rnowledge of the preparation of the said cane nor of the presentation
thereof to Col. Spreckels, and it was not the intention of the donors of the same to
intimate in any way that he (Mr. Blount) was interested or in any way concerned
in or cognizant of the said presentation.
I tan further assure your excellency, continues Mr. Crighton, that if Mr. Blount
deems that any act of discourtesy to him has been committed that nothing was furtiler from our intentions, and at the time we had no idea that such an inference
could be drawn from the occurrence, more than could be drawn from Mr. Johnston's
list.
I will file these letters in the Department and presume that the matter will end here.
With high regard, etc.,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
No. 7 ]                    LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, December 1, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to inclose herewith a printed statement presented by Hon. S. M. Damon, minister of finance, showing the financial condition of the Provisional Government for week ending November 29, 1893.
With high regard, etc.,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
(Inclosure.]
TUESDAY, November ~3.
The executive and advisory councils met at 1:30 this afternoon, President Dole in
the chair. The members present were: Ministers King, Damon, and Smith, and
Councilors Hatch, Ena, Brown, Waterhouse, Emmeluth, Tenney, Wilder, Young,
Allen Morgan, and Mendonca. Minister of Finance Damon then presented his
weekly report, as follows:
Finance statement for week ending November 23, 1893.
Current account balance..............................  $136, 481.84
Loan fund account balance................................  368.89
Total treasury balance....................................  $136,850.73




HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.
Finance statement for week ending November 23,1893-Continued.
RECEIPTS.


2091


Interior department....................................    $2, 988.00
Customs..................................................      7,274.25
Fines, penalties, and costs.................................        36. 70
Revenue stamps.........................................           336.50
W ater....................................................         375.00
Post-office..............................................         600.00
Taxes....................................................  2,452.80
Crown lands.............................................   850.00
$14,913.25
151, 763.98
EXPENDITURES.


Finance department, salaries, incidentals, etc...     $74.25
Interest. —.............................................  3, 583.00
Attorney-general's department...............-...........      50.00
Road tax-to special deposit..............................   256.00
School tax-to special deposit............................     258.00
Current account balance.................................. 147,173.84
Loan fund account balance...............................  368.89


$4, 221.25


Total treasury balance above date...................................    147, 542.73
151, 763. 98
Outstanding bonds......................................... 2,653,200.00
Treasury notes......................................................   10,000.00
Due postal savings bank and Postmaster-General's notes..............      705, 416.95
3,398,616.95
Less loan fund balance.................................       368.89
Net indebtedness................................. 3,398,248.06
Postal Savings Bank memorandum.


Notices this date of withdrawals maturing in November and December,
1893, and January and February, 1894..............................
Cash on hand, Postal Savings Bank this day.........................


$31,474.00
29,381.15


Expenses Provisional Government memorandum.
Expenses Provisional Government this date.......................... $159, 954.21
This amount covers all expenses, including military and items not appropriated
by the last legislature.
Memorandum cash in treasury outstanding.


Certificates........................................................
Certificates, withdrawn from circulation, and deposited for safe-keeping
Cash in treasury to redeem certificates.......................
Certificates in treasury to redeem certificates........................
Cash in treasury to redeem certificates..............................
Cash on hand, Postal Savings Bank.................................
Road board fund in treasury........................................
School board fund in treasury.......................................
Available cash, as above...................................*..


$284, 000. 00
28,000.00
284, 000.00
284,000.00
284, 000.00
29,381.15
51, 624.03
38,143.48
147, 542.73
266, 691. 39


-


This was received and placed on file.




2092


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
[Confidential.]
NO. 8.]                LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, December 5, 1893.
SIR.: On November 24 the British war ship Champion arrived, Capt.
Rooke commanding. He has about 250 men. On reaching here a
telegraphic order was handed him, which will detain him until the
difficulties here are settled.
On Saturday, December 2, the Japanese cruiser Naniwa Kau, Capt.
Mosi commanding, arrived. She will also remain here until a settlement.
On Friday, November 24, your letter appeared in the Honolulu papers
and created a great sensation. Crowds were gathered at all points
on the streets discussing the news, but, although the excitement was so
intense, I am glad to report that there was not a single breach of the
peace. A public meeting was called, for the following night, of all
friends of the Provisional Government. The meeting was held, the
annexation papers stating that there were 1,600 present and the royalist papers putting the number at between 700 and 800. The speak.
ers were Mr. Hatch, vice-president of the Provisional Government; Z.
S. Spaulding, a large sugar-planter, who was, many years ago, U. S. consul here; Mr. W. R. Castle, a member of the advisory council; Hon.
A. F. Judd, chief justice of the supreme court, and Mr. W. G. Smith.
Mr. Smith is the editor of the Hawaiian Star, which holds very advanced
views upon annexation and other political questions. I inclose an
account of the meeting from the Hawaiian Gazette. The meeting
quietly dispersed at 8:30 and there was no disorder of any kind.
On yesterday a protest against the use of force by the United States
against their persons or property was presented to me by several
gentlemen who, like the other 146 signers, still claim allegiance to our
Government. One of the gentlemen, the secretary of the American
League, claims to represent 150 members of that body. I inclose a
printed copy of the protest. It may become necessary, hereafter, to
reply to this protest, as many of its signers are officially connected
with the Provisi'onal Government.
On the morning of November 29 1 received a letter from Hon. Sanford B. Dole, minister of foreign affairs, which letter I inclose, rescinding the privilege heretofore given to Admiral Skerrett, of landing
his troops for drilling purposes. On Friday morning, December 1,
I acknowledged the receipt of his letter and informed him that I had
transmitted a copy of it to Admiral Irwin for his information and
guidance.
In the afternoon of November 29 I received a second communication
from Minister Dole, inquiring as to the authenticity of your letter to
the President and the intentions of our Government in connection
therewith. I inclose a copy of Mr. Dole's letter and of my answer.
I should have stated that, on the morning when information of your
letter was received, President Dole and Attorney-General Smith called
upon me, to know what the United States intended to do. I explained
to them my inability at present to comply with their request.
Since then active preparations for defense have been going on. The
former palace, now known as the executive building, has been fortified
by bags of sand, both in front and around the various porticos. Guns
and pistols have been placed in the hands of all who are willing
to take them, whether American, foreigners, or natives, and herein
lies one of the greatest dangers. Many of those who have received




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2093


these weapons, like children with a new toy, are eager to use them;
lacking in intelligence and self-restraint and having no property interests at stake, they are liable at any moment to break into mob violence.
The Portuguese consul-general, a most intelligent and capable man,
called here last night to express his great fears that many of his people would become involved in trouble and disaster, as they had been
supplied with arms, and, against his protest, mustered into the volunteer service.
There are over 10,000 Portuguese on the islands of whom one-fourth
are in Honolulu. There are over 1,000 in this city of military age.
The nationality, however, which, in my judgment, is destined to give
most anxiety here is the Japanese, and this because of their aspiration
for suffrage. Mr. Irwin, a brother of Admiral Irwin, arrived here yesterday from Japan. He has for many years been the minister of this
country at Japan, and negotiated most of the contracts now pending.
He is here, he tells me, to protect these contracts. He reports the
Emperor of Japan as unwilling to interfere with these islands because
of the large interests of our Government. When the contract period is
over, the Emperor thinks the Japanese should be accorded the right of
suffrage, but admits the propriety of a high educational and property
qualification. As there are now 22,000 Japanese here every intelligent
observer concedes that this question of suffrage will soon be a very important one.
As to the Queen's safety I do not have any fear at present. There
is a telephone in my sleeping room and I have authorized her people to
call me up at any hour of the night or day. She also has the privilege,
as stated in previous dispatches, of coming here or of going on one of
our war vessels.
Aside from my communication with her, in regard to her safety, I
have had nothing to say to the Queen or to her representatives since
the interview reported in dispatch No. 3 of November 14. There have
been various newspaper hints as to the fact of the interview, but none
as to the subject-matter thereof. I have made further inquiries as to
the Queen's understanding of the English tongue, and find that she is
perfectly familiar with it, having been a classmate of Chief-Justice
Judd and other prominent citizens.
I received your cipher telegram. My telegram to you was purposely
indefinite and obscure, for reasons which you doubtless now understand. I send a cipher telegram to-day by the steamer Oceanic covering
several of the points above set forth.
After a careful study of my instructions and of all the surroundings
I felt it to be my duty to take no further step until I heard from you
and the President.
With sentiments of profound regard, I am, etc.,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
A GREAT MEETING.
The drill shed filled with enthusiastic men.-An immense throng turns out.-The people's
voice is raised in indignant protest against Cleveland and Gresham.-Prominent men
thrill a vast audience with their patriotic utterances, and show the fallacy of restoring
monarchy.-Text of the speeches in full.
- Enthusiasm, cheers, indignation at Gresham's late action, American patriotism,
and men with their feelings strung up to the highest pitch of excitement, were the
features of Saturday evening's mass meeting. Over 1,200 men were present, and
not a dissenting voice among them; men who were not only ready and willing, but
anxious to express their sentiments on the question now so near the hearts of all
good Americans.




2094                      HAWAIIAN     ISLAND&S
An immense crowd was expected and an immense crowd came. By 7:30 o'clock
the hall was crowded and from that time till 8:30 many others came in. When the
meeting was over the surging crowd of humanity quietly melted away, each one
talking to his companion, whether friend or stranger, about the situation.
On one side of the hall a platform had been erected for the use of speakers. On
it were seated Vice-President F. M. Hatch, Col. Z. S. Spalding, W. R. Castle, Chief
Justice A. F. Judd, P. C. Jones, W. C. Wilder, and W. G. Smith.
F. M. Hatch, president of the Annexation Club, was the first speaker, and he
opened the meeting with a rousing speech. He said:
FELLOW CITIZENS: You have been invited to meet to-night to consider our present
political situation. We are confronted by the declaration of Secretary Gresham that
royalty must be restored and our Government destroyed. A kind Providence has
given us this opportunity to be heard before final action will be taken upon this
issue. At present we are proceeding merely upon the newspaper reports which have
been received here and which certainly we have a right to discuss. We do not know
what action will be taken by the President or by Congress. Certainly any action
taken by the Congress of the United States of America can not be resisted by anybody in this community. Let us not be misunderstood or misrepresented by a
hostile press; we do not meet here to-night to defy the power of the United States,
that would be absurd, gentlemen, nor to villify those at present in charge of the
Government of the United States. [Cries of "Hear! Hear!" and applause.]
But we meet with the hope that our words will be heard by Congress before action
is taken by that body. There are certain features in the letter of Mr. Gresham to
the President which show that he is proceeding upon a false assumption. Let us
hope that the distinguished Secretary has been misinformed up to this date. It is
certainly our prerogative to point out the false assumptions and to challenge them.
Now, chief among those false assumptions is the one which seems to underlie the
whole letter, that there has been submitted to the arbitration of the President of the
United States the question whether or not we had a right to establish a government in this country. Gentlemen, I challenge that assumption. [Great applause,
cheers, and cries of "you're right."] The assumption is false in every respect.
[Cheers and applause.]
Let me briefly point out why. Two parties can make a contract, but it requires the
consent of three to make a valid arbitration-that of the two parties in interest and
the arbitrator. The parties must clearly define the subject-matter of the arbitration.
It is absurd to contend that there could be any arbitration by inference or imputation. First, has there been any issue framed; has the Provisional Government submitted to the decision of anybody its right to exist? [Cries of "No!" "No! "] Not
one word or one act can be produced in support of that contention. Gentlemen,
from the nature of things, a government which started in revolution, though now
the government de jure as well as de facto, could not submit the question of the
legality of its existence to any arbitration because its right lay in its might. Having
satisfied our consciences as to the justness of our cause we depend upon our might,
and are answerable to no other power. [Applause.]
I brand as false the claim that we have put in issue the question whether or not
we were proceeding legally or not in overturning a corrupt and rotten monarchy.
[Great applause, cheers, and cries of " Hear! " " Hear! "] Second, has the President of
the United States,up to this point, pretended to have been acting in a judicial capacity?
I say his acts do not justify that assumption. An arbitrator or judge would not
interfere with the existing status of the parties. The President of the United
States immediately upon gaining his seat lowered the American flag and thereby
changed the status of the parties. [Cries of " Hear!" " Hear! '?]  That was not the
act of a j udge, gentlemen. Again, has he notified anybody that he was proceeding
with a judicial investigation? Has he given any notice that a hearing would be had
on such a date T Has he notified anybody the witnesses were being examined? Has
he given anybody an opportunity to cross-examine those witnesses or to confront
them? Has he given anybody on our side an opportunity to cross-examine those
witnesses or to confront them? Has he given anybody on our side the opportunity
to be heard? [Cries of " no, no; he never has! "]
Now, we do not need the legal knowledge of that distinguished judge, who is now
Secretary of State, to know that no arbitration could stand for a moment in law,
however insignificant the matter, which was conducted ex parte, without an opportunity to be heard; without an inspection of the evidence which has been produced,
or opportunity to cross-examine the witnesses. How was the late arbitration conducted in Paris  Did a number of gentlemen get together on the Bering Sea
question and in private decide upon that matter? Did they send a private agent off
to Bering Sea to look about and scratch the back of the seals [laughter], interview
the neighbors and make a report? [Laughter, cheers, and applause].
Gentlemen, it can hardly be contended that the Provisional Government and
we representing the supporters of that Government have submitted our right to




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         2095
exist to Col. James t. Blount, of Georgia. [Applause.] The President of the United
States had the undoubted right, so far as we were concerned, to examine into the
status here, the situation of the country, as bearing upon the question whether or
not he should continue the negotiations of union pending when he took his seat as
President. That was ostensibly the object for which Col. Blount was sent to these
shores. We insist that up to this point there has been no judicial investigation in
which both parties have been given the opportunity to be heard. [Applause.] And
again, as showing conclusively the utter absurdity of the position that this has been
an arbitration, could an arbitration of such a nature be possible when the Government of the United States had a treaty pending before it-between it and the
power which it is charged was submitting its right to exist to the decision of one
man? [Cries of "No, no!"]
We were a power de facto then; we were recognized by certain great powers of
the world, which made us a power de jure, and we were a power having treaty
relations with the United States of America. [Applause.] A treaty had been negotiated which bound the Executives of the two nations at the moment President
Cleveland took his seat. That treaty awaited ratification to make it final, but it
nevertheless was a treaty binding the Executive. Now, gentlemen, I challenge the
right of the Chief Executive of that great nation, of his own mere motion, to undo
the act of any of his predecessors. [Great applause.] Congress may do it; Congress
has the full power; but Grover Cleveland has no more right, legally or morally, to
undo the act of Benjamin Harrison than he had to undo any act of Abraham Lincoln. [Great applause and cheers.]
But waiving all those considerations, there remains this fundamental one, that no
court of arbitration would have the right to ignore the great question at issue;
that is, whether or not Liliuokalani had violated the constitution; had thrown it
to the dogs, and had put herself beyond the pale and protection of the law. To
ignore all that and decide this great issue upon the petty technicality as to whether
or not Mr. Stevens recognized the power of this community five minutes too soon
or not, was not in the power of a judge. [Great applause, and cries of "You're
right."] I repeat, there has been no submission to arbitration. Let us, therefore,
challenge all false assumptions, gentlemen, and let that challenge go on record. Let
us hold the President to the true issue, and then if the legally constituted power of
the United States, the power which has the right under the Constitution to declare
war, overpowers us, we will go down with our colors flying, and with no misrepresentation possible. Let it be known to the world that if that event takes place
it will be because the United States has exercised its power, but not its right. Let
us hope that the showing we can make will have the effect upon Congress in shaping its course, and that it will also have its effect upon the distinguished Secretary
of State and the Chief Executive of the American Nation. [Great applause.]
No. 203.
W. R. CASTLE.
W. R. Castle was the next speaker. His speech follows:
FELLOW-CITIZENS: We come here to-night to voice ourindignant protest. [Cheers,
and cries of "Hear! Hear!"] It is well, upon great occasions, for people to assemble
and express their united voice, as this meeting to-night will speak. Great occasions demand great meetings like this. The history of the world gives us many
memorable instances. The history of Hawaii has shown us that when a great occasion demanded, a public assembly was called, and the voice of that assembly has
been listened to. When the arrogance of the monarch, Kalakaua, became too great,
the mass meeting of 1887 met, and its voice was heard, and the Monarch yielded.
That monarch proved false. His successor has followed in the same footsteps.
The people have been patient; we have waited, we have hoped for better things;
but when the attempt was made to sweep our rights from under our feet, to take
away the liberties of the subject, the result was the mass meeting of January 16,
1893, and the voice of that meeting, as expressed, resulted in the downfall of the
monarchy and in the establishment of the Provisional Government. [Cheers.] The
Provisional Government, gentlemen, represents you, and no one else. [Applause.]
As it was said by one of the leading men of the United States recently, a few people
went on the ships in Boston harbor and threw some tea overboard. Had the question been submitted to the people of the colonies at that time: " Shall the colonies
separate from Great Britain " a great majority of the people of the united colonies
would have said no. They were afraid to step in the dark.
I believe the same is true here. We know that the native population of Hawaii
was afraid of what seems to them one step in the dark; but the time will come
when they will thank God that there were people willing to risk their lives, their
property, their all to establish in Hawaii true liberty. [Great applause and oheers.]




2096


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Fellow citizens, Hawaii tends towards one goal and only one; that is, union with its
mother across the water. [Great applause.]
If to-day the progress of Hawaii is arrested, is delayed, it is simply delay for a
short time. We shall go on, and the time will come, and most of us here will see
that time, when Hawaii will rest secure in the bosom of its great and good mother.
[Cries of "Hear!" cheers and applause.] In olden times there was a man whose
wisdom led him to declare that the world was round; that the world went round
the sun; that the stars revolved in their courses, and he was met by the mighty
power of the Roman Catholic Church, which declared that he was wrong. Gentlemen, did that make any difference with the facts; did that make any delay in the
revolving of the spheres? Can Secretary Gresham stop the onward progress of
Hawaii? [Cries of "Never! "  and applause.] You sent a commission to Washington
to ask that Hawaii might be admitted to the Union.
What was the response of the great heart of that people when we went there?
The people welcomed us with a thrill throughout the country from one end to the
other. [Applause.] And we went on and were welcomed in Washington. But our
enemies, of course, have been alert-they have filled the ears of the present administration in Washington with falsehood; they have stuffed the ears of Secretary
Gresham, perhaps of the President, with lies as to what is taking place here. Do
they know the facts? We are bound to believe that Secretary Gresham and the
President of the United States are trying to execute justice; are trying to do what
is right. Whether they are doing it, we know, not they. [Cries of " Hear! Hear! "
and applause.] They do not know what the facts are, but we do know, and now it
is proposed to take away from us the liberty which we have gained. [Cries of " No I
No! They never will do it."]
It is proposed to restore the tottering throne, the monarchy of Hawaii. [Cries of
"They can't do it! Never!"] Who proposedtodo that? The people of the United
Statest [Cries of "No! No! "] It is proposed by Secretary Gresham; it is proposed
by the President; but the people have spoken. What has been their voice? The
people of the United States have, with one accord, voiced our sentiments in favor of
liberty. Gentlemen, after the remarks of the president of the Annexation Club it
is perhaps unnecessary to dilate any further on the constitutionality of the proposed
proceeding of the President of the United States.
In all my reading I fail to find anywhere that the President of the United States
is authorized to begin a war, and this proposition to restore the Queen to the throne
of Hawaii, if carried out, will be an act of war. Then let us stand firm in our
right, and if such a step is taken let him be impeached before the Senate of his
country. [Cheers and applause.] Let me call your attention to just one specimen
of truthfulness in that report. Mr. Gresham tells the President that the people of
Hawaii dare not rise to overthrow the present Government, because they will meet
the armed forces of the United States. The President of the United States sent out
here his commissioner, his "paramount commissioner" [laughter], and the first
act of that commissioner was to take down the American flag. Then he stood by to
see us tumble.
Well, gentlemen, we didn't tumble worth a cent. [Laughter.] That taking down
of the flag was an invitation, and it was so understood by the people of this country,
to overturn the best government this country ever had. [Cries of "Hear, hear! " and
"It didn't do it!"] The paramount commissioner waited to see the result, and no
such result following, thereupon issued his proclamation, and again invited the
people to overthrow this Government. Was not the fact of the flag being taken
down known to Secretary Gresham? Has not the proclamation that Commissioner
Blount issued in Honolulu, inviting rebellion, inviting the overthrow of this Government, threatening the dire vengeance of the United States upon any and all Americans who assisted us-has not that been published broadcast from one end of the
United States to another? Has not Secretary Gresham read that proclamation until
he knows it by heart?
The second invitation by the commissioner of the United States to overturn the
Government failed in its object, and now the Secretary of the United States blinded,
I believe, by false information, again proposes to overturn the Government established by the people of this country. [Cries of " Never!" " He won't do it!"] He
proposes to take that position and assumes that the people of this country will not
oppose it. [Cries of " He can't do it!"]
Gentlemen, the time is coming when we will see that glorious flag, that emblem
of the truest liberty the world knows, floating over our heads-the flag of this
country. [Great applause and cheers, and a voice in the crowd shouted: "What
is the matter with putting it up there now and keeping it there?"] Gentlemen, the
people of the United States wish to hear our voice, they wish to hear what we have
to say upon this subject, and I hope that the next vessel that goes to the coast will
bear an unmistakable voice from us to-night. At the request of the president of this
association, I will now offer the following resolution. which I hope will be adopted
without one dissenting voice;




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2097


Resolution.
Resolved, That we have read with surprise and regret the recommendation of the
Secretary of State of the United States to the President, to restore the monarchy
lately existing in Hawaii.
Resolved, That we condemn the assumption of the Secretary that the right of the
Provisional Government to exist was terminated by his refusal to re-submit to the Senate the treaty of Union pending between the two countries; and also his assumption that the Provisional Government had at that very time submitted the question
of its continued existence to the arbitrament of the President or of any other power.
Resolved, That we support to the best of our ability the Provisional Government,
in resisting any attack upon it which may be made contrary to the usage of nations.
Z. S. SPALDING.
Mr. Castle was followed by Col. Z. S. Spalding, the speaker of the evening.
His remarks were interrupted many times by cheers and applause. He said:
FELLOW CITIZENS: The State Department at Washington having recently made
public some of the ancient history of these islands, in which they did me honor of
proving my being " an annexationist" as far back as 1868. [Cries of "Good boy!"
and cheers.] I feel thatI am entitledto attend thismeeting. [Cries of "Hear, hear!"]
And I also feel that it was no matter to be ashamed of at that date, when I had the
honor of being the representative of the great American Republic at these Islands, it
is still less my desire now to repudiate those sentiments or falter in my allegiance
to the doctrine so ably upheld by, and so intimately connected with the names of
Webster, Seward, and Blaine. [Great applause.]
I have great respect for the honorable gentleman who now holds the portfolio of
the State Department at Washington. He and I were two humble units in the great
mass of loyal men who helped to save the integrity of the Union in the dark days of
the civil war. [Cries of " hear, hear."] I can forgive almost any weakness in the
judgment of a man whose heart and hand were on the right side in that bloody strife,
but I confess it requires a good deal of charity to overlook the proposition that the
same spirit which in 1861 animated the defenders of that Christian civilization and
advancement, by means of which the United States have outstripped the world,
shall now take a back seat or march to the rear, and leave the work of nearly a century of devoted hearts and willing hands in the enlightenment of this people and
the improvement of this country to be destroyed by the ruthless hand of superstition
and ignorance. [Cheers and applause.]
It is not my intention to measure swords with the honorable Secretary in the discussion of facts relating to the establishment of the present Government. That it
was established and has since been maintained in the interests of the whole country
and for the purpose of giving the whole people the benefit of an honest and able
administration of its affairs is, in my opinion, beyond dispute. I publicly declare
that the newspaper statement attributed to Claus Spreckels, to the effect.that
"under the management of the Revolutionary Government business on the islands
has becomed depressed  * I*    and would have continued to diminish as long as
the Government had existed," etc., is not borne out by the facts. [Applause.]
If Mr. Spreckels's plantations have not been more remunerative during the past
year than for any year since the passage of the McKinley bill it has been on account
of the dry weather, and not from any fault of the Provisional Government. [Laughter and applause.] Mr. Jaeger is credited with saying for publication, "the Provisional Government has little to commend it. It could not long endure if left to
itself." Such statements would have little effect were the parties uttering them
known to the people who read their utterances. [Laughter.] I have lived in this
country quite as long as Mr. Jaeger, and I challenge any man to name a cabinet
during the last twenty-five years the members of which were the superiors, if indeed
the equals, of the men whfo now hold the various offices under the Provisional Government. [Cheers and applause.]
Now, why are we annexationists? I quite agree with my friend, Mr. Spreckels,
that under the conditions he names and fears my business as a sugar-planter would
not be benefited by having this country come under the laws and restrictions or
the United States regarding Chinese and other labor. [Laughter.] If I owr0ed the
whole country, and belonged to the sugar trust, I think it very likely I would not
want to be annexed. [Laughter.] But, here again, as I am only a unit, and as I
believe the future welfare of the country would be better assured by annexation, I
am willing to take my chances under the Stars and Stripes, especially as I believe
such union would prove a benefit to the country from which we on these islands
have drawn all our support. [Great applause.]
We are here this erening to consider the publication of the views of the Secretary
S. Rep. 227      132




2098


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


of State, at Was~hington, and perhaps decide the question as to whether or not we
shall give up the idea of annexation. [Cries of {" no, no, never."] If the opinion
expressed by the honorable Secretary of State could be considered as the voice of
the people of the United States, I should advise that we save our breath to cool our
porridge. But from the somewhat forcible opposition expressed by the press and
public, I am led to believe that the Secretary found the snow coming down the side
of the mountain very rapidly after his letter was made public. [Laughter and
applause.] Therefore, I am forced to give my opinion that it would be unwise and
unadvisable to give up the fight before the back countries are heard from. [Here a
voice in the crowd shouted: " Let us give up our guns hot, and cartridge belts empty."
Cheers and applause.]
Here I must beg your indulgence for a personal explanation. Secretary Gresham
says in his letter: " Mr. Blount states that while in Honolulu he did not meet a single
annexationist who expressed his willingness to submit the question to a vote of the
people; he did not talk with one on that subject who did not insist that if the islands
were annexed suffrage should be so restricted as to give a complete control to the
foreigners or whites, while representative annexationists have repeatedly made
similar statements to the undersigned." I had the honor, while in Washington, of
an interview with the honorable Secretary, and was asked by him to give my views
upon the matter quoted. My reply was, that while I did not consider it proper to
submit the terms of a treaty to the people before the treaty was made in Hawaii
any more than in the United States, I was, and am perfectly willing to say that under
the Constitution and laws of the United States, and especially under such restrictions as the representatives of the United States Government might themselves see
fit to make, I would allow every native voter with the ordinary qualifications to
vote at any and every election to be held. [Applause.]
I may not have been classed with the "representative annexationists" by the
honorable Secretary, but as I had been called upon and had given him my opinion,
I object to his wholesale denunciation of " annexationists " under the charge that they
would rob the natives of any rights natural to them under the circumstances.
[Cries of "Hear, hear!" and "Good boy!"] When the time comes for reestablishment of the right of suffrage in this country the native population may depend
upon the annexationists to demand for them the privileges of republican citizenship as fully certainly as granted through the great political party to which the
honorable Secretary belongs by the grand old State of Mississippi to its citizens.
[Laughter and applause.]
I further object to the position taken by the honorable Secretary in the assumption
of the right on the part of the President of the United States to arbitrate between
the present Government of these islands and any party whomsoever without being
specially invited to such arbitration by this Government. [Cries of " Hear!" Hear!"]
And I heartily concur with the resolution you have passed denouncing the assumption by the Secretary of State at Washingtion, if we are right in our interpretation
of the language ascribed to him, that the Provisional Government of Hawaii, or its
powers, terminated with his advice to the President-that the treaty of annexation
be net returned to the Senate. [Applause.] The Provisional Government was
created (to use the Secretary's own words) "'To exist until the terms of the union
with the United States have been negotiated and agreed upon." So far, the two
Governments have fully "negotiated" the terms of union, but no official agreement
has been reached. When either party gives notice to the other of failure to agree,
it will be, I think, time enough for the Provisional Government to decide whether
such failure is positive and complete, or only temporary, and to act as may seem
best for the interests of the people it serves. [Cries of " Hear!" Hear!" and applause. ]
At present I can not accept the opinion expressed by the honorable Secretary of
State as the decision or will.of the people of that great Republic which for nearly a
century has fostered the growth upon these islands of an American sentiment that
to-day, in its devotion to the stars and stripes, may challenge the loyalty of even
the honorable Secretary himself. [Cheers and applause.] Hawaii is the onespotin
all the world outside the strict boundaries of the United Atates where " Americanism" has grown and flourished even under the blighting influences of an effete monarchy. [Great applause.]
Do you ask how this has been accomplished? I answer, through the kindly
influences of that great Republic which has been to these islands a "creator
bounteous and benign." By the example and precepts of her missionaries she has
let in the light of Christianity where all was dark before. By the sunshine of her
favors and the rainfall of her financial benefits to us she has enabled us to change
the barren hillsides into productive fields and add largely to the food supply of
her people. [Applause.] We, in return, have oonsumed many of her products, and
there has arisen an exchange of commodities between the two countries of mutual
benefit. That this would go on under a more perfect uAion I can not doubt; not




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         2099
can I doubt that the interchange would be more generally beneficial than under the
monarchical form of government advocated by my friend and naturalized fellowcountryman, who has so strongly expressed himself against this Government.
That the good people of the United States will refuse the admission of Hawaii,
under proper regulations, and thus add another star to the galaxy which leads the
van in the advance of civilization throughout the world, I can not doubt. [Cheers.]
But we must show our right to march in that front rank of civilization, and therefore it behooves us to guard well the structure that has been established, and not to
allow its fair fame to be sullied by acts unworthy of the cause in which it was
raised. [Cheers and applause.] We believe that the present Government represents the best elements of this country. Let us so show it to the world. [Great
applause.]
Mr. HATCH. Gentlemen, I believe that no opportunity should be lost to reiterate
the announcement that we have no quarrel with the Hawaiian people, our quarrel is
with the Hawaiian monarchy. In this connection I will introduce Chief Justice
Judd.
CHIEF-JUSTICE JUDD.
Chief-Justice A. F. Judd followed with the following:
FELLOW CITIZENS: I am glad to be with you this evening. [Cries of "Hear!"
Hear? "] During the last twenty years I have attended but one political meeting
before this to-night, and that was in the old Bethel, in 1881. I took a back seat
at that time when a few citizens assembled together there to protest against the
appointment of Celso Caesar Moreno as minister of foreign affairs of this then kingdom. [Applause.] I come before you and wish to say something because I am a
Hawaiian. My father came to this country in 1828. I was born here and received
the larger part of my education here. I am a Hawaiian by birth, but an American
in blood. [Cries of "Hear!" " Hear!" and applause.] My ancestors date back to
1634, when the first Judd came from England and settled in America. I am proud
of that ancestry, and I am proud of the fact that I was born in this country. I love
this country. It is my country, and it is the "garden of the gods." [Applause.]
My father devoted his life to this country and I have, thus far, conscientiously to
the best interests of the Hawaiian people. [Cries of "Hear!" "Hear! "] And I
challenge anyone to say that any act of mine has been knowingly done against the
best interests of this country. [Applause.] And if the Queen, the classmate and
friend of my early years, had listened to the advice of the justices of the supreme
court she would not be where she is over there, but she would still be in the building
over yonder. [The palace.] I was loyal to the monarchy and supported the
autonomy of this country, and I believed, up to the 14th of January, that it was
possible to maintain our independence as a Kingdom. But, gentlemen, I spent
from 12 o'clock noon until 4 o'clock in the afternoon in that palace and the events
which took place there converted me and made me feel that it was impossible that
that state of things could continue any longer. [Applause.]
What was attempted on that day? Was it not to promulgate by force a constitution that would have destroyed the independence of the supreme court? What
has been the bulwark of this country? I speak humbly; not for myself, but for my
associates and predecessors. Has it not been a court that has sustained the law and
the constitution and the rights of the people; an independentjudiciary appointed for
life, subject only to impeachment? And the constitution that was proposed on
the 14th of January, was to make the term of office six years, and the salaries
dependent upon such legislature as this last one. Could any white man take the
commission under such conditions? Not if his name was Judd. [Applause.] This
is not a political meeting. If it were a partisan, political meeting, I should have
more respect for the office that I have held for nearly twenty years and stayed away.
I was the last person that Col. Blount sought an interview with, and wish to say
publicly that not one question did he address to me as to my views with regard to
whether the revolution of January 17 was accomplished by the aid of Minister
Stevens and the troops of the Boston. That subject he did not touch upon. [Cries
of "He didn't want to touch upon it! "]
I believe, gentlemen, that it was that mass meeting held in the old armory that
settled the question, was it not? [Applause.] And this mass meeting, gentlemen,
settles the question that we shall be true and resolute and support the present Government, which is, as brother Hatch has called it, not only the Government de facto, but
as it has lasted nearly a year, and received the recognition of all the great powers of
the world, it is the Government de jure. I have sworn to support it, I intend to
support it, and, gentlemen, I will only say one thing more, that we will all have
to haug together or hang separately. [Laughter and applause.]




2100                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
W. G. SMITH.
W. G. Smith, editor of the Star, spoke as follows:
FELLOW-CITIZENS: If I have any apology to-night for speaking in this distin.
guished presence, it is that I am a newcomer to these islands. But I think I may
atone for that by standing elbow to elbow to you in any trouble that may come to
us [cries of "Hear!" "Hear!" and applause], and in encouraging every man newly
arrived on this soil to defend the institutions which you have founded, and help preserve the liberty which you have won. [Applause.] This meeting to-night, in a smaller way, must remind us of those meetings which stirred the blood of Boston and the
heart of Philadelphia in the last quarter of the previous century. Then, as now,
men were met together to band themselves against a despotism. [Cries of "Hear!"
"Hear!" and applause.]
Then, as now, they were met to protest to the mother country that she should not
betray and outrage her sons. [Applause.] Then, as now, they were met to pledge
their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor in the cause of liberty. [Applause.]
It can not be, fellow-citizens, that any man inheriting a drop of that patriotic
blood, with any strain of it in his veins, could want to-day to take the place of
old King George and coerce the men of his own flesh, of his own flag, and of his own
speech because they are Americans enough not to bow down before a throne. [Great
applause and cheers.] I do not believe, fellow-citizens, that any man who has taken
that position has a right to Revolutionary sires; but I thank God that there are
Americans who have spoken since the infamies of Gresham who have patriot blood
and ancestry; and I thank God again that if they get the opportunity to speak in
the way they would they will be heard in the earthquake voice of majorities like
those of Pennsylvania and New York. [Great applause.]
Fellow-citizens, we are few, but it was said of old that one with God is a majority;
and surely that cause which has Christian civilization on its side, which stands for
Christianity and morality as well as liberty, will have Almighty aid. [Applause.] I
say, gentlemen, we are few. Some of us are Hawaiians of American descent; some
of us are Americans by birth, inheritors of LexingtonandConcord [cries of "Heart"
t" Hear! "']; some of us are Germans, whose sturdy manliness was never known to compromise with an enemy in arms [applause]; some of us are British by birth and
inherit, perhaps, the British love of constitutional liberty, not overawed by respect
to thrones; some, again, are of Latin blood, and among them centuries of subject
life has not quenched the spark of democratic aspiration [applause]; but though
we are of many bloods, yet we are of one mind [great applause], and that one mind
means loyalty to the Provisional Government no less in its hour of peril than in its
hour of apparent triumph. [Great applause.]
If we are dispossessed, I take it that it must be by the armed forces of the United
States, illegally and unconstitutionally ordered for a coercive purpose and triumphing over such legal as well as patriotic opposition as our policy may see lit to put in
line. Let us have hope and faith that if this outrage comes to us the time will be
when the United States, in truer, wiser, and more patriotic hands, will undo the
wrong and repair the infamy. [Cries of" Hear, hear!" and applause.] I want to say
in closing that it is our duty, forgetting all past dissensions and minor differences,
to close in solid ranks about the Provisional Government. [Great applause.] We
need to do this for two reasons: One, to suppress all domestic insurrection with a
hand of iron, and the other, to compel Mr. Cleveland. if he intends to follow out the
course so far outlined, to do it by a violation of the Constitution, which confers the
act of war upon Congress alone, and thus expose himself to merited impeachment.
[Great applause.]
We can not fire upon the American flag nor upon the men in blue, our brothers and
our countrymen, but we can so resist the progress of the American troops as to make
their capture of this Government by President Cleveland's orders an infraction of
the Constitution. [Great applause.] And that, fellow citizens, I believe we have
the power to do, and not only the power to do, but the willingness to do. [Great
and continued applause.] Here some one in the crowd called for three cheers for
Mr. Smith, which were given with a will.
P. C. JONES.
P. C. Jones was the last speaker. He said:
Grover Cleveland has been heard from. [Laughter.] The American people are
being heard from. [Laughter.] The next Congress is yet to be heard from. [Laughter and applause.] I think that Grover Cleveland in completing his plan to restore
the monarchy here should have done one more thing, and that is, he should have
issued an order that all four of the original members of the executive council of the
Provisional Government should be shot on the day of the restoration. (Laughter.)




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                          2101
That in itself would have rounded out the whole scheme and would have afforded
a great deal of pleasure to some royalists. [Laughter.]
Our motto you know, is " Liberty or death" [great applause] with as the fellow
said, a very strong preference for the former, [Laughter.] In thinking over the
question, fellow-citizens, there is one thing that comes to me very clearly, and that
is, our duty at this time to the Provisional Government [cries of " Stick to it! "] is to
stand by it and support the executive. They are the men who are bearing the brunt
and the burden and the strain of the day. [Applause.] We must help them with our
arms, with our hands, with our tongues, with our prayers, and with every instrument that we can serve them with. We should help them. [Cries of "We will."]
They are good men and true. I think the time has been taken up with speeches and
1 must be very brief, fellow-citizens. In 1884 when Grover Cleveland was first chosen
President of the United States it was said that he obtained his election by three
R's, Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion. You all know the story, and it is unnecessary
for me to tell it to you.
To-day, fellow-citizens, Grover Cleveland stands impeached before the American colony of Hawaii by three R's, and I hope that very soon the U. S. Congress
will also impeach himunlesss he retracts. [Cheers and applause.] Now those three
R's are the Restoration of a Rotten Royalty. [Laughter and applause.] But, fellow-citizens, we are not alone in condemning this; there are sixty million of our
countrymen in our own country backing us up. [Cheers.] Arid I furthermore
believe, fellow-citizens, that God Almighty is with us. [Cheers.] I believe that on
the 17th of January He was with us, and I believe He has been with us ever since;
and in His own time and in His own way He will let us out into a large place. And
so I say let us thank God, and take courage. [Cheers and applause.]
This ended the speeches for the evening. Mr. Hatch again read the resolution,
and asked all those in favor of it to signify it. A mighty " aye," that almost shook
the building, went up. The contrary minded were then called for, and death-like
stillness was the result.
Some one called for three cheers for the Provisional Government, and they were
given with a will, and, with a last tiger. The meeting broke up, and one of the most
enthusiastic, as well as one of the largest assemblages Honolulu has ever witnessed
was over.
[Inclosure 2.]
CITIZENS' PROTEST.
Minister Willis addressed by the people.-He is reminded that interference by his Govern.
ment will be an act of war.-Full text of the protest.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, December 1, 1893.
His Excellency ALBERT S. WILLIS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary
of the United States of America:
SIR: The undersigned, American residents of Honolulu, in the Island of Oahu,
one of the Hawaiian Islands, respectfully represent to your excellency that they
are citizens of the United States of America and have done nothing whereby to
forfeit or waive their fill legal and constitutional rights as such citizens.
That the undersigned made their residences and homes and acquired and owned
property in the Hawaiian Islands, relying on the rights secured and guaranteed
by the Hawaiian constitutions of 1852 and of 1865, which rights were confirmed and
enlarged by the constitution of 1887.
That on the 14th *day of January last the undersigned learned that it was the
determination of Liliuokalani, then Hawaiian sovereign, to disregard and annul the
rights of life, liberty, and property guaranteed, secured, confirmed and enlarged by
the said Hawaiian constitutions, and that she publicly proclaimed her determination
to repudiate the obligations imposed upon her by virtue of her oath of office as such
sovereign to support and maintain the Constitution of the Hawaiian Islands, and
publicly announced her intention to govern this country pursuant to her arbitrary,
despotic will, to be proclaimed by a public manifesto which she called a new constitution.
That a meeting of many citizens of Honolulu was held upon the afternoon of said
day, which was attended by John F. Colburn, then minister of the interior, and
Arthur P. Peterson, then attorney-general, by whom it was then publicly stated
that such was the determination and intention of said Liliuokalaui, and that, if
assisted by the citizens, they would oppose the same.




2102                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
That on said 14th day of January the then legally constituted authorities of the
Hawaiian Islands were undoubtedly and avowedly incapable of controlling the
elements of the anarchy which was proclaimed and intended by said Liliuokalani,
or of preventing impending mob violence, or of keeping the public peace.
That in consequence and by reason of the premises a committee of public safety
was chosen at said meeting and on the following Monday, at a mass meeting of the
citizens of Honolulu, the said committee was authorized to take measures requisite
for the public safety; that, in conformity therewith, on the 17th day of said January
the present Government of the Hawaiian Islands was established and proclaimed,
and has since governed and controlled the Hawaiian Islands, having been recognized by all foreign representatives in Honolulu, and having diplomatic and consular representatives abroad, especially in the United States of America, who have
been and still are recognized and treated as the only accredited representatives of
the said Government.
That a treaty of annexation was negotiated with said Government by and in behalf
of the U. S. Government, and that no public notice has been given to the undersigned of any intention on the part of the U. S. Government to break off diplomatic relations with the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, or to do
any acts of war or hostility to the said Government.
That no such acts of war or hostility can now be done without endangering the
lives and property of the undersigned, and of their families, relatives, and friends in
the Hawaiian Islands.
That owing to the insular situation of this country there would be no opportunity
for the undersigned to take such steps and do such things as would secure the safety
of the lives of themselves, their wives and children, and of their property in case
of such acts of war or hostility.
And the undersigned hereby solemnly and respectfully protest to your excellency,
and to Grover Cleveland, President of the United States, and to Walter Q. Gresham,
Secretary of State, and to Hilary A. Herbert, Secretary of the Navy, and to RearAdmiral John Irwin, commanding the United States naval forces now in the waters
of the Hawaiian Islands, and to all others concerned, that any such acts of war or
hostility if taken, attempted, or announced in the time of profound peace now existing between the United States and the Hawaiian Islands, or without any full, formal,
and timely announcement thereof, will and would cause all concerned in authorizing
the same to be held responsible for all the consequences that may ensue therefrom,
not only before Almighty God and in the forum of conscience, but by all sanctioned
rules and observances of civilized nations in their dealing with each other, and will
and would be in violation of the rights of the undersigned, secured and belonging
to them as citizens of the United States of America.
We have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servants and fellowcitizens.
[Inclosure N~o. 3.]
Mr. Dole to Mr. Willis.
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Honolulua Hawaiian Islands, November 29, 1893.
SIR: On the 7th of August last permission was given by the Government, through
the office of the American legation, to Rear-Admiral J. S. Skerrett, commanding
U. S. naval force, Pacific Station, at his request to land the crews of the ships under
his command for battalion drill when desired.
The Government now wishes to rescind the said privilege iA its indefinite character and to return to the former practice under which a request was made at each
occasion when the privilege of landing men under arms was desired.
I have the honor to request that this modification of the present arrangement be
transmitted through your office to Rear-Admiral Irwin, commanding U. S. naval
force, Pacific Station.
With sentiments of the highest consideration and esteem.
I have, etc.,
SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Afairs.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                          2103
[Inclosure No. 4.]
Mr. Dole to Mr. Willis.
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, November f9, 1893.
Sin: Having received from our minister at Washington, Hon. Lorin A. Thurston,
accredited to the Government of the United States of America, information of an
official letter from Secretary of State, Hon. Walter Q. Gresham, to President Cleveland, which is of an unfriendly nature toward this Government, recommending hostile action by the President towards us, alleged copies of which letter have been
published in the American press, I desire to inquire of you whether the'published
reports of such letter of Secretary Gresham are substantially correct? If they are,
I feel that it is due this Government that it should be informed of the intentions of
your Government in relation to the suggestions contained in the said letter of Mr.
Gresham.
Accept the assurance of the profound consideration and high esteem with which
I have, etc.,
SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minister of lForeign Affairs.
[Inclosure 5.]
Mr. Willis to Mr. Dole.
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, December 2, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of the 29th ultimo
inquiring as to the authenticity of a letter of Hon. W. Q. Gresham, Secretary of
State, upon the Hawaiian question, and stating that if the "published reports of
such letter are substantially correct" you "feel that it is due this (your) Government that it should be informed of the intentions of your (my) Government in relation to the suggestions contained in the said letter of Mr. Gresham."
As to the letter of Mr. Gresham, I have the honor to call your attention to the
fact, as shown by you, that it is a communication from a member of the Cabinet to
the President of the United States, and, being a domestic transaction, is not the
subject of diplomatic representation.
Answering your note further I must express my sincere regret that it is not in my
power at present to inform you of the views or intentions of the United States. The
President earnestly desires a speedy settlement of your troubles, and will, in my
opinion, be ready to make known his purposes as soon as he is informed of certain
matters recently submitted to him.
With high regard, I am, etc.,
ALBEIRT S. WILLIS.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Greshtam.
No. 9.]                                             DECEMBER 5, 1893.
In this dispatch Mr. Willis speaks solely of the difficulty experienced
in translating the naval cipher which he is obliged to use and suggests that he be furnished with a simpler code.
[Confidential.]
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
No. 10.]                    LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, December 9, 1893.       (Received —.)
SIR: On the morning of December 5 C. B. Wilson, who was the
marshal of the Queen at the time of her dethronement, called upon me.




2104


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


I asked him what business he was now in. He said he was doing
nothing; he was " awaiting results."   I asked: "What results?" He
said: "The restoration of the Queen." I asked him where he got any
such information. He said: " Nowhere," but he hoped for it. I then
turned the conversation to other subjects.
As he was leaving he drew from his pocket a document and gave it
to me, saying that he did not know whether it was proper or not and
left.
Upon examining the paper I found that it was a detailed " method
of procedure" upon the restoration of the Queen, a copy of which I
inclose.
I endeavored to have him call on the same afternoon, but he could
not be found. On the following morning Mr. Mills, whom I asked to
find him, saw him at about 10 o'clock, and he said he would come
immediately to see me and started toward the legation. He did not
*  reach here for half an hour. My opinion is that he consulted several
parties before coming here.
Upon reaching the legation an interview followed, a copy of which
1 inclose.
It will be seen that although claiming to be the author of the document, a claim which is doubtful, he finally admitted that it had been
submitted to and approved by the Queen, by her attorney, and by all
the members of her former ministry, all of whom had received copies.
An analysis of the list of special advisers, whether native or foreign,
is not encouraging to the friends of good government or of American
interests. The Americans who for over half a century held a commanding place in the councils of state, are ignored, and other nationalities,
English especially, are placed in charge. This is true both of the
special list of advisers and of the supplementary list. If these lists
had been selected by Wilson himself, no special importance would
attach to them, but it would seem from the facts that it is a list
which has been approved after consultation with leading royalists and
most probably with the approval of the Queen.
With high regard I am, etc.,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
[Inclosure 1 in No. 10.]
PROPOSED COURSE OF PROCEDURE.
Immediately on receiving information officially or otherwise that Her Majesty the
Queen, with Her Government as of the 17th day of January, 1893, is to be restored
to its former prestige as the permanent Government of the Hawaiian Islands, Her
Majesty's Cabinet as of said date will at once call a cabinet meeting for the purpose
of considering on and preparing a course of action to be pursued under the circumstances, and adopting such course as will be the best means of securing protection
to Her Majesty and Her Government, and the security of life and property generally
to the residents of the Kingdom, and the perfect maintenance of law and order
throughout the Islands, together with such other matters incident to the restoration
as Her Majesty's Cabinet may deem necessary and advisable, so that the laws of the
Kingdom may and can be constitutionally enforced, and all unnecessary bloodshed
aind loss of life through possible fanatical opposition be avoided.
Those possible events should be provided for by the discussion of matters of such
a complicated nature and of such far-reaching consequences, in a calm and sober
way, prior to the event. None but the best results may be looked for, and if carefully and calmly reasoned out the highest success should be the result; while if left
to the last moment for discussion and action, hasty conclusions may bring disappointment, failure, and possibly even serious disaster.
After Her Majesty's cabinet have decided upon a plan and course of procedure
they shall invite to their counsels, in a body, the following list of tried and trusty




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         2105
friends of the monarchy and nation, to act with as advisers and assistants on all
matters taking place during the restoration of Her Majesty and her Government to
the standing from which they were so unjustly forced until the natural order and
tranquillity of former times shall be once more established, and Her Majesty's Government be once more recognized as the lawful and regular Government of the
Hawaiian people.
These persons named as advisers and assistants will meet with the cabinet for the
purpose of considering, suggesting, and amending, if necessary, and fin ally approving
and adopting the plans laid before them by the cabinet for the attainment of the
previously-mentioned objects. After final action by the united meeting the cabinet
will at once proceed to lay the result before Her Majesty for her approval, the advisers
and assistants meanwhile remaining assembled, to await the return of Her Majesty's
cabinet after their meeting with Her Majesty. On their return they shall report
the result of their conference with Her Majesty to the meeting, and the joint meeting will then consider and approve it. Upon which, having by vote placed the
execution of the approved plans in the hands of the executive, the meeting will
adjourn subject to call by the cabinet, they in the meantime to place themselves
individnally in its hands for orders or for counsel as the executive may require or
direct.
The preceding propositions are made in the event of the United States Government, through its officials, causing and compelling the Provisional Government to
surrender unconditionally and proceeding to the restoration of Her Majesty's Government as it was on the 17th day of January, 1893, possibly coupled with a request
or a recommendation to mercy and leniency on behalf of those who took part as
principals in the overthrow of the Queen's Government on that date.
In the event of such restoration taking place in order that the details may be
properly attended to, and that an assurance may be given that law and order will
be maintained, and that the Constitutional Government of Her Majesty Queen Liliuokalani be once more established on an assured basis, the following important
details must be carried out while at the same time having due regard to all recommendations of leniency made by the United States Government.
(If it does not conflict with their instructions from their home Government, the U.
S. commander in chief should be requested by Her Majesty's Government to bring
and keep his forces on shore, in quarters to be provided for them, till Her Majesty's
Government has been fully reorganized and feels itself in a proper condition to maintain law and order; and also, if not in conflict with his instructions from home, that
he be asked by Her Majesty's Government to direct that the place and hour of surrender by the Provisional Government and its forces to him and his forces be at 10
o'clock a. m. on, the  day of, 1893, at Palace Square, where they will
deliver up to him the possession of the Government and its buildings and archives,
and hand over to him all the arms and munitions of war delivered up to them on the
17th day of January, 1893, by Her Majesty's Government, and all other since obtained
by them or which have been in their possession since, and surrender all their officers
and men to him as prisoners to be subsequently turned over to Her Majesty's Government, to be dealt with by a court specially appointed for that purpose; also the turning over of Government arms and munitions of war, prisoners, etc., by the United
States Government to Her Majesty's Government.)
Detail for Consideration and Adoption.
I. Proclamation by the Queen's Government of their reassumption of the control
of the Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
II. Appointment of Commander-in-Chief and staff.
III. Proclamation of Martial Law and the suspension of the Writ of Habeas
Corpus.
IV. Calling'on all loyal citizens and well-wishers of the Government to register
their names for service at       office; Enrollment of Volunteers.
V. Surrender of all arms and ammunition in private hands, and the prohibition
of all sale and transfer of arms and ammunition other than by direction of the
Commander-in-Chief.
VI. Taking possession of all Government Buildings and other places necessary by
the Queen's forces and placing guards therein.
VII. Proclamation prohibiting the departure of coasting vessels or other vessels
to the other Islands.
VIII. Reappointment of all officials and the filling of vacancies.
IX. Arrest of all persons implicated or concerned in the late overthrow.
X. Custody and care of all prisoners made under authority of the above paragraph
and those handed over by the U. S. forces,
XI. Receiving of all arms and munitions of war and other Government property
surrendered to U. S. forces by the P. G. forces.




2106


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


XII. Despatch vessels to the other Islands to proclaim the Queen's Government
and make all necessary changes and arrests.
We hereby certify that the above thirteen (13) pages have this day been compared
with the original type.written four (4) pages and are an exact copy both in words
and punctuation.
Witness our hands this 5 Dec., 1893 at 2.30 p. im.
ALBERT S. WILLIS,
E. E. Id M. P., U. S. A.
ELLIS MILLS,
Consul General of the U. S.
[Inclosure 2 in No. 10.]
Q. In the paper you left with me yesterday mention is made of certain parties to
be invited to your council. You did not give any list.-A. I have the list in my
pocket.
Q. Did you intend to leave it with me the other day?-A. No.
Q. Have you any objection to my reading it?-A. No.
(Reading:) Prince David, Prince Cupid, S. Parker, C. P. Jankia, J. H. Boyd.
Q. Who is J. H. Boyd?-A. Clerk in the Interior Department.
(Reading:) J. Richardson, A. Fernandez-that is Mr. Richardson, of Maui?
A. Yes; Richardson and Fernandez are selected. They would be called upon to
be present [having a check V mark].
Q. Then among those that would be called upon to be present at any meeting
would be Richardson and Fernandez?-A. Yes. (Reading:) J. F. Colburn, C. White,
Hon. Alex. Robertson.
Q. What does the round mark (E mean near the name?-A. That they have been
Government officers.
(Reading:) W. R. Holt, P. D. Kellett-he has a round mark.
A. He is a clerk.
(Reading:) W. Aylett, Kaunamo, Kanuokano, C. Maile.
A. He is not an officer-the mark ought to be rubbed out.
(Reading:) P. Woods.
A. He is a Government officer.
(Reading:) C. Nolein (no mark), J. Cummins, J. E. Bush (mark V), W. R. Wilcox,
Joseph Nawahi, C. L. Hopkins (he is marked V), Bergemann, G. E. Boardman.
A. He was deputy collector of customs.
(Reading:) J. Testa, H. B. Defrees, S. Dwight, J. D. Holt-he has a round mark.
A. He is a Government officer.
(Reading:) H. Poor, J. L. Kaulakou-he has a round mark-Kahaomi, there is
no mark, Alapi, H. Smith, Carl Widdeman. The only names that have check (V)
marks opposite them are John Richardson, A. Fernandez, Kellet, Sam'l K. Pira,
Kaluomano, C. L. Hopkins, J. E. Bush, J. L. Kaulokou.
A. Those are all I have selected.
Q. I see you have a second list.-A. Yes; that is the foreign list.
(Reading:) J. 0. Carter (check), F. A. Schaefer (check), John H. Phillips (check),
J. E. Quinn (check), Dr. Geo. Trousseau (check), J. Campbell (check), C. J. McCarty
(check), T. R. Lucas (check), R. More (check).
A. Those with checks are my selection.
(Reading:) P. Neumann, McIntyre, W. H. Rommell, C. W. Ashford, R. F. Bickerton. Is that the judge?
A. Yes.
(Reading:) J. W. Robertson, Daniel Logan, Lloyd A. P. Peterson, E. Narvie,
Rickard, Fred. Harrison, W. F. Love, Maj. Seward, W. Cunningham, E. S. Cunha,
H. A. Widemann, A. P. Cleghorn, W. G. Irwin, J. B. Peterson, T. R. Walker (British vice consul), Marquise, W. A. Whiting, Crowley, L. G. Levey, C. 0. Berger,
J. Kenyon, Capt. Jno. Ross, Geo. F. Ross, sr., E. B. Thomas, T. B. Walker, J. F.
Bowler, F. Wundenburg. These are foreign names that you had picked?
A. Yes.
Q. Did you pick them yourself?-A. I picked them out to propose to the cabinet.
Q. Who prepared this paper?-A. Kenyon, who was my former secretary and
clerk, did the typewriting from the copy I furnished him.
Q. Do I understand that you drew up this without consultation with any other
person?,-A. Yes, sir.
Q. Did you have any intimation from any person in the world that the Queen
would be restored?-A. I had not.
Q. This is your own work entirely?-A. It is.
Q. You are a pretty good lawyer if you drew this up. This is your verbiage?LA Yes, air.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                       2107
Q. Have you ever Atudied law?-A. No.
Q. Did anybody see this?-A. Mr. Peterson.
Q. Did he aid you?-A. No.
Q. Who else saw it -A. Peterson, Paul Neumann, and the Queen saw it.
Q. When did the Queen see this?-A. The day before your arrival. She saw the
original four months ago.
Q. This has been a long-pending matter, then?-A. Yes.
Q. Did you have any authority from the Queen to do it?-A. No.
Q. Did she approve of all this?-A. Yes.
Q. Who was present?-A. My wife.
Q. Yourself and your wife were present when you submitted this to the Queenthe original paper, of which this is a copy-and she approved it?-A. Yes.
Q. What do you mean by saying " to be dealt with by a court especially appointed
for that purpose?" Was it a court within or without the law?-A. A court under
martial law.
Q. I see one of your details calls for the " suspension of habeas corpus and trial by
martial law?"-A. Yes.
Q. What is meant in clause 7 by 'prohibiting the departure of sailing vessels? "A. To prevent carrying news to excite the people on the other islands.
Q. Did you discuss with the Queen as to the time-how long-martial law ought
to last?-A. No.
Q. What do you mean by the " reappointment of officials and filling of vacancies,"
in clause 8?-A. The reappointment of those who had been dismissed by the Provisional Government.
Q. What do you mean by "filling the vacancies?" Take the case of Mr. Dole,
would you consider all those offices vacated?-A. Yes.
Q. Section 9. How about the arrest of " all persons concerned in the late movement "?-A. We propose to arrest all leaders in the revolution.
Mr. WILLIS. I took this paper. I do not intend that you should draw any inference whatever from that. I am surprised to hear you say you are the sole author of
this paper. My idea was that you had been in consultation with others. It seems
strange that you should have written this without any knowledge of what the
United States meant to do. That you may not misunderstand me I now return the
paper. I did not know at the time what its contents were. I wished to inquire
from you in regard to the authorship, etc. I would not have taken it had I known
its contents.
Q. You say you gave a copy to Mr. Paul Neumann. Is he now the Queen's attorney?-A. He is now and always has been. I gave, also, a copy to Mr. Peterson and
other members of the cabinet.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
No. 11.]                   LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES.
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, December 14, 1893.
SIR: The day set apart by the President's proclamation as a day of
thanksgiving was appropriately observed by the American citizens
residing in Honolulu. The customary newspaper notices from the
U. S. legation were inserted and services were held iin the Central
Union and St. Andrew's churches.
Very respectfully,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
No. 12.]                   LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, December 14, 1893.
SIR: Your cipher telegram of the 2d instant was delivered to me by
Capt. Munger of the revenue cutter Corwin this Thursday morning,
December 14, at about 6:30 o'clock. I gave it to Admiral Irwin within
a half-hour. He and his secretary have been engaged in deciphering




2108


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


it up to this time, 3 p. m. The steamship Martposa was tc leave at
12 m., but the agents voluntarily offered to detain her until 5 p. m.,
which offer I accepted in the hope that after reading your telegram I
might answer it.
In view of the length of time required to translate the naval cipher,
I desire to most respectfully renew the suggestion made in my dispatch,
No. 9, of December 5, that the State Department cipher or the one
which I heretofore inclosed to you be hereafter used.
The excitement consequent upon the unexpected arrival of the Corwin is intense throughout the city. The President's message, which
was published this morning, has increased the excitement, but I hope
no immediate outbreak will occur.
With high regard, very respectfully,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
No. 13.]               LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, December 14, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of Department
dispatch, No. 5, inclosing two copies of the report of the electrical
congress held in Chicago August 19, 1893, in the matter of units of
electrical measure.
Very respectfully,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
[ConfidentiaL]
No. 14.]               LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, December 18, 1893.
SIR: Your cipher instructions of December 2 were received as translated at 3 p. m. Thursday, the 14th instant. An arrangement was
immediately made for an interview with the Queen for Saturday, December 16 at 9 a. m.
Mr. J. 0. Carter was invited to be present. Mr. Carter, as stated in
my dispatch No. 3, of November 14, is a brother of the late Mr. H. A.
P. Carter, who was the Hawaiian minister to the United States. He
is the president and manager of the incorporated company of " C. Brewer
& Co.," which does a large general mercantile and commission business,
and is agent for a number of large sugar plantations. He is conceded
by all factions to be a man of great intelligence and strict integrity.
He is a native Hawaiian, but of American parentage.
At the appointed hour the Queen and Mr. Carter came, and the
interview was, with their consent, reported stenographically by Mr.
Mills, our consul-general.
I inclose the report, verified by the Queen and Mr. Carter. I also
send a copy of a part of the interview with the Queen, reported in my
dispatch No. 3, of November 14, which is also verified by the Queen,
marked A.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        2109
Mr. Mills' report includes all that was said. It will be observed
that no restrictions were placed upon the Queen or upon Mr. Carter,
the object being to secure a full and unreserved expression of views.
This interview was held at the legation.
Very respectfully,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
The Qneen was informed that the President of the United States had important
communications to make to her and she was asked whether she was willing to
receive them alone and in confidence, she being assured that this was for her own
interest and safety. She answered in the affirmative.
I then made known to her the President's sincere regret that, through the unauthorized intervention of the United States, she had been obliged to surrender her sovereignty, and his hope that, with her consent and cooperation, the wrong done to her
and to her people might be redressed. To this she bowed her acknowledgments.
I then said to her: "The President expects and believes that when reinstated you
will show forgiveness and magnanimity, that you will wish to be Queen of all the
people, both native and foreign born, that you will make haste to secure their love
and loyalty, and to establish peace, friendship, and good government." To this she
made no reply. After waiting a moment I continued:
DECEMBER 16, 1893.
Mr. WILLIS (addressing the Queen). I sent word yesterday asking you to come
this morning and to bring Mr. Carter, whom you had mentioned in a previous
interview as one of your friends. His was the first name given to me in the only
interview we have had. My idea was to have some one present as your friend, who
could hear what I wish to say to-day.
(Addressing Mr. Carter, Mr. Willis said:)
Mr. Carter, before having any further conversation it is proper I should make
known to you what occurred at the previous interview. On the 13th of November
I sent word to the Queen asking if she would come here, as there would be less
publicity than if I went to her house. She complied, came here with Mr. Robertson, and a conversation ensued the substance of which I have made known to the
President. I will read what I have written as an official report to the President, as
leading up to the present interview, and as I read [speaking to the Queen] if there
is any portion of the interview as given that you think is incorrect do not hesitate
to stop me and make such changes as you desire, although it has been already submitted.
[The report in question was at this point read to the Queen by Mr. Willis. It is
appended hereto, marked A.]
Mr. WILLIS. I wish to ask you now, and I ask you to deliberate well before
answering, whether the views expressed at that time, as read to you now, have been
in any respect modified since that conversation?
The QUEEN. They have not.
Mr. WILLIS. You still adhere to your judgment, as then expressed, that all of those
persons should be punished according to the law under the constitution of 1887,
which is that they should be punished with capital punishment and their property
confiscated?
The QUEEN. I feel that if any change should be made that they must not be permitted to remain in the country, and that their property should be confiscated. That
is my view.
Mr. CARTER. You do rescind so much of that interview as pronounced upon them
the death penalty?
The QUEEN. I do in that respect.
Mr. CARTER. You feel that their remaining in the country would be a constant
source of trouble to you and your people?
The QUEEN. I do. I think I mentioned at the time that should they be permitted
to remain, that as they have once committed treason and this being the second
offense, that the next time would be dangerous for the community and the people.
I think I said that in the other conversation.
Mr. CARTER. In general terms, then, you feel that the continued living in this community of these persons who were guilty of the act of 1887, and the act of the 17th
of January, would be dangerous and a constant menace to your people?
The QUEEN. I do. I feel also that if they were sent away they should never be
permitted to return-they or their children.
Mr. CARTER. Unless you exercised clemency; or would you pronounce against
them definitely now I




2110                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
The QUEEN. I feel so; that they should be permanently banished, and their
children.
Mr. WILLIS. The present Provisional Governmeut while in existence has created
certain obligations. Would you consent that all such obligations assumed in the
proper course of administration should be assumed and paid by you?
Mr. CARTER. May I make it clearer? The minister wishes to know if the obligations the Provisional Government has entered into under the law, you would be
willing that your Government should assume and be responsible for those obligations.
The QUEEN. Yes.
Mr. CARTER. I want to make matters clear. I think they have been careful as a
rule to observe statutory provisions, but there have been exigen6ies that demanded
actions that are entirely outside statutory provisions-appropriations made, moneys
expended. The question is, how far the new Government should be responsible for
such acts.
Mr. WILLIS. That is the question to which I desire an answer. Whether, in the
exercise of their discretion, they have even adopted measures that may not be
strictly conformable to the statutory law of the land, but if the money has been
expended for the benefit of the people in the matter of roads or in any other way,
and not put into their private pockets. If these expenditures have been of a public
character, and there is no charge of corruption, would they be recognized, whether
strictly in conformity with the statutory law or not?
The QUEEN. I think such expenditures are legal. I would recognize them.
Mr. CARTER. There has been a very heavy expenditure for military.
Mr. WILLIS. That is a question I wish explicitly answered. Grant that there hbs
been; would you or would you not consider that an expenditure in the proper
course of administration?
The QUEEN. I bave thought the matter over; but I felt that the confiscation of
the properties belonging to these parties would cover.
Mr. CARTER. You believe tbh.t persons should be held in their estates liable for
such matters-military, police, and other expenditures of like nature?
The QUEEN. I do.
Mr. CARTER. I want to say a word, I have never said one word to Her Majesty
on the subject. These questions are entirely new to me.
Mr WILLIS. It is entirely proper for you to ask such questions as you have. Any
question that brings out the exact views of Her Majesty is entirely proper. I understand [speaking to the Queen] then, in answer to the last question, that you would
be willing to give an unqualified agreement that all obligations created by the Provisional Government in the ordinary course of administration should be assumed,
but that as to the expenditure for police and military defense you would leave the
cost of that to be met out of property confiscated from those who were engaged in
the revolution? Is that right?
The QUEEN. Yes.
Mr. WILLIS. I understand from you that you would be unwilling to give a pledge
that would absolutely prevent the adoption of any measure of proscription or punishment for what has been done in the past, as to those setting up and supporting
the Provisional Government. I understand you to be unwilling to give such a
pledge?
The QUEEN. I do not understand.
Mr. WILLIS. I understand from the fact that you have affirmed our previous conversation, and from your conversation to-day, that you would not be willing to
grant absolute amnesty both as to persons and property to those who have either
supported or who have aided in setting up the Provisional Government. That you
feel you could not do it?
The QUEEN. I feel I could not do it for the safety of our subjects.
Mr. CARTER. That is, that the continued presence of these people is a continued
menace?
Mr. WILLIS. Do you adopt Mr. Carter's words?
The QUEEN. I do.
Mr. CARTER. I would like to make one remark here. Do I understand your Majesty that this matter is one that you may personally decide-that it is not one that
you can commit to the ministers that you may appoint?
Mr. WILLIS. I am not instructed to ask such views. It is the views of the Queen
herself I wish to ascertain. I have asked you to come here so that there can be no
mistake in the matter. I am authorized, directly instructed and absolutely required
to know three things-two of which I have asked, and I am now about to ask the
third. It is this: Whether in the event of a restoration it would be a restoration
under the existing constitution of the country or under a different constitution?
The QUEEN. I believe it would be better to have a government under a new constitution that would be more suited to the present times and to the future. May I
add —




HAWAIIAN    ISLANDS.                      2111
Mr. WILLIS. Anything at all. There is no restriction upon what you may say.
The QUEEN. That it would be one that would give the same privileges to my subjects as to the foreign subjects in my country. That they should receive the same
advantages as the foreigners of which they have been deprived since 1887.
Mr. WILLIS. If I understand you the objection you have to the constitution of
1887 is the property qualification in voting for nobles, by which the native population is largely excluded from suffrage.
The QUEEN. That is correct.
Mr. WILLIS. Is there any other objection to that constitutions
The QUEEN. That is the principal objection. In the constitution I intended to promulgate, I changed the time of the term of the chief justice to six years, because I
felt that if it were a life appointment that there are no bounds by which whoever
holds the office-there would be no bounds by which he would carry on. There
would be no limit to his actions.
Mr. WILLIS. In your remark as to the supreme court, do you limit it to the chief
justice or does it include all the supreme court?
The QUEEN. All of them.
Mr. WILLIS. You mean not only the chief justice, but your judgment is that all
of the supreme court should be appointed for six years?
The QUEEN. Yes; but if they proved themselves correct in their deportment they
may be appointed over again for another six years.
Mr. WILLIS. How are their salaries to be determined 
The QUEEN. It would not affect the salary.
Mr. WILLIS. The salary would remain as at present?
The QUEEN. Yes.
Mr. WILLIS. The reason I ask you was that there has been some rumor that the
question of salary was to be left to the legislature.
The QUEEN. I think the legislature would appropriate the sum.
Mr. CARTER. The minister wishes to know whether the salary they entered the
office with would be the salary they would continue to receive?
The QUEEN. Yes.
Mr. CARTER. The idea is that they are not to be reduced to submit to the will of
the legislature.
Mr. WILLIS. IS it your idea that the salaries they receive at the time of their
appointment shall not be subject to change by the legislature or other action during
the term of six years.
The QUEEN. Yes. These questions may be submitted to the cabinet.
Mr. CARTER. That is another question. The ministerwishes to get at your thought.
Mr. WILLIS. You are the only one now authorized to speak for your Government.
In the conversation you have had to-day in the presence of Mr. Carter, you fully
comprehend the meaning of all that has been said, and all that you have said, and
you adhere to it?
The QUEEN. I do.
Mr. WILLIS. You adhere to it?
The QUEEN. I do.
Mr. WILLIS. When this is written out and you have made such changes as you
deem proper, I will ask you to sign it. When signed, it will be submitted to the
President. Is there anything further you desire to say at the present time?
The QUEEN. I wish to mention, speaking of the new constitution, that it would
require some changes. The new constitution I wish to make up would require more
members.
Mr. WILLIS. Of the legislature?
The QUEEN. No; in the cabinet.
Mr. WILLIS. Had you determined in your mind how many should be in the
cabinet?
The QUEEN. Six instead of four.
Mr. WILLIS. Have you anything more you wish to say?
The QUEEN. Nothing more.
The within report of an interview held between the Queen and Mr. Willis, the
United States minister, on the 16th instant (Mr. J. 0. Carter being present at the
said interview), has been read in our presence by Consul-General Mills, and agreed
to by both of us as being full and correct in every particular.
LILIUOKALANI.
J. 0. CARTER.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
December 18, 1893.
Witness:
ELLIS MILLS.
(Indorsement:) Interview with ex-Queen, Saturday, December 16, 1893. This
interview took place at the legation.




2112


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
[Confidential.]
No. 15.]                  LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, December 19, 1893.
SIR: In the forenoon of yesterday (Monday, December 18) Mr. Mills
met the Queen and Mr. Carter at the Queen's private residence, "Washington Place," when the report of the interview held at the legation on
the preceding Saturday was read over and verified..
After the close of Saturday's interview and the withdrawal of the
parties, Mr. Carter returned to inquire whether a supplementary statement by the Queen would be received. He informed me that he had
held a conversation with her a few minutes after she left the legation,
and he believed that on next Monday (this being Saturday) she would
desire another interview. I told him that the object of the President
was to ascertain her course of action in the event of restoration; that
the United States could not dictate the policy of the Queen, if restored,
nor interfere in any way with the domestic affairs.of her Kingdom. A
certain status or condition of affairs existed on the 17th of January,
1893, which was overthrown by our unlawful intervention. If the
President, within constitutional limitations, could remedy this wrong,
he was willing to do so, and to this extent only and under these circumstances only he inquired as to the future policy of the Queen.
Whatever she determined upon, however, must be her voluntary act.
With this explanation I consented to receive further communications
from the Queen.
Accordingly, upon learning that the Saturday interview had been
verified, I went to Washington Place, where the interview occurred, a
report of which I inclose.
Very respectfully,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
[Inclosure with No. 15.1
DECEMBER 18, 1893.
Mr. CARTER. I am permitted by Her Majesty to say that I have had a conversation
with her this morning concerning the first interview you had with her; that I have
said to her that I was surprised and pained at the substance of it; that I have felt
that the remarks you have made as coming from the President of the United States
are entitled to Her Majesty's consideration, and that they are to carry weight as
being the expressions of the President, particularly in reference to this first statement, where the President expresses his sincere regret that through "the unauthorized intervention of the United States she had been obliged to surrender her sovereignty, and his hope that, with her consent and cooperation, the wrong done to her
and her people might be redressed."
I have explained as clearly as possible the meaning of the words " consent and
cooperation;" that he recognizes he alone can not do all that has to be done.
I then referred to this expression as given by you, that the President believes
"that when reinstated you will show forgiveness and magnanimity, that you, will
wish to be Queen of all the people, both native and foreign born, that you will make
haste to secure their love and loyalty and to establish peace, friendship and good
government."
I have said to her that I have been deeply impressed with that language and I
think that perhaps Her Majesty is now more impressed with this language than she
was at first, and I say to her that it seems to me good government is impossible
without Her Majesty shows a spirit of forgiveness and magnanimity; that this movement against her and her people embraced a large and respectable portion of the
foreign element of this community-an element we can not ignore.
I next came to this expression: " Should you be restored to the throne, would
you grant full amnesty as to life and property to all those persons who have been
or are now in the Provisional Government, or who have been instrumental in the
overthrow of your Government?"




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         2113
I have said to Her Majesty that it seems to me that the position of Mr. Cleveland
is full of difficulties and embarrassments; that as President of the United States he
is a ruler among the nations of the earth as Her Majesty was and, I hope, is to be,
and that she should make the way as clear to him to carry out his wishes to repair
the wrong done as she possibly can, not giving way to any personal feelings in
the matter; that she must leave out of consideration in the question any idea of
revenge. I told her that I took it as the wish of the President that she should
grant amnesty as to life and property.
Then I went on to the remark that she makes that she feels unsettled and unsafe
with these people in the country. I am bound to repeat what Her Majesty said to
me, although it may not be in accord with my own views, that she feels that these
people should leave the country, or peace and good government can not prevail.
She thinks any third attempt at revolution on the part of these people would be very
destructive to life and property; that her people have stood about all they can stand
of this interference with what they consider their rights.
I have gone into the matter of the constitution with her, because I know our
views are not as fully in accord as I wish they were. I have said to Her Majesty
that I think she can safely put her cause into the hands of the President of the
United States, and say to him unreservedly, "You dictate my policy and I will
follow it."
Is Your Majesty satisfied with the statement I have made  Is it correct?
The QUEEN. Yes.
Mr. CARTER. Is it your wish 
The QUEEN. I must think a moment.
Mr. CARTER. But you said you are not seeking the lives of these people.
The QUEEN. Not their lives. I am willing their lives should be spared.
Mr. CARTER. And their property?
The QUEEN. Their property should be confiscated to the Government, and they
should not be permitted to remain in the Kingdom.
Mr. CARTER. Is Your Majesty willing that this should be taken by the minister
as your wish to-day, that this matter should be put unreservedly in the hands of
President Cleveland with this statement. This is said by me as a friend, and I
think you have always found me such. In the conversation had with you this morning I asked you as a friend to you and your people that you give it prayerful consideration. You need not sign it if you do not wish. It is your privilege to do as you
please. I wish you would read it over, consider it, and give it to Mr. Willis at as
early a moment as possible.
The QUEEN. I should like to talk with some of my friends.
Mr. CARTER (to Mr. Willis). Can she see some one in the matter?
Mr. WILLIS. I do not think it would be safe. I take it for granted that in matters of such great importance she has ascertained the wishes of her native people
and the leaders, and that she has been in consultation with them upon these general propositions. Is not that true, Your Majesty? I mean as to the general policy
to be pursued?
The QUEEN. I have. I must mention here (speaking to Mr. Carter) that I have
never consulted you in this matter before. But I have talked the situation over
with some of my subjects, and I consider their judgment is wise and in accordance
with law, and have come to the conclusion that the statement I gave in my first
interview was what the people wished. I had hoped some day I might have a
chance to confer with you, Mr. Carter, in these matters.
Mr. WILLIS. I understand, then, that you said that the first interview I had with
you embodies the views of the leaders of your people with whom you have been in
consultation in the present crisis?
The QUEEN. They do.
Mr. WILLIS. And you have no withdrawal to that to make this morning?
The QUEEN. Although I have never stated to them what I had decided personally, still I feel that there may be some clemency, and that clemency should be that
they should not remain in the country.
Mr. WILLIS. That is the extent of the clemency-that they should be removed
from the country instead of being punished, according to the laws of the country,
with death.
The QUEEN. Yes.
Mr. WILLIS. I understand that there is no withdrawal of your conversation
of Saturday with reference to military expenses and police expenses that have been
incurred by the Provisional Government. You still insist that those expenses
should be met out of property confiscated?
The QUEEN. I feel so.
Mr. WILLIS. I understand that you would not be willing that the constitution as
it existed on the 17th of January, 1893, should be established permanently in the
Islands, believing, as you stated on Saturday, that it discriminated against your
aative subjects.
S. Rep. 227     133




2114                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
The QUEEN. The constitution I wished to promulgate was an improvement on the
constitution of 1887, but since then I have considered further, and think that we
ought to have a constitution that would be more suited to the future. I would not
like to have the government continue under that constitution.
Mr. WILLIS. In the limitation which you now make as to your clemency, do you
include their children or just the parents? Last Saturday you said: "They and
their children." Do you still adhere to that judgment?
The QUEEN. I do.
Mr. WILLIS. Both parents and children should be permanently removed from the
country and their property confiscated?
The QUEEN. I do, and their property confiscated.
Mr. WILLIS. I desire now to read to you in the express terms the judgment of
the President. After citing the fact that Mr. Blount had been sent here to ascertain the facts in connection with this revolution, and after expressing a conclusion
based upon Mr. Blount's report, that this revolution resulted largely if not entirely
from the improper intervention of our then minister, and of the American troops,
and expressing his desire within certain limitations to correct the wrong done, he
states as follows:
"On your arrival at Honolulu you will take advantage of an early opportunity to
inform the Queen of this determination. * i * You will, however, at the same
time inform the Queen that when reinstated the President expects that she will
pursue a magnanimous course by granting full amnesty to all who participated in
the movement against her, including persons who are or have been officially or
otherwise connected with the Provisional Government, depriving them of no right
or privilege which they enjoyed before the so-called revolution.
"All obligations created by the Provisional Government, in due course of administration, should be assumed."
I read now from a cipher dispatch which has been sent since my communication
of the 14th of November, in which it is stated:
"' Should the Queen refuse assent to the written conditions, you will inform her at
once [which I now do] that the President will cease interference in her behalf, and
while he deems it his duty to endeavor to restore to the sovereign the constitutional
government of the islands, his further efforts in that direction depend upon the
Queen's unqualified agreement that all obligations created by the Provisional Government in the proper course of administration shall be assumed, and upon such
pledge by her as shall prevent adoption of any measures of proscription or punishment for what has been done in the past by those setting up or supporting the Provisional Government.
"The President feels that we by our original interference have incurred responsibilities to the whole Hawaiian community, and it would not be just to put one party
at the mercy of the other."
The QUEEN. I want to say in regard to the request of Mr. Cleveland asking for
complete amnesty-how shall I know that in future our country will not be
troubled again, as it has been in the past?
Mr. WILLIS. That is a question of domestic policy of the country which you have
to decide largely for yourself. Do you intend to inquire as to whether the United
States would support you if restored?
The QUEEN. I do not expect that. The decision I have given is not from any feeling of disrespect to the President nor from a feeling of animosity toward anyone
here, but I feel it is a duty I should assume for the benefit of my people.
Mr. WILLIS. I so understand it-that you are of the opinion that under the state
of things which existed at the time of this revolution, and also in 1887, that there
could not be permanent peace in the islands. That is a matter that the United
States has no right to look into or express an opinion upon.
The foregoing has been read to us by Consul-General Mills, and we pronounce it a
full and correct report.
Honolulu, H. I., December 18,1893.
LILIUOKALANI.
J. 0. CARTER.
Witness:
ELLIS MILLS.
(On back:) Interview with ex-Queen in presence of Mr. J. 0. Carter. Monday,
December 18, 1893. This interview occurred at Washington Place, the ex-Queen's
private residence.
After this paper was signed, as above, Mr. Mills said to the Queen, in behalf of
Mr. Willis, that the reports of the two interviews of Saturday, December 16, and of
to-day (Mojnday, December 18), as attested by her, would be immediately forwarded
to the President, and his answer, when received, should be promptly made known
to her.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. *                      2115
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
[Confidential.]
No. 16.]                   LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, December 20, 1893.
SIR: On Monday afternoon at 6 p. m., before the report of the
Washington Place interview, referred to in my dispatch, No. 15, of
December 19, had been written from the stenographic notes, Mr. Carter called at the legation and read to me a note to him, just received
from the Queen, in which she unreservedly consented, when restored as
the constitutional sovereign, to grant amnesty and assume all obligations of the Provisional Government.
On yesterday (Tuesday) morning at 9 o'clock Mr. Carter brought a
letter from  the Queen, a copy of which I inclose, and an agreement
signed by her, binding herself, if restored, to grant full amnesty, a
copy of which I inclose.
Very respectfully,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
[Inclosure 1 with No 16.]
WASITINGTON PLACE,
Honolulu, December 18, 1893
His Excellency ALBERT WILLIS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, U. S. A.:
SIR: Since I had the interview with you this morning I have given the most care
ful and conscientious thought as to my duty, and I now of my own free will give my
conclusions.
I must not feel vengeful to any of my people. If I am restored by the United
States I must forget myself and remember only my dear people and my country. I
must forgive and forget the past, permitting no proscription or punishment of any
one, but trusting that all will hereafter work together in peace and friendship for
the good and for the glory of our beautiful and once happy land.
Asking you to bear to the President and to the Government he represents a message of gratitude from me and from my people, and promising, with God's grace, to
prove worthy of the confidence and friendship of your people,
I am, etc.,
LILIUOKALANI.
[Inclosure 2 with No. 16.]
I, Lilinokalani, in recognition of the high sense of j ustice which has actuated the
President of the United States, and desiring to put aside all feelings of personal
hatred or revenge and to do what is best for all the people of these Islands, both
native and foreign born, do hereby and herein solemnly declare and pledge myself
that, if reinstated as the constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands, that I
will immediately proclaim and declare, unconditionally and without reservation, to
every person who directly or indirectly participated in the revolution of January
17, 1893, a full pardon and amnesty for their offenses, with restoration of all rights,
privileges, and immunities under the constitution and the laws which have been
made in pursuance thereof, and that I will forbid and prevent the adoption of any
measures of proscription or punishment for what has been done in the past by those
setting up or supporting the Provisional Government.
I further solemnly agree to accept the restoration under the constitution existing
at the time of said revolution and that I will abide by and fully execute that constitution with all the guaranties as to person and property therein contained.
I furthermore solemnly pledge myself and my Government, if restored, to assume
all the obligations created by the Provisional Government, in the proper course of




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


administration, including all expenditures for military or police services, it being
my purpose, if restored, to assume the Government precisely as it existed on the day
when it was unlawfully overthrown.
Witness my hand this 18th of December, 1893.
LILIUOKALANI.
Attest:
J. 0. CARTER.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
[Confidential.]
No. 17.]               LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, December 20, 1893.
SIR: On Monday, December 18, the interview with the Queen at her
residence, Washington Place, was held, lasting until 1 p. m.
At 5:30 p. m. of the same day I received a communication from the
Provisional Government, through the Hon. S. B. Dole, minister of foreign affairs, referring to my visit to the Queen. He asked to be
informed whether I was "acting in any way hostile to this (his) Government," and pressed for " an immediate answer." I inclose a copy of
the communication.
As I had two days before notified a member of the cabinet, Hon. W.
0. Smith, attorney-general, that I would be ready in forty-eight hours
to make known to the Provisional Government the President's decision,
and as the tone of the communication-doubtless without intentionwas somewhat mandatory, I thought it best not to make any reply to it.
Moreover, at that hour I had not received the written pledge and agreement of the Queen, without which I could take no step.
This morning at 9:30 o'clock I received the letter and agreement ot
the Queen, as set forth in my No. 16 of this date. I immediately
addressed a note to the minister of foreign affairs, Mr. Dole, inform.
ing him that I had a communication from my Government, which I
desired to submit in person to the president and ministers of his Government at any hour during the day that it might please him to designate. I inclose a copy of my letter. This note was delivered to the
minister of foreign affairs by Mr. Mills, and the hour of 1:30 p. m.
was verbally designated for the interview.
At the hour appointed I went to the executive building and met
the President and his associate ministers, to whom I submitted the
decision of the President of the United States.          X
A memorandum of what I said upon the occasion was left with them
after delivery, a copy of which I inclose.
It may be proper at this time briefly to state my course of action
since arriving here on Saturday the 4th day of November last. My
baggage containing credentials did not come to hand until 4 o'clock,
before which time the offices of the Provisional Government were closed.
On Monday morning following, Mr. Mills, our consul-general, bore a
note to the minister of foreign affairs asking that he designate a time
for the presentation of Mr. Blount's letter of recall and my letter of
credence. Mr. Mills was authorized to say, and did say to him, that I
was ready on that day (Monday) to present my credentials. The Provisional Government, however, appointed the following day (Tuesday)
at 11 o'clock, at which time I was formally presented.
As our Government had for fifty years held the friendliest relations
with the people of these islands-native as well as foreign born-in




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2117


addressing the President, who was for the time being the formal representative of these people, I felt no hesitancy in employing the usual
terms of friendship, drawing, however, in what I said, a distinction
between the Provisional Government as a government and the people
of the islands. These statements were not only, as I have said, consistent with the uniform policy and feelings of the United States for
half a century, but expressed, as I knew, the personal feelings of the
President and of yourself towards the officers of the Provisional Government as men, and the kindly regard and interest felt in the welfare
and happiness of all the people who are now under its defacto rule.
From that day until last Tuesday at half-past one, there has been no
expression, direct or indirect, from the representative of the United
States towards the Provisional Government, explaining or defining our
relations, present or prospective, towards it. The delay in making any
announcement of your policy was, as you well understand, because of
the direct verbal and written instructions under which I have been
acting. Under those instructions my first duty was to guard the life
and safety of those who had by the act of our own minister been placed
in a position where there was an apparent antagonism between them
and our Government. As I understood from the President and from
you, the sole connection which our Government had with the settle-.
ment of the Hawaiian question was the undoing of what, from an international standpoint, was considered by the President to have been a
wrong to a feeble, defenseless, and friendly power. In undoing this
wrong I was, however, instructed first of all to see that proper safeguards were thrown around those who had been probably misled as to
the position of our Government and the wishes of our people.
My dispatch No. 3, of November 14, set forth my inability to secure
satisfactory guarantees from the Queen upon the points' indicated.
Until that was done you had directed me to take no further steps, but
to inform you of the result, which I did by a cipher telegram as well
as by the dispatch referred to. Your cipher instruction in reply
thereto, dated December 2 and received by me December 14, by the
revenue cutter Corwin, reiterated the duty which had been already
enjoined upon me to secure these guarantees.
I accordingly renewed my efforts in that direction, and finally, on
last Tuesday morning at 9 o'clock, as hereinbefore stated, I secured
from the Queen the written pledge and agreement which was the prerequisite of my further action.
Having received this pledge, I was then for the first time in a position to make known to the Provisional Government the decision of the
President upon the questions that had been submitted to him by the
protest of the Queen, which protest had been acknowledged and
accepted by the Provisional Government through its President, Mr.
Dole, the immediate effect of which was, according to the statement of
Mr. Damon, another honored member of the Provisional Government,
the Queen's temporary surrender of her throne.
You will observe that in presenting the decision of the President I
have used the language employed by yourself in your instructions to
me upon the subject. In my opening statement I thought proper to
explain what was known to you, and doubtless to the Provisional Government, that the secrecy which had been observed by our Government
was in the interest of the peace and safety of this community.
The President's attention had been called by you to the evidence contained in Mr. Blount's report showing the extraordinary complications
and dangers surrounding this community, among which were the racial




2118                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
prejudices, the intense feeling consequent upon the dethronement of the
constitutional sovereign, the presence of so many different nationalities-Chinese, Japanese, Portuguese, Americans, and English-in such
large numbers and with such diverse traits and interests, the possibility that the Japanese, now numbering more than one-fifth of the
male population of the islands, might take advantage of the condition
of affairs to demand suffrage and through it to obtain control of the
Government, together with the discontent of the native Hawaiians at
the loss of their Government and of the rights secured under it.
In addition to these facts, I was fully apprised by you in your personal conversations of the presence here of many lawless and disorderly characters, owing allegiance to neither party, who would gladly
take advantage of the excitement and general derangement of affairs
to indulge in rapine and mob violence; and also of the conflict between
the active responsible representatives of the Provisional Government
and certain men who were not officially connected with it, but who had
undertaken to dictate its policy. The danger from this last source I
found upon arriving here was much greater than you had supposed.
As I stated to you in my dispatch, No. 2, of November 10, the President
and ministers of the Provisional Government and a large per cent of
those who support them are men of high character and of large material interests in the islands. These men have been inclined to a conservative course toward the Hawaiians.
They had placed in the police and fire departments, and also in many
other more important offices, native Hawaiians, thus endeavoring to
conciliate the friendship and support of the 40,000 natives of the
country. The irresponsible element referred to were pressing for a
change of this wise and patriotic policy and insisting that they should
be invested with all power, thus intensifying and aggravating the racial
feeling already too extreme. Many of these men were open in their
threats against the life of the Queen. They have even gone as far in
the public prints and elsewhere as to threaten the representatives of
the Provisional Government in the event they should listen to the
President's supposed policy of peaceful settlement, if it involved the
restoration of the Queen.
Besides this danger, which would have been precipitated by any
premature announcement of the policy of our Government, there was
another danger deserving serious attention.
The native Hawaiians, under the wise advice of their best native
leaders supplemented by that of many sympathizing foreigners, have
maintained the policy of peace during the settlement of this question.
While, however, they have been always known as a peaceful and lawabiding people, the evidence of the most thoughtful men in these
islands, including Mr. Damon, the present minister of finance, called
attention to the fact that under proper leadership they might collect
quite an effective and aggressive following; hence his opinion given to
Mr. Blount while here and to me since that a strong force should be
retained by the Provisional Government or else trouble might result
from a sudden attack on their part.
The history of the Hawaiian people, their well-known devotion to
the cause of royalty or chieftainship, their willingness to sacrifice themselves in defense of their supposed rights or in redress of the wrongs
imposed upon those whom they revered confirmed the opinion expressed
by Mr. Damon as to their manly spirit and courage.
Repeatedly since I reached these islands I have been advised by
those in the confidence of the native Hawaiians that it was very diffi



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


cult to further restrain them. They were looking with confidence to
the United States for an amicable settlement of their grievances, and
this had exercised a wholesome influence upon their conduct. Any
sudden announcement of an adverse result, or any attempt upon the
dignity or life of the Queen, might, in their judgment, precipitate the
most serious consequences.
Under this state of affairs, which was known in part, although not
fully, to the Provisional Government, the policy of silence, to which you
advised, until the time had arrived for definite action, was unquestionably wise and humane. My deliberate judgment is that a different
course would have proved disastrous.
No one can estimate to what extent the presence of the different war
vessels has prevented demonstrations of marked or other violence.
I need not assure you that I have endeavored faithfully to comply
with the views and instructions of the President in regard to the military or naval forces of the United States. The two war ships now here
were here when I came. During the month of last August a general
license had been granted Admiral Skerrett by the Provisional Government to land and drill his forces whenever he so desired. On the 29th
day of November, as has been stated in my dispatch No. 8 of December 5, the Provisional Government addressed me a note revoking this
license, which action on behalf of our Government was promptly acquiesced in. No such privilege has been since exercised. So punctilious
has been the doctrine of non-intervention that when the band of the
Philadelphia came ashore one afternoon during a reception of some of
the ladies of the navy Admiral Irwin's attention having been called to
the fact that it had excited some comment he promptly issued an order
that there should be no repetition of this incident.
The Japanese and English legations have been guarded by marines
from their respective vessels, but no American soldier has been stationed here, and none will be. No official communication has been
conveyed from me to the Provisional Government by any representative of the naval forces of the United States; nor did I, under my
instructions, feel at liberty, as I otherwise gladly would have done, to
consult with the adTniral and high officers in command of our fleet,
whose clear and intelligent judgment would have been of great advantage to me in the frequent and delicate questions that have arisen.
In a word, neither directly nor indirectly have I conveyed or countenanced the idea that our Government proposed to interfere by force
in the domestic affairs of these islands. My visits to the United
States men-of-war have for this reason been limited to two or three
social occasions.
There has been, therefore, as little foundation for criticism in this
direction as there was for the temporary secresy observed, as we have
seen, as a safeguard against sudden outbreak and mob violence.
Under these circumstances, and guided by your imperative instructions, I submitted the decision of the President as one which was of
the greatest gravity and importance. What the answer will be I do
not know, but hope to be able to report in a very short time, as President Dole stated that the Provisional Government would take the
matter under its immediate advisement.
I have, etc.,
ALBERT S. WILLIS,




2120                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
(Inclosure No. 1 with No. 17.]
Mr. Dole to Mr. Willis.
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Honolulu, Haiaiian Islands, December 18, 1893.
SIR: I am informed that you are in communication with Liliuokalani, the
ex-Queen, with a view of re-establishing the monarchy in the Hawaiian Islands
and of supporting her pretensions to the sovereignty. Will you inform me if this
report is true or if you are acting in any way hostile to this Government.
I appreciate fully the fact that any such action upon your part in view of your
official relations with this Government would seem impossible; but as the information has come to me from such sources that I am compelled to notice it, you will
pardon me for pressing you for an immediate answer.
Accept the assurances of disting:ished consideration with which I have the honor
to be sir,
Your excellency's obedient, humble servant,
SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
(Inolosure No. 2 with No. 17.]
Mr. Willis to Mr. Dole.
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, December 19, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to inform you that I have a communication from my Government which I desire to submit to the President and ministers of your Government
at any hour to-day which it may please you to designate.
With high regard and sincere respect, I am, etc.,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
(Inclosure No. 3 with No. 17.]
Memorandum.
Mr. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN:
The President of the United States has very much regretted the delay in the consideration of the Hawaiian question, but it has been unavoidable. So much of it as
has occurred since my arrival has been due to certain conditions precedent, compliance with which was required before I was authorized to confer with you. The
President also regrets, as most assuredly do I, that any seeming secrecy should have
surrounded the interchange of views between our two Governments. I may say
this, however, that the secrecy thus far observed, has been in the interest and for
the safety of all your people.
I need hardly premise that the President's action upon the Hawaiian question has
been under the dictates of honor and duty? It is now, and has been from the
beginning, absolutely free from prejudice and resentment, and entirely consistent
with the long-established friendship and treaty ties which have so closely bound
together our respective Governments.
The President deemed it his duty to withdraw from the Senate the treaty of
annexation which had been signed by the Secretary of State and the agents of your
Government, and to dispatch a trusted representative to Hawaii to impartially investigate the causes of your revolution, and ascertain and report the true situation in
these islands. This information was needed, the better to enable the President to
discharge a delicate and important duty. Upon the facts embodied in Mr. Blount's
reports, the President has arrived at certain conclusions and determined upon a certain course of action with which it becomes my duty to acquaint you.
The Provisional Government was not established by the Hawaiian people or with
their consent or aquiescence, nor has it since existed with their consent. The Queen
refused to surrender her powers to the Provisional Government until convinced that
the minister of the United States had recognized it as the de facto authority and
would support and defend it with the military force of the United States, and that
resistance would precipitate a bloody conflict with that force. She was advised and
assured by her ministers and by leaders of the movement for the overthrow of her




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                         2121
Government that if she surrendered under protest her case would afterwards be fairly
considered by the President.of the United States. The Queen finally yielded to the
armed forces of the United States then quartered in Honolulu, relying on the good
faith and honor of the President, when informed of what had occurred, to undo the
action of the minister and reinstate her and the authority which she claimed as the
constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands.
After a patient examination of Mr. Blount's reports the President is satisfied that
the movement against the Queen, if not instigated, was encouraged and supported
by the representative of this Government at Honolulu; that he promised in advance
to aid her enemies in an effort to overthrow the Hawaiian Government and set up
by force a new government in its place, and that he kept this promise by causing a
detachment of troops to be landed from the Boston on the 16th of January, and
by recognizing the Provisional Government the next day when it was too feeble to
defend itself and the Constitutional Government was able to successfully maintain
its authority against any threatening force other than that of the United States
already landed.
The President has therefore determined that he will not send back to the Senate
for its action thereon the treaty which he withdrew from that body for further consideration on the 9th day of March last.
In view of these conclusions, I was instructed by the President to take advantage
of an early opportunity to inform the Queen of this determination and of his views
as to the responsibility of our Government.
The President, however, felt that we, by our original interference, had incurred
responsibilities to the whole Hawaiian community, and that it would not be just
to put one party at the mercy of the other. I was, therefore, instructed, at the
same time, to inform the Queen that when reinstated, that the President expected
that she would pursue a magnanimous course by granting full amnesty to all who
participated in the movement against her, including persons who are or who have
been officially or otherwise connected with the Provisional Government, depriving
them of no right or privilege which they enjoyed before the so-called revolution.
All obligations created by the Provisional Government in due course of administration should be assumed.
In obedience to the command of the President I have secured the Queen's agree.
ment to this course, and I now read and deliver a writing signed by her and duly
attested, a copy of which I will leave with you.
(The agreement was here read.)
It becomes my further duty to advise you, sir, the executive of the Provisional
Government and your ministers, of the President's determination of the question,
which your action and that of the Queen devolved upon him, and that you are
expected to promptly relinquish to her her constitutional authority.
And now, Mr. President, and gentlemen of the Provisional Government, with a
deep and solemn sense of the gravity of the situation and with the earnest hope that
your answer will be inspired by that high patriotism which forgets all self-interest,
in the name and by the authority of the United States of America, I submit to you
the question, "Are you willing to abide by the decision of the President?"
AMr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
[Confidential.]
No. 18.]               LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, December 23, 1893.-12 midnight.
SIR: President Dole has just delivered in person at this hour (midnight) the answer of the Provisional Government, declining for reasons
therein stated to accept the decision of the President of the United
States, a copy of which is herewith inclosed.
The revenue cutter Corwin is under sailing orders and will leave
here in a few minutes for San Francisco. The captain has been
instructed to slow up, if necessary, and enter the harbor of San Francisco at night and to deliver in person the dispatches numbered 14,15,
16, 17, 18, and 19 to our dispatch agent at that place.
The object of this is to enable the President to receive these official




2122


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


communications before any intimation of their character can be tele
graphed.
I will on Tuesday acknowledge the receipt of the answer of the Pro.
visional Government, notifying it that the President of the United
States will be informed thereof, and that no further steps will be taken
by me until I shall have heard from him. I shall deliver a similar communication to the Queen.
The very great excitement prevailing here and the peculiar conditions
surrounding this people prompt the above course, which, I trust, will
meet with the approbation of the President and of yourself.
I think it proper to acknowledge in this public way the efficient services rendered to the Government of the United States by our consulgeneral, Mr. Mills, since my arrival at this place.
I have, etc.,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
[Inclosure with No. 18.]
Mir. Dole to Mr. Willis.
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Hon olalu, Decem br 23, 1S93.
SIR: Your excellency's communication of December 19, announcing the conclusion
which the President of the United States of America has finally arrived at respecting the application of this Government for a treaty of political union with that
country, and referring also to the domestic affairs of these islands, has had the consideration of the Government.
While it is with deep disappointment that we learn that the important proposition
which we have submitted to the Government of the United States, and which was at
first favorably considered by it, has at length been rejected, we have experienced a
sense of relief that we are now favored with the first official information upon the
subject that has been received through a period of over nine months.
While we accept the decision of the President of the United States, declining further to consider the annexation proposition, as the final conclusion of the present
administration, we do not feel inclined to regard it as the last word of the American
Government upon this subject, for the history of the mut~ual relations of the two
countries, of American effort and influence in building up the Christian civilization
which has so conspicuously aided in giving this country an honorable place among
independent nations, the geographical position of these islands, and the important
and, to both countries, profitable reciprocal commercial interests which have long
existed, together with our weakness as a, sovereign nation, all point with convincing force to political union between the two countries as the necessary logical
result from the circumstances mentioned. This conviction is emphasized by the
favorable expression of American statesmen over a long period in favor of annexation, conspicuous among whom are the names of W. L. Marcy, William H. Seward,
Hamilton Fish, and James G. Blaine, all former Secretaries of State, and especially
so by the action of your last administration in negotiating a treaty of annexation with
this Government and sending it to the Senate with a view to its ratification.
We shall therefore continue the project of political union with the United States
as a conspicuous feature of our foreign policy, confidently hoping that sooner or
later it will be crowned with success, to the lasting benefit of both countries.
The additional portion of your communication referring to our domestic affairs
with a view of interfering therein, is a new departure in the relations of the two
governments. Your information that the President of the United States expects
this Government "to promptly relinquish to her (meaning the ex-Queen) her constitutional authority," with the question "are you willing to abide by the decision
of the President?" might well be dismissed in a single word, but for the circumstance that your communication contains, as it appears to me, misstatements and
erroneous conclusions based thereon, that are so prejudicial to this Government that
I can not permit them to pass unchallenged; moreover, the importance and menacing
character of this proposition make it appropriate for me to discuss somewhat fully
the questions raised by it.
We do not recognize the right of the President of the United States to interfe' 
in our domestic affairs. Such right could be conferred upon him by the act of this




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                          2123
Government, and by that alone, or it could be acquired by eonqnest. This I under.
stand to be the American doctrine, conspiciously announced from time to time by
the authorities of your Government.
President Jackson said in his message to Congress in 1836: "The uniform policy
and practice of the United States is to avoid all interference in disputes which
merely relate to the internal government of other nations, and eventually to recognize the authority of the prevailing party, without reference to the merits of the
original controversy."
This principle of international law has been consistently recognized during the
whole past intercourse of the two countries, and was recently reaffirmed in the
instructions given by Secretary Gresham to Commissioner Blount on March 11, 1893,
and by the latter published in the newspapers in Honolulu in a letter of his own to
the Hawaiian public. The words of these instructions which I refer to are as
follows: "The United States claim no right to interfere in the political or domestic
affairs or in the internal conflicts of the Hawaiian Islands other than as herein
stated (referring to the protection of American citizens) or for the purpose of
maintaining any treaty or other rights which they possess." The treaties between
the two countries confer no right of interference.
Upon what, then, Mr. Minister, does the President of the United States base his
right of interference? Your communication is without information upon this point,
excepting such as may be contained in the following brief and vague sentences:
" She (the ex-Queen) was advised and assured by her ministers and leaders of the
movement for the overthrow of her government that if she surrendered under protest her case would afterward be fairly considered by the President of the United
States. The Queen finally yielded to the armed forces of the United States, then
quartered in Honolulu, relying on the good faith and honor of the President, when
informed of what had occurred, to undo the action of the minister and reinstate her
and the authority which she claimed as the constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian
Islands." Also, "it becomes my further duty to advise you, sir, the Executive of
the Provisional Government, and your ministers, of the President's determination
of the question which your action and that of the Queen devolved upon him, and
that you are expected to promptly relinquish to her her constitutional authority."
I understand that the first quotation is referred to in the following words of the
second, "which your action and that of the Queen devolved upon him" (the President of the United States), and that the President has arrived at his conclusions from
Commissioner Blount's report. We have had as yet no opportunity of examining
this document, but from extracts published in the papers and for reasons set forth
hereafter, we are not disposed to submit the fate of Hawaii to its statements and
conclusions. As a matter of fact no member of the executive of the Provisional Governmeut has conferred with the ex-Queen, either verbally or otherwise, from the time
the new Government was proclaimed till now, with the exception of one or two notices
which were sent to her by myself in regard to her removal from the palace and relating to the guards which the Government first allowed her and perhaps others of a
like nature. I infer that a conversation which Mr. Damon, then a member of the
advisory council, is reported by Mr. Blount to have had with the ex-Queen on January 17, and which has been quoted in the newspapers, is the basis of this astounding claim of the President of the United States of his authority to adjudicate upon
our right as a government to exist.
Mr. Damon, on the occasion mentioned, was allowed to accompany the cabinet of
the former Government, who had been in conference with me and my associates, to
meet the ex-Queen. He went informally, without instructions and without authority
to represent the Government or to assure the ex-Queen "that if she surrendered
under protest her case would afterwards be fairly considered by the President of the
United States." Our ultimatum had already been given to the members of the
ex-cabinet who had been in conference with us. What Mr. Damon said to the
ex-Queen he said on his individual responsibility and did not report it to us. Mr.
Blount's report of his remarks on that occasion furnish to the Government its first
information of the nature of those remarks. Admitting for argument's sake that
the Governmenthad authorized such assurances, whatwas "' her case" that was afterwards to "be fairly considered by the President of the United States?"
Was it the question of her right to subvert the Hawaiian constitution and to proclaim a new one to suit herself, or was it her claim to be restored to the sovereignty,
or was it her claim against the United States for the alleged unwarrantable acts of
Minister Stevens, or was it all these in the alternative; who can say? But if it had
been all of these, or any of them, it could not have been more clearly and finally
decided by the President of the United States in favor of the Provisional Government
than when he recognized it without qualification and received its accredited commissioners, negotiated a treaty of annexation with them, received its accredited
envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, and accredited successively two
envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary to it; the ex-Queen in the mean



2124                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
time being represented in Washington by her agent who had full access to the
Department of State.
The whole business of the Government with the President of the United States is
set forth in the correspondence between the two governments and the acts and
statements of the minister of this Government at Washington and the annexation
commissioners accredited to it. If we have submitted our right to exist to the
United States, the fact will appear in that correspondence and the acts of our minister and commissioners. Such agreemeht must be shown as the foundation of the
right of your Government to interfere, for an arbitrator can be created only by the
act of two parties.
The ex-Queen sent her attorney to Washington to plead her claim for a reinstatement in power, or failing that for a money allowance or damages. This attorney
was refused passage on the Government dispatch boat, which was sent to San Francisco with the annexation commissioners and their message. The departure of this
vessel was less than two days after the new Government was declared, and the refusal
was made promptly upon receiving the request therefor either on the day the Government was declared or on the next day. If an intention to submit the question
of the reinstatement of the ex-Queen had existed, why should her attorney have
been refused passage on this boat? The ex-Queen's letter to President Harrison
dated January 18, the day after the new Government was proclaimed, makes no
allusion to any understanding between her and the Government for arbitration.
Her letter is as follows:
"His Excellency BENJAMIN HARRISON,
"President of the United States:
"MY GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND: It is with deep regret that I address -you on
this occasion. Some of my subjects aided by aliens, have renounced their loyalty
and revolted against the constitutional Government of my Kingdom. They have
attempted to depose me and to establish a provisional government in direct conflict
with the organic law of this Kingdom. Upon receiving incontestible proof that
his excellency the minister plenipotentiary of the United States, aided and abetted
their unlawful movements and caused United States troops to be landed for that
purpose, I submitted to force, believing that he would not have acted in that manner
unless by the authority of the Government which he represents.
" This action on my part was prompted by three reasons: The futility of a conflict with the United States; the desire to avoid violence, bloodshed and the destruction of life and property, and the certainty which I feel that you and your Government will right whatever wrongs may have been inflicted upon us in the premises.
" In due time a statement of the true facts relating to this matter will be laid
before you, and I live in the hope that you will judge uprightly and justly between
myself and my enemies. This appeal is not made for myself personally, but for my
people, who have hitherto always enjoyed the friendship and protection of the
United States.
"' My opponents have taken the only vessel which could be obtained here for the
purpose, and hearing of their intention to send a delegation of their number to present their side of this conflict before you, I requested the favor of sending by the
same vessel an envoy to you, to lay before you my statement, as the facts appear to
myself and my loyal subjects.
"This request has been refused, and I now ask you that in justice to myself and
to my people that no steps be taken by the Government of the United States until
my cause can be heard by you.
"I shall be able to dispatch an envoy about the 2d of February, as that will be
the first available opportunity hence, and he will reach you by every possible
haste that there may be no delay in the settlement of this matter.
'" I pray you, therefore, my good friend, that you will not allow any conclusions
to be reached by you until my envoy arrives.
" I beg to assure you of the continuance of my highest consideration.
"< LILIUOKALANI R.
"HONOLULU, January 18, 1893."
If any understanding had existed at that time between her and the Government
to submit the question of her restoration to the United States, some reference to
such an understanding would naturally have appeared in this letter, as every reason
would have existed for calling the attention of the President to that fact, especially
as she then knew that her attorney would be seriously delayed in reaching Washington. But there is not a word from which such an understanding can be predicated. The Government sent its commissioners to Washington for the sole object
of procuring the confirmation of the recognition by Minister Stevens of the new
Government and to enter into negotiations for political union with the United
States. The protest of the ex-Queen, made on January 17, is equally with the let



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2125


ter devoid of evidence of any mutual understanding for a submission of her claim
to the throne to the United States. It is very evidently a protest against the
alleged action of Minister Stevens as well as the new Government, and contains a
notice of her appeal to the United States.
The document was received exactly as it would have been received if it had come
through the mail. The indorsement of its receipt upon the paper was made at the
request qf the individual who brought it as evidence of its safe delivery. As to the
ex-Queen's notice of her appeal to the United States, it was a matter of indifference
to us. Such an appeal could not have been prevented, as the mail service was in
operation as usual. That such a notice, and our receipt of it without comment,
should be made a foundation of a claim that we had submitted our right to exist
as a government to the United States had never occurred to us until suggested to
us by your Government. The protest is as follows:
"I, Liliuokalani. by the grace of God and under the constitution of the Hawaiian
Kingdom, Queen, do hereby solemnly protest against any and all acts done against
myself and the constitutional Government of the Hawaiian Kingdom by certain
persons claiming to have established a provisional government of and for this
Kingdom.
"That I yield to the superior force of the United States of America, whose minister plenipotentiary, his excellency John L. Stevens, has caused United States troops
to be landed at Honolulu, and declared that he would support the said Provisional
Government.
"Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces, and perhaps the loss of life, I do,
under this protest, and impelled by said force, yield my authority until such time as
the Government of the United States shall, upon the facts being presented to it,
undo the action of its representative and reinstate me in the authority which I
claim as the constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands.
"Done at Honolulu the 17th day of January, A. D. 1893.
" LILIUOKALANI, R.
" SAMUEL PARKER,
"Minister of Foreign Affairm.
"WILLIAM H. CORNWELL,
"Minister of Finance.
"JOHN F. COLBURN,
"Minister of the Interior.
"A. P. PETERSON,
" Attorney-General.
"S. B. DOLE, Esq., and others,
"Composing the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands."
(Indorsed:) " Received by the hands of the late cabinet this 17th day of January,
A. D. 1893. Sanford B. Dole, chairman of executive council of Provisional Government."
You may not be aware, but such is the fact, that at no time until the presentation
of the claim of the President of the United States of his right to interfere in the
internal affairs of this country, by you on December 19, has this Government been
officially informed by the United States Government that any such course was contemplated. And not until the publication of Mr. Gresham's letter to the President
of the United States on the Hawaiian question had we any reliable intimation of
such a policy. The adherents of the ex-Queen have indeed claimed from time to
time that such was the case, but we have never been able to attach serious importance to their rumors to that effect, feeling secure in our perfect diplomatic relations with your country, and relying upon the friendship and fairness of a government whose dealings with us had ever shown full recognition of our independence
as a sovereign power, without any tendency to take advantage of the disparity of
strength between the two countries.
If your contention that President Cleveland believes that this Government and
the ex-Queen have submitted their respective claims to the sovereignty of this
country to the adjudication of the United States is correct, then, may I ask, when
and where has the President held his court of arbitration? This Government has
had no notice of the sitting of such a tribunal and no opportunity of presenting
evidence of its claims. If Mr. Blount's investigations were apart of the proceedings
of such a court, this Government did not know it and was never informed of it;
indeed, as I have mentioned above, we never knew until the publication of Secretary Gresham's letter to President Cleveland a few weeks ago, that the American
Executive had a policy of interference under contemplation. Even if we had known
that Mr. Blount was authoritatively acting as a commissioner to take evidence upon
the question of the restoration of the ex-Queen, the methods adopted by him in
making his investigations were, I submit, unsuitable to such an examination or
any examination upon which human interests were to be adjudicated.




2126                      HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.
As I am reliably informed, he selected his witnesses and examined them in secret,
freely using leading questions, giving no opportunity for a cross-examination, and
often not permitting such explanations by witnesses themselves as they desired to
make of evidence which he had drawn from them. Is it hardly necessary for me to
suggest that under such a mode of examination some witnesses would be almost
helpless in the hands of an astute lawyer, and might be drawn into saying things
which would be only half-truths, and standing alone would be misleading or even
false in efflect. Is it likely that an investigation conducted in this manner could
result in a fair, full, and truthful statement of the case in point? Surely the destinies of a friendly Government, admitting by way of argument that the right of
arbitration exists, may not be disposed of upon an ex parte and secret investigation
made without the knowledge of such Goverunent or an opportunity by it to be
heard or even to know who the witnesses were.
Mr. Blount came here as a stranger and at once entered upon his duties. He
devoted himself to the work of collecting information, both by the examination of
witnesses and the collection of statistics and other documentary matter, with great
energy and industry, giving up, substantially, his whole time to its prosecution. He
was here but a few months, and during that time was so occupied with this work
that he had little opportunity left for receiving those impressions of the state of
affairs which could best have come to him, incidentally, through a wide soclai intercourse with the people of the country and a personal acquaintance with its various
communities and educational and industrial enterprises. He saw the country from
his cottage in the center of Honolulu mainly through the eyes of the witnesses whom
he examined. Under these circumstances is it probable that the most earnest of men
would be able to form a statement that could safely be relied upon as the basis of a
decision upon the question of the standing of a government?
In view, therefore, of all the facts in relation to the question of the President's
authority to interfere and concerning which the members of the executive were
actors and eye-witnesses, I am able to assure your excellency that by no action of this
Government, on the 17th day of January last or since that time, has the authority
devolved upon the President of the United States to interfere in the internal affairs
of this country through any conscious act or expression of this Government with
such an intention.
You state in your communication"After a patient examination of Mr. Blount's reports the President is satisfied
that the movement against the Queen if not instigated was encouraged and supported by the representative of this Government at Honolulu; that he promised in
advance to aid her enemies in an effort to overthrow the Hawaiian Government and
set up by force a new government in its place; that he kept his promise by causing
a detachment of troops to be landed from the Boston on the 16th of January, 1893,
and by recognizing the Provisional Government the next day when it was too
feeble to defend itself and the Constitutional Government was able to successfully
maintain its authority against any threatening force other than that of the United
States already landed."
Without entering into a discussion of the facts I beg to state in reply that I am
unable to judge of the correctness of Mr. Blount's report front which the President's
conclusions were drawn, as I have had no opportunity of examining such report.
But I desire to specifically and emphatically deny the correctness of each and every
one of the allegations of fact contained in the above-quoted statement; yet, as the
President has arrived at a positive opinion in his own mind in the matter, I will
refer to it from his standpoint.
My position, is briefly, this: If the American forces illegally assisted the revolutionists in the establishment of the Provisional Government that Government is
not responsible for their wrong-doing. It was purely a private matter for discipline
between the United States Government and its own officers. There is, I submit, no
precedent in international law for the theory that such action of the American
troops has conferred upon the United States authority over the internal affairs of
this Government. Should it be true, as you have suggested, that the American Government made itself responsible to the Queen, who, it is alleged lost her throne
through such action, that is not a matter for me to discuss, except to submit that
if such be the case, it is a matter for the American Government and her to settle
between them. This Government, a recognized sovereign power, equal in authority
with the United States Government and enjoying diplomatic relations with it, can
not be destroyed by it for the sake of discharging its obligations to the ex-Queen.
Upon these grounds, Mr. Minister, in behalf of my Government I respectfully protest against the usurpation of its authority as suggested by the language of your
communication.
It is difficult for a stranger like yourself, and much more for the President of the
United States, with his pressing responsibilities, his crowding cares and his want of
familiarity with the condition and history of this country and the inner life of its




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                          212 7
people, to obtain a clear insight into the real state of affairs and to understand the
social currents, the race feelings and the customs and traditions which all contribute
to the political outlook. We, who have grown up here or who have adopted this
country as our home, are conscious of the difficulty of maintaining a stable government here. A community which is made up of five races, of which the larger part
but dimly appreciate the significance and value of representative institutions, offers
political problems which may well tax the wisdom of the most experienced statesman.
For long years a large and influential part of this community, including many foreigners and native Hawaiians, have observed with deep regret the retrogressive
tendencies of the Hawaiian monarchy, and have honorably striven against them,
and have sought through legislative work, the newspapers, and by personal appeal
and individualinfluence to support and emphasize the representative features of the
monarchy and to create a public sentiment favorable thereto, and thereby to avert
the catastrophe that seemed inevitable if such tendencies were not restrained.
These efforts have been met by the last two sovereigns in a spirit of aggressive hostility. The struggle became at length a well-defined issue between royal prerogative and the right of representative government, and most bitterly and unscrupulously has it been carried on in the interests of the former. The King's privilege of
importing goods for his own use without paying the duties thereon was abused to
the extent of admitting large quantities of liquors, with which to debauch the electorate. He promoted the election of Government officers, both executive and judicial,to the legislative assembly, and freely appointed to office elected members thereof.
In the legislature of 1886, of which I was a member, the party supporting the
Government was largely in the majority, and nearly every member of such majority
held some appointment from the Government, and some of them as many as two or
three, thereby effectually placing the legislative branch of the Government under
the personal and absolute control of the King. The constitutional encroachments,
lawless extravagance, and scandalous and open sales of patronage and privilege to
the highest bidder by Kalakaua brought in at length the revolution of 1887, which
had the full sympathy and moral support of all the diplomatic representatives in
Honolulu, including Minister Merrill, who was at that time President Cleveland's
minister here.
This revolution was not an annexation movement in any sense, but tended toward
an independent republic, but, when it had the monarchy in its power, conservative
counsels prevailed, and a new lease of life was allowed that institution on the condition of royal fidelity to the new constitution, which was then promulgated and
which greatly curtailed the powers of the sovereign. Kalakaua was not faithful
to this compact, and sought as far as possible to evade its stipulations. The insurrection of 1889 was connived at by him, and the household guards under his control
were not allowed to take part in suppressing it. The Princess Liliuokalani was in
full sympathy with this movement, being a party to it, and furnished her suburban
residence to the insurgents for their meetings. The arrangements were there made,
and the insurgents marched thence for their attack upon the Government. The
affair was suppressed in a few hours of lighting, with some loss of life to the insurgents, by the party which carried through the revolution of 1887.
The ex-Queen's rule was even more reckless and retrogressive than her brother's
Less politic than he, and with less knowledge of affairs, she had more determination
and was equally unreliable and deficient in moral principle. She, to all appearance,
unhesitatingly took the oath of office to govern according to the constitution, and
evidently regarding it merely as a formal ceremony began, according to her own
testimony to Mr. Blount, to lay her plans to destroy the constitution and replace it
with one of her own creation. With a like disregard of its sanctions, she made the
most determined efforts to control all of the appointments to office, both executive
and judicial. The session of the legislature of 1892 was the longest that had ever
occurred in our history, and was characterized by a most obstinate struggle for personal control of the Government and the legislature on the part of the Queen. This
was strenuously resisted by the opposition.
During this contest four ministerial cabinets were appointed and unseated, and
the lottery-franchise bill, which had been withdrawn early in the session for want
of sufficient support, was at the last moment, when the opposition was weakened
by the absence of several of its members, again brought forward and passed through
the exercise of improper and illegitimate influences upon the legislators, among
which were personal appeals on the part of the Queen to them. The cabinet which
represented the opposition and the majority of the legislature which the Queen had
been compelled to appoint was unseated by similar means, and with a new cabinet
of her own choice the legislature was prorogued. This lottery franchise was of a
character corresponding with similar institutions which have been driven out of
every State of the American Union by an indignant public sentiment. If it had been
established here it would in a brief period have obtained full control of the Government patronage and corrupted the social and political life of the people.




2128


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Although the situation at the close of the session was deeply discouraging to the
community, it was accepted without any intention of meeting it by other than legal
means. The attempted coup d'etat of the Queen followed, and her ministers, threatened with violence, fled to the citizens for assistance and protection; then it was
that the uprising against the Queen took place, and, gathering force from day to
day, resulted in the proclamation of the Provisional Government and the abrogation
of the monarchy on the third day thereafter.
No man can correctly say that the Queen owed her downfall to the interference of
American forces. The revolution was carried through by the representatives, now
largely reinforced, of the same public sentiment which forced the monarchy to its
knees in 1887, which suppressed the insurrection of 1889, and which for twenty
years has been battling for representative government in this country. If the
American forces had been absent the revolution would have taken place, for the
sufficient causes for it had nothing to do with their presence.
I, therefore, in all friendship of the Government of the United States, which you
represent, and desiring to cherish the good will of the great American people, submit the answer of my Government to your proposition, and ask that you will
transmit the same to the President of the United States for his consideration.
Though the Provisional Government is far from being "a great power" and could
not long resist the forces of the United States in a hostile attack, we deem our position
to be impregnable under all legal precedents, under the principles of diplomatic
intercourse, and in the forum of conscience. We have done your Government no
wrong; no charge of discourtesy is or can be brought against us. Our only issue
with your people has been that, because we revered its institutions of civil liberty,
we have desired to have them extended to our own distracted country, and because
we honor its flag and deeming that its beneficent and authoritative presence would
be for the best interests of all of our people, we have stood ready to add our country,
a new star, to its glory, and to consummate a union which we believed would be as
much for the benefit of your country as ours. If this is an offense, we plead guilty
to it.
I am instructed to inform you, Mr. Minister, that the Provisional Government of
the Hawaiian Islands respectfully and unhesitatingly declines to entertain the
proposition of the President of the United States that it should surrender its authority to the ex-Queen.
This answer is made not only upon the grounds hereinbefore set forth, but upon
our sense of duty and loyalty to the brave men whose commissions we hold, who
have faithfully stood by us in the hour of trial, and whose will is the only earthly
authority we recognize. We can not betray the sacred trust they have placed in our
hands, a trust which represents the cause of Christian civilization in the interests of
the whole people of these islands.
With assurances of the highest consideration,
I have, etc.,
SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
His Excellency ALBERT S. WILLIS,
U. S. Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary.
Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
No. 19.]                                           DECEMBER 23 1893.
This communication simply transmits minister's salary account.
[Telegram.]
WASHINGTON, January 12, 1894.
W. A. COOPER,
[U. S. Dispatch Agent,
Post-Office Building, San Francisco, Cal.:
Forward following telegram     to Hon. A. S. Willis, U. S. minister,
Honolulu, by steamer Mariposa to-morrow.
W. Q. GRIESHAM.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   2129
WILLIS,                         WASHINGTON, January 12, 1894.
Minister, Honolulu:
Your numbers 14 to 18, inclusive, show that you have rightly com.
prehended the scope of your instructions, and have, as far as was in
your power, discharged the onerous task confided to you.
The President sincerely regrets that the Provisional Government
refuses to acquiesce in the conclusion which his sense of right and duty
and a due regard for our national honor constrained him to reach and
submit as a measure of justice to the people of the Hawaiian Islands
and their deposed sovereign. While it is true that the Provisional
Government was created to exist only until the islands were annexed
to the United States, that the Queen finally, but reluctantly, surrendered to an armed force of this Government illegally quartered in
Honolulu, and representatives of the Provisional Government (which
realized its impotency and was anxious to get control of the Queen's
means of defense) assured her that, if she would surrender, her case
would be subsequently considered by the United States, the President
has never claimed that such action constituted him an arbitrator in the
technical sense, or authorized him to act in that capacity between the
Constitutional Government and the Provisional Government. You
made no such claim when you acquainted that Government with the
President's decision.
The solemn assurance given to the Queen has been referred to, not
as authority for the President to act as arbitrator, but as a fact material to a just determination of the President's duty in the premises.
In the note which the minister of foreign affairs addressed to you
on the 23d ultimo it is stated in effect that even if the Constitutional
Government was subverted by the action of the American minister and
an invasion by a military force of the United States, the President's
authority is limited to dealing with our own unfaithful officials, and that
he can take no steps looking to the correction of the wrong done. The
President entertains a different view of his responsibility and duty.
The subversion of the Hawaiian Government by an abuse of the authority of the United States was in plain violation of international law and
required the President to disavow and condemn the act of our offending officials, and, within the limits of his constitutional power, to
endeavor to restore the lawful authority.
On the 18th ultimo the President sent a special message to Congress
communicating copies of Mr. Blount's reports and the instructions
given to him and to you. On the same day, answering a resolution of
the House of Representatives, he sent copies of all correspondence
since March 4, 1889, on the political affairs and relations of Hawaii,
withholding, for sufficient reasons, only Mr. Stevens' No. 70 of October
8, 1892, and your No. 3 of November 16, 1893. The President therein
announced that the conditions of restoration suggested by him to the
Queen had not proved acceptable to her, and that since the instructions sent to you to insist upon those conditions he had not learned
that the Queen was willing to assent to them. The President thereupon submitted the subject to the more extended powers and wider
discretion of Congress, adding the assurance that he would be gratified to cooperate in any legitimate plan which might be devised for a
solution of the problem consistent with American honor, integrity, and
morality.
Your reports show that on further reflection the Queen gave her
unqualified assent in writing to the conditions suggested, but that the
S. Rep. 227 —134




2130                   HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Provisional Government refuses to acquiesce in the President's deci.
sion.
The matter now being in the hands of Congress the President will
keep that body fully advised of the situation, and will lay before it
from time to time the reports received from you, including your No. 3,
heretofore withheld, and all instructions sent to you. In the mean.
time, while keeping the Department fully informed of the course of
events, you will, until further notice, consider that your special instruc.
tions upon this subject have been fully complied with.




Honse Ex. Doc. No. 95, Fifty-third Congress, second session.


MESSAGE
FROM THE
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
TRANSMITTING
A letter from the Secretary of State, with a dispatch received from the
U. S. minister at Hawaii.
FEBRUARY 2, 1894.-Referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs and ordered to be
printed.
The CoNGRESS:
I hereby transmit a communication from the Secretary of State,
accompanying a dispatch received a few days ago from our minister at
Hawaii.
GROVER CLEVELAND.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
February 2, 1894.
The PRESIDENT:
I send herewith, with a view to their transmission to Congress, if in
the opinion of the President such action is not inconsistent with the
public interest, two copies of dispatch No. 274, under date of January
12, from Mr. Willis, our minister at Honolulu, it being the only communication received from him since January 22 bearing upon the
relations between the United States and Hawaii.
Three other dispatches, Nos. 25, 26, and 27, inclosing requisitions for
stationery, duplicate accounts of transit salary, and other papers having no relevancy to the matters which the President submitted to Congress in his special message of December 18, came by the same mail.
Respectfully submitted.
W. Q. GRESHAM.L
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 2, 1894.
2131




2132                  HAWAIIAN AFFAIRS.
[Confidential.]
So. 271.]
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 12, 1894.
SIR: On yesterday at 6:30 p. m. I received the Hon. S. B. Dole's
answer to my letter of January 1, requesting him "at his earliest convenience" to give me the specifications contained in a prior letter.
His answer is about fifty pages of closely written official paper, and
has been delivered to me too late to either copy or reply to, in time for
the steamer leaving at 2 p. m. to-day.
There is one extract, however, to which I think your attention should
be called, wherein it is stated " this Government has been and nowv is subjected to the necessity of increased watchfulness and large additional
expense, which, but for such attitude, would have been unnecessary."
The emphasis above is mine. In a previous letter of December 27
Minister Dole had stated: "The Government offices have been placed
and still continue in a condition of defense and preparation for siege,
and the community has been put into a state of mind bordering on terrorism.f" The emphasis above is mine. Some portions of the letters
from which these extracts are made confirm the above statements while
others seem to negative them. With this explanation, I submit them
for your consideration.
The next steamer leaves here February 3, which would place you in
possession of Mr. Dole's letter and my purposed reply thereto about
February 18.
Very respectfully,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
Hon. W. Q. GRESHAM,
Secretary of State.




House Ex. Doc. No. 112, Fifty-third Congress, second session. 


MESSAGE
FROM THE
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
TRANSMITTING
Further correspondence relating to the Hawaiian Islands.
FEBRUARY 13, 1894. —Read, referred to tile Committee on Foreign Relations, and
ordered to be printed.
The Congress:
I transmit herewith two dispatches, received a few days -ago, from our
minister at Rawtaii, and a reply to one of thiem, from. the Secretary
of State, in which a correct version is given of an interview which
occurred November 14, 1I893, between tile Secretary of State and Mr.
Thurston, represeiitin g the Provisional Governmnent at Washuiigton.
GnOVER CLEVELAND.
EXEC1UTIVE MIANSION,
Washingt~on, _February 12, 1884.
Mr. Willis to ]Ir. Greshanz.
[Confidential.]
N'o. 281LEGATION OF TIlE, UNITED STATES,s 
23.1        ~~honolulu, _hawaiian, Islands, January 16, 1894.
Sin,: On last Thursday, January 11, by a vote of 7 to 2, the 17th
day of January, being the first anniversary of the Provisional Government, was declared a 1)ublic holiday.
On yesterday afternoon the representatives of foreign governments
received invitations to "participate in the observance of the day."
Subsequently, the IBritish minister, Maj. Wodehouse; the Portuguese
charg6 d'affaires and consul-g-eneral, Senhor Canavarro; the diplomatic agent and consul-general. of Japain, Monsieur Fujii, together
with Monsieur Vizzavona, chanceellor and acting commissioner ot
France, called to inquire what reply the U. S. diplomatic agent would
make.                                                     2133




2134                      HAWAIIAN AFFAIRS.
I stated to these gentlemen that the course of our Government had
not then been detcminined, but I did not feel at liberty to assent to the
suggestion made by one of them that they should be guided exclusively
in this matter by the United States. After an interchange of views
they concluded that under the instructions of their respective governments they could not participate in the observance of the day and that
they would so notify the Provisional Government.
This afternoon I replied to Mr. Dole's letter, a copy of which reply I
inclose, stating that " with due appreciation of his courtesy and with
no disrespect to him or his Government, I was, I regretted to say,
unable to accept the invitation extended."
The programme of the celebration to-morrow        includes battalion
review and parade of military, reception at executive building, firing
of national salute, and mass meeting at night, to be addressed by half
a dozen speakers.
With high regard, I am, etc.,
ALBERT S. WILLIS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary,
United States of America.
[Inclosure.]
Mr. Willis to Mr. Dole.
LEGATION OF THE INITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 16, 1894.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt on yesterday afternoon of your
communication of January 13, 1894, informing me that "Wednesday, the 17th instant,
will be observed as a national holiday. The Hawaiian flag will be displayed on all
Government buildings and a national salute will be fired from the battery at noon,"
and inviting me "to participate in the observance of the day."
With due appreciation of your courtesy and with no disrespect to you or your
Government, I am, I regret to say, unable to accept the invitation extended.
The letters inclosed in your communication, addressed to Admiral Irwin, Capt.
Barker, and Capt. Nelson, of the U. S. Navy, were, as requested, transmitted to them,
and the answers thereto I send herewith.
With renewed assurances of high consideration, and with the earnest hope that
all questions between our governments may be speedily, honorably, and satisfactorily determined,
I am, etc.,
ALBERT S. WILLIS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, United States of America.
AMr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.
[Confidential.]
No. 29.]                    LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 16, 1894.
Sin: In a letter from Hon. S. B. Dole, minister of foreign affairs,
addressed to me under date of January 11, the following statement is
made:
On November 14, Mr. Thurston, Hawaiian minister at Washington, called upon
the Secretary of State, and inquired if the above letter [yours of October 18] was
authentic, and was assured by Mr. Gresham that it was.
Mr. Thurston then said: "I wish, then, to further ask whether it is the intention
of the United States Government to carry out its policy therein indicated by force;




HAWAIIAN AFFAIRS.                       2135
or, in other words, whether, if the Provisional Government declines to accede to the
request of the United States Government to vacate in favor of the Queen, United
States troops will be used to enforce the request."
To which Mr. Gresham replied:
"I am not at liberty at present to answer that question. It is a matter concerning which I will speak to the President and talk with you more fully this afternoon."
In the afternoon of the same day Mr. Gresham further said to Mr. Thurston:
"I have already answered your first question, to the effect that the letter published [Secretary Gresham to the President] was authentic, and a correct statement
of the policy of the United States. As to your second question, as to whether force
is to be used by the United States to restore the Queen, all that I am at liberty to
state is that Mr. Willis has no instructions to do anything which will cause injury
to life or property of any one at the islands. Further than this I am not at liberty
to state what his instructions are. You can draw your own inferences from my
statement and allay any apprehension which may have been caused by what has
been published."
Mr. Thurston further said to Mr. Gresham:
"Your answer does not convey the information which I requested. What I desire
is to obtain information which will guide my Government in their action. If they
know that force is to be used by you their course of action will necessarily be different from what it otherwise would be. The definite information from me that you
intend to use force may be the means of preventing them from using force and causing bloodshed."
To which Mr. Gresham replied:
" Our relations in the past have been pleasant and I want them to continue to be
so in the future and to be perfectly courteous to you, but I can not at present answer
you more fully than I have done."
I do not know whether Mr. Thurston made this statement public in
the United States at the time, but I do know that the first intimation
that this community has upon the subject is contained in Mr. Dole's
letter of the 11th.instant.
Had your statement to Mr. Thurston been made public here at the
time (November 24) when it was received the excitement resulting from
the warlike preparations of the Provisional Government would have
been allayed and critical and dangerous conditions avoided.
With high regard, I am, sir, very respectfully,
ALBERT S. WILLIS,
/Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary.
Mr. Gresham to Mr. Willis.
No. 13.]                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, February 8, 1894.
Sti: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your No. 29, of
January 16, in which you refer to a letter received from the Hon. S.
B. Dole, minister of foreign affairs of the Provisional Government,
addressed to you under date of January 11, containing statements
alleged to have been made by me in an interview with Mr. Thurston,
the Hawaiian minister, on November 14, last.
It is true that I had two interviews with Mr. Thurston on the day
mentioned, the first of which was very brief. Immediately after the
second interview I dictated to a stenographer a statement, from which
the following is quoted, it being all that relates to the subject of Mr.
Dole's communication to you:
On the forenoon of November 14 Hon. L. A. Thurston, minister of the Provisional
Government of Hawaii, called at the State Department for an interview with the
Secretary of State on the Hawaiian situation. The minister was informed by the
Secretary that it was about time for a cabinet meeting, and he was under the ieces



2136


HAWAIIAN AFFAIRS.


sity of requesting the minister to call again at 3 o'clock in the afternoon. He
replied that he would do so, but before leaving desired to submit two questions to
the Secretary: First, Was the letter addressed by the Secretary to the President
about Hawaii and the Provisional Government and printed in the papers a few days
ago authentic and official? Second, If it was, and he presumed it was, was it the
President's intention to use force, If need be, against the Provisional Government in
restoring the Queen? The Secretary replied that the letter was authentic, but not
having time to spend with the minister just then he could repeat the questions on
calling in the afternoon. The minister called at the appointed hour, and the Secretary informed him that the letter addressed to the President was authentic, and
that no action had or would be taken by our minister, Mr. Willis, which would imperil the
lives or property of the officers or supporters of the Provisional Government, and that if
they suffered in any way it would be in consequence of their own acts or attitude.
The interview continued:
"MINISTER. Mr. Secretary, that answer is not satisfactory, and I would be glad if
you would be more explicit.
"SECRETARY. I can not be more explicit at this time. You can draw your own
inferences from what I have said and correct any false impressions that may have
been created by what has been published."
I answered the second question in the underscored language from a
slip of paper which lay on my table in plain view before me. I did not
say in either interview that I was not at liberty to answer either question.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
W. Q. GRESHAM.
ALBERT S. WILLIS, ESQ., etc.,
Honolulu.




House Ex. Doc. No. 140, Fifty-third Congress, second session.


LETTER
FROM
THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
TRANSMITTING.
Pursuant to House resolution dated the 16th ultimo, information relative to the placing of the naval forces of the United States under the
orders and control of the late commissioner of the United States to the
Hawaiian Islands.
MARCH 10, 1894.-Referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs and ordered to be
printed.
NAVY D)EPARTMENT,
VWashington, March 9, 1894.
Sin: Under date of the 16th ultimo the House of Representatives
adopted a resolution which, after referring to the order issued by this
Department, March 11, 1893, to Rear-Admiral J. S. Skerrett, commander in chief of the U. S. naval forces, Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands,
respecting his relations to the Hon. James H. Blount, special commissioner from the President of the United States to the Government of
the Hawaiian Islands, concludes as follows:
liesolvel, That the Secretary of the Navy be, and he is hereby, directed to inform
the House of Representatives by what authority instructions were issued placing
the armed naval forces of the United States and the use of its ensign under the
orders and control of said Blount, and that the Secretary of the Navy is further
directed to furnish the House of Representatives with copies of all orders, directions, instructions, or official suggestions issued by him, or any officer of the Navy
Department or of the Navy, since the 4th day of March, 1892, concerning the use or
movements of the armed naval forces of the United States at the Hawaiian Islands.
With respect to that portion of the resolution above quoted which
directs the Secretary of the Navy "to inform the House of Representatives by what authority instructions were issued placing the armed
naval forces of the United States and the use of its ensign under the
orders and control" of Special Commissioner Blount, I have the honor
to submit the following statement:
The letter of the Secretary of the Navy to Rear-Admiral Skerrett,
dated March 11, 1893, referred to in the resolution, was printed with
the papers transmitted to the House by the President, December 18,
2137




2138                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
1893, and appears on page 455, House Ex. Doc. No. 48 of the present
session, and reads:
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, March 11, 1893.
SIR: This letter will be handed to yon by the Hon. James H. Blount, special commissioner from the President of the United States to the Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
You' will consult freely with Mr. Blount, and will obey any instructions you may
receive from him regarding the course to be pursued at said islands by the force
under your command.
You will also afford Mr. Blount all such facilities as he may desire for the use of
your cipher code in communicating by telegraph with this Government.
Respectfully,
HILARY A. HERBERT,
Secretary of the Navy.
Rear-Admiral J. S. SKERRETT,
Commainder-in-Chief U. S. Naval Forces,
Pacific Station, Flagship Mohican, Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands.
At the time this order was issued, Hon. James H. Blount was charged
with the duty of visiting the Hawaiian Islands, as a special commissioner, appointed by the President. Mr. Blount was the bearer of a
letter of credence to His Excellency Sanford B. Dole, president of the
executive and advisory councils of the Provisional Government of the
Hawaiian Islands, in which letter of credence President Dole was
advised that in all matters affecting relations with the Government of
the Hawaiian Islands, Mr. Blount's authority was paramount. (House
Ex. Doc. No. 47, present session, p. 3.)
The instructions given by the Secretary of State to Mr. Blount, under
date of March 11, 1893 (House Ex. Doe. No. 47, present session, pp. 1
and 2), contained the following paragraphs respecting the authority
conferred upon Mr. Blou-nt:
The comprehensive, delicate, and confidential character of your mission can now
only be briefly outlined, the details of its execution being necessarily left, in great
measure, to yt)ur good judgment and wise discretion.
You will investigate and fully report to the President all the facts you can learn
respecting the condition of affairs in the Hawaiian Islands, the causes of the revolution by which the Queen's Government was overthrown, the sentiment of the people toward existing authority, and, in general, all that can fully enlighten the President touching the subjects of your mission.
To enable you to fulfill this charge, your authority in all matters touching the
relations of this Government to the existing or other governments of the islands,
and the protection of our citizens therein, is paramount, and in you alone, acting in
cooperation with the commander of the naval forces, is vested full discretion and
power to determine when such forces should be landed or withdrawn. * * *
In the judgment of the President your authority, as well as that of the commander
of the naval forces in Hawaiian waters, should be and is limited in the use of physical force to such measures as are necessary to protect the persons and property of
our citizens. * * '
Should it be necessary to land an armed force upon Hawaiian territory on occasions of popular disturbance, when the local authority may be unable to give adequate protection to the life and property of citizens of the United States, the assent
of such authority should first be obtained, if it can be done without prejudice to
the interests involved. Your power in this regard should not, however, be claimed
to the exclusion of similar measures by the representatives of other powers for the
protection of the lives and property of their citizens or subjects residing in the
islands.
It is also to be borne in mind, as matter of fact, that at the time the
order of March 11, referred to in the resolution, was issued, this Department was advised that armed naval forces of the United States had
been landed upon the territory of Hawaii, a country with which the
United States were at peace, and that the flag of the United States had
been raised over the public buildings in the capital of that country.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  2139
Under these circumstances, and in view of the remoteness of the Hawaiian Islands from telegraphic communication, it was essential not only
that no conflict of authority should arise with reference to the disposition of the United States naval forces at Hawaii, but that such forces
should be employed in entire harmony with and in support of the policy
of the diplomatic branch of the Government. For these reasons, and
in order that the special commissioner appointed by the President
might, in the discharge of the important duties intrusted to him, be
aided by the fullest cooperation on the part of the naval branch of the
Government, it was deemed proper to direct that Rear-Admiral Skerrett should consult freely with Mr. Blount, and should carry out any
instructions given by him in regard to the course to be pursued by
the United States naval forces at the Hawaiian Islands.
I deem it to be at all times the duty of the naval forces of the United
States, in matters affecting our foreign relations, to act in subordination to and in the fullest cooperation with, the policy of the civil branch
of the Government, and not to take the initiative in such matters, unless
in accordance with the letter and spirit of such general or special
orders as may be issued to them  by the Secretary of the Navy, or
when required to do so in cases of special exigency by circumstances
of such gravity and urgence as to admit of no delay. If the observance of this general principle is incumbent upon the naval forces of
the United States in their relations with our diplomatic representatives
in foreign countries under ordinary circumstances, it becomes particularly important upon occasions when a direct representative of the
President, charged with duties of a comprehensive, delicate, and confidential character, is sent abroad.
Believing that tlie action taken by the Department in its order of
March 11, 1893, was not only proper and necessary in order to preclude
the possibility of any misunderstanding or conflict of authority which
might have resulted in serious embarrassment to American interests,
and, further, that such action was in harmony with established precedent, I have to state, in response to the direct inquiry contained in the
resolution of the House, as to my authority for issuing the order in
question, that said order was issued by authority of the President, who,
by constitutional provision is made Commander-in-Chief of the Army
and Navy of the United States.
In this connection attention is invited to the inclosed copies of orders
issued by Secretaries of the Navy, my predecessors, relevant to the
matters herein discussed.
1. Letter dated April 8,1823, from the Secretary of the Navy to John
Gallagher, commanding U. S. brig Enterprise, directing him to proceed
to the Island of Puerto Rico, to protect all American vessels and the
persons 'and property of American citizens "from illegal siezure by
Spanish or other cruisers under whatever flag. In this letter the commander of the Enterprise was directed to regulate his operations by the
advice of Thomas Randall, esq., agent of the Government, who was to
be taken on board the Enterprise at New York and landed at Puerto
Rico.
2. Letter dated April 24, 1823, from the Secretary of the Navy to
John Gallagher, commanding U. S. brig Enterprise, instructing him
" under the advice and approbation of Mr. Randall, special agent of the
United States," to " carry into effect the views expressed" by Hon. John
Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, in certain communications, copies
of which were forwarded to Capt. Gallagher.




2140


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


3. Letter from the Secretary of the Navy to Commodore M. C. Perry,
commanding the home squadron, advising him that the President had
"(directed Nicholas T. Trist, esq., of the State Department, to proceed
to the headquarters of the Army or to the squadron as he should deem
most convenient," that Mr. Trist was "clothed with such diplomatic
power as to authorize him to enter into arrangements with the Mexican Government for the mutual suspension of hostilities," and adding
"you will not relax the vigor of your operations while he may remain
in Mexico, unless he directs you to suspend them."
4. Letter dated May 8, 1847, from Commodore Perry reporting receipt
of and compliance with the above order.
5. Letter dated November 6, 1869, from the Secretary of the Navy
to Capt. G. B. Balch, commanding U. S. S. Albany. directing him to
receive on board the Albany Gen. Babcock, who would "have certain
orders from the President of the United States; " to conform to all Gen.
Babcock's wishes and orders and to convey him to such points as he
might desire to visit; and when he had accomplished the duty on which
he was sent to return with him to the United States if he so desired.
6. Letter dated January 11, 1870, from the Secretary of the Navy to
Lieut. Commander F. M. Bunce, on the same subject.
7. Letter dated December 2, 1881, from the Secretary of the Navy to
Rear-Admiral G. B. Balch, commanding the U. S. naval force, Pacific
station, advising him of the appointment of Mr. William Henry Trescott, of the Department of State, as special envoy extraordinary and
minister plenipotentiary, with instructions to proceed to Chile, and
directing Rear-Admiral Balch to be governed as far as practicable by
his wishes.
With reference to the direction contained in the latter clause of the
resolution, I have to state that copies of all orders, directions, and
instructions issued by the Secretary of the Navy, or by any officer of
this Department or of the Navy, so far as such orders, directions, and
instructions are to be found upon the files and records of the Department, from March 4, 1889, to December 18, 1893, were transmitted to
the House by the President on the date last named, and were printed
as a part of House Ex. Doc. No. 48 of the present session, a copy of
which is inclosed. Copies of all papers in the possession of the Department relating to the subject-matter of the resolution which have been
issued or received since December 18, 1893, are also inclosed.
Very respectfully,
H. A. HERBERT,
Secretary of the Navy.
The SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
LEGATION OF THIE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, November 29, 1893.
SIR: I send herewith copy of a letter received at 11:30 this a. in. from Hon. S. B,
Dole, minister of foreign affairs of the Hawaiian Provisional Government.
I have made no reply to said communication.
Very respectfully,
ALBERT S. WILLIS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, U. S. A.
JOHN IRWIN,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy.




HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.                       2141
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Honol'ulu, Hawvaiian.Islands,.ANovemtber 29, 18M,.
SIR: On the 7th of August last permissioll was given by the Government through
the office of the American legation to Rear-Admiral J. S. Skerrett, commanding U.
S. naval force, Pacific station, at his request, to land the crews of the ships under
his command for battalion (drill when desired.
The Government now wishes to rescind the said privilege in its indefinite character and to return to the former practice, under which a request was mnade at
each occasion when time privilege- of landing men under armis was desired.
I have the honor to request that this modification of time present arrangement be
transmnitted through your office to Rear-Admiral Irwin, conmmanding U. S. naval
force, Pacific station.
With sentiments of the highest consideration and esteem,
I have the honor to be, your excellency's obedient servant,
SANFORD B. DOLE,
_Minister of Foreign Affairs.
His Excellency ALBERT S. WILLIS,
U. S. Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary.
U. S. FLAGSHIP PHILADELPHI1A,
Honolulu, Hawvaiian Island8, November 29, 1893.
SIR: I lmave the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of this
date, with inclosure. In answer, I have to state that I had already given orders
that our troops were not to be lauded for drill or any other purpose unless ordered
by umyseif', as in miy opinion the landing of troops for drill would have a tendency
to increase the disquiet already existing.*
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN IRWIN,
Bear-Admiral LU. S. Navy, Commnanding U. S. Naval Force, Paeiftc Station.
His excellency lHon. A. S. WILLIS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States.
PACIFIC STATION,
OFFICE OF THE COMMANDER IN CHIEF, U. S. NAVAL FORCE,
U. S. FLAGSHIP PHILADELPHIA,
Hfonolulu, Hadwaiian Islands, Decenmber 4, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to subumit the following report regarding the political situtation. in Honolulu. The Provisional Government is in undisturbed colitrol of the
government of all the islands. They have fortified. the palace grounds, and assert
that they will (def end themselves at all hazards against an attack, no matter from
what source it may emanate; they have fortified the palace, and have 1,000 men
under arms amid 500 in reserve. The reserve is also armed, the men acting as minute
men and ready for instantaneous call to arms.
The feeling of both parties is intensely bitter, but I do not anticipate any collision
I have endeavored to ascertain what force the Royalists have at their command, 'but
have not succeeded. They a~re naturally secretive at present. 1 have no reason to
think that they have any organized force, as they have had no opportunity for drill.
I have received no instructions other than those given my predecessor. In order to
give you an idea of the feeling existing in hono'lulu, I forward files of newspapers
giving the views of both parties.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN IRWIN,
Rear-Admtiral U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Deapartment, Washington, D. C.




2142                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, December 7, 1895.
DEAR SIR: We have the honor herewith to transmit to you a copy of a protest and
signatures by American citizens, the original of which, on the 2d instant, acting in
behalf of the signers, we laid before his excellency Albert S. Willis, U. S. minister
at these islands.
With the highest respect and consideration, we have the honor to be your most
obedient servants,
JNO. S. McGREW.
B. F. DILLINGHAM.
Rear-Admiral JOHN IRWIN,
U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. Naval forces, Honolulu.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANLS, December 1, 1893.
His Excellency ALBERT S. WILLIS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America:
SIR: The undersigned, American residents of Honolulu, in the island of Oahu, one
of the Hawaiian Islands, respectfully represent to your excellency that they are
citizens of the United States of America and have done nothing whereby to forfeit
or waive their full legal and constitutional rights as such citizens.
That the undersigned made their residences and homes and acquired and own
property in the Hawaiian Islands, relying on the rights secured and guaranteed by
the Hawaiian constitutions of 1852 and of 1865, which rights were confirmed and
enlarged by the constitution of 1887.
That on the 14th day of January last the undersigned learned that it was the
determination of Liliuokalani, then Hawaiian sovereign, to disregard and annul the
rights of life, liberty, and property guaranteed, secured, confirmed, and enlarged by
the said Hawaiian constitutions, and that she publicly proclaimed her determination to repudiate the obligations imposed upon her by virtue of her oath of office as
such sovereign to support and maintain the constitution of the Hawaiian Islands,
and publicly announced her intention to govern this country pursuant to her arbitrary despotic will, to be proclaimed by a public manifesto, which she called a new
constitution.
That a meeting of many citizens of Honolulu was held upon the afternoon of said
day, which was attended by John F. Colburn, then minister of the interior, and
Arthur P. Peterson, then attorney-general, by whom it was then publicly stated
that such was the determination and intention of said Liliuokalani and that if
assisted by the citizens they would oppose the same.
That on said 14th day of January the then legally constituted authorities of the
Hawaiian Islands were undoubtedly and avowedly incapable of controlling the
elements of the anarchy which was proclaimed and intended by said Liliuokalani
or of preventing impending mob violence or of keeping the public peace.
That in consequence and by reason of the premises a committee of public safety
was chosen at said meeting, and on the following Monday, at a mass meeting of the
citizens of Honolulu, the said committee was authorized to take measures requisite
for the public safety; that in conformity therewith, on the 17th day of said January,
the present Government of the Hawaiian Islands was established and proclaimed,
and has since governed and controlled the Hawaiian Islands, having been recognized
by all the foreign representatives in Honolulu, and having diplomatic and consular
representatives abroad, especially in the United States of America, who have been,
and still are, recognized and treated as the duly accredited representatives of the
said Government.
That a treaty of annexation was negotiated with the said Government by and in
behalf of the United States Government, and that no public notice has been given
to the undersigned of any intention on the part of the United States Government to
break off diplomatic relations with the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian
Islands, or to do any acts of war or hostility to the said Government.
That no such acts of war or hostility can now be done without endangering the
lives and property of the undersigned, and of their families, relatives, and friends in
the Hawaiian Islands.
That owing to the insular situation of this country there would be no opportunity
for the undersigned to take such steps and do such things as would secure the safety
of the lives of themselves, their wives, and children, and of their property in case
of such acts of war or hostility.
And the undersigned hereby solemnly and respectfully protest to your excellency
and to Grover Cleveland, President of the United States, and to Walter Q. Gresham,
Secretary of State, and to Hilary A. Herbert, Secretary of the Navy, and to Rear



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                          2143
Admiral John Irwin, commanding the U. S. naval forces now in the waters of the
Hawaiian Islands, and to all others concerned, that an'y such acts of war or hostility,
if taken, attempted, or announced in the time of profound peace now existing between
the United States and the Hawaiian Islands, or without any full, formal, and timely
announcement thereof, will and would cause all concerned in, or authorizing the same,
to be held responsible for all the consequences that may ensue therefrom, not only
before Almighty God and in the forum of conscience, but by all sanctioned rules and
observances of civilized nations in their dealings with each other, and will and would
be in violation of the rights of the undersigned, secured and belonging to them as
citizens of the United States of America.
We have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servants and fellow-citi.
zens,


John S. McGrew.
E. G. Beckwith.
Geo. W. Smith.
A. W. Keech.
Fred. A. Smith.
Chas. M. Cooke.
C. B. Ripley.
Peter C. Jones.
Alfred S. Hartwell.
Edwin R. Newman.
H. C. Hadley.
John J. Egan.
Robt. W. Anderson.
Wm. Heilbron.
F. W. McChesney.
G. P. Castle.
Geo. M. Hill.
L. La Piere.
H. F. Gibbs.
Bruce Cartwright.
M. N. Sanders.
Chas. W. Day.
'James Carty.
J. M. Webb.
Benj. D. Whitney.
Henry Davis.
John Kidwell.
John Farnsworth.
J. Simonson.
Geo. McLeod.
N. B. Emerson.
Wm. Brown.
Jas. Carlisle.
W. D. Hamilton.
C. B. Gray.
Jno. Dixon.
J. C. Clapp.
Robert Grieve.
Jas. G. Spencer.
F. L. Winter.
C. W. Gray.
M. M. Scott.
W. H. Wilkinson.
W. C. King.
B. F. Dillimgham.
John C. Cluny.
James Knott, jr.
G. W. Kelly.
F. F. Porter.
L. T. Bailey.


H. A. Juen.
C. M. Hyde.
T. P. McConthy.
Paul Smith.
A. E. Nichols.
M. McInerny.
W. H. Smith.
J. Alfred Magoon.
F. A. Hosmer.
W. L. Hopper.
James Green.
H. A. Parmelee.
F. J. Lowrey. e
J. B. Atherton.
S. Olesen.
Jonathan Shaw.
A. E. Weirick.
B. R. Campbell.
H. C. Reid.
T. B. Murray.
J. M. Whitney.
Jos. L. Carter.
L. P. Hanson.
James A. Hopper.
E. 0. White.
G. Schuman.
Wm. R. Sims.
A. Gartenberg.
J. B. Gibson.
Chas. L. Dodge.
E. P. Chapin.
John McLain.
C. H. Kluegel.
E. A. Lundy.
Geo. Dillingham.
Edwin Benner.
D. B. Smith.
Wm. A. Bowen.
F. C. Lowrey.
H. C. Woodke.
Thos. E. Wall.
Geo. C. Stratemeyer.
J. H. Black.
Henry Congdon.
J. A. Gilman.
G. H. Green.
Theodore F. Lansing.
Danl. Lyons.
Geo. A. Turner.


Hugh Gunn.
T. H. Patterson.
H. B. Schroder.
L. Sullivan.
Frank Lawlor.
J. S. Martin.
Wm. A. Kenney.
John Hagerman.
Dick Leal.
A. J. Campbell.
E. L. Marshall.
C. S. Hall..J. W. Sproat.
J. S. Marlin.
B. Ordenstein.
Geo. H. Paris.
A. Fuller.
Robert Laing.
S. W. Lederer.
Geo. W. Canneyjr.
F. Clifford.
C. T. Rodgers.
Clarence H. Luther.
C. Hammer.
Arthur Reynolds.
L. W. Hough.
R. A. Dexter.
E. C. Winston.
J. W. Jones.
S. G. Tucker.
L. C. Ables.
John Curly.
Charles McKay.
Geo. H. Babb.
Jas. Sherin.
W. F. Coon.
A. Storm.
F. M. Lyon.
W. M. Graham.
A. T. Smith.
C. R. Dement.
Jno. Cassidy.
Sam McKeague.
Sereno E. Bishop.
Wm. XV. Hall.
Curtis J. Lyons.
Wm. McMeekin.
Capt. Kipling,
W. S. Terry.




2144                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
PACIFIC STATION,
OFFICE OF THE COMMANDER IS CIIEF, U. S. NAVAL FORCE,
U. S. FLAGSHIP PHILADELPHIA,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, December 9, 1893.
SIR: (1) I have the honor to inform you that nothing of any importance has trans.
pired since the departure of the Oceanic.
(2) There being quite a long interval between mails from the United States, party
passion has cooled down somewhat, having no fresh fuel to feed the flame.
(3) I forward files of newspapers up to date, and inclose one pamphlet and a communication, or protest, that was sent to me. I have retained a copy of protest for
the files of my office.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN IRWIN,
Bear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
PACIFIC STATION,
OFFICE OF TIIHE COMMANDER IN CHIEF, U. S. NAVAL FORCE,
U. S. FLAGSHIP PHILADELPHIA,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, December 14, 1893.
SIR: (1) I have the honor to inform you that nothing has transpired since the
departure of the steamship Australia on the 9th instant.
(2) I forward files of newspapers to date.
(3) The health of the crews of the vessels here remains good.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN IRWIN,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval lForce, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
PACIFIC STATION,
OFFICE OF TIIE COMMANDER IN CHIEF, U. S. NAVAL FORCE,
U. S. FLAGSHIP PHILADELPHIA,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, December 14, 1893.
SIR: (1) I have the honor to inform you that the U. S. revenue cutter Corwin
has arrived here with dispatches.
(2) That the mail is now closing.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN IRWIN,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Xarvy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
U. S. LEGATION,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, December 14, 1893.
SIR: The U. S. revenue steamer Corwin has arrived here under orders of the State
Department and as I require her services to send important dispatches to the
United States, I request that you will have her supplied with coal and whatever
stores she may require to return to San Francisco, Cal.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
Rear-Admiral JOHN IRWIN,
Commmander in Chief U. S. Naval Force,
Pacific Station, Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands.




HAWAIIAN    ISLANDS.                       2145
PACIFIC STATION,
OFFICE OF THE COMMANDER IN CHIEF, U. S. NAVAL FORCE,
U. S. FLAGSHIP PIILADELPHIA,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, December 23, 1893.
SIR: (1) I have the honor to report that the U. S. revenue cutter Corwin, arrived
on the 14th instant, bringing important dispatches for the U. S. minister.
(2) In compliance with the request of Minister Willis, I have prepared the Corwin
for sea, supplying her with coal and whatever she required to enable her to return
to San Francisco.
(3) I have nothing now to report in regard to the situation here. There has been
no disturbance, but party feeling is unchanged.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN IRWIN,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
PACIFIC STATION,
OFFICE OF THE COMMANDER IN CHIEF, U. S. NAVAL FORCE,
U. S. FLAGSHIIP PHILADELPHIA,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, December 26, 189i.X
SIR: I have the honor to inform you that I forwarded by the U. S. revenue cutter
Corwin under date of the 23d instant, for transmittal by the Navy pay office, San
Francisco, Cal., the following telegram:
" HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, December 23, 1893.
"SECRETARY NAVY,
" Washington:
"Condition in Honolulu unchanged since last report.
" IRWIN."
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN IRWIN,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval 1Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
PACIFIC STATION,
OFFICE OF THE COMMANDER IN CHIEF, U. S. NAVAL FORCE,
U. S. FLAGSHIP PHILADELPHIA,
Honoldlu, Hawaiian Islands, January 2, 1894.
SIR: I have the honor to submit the following report in regard to the situation
since the departure of the Corwin on the 24th ultimo.
The military preparations for defense continue to be made by the Provisional Government and the excitement is unabated.
The newspapers assume that I, as the military representative of the U. S. Government, intend to use force to restore the Queen; at the same time they quote me as
saying that I would not obey any order, which I considered unlawful; also that the
officers and men under my command had assumed the same attitude.
These sensational reports are intended to influence public opinion in the United
States and are entirely without foundation. Since my arrival I have carefully
avoided all expressions of opinion, except in conference with the U. S. minister, and
have ordered all my command to pursue a similar course. I may further add that
Mr. Willis has never given me the slightest hint that there was ever any intention
on the part of the U. S. Government to use force in order to restore the Queen. My
own orders to preserve strict neutrality have been implicitly obeyed.
It has been asserted quite often that we were prepared to land, which is true, but
our motives were intentionally misconstrued, as Mr. Willis stated openly, and his
statement was published, that we would land solely for the purpose of suppressing
riot and to protect the lives and property of the defenseless.
Were it not for the course of the newspapers in their endeavor to influence public
opinion in the United States no uneasiness would be felt and business would go on
as usual. I do not believe that ordinary business is seriously affected, as is reported,
but no new enterprises will be undertaken until there is some settled government.
The commanding officers of the Japanese cruiser Naniwa Kan and the British cruiser
Champion called on me to arrange for landing a force to protect the lives and property of their countrymen in case there should be any serious riot. They offered to
S. Rep. 227 —135




2146                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
cooperate with me and to place their landing parties where, in my opinion, they
would do the most good.
Now, as the general public in Honolulu is fully aware of the above fact, and have
no longer any apprehension of any riot, and as the perusal of the President's mes
sage has convinced everyone that no force would be used to change the Government,
it is criminal for anyone to make the misstatement referred to.
Foreign influence, inimical to the interests of the United States, is secretly at work
here, as it is wherever we have any trade interests, and that influence will account
for many of the misstatements in the papers.
I forward files of newspapers covering the period since last mail. The health of
the crews of the vessels here remains good.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN IRWIN,
Bear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
PACIFIC STATION,
OFFICE OF THE COMMANDER IN CHIEF, U. S. NAVAL FORCE,
U. S. FLAGSHIP PHILADELPHIA,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 3, 1894.
SIR: I have the honor to call the attention of the Department to the admirable
discretion exercised by the officers and men of this squadron, under the most trying
circumstances.
Notwithstanding the great parade of preparations for war, not one case of misconduct on shore has occurred, and this evidence of perfect discipline has been very
favorably commented upon by disinterested parties ashore and afloat.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN IRWIN,
Bear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
PACIFIC STATION,
OFFICE OF THE COMMANDER IN CHIEF, U. S. NAVAL FORCE,
U. S. FLAGSHIP PHILADELPHIA,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 11, 1894.
SIR: I have the honor to report that the situation since my letter of the 2d
instant is changed to this extent:
The preparations for defense have ceased and the sand bags used about the Government buildings are being removed.
There does not appear to be any danger of riot, unless the preparations to celebrate on the 17th the anniversary of the overthrow of the monarchy and the establishment of the Provisional Government should irritate the Royalists beyond the
bounds of prudence.
It is not yet certain that there will be any celebration, and wise counsel may prevail to prevent it.
I send files of papers as usual.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN IRWIN,
Bear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hiwaiian Islands, January 15, 1894.
SIR: At the request of Hon. Sanford B. Dole, minister of foreign affairs, I transmit to you the inclosed communication.
With high regard, I am, sir, yours, respectfully,
ALBERT S. WIPLIS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary.
Rear-Admiral IRWIN,
Commanding U. S. Naval Forces, Pacific Station.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                          2147
PACIFIC STATION,
OFFICE OF THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF U. S. NAVAL FORCE,
U. S. FLAGSHIP PHILADELPHIA,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 13, 1894.
SIR: Referring to our conversation of this morning, I have the honor to inform
you that no different preparations for landing have ever been made since I assumed
command of this squadron than those made by my predecessor, Rear-Admiral Skerrett.
Rear-Admiral Skerrett had organized landing parties, intended to suppress riot
and to protect the lives and property of American and English residents. In making
the preparations referred to, he was acting under instructions from the Navy Department received October 7, 1893, nearly a month before your arrival. When the revenue
cutter Corwin arrived, I did, as a matter of precaution, suspend liberty to the crews
of the Philadelphia and Adams until I could ascertain whether it would be prudent
to permit them to land without danger of collision.
After landing, and having satisfied myself on that point, which I did in less than
an hour, I telephoned to Capt. Barker and Capt. Nelson to give liberty as usual.
I will further state that the great guns of the Philadelphia and Adams have never
been loaded since their last target practice at sea. The usual harbor drills have
been kept up, as required by regulations, the exception being that our men have
not been landing for the purpose of drill since my assumption of command.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN IRWIN,
Rear-Admiral U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force Pacific Station.
Hon. A. S. WILLIS,
17. S. Minister Plenipotentiary and
Envoy Extraordinary to the Hawaiian Islands.
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 13, 1894.
SIR: I have the honor to inform you that, Wednesday next, the 17th instant, will
be observed as a national holiday. The Hawaiian flag will be displayed on all
Government buildings and a salute will be fired from the battery at noon.
You are respectfully invited to participate in the observance of the day.
I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant,
SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Rear-Admiral IRWIN,
Commanding U. S. Naval Forces on the Pacific Station,
and Staff, Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands.
PACIFIC STATION,
OFFICE OF THE COMMANDER IN CHIEF U. S. NAVAL FORCE,
U. S. FLAGSHIP PHILADELPHIA,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 16, 1894.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of January 15,
1894, transmitting a communication from the minister of foreign affairs of the
Hawaiian Government, dated January 13, 1894, relative to the celebration to take
place on Wednesday, January 17.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN IRWIN,
Rear-Admiral U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. Naval Force Pacific Station.
His Excellency ALBERT S. WILLIS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States
to the Hawaiian Islands.
PACIFIC STATION, OFFICE OF THE COMMANDER IN CHIEF,
U. S. FLAGSHIP PHILADELPHIA,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 16, 1894.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge, with thanks. the receipt of your excel.
lency's invitation to participate in the celebration of to morrow as a national
Hawaiian holiday.




2148                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
It is a matter of sincere regret to myself and the officers under my command to
feel compelled to refrain from taking part in the celebration.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of highest consideration,
Your excellency's most obedient servant,
JOHN IRWIN,
Rear-Admiral, U. S..Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
His Excellency Hon. SANFORD B. DOLE,
Minister of Foreign Affairs of the
Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 15, 1894.
MY DEAR ADMIRAL: In a recent communication from the Provisional Government
the following statement is made:
"Up to the time of the arrival of the Corwin the U. S. naval officers in port were
in the habit of coming ashore in citizen's dress, the crews receiving the usual liberty
on shore, and no unusual warlike preparations were visible on board. Immediately
after the arrival of the Corwin the liberty of the crews was stopped, as was that of
most of the officers. Those who came on shore were in service uniform, rifles were
stacked, cartridge belts were filled, and ball cartridges and knapsacks packed for
immediate use were conspicuous on the decks of the ships, and were seen there by
visiting citizens, who, in reply to inquiry as to the meaning of such preparations,
were informed by officers that they were ready to land ata moment's notice. When
asked if the landing would be to protect or fight us the reply of the officers of the
Philadelphia was that no one on board knew what orders would be received."
Will you please give me any information touching the above, and much oblige.
Very respectfully,
ALBERT S. WILLIS.
Admiral IRWIN.
PACIFIC STATION,
OFFICE OF THE COMMANDER IN CHIEF, U. S. NAVAL FORCE,
U. S. FLAGSHIP PHILADELPHIA,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 15, 1894.
SIR: In answer to your personal letter of this date, I have the honor to submit the
following statement:
On the day the Corwin arrived (Thursday, December 14) word was brought to me
that there was great excitement on shore; whereupon, as a precautionary measure,
I gave orders to suspend liberty until I could ascertain whether it would be prudent
to permit my men to land. As I have already informed you officially, the order was
revoked by telephone in less than an hour from the time of my landing.
In regard to the statements regarding the drills on the 14th and 15th, I have to
state that the squadron routine drills were carried out as usual. On the 18th, as
the excitement on shore was very great, and as quite a mob had gathered at our
usual landing, I gave orders for our officers to wear their uniforms on shore, which
is the usual precaution taken in foreign countries in time of great public excitement. It is proper to add that I had been informed by Capt. Rooke of the British
cruiser Champion, that he had given a similar order.
In regard to the statements regarding the preparations for landing, I have to state
that any parties visiting the vessels under my command will have an opportunity to
witness similar preparations every week, when the routine calls for it.
The reply quoted as made by the officers of the Philadelphia, "that no one on board
knew what orders would be received," should convince any reasonable person that
no order had been given.
As you are aware, I have studiously avoided doing anything that would have a
tendency to increase the excitement prevailing in Honolulu, and I now distinctly
state that the naval force under my command is no way responsible for the feeling
now existing.
Notes from entry in Log Book, U. S. Flagship Philadelphia.
Thursday, December 14, 1893, morning watch 4 to 8 a. m.; at 6 o'clock U. S. revenue steamer Corwin came in bearing dispatches for U. S. Minister Willis (Signed),
C. M. Knepper, ensign, U. S. Navy.
Forenoon watch from 8 a. m. to meridian; at 9:35 beat to general quarters exercised batteries (Signed), Samuel Seabury, lieutenant, U. S. Navy.
Afternoon watch from meridian to 4 p. m.; sent an officer to commanding officer of
Adams and Corwin that permission could be granted to visit shore (Signed), Alex.
Sharp, jr. lieutenant, U. S. Navy.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                           2149
Friday, December 15, 1894.
Forenoon watch, 8 a. m. {o meridian: At 9:30 mustered and inspected quarters,
immediately called away all boats, armed and equipped. "Drilled boats at fleet
tactics under oars." (Signed) Alex. Sharp, jr., Lieut., U. S. N.
Meridian to 4 p. m.: "Exercised boats under sail at fleet tactics." (Signed) P. J.
Werlich, Lieut., U. S. N.
[Extract from squadron and routine drills.]
Second Thursday, general quarters, exercise and instruct all divisions.
Third Frid.ay, boat drill, lire party, arm and away.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
His Excellency ALBERT S. WILLIS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary
of the United States to the Hawaiian Islands.
PACIFIC STATION,
OFFICE OF TIIE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF U. S. NAVAL FORCE.
U. S. FLAGSHIP PHILADELPHIA,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 19, 1894.
SIR: I have the honor to forward herewith copies of all the correspondence between
the Provisional Government of Hawaii and myself and the U. S. minister to Hawaii
and myself.
Inclosures.
Letter of November 29, 1893, from the U. S. minister transmitting copy of a communication from the Provisional Government of Hawaii relative to landing men for
drill.
Letter of November 29, 1893, to the U. S. minister acknowledging his letter of
same date and reply thereto.
Letter of December 14, 1893, from the U. S. minister concerning supplies for tine
Corwin.
Letter of January 13, 1894, to the U. S. minister replying to conversation relative
to preparations for landing, etc.
Letter of January 15, 1894, from the U. S. minister asking for information concerning preparations on board after the arrival of the Corwin.
Letter of January 15, 1894, to the U. S. minister answering above letter.
Letter of January 15, 1894, from the U. S. minister transmitting communication
from Provisional Government of Hawaii of January 13, regarding celebration of
January 17 as a national Hawaiian holiday.
Letter of January 16, 1894, to the U. S. minister acknowledging receipt of above
letter.
Letter of January 16, 1894, to Provisional Government of Hawaii acknowledging
receipt of their invitation to participate in the celebration of January 17.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,        JOHN IRWIN,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
PACIFIC STATION,
OFFICE OF THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF, U. S. NAVAL FORCE,
U. S. FLAGSHIP PHILADELPHIA,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 19, 1894.
SIR: Taking advantage of the proposed departure of a fast merchant vessel this
day, I have the honor to state that there is no material change in the condition of
affairs here.
January 17, having been proclaimed a national Hawaiian holiday, was duly
observed by the adherents of the Provisional Government. The foreign diplomatic
corps and the war vessels of the United States, Great Britain, and Japan refrained
from any participation in the celebration.
I forward a few papers, reserving the files for the regular mail.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN IRWIN,
Bear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.




2150


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


PACIFIC STATaON,
OFFICE OF THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF, U. S. NAVAL FORCE,
U. S. FLAGSHIP PHILADELPHIA,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, February 2, 1894.
SIR: I have the honor to report that there has been no material change in the
political situation here. Both parties seem to be awaiting the action of Congress.
The bitterness of feeling between the party leaders is, if anything, intensified.
My impression is that there is a strong movement on foot looking toward the proclamation of a republic, with qualified suffrage, the qualifications being educational
and the possession of a given amount of property.
I forward files of papers, also duplicates of communications sent by a fast sailing
vessel on the 19th ultimo.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN IRWIN,
Bear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. NVaval Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
MEMORANDUM.
Department to John Gallagher, esq., commanding U. S. brig Enterprise, New
York, dated April 8, 1823.
Department to John Gallagher, esq., commanding U. S. brig Enterprise, New
York, dated April 24, 1823.
Department to Commodore M. C. Perry, commanding the home squadron, dated
April 15, 1847.
M. C. Perry, commanding home squadron, U. S. flagship Mississippi, to Department, dated May 8, 1847.
Department to Capt. G. B. Balch, commanding U. S. S. Albany, New York, dated
November 6, 1869.
Department to Lient. Commander F. M. Bunce, commanding U. S. S. Nantasket, San
Domingo, dated January 11, 1870.
Department to Rear-Admiral George B. Balch, commanding the U. S. naval force,
Pacific station, dated December 2, 1881.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, April 8, 1823.
SIR: When the U. S. brig Enterprize shall be fully equipped and ready, proceed to sea, shaping your course directly for the island of Porto Rico to protect
all American vessels and the persons and property of our citizens from illegal seizure by Spanish or other cruisers, under whatever flag. Thomas Randall, esq., will
embark with you as agent of the Government, to be landed at Porto Rico. You will
cruise about the island until he shall be ready to reembark, visiting the different
ports for the purpose of affording protection to our commerce, and if time will permit you may, should circumstances require it, run over to the main, cruising about
La Guayra and Porto Cabello, affording convoy to all American vessels that shall desire
it. You will, however, regulate your operations by the advice of Mr. Randall, so as
to be ready to receive him on board at any time, and proceed with him to Cuba, or
any port that he may designate.
Should you fall in with Commodore Porter during your cruise, report to him, and
he will decide as to the expediency of permitting you to return to the United States
with dispatches, or employing one of the smaller vessels of the squadron under his
command for that purpose. I inclose, for your government, copies of the general
instructions for cruising under the acts of Congress for the suppression of the slave
trade, and punishment of the crime of piracy, I transmit to you a memorandum
describing a piratical vessel, that you may make use of the same should an opportunity
offer for the purpose.
Previously to sailing, transmit a complete roll of all persons on board.
Wishing you a successful cruise,
I am respectfully, etc.,
SMITH THOMPSON.
JOHN GALLAGHER, Esq.,
Commanding U. S. Brig Enterprize, New York.




HAWAIIAN ISLAND&S                          2151
NAvy DEPARTMENT,
Washington, April 24, 1823.
SIR: In addition to the instructions sent to you nnder date of the 8th instant, I
now transmit to you copies of two letters, addressed to me by the Hon. John Quincy
Adams, Secretary of State, dated the 29th and 30th 'altimo, and 1 request that you
will, under the advice and approbation of Mr. Randall, special agent of~ the, United
States, carry into effect the views expressed by Mr. Adams, adhering strictly in all
respects to the suggestions contained in his letter.
I am, respectfully, etc.,
SMITHa THOMPSON.
JOHN GALLAHER, Esq.,
Commanding U. S. Brig -Enterprise, New York.
[Confidential.]
NAvy DEPARTMENT,
April 15, 1847.
SIR: The successes which have recently crowned our arms would seem to justify
the expectation that the Government of Mexico would feel disposed to submit proposals for peace. That there may be no unnecessary delay in acting on such proposals, if they shall be made, the President has directed Nicholas T. Trist, esq., of
the State Department, to proceed to the headquarters of the Army or to the Squadron as he shall deem most convenient, and be in readiness to receive any proposition
for a settlement of the questions at issue. Mr. Trist is clothed with such diplomatic
power as to authorize him to enter into arrangements with the Mexican Government
for the mutual suspension of hostilities. If he shall communicate to you in writing
that the conatingaency has occurred, you will act in accordance with his directions
and suspend actual hostilities until further orders from the Department unless the
enemy shall continue or recommence them. In doing so you will not relinquish
any position which you may occupy, or abstain from any change of positiou which
in your judgment may be necessary for the security or health of your command.
You will afford to Mr. Trist every facility and accommodation in your power, and
a speedy passage to New Orleans when be may (lesire to return. You will not relax
the vigor of your operations while he may remain in Mexico, unless he directs -you
to suspend thorn, but during that time it is desirable, if it does not conflict with
your arrangements, that you shall be in the harbor of Vera Cruz, or as accessible
as may be.
You will be pleased to make your communications to the Department as frequent
as you may find opportunity.
I am, very respectfully. your obedient servant,
J. Y. MASON.
Commodore M. C. PEPRRY,
Commanding the, Home Squadron.
U. S. FLAGSHIP MISSISSIPPI,
Anton Lizardo, May 8,1847.
SIR: I have received by Mr. Trist your confidential communication of the 15th
instant, [zice.] and in a personal interview with that gentleman have made the
requisite arrangements for carrying out the wishes and intentions of the Department.
It is highly necessary that I should no longer delay a visit to the eastern coast as
far as Laguhia and Campeche. This I can do before any communicathon of interest
can be received from Mr. Trist, and we both agree that7 it is better for me to make
the visit now, that I may be at Vera Cruz about the time he shall have been informed
of the result of his mission; but to prevent any inconvenience I shall leave a steamer,at Vera Cruz to bring me any communication that Mr. Trist might transmit during
my absence.
The Potomac will also be left at Vera Cruz.
With great respect, I am, sir, your most obedient servant,
M. C. PERRY.
Commanding Home Squadron.
Hon. JOHN Y. MASON,
Secretary of the Navy, Washington, D. C.
NAVY DEPARTMENT, November 6, -1869.
SIR: You will have your vessel in all respects ready for sea by the 8th of this
month, and be ready to receive on board three officers ordered by the President to
take pasisage with you to San Domingo. (3wen. Babcock will have certain orders




2152                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
from the President of the United States. You are directed to conform to all his
wishes and orders, and to convey him to such points as he may desire to visit.
When he has accomplished the duty on which he is sent, you will return with him
to the United States, if he so desires it.
If he has no further use for you and determines to return by private steamer, you
will proceed and report to the commander in chief of the North Atlantic Squadron,
unless directed by Gen. Babcock to remain on the coast of San Domingo.
Very respectfully,
GEO. M. ROBESON,
Secretary of the Navy.
Capt. G. B. BALCH,
Commanding U. S. S. Albany, New York, N. Y.
NAVY DEPARTMENT, January 11, 1870.
Sin: I have received your communication dated the 17th ultimo, Harbor of San
Domingo, inclosing a copy of instructions given you by Gen. Babcock.  Your
prompt compliance with the instructions, and your efforts to carry them out to the
full extent of your power, meet with the approval of the Department, and you will,
unless otherwise ordered, be guided by any additional instructions which you may
receive from him.
The Department is surprised that Capt. Balch, in view of the important duties
with which Gen. Babcock was charged by the President, and the fact that the
Albany had been placed under his orders, should have declined to give his official
sanction or indorsement upon the instructions of Gen. Babcock to you.
Very respectfully,
GEO. M. ROBESON,
Lieut. Commander F. M. BUNCE,                       Secretary of the Navy.
Commanding U. S. S. Nantasket, San Domingo.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, December 2, 1881.
SIR: You will instruct the commanding officer of the vessel of your command, most
available for the service, to receive on board at Panama the following named gentlemen, who compose the special mission of the Department of State to South
America: Mr. William Henry Trescot, special envoy extraordinary and minister
plenipotentiary; Mr. Walker Blaine, Third Assistant Secretary of State, on special
diplomatic service, and the gentlemen attached to the mission. You will direct the
commanding officer of the vessel detailed for this service to proceed, at such time as
may be indicated by Mr. Trescot, at Valparaiso, stopping en route at Callao, or at
any other points desired by the mission; and you will instruct him to render to
these gentlemen every possible courtesy and facility in his power. On the 28th of
last month, the Department sent a message, by cable, to Capt. Henry Wilson,
care of the U. S. consul at Panama, to remain there to receive on board the mission. The Lackawanna, under his command, left San Francisco for Panama on the
6th of November, and, it is presumed, will arrive in time. If he arrives in time,
Capt. Wilson will carry ou't the instructions of the Department issued to him this
day to receive the mission on board and proceed with them as indicated until falling in with your flagship when he will report to you for further instructions, if necessary.
The honorable the Secretary of State is especially desirous that there should be
two vessels at Valparaiso, as it is likely that prompt communication between that
port and Callao may be necessary and he does not wish that the mission should be
without a United States vessel at its service. You will distribute your vessels so
that this wish of the Secretary of State shall be fulfilled. It is suggested that the
Alaska be one of the vessels, she having more convenient and comfortable quarters,
and being faster than either the Pensacola or Lackawanna. The Department desires
to impress upon you that the President attaches great importance to this mission,
and it is hoped and expected that you will cheerfully render it such service as it
may require. To accomplish this, Mr. Trescot will consult with you, and you will
be governed, as far as practicable, by his wishes. A duplicate of this letter has
been given Mr. Trescot in order that there may be no delay in the mission leaving
Panama.
Very respectfully,                          WILLIAM H. HUNT,
Secretary of the Navy,
Rear-Admiral GEORGE B. BALCH,
Commanding the U. S. Naval Foree, Pacific Station.




House Ex. Doc. No. 48, Fifty-third Congress, second session.


LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, December 18, 1893.
To the PRESIDENT:
I have the honor to transmit herewith the naval correspondence relating to Hawaiian matters, from March 4, 1889, to the present time.
I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully,
H. A. HERBERT,
Secretary of the Navy.
2153




I
I




NAVAL CORRESPONDENCE.
Secretary Chandler to Rear-Admiral Balch.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, June 6, 1882.
SIR: I inclose for your information a copy of a dispatch from Gen.
Comly, United States minister resident at Honolulu, addressed to the
honorable the Secretary of State, and have to direct that you send one
of the vessels of your squadron to Honolulu for a reasonable visit, and
to other ports of the Hawaiian Kingdom, if thought advisable, after
which you will make such disposition of that vessel as the needs of the
station may dictate. It is not thought advisable for the flagship to
leave the west coast of South America at present. You will therefore
detail the Alaska or Lackawanna for the services indicated above.
Very respectfully,
WM. E. CHANDLER,
Secretary of the Navy.
Rear-Admiral GEORGE B. BALCOI,
Commanding United States Naval Force on Pacific Station.
Secretary Chandler to Secretary Frelinghuysen.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, June 7, 1882.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your confidential letter of the 2d instant, and the copy of the dispatch of the 8th
ultimo, with accompanying papers, from the United States minister
resident at Honolulu. Instructions have been given Rear-Admiral
George B. Balch, commanding our naval force in the Pacific, to send
one of the vessels of the squadron to the Hawaiian Islands, in compliance with your suggestion.
I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
WM. E. CHANDLER,
Secretary of the Navy.
Hon. FREDK. T. FRELINGHUYSEN,
Secretary of State.
2155




2156


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Secretary Chandler to Rear-Admiral Balch.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, October 19, 1882.
Srn: The coronation of the King of the Hawaiian Islands is fixed
for the 12th of February next. It is desirable that at least two of our
vessels of war should go to Honolulu some time previous to that date
and remain until after the ceremony, and as much longer as may be
deemed advisable, their movements being governed to a proper extent
by the opinions and advice of the United States minister.
You will give the necessary orders to carry these instructions into
effect.
Very respectfully,
WM. E. CHANDLER,
Secretary of the Navy.
Rear-Admiral GEORGE B. BALCH, I. S. Navy,
Commanding United States Naval Force on Pacific Station.
Secretary Chandler to Secretary.Frelinghuysen.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, May 3, 1883.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
April 28, transmitting copy of dispatch of April 6 from Mr. Daggett,
United States minister resident at Honolulu, giving reasons why a
United States naval vessel should at all times remain within the limits
of the Hawaiian Kingdom. In reply, I have to say that this Department, while unable to keep a vessel constantly at Honolulu, will give
such directions as to insure one of its vessels visiting Honolulu at as
frequent intervals as practicable.
I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
WM. E. CHANDLER,
Secretary of the Navy.
Hon. FREDERICK T. FRELINGHUYSEN,
Secretary of State.
[Cablegram.]
JUNE 24, 1887.
AMERICAN CONSUL, Panama.
(Via Galveston.)
Wire Kimberly deemed advisable he go Sandwich Islands in near
future. Adams instructed await his arrival.
WHITNEY.
Secretary Whitney to Commander-in-Chief, United States Naval Force,
Pacific Station.
JULY 12, 1887.
SIR: In view of the reported unsettled condition of political affairs
in the Hawaiian Kingdom, the Department is very desirous that there
should be a cordial and cooperative understanding between our min
ister at Honolulu and the commanding officer of the naval force on




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2157


the Pacific station. The Department of State will indicate to the
minister the policy which it is desirable to be observed, and in order
that the views of our Government may be discreetly and properly
sustained, you will be pleased to keep yourself in constant communication with Mr. Morrill, supporting him if necessary with the available
force under your command.
Very respectfully,
W. C. WHITNEY,
Secretary of the Navy.
The COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF,
United States Naval Force, Pacific Station.
Acting Secretary Harmony to Rear-Admiral Kimberly.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, November 11, 1887.
SIR: Under the late treaty between this Government and that of
the Hawaiian Islands the United States has acquired certain rights in
Pearl Harbor, Island of Oahu. For the present it is deemed advisable
for such ships of your squadron as practicable to remain at the Sandwich Islands. While there you will be pleased to have Pearl Harbor
examined, particularly at the entrance, the extent of artificial channel
which it will be necessary to cut and the best point for such work determined, and an estimate made of its cost. At the same time you will
procure as fall information as possible with regard to the rights of private individuals in Pearl Harbor, together with any other information
bearing upon the general subject that you may be able to collect, and
forward the whole to the Navy Department for the information of this
Government.
The Marion, now at Panama, has been ordered to touch at various
Central American and Mexican ports as far north as Acapulco, from
which point she is to proceed to the Sandwich Islands to remain a reasonable time before proceeding to Yokohama to report for duty on the
Asiatic station. Similar orders will probably be issued to the Omaha
in March next.
Very respectfully,
D. B. HARMONY,
Acting Secretary of the Navy.
Rear-Admiral L. A. KIMBERLY, U. S. Navy,
Commanding United States Force on Pacific Station,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands.
Secretary Tracy to Rear-Admiral Kimberly.
NAVY DEPARTMENT, September 13, 1889.
SIR.: The Department incloses herewith, for your information, a copy
of a cipher message sent you yesterday by wire, through the United
States consul at Auckland, N. Z.
Very respectfully,
B. F. TRACY,
Secretary of the Navy.
Rear-Admiral L. A. KIMBERLY, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force on Pacific Station, Apia, Samoa.




2158


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Secretary Tracy to Rear-Admiral Kimberly.
NAVY DEPARTMENT, Nrovember 13, 1889.
SIR: Referring to your letter, No. 165, of the 18th ultimo, with reference to the political situation in the Hawaiian Islands, and in which
you state that "it would promote a feeling of security to our own people, and I think to other foreigners, if at the February election we had
a force here competent to preserve order should necessity arise," the
Department directs that you will keep as many of the vessels of your
command in Hawaiian waters as you may deem expedient for the purpose of carrying out the object in view.
A copy of a letter from the Honorable the Secretary of State, concurring in your opinion as to the desirability of such action, is inclosed
herewith for your information.
Very respectfully,
B. F. TRACY,
Secretary of the Navy.
Rear-Admiral L. A. KIMBERLY,
Commanding United States Naval.Force, Pacific Station.
Secretary Tracy to Admiral Brown.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, May 15, 1890.
SrR: The Department deems it advisable that you give up, for the
present, your projected cruise along the coast of Central and South
America, and that you proceed, without delay, to the Sandwich Islands.
Inclosed are copies of two confidential papers received from the State
Department, which will inform you of matters that need your consideration.
The Department desires that you will carefully study the situation
at these islands, and relies upon your discretion in looking after our
interests. Any change of policy on the part of the Hawaiian Government, or any matter which may affect the policy of this Government,
should be immediately reported.
Very respectfully,
B. F. TIRAY.
[Inclosures.]
Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. Confidential letter (No. 20), United States legation,
Honolulu, March 20, 1890.
Mr. Cleghorn to Mr. Damon. Letter, Honolulu, March 13, 1890.
Secretary Tracy to Admiral Brown.
WASHINGTON, June 20, 1890.
SIR: The Department has received your letter 203, of the 5th instant,
and has to say that your interpretation of its order of the 15th ultimo
to remain in Hawaiian waters until further instructed is correct.
Very respectfully,,e~~~~~~ }                        ~B. F. TRACY.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                    2159
Secretary Tracy to commanding officer Mohican.
[Telegram.]
WASHINGTON, August 23, 1890.
SHEPARD,
American Steamer Mohican,
Sydney, Australia.
Go to Honolulu.
Ti cY.
Secretary Tracy to Admiral Brown.
[Telegram.]
WASHINGTON, August 27, 1890.
Admiral BROWN,
Flagship Charleston,
Seattle, Wash.:
Proceed with all dispatch to Honolulu, Hawaii. Keep your move.
ments and intentions secret.
TRACY.
Commodore Ramsay to Admiral Brown.
WASHINGTON, January 20, 1891.
SIR: The following telegram was sent you yesterday:
Admiral BROWN,
Flagship Charleston,
Mare Island, Cal,:
Within how many hours can you sail for Honolulu, Hawaii?
TRPACY.
Very respectfully,
F. M. RAMSAY,
Chief of Bureau.
Secretary Tracy to Admiral Brown.
[Telegram.]
WASHINGTON, January 21, 1891.
Rear Admiral BROWN,
Flagship Charleston, San Francisco, Cal:
San Francisco Examiner requests authority to send out reporter to
Honolulu in Charleston. If one representative will satisfy San Fran.
cisco press, you may take if agreeable. Act as you think best.
TRACY.




2160


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Secretary Tracy to Admiral Brown,
[Telegram,]
WASHINGTON, January 21, 1891.
Rear-Admiral GEORGE BROWN,
Flagship Charleston, San Francisco, Cal:
When King of Hawaii's funeral takes place! It is very important
you sail as soon as possible.
TRACY.
Secretary Tracy to Admiral Brown.
WASHINGTON, January 22, 1891.
Rear Admiral GEORGE BROWN,
Flagship Charleston, San Francisco, Cal:
It is important to reach Honolulu, Hawaii, as soon as possible; full
speed.
TRACY.
Secretary Tracy to Admiral Brown.
[Telegram.]
WASHINGTON. January 24, 1891.
Will remain until further orders at Honolulu, unless affairs are settled and absolutely safe.
TRACY.
Secretary Tracy to Rear-Admiral Brown.
MARCH 11, 1891.
SIR: Referring to your dispatches Nos. 37,39,50, and 54, in which you
give a detailed account of the services rendered by you and the
officers and men under your command, in connection with the funeral
of the late Hawaiian King and the ceremonies attending the accession
to the throne of his successor, Queen Liliuokalani, the Department
desires to express to you its high appreciation of the thorough and
efficient miannier ini which the delicate and responsible duties connected
with those events have been performed.
Acting Secretary Ramsay to Rear-Admiral Brown.
MARCH 25, 1891.
SIR: The Department incloses a copy of a telegram received this
day from Mr. de Young, of the San Francisco Chronicle, and desires a
full explanation of your action in connection with the cipher telegram
sent you January 21 last, which was as follows:
The San Francisco Examiner requests authority to send out reporters to Honolulu,
Hawaiian Islands, in the Charleston. If one representative will satisfy the San
Francisco press, you may take, if agreeable. Do as you think best.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                     2161
Secretary Tracy to Commanding Officer Iroquois.
JUNE 26,7 1891.
Proceed to Samoa as early as you can conveniently, unless in your
opinion it is -not advisable to leave Sandwich Islands at present time
without a ship of war.
Secretary Tracy to Commander-in- Chief Pacific Station.
SEPTEMBER 8, 1891.
SIR: You are informed that the U-. S. S. Pensacola has been attached
to the Pacific Station under your command. The following orders were
telegraphed to her commanding officer on the 7th instant:
Proceed to Honoluilu., Hawaii, and guard American interests in that vicinity until
further instructed. Report to Brown by letter.
Secretary Tracy to Commanding Officer Boston.
WASHINGTON, July 15, 1892.
Sir.: As soon as the U. S. S. Boston is in all respects ready for sea,
proceed with her to Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, and report to the
Commander-in-Chief of the Pacific Station.
iRespectfully,
B1. F. TRACY.
Acting Secretary Soley to Commanding Officer Boston.
[Telegram.]
Commanding Officer Steamer Boston, WASHINGTON, August 16, 1892.
Through Commandant, Navy Yard, Mare Island, C~al.:
Upon your arrival at Honoluln deliver following telegram:
STEVENSY,
United State8 Minister, Honolulu:
If you have not already done so, prepare report on annexation of Johnson's Taiand
by British steamer Champion; with statement of history, occupancy by American
corners, and any adverse claims thereto.
Acknowledge receipt.FOTR
JAMES R. SOLEY.
Commodore Ramsay to Commanding Officer Boston.
[Telegram.]
Washington, Sep.218.
Commanding Officer Steamer Boston, Honolulu, H. I.
(Ca-re Navy Pay Office, San Francisco, Cal.)
Should Alliance arrive at Honolulu, order her to remain there and
proceed with Boston to San Franc~isco.
RAMS
S. Rep. 227    136l




2162


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Commodore Ramsay to Admiral Harmony.
[Telegram.]
WASHINGTON, September 2, 1892.
HARMONY,
Steamer Lancaster, Yokohama, Japan:
Order Alliance to stop at Honolulu.
IAMSAY.
Commodore Ramsay to Admiral Brown.
[Telegram.]
WASHINGTON, September 13, 1892.
Rear-Admiral BRowN,
Steamer San Francisco,
Mare Island, Cal.:
Commandant directed to have Alliance ready for sea without delay
and to order her to report to you. She will be attached to your squadron. Department wants her to go at once to Honolulu and relieve Boston. Report when Alliance can sail.
RAMSAY.
Commodore Ramsay to Admiral Brown.
[Telegram.]
WASHINGTON, September 15, 1892.
Rear-Admiral BROWN,
Steamer San Francisco,
Navy-yard, Mare Island, Cal.:
Department does not desire Boston to leave Honolulu until Alliance
arrives. Commander Barclay will go by steamer to Honolulu to relieve
Rich.
RAMSAY.
Commodore Ramsay to Admiral Brown.
[Telegram.]
WASHINGTON, September 21, 1892.
Rear-Admiral BROWN,
Steamer San Francisco, Mare Island, Cal.:
Order Alliance to proceed with dispatch to Honolulu. Order Boston
upon arrival of Alliance to proceed to Acapulco.
RAMSAY.
Secretary Tracy to Admiral Brown.
WASHINGTON, September 28, 1892.
Commanding Officer Steamer Boston, Honolulu,
(Care Navy Pay Office, San Francisco, Cal.:)
Remain at Honolulu until further orders.
TRACY.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                        2163
Secretary Tracy to commanding officer Alliance.
[Telegram.]
OCTOBER 11, 1892.
Commanding Officer U. S. S. Alliance:
(Care Navy Pay Office, San Francisco, Cal.)
Orders to Samoa revoked. Remain at Honolulu until further orders,
TRACY.
Secretary Tracy to Admiral Skerrett.
[Telegram.]
JANUARY 28, 1893.
Admiral SKERRETT,
Flagship Mohican:
(Through commandant navy-yard, Mare Island, Cal.)
When the Mohican is ready for sea proceed with her to Honolulu
with all dispatch. The present Provisional Government of Hawaii is
recognized by this Government and by all foreign governments except
England. Be vigilant in protecting American interests and be prepared to meet any danger by which such interests may be threatened.
Deliver to Minister Stevens, Honolulu, the following dispatch from the
State Department.
Secretary Foster to Mr. Stevens.
[Telegram.]
JOHN L. STEVENS,
United States Minister, Honolulu:
Your dispatch, telegraphed from San Francisco, announcing revolution and establishment of a provisional government, was received to-day. Your course in recognizing an unopposed de facto government appears to have been discreet and in
accordance with the facts. The rule of this Government has uniformly been to
recognize and enter into relations with any actual government in full possession of
effective power with the assent of the people. You will continue to recognize the
new government under such conditions. It is trusted that the change, besides conducing to the tranquility and welfare of the Hawaiian Islands, will tend to draw
closer the intimate ties of amity and common interests which so conspicuously and
necessarily link them to the United States. You will keep in constant communication with the commander of the United States naval force at Honolulu, with a view
to acting, if need be, for the protection of the interests and property of American
citizens, and aiding in the preservation of good order under the changed conditions
reported.
JOHN W. FOSTER.


Acknowledge receipt of the above.


B. F. TRACY.




2164                      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Secretary Tracy to Rear-Admiral Skerrett.
[Telegramn.]
FEBR.UAR.Y 14, 1893.
Rear-Admiral SKIERRETT,
United States Steamer Miohican, Honolulu, Hawaii:
(Through Pay Inspector Lyon, Navy Pay Office, San Francisco, Cal.)
The following is a copy of a telegram, dated February 14, from the
Secretary of State to the United States minister at Honolulu, which is
transmitted for your information and guidance:
Your telegram of the 1st instant has been received, with coincident report from,
commander of the Boston. Press telegrams from San Francisco give full details of
events of 1st, instant, with text of your proclamation. The latter, in announcing
assumption of protection of the Hawaiian Islands in the name of the United States,
would seem to be tantamount to the assumption of a protectorate over those
islands on b'ehalf of the United States, with all the rights and obligations which
the term implies. It is not thought, however, that the request of the Provisional
Government for protection, or your action in compliance therewith, contemplated
more than the cooperation of the moral and material forces of the United States to
streng(then the aiuthority of the Provisional Government by according to it adequate
protection for life and property during the negotiations instituted here, and without interfering with the execution of public affairs. Such coiiperation was and is
within your standing instructions and those of the naval commanders in Hawaiian
waters.
So far as your course accords to the de facto sovereign grovernment the material cooperation of the United States for the maintenance of good order and protection of
life and property from apprehended disorders, it is commended; but so far as it may
appear to overstep that limit by setting the authority of the United States above
that of the Hawaiian Government, in the capacity of protector, or to impair the independent sovereignity of that Government by substituting the flag and power of the
United States, it is disavowed.
Instructions will be sent to naval commanders, confirming and renewing those
heretofore given them, -under which they are authorized and directed to cooperate
with you in case of need. Your own instructions are likewise renewed and you are
accordingly authorized to arrange with the commanding officer for the continued
presence on shore of such marine force as may be practicable and reqnsite for the
security of the lives and property interests of American citizens and the repression of
lawlessness threatening Them whenever in your judgment it shall be necessary so to
do, or when such cooperation may be sought for good cause by the Government of
the Hawaiian Islands; being, however, always careftil to distinguish between these
functions of voluntary or accorded protection and the assumption of a protectorate
over the Government of the Hawaiian Islands, which the United States heave recognized as sovereign and with which they treat on terms of sovereign equality.
(Signed) John W. Foster.                               B.TAY
Secretary of the Navy.
Secretary Tracy to Commander in Chief Pacific Station.
FEiBR.UARY 14, 1893.
SIR: I have to transmit, for your information and guidance, a copy
of a lette r from the honorable Secretary of State to the United States
minister at Honolulu, dated February 11, 1893.
Very respectfully,
B. F. TRACY,
Secretary of the Navy.
COM.MANDRIR IN oHIEFm PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulus, Hawaiian lslandU.




HAWAIIAN     ISLANDS.                      2165
[Inclosure.]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE;
Washington, February -I, 1893.
SIR: Your cipher telegram, dated the 1st instant, and transmitted through the
Navy Department's good offices, was received here at 4:30 p. m. on the 9th instant.
You therein make the following important statement:
"To-day at 9 a. m., in accordance with the request of the Provisional Government
of Hawaii, I have placed Government of Hawaii under the United States protection
during negotiations, not interfering with the execution of public affairs."
The precise character and scope of the act thus announced by you do not appear
from this brief recital. The press, however, prints full details of the occurences of
the 4st instant, as telegraphed from San Francisco on the arrival of the mail steamer
Australia at that port on the morning of the 9th, and I therein find what purports, -
with appearance of general correctness, to be the text of the proclamation issued by
you on the 1st instant, which reads as follows:
" By authority of the Hawaiian people:
"At the request of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, I hereby,
in the name of the United States of America, assume protection of the Hawaiian
Islands for the protection of life and property, and occupation of the public buildings and Hawaiian soil, so far as may be necessary for the purpose specified, but not
interfering with the administration of public affairs by the Provisional Govern.
ment. 'This action is taken pending and subject to negotiations at Washington.
"JOHN L. STEVENS,
"Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States.
"UNITED STATES LEGATION, February 1, 1893.
"Approved and executed by G. C. Wiltse, captain, U. S. Navy, commanding
U. S. S. Boston."
The manner and degree of the execution of your proclamation by the naval force
are not related with particularity in a brief telegraphic report just received from
Capt. Wiltse. He merely says:
i" To-day, at 9 a. m., in accordance with request of Provisional Government of
Hawaii, the United States minister plenipotentiary placed the Government of Hawaii
under United States protection, during negotiations, not interfering with the execution of public affairs."
It appears from the press reports that the ceremonial for the execution of your
orders consisted in the landing of a battalion from the Boston, its formation at the
Government building in concert with three volunteer companies of the Provisional
Government, the reading of your proclamation by Lieut. Rush, and the hoisting of
the United States flag over the Government building. The Hawaiian flag on other
public buildings in Honolulu is stated not to have been disturbed.
The phraseology of your proclamation in announcing your action in assumption
of protection of the Hawaiian Islands in the name of the United States would
appear to be tantamount to the assumption of a protectorate over those islands in
behalf of the United States with all the right and obligations which the term implies.
To this extent it goes beyond the necessities of the situation, and the instructions
heretofore given you.
Your existing instructions and those under which the commanders of naval vessels of the United States acted were and are ample to provide all legitimate material protection in case of need, either in your discretion or at the request of the dulyconstituted authorities of the Hawaiian Islands, for the lives and property of American citizens endangered or menaced or for the prevention of lawless and tumultuous acts of disturbance of the public peace and safety. The accordance of such
measures of protection or the unsolicitated taking of the needful precautions to
those ends is, however, not to be confounded with the establishment of a protectorate, which is in fact the positive erection of a paramount authority over or in place
of the duly- constituted local government, and the assumption by the protector of
the especial responsibilities attached to such formal protection.
It is not thought probable that the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian
Islands, in solicitating protection, contemplated more than the cooperation of the
moral and material forces of the United States to strengthen its own authority and
power, as a recognized sovereign government, for the protection of life and property, as stated in your proclamation. Such a degree of protection you were, as I
have said already, fully competent to accord, or to exercise in your discretion, in
case of need.
Your proclamation expresses no reservation as to confirmation of your action by
the Government of the United States.




2166


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Its provisos are that the assumed function of protection is to be exercised so fat
as may be necessary for the specified purpose of protecting life and property without
interference with the administration of public affairs by the Provisional Government, and that the action in question " is taken pending and subject to negotiations
at Washington."
These qualifications are entirely in the line of my views of the scope and intent of
the request made to you by the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
The omission of reference to the necessary sanction of the Government of the United
States is immaterial, for its function of revision and confirmation or disavowal of
the acts of its agents is inherent and exercisable at its discretion.
So far, therefore, as your action amounts to according, at the request of the de
facto sovereign Government of the Hawaiian Islands, the cooperation of the moral
and material forces of the United States for the protection of life and property from
apprehended disorders, your action is commended. But so far as it may appear to
overstep that limit by setting the authority and power of the United States above
that of the Government of the Hawaiian Islands in the capacity of protector, or to
impair in any way the independent sovereignty of the Hawaiian Government by
substituting the flag and power of the United States as the symbol and manifestation of paramount authority, it is disavowed.
Instructions will be sent to the commanding officers of the United States naval
forces in the Hawaiian Islands confirming and renewing the instruction heretofore
given them under which they are authorized and directed to cooperate with you for
the preservation of American life and property and the maintenance of good order
in case of need. Your own instructions in the same sense are continued. You are
accordingly authorized, upon receipt of these instructions, to arrange with the
commanding naval officer for the continued presence on shore of such marine force
as may be practicable and requisite for the security of the lives and property
interests of the citizens of the United States and the repression of lawlessness and
public disturbance threatening them whenever in your judgment it shall be necessary so to do, or when such cooperative measures may be sought for good cause by
the Government of the Hawaiian Islands; being, however, always careful to make
due discrimination between those functions of voluntary or accorded protection
and the assumption of a protectorate over the Hawaiian Islands by the United
States.
No step should be taken by you or will be sanctioned by this Government which
might tend to derogate in any way from the independence of the Government of the
Hawaiian Islands, which the United States have recognized as sovereign and with
which they treat on terms of sovereign equality.
A telegraphic instruction, briefly outlining the substance of this dispatch, will be
sent to you, by way of San Francisco, by the mail steamer sailing from that port on
the 15th instant.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
JOHN W. FOSTER.
JOHN L. STEVENS,
Etc., Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands.
Commodore Ramsay to commanding officer Boston.
FEBRUARY 17, 1893.
SIR: The vessel under your command is detached from         the squadron for special service and assigned to duty on the Pacific Station.
Report by letter to Rear-Admiral Joseph S. Skerrett, U. S. lNavy,
the Commander-in-Chief.
Very respectfully,
F. M. RAMSAY,
Chief ojf Bureau.
COMMANDING OFFICER U. S. S. BOSTON,
Honolulu, Hawaii.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2167


Secretary Herbert to Rear-Admiral Skerrett.
MARCH 11, 1893.
SiR: This letter will be handed to you by the Hon. James H. Blount,
Special Commissioner from the President of the United States to the
Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
You will consult freely with Mr. Blount, and will obey any instructions you may receive from him regarding the course to be pursued at
said islands by the force under your command.
You will also afford Mr. Blount all such facilities as he may desire
for the use of your cipher code in communicating by telegraph with this
Government.
Respectfully,
HILARY A. HERBERT,
Secretary of the Navy.
Rear-Admiral J. S. SKERRETT,
Commander in Chief United States Naval Forces,
Pacific Station, Flagship Mohican, Honolulu, H. I.
Secretary Herbert to Rear-Admiral Skcerrett.
[Telegram.]
APRIL 8, 1893.
Rear-Admiral SKERRETT,
Honolulu, H. I.
(Care Navy Pay Office, San Francisco, Cal.):
Have Mohican ready for service in Bering Sea. Adams will be sent
to Honolulu. Shift your flag to such vessel as you deem proper.
HERBERT.
Acting Secretary McAdoo to Commander in Chief Pacific Station.
MAY 10, 1893.
SinR: Replying to your letter of the 25th ultimo, reporting the political condition of affairs at Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, I have to invite
your attention to paragraphs 9 and 10, article 1607, of the U. S. Navy
Regulations, 1893.
The Department regrets the necessity which caused the detail of
the Mohican for duty in Bering Sea, and will send a suitable flagship
to the station under your command as soon as practicable.
There is no appropriation that can be drawn upon to pay the rent of
a room on shore to be used as your office.
Very respectfully,
W. McADoo,
Acting Secretary of the Navy.
COMMANDER IN CHIEF PACIFIC STATION,
(Care of Navy Pay Office, San Francisco, Cal.)




2168


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


[Translation of cipher dispatch,]
Secretary Herbert to Pay Inspector Lyons.
NAVY PAY OFFICE,
San Francisco, August 16, 1893.
Pay Inspector LYON,
Navy Pay Office, San Francisco, Cal.:
Send following message to Admiral Skerrett, Honolulu, by firstmail:
I desire to impress upon you in the absence of United States Minister Blount that your sole duty is confined to that of an officer of the
Navy, although it is to be performed in the spirit of the instructions
of Minister Blount, which doubtless have been seen by you. Protect
American citizens and American property, but do not give aid, physical or moral, to either party contending for the government of Honolulu.
HERBERT.
Secretary Herbert to Commander in Chief Pacific Station.
AUGUST 18, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to inform you that the U. S. S. Philadelphia
has to-day been ordered by cable to proceed from Callao, Peru, to
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, and there report to you.
Upon the arrival of the Philadelphia you will please order the U. S.
S. Boston to the navy-yard, Mare Island, Cal., to be docked.
A cipher telegram to the same effect as this letter was sent to you
to-day through U. S. Navy Pay Office, at San Francisco.
Very respectfully,
H. A. HERBERT,
Secretary of the Navy.
COMMANDER IN CHIEF
U. S. NAVAL FORCE ON PACIFIC STATION,
United States Flagship Boston, Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands.
[Translation of cipher dispatch.]
Secretary Herbert to Rear-Admiral Skerrett.
SEPTEMBER 27, 1893.
Yours September 12 received. My instructions misconstrued. You
will afford to British subjects and property such protection as has
always been accorded by vessels of American fleets to the subjects of
3ier Britannic Majesty and their property under like circumstances in
the absence of British vessels.
HERBERT.
Rear-Admiral SKERRETT.
(Care Pay Inspector Lyons, Navy Pay Office, San Francisco, Cal.)




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2169


[Translation of cipher dispatch.]
Secretary Herbert to Rear-Admiral Skerrett.
[Confidential.]
OCTOBER 9, 1893.
Transfer flag to the Boston at San Francisco. Proceed to San Francisco with personal staff by first mail steamer practicable. It is the
intention of the Department to transfer you to command Asiatic Station.
HERBERT.
Admiral SKERRETT,
(Care Navy Pay Office, San Francisco.)
[Translation of cipher dispatch.]
Secretary Herbert to Rear-Admiral Irwin.
[Confidential.]
OCTOBER 10, 1893.
You are relieved of command of naval force on Asiatic Station on
October 27. Proceed with personal staff by mail steamer leaving Yokohama, Japan, on October 27, to Honolulu, Hawaii Islands, hoist flag
on board the Philadelphia, and assume command of naval force on
the Pacific Station.
HERBERT.
Admiral IRWIN,
Yokohama.
Mr. Stevens to Captain Wiltse.
UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, January 16, 1893.
SiR: In view of existing critical circumstances in Honolulu, indicating an inadequate legal force, I request you to land marines and sailors from the ship under your command for the protection of the United
States legation and the United States consulate, and to secure the
safety of American life and property.
Yours truly,
JOHN L. STEVENS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary
of the United States.
Capt. G. C. WILTSE.
Capt. Wiltse to Executive Officer U. S. S. Boston.
U. S. S. BOSTON, SECOND RATE,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January, 16, 1893.
SIR: You will take command of the battalion and land in Honolulu
for the purpose of protecting our legation, consulate, and the lives
and property of American citizens, and to assist in preserving public
order.




2170


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Great prudence must be exercised by both officers and men, and no
action taken that is not fully warranted by the condition of affairs, and
by the conduct of those who may be inimical to the treaty rights of
American citizens.
You will inform me at the earliest practicable moment of any change
in the situation.
Very respectfully,
G. C. WILTSE,
Captain, U. S. -Navy, Commanding U. S. S. Boston.
Lieut. Commander W. T. SWINBURNE,
Executive Officer U. S. S. Boston.
Mr. Stevens to Captain Wiltse.
UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, February 1, 1893.
SIR: The Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands having
duly and officially expressed to the undersigned the fear that said
Government may be unable to protect life and property, and to prevent
civil disorder in Honolulu, the capital of said Hawaiian Islands,
request that the flag of the United States may be raised, for the protection of the Hawaiian Islands, and to that end confer on the United
States, through the undersigned, freedom of occupation of the public
buildings of the Hawaiian Government and the soil of the Hawaiian
Islands, so far as may be necessary for the exercise of such protection,
but not interfering with the administration of the public affairs by
said Provisional Government.
I hereby ask you to comply with the spirit and terms of the request
of the Hawaiian Government, and to that end to use all the force at
your command, in the exercise of your best judgment and discretion,
you and myself awaiting instructions from the United States Government at Washington.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
JOHN L. STEVENS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States.
Captain G. C. WILTSE,
Commander of the U. S. Ship Boston.
Capt. Wiltse to Executive Officer U. S. S. Boston.
U. S. S. BOSTON, SECOND RATE,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, February 1, 1893.
SIR: You will take possession of the Government building and the
American flag will be hoisted over it at 9 a. m.
Very respectfully,
G. C. WILTSE,
Captain, U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. S. Boston.
Lieut. Commander W. T. SWINBURNE,
Commanding Battalion, U. S. S. Boston.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  2171
Rear-Admiral Slcerrett to Secretary Herbert.
U. S. S. MOHICAN, FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, April 6, 1893.
SIR: Since my last of the 29th ultimo, I have to inform the Department of the arrival, after closing my mail on that day, of the IT. S. R. S.
Richard Rush, having on board Special United States Commissioner
J. H. Blount. On March 31 I was called by Mr. Blount for a special
interview, on which occasion, by his directions, I was ordered to withdraw the Boston's force from the shore, and at 11 a. m. on April 1 to
haul down the United States flag from the Government building, which
was to be replaced by the Provisional Government hoisting the
Hawaiian flag. These orders were promptly executed as directed.
There was not the remotest evidence shown, by the crowd of natives
and others about the Government building, of any feeling; no demonstration of any description. Since which time, by the advice of Mr.
Blount, the guard that had been placed at the United States Legation
was allowed to be returned to that place. This was done to quiet the
apprehensions of Minister Stevens. There has been no turmoil of any
description on shore; peace and quiet have reigned throughout. The
cadets will leave by this steamer, and are ordered to report arrival on
reaching San Francisco. The U. S. R. S. Richard Rush left for San
Diego on the 5th instant; after I had had her supplied with 80 (eighty)
tons of coal from the Government coal pile.
Political affairs remain as formerly stated. I would further state
that the Boston's force was before its withdrawal from shore relieved at
the Government building by one (1) company of the Provisional Governments troops.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. S. SKERRETT,
Rear Admiral U. S. Navy, Commanding
U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
Commander Woodward to the Secretary of the Navy.
U. S. S. ADAMS (THIRD EATE),
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, July 27, 1889.
SIR: On arriving in this port July 4 I made a hurried report on
account of the mail leaving so soon after. I will now report that I
found in the harbor, besides the U. S. S. Alert, H. B. M. S. Espiegle
and the Chilean corvette Pilcomayo. The official visits were exchanged.
I called on the United States minister resident and consul-general;
also on the minister of foreign affairs, Hawaii.
On Monday, July 8, the U. S. S. Alert went to sea to Fanning Island
to convoy the U. S. S. Nipsic into this port; on the same day H. B. M.
S. Espiegle went to sea for a cruise among the islands. On Wednesday, July 10, the Chilean corvette Pilcomayo went to sea bound for
Vancouver, thence for San Francisco, leaving the Adams the only manof-war in port.
On July 7 I received your order, through Commodore Benham, corn
mandant Mare Island, to proceed with the Adams to Apia, Samoa.




2172


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


I commenced preparations for sea, filling up with coal, and putting
25 tons on deck. On the morning of the 9th Passed Assistant Surgeon
Marsteller was reported as being very sick. I allowed him to go on
shore for medical treatment, the Adams having only one medical officer
on board. Thursday, the 11th, coal was all on board, and Friday the
ship was ready for sea, but the doctor was still sick.
On Saturday I requested a survey of three reputable doctors on shore,
and on Sunday, the 14th, they reported to me in writing that the condition of Dr. Marsteller was such that he ought not to go out on the
ship, that he was suffering from broncho-pneumonia, and it might be
three weeks before he was able to be about.
Not feeling myself justifiable in proceeding to sea, especially on such
a cruise, without a doctor on board, I inquired about hiring one from
the city, and not feeling sure of the standing of the only person that
offered service, and knowing that the Alert and Nipsic would arrive in
a week or ten days, I concluded I would be justified in waiting and
transferring a doctor from one of those vessels and then proceeding to
carry out my orders, which had not specified any particular hurry for
the Adams to be at Apia.
On Wednesday, the 17th, I received a communication from the
minister resident, desiring to see me. He informed me that he had
been notified by the minister of foreign affairs that there was a plot
on foot to make some disturbance when the Adams should leave, as
then there would be no man-of-war in port, and that if I could delay
the departure of the Adams until the arrival of H. B. M. S. Espiegle
he thought the affair would fall through, but that he did not deem it
well for all the vessels to leave just at present. I informed him that I
could not well leave on account of the condition of the doctor, and so
it was fortunate I had concluded to remain.
On the 18th His Majesty notified me that he would receive myself
and officers on Friday, the 19th, at Merid, and at that time we were
presented.
On the 22nd H. B. M. S. Espiegle arrived in port from a cruise among
the Islands. Paid the usual calls; also dressed ship, Chinese flag at
the main, in honor of the Emperor's birthday, at the request of the
Chinese legation.
On the 26th the steamer Australia arrived; also steamer Mlariposa
from Sydney. No mail.
The doctor continues sick, and as soon as the Alert arrives I will
transfer Dr. Green to this ship and proceed to obey my orders.
H. B. M. S. Espiegle sails to-day under sealed orders.
I attach correspondence from minister and report of medical survey.
Very respectfully,
E. T. WOODWARD,
Commander, Commanding.
Hon. SECRETARY OF TIlE NAVY,
Washington, D. C.
Commander J. G. Green to Secretary of the Navy.
U. S. S. ALERT (THIRD RATE),
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, August 6, 1889.
SIR: I have the honor to inform you that this vessel and the Nipsic
arrived here on the 2d instant, from Fanning Island, which place I left
on the 24th of July, as soon as the coal which I shipped from here on
July 6 was received.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  2173
I left here on July 8, arriving at Fanning Island on the 14th.
In accordance with my instructions, I have made arrangements to
repair the Nipsic sufficiently to enable her to continue her voyage to
San Francisco in safety. She is taking out all possible weight preparatory to hauling out on the marine railway, which she expects to
(ldo on the 8th or 9th instant, when a temporary sternpost and rudder
will be attached, and new propeller put on, which is here.
Her stern will be refastened, and a temporary keel put on, if practicable.
I estimate that the necessary repairs will take a month or six weeks,
but I will forward the work with all possible dispatch.
Affairs at Honolulu are quiet and no further trouble is apprehended.
I inclose slips cut from the official paper, which show the present
relations between the King and cabinet, and every one seems to feel
that the prospect of future peace is better than for a year past.
The only men-of-war in port are the Nipsic and ourselves. The
French flag ship Duquesne, bearing the flag of Admiral Lefevre, arrived
from San Francisco on the 4th, and is anchored outside. She leaves
for Tahiti on the 8th.
The Adams sailed for Samoa on the 4th instant.
The health of this ship's company and the Nipsic is excellent.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JAS. G. GREEN,
Commander, U. S. Navy, Commanding and Senior Officer Present.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Washington, D. G.
Paymaster Goldsborough to Secretary of the Navy.
[Telegram.]
SAN FRANCISCO, August 9, 1889.
Unsuccessful revolution at Honolulu. The Adams landed men for
protection of the United States Consulate and American citizens. The
Alert and Nipsic arrived the day the Austria sailed. All well. Leaders of the revolution are prisoners. No further trouble.
W. GOLDSBOROUGH.
Acting Secretary of State to Secretary of the Navy.
WASHINGTON, August 12, 1889.
SIR: I have the honor to transmit, for your information, a copy of
a telegram from our minister at Honolulu, touching an insurrection
there on the 30th ultimo, and the landing of men from the U. S. S.
Adams to protect lives and property.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
J. B. MOORE.




2174                    HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
[Inclosure.]
HONOLULU, August 2, 1889.
(Via San Francisco, August 9, 1889.)
Hon. JAMES G. BLAINE,
Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.:
On July 30 unsuccessful attempt by about 100 half-castes and natives to overthrow
Government and depose King. Insurrection suppressed by Hawaiian Government
without foreign aid. Six insurgents killed, twelve wounded; order restored same
day; men from U. S. S. Adams landing by permission to protect lives and property
is found necessary; afterwards returning to ship.
GEO. W. MERRILL.
Secretary of State to Secretary of the Navy.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, August 23, 1889.
Sin: I have the honor to transmit a copy of a dispatch from our
minister at Honolulu, relative to the attempt of 30th July last to overthrow the Hawaiian Government; and to express the Department's
appreciation of the prompt response of the commander of the U. S. S.
Adams to the minister's request for the landing of marines to protect
life and property in case of need. Inclosing also a copy of the printed
accompaniment of the dispatch.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
WILLIAM F. WHARTON
Acting Secreta'ry.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.
Bear-Admiral Kimberly to Commodore Walker.
U. S. MONONGAHELA (TEMPORARY FLAGSHIP),
Apia, Samoa, September 2, 1889.
SiR: Owing to the very satisfactory condition of affairs at present
and the promising outlook for the future, I feel that my presence is no
longer required here; and I shall, therefore, leave Apia in the Adams
about the 13th instant, to take passage in the mail steamer Alameda, off
Tutuila, on the 14th, for Honolulu, where I hear thatthere is an uneasy
feeling after the late attempt at insurrection.
I expect to find the Nipsic and Alert at that port, where their presence may tend to allay any apprehensions on the part of the inhabitants of that city.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
L. A. KIMBERLY,
Rear-Admiral U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force on Pacific Station.
Commodore J. G. WALKER, U. S. Navy,
Chief of Office of Detail,




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   2175
Secretary of the Navy to Rear-Admiral Kimberly.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
September 13th, 1889.
SIR: The Department incloses herewith for your information a copy
of a cipher message sent you yesterday by wire, through the United
States consul at Aukland, New Zealand.
Very respectfully,
B. F. TRACY,
Secretary of the Navy.
Rear-Admiral Kimberly to the Secretary of the Navy.
-U. S. S. ALERT (TEMPORARY FLAGSHIP),
Honolulu, September 27, 1889.
SIR: On the 24th instant I was received, together with my personal
staff, by His Majesty King Kalakau at the Iolani Palace. As far as I
can see everything is quiet.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
L. A. KIMBERLY,
Rear-Admiral U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval _Force on Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.
Rear-Admiral Kimberly to the Secretary of the Navy.
U. S. FLAGSHIP ALERT (THIRD RATE),
Honolulu, October 18, 1889.
SIR: I have to report that, politically speaking, quietness prevails
at present. There is an agitation quietly working as to the race question which, no doubt, will become a prominent factor in the elections
that come off in February.
The natives seem to have an uneasy feeling as to their rights being
usurped by the whites and their gradual loss of prestige and power
in the Government, as laid down in the principles of the present constitution, which to their ideas circumscribes too much the kingly
power.
It would promote a feeling of security to our own people and, I
think, other foreigners, if, at the February elections, we had a force
here competent to preserve order should necessity arise.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
L. A. KIMBERLY,
Rear-Admiral U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force on Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.
Secretary of State to Secretary of the Navy.
Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt to your letter of
the 1st instant and to the copy of Rear-Admiral Kimberly's report of
the 18th ultimo, which you inclose, on the political situation in Hawaii.




2176


HAWAIIANISLANDS


In view of his opinion that the security of oar citizens there would
be promoted "if at the February elections" the United States had a
force in those waters competent to preserve order, should the necessity
arise, I trust that your Department may find it convenient to make
such dispositions in that quarter as will subserve the desired object.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
JAMES G. BLAINE.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.
Secretary Tracy to Rear-Admiral Kimberly.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
November 13, 1889.
SIR: Referring to your letter No. 165, of the 18th ultimo, with reference to the political situation in the Hawaiian Islands, and in which
you state that " it would promote a feeling of security to our people
and I think to other foreigners, if at the February election we had a
force here competent to preserve order should necessity arise," the Department directs that you will keep as many of the vessels of your command in Hawaiian waters as you may deem expedient for the purpose
of carrying out the object in view.
A copy of a lett,er from the honorable the Secretary of State, concurring in your opinion as to the desirability of such action, is inclosed
herewith for your information.
Very respectfully,
B. F. TRACY,
Secretary of the Navy.
Rear-Admiral L. A. KIMBERLY,
Commanding United States Naval Force, Pacific Station.
Rear-Admiral Kimberly to the Secretary of the Navy.
U. S. SFLAGSHIP MOHICAN (THIRD RATE),
Honolulu, November 16, 1889.
SIR: I have to acknowledge with thanks the Department's letter
* dated October 12, referring to my dispatch of September 26, from Honolulu, relating to the repairs of the Nipsic and my intention of relinquishing command of the Pacific Station.
I appreciate highly the Departments approval of my course in connection with the Nipsic, and avail myself of the Department's consideration, as expressed in its letter referred to above, of relinquishing
the command of the station, and would elect to turn it over to my successor at Honolulu about the middle of January, 1890, in order that I
can return to the United States by the steamer that leaves here on
January 17 for San Francisco.
I have hoisted my flag on the Mohican, where I hope to keep it until
relieved.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
L. A. KIMBERLY,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force on Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   2177
Lear-Admiral Kimberly to the Secretary of the Navlu
U. S. FLAGSHIP MOHICAN (THIRD RATE).
Honolulu, November 19, Z889.
SIR: The political situation since my letter No. 165, dated October
18, remains unchanged.
An uneasy feeling still exists throughout the community as to the
possible results of the coming elections. I do not anticipate that anything of a serious nature will result therefrom.
I am retaining two ships here, the Mllohican and Nipsic, to encourage
a better feeling of security.
Very respectfully your obedient servant,
L. A. KIMBERLY,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force on Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.
Secretary Tracy to Rear-Admiral Kimberly.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
December 2, 1889.
SIR: In reply to your letter, No. 177d, of the 16th ultimo, expressing
a desire to relinquish the command of your station at Honolulu about
the 15th of January, 1890, in order that you can return to the United
States by the steamer of January 17, you are informed that the Department finds it inconvenient to comply with this request, but authorizes
you to proceed to San Francisco, Cal., by the steamer of January 17,. and to turn over your command at that place upon the arrival of your
relief.
Upon your arrival at San Francisco you are authorized to hoist
your flag upon any vessel of your squadron that may be in that port.
Very respectfully,
B. F. TRACY,
Secretary of the Navy.
Rear-Admiral L. A. KIMBERLY, U. S. Navy.
Commanding Pacific Station,
U. S. F. S. Mohican, Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands.
Rear-Admiral Kimberly to the Secretary of the Navy.
U. S. FLAGSHIP MOHICAN (THIRD RATE),
Honolulu, December 13, 1889.
SIR: I have to acknowledge the Department's letter dated November
13 and inclosiing copy of a letter from the Secretary of State referring to the desirability of keeping a sufficient force at Honolulu to promote a feeling of security to our own people and to other foreigners at
the coming elections in February.
The Mohican and Nipsic are already here and the Adams, when relieved by the Iroquois, has orders to leave for this port.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
L. A. KIMBERLY,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force on Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.
S. Rep. 227-137




2178                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Admiral Brown to Secretary of the Navy.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, Mlay 31, 1890.
SIR: Referring to my letter of this date, reporting the arrival of the
Charleston, on the 29th instant, I have to report that I found political
affairs very quiet.
The Legislature was convened on the 21st instant, and up to the
present time nothing has been brought before it of a character calculated to indicate what those in the majority and opposed to the present
constitution may endeavor to force on the minority in the way of legislation inimical to the interests of the people of the United States, as
well as to the future commercial prosperity of these islands.
As yet, my intercourse with the United States minister resident has
been only of a formal and official character. I have arranged with him
for a confidential conference at an early date, until which time I do
not expect to get any reliable information bearing on the political situation of the present and the possibilities of the future.
Personally I am most favorably impressed with the diplomatic ability
of Mr. Stevens, and feel assured that I can heartily cooperate with him
in every way for the best interests of the Government of the United
States.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
GEORGE BROWN.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.
Rear- Admiral Brown to the Secretary of the Navy.
U. S. FLAGSHIP CHARLESTON,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, June 9, 1890.
SIR: I have the honor to report that His Majesty the King of Hawaii
visited this ship on the 7th instant. He was received on board with
all the ceremonies customary on such occasions and the required
salutes were fired. 
The Nipsic, Adams, and H. B. M. S. Acorn manned yards.
Hon. John L. Stevens, U. S. Minister Resident to Hawaiian Islands,
was present.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant.
GEO. BROWN,
Rear-Admiral U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
Rear-Admiral Brown to Secretary of the Navy.
U. S. FLAGSHIP CHARLESTON,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, June 26, 1890.
SIR: Since my last communication, No. 193, of May 31, referring to
the condition of political affairs in the Hawaiian Islands, the only event
of any import has been a change in the cabinet officers.
On the 13th instant the ministry tendered their resignation, and on




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2179


the 17th instant the present ministry were named by the King. The
Legislature then adjourned until the 30th instant.
There was nothing of a very exciting character attending the change
of ministry, as it was a foregone conclusion that the change would be
made in the interest of the National Reform party, which is in a small
majority in the Legislature.
The present cabinet ministers appear to have the confidence and
support of the best elements and representatives of both the Reform
and National Reform parties in the Legislature. It is regarded as conservative, and the only opposition which has so far shown itself comes
from three or four members of the Legislature and the dominant party.
The reputations of these men for patriotism do not extend beyond
their personal ambition for such power and recognition as would place
them in positions where their well-established characters as agitators
and as "patriots for revenue only" would have enabled them to have
done much mischief and kept the native element in a constant state of
excitement. They are the leaders of a faction in the National Reform
party whose cry was "Hawaii for the Hawaiians."
The action of the King in absolutely ignoring these men, by neither
appointing one or more of them cabinet officers, as they had expected,
or consulting them or their wishes in the formation of the present cabinet, has done much towards establishing a feeling of security from
political disturbances in the near future.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
GEORGE BROWN,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval _Force, Pacific Station.
Hon. SECRETARY OP THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. 0.
Rear-A dmiral Brown to Secretary of the Navy.
No. 269]                     U. S. FLAGSHIP CHARLESTON,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, July 29,1890.
SIR: In reference to political matters in the Hawaiian Islands I have
to report that since my last communication on this subject, No. 228 of
June 26, 1890, many events have transpired in Honolulu which indicate that serious trouble, if not a revolution, is imminent at no distant
day. The Legislature now in session will not probably adjourn before
the middle of September next, and until that time the discordant
element in the National Reform party, as represented by several natives
and half-castes in the Legislature, who were prominent leaders in the
attempted revolution of July, 1889, will not cease their revolutionary discussions and movements either in the Legislature or in public meetings
on the streets. Their efforts are now being made in favor of a constitutional convention with a view of revising the present constitution,
which was adopted in 1887.
The revision of this constitution which these revolutionists desire
to bring about is nothing less than an entire new constitution which
will restore to the King his former powers, give the native element
almost absolute control of the Government, and ignore the interests of
foreign residents and the vast amount of capital they now have invested in several islands. The present constitution provides for the
only way by which it can be amended, and requires the approval of




2180                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
any amendment by two regular successive Legislatures. The Legis
lature meets biennially. Any attempt to change the constitution in
any other way will be revolutionary and will be resisted by the Reform
party and by the best elements of the Natioiial IReformers. It is
almost assured that there will be a majority in the Legislature opposed
to granting a petition for the proposed constitutional convention, and
that the defeat of the revolutionists in the Legislature will be the signal
for an uprising of the lower class of natives. The result of such an
uprising will undoubtedly prove disastrous to them, as the interests
of the whites and the better class of natives and half-castes can not be
permitted to be jeopardized by a small number of irresponsible and
impecunious but educated natives and half-castes.
The presence of the force under my command has a marked influence
on the would be revolutionists, as while they are well aware that I am
here to protect the persons and properties of citizens of the United
States, the general belief among them is that I will, in the event of a
revolution, take a more decided stand in the interests of those opposed
to them than I might be warranted in doing. The white residents and
natives and half-castes who stand ready to oppose the revolutionists
have every confidence in their ability to do so successfully, and take
great comfort in the knowledge of an adequate naval force being present. I am in frequent personal communication with our Minister Resident, as also with many of the leading American merchants and lawyers, and from them am able to keep constantly advised of the progress
of events.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
GEo. BROWN,
Rear-Admiral U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
Hon. B. F. TRACY,
Secretary of the Navy, Navy Department, Washington D. C.
Rear-Admiral Brown to Secretary of the Navy.
No. 270.]          UNITED STATES FLAGSHIP CHARLESTON,
Honolulul Hawaiian Islands, July 29, 1890.
SIR: I have the honor to inform the Department that His Majesty
King Kalakaua made an official visit to this ship on the 7th ultimo,
and that on the 24th instant Her Majesty Kapiolani, Queen Consort,
was received on board. To both were accorded all the ceremonies due
their rank.
On the 5th instant I received an official visit from the four cabinet
ministers. They came on board in a body and were given a salute of
17 guns.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
GEO. BROWN,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding United States Naval Force, Pacific Squadron.
Hon B. F. TRACY,
Secretary of the Navy, Navy Department, Washington, D. CL




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2181


Commander McCurley to Secretary of the Navy.
UT. S. S. NiPSIC (THIRD RATE),
HIonolulu, 1Hawaiian Islands, August 22, 1890.
Sin: I would respectfully report that since the departure of the flagship Charleston from this place on the 7th instant the political situation
has assumed a more disturbed appearance within the last few days, so
I deem it advisable to report the political state of affairs immediately,
instead of waiting until the end of the month to do so, as is the usual
custom, the cause of the disturbance being as follows:
Several days ago a petition was presented to His MajestyKing Kalakaua by a native delegation asking that the old constitution be revived
and the new or present constitution, formed in 1887, be abrogated; and
this petition has been indorsed by the King and presented to the Legislature for their consideration, and as I have been informed by reliable
authorities that the native and bad half-white element thlreaten to surroundthe legislative chamber and coerce the members of the Legislature
into voting for it, so as to give a form of legality to what is otherwise
not only against the present constitution, but highly inimical and dangerous to American interest.
The present constitution, formed in 1887, seems to give entire satisfaction to the majority of the prominent American and English residents
at this place, including even those white people of the working classes,
who are prosperous and thriving, as it is of a liberal character, and
favors their interest in various ways.
The present constitution, formed in 1887, was, in a manner, forced on
the King by a delegation of the prominent residents at this place, and,
as I was informed by a former minister of the late cabinet, the lion.
Jona. Austin, that if the King had not signed the present constitution
and given it his support a Republic would have been declared, and at
that time a sworn league composed of about 4,000 white men residing
on the different islands were back of this movement, opposition to it
would have been useless, as the respectable white element were determined to have a liberal constitution or else a Republic.
The constitution that the natives and the bad half-white element,
under the leadership of Mr. Bush, desire, is the one just presented to
the Legislature and indorsed by the King for their consideration, and
is somewhat similar to the old constitution existing before the present
one, and is objected to strongly by the American and English element,
as it, in a manner, gives the King absolute power to appoint the nobles
of the Legislature, instead of their being elected as they are at present;
and also would enable the ignorant natives to control the situation
through the ballot, freehold qualification being waived, all of which
would be highly prejudicial to American interest.
The fact is, to form a new or reactionary constitution for these islands,
and restore arbitrary power to the King, would not only be highly
disastrous to American interest, but to the prosperity of these islands,
and the people also; but the Anglo-Saxon race here, with intelligence
and civilization behind them, move irresistibly forward on their march
to democracy, and it is only a question of time when a more liberal
Government will be formed as the sentiment is universally expressed,
that should the present King die, or the new constitution be formed,
giving him absolute power go into effect, he would then be dethroned
and a Republic declared, and should the sworn league that existed in
1887 be organized, they could control these islands without any out



2182


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


side assistance whatever, it being composed entirely of whites, and all
natives being strictly excluded.
I must mention here that the English residents at this place, although
numerically much less than Americans, have one great advantage over
them, whether acting politically or otherwise, and that is, whenever
there is any matter that is of advantage to them politically, commercially, or otherwise, they bury all social or personal feeling, and act
together as a unit, thus giving them a great advantage over the
Americans in any matter that concerns their interest.
Unfortunately for the interest of the United States, the Americans
here are composed of two parties or factions, between whom there seems
to be no feeling of unity socially, politically, or otherwise.
One of these factions is that composed of the old Puritanical stock
whose ideas are very rigid regarding social proprieties, observance of
the Sabbath, etc., and whom I must say are rather intolerant of the
other Americans, who may be termed the society of these islands, and
although they possess an equal degree of intelligence, brains, etc., as
their more rigid brethren, they are looked upon by them as being rather
frivolous and not setting a proper example to the native element;
whereas they take as much interest in furthering the views of our Government as the other faction, although their strong social differences
prevent their acting together like the English, and placing American
interests at a great disadvantage whenever a question of political or
commercial advantage arises between American and English interests.
Mr. C. W. Ashford, ex-attorney general of the late cabinet, changed
his politics previous to the dissolution of the late cabinet, and in doing so
lost the confidence of both parties, consequently he is eliminated as a
factor for producing further trouble, as he did formerly.
Mr. R. Wilcox, another great agitator, still possesses great influence
among the native element, and, although lately in publihc speeches he
advocates a quiet settlement of difficulties, he is not to be trusted.
At present the leading spirit of the disturbing element is the Hon. J.
E. Bush, a member of the Legislature, but as he is not a military man,
therefore I do not think he would prove a successful leader in case of
any disturbance, as what is termed a revolution at this place would be
called a street riot in the United States, and a few hundred men, led
by a determined man, could easily quell any such so-called revolution,
and one such lesson to them would be highly beneficial to their future
welfare.
Although the different representatives of the different governments
here apprehend serious trouble, I do not think the situation alarming,
as a new constitution can not be formed unless it passes the present
Legislature; then it has to remain in abeyance and again be brought
before the next session before going into force, and, the better men of
both parties being opposed to such a change, I judge it will be quietly
settled without resort to force.
The only trouble that may occur is, that if the mob attempt to coerce
the Legislature to vote for the new constitution, our minister, Hon. John
L. Stevens, and the English commissioner, Maj. Wodehouse, propose
to land the men from the American and British vessels of war to prevent it, and think this display of force will prevent further trouble.
As regards this movement, I asked the Hon. John L. Stevens if this
was not interfering with the autonomy of the Government at this place,
to which he replied no, not if the Government authorities request it,
~o, as my instructions direct me to support him with the available force
at my command, and, as the Department of State indicates to the min



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS..                  2183
ister the policy to be observed, and I am directed to act in unison with
him, I shall, in accordance with such instructions, fully cooperate and
sustain him in any action he may take, deferring to his better judgment
on any question that may arise regarding international law.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
FELIX MC(URLEY,
Commander, U. S. Navy, Commanding, and Senior Officer Present.
HOn. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
Bear-Admiral Brown to Secretary of the Navy.
[Telegram.]
PORT TOWNSEND (VIA SEATTLE), WASH.,
September 1, 1890.
Orders received. Will sail for Honolulu at noon to-day.
BROWN.
Rear-Admiral Brown to Secretary of the Navy.
U. S. FLAGSHIP CHARLESTON,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, September 19, 1890.
SIR: I have the honor to report the arrival of this ship at this port
on the 12th instant, after a passage of eleven days from Port Townsend, Wash.
The Nipsic sailed from this place for San Francisco on the 9th
instant.
The Iroquois arrived here on the 7th instant, seventeen days from
Pago Pago.
I learn from the steamer ]Mariposa, which arrived here this morning
en route from Australia to San Francisco, that the Mohican was at
Auckland on the 8th instant on her way to this place, and that Commander Shepard was having difficulty in obtaining coal on account of
the general strike in the coal mines of the colonies, and that he would
go to Pago Pago under sail, if necessary, and there take coal. I look
for the Mohican here about October 15, or possibly a few days earlier.
Very respectfully,
GEO. BROWN,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
CHIEF OF BUREAU OF NIAVIGATION,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
Rear-Admiral Brown to Secretary of the Navy.
UT. S. FLAGSHIP CHARLESTON,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, September 19, 1890.
SIR: I have the honor to report that this ship reached this place
on the 12th instant, after a passage of eleven days from Port Townsend. I found the Iroquois here, the Aipsic having sailed from San
Francisco on the 9th instant.




2184


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


During my absence of thirty-six days there has, at times, been considerable excitement, but nothing of an alarming character has
occurred.
A committee representing the Mechanics' Union and one wing of the
National Reform Party, presented a petition to the King asking that a
constitutional convention should be called. The King referred the
petition to the Legislature without consulting his cabinet officers,
which fact is an evidence that he is in sympathy with those who favor
a change in the constitution. The petition was referred to a select
committee of the Legislature, and it is an open' secret that a majority
of this committee will report adversely to the demand for a convention. The report will be made on the 22d instant, and it is almost
certain that the Legislature will adopt the majority report, as the
reform party will be joined by enough of the best element of the
Nationalists.
The discussion of the majority and minority reports will give the
disgruntled Nationals an opportunity of repeating their incendiary
speeches, such as have been recently made in the Legislature and at
mass meetings, as will be shown by the inclosed clippings from local
papers.
There has been a strong movement made looking toward impeaching
the present ministry by a vote of want of confidence. A few days ago
I was shown a list of members who were pledged to vote for impeachment, and was assured that action would be taken this week. I have
to-day been informed that there is some doubt about some of the members who were expected to vote for impeachment and that action has
been postponed for a few days.
During my absence, the two companies of militia known as the
" Honolulu Rifles," have been disbanded and ordered to turn their arms
and ammunition in to the marshal of the Kingdom. This by legislative resolution. The Rifles were counted on to check such uprising as
took place in June, 1889, on which occasion they'did good service. It
is known to many that the best and most reliable men of the disbanded
companies have secretly organized as a social club and that they have
their own arms and can be brought together at short notice if their
services are needed.
It appears evident that the disgruntled Nationals, who at one time
had a very strong following, have, by their incendiary speeches and
threats to dethrone the King, disgusted many of the respectable members of th eir own political party, and are thereby weakened in their efforts
to bring about a change of the constitution or of the ministry.
The present excitement will be kept up as long as the Legislature is
in session, after which matters may quiet down. The minister of foreign affairs informed me to-day that he thought an adjournment could
be brought about in about three weeks.
I find that many of the prominent Americans who two months ago
were positive that an uprising was imminent now talk as if the danger
was passed, and they all say that the condition of affairs at present is
due to the fact that there is a split in the national party, brought
about by what they term the ill-advised speeches and demonstrations
of the so-called Revolutionists.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
GEO. BROWN,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2185


lRear-Admiral Brown to Secretary of the Navy.
UNITED STATES FLAGSHIP CHARLESTON,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, September 26, 1890.
SIR: Since my last report, of the 19th instant, nothing exciting of a
political nature has occurred.
On the 23d instant the special committee of the Legislature to
which was referred the bill to authorize the calling of a convention to
remodel or revise the constitution of Hawaii presented the majority
report, which was signed by six of the nine members of the committee.
This majority reported, in very strong terms, adversely to amending
the constitution in any other way than as provided for in the existing
constitution, as it would be revolutionary. (I inclose a copy of the
report.)
The minority of the committee have presented no report as yet, and
it is thought that none will be made. The report of the majority will
be discussed and voted on on the 29th instant, at which time there may
be considerable excitement, as it is understood that the agitators will
have their followers crowd the legislative ]hall and possibly express
their disapproval of the report of the committee. There is no doubt.
that this report will be adopted by a large majority.
I do not anticipate any serious trouble on that occasion.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
GEO. BROWN,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding United States Naval Force, Pacific Station.
Hon. B. F. TIRACY,
Secretary of the Navy, Navy Department, Washington, D. G.
Admiral Brown to Secretary Tracy.
HONOLULU, HAWAII, October 24, 1890.
SIR: Since my last report on the condition of political affairs here,
by letter No. 348 of September 26 ultimo, nothing of special note has
occurred, with the exception that the bill to authorize the calling of a
constitutional convention was defeated in the Legislalure. Several
amendments to the constitution have been recommended by the same
committee which reported adversely to the convention proposition, and
they will probably be adopted without much opposition.
The leading political agitators have been losing their following very
rapidly. They were so badly beaten in their efforts to obtain a constitutional convention that they dared not attempt to carry out their
revolutionary threats.
Yesterday a resolution of a want of confidence in the ministry was
introduced in the Legislature, and after a full day's discussion was
defeated by a vote of 26 to 18. With one exception, the members of
the reform party voted to sustain the ministry. The others, who
opposed the resolution, represent the best elements of the national
party (which is the party in power). It is the general impression that
the King favors a change of ministry.
The effect of this very decided defeat of the would-be revolutionists




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


and spoilsmen will be that the aggressive element in the national
party will be quieted and not heard from again during the present
session.
The Legislature will probably adjourn before November 10 proximo,
and after that matters will settle down and there will be nothing of a
political nature to disturb the quiet of the Hawaiian Kingdom until
the campaign of February, 1892. There will be no necessity of having
more than one ship of the squadron at these islands after the adjournment of the Legislature.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
GEO. BROWN.
Rear-Admiral Brown to the Secretary of the Navy.
-No. 393.]         UNITED STATES FLAGSHIP CHARLESTON,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, November 11, 1890.
SIR: I have the honor to inform the Department that the Mohican
arrived at this place on the 3d instant, seventeen days from Papeete,
Tahiti.
The Mohican sailed from Sydney, Australia, on September 1, arrived
at Auckland, New Zealand, on the 6th, and finding it impossible to
obtain coal at that place on account of the general strike she went to
the Bay of Islands where she, with great difficulty, obtained a supply.
She arrived at Apia, Samoa, on September 26 and left the same day for
Pago Pago, where she coaled. She sailed from that place on October 1,
arrived at Papeete, Tahiti, on the 11th, and sailed from there on the
16th for this port.
The Mfohican has been actively cruising since she sailed from Samoa,
and has visited important island ports which are very rarely touched
at by the ships of this squadron.
She is in good order and condition and requires only such overhauling of her engines and boilers as can be done with her own mechanics.
Her stay in this port will be indefinite.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
GEO. BROWN,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding United States Naval lForce, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. 0.
Rear-Admiral Brown to the Secretary of the Navy.
No. 400.]      UNITED STATES FLAGSHIP CHARLESTON,
Honolulu, HawaiianIslands, November 14, 1890.
SIR: Since my last report on the condition of political affairs here,
by letter No. 373, of October 24, ultimo, nothing of an exciting nature
has occurred.
This day at noon the Legislature was prorogued by His Majesty the
King, at which ceremony. 1 attended with my staff. Until the next




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS


2187


general election in February, 1892, there will be no probability of any
trouble in these islands.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
GEO. BROWN,
Rear Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding United States Naval Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
Rear-Admiral Brown to the Secretary of the Navy.
No. 409.]
UNITED STATES FLAGSHIIP CHARLESTON,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, November 20, 1890.
SIR: In anticipation of the receipt, by mail due here on the 22nd
instant, of such instructions as authorize me to proceed with this
ship to the Mare Island navy yard, I am having preparations made
for sea by taking on board a full supply of coal and cleaning the
extremely foul bottom with divers. Unless otherwise directed, I propose to sail for San Francisco on the 25th instant, and we should reach
there on the 3rd or 4th proximo.
Through our minister, Hon. John L. Stevens, I have received an
official request from the Hawaiian minister of foreign affairs that
His Majesty, the King of Hawaii, be given a passage to San Francisco
in this ship, and I have replied that it will give me great pleasure to
comply with that request.
His Majesty goes to California for the benefit of his health, which has
been failing of late, and his expectation is to remain in southern California for two months. He expects to have an official reception on his
arrival at San Francisco, and then travel incog. He will take with him
his chamberlain and one servant.
The Legislature was prorogued on the 14th instant, and having consulted with our minister, I am clearly of the opinion that one ship at
these islands will be all that will be required to guard our interests for
at least a year.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
GEO. BROWN,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding United States Naval Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. G.
Rear-Admiral Brown to the Secretary of the Navy.
[Telegram.]
SAN FRANCISCO, CAL.,
December 4, 1890.
Charleston arrived; left Honolulu 25. King Kalakaua, of Hawaii,
chamberlain, and one aide came with me. Can go to navy-yard as
soon as ordered.
BROWN,
Rear-Admiral.




2188


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Rear Admiral Browen to the Secretary of the Navy.
No. 39.]        UNITED STATES FLAGSHIP CHARLESTON,
Honolu la, Htawaiian Islands, February 7, 1891.
SIR: As reported in a previous letter, this ship arrived here on January 29, 1891. The final obsequies of the late Kling Kalakaua will take
place on the 15th instant.
Lilioukalani was proclaimed Queen by the cabinet ministry on the
29th day of January, the day of our arrival here with the remains of
the deceased King.
It is not probable that any political complications of a, serious nature
will be brought about by the recent change in the Sovereign of Hawaii.
There will probably be a new cabinet named by the Queen when the
present cabinet resigns, as it will probably do immediately after the
funeral of the late King Kalakauna.
I will remain here until about the 20th instant, so as to take part in
the funeral ceremonies. I will, after that event, recognize the accession
of Her Majesty by saluting from this ship and the M3ohican.
The visit of the late King to California, his demise on American soil,
the attentions and courtesies extended to him by Government, State
and city officials, as well as by the best citizens of every place he visited, and the honors shown to his memory by the officials and citizens
of San Francisco, and by the Navy Department in returning the remains to his people, is appreciated in the highest degree by the Government of Hawaii and by the people of these Islands, more especially
by the native element, and can not but result in much closer relations
between them and the United States.
I inclose a copy of resolutions presented to me on the 5th instant
and a clipping from a local paper.
I am sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
GEO. BROWN,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Nary,
Commanding United States Naval Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department. Washington, D. C.
Rear-A dmiral Brown to the Secretary of the NXavy.
No. 50.]          UNITED STATES FI,AGSHIP CHARLESTON,
At Sea, Lat. 30~ 09' N.> Long. 1390 53' W., February 23, 1891.
SIR: As previously reported, Liliuokalani was proclaimed Queen of
Hawaii on the 29th of January, 1891, as provided for by article 22 of
the constitution of the Hawaiian Islands.
The remains of his late majesty, King Kalakaua, were kept lying in
state in the throne room of the palace from January 29 (the date of
their being landed from this ship) until the 15th instant, when the final
obsequies took place. On this occasion I was, by special invitation,
the honored guest of the Royal family, and rode in a state carriage, following next after the Queen.
The naval battalion, under the command of Commander E. M. Shepard, of the Mohican, consisted of the band, six companies of sailors
equipped as infantry, and two companies of marines from the vessels
under my command, and one company of sailors equipped as infantry




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2189


from II. B. M. ship Yymphe. This escort was given a prominent position in the funeral procession.
By special request of the minister of foreign affairs, the two com-.panies of marines formed the "firing party" at the mausoleum and
the three cornet players of the Charleston's band sounded "taps."
All the officers of both ships who could be spared (24 in number,
besides those in the naval battalion) attended the funeral ceremonies
in special full dress uniform.
As the catafalque and Royal mourners left the Palace grounds, the
yards of the ships were cockbilled and their ensigns half-masted, and,
until the catafalque reacled the mausoleum, miniute gouns were fired
from this ship and the Mohican. The Mliohican fired the first thirty
guns and the Charleston the last eighty-nine. The mausoleum is about
1i miles from the Palace, and the time occupied in the passage of the
catafalque was one hour and fifty-nine minutes.
On the 16th instant, the day following thle funeral, I officially recognized the accession of Queen Liliuokalani to the throne of Hawaii, by
dressing ships with flags and firing salutes of twenty-one guns from
the Charleston and Miohican at noon. While these salutes were being
fired I was being presented to Queen Lilirtokalani by our minister, Mr.
Stevens. All the officers who could be spared from duty on both
ships, thirty-three in number, were also present in special full dress
uniform, and were presented by me, to the Queen.
I had been officially notified that princess Kiulani (aged 15 years
last October), the daughter of the late princess Likiliki and her husband A. S. Cleghorn (an Englishman by birth), would be proclaimed
heir presumptive to the throne, and that a royal salute would be fired
in her honor from the shore battery at 2 p. in. on the 16th instant.
After consultation with our minister, I decided that I would take no
part in this ceremony, as any action of mine at that time might lead
to future complications, and that I would await the action of the President and instructions from the Navy Department before ordering any
recognition of the action of the Queen in naming her successor.
For some reason the Queen's proclamation was withheld, and had
not been issued up to the time I left Honolulu, which was twenty-four
hours after the time designated.
It was generally known that the Queen desired to form a new cabinet, and that she had asked for the resignations of the present one.
The present incumbents, however, unanimously decided that they
would not tender their resignations, as, under the constitution, their tenure of office extended until impeachment, or until the Legislature, by a
majority vote, passed a resolution of want of confidence. The position
taken by the cabinet will be accepted by the Queen and her people.
It is not probable that any political complications of a serious nature
will result. I was informed by one member of the cabinet that the
ministers adopted this course on purely constitutional grounds, and
that if the decision of the supreme court sustained them they would
voluntarily tender their resignations, provided they were positively
assured that their successors would be men in whom the people had
every confidence.
The recent events connected with the death of Kalakana in San
Francisco, the honors accorded his memory by the Government of the
United States, the State of California, the officials and citizens of San
Francisco, and the return of his remains by this ship, and the part
taken by the officers and men under my command in the various ceremonies and the final obsequies, has engendered in the hearts and




2190


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


minds of the native Hawaiians, as well as the foreign-born citizens, a
feeling of affection and gratitude toward the United States which it
will be difficult to eradicate and which has already resulted, and will
continue to result, in bringing these people in closer and more desirable
relations with the Government and people of our country.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
GEO. BROWN,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding United States Naval Force, Pacific Station,
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. 0.
Rear-Admiral Brown to the Secretary of the Navy.
[Telegram.]
FEBRUARY 27, 1891.
Left Honolulu 18th; accession of Queen was officially recognized 16th,
day following King's funeral. Some political excitement among officials.
Queen desired change in cabinet, but incumbents declined to resign because constitutian fixes tenure of office during pleasure of Legislature.
The question is before the supreme court and decision will be accepted.
Iroquois now due at Honolulu; Mohican will also remain there and sail
for California March 20, if all is quiet and orders are not countermanded, which can be done by steamer leaving San Francisco, March
10, if desirable.
BROWN,
Rear-Admiral.
Commander Shepard to Secretary of the Navy.
U. S. STEAMER MOHICAN (THIRD RATE),
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, March 9, 1891.
SIR: I have the honor to submit the following report regarding the
political situation in the Hawaiian Islands:
On the 16th ultimo the King's cabinet sent a request to the supreme
court for an opinion upon the question whether the Queen was authorized by the constitution to request their resignations and was free to
appoint a new cabinet.
On the 17th the cabinet asked the justices to suspend their reply
until further notice. On the 25th the cabinet asked them to proceed,
and at about 3 p. m. the opinion of the court was handed to the attorneygeneral, and the cabinet sent in their resignations to the Queen. who
at once appointed a new cabinet, as follows: Samuel Parker, minister
of foreign affairs; H. A. Widemaun, minister of finance; C. N. Spencer,
minister of interior; W. A. Whiting, attorney-general.
To these gentlemen the chief justice soon afterwards administered
the oaths of office. I inclose herewith a clipping from a local paper
giving in full the decision of the court.
Previous to the change of the cabinets there were numbers of wild
rumors about malcontents attempting to gain control of affairs,,and
they would probably have made the effort, but were deterred by the
fact that there was no chance of success.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2191


The appointment of a cabinet apparently free from any discordant
element seems to have convinced the agitators that the opportunity is
not favorable for a demonstration, for at present everything is quiet,
and, according to best information obtainable, is likely to remain so, at
least until the meeting of the next Legislature, more than one year from
this date.
To-day (March 9) Her Majesty, the Queen, with the consent of the
nobles, proclaimed Princess Kaialani her successor, and at the request
of the minister of foreign affairs the Mfohican fired a salute of twentyone guns, accompanying the shore battery.
H. M. S. Nymphe sailed for Esquimault on Saturday, the 7th instant.
Very respectfully.
E. M. SHEPARD,
Commander, U. S. Navy, Commanding.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Xavy Department.
Commander Read to Secretary of the Navy.
U. S. S. IROQUOIS (THIRD RATE),
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, July 1, 1891.
SIR: I have the honor to report that, from all the information I am
able to learn, matters of a political nature here are quiet, nothing of
importance having occurred since my last letter, No. 6, dated June 16.
The health of the port and ship is good. During the past month the
American ship Centennial arrived with a cargo of 1,005 tons of coal on
account of the Navy Department, which has been stored in the Navy
coal shed, excepting 500 tons, which is stored outside, the capacity of
shed not being sufficient to store it all. Total amount of coal for Navy
purposes now available is 2,052-8-o tons.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. J. READ,
Commander, U. S. Navy, Commanding.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Washington, D. C.
Rear-Admiral Brown to Secretary of the Navy.
UNITED STATES CRUISER SAN FRANCISCO,
FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulu, Hawaii, February 29, 1892.
SIR: I have the honor to report the arrival of this ship at this port
on the 27th instant.
We left the harbor of San Diego at noon on the 17th instant, and
until the afternoon of the following day the time was occupied in
target practice with the main battery and the rapid-fire guns.
The Pensacola will sail for San Francisco, Cal., on or about March 12.




'2192


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


If the Iroquois received her orders she should reach here within a
week.
Political matters are extremely quiet in Hawaii.
Very respectfully,
GEO. BROWN,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding United States NYaval Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
Rear-Admiral Brown to the Secretary of the Navy.
No. 99.]                   U. S. FLAGSHIP SAN FRANCISCO,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, March 28, 1892.
SIR: I have the honor to inform the Department that, accompanied
by my staff and other officers of this ship, I was presented to Her
Majesty Queen Lilionkalani by the Hon. John L. Stevens, our minister to Hawaii, on the 3d instant.
On the 19th instant the Queen, accompanied by the members of the
cabinet and her official staff, was received on board this ship with all
the honors due her. As she had not been on board of a man-of war for
fifteen years, I regarded her visit as a special evidence of her desire to
show to the public her friendly consideration towards the United
States; on this occasion Hon. John L. Stevens, United States minister, was on board and assisted in receiving the distinguished guests.
From a careful consideration of political affairs in Hawaii, and from
information obtained by consultations with our minister, it is evident
that there is a rapidly growing sentiment of friendship towards the
United States Government on the part of the native Hawaiians on all
the islands, and a consequent opposition to the Queen, and especially
to those who are near her court. This feeling can be traced to the depression of business affairs, due to the fact that all holding interests
in the production of sugar see nothing of an encouraging nature in the
future of that production. The question of annexation to the United
States is freely discussed at public meetings and on the streets by
those natives whose cry was "Hawaii for the Hawaiians" one year
ago.
There exists a strong faction which is prepared to overthrow the
present Government by force of arms, but the majority of the leaders
of this party are opposed to violent measures, and 1 am of the opinion
that the presence of this ship in the harbor deters the so-called "; Liberal Party" from resorting to extreme measures.
Among the business men, who have large pecuniary interests in
Hawaii, there is a strong feeling of doubt as to the outcome of the present political agitation, and the general sentiment is that radical reforms
in the interests of economy in governmental management must be
made by the next legislature, which convenes in May next.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
GEO. BROWN,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding United States Naval Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. 0.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2193


Rear Admiral Brown to Secretary of the Navy.
No. 140.]                   U. S. CRUISER SAN FRANCISCO,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, April 26, 1892.
SIR: I have the honor to inform you that since my last report political affairs in Hawaii have been unusually quiet.
Several election cases have been contested in the lower courts by the
Liberals, and in each case the decision was against them, and the results were not changed by the appeals to the supreme court.
The Liberals make a very small showing in the Legislature which will
convene on the 28th of May. Until after that date there will be nothing done by either party, but the Liberals will make no violent demonstrations against the Queen until they are satisfied that they can not
obtain some satisfactory legislation.
The conservative and reform parties will act as one, and will have
such an overwhelming majority in the Legislature as to enable them
to absolutely control matters.
It is distinctly understood that the present cabinet will be ousted
by a vote of " want of confidence" and that no cabinet will be accepted
by the Legislature, unless it pledges itself to make several changes in
high officials, which will have the desirable effect of purifying the
moral atmosphere near the royal court.
I do not anticipate any violent measures in Hawaii during the next
six months, but regard the presence of one ship as absolutely necessary
in order to guard our interests.
There is no question but that the presence of one of our ships in this
harbor will serve to check the few agitators from taking any action
which would disturb the quiet of the islands.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
GEO. BROWN.
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding United States Naval Force, Pacific Station.
SECRETARY OF THIE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
Rear-Admiral Brown to the Secretary of the Navy.
No. 168.]               U. S. CRUISER SAN FRANCISCO,
FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulu, Hawaii, May 23, 1892.
SIR: Since my last report, No. 140, of April 26, 1892, political affairs
in Hawaii have been quiet, until the 20th instant.
The liberal party, led by the Ashford brothers (Canadians) and
Robert W. Wilcox, have been holding public meetings weekly and
secret meetings frequently, and were becoming more bold and outspoken in their treasonable utterances. Their plans were known to be
about perfected, and it seemed as if any night might see an uprising of
600 or 700 liberals, who would endeavor to make prisoners, in their
residences, all G overnment officers of importance, as well as the Queen
in the palace, and thereby prevent all communication between the
Queen and her ministers, and between the Government officials.
The liberals were not generally provided with arms, and it is certain
that their desire was to carry out their plans with out violence.
S. Rep. 227- 138




2194                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Although no overt act of treason had been committed by the liberals,
the Government, on the 29th instant, caused the arrest of nineteen of
the most prominent men of that party, on the charge oftreason. These
arrests included V. V. Ashford and R. W. Wilcox. All arrests were
made without any trouble or opposition. Additional arrests will probably follow.
Under the laws of Hawaii, all of those arrested must be taken before
one of the judges of the supreme court, who decides whether they will
be released or committed for trial. It is thought that the Government
has sufficient evidence to hold these parties for trial, in which case they
will be kept close prisoners until Jnly next.
There is no doubt in my mind but that the prompt action of the Government has checked, if not prevented, any movement on the part of
the liberals for some months to come. It has certainly within the last
three days had the effect of strengthening the Government and frightening and demoralizing the lower classes of liberals, who were mere
tools of the leaders of their party, for they do not appear to have much
sympathy with the leaders who are prisoners, nor have they shown the
slightest signs of taking any concerted action in opposition to the law
of the Kingdom.
The results of the action of the Government will be watched with
great interest, and the future will depend on whether or not there is
sufficient evidence against the prisoners to prove the charge of treason
if they are committed for trial.
I do not anticipate any trouble which will call for any action on my
part, but the moral effect of the presence of a ship of war in this harbor
is such as to prevent any acts of violence.
The Legislature will meet on the 28th instant.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
GEORGE BROWN,
Rear-Admiral U. S. Navy,
Commanding United States Naval Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. 0.
Rear-Admiral Brown to the Secretary of the Navy.
No. 191.]               U. S. CRUISER SAN FRANCISCO,
FLAGSHIP O()F THE PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulu, Hawaii, June 20, 1892.
SIR: Since my last report the only event of any interest in Hawaiian
affairs was the committal of R. W. Wilcox and five others for trial on
the charge of treason. The trial will commence next month. All the
others who were arrested on a similiar charge have been discharged.
V. V. Ashford, who was leader among those discharged, left the islands
immediately for the United States.
There is every reason to believe that there will be no political disturbances here for some time to come.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
GEORGE BROWN,
Rear-Admiral U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. 0.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   2195
Rear-Admiral Brown to the Secretary of the Navy.
No. 194.]              U. S. CRUISER SAN FRANCISCO,
FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulu, Hawaii, June 30, 1892.
SIR: I have the honor to report that political affairs in Hawaii are
very quiet at this date.
It is assured that the Legislature now in session will pass a resolution
of a want of confidence in the present cabinet at an early date.
The Government has abandoned the prosecution of all persons who
were recently arrested on the charge of treason, and have released them.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
GEORGE BROWN,
Rear-Admiral U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. 0.
Rear-Admiral Brown to the Secretary of the Navy.
No. 216.]              U. S. CRUISER SAN FRANCISCO,
FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulu, Hawaii, July 19, 1892.
SIR: Since my last report of June 30 nothing of an important character has occurred in Hawaiian politics.
A resolution of a want of confidence has been introduced in the Legislature and will come up for consideration day after to-morrow, the
21st instant, unless the members of the cabinet tender their resignations before that time.
It is a foregone conclusion that there will be a change of cabinet,
and that the present minister of foreign affairs, Mr. Samuel Parker,
will be the leader of the new cabinet, as he represents satisfactorily the
better class of natives.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
GEORGE BROWN,
Rear-Admiral U. S. Nary,
Commanding U. S. Naval _Force, Pacific Station.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
Rear-Admiral Brown to the Secretary of the Navy.
No. 248.]              U. S. CRUISER SAN FRANCISCO,
FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulu, Hawaii, August 17, 1892.
SIR: I have the honor to report that there has been nothing of an
unusual or exciting character in Hawaiian politics since my last
report.
The great depression in business matters in the islands is being felt




2196                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
by all classes. Importations from the United States are extremely
light, and many vessels leave here in ballast.
The Legislature is considering the appropriation bills, and has the
difficult problem to solve of confining necessary expenditures within
the limits of prospective revenues for the coming period of two years.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
GEORGE BROWN,
Rear-Admiral U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval _Force, iPacific Station.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THIlE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
Captain Wiltse to Secretary of the Navy.
-U. S. S. BOSTON (SECOND RATE),
Honolulu, fHawaiian Islands, October 12, 1892.
SIR: I have the honor to report that on September 14 the introduction in the Hawaiian legislature of a want of confidence resolution
in the new ministry resulted in a vote of 24 to 21 in favor of the resolution. The opposition claimed that the resolution had passed, but the
ministry declared it required a vote of 25 to pass, and the chair sustained them. As the question hinged on an interpretation of the constitution, the matter was referred to the supreme court, which decided
in favor of the ministry.
On October 4 an election was held to fill the vacant seats of two
members. The ministry party raised the cry of anti-annexation, and
were ardently supported by the British and other foreigners. Unwarranted attacks were made (in my opinion for political purposes) upon
the United States representatives by anonymous writers in the official
organ of the Government. The election resulted in a victory for the
ministry.
The British representatives manifest the most unusual interest, publicly, in all political proceedings. The action of the ministry, with
possibly one exception, and of the English element is plainly inpo-p o
sition to the United States.
There is a large and growing sentiment, particularly among the
planters, in favor of annexation to the United States, but I am informed
that the leaders do not think an opportune moment will arrive for some
time to come. However, everything seems to point toward an eventual
request for annexation.
The political situation at present is more quiet and will probably
remain so unless another resolution of want of confidence is passed,
which is not likely in the immediate future.
The financial question is the most important question to be met by
the ministry.
Very respectfully,
G. C. WILTSE,
Captain, Commanding.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE 1AVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2197


Capt. Wiltse to the Secretary of the Navy.
U. S. S. BOSTON (SECOND RATE),
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, October 20, 1892.
SIR: I have the honor to report that since my last letter on Monday,
October 17, a want of confidence resolution was unexpectedly introduced and passed by a vote of 31 to 15, forcing the ministry to resign.
The political situation is still unsettled. It is thought that the names
of the new cabinet will be sent to the legislature by Monday next, October 24. If the new ministry is acceptable to the majority, legislation
will be resumed and affairs become more settled. If, however, the
Queen persists in consulting only her own inclination, regardless of the
wishes of the opposition, which is a large majority, it is difficult to predict what will be the outcome.
I inclose a paper giving an account of the proceedings, etc., when
the want of confidence resolution was introduced.
Very respectfully,
G. C. WILTSE,
Captain, U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. S. Boston.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. G.
Captain Wiltse to the Secretary of the Navy.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, November 1, 1892.
SIR: Respecting the state of political affairs in the Hawaiian Kingdom, I have the honor to report that after much delay a cabinet was
sent to the Legislature to-day, and was immediately voted out by a
vote of 26 to 13. The Legislature then adjourned until November 7,
having yesterday refused to pass appropriation bills for the running
expenses of the Government. Meanwhile the salaries of all officials
are overdue, and must remain unpaid until the Legislature appropriates the money according to law.
The Queen persists in refusing to appoint a cabinet in conformity
with the wishes of the majority, and it is possible that her obstinacy
may precipitate a crisis.
Very respectfully,
G. C. WILTSE,
Captain, U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. S. Boston.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. 0.
Capt. Wiltse to the Secretary of the Navy.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
November 9, 1892.
SIR: I have the honor to report that the danger of a political crisis
in the Hawaiian Kingdom seems to have passed. The Queen has appointed a cabinet, after much pressure had been brought to bear, that




2198


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


is strong financially, and favorable to American interests. The new
ministry will probably be supported by the Legislature, although much
opposition has been aroused among the native members because they
are not represented. It is doubtlul, however, if the natives can secure
enough votes to vote the cabinet out, though they would do so, if possible. I am informed from reliable sources that the Queen had been
strongly advised to dissolve the Legislature and order a new election,
w)iich would have been unconstitutional and which would probably
have caused a revolution; but she was deterred by the presence of
United States vessels of war. I inclose paper containing editorials on
the situation.
Very respectfully,
G. C. WILTSE.
Captain, U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. S. Boston.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
Capt. G. C. Wiltse to the Secretary of the Navy.
U. S. S. BOSTON (SECOND RATE),
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 4, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to report that the condition of political
affairs in the Hawaiian Kingdom is very quiet, and has remained unchanged since my last letter of December 6, 1892.
The Legislature has nearly finished its work and will probably adjourn in a very short time.
Very respectfully,
G. C. WILTSE,
Captain, U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. S. Boston.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. G.
Capt. WFiltse to the Secretary of the Navy.
U. S S. BOSTON (SECOND RATE),
Honzolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 18, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to make the following report concerning the
condition of political affairs in the Hawaiian Islands:
As stated in my communication of January 4,1893, the Boston sailed
from this port for Hilo, Hawaii, with the United States minister on
board.
During the absence of the ship from this port, on January 12, the
cabinet was voted out of office by a vote of 25 to 16.
And the cabinet was appointed on January 14.
On the morning of January 14 the Boston arrived in this port from
Lahina, Maui, and came to anchor.
Atnoon on the same day the Legislature was prorogued by the Queen,
and it was rumored that the Queen intended proclaiming a new constitution. This however was not done.
On Monday, January 16, there was a large and enthusiastic mass




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2199


meeting composed of the representative men of Honolulu, held in the
largest hall in the city, at 2 p. m.
On the same day I received from the United States minister a request
to land the sailors and marines of the Boston to protect the United
States legation, consulate, and the lives and property of Americanl
citizens.
At 4:30 p. m., January 16, I landed the ships battalion under the
command of Lieut.-Commander William T. Swinburne.
One detachment of marines was placed at the legation and one at
the consulate, while the main body of men, with two pieces of artillery,
were quartered in a hall of central location near the Government
building.
On Tuesday, January 17, a Provisional Government was established
and the Queen dethroned.
The Provisional Government took possession of the Government
buildings, the archives, and the treasury, the Queen acquiescing under
protest.
The Provisional Government was recognized as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands by the United States minister.
The revolution has been accomplished without the loss of a single
life, and to-day, January 18, the Provisional Government has possession and control of the city, which is under martial law.
I am informed that commissioners will leave to-morrow for Washington, fully accredited for purposes of negotiation to permit these islands
to come under the control of the United States.
Very respectfully,
G. C. WILTSE
Captain, U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. S. Boston.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington; D. G.
John L. Stevens, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of
the United States, to Captain G. C. Wiltse.
UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, lit waiian Islands, January 16, 1893.
SIR: In view of the existing critical circumstances in Honolulu, indicating an inadequate legal force, I request you to land marines and
sailors from the ship under your command for the protection of the
United States legation and the United States consulate, and to secure the safety of American life and property.
Yours truly,
JOHN L. STEVENS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary
of the United States.
Capt. Wiltse to Lieut. Commander Swinburne.
SIR: You will take command of the battalion and land in Honolulu
for the purpose of protecting our legation, consulate, and the lives and
property of American citizens, and to assist in preserving public order,




2200


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


* Great prudence must be exercised by both officers and men, and no
action taken that is not fully warranted by the condition of affairs and
by the conduct of those who may be inimical to the treaty rights of
American citizens.
You will inform me at the earliest practicable moment of any change
in the situation.
Very respectfully,
G. C. WILTSE,
Captain, U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. S. Boston.
Lieut. Commander WV. T. SWINBURNE,.Executive Officer U. S. S. Boston.
Capt. Wiltse to Secretary of the Navy.
U. S. S. BOSTON (SECOND RATE),
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, February 1, 1894.
SIR: As stated in my last report of January 18, I landed the ship's
battalion on January 16, at the request of the United States minister,
a copy of which is herewith inclosed, a request that this should be
done having been made to him by the committee of public safety.
The battalion is under the command of Lieut. Commander W. T.
Swinburne, with Lieut. W. R. Rush as adjutant.
I inclose herewith a copy of the orders given by me to Lieut. Commander Swinburne.
The battalion consists of one company of marines, 30 men, under
command of Lieut H. L. Draper, U. S. Marine Corps; two companies of
sailors, the first consisting of 34 men, under the command of Lieut.
Charles Laird, Naval Cadet J. F. Carter being chief of section; and
the second, consisting of 35 men, under command of Lieut. De Witt
Coffinan, Naval Cadet W. D. Brotherton being chief of section; two
pieces of artillery, one short gatling, and one 37m11 H. R. C., under command of Lieut. Lucien Young, lNaval Cadet W. Evans being chief of
section.
At the request of the Provisional Government I have kept the battalion ashore and it is not my intention to withdraw all the force until
a request tha: it be done is Umade by the Provisional Government, with
the approval of the United States minister.
On January 25 the guard at the legation was reduced from 14 to 6,
at the request of the minister, 8 men going to the consulate, where the
remainder of the marine guard is stationed.
While there has been no demonstration so far, there can be no doubt
that the prompt landing of the battalion has prevented bloodshed and
saved life and property.
The Provisional Government has organized an armed force of four
companies, three of volunteers and one of regulars, and is daily gaining
strength and followers.
The conduct of the officers and men of the Boston has been such as
to reflect credit on the American Navy.
To-day at 9 forenoon, at the request of the Provisional Government,
officially expressed, Honolulu and the Hawaiian Islands were placed
through the United States Minister under the protection of the United
States, pending negotiations at Washington, not however interfering




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


22011


with the administration of public affairs by the Provisional Governmnent.
Very respectfully,
G. a. WILTSE,
Captain, U. S. Navy, commanding U. S. S. Boston.
The SECRETARY OF TIIE NAVY,
Navy Delpt., Washington, D. C.
Captain Wiltse to the Secretary of the Navy.
U. S. S. BOSTON (SECOND RATE),
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, February 8, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to report that the state of political affairs in
Hawaii has remained unchanged since my last report of February 1.
As stated in that report the flag of the United States was raised
over the Government building at 9 a. m. on February 1, the United
States minister having been requested by the Hawaiian Provisional
Government to assume a protectorate over the Hawaiian Islands.
The battalion from this ship, under command of Lieut.-Commander
W. T. Swinburne, marched from their quarters ashore to the Government building, arriving there at 8.40 a. m.
The building was then turned over to me and the battalion was
formed in front of the building.
At 8.55 a. m., the proclamation to the Hawaiian people was read on
the steps of the Government building by Lieut. W. R. Rush the adjutant of the battalion, and at 9 a. m. the flag was raised over the building by my aide, Naval Cadet J. R. P. Pringle.
Since the establishment of the protectorate martial law has been
suspended, and the general feeling seems to be one of security and
satisfaction.
I inclose herewith copies of the request made to me by the United
States minister and my order to Lieut. Commander Swinburne.
The marine guard, under command of Lieut. H. L. Draper, is now in
charge of the Government building, five of the guard being retained
at the legation.
On February 3, the company, under command of Lieut. Lucien Young,
was withdrawn in accordance with an understanding between the
President of the Provisional Government, the United States minister,
and myself, the whole force being no longer deemed necessary.
The President accompanied by other members of the Provisional
Government paid an official visit to this ship on Friday, February 3,
and were received with customary honors.
Very respectfully,
G. a. WILTSE,
Captain, U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. S. Boston.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.




2202


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


John 1. Stevens, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the
United States, to Captain Wiltse.
UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Honolulu, February 1, 1893.
SIR: The Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands having
duly and officially expressed to the undersigned the fear that said
Government may be unable to protect life and property and to prevent civil disorder in Honolulu, the capital of said Hawaiian Islands,
request that the flag of the United States may be raised, for the protection of the Hawaiian Islands, and to that end confer on the United
States, through the undersigned, freedom of occupation of the public
buildings of the Hawaiian Government and the soil of the Hawaiian
Islands, so far as may be necessary for the exercise of such protection.
but not interfering with the administration of the public affairs by
said Provisional Government.
I hereby ask you to comply with the spirit and terms of the request
of the Hawaiian Provisional Government, and to that end to use all
the force at your command, in the exercise of your best judgment and
discretion, you and myself awaiting instructions from the United
States Government at Washington.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
JOHN L. STEVENS,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary
of the United States.
Capt. G. C. WILTSE,
Commander of the U. S. S. Boston.
Capt. Wiltse to Lieut. Commander Sivinburne.
U. S. S. BOSTON (SECOND RATE),
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, February 1.1893.
SIR: You will take possession of the Government building and the
American flag will be hoisted over it at 9 a. m.
Very respectfully,
G. C. WILTSE,
Captain, U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. S. Boston.
Lieut. Commander W. T. SWINBURNE,
Commanding Battalion, U. S. S. Boston.
Secretary of State to Secretary of Navy.
STATE DEPARTMENT,
Washington, PFebruary 14, 1893.
SIR: Acknowledging thke receipt of your letter of the 11th instant,
communicating copy of a telegram from San Francisco containing the
report of Capt. Wiltse, of the Boston, in regard to the action of Mr.
Stevens and himself in extending protection for life and property in the
Hawaiian Islands during the pending negotiations at Washitngton, I
have the honor to hand you, for your information, copy of a telegram




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2203


which I am about to send via San Francisco for transmission to the
minister by the mail steamer sailing from that port to-morrow, the
15th instant.
You will observe that Mr. Stevens' action is commended so far as it
lies within the scope of standing instructions to the legation and the
naval commanders in Hawaiian waters, but is disavowed so far as it
may appear to overstep that limit by setting the authority of the United
States above that of the Hawaiian Government.
I beg to draw your attention to the concluding paragraph of that
telegram, and have to request that instructions in the same sense be
forwarded at the same time to the commanding officer of the United
States naval force in Hawaiian waters.
The instructions conveyed by this telegram are more fully set forth
in a written instruction tb Mr. Stevens, to be sent by the next mail, of
which a copy is inclosed for your further information.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
JOHN W. FOSTER.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.
[Inclosures.]
1. Telegram to the U. S. minister at Honolulu, February 14, 1893.
2. Instruction to the same, No. -, February 11, 1893.
Capt. Wiltse to the Secretary of the Navy.
U. S. S. BOSTON (SECOND RATE),
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, February 27, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to inclose a report of the operations of the
battalion of this ship while quartered ashore for duty made to me by
Lieut. Commander W. T. Swinburne, he being in command of the battalion.
Since the battalion has been quartered ashore the behavior of both
officers and men has been commented upon by all parties as reflecting
credit upon the American Navy.
Very respectfully,
G. C. WILTSE,
Captain, U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. S. Boston.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
Capt. Wiltse to Lieut. Commander Swinburne.
U. S. S. BOSTON (SECOND RATE),
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 16, 1893.
SIR: You will take command of the battallion, and land in Honolulu, for the purpose of protecting our legation, consulate, and the
lives and property of American citizens, and to assist in preserving
public order.,
Great prudence must be exercised by both officers and men, and no
cation taken that is not fully warranted by the condition of affairs and




2204                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
by the conduct of those who may be inimical to the treaty rights of
American citizens.
You will inform me at the earliest practicable moment of any chatge
in the situation.
Very respectfully,
G. C. WILTSE,
Captain, U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. S. Boston.
Lieut. Commander W. T. SWINBURNE, U. S. Navy,
Executive Officer, U. S. S. Boston.
A true copy.
W. T. SWINBURNE,
Lieutenant-Commander, U. S. Navy.
Capt Wiltse to Iieut. Commander Swinburne.
U. S. S. BOSTON,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, February 1, 1893.
SIR: You will take possession of the Government building, and the
American flag will be hoisted over it at 9 a. m.
Very respectfully,
G. C. WILTSE,
Captain U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. S. Boston.
Lieut. Commander W. T. SWINBURNE,
Commanding Battalion U. S. S. Boston.
A true copy.
WM. T. SWINBURNE,
Lieut. Commander, U. S. Navy.
Lieut. Commander Swinburne to Capt. Wiltse.
CAMP BOSTON,
Honolula, Hawaiian Islands, February 27, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to submit the following ieport of the landing
and subsequent operations of the battalion of the U. S. S. Boston in the
city of Honolulu:
In obedience to your order, a copy of which is attached, marked A,
the battalion of the Boston landed at Brewers Wharf, in the city of
Honolulu, at 5 p. m. January 16.
The following is a complete roster of the battalion as landed:
Lieut. Commander W. T. Swinburne, U. S. Navy, commanding;
Lieut. W. R. Rush, U. S. Navy, adjutant; P. A. Surgeon T. C. Craig,
U. S. Navy, surgeon.
Company A, Artillery, 40 men; 1.37 mm. Rev. Cannon; 1.37 mm.
caisson with reserve ammunition; 1 Gatling gun; 22 Lee rifles, 18
revolvers; Lieut. Lucien Young, commanding; Naval Cadets H. C.
Kuenzli and W. Evans.
Company B, Infantry, 35 men; Lieut. Charles Laird, U. S. Navy,
commanding; Naval Cadet J. F. Carter.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2205


Company C, Infiantry, 34 men; Lieut, D. Coffman, UT. S. Navy, com.
manding; Naval Cadet W. D. Brotherton.
Company D, Marines, 30 men; First Lieut. H. L. Draper, U. S. Marine Corps, commanding.
Color guard, 4 men; hospital corps, 1 apothecary, 4 stretchermen,
signalmen, 2; music, 3.
Total, 153 men, 11 officers.
Each man carried the regulation knapsack, with blanket and change
of clothing, haversack with mess gear and ration of hard bread, and
filled canteen. Those armed with Lee rifle wore the double webbing
belt carrying 60 cartridges in the loops and 20 in magazines. The
marines were fitted out with the same belts, but the loops only were
filled.
The ammunition boxes of the Gatling gun contained four filled
Accle's Feeds and 1,380 extra rounds of.45 caliber in pasteboard boxes.
The ammunition boxes of the 37 mm. contained 64 cartridges, common
shell. Reserve ammunition in 37 mm. caisson was as follows: After
compartments, 112 37 mm. cartridges, common shell; forward compartment 1,600 caliber.45 cartridges in pasteboard boxes; top or center compartment, four filled Accle's Feeds, and 800.38 caliber revolver
cartridges. This amount of ammunition stowed safely and compactly
and the caisson was easily drawn and manoeuvred by twelve men. The
recharge for Accle's Feed, with its tripod, was lashed to whippletree of
caisson.
After battalion was formed, it was, agreeably to your verbal instructions, marched first to the United States consulate, where Lieut. Draper,
with his company, was detached with orders to proceed to the legation
and leave half his command in charge of the orderly sergeant, returning with the remainder to the United States consulate, himself, and
remain there as a guard until further orders.
The remainder of the battalion then marched down King street. In
passing the palace the battalion, in column of companies, gave a marching salute, trumpeters sounding four ruffles in honor of the royal
standard, which was flying there.
On arriving at the residence of Mr. J. B. Atherton, an American, the
command was halted, and permission having been obtained, was
marched into the grounds, arms stacked and ranks broken, awaiting
further orders from you.
About 8 in the evening your aid, Naval Cadet Pringle, arrived with
orders to march the battalion to Arion Hall and camp there, which was
done, artillery parked, and sentries posted.
Arion Hall is a long one-story building containing one long room,
and having verandas on the two long sides, separated from the street
by a narrow yard and fence, and with a fair-sized yard in rear. It
fronts the side of the Government building, from which it is separated
by a narrow street.                                 m
During the night the men were kept ready for an instant's call, but
there were no disturbances of any kind.
At reveille the next morning, 17th, the camp routine, which is attached
marked B, was published and has been strictly carried out in all its
details ever since. Latrines were built in the yard and every sanitary
precaution taken.
At 2:30 p. m., a civilian, armed, reported to me that a policeman had
been shot while attempting to stop a wagonload of ammunition which
was being conveyed to the old armory where the civilian forces enrolled




2206


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


by the committee of safety were then assembling, and that a large
crowd was collecting on Merchant street. I immediately assembled the
battalion under arms in the yard in rear of the building to await
developments. Very shortly after you arrived at thecamp. During the
time you were at the camp, viz, until nearly 6 o'clock, the men leading
the citizens' movement had assumed charge of the Governmenit building without opposition of any kind; the civilian companies under arms
had marched in and established a line of sentries about the Government
building.
The Boston's battalion was kept in rear of the camp, at their company parades, with arms stacked. When you left the camp, about 6
p. m., you notified me that a Provisional Government, of which Mr. S.
B. Dole was presiding officer, was in complete possession, and showed
me a letter from the United States minister recognizing it as the de
facto government of the Hawaiian Islands, and directed me to consider
it as such.
During the night again officers and men were kept ready for a
moment's call, but the city was perfectly quiet.
During the day of the 18th the royal standard was hauled down over
the palace, and the household troops disbanded, by order of the Provisional Government, except a small guard of honor, who accompanied
the ex-Queen to her residence on Beretania street.
On January 19 new quarters were provided for the battalion at the
unoccupied house on King street, the property of Mr. C. It. Bishop, of
Bishop & Co., bankers of the place. Having thoroughly policed the
old camp, the battalion moved into the new quarters at 1:30 p. m.
The grounds around the new quarters have a frontage on King
street of about 250 feet, separated from the street by a high stone wall
with two broad entrance gates giving on a broad path which sweeps
around in front of the house, affording ample space for company
inspection and morning guard mounting.  The grounds are about
300 feet in depth, with a broad lawn in the rear amply sufficient for
company and artillery drill for one company at a time. The house is
a square two story building of stone, with broad verandahs on three
sides. The lower floor was occupied by the men, each company having its own room, the color guard and drum corps one room, a room for
adjutant and officer of day, and one room and verandah on one side
for guardroom. One out building was used for armory and lamp
room, and one for sick bay and quarters for ambulance corps. As
the place had been used at one time as a hotel there was already good
water-closet and bathing accommodations for both officers and men.
The upper story was occupied by the officers. A long shed was immediately built and water led in to six faucets, and proper drainage facilities for morning ablutions and scrubbing of clothes, which has added
very materially to the comfort of the command and the sanitary condition of the place.
In accordance with your verbal orders given me the evening of January 31, the battalion was paraded on the morning of February 1, at
8:30, in front of the quarters. A Company as artillery with Gatling
and 37 men. The rest as infantry in light marching order.
As the line was formed you handed me a written order dated February 1, a copy of which is attached marked C.
In obedience to those orders the battalion marched to the Government building, where we were received by the civilian troops in line,
who presented arms as we entered. President Dole, and all members




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2207


of the ministry and advisory council were also present. I immediately showed your order to Col. Sofer, Commander in Chief of the
Provisional Government forces, who at once turned over the custody
of the building to me. Then by your order a proclamation from Minister Stevens establishing a protectorate over the Ha'waiian Islands in
the name of the United States, pending negotiations with the Hawaiian Commissioners at Washington, was read by the adjutant. At 9
a. m. the United States ensign was hoisted over the building, the battalion and civilian forces presenting arms. Then the front of the battalion being changed to the rear, the Hawaiian flag, hoisted on the pole
in the grounds, received the same salute.
The civilian forces of the Provisional Government were then withdrawn and the custody of the building turned over to Lieut. Draper
with his company of 25 marines, which were withdrawn from the
United States consulate for the purpose, the guard at the United
States legation being continued but reduced to 5 men. The blue
jacket companies of the battalion then returned to their quarters.
During the three nights preceding the 1st of February the town was
full of rumors of a threatened attack on the Government building by
adherents and sympathizers with the late monarchy, and all the
troops of the Provisional Government were kept in the Government
building with patrols about the place. The hoisting of the United
States flag had the effect of at once stopping these rumors and restoring confidence, and appeared to be approved by everybody.
My orders to Lieut. Draper were to consider himself responsible for
the custody and safety of the Government building; to consult freely
with the officers of the Provisional Government and carry out their
wishes as to who should be admitted to the building and during what
hours they should be admitted, and to do everything to facilitate public business. On the morning of February 4, at the request of President Dole, the gates of the grounds of the public building were thrown
open, and everybody allowed free access from 9 a. m. to 4 p. m. Lieut.
Draper was notified to that effect and directed to remove the sentinel
from the front of the building during these hours. During the time the
marines have occupied the Government building they have received
the highest praise from all parties for their courtesy and military bearing. I would like to add, also, that during their five weeks of service
on shore there has not been a single report of infraction of regulations
made against any one of them.
On February 3, Company A, Lieut. L. Young, was withdrawn from
garrison and sent on board ship, by your order.
Since the protectorate was established everything has been perfectly
quiet in the city. The garrison routine has been carried out with most
careful attention to all military details.
The afternoon company drills have been alternately artillery and
infantry. Battalion drill has taken the place of morning dress parade
in Palace Square. During this time, now nearly four weeks, the men
have made great progress in all drills and their interest in all their
military duties has never flagged. As a disciplinary school, particularly for petty officers, the experience has been very useful.
This successful result is due to the zeal, tact, and attention to duty
of the company officers.
To the adjutant, Lieut. W. R. Rush, I am indebted for all the details
of military organization, the sanitary condition of the camp, and for the
very excellent condition in which the place has been kept.




2208                 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
After nearly five weeks' occupancy by a hundred men both grounds
and buildings are in better condition than when we arrived.
Very respectfully,
WM. T. SWINBURNE,
Lieutenant Commander, U. S. Navy,
Commanding Battalion of U. S. S. Boston.
Capt. G. C. WILTSE, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. S. Boston.
Approved:
G. C. WILTSE,
Captain, U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. S. Boston.
Admiral Skerrett to the Secretary of the Navy.
No. 28.]              UNITED STATES FLAGSHIP MOHICAN,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, February 27, 1893.
SIR: In obedience to telegraphic orders of the Secretary of the
Navy, January 28, the Mohican was coaled and provisioned on the same
day and left Mare Island on January 29, at about 6 a. m. for Honolulu.
After a passage of twelve days we arrived at our destination just in
time to see the 0. O. steamer Belgic passing out to sea. We signaled
to her to report us, but apparently she either did not or could not understand our signal made to her as we were passing Diamond Head, she
being inshore of us. On our arrival it was found that the Boston and
the Japanese war vessel, the Kongo, were at anchor, and that the
United States ensign was displayed over the Government building.
This was explained to me immediately on anchoring, by Capt. Wiltse,
U. S. Navy, who reported that the flag had been hoisted at the request
of the Provisional Government through the United States envoy, Mr.
Stevens.
Shortly after anchoring I made a visit to the United States minister
where all things reported to me by Capt. Wiltse were fully corrobrated.
It was learned that the political status remained as had been reported
to the Department by Capt. Wiltse. After leaving the legation I
made a visit with my staff upon the Provisional Government officials,
and learned from them that everything at this place was quiet and in
peaceable condition, and that they were most gratified by the present
condition of things political. On the 12th instant, H. B. M. S. Garnet,
Capt. Hughes-Hallet, R. N., anchored outside near the outer buoy. She
saluted the Hawaiian flag and then saluted the United States RearAdmiral with thirteen guns, which were duly returned, first by the
Hawaiian shore battery and then by ourselves. I have made official
visits of ceremony to return visits of a pleasing character from the
captain of H. I. J. ship Kongo, who saluted me with thirteen guns,
which was returned by the Mohican.
On my visit to the Garnet, in consideration of a very recent salute
having been made to me, I requested that none should be fired. This
was complied with.
From all information gleaned I am impressed with the idea that the
Provisional Government are quite able to administer the affairs of the
present Government, upheld as they are by the presence of our men
ashore. The stock of coal having been consumed on our passage down




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2209


here, it was decided to coal the ship since our arrival, and now the
bunkers are filled.
The ship has been visited, and received in accordance with regulations, by the Pres;leiit and Vice-President and members of the
Provisional Government, which seems to have produced a beneficial
effect.
On the visit of the Vice-President, he was accompanied by three
Hawaiians of distinction. On the 28th instant, the Japanese vessel of
war Naniwa Kan came in and anchored. She fired a salute of twentyone guns to the Hawaiian flag, and then saluted the flag of the U. S.
Rear-Admiral with thirteen guns, all of which were returned, gun for
gun. She moored near the Boston. On the 24th the governor of Oahu
visited the ship and was duly received, and, on leaving, requested that
he be not saluted.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. S. SKERRETT,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding United States Naval Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
Capt. Wiltse to the Secretary of the Navy.
U. S. S. BOSTON (SECOND RATE),
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, February 28, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to inclose herewith a copy of a resolution
passed by the executive and advisory councils of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
Very respectfully,
G. C. WILTSE,
Captain, U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. S. Boston.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. G.
Be it resolved by the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands as follows:
That the thanks of this Government are due and are hereby tendered to Gilbert C.
Wiltse, captain in the UI. S. Navy, now commanding the United States steamship
of war Boston, for his gallant, well-timed, and judicious conduct in protecting life
and property in the city of Honolulu. upon the occasion of his landing his forces at
the request of the United States envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary.
That like thanks are due and are hereby tendered to the officers and men of the
U. S. Navy who composed the landing force from the Boston, and whose discipline,
forbearance, and gentlemanly conduct under circumstances of considerable annoyance and in several instances of much exasperation, entitle them to the gratitude of
the people of the Hawaiian Islands.
Capt. GILBERT C. WILTSE AND OFFICERS OF THE U. S. S. BOSTON:
GENTLEMEN: I have the honor hereby to inform you that the above resolution was
unanimously passed by the executive and advisory councils of the Provisional
Government of the Hawaiian Islands in session this day.
JAMES B. CASTLE,
Secretary Executive and Advisory Councils,
J!ONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,
February 27, 1893,,S. Rep. 227    139




2210


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Admiral Skerrett to Secretary of the Navy.
No. 83.]                         U. S. FLAGSHIP MOHIoAN,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, March 15, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to inform the Department that affairs of a
political nature continue to progress favorably for the established Provisional Government, affairs evidently being kept quiet, from the fact
that the Boston's battalion continues to remain on shore.
Since my last letter H. B. M. S. Garnethas left for British Columbia,
and on to-morrow the Japanese war vessel Kongo will leave for Japan.
I have considered that for the present I can spare the presence of
the Alliance. Therefore have ordered her to proceed to Mare Island,
carrying some condemned sick, court-martial prisoners, and men whose
terms of service expire prior to June next. I have directed her commanding officer to rejoin this vessel here after such required repairs
are made and her complement of officers and men are filled up, unless
otherwise ordered by the Department. All of which, I trust, will meet
the approval of the honorable Secretary of the Navy.
Very respectfully your obedient servant,
J. S. SKERRETT,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding United States Naval Force, Pacific Station.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. (7.
Admiral Skerrett to Secretary of the Navy.
No. 101.]                       U. S. FLAGSHIP MOHICAN,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, March 29, 1893.
Sin: I have the honor to inform the Department that political affairs
at this place seem to go along quietly and without any apparent friction; I regret to say, however, that there are a number of persons in
this community who are greatly opposed to the Provisional Government,
whether or not the opposition will ever amount to anything, is probably
better known to the minister plenipotentiary, etc., than myself.
I have thought it expedient to withdraw a portion of the Boston's
battalion from shore, leaving on shore the marines and one company
of (36) blue jackets, together with the requisite officers. I am of the
opinion that the number will be sufficient. The Naniwa Kan (Japanese
man-of-war) has been outside, for apparent gun practice, for the last
three days. Since my last communication the Alliance has left here,
by my orders, for Mare Island, to make necessary repairs and examination of her bottom, and to carry sick and others from the ships here.
I have directed her return 'to this place, if not otherwise ordered,
There is nothing further to communicate.
Very respectfully, your obdient servant,
J. S. SKERRETT.
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy.
Commanding United States Naval Force, Pacific StatQio.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy.Department, Washington, D. 0.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2211


Admiral Skerrett to the Secretary of the Navy.
No. 112.]                       U. S. FLAGSHIP MOHICAN,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, April 4, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt, on the 29th ultimo,
of your letter of instructions, dated March 11, 1893, the same having
been delivered to me by the Hon. James H. Blount, Special Commissioner from the President of the United States to the Government of
the Hawaiian Islands.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. S. SKERRETT,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding United States Naval Force, Pacific Station.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. 0.
Rear-Admiral Skerrett to Secretary Herbert.
U. S. S. MOHICAN, FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, April 6,1893.
SIR: Since my last of the 29th ultimo, I have to inform the Department of the arrival, after closing my mail on that day, of the U. S. R. S.
Richard Rush, having on board Special U. S. Commissioner J. H. Blount.
On March 31 I was called by Mr. Blount for a special interview, on
which occasion, by his directions,.I was ordered to withdraw the Boston's
force from the shore and at 11 a. m. on April 1 to haul down the United
States flag from the Government building, which was to be replaced
by the Provisional Government hoisting the Hawaiian flag. These
orders were promptly executed as directed. There was not the remotest
evidence shown, by the crowd of natives and others about the Government building, of any feeling; no demonstration of any description.
Since which time, by the advice of Mr. Blount, the guard that had been
placed at the United States legation was allowed to be returned to that
place. This was done to quiet the apprehensions of Minister Stevens.
There has been no turmoil of any description on shore; peace and quiet
have reigned throughout. The cadets will leave by this steamer and
are ordered to report arrival on reaching San Francisco. The U. S. R. S.
Richard Rush left for San Diego on the 5th instant, after I had had her
supplied with eighty tons of coal from the Government coal pile.
Political affairs remain as formerly stated. I would further state that
the Boston's force was, before its withdrawal from shore, relieved at the
Government building by one company of the Provisional Government's
troops.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. S. SKERRETT,
Rear-Admiral, U. S Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
WNavy Department, Washington, D. 0.




2212


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Rear-Admiral Skerrett to Secretary Herbert.
U. S. S. MOHICAN, FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION.
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, April 25, 1893.
SIR: I take pleasure to inform the department that the political condition remains about the same. The Provisional Government has its
own troops quartered in the Government building, and there is no
apparent indication of either uneasiness or apprehension on the part
of the Government officials. Everything is moving on placidly. The
detail of marines now at the United States Legation gives apparent
comfort and contentment to the United States Minister.
The U. S. S. Adams has not yet arrived; therefore the changes of
officers ordered by the Department have not yet been carried out, but
will be immediately on her arrival. The U. S. S. Mohican will be ready
for sea, and her departure from this port on her cruise to Bering Sea,
immediately after the arrival of the Adams. On the departure of the
Mohican I will transfer the commander-in-chief's flag to the U. S. S.
Boston, together with my two aides and retinue. For myself I purpose
to take up my quarters on shore. I feel that I ought to ask the Department for an allowance for the pay of rent of a room for my office, leaving it to the Department to determine how much can be granted me.
There is neither room nor conveniences either on board the Boston
or on board the Adams for the accommodation of the commander-inchief. It probably will be well to call attention ofthe Department to tihe
fact that in fitting out the U. S. S. ]Mohican, to be flagship of the Pacific
station, certain changes were authorized on board of her, for the comfort
and convenience of the commander-in-chief, his staff, and the band.
Neither of the ships that will be here have any of the conveniences I
refer to; but, as I am told, that a proper flagship will be sent out here
for my uses I am content to patiently await the arrival of said ship.
Since my former letter H. B. M. S. Hyancinth has arrived, and is moored
a short distance from the Mohican. Not being a saluting ship, she did
not salute my flag. The usual visits were exchanged between the two
ships. H. I. J. M. S. Naniwa still remains in port. We are on pleasant
and visiting terms with the officers of both ships.
APRIL 26TH.
I have to inform the Department of the arrival at 7 o'clock this morning of the U. S. S. Adams from San Francisco. Health of officers and
crew good. The changes of officers directed by the Department will
be made to-day.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. S. SKERRETT,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. 0.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   2213
Rear.Admiral Skerrett to the Secretarg of the Navy.
No. 150.]                               U. S. S. BOSTON,
FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
1 Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, May 4, 1893.
SIR: The political status remains as I reported in my last letter.
Everything is going on quietly. There seems to be an indication that
the Provisional Government is gaining and increasing their friends.
The orders of the Navy Department respecting the Mohican have
been carried out by sending her to Port Townsend, she leaving here on
the 1st day of May, having remained until that day in order to remove
the accumulation of marine growth formed on her copper since our
arrival here; in leaving she unfortunately fouled her propeller with a
line or hawser that I suppose was unavoidably left hanging from her
quarter, causing a delay of a few hours. Assistance was rendered by
H. M. S. Hyacinth, and proffers of assistance offered by the commanding officer of H. I. J. M. S. Naniwa. As a matter of course the Boston
rendered all the assistance in her power that was needed. Prior to
the sailing of the Mohican the commander-in-chief's flag was transferred to the Boston, as was also the commander-in-chief's retinue.
At the request of Commander Ludlow, 1 granted permission to him
to carry to Port Townsend, as a guest of the wardroom officers of the
Mohican, Mr. C. H. Wetmore. The health of the officers and crew of
the ships remaining here is excellent. Reports of changes of officers,
etc., have been mailed.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. S. SKERRETT,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. 0.
Rear-Admiral Skerrett to the Secretary of the Navy.
No. 175.]                               U. S. S. BOSTON,
FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, May 23, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to inform the Department that, because of
the continued agitation among people of certain classes in and about
Honolulu, I have found it necessary to retain the presence here in this
harbor of both the Boston and the Adams, this preventing these ships
from going out to sea for target practice, in accordance with Department Regulations; but I am of the impression that these orders of the
Department will be carried out, in accordance with the Regulations,
in the near future, doubtless prior to the end of June, that being the
end of the quarter. The two marines who were detailed at the United
States legation, at the instance of the Hon. J. L. Stevens, United
States minister, etc., have been returned to their ship, their services
being no longer considered necessary.
Commissioner Blount to-day presented his credentials, being in the
form of the letter accrediting him to the Provisional Government as
United States Minister etc.; this letter he presented to President Dole,
he being at the head of the Provisional Government. He was ceremo



2214


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


niously received at the Government building by the authorities, in the
presence of the Provisional Government troops. As neither myself nor
my aids were invited to be present, I can not detail precisely what occurred. I am of the opinion, however, that everything passed off satisfactorily. There has been some friction occasioned from a letter written by Mr. Charles Nordhoff, to the paper of which he is the correspondent, the New York Herald, with reference to the condition of
affairs at this point. The United States minister, Col. Blount, thought
it necessary to call the Provisional Government's attention to the position occupied by this gentleman as a distinguished United States citizen. I am led to believe that this gentleman will receive such protection as the Provisional Government can extend to him. He was to have
been brought to-day before the provisional advisory council; whether
or not such was the case I am unable to tell. There is apparently some
agitation existing among some foreign residents who are opposed to the
Provisional Governmeut, and it is barely possible that trouble may ensue, in which event directions have been given for the immediate landing, if required, of both the battalions of the ships here, to protect the
property and lives of citizens of the United States. I hope, however,
that there will be no necessity for such an occurrence.
To-morrow being the anniversary of the birthday of Her Majesty
Queen Victoria, I have directed the commanding officers of both ships
to full dress the ships, with the English ensign at the main, and that
the Boston should at noon fire a national salute, in accordance with
regulations. The dressing of the ships having been requested by the
commanding officer of H. B. M. S. Hyacinth; the firing of the salute,
I have thought proper to direct to be done myself, as is ordinarily done
under such circumstances.
Health of officers and crew at present time is good. H. I. J. M. S.
Naniwa left on the 11th instant for Japan. Ex-United States Minister John L. Stevens leaves for the United States in the steamer tomorrow.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. S. SKERRETT,
Rear-Admiral U. S. Navy,
Commanding United States Naval Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
Rear-Admiral Skerrett to the Secretary of the Navy.
No.181.]                             U. S. S. BOSTON,
FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulu, _Hawaiian Islands, May 31, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to state that the Boston left this port on the
29th instant for Lahaina, Maui, for target practice, in accordance with
regulations. On her departure I hoisted the flag of the commander in
chief on the Adams, where it will remain until the return of the Boston,
which will probably be the latter part of this week.
Yesterday being Memorial Day, I, accompanied by my staff, participated in the exercises, by invitation of the George W. De Long Post,
No. 45, Grand Army of the Republic.
I have information from the commanding officer of H. B. M. S.
Hyacinth that she will depart for Tahiti to-morrow, although I have




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                  2215
learned through the newspapers here that the royalists' party have
requested that she shall not leave. Late interviews held with officers
attached to that ship lead me to infer that she will proceed on her
destination to Tahiti.
The observance of the birthday of Queen Victoria and my participation by dressing ship and firing a salute, was very gratifying to the
British minister and the commanding officer of the Hyacinth, who each
personally expressed their thanks to me for the compliment I had paid
to them.
The observance of Memorial Day, which was participated in, as I have
said, by myself and aids, was also participated in by the United States
minister, Col. Blount, and the United States consul-general, which
seems to have been very much appreciated by these good people.
The condition of political affairs remains about the same. I believe
the Provisional Government is daily adding to its adherents, and in my
opinion appears to be firmly and solidly established. As is usual under
all circumstances in this place, there are many wild rumors afloat, one
of which was that the Provisional Government will be overturned by
the royalist party, and Liliuokalani again placed upon the Hawaiian
throne. I am informed by perusal of the local papers, and also by one
of the Provisional council, that Mr. Claus Spreckels has demanded
repayment from the Provisional Government of the indebtedness of the
Hawaiian Government to him, in the sum of $95,000. Whether or not
this demand has been made with a disposition of worrying and crippling
the Provisional Government is not known to me, but surmises of that
kind have been advanced, Mr. Spreckels having stated some while ago
that he was in no hurry for the payment of his money, as he preferred
to draw the interest on it as an investment. But it appears to me to
be needless to call attention to the many flying rumors that are in circulation. As I have stated, I am of the opinion that the Provisional
Government is solidly and firmly established, and that their rule is
bringing quiet and contentment to the Islanders.
The health of officers and crew of both the Boston and Adams is good.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. S. SKERRETT,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding I. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
Rear-Admiral Skerrett to the Secretary of the Navy.
No. 203.]                            U. S. S. BOSTON,
FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, June 21, 1893.
SIR: Since the forwarding of my last communication, No. 181, of
May 31, 1893, relative to the political state of affairs in the Hawaiian
Islands, I have the honor to state that no changes have occurred in
the same that require any special report.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. S. SKERRETT.
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.




2216


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


Admiral Skerrett to the Secretary of the Navy.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, June 28, 1893.
SiB: Since my last letter with reference to the state of political
affairs, I must inform the Department that the stability and solidity of
the Provisional Government is not considerd to be all that had so impressed me formerly. Very recently three arrests have been made of
persons considered to be conspirators. When these cases were brought
before the court, the attorney-general, it would appear, had not secured sufficient evidence to make a case against them; therefore asked
for a continuance for a time specified; they were so continued without
bail, the persons being held in custody. It would appear that the iron
heel of military law is really what serves, to keep the Provisional Government in authority.
There are a great many in this community, as well as others on the
islands, who are opposed to this Government. There have been many
rumors of contemplated uprisings as well as rumors of contemplated
assassinations. I simply report it for what it is worth. I have been
generally impressed by the quietness and orderliness of the native
population; but they are, in my opinion, easily led and impressed by
designing men, who for their own low aims are, or would be, willing
even to commit murder or assassination to secure their ends. One of
the Government officials said to Minister Blount that he considered the
condition of affairs here as bad as it had ever been. This, I stppose,
had reference to the fixedness and popularity of the Government.
They were not elected by the vote of the people, and it is believed were
it submitted to a popular vote the present Government would be ousted.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. S. SKERRETT.
Admiral Skerrett to the Secretary of the Navy.
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, July 25, 1893.
SIm: In my last letter, commenting on the political condition of affairs
here, I informed the Department that my faith in the stability and fixedness of the Provisional Government was a good deal shattered. I
have now to inform the Department that the cases of the conspirators
referred to in that letter has progressed so far that two are held for
trial before the court to assemble in August on the charge of conspiracy;
that one has been discharged. This action in regard to the charge
brought against them inspires me with the hope that they will be convicted. Recently the attention of the Provisional Government has
been given to the disease among the natives known as leprosy, they
being anxious to extinguish that disease. Several of the persons so
afflicted had congregated and were living on the Island of Kauai.
The Government determined to arrest these persons and to convey
them to Molokai, to the leper settlement. To accomplish this a military force, together with policemen, were sent to arrest and bring them
to Honolulu. One of the lepers, who was known to be a dangerous
man, secreted and strengthened himself in one of the ravines on the
Island of Kauai and held the force at bay. In the attempt to arrest
this person three of the Government men were killed. This man is
still at large and other means are being tried in order to arrest the
person. The only way in which this evil may be stamped out is in the




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.


2217


segregation and ultimate watchfulness and care given to them. This
means is being tried by the Provisional Government, and I think it
will result in the eventual success and extinguishment of the disease.
This Government is certainly successfully doing what it can to benefit
the whole community in these islands, and although there is much
opposition to them, I believe the means employed to attain the good of
all will eventually bring them success and win to their side many who
are now in opposition to them.
They progress in the government of these islands most successfully,
and surely the government they now give the people is the best that
they have ever had. I believe in their eventual success and have implicit faith in them. At present perfect quiet reigns, as far as I am
able to judge, and also from the reports in the newspapers published
here in Honolulu. This is all I have to report upon with reference to
the political status. I speak in this letter on the subject of leprosy for
this reason: that, in my opinion, the opposition evinced against the
means now being used by the Provisional Government has shown that
the adverse political party are opposed to segregation by force used by
the Government. It is for this reason that I apparently treat in the
letter on two subjects, whereas it is but one.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. S. SKERRETT.
Rear-Admiral Skerrett to the Secretary of the Navy.
No. 252.]                            U. S. S. BOSTON,
FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, August 14, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to inform the Department that, on the 8th of
August, Col. Blount, the United States minister, sailed for home, leaving me to act as the diplomatic representative until a new United States
minister reported for duty.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. S. SKERRETT,
Rear Admiral U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval.Force, Pacific Station.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
Rear-Admiral Skerrett to the Secretary of the Navy.
No. 253.]                            U. S. S. BOSTON,
FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, August 14, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to report that the political condition remains
as previously reported. All is quiet and orderly, the Provisional Government remains as stable and satisfactory as before mentioned, and
there seems to be no evidence of any dissatisfaction.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. S. SKERRETT,
Rear Admiral U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
HTon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.




2218                  HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Rear-Admiral Skerrett to the Secretary of the Navy.
No. 281.]                           U. S. S. BOSTON,
FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
Honoluluu Hawaiian Islands, September 12, 1893.
SIR: (1) I have to report as follows with respect to the political
status at this place: The Provisional Government continues to display
the same courageous disposition to control, and to display their power
to direct and to lead these people in the right way towards self-government for the benefit of all concerned.
(2) The three persons arrested and tried for conspiracy have been
again set at liberty; not to the disadvantage of the Government, for
the arrest and trial showed evidence of the proper disposition to guard
against such things'as conspiracies and evil intent, and also showed
the intention to punish all such offenders with the utmost rigor of the
law.
(3) At the present time all things move along most agreeably.
President Dole has gone to the other islands to recruit his health, which
has been somewhat pulled down by constant and assiduous work in
behalf of his people. His intention was to be absent about one month.
When he departed the shore battery saluted him with twenty-one guns
and I gave instructions to do the same on board the Boston.
(4) There is not the remotest evidence of any disposition to give
trouble to the Provisional Government.
(5) In conversation recently with Her Britannic Majesty's minister
he asked me if I had any instructions about giving protection to other
than United States citizens. I replied that my own instructions were
to give protection to none but United States citizens and their property.
He remarked, then I will have to request my government to send a
ship here to give protection to Her Majesty's legation should it be
needed, so I dare say we will have English ships sent here.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. S. SKERRETT,
Rear Admiral U. S. Navy,
Commanding UT. S. Naval _Force, Pacific Station.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
Rear-Admiral Skerrett to the Secretary of the Navy.
No. 350.]                      U. S. S. PHILADELPHIA,
FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulu, Htawaiian Islands, October 10, 1893.
SIR: (1) Since my last letter I have to report that the Provisional
Government continues to be stable, and able to govern and direct these
islands for the greatest benefit of all; whether or not its numbers of
friends increase seems to be a question, yet there is every appearance
that its friends are increasing and its objects for good government
shown in every way.
(2) The President of the Provisional Government has been absent
nearly the whole month of September and is still absent, recuperating
on the island of Hawaii.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                    2219
(3) The Russian Government has recently informed the Provisional
Government, through a letter from the secretary of foreign affairs ill
Russia, that the Government recognizes and seeks a continuance of
good will and amity with what is designated the Republican Government of Hawaii. This has made the good people here very happy,
especially those who are designated as annexationists.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. S. SKERRETT,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval ~Force, Pacific Station.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. G.
Rear-Admiral Skerrett to Secretary Herbert.
NAVY PAY OFFICE,
San Francisco, Cal., November 16,1893.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the Department's letter of November 6 last, and in reply to the honorable
Secretary's inquiry respecting my previous letter regarding British
sulbjects, etc., I beg to say the friendly relations that had for years
existed between Her Britannic Majesty's representative in Hawaii and
myself, which was renewed on my again visiting Hawaii after an absence of many years, became quite as cordial as formerly, and in the
conversation I detailed to the Department I simply told Maj. Wodehouse what my instructions were, but I did not say to him that I would
not accord the protection that was warranted by the acts of comity
that have been so frequently afforded under like circumstances on
other occasions. When I received the Department's reply to my letter
giving me that authority, I sought Maj, Wodehouse, and told him of
my latest instructions, telling him how gratified I was to have the
directions that so pleasantly accorded with my own wishes. I here
furnish the Department with a copy of the instructions I first received.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. S. SKERRETT,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
WASHINGTON, August 16, 1893.
I desire to impress upon you in the absence of Minister Plenipotentiary Blount
that your sole duty is confined to that of an officer of [the] Navy, although it is to
be performed in the spirit of the instructions of Mr. Blount, which doubtless have
been seen by you.
Protect American (United States) citizens and American (United States) property, but do not give aid, physical or moral, to either party contending for the Government at Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands.
HERBERT.




2220


HAWAIIAN ISLAN DS.


Admiral Irwvin to Secretary of the Navy.
NO. 2.]                        U. S. S. PHILADELPHIA
(FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION),
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, November 10, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to inform you that on the 9th instant 1, accompaniedl by my personal staff, called officially on the United States
Minister to Hawaii, the lHon. A. S. Willis.
Very respectfully, y6ur obedient servant,
JOHN IRWIN,
Rear-Admiral U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
Hon. SECRETARY of THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
Admiral Irwin to Secretary of the Navy.
No. 3.]                        U. S. S. PHILADELPHIA,
FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, November 13, 1893.
SIR: (1) I have the honor to inform you that on the 9th instant I,
accompanied by my personal staff, called officially on Her Britannic
Majesty's minister resident, Maj. James Hay Wodehouse.
(2.) That, on the 11th instant, in company with the United States
minister and accompanied with my personal staff, I called on the President and executive council of the Provisional Government of the
Hawaiian Islands.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN IRWIN,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.
Rear-Admiral Irwin to Secretary of the Navy.
No. 4.]                            U. S. S. PHILADELPHIA,
FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, November 14, 1893.
SIR: (1) I have the honor to report that I have this day received the
United States minister officially with the usual honors.
(2) That I have freely consulted with him in regard to the situation
here.
(3) I have carefully studied the instructions of the Department; they
are perfectly clear to me, and will be carried out to the best of my ability.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN IRWIN,
Rear-Admiral U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washington, D. 0.




HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.                   2221
Admiral Irwin to Secretary of the Navy.
NO. 5.]                       U, S. S. PHILADELPHIA,
FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, November 15, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to report that I have this day received the
following official calls: Her Britannic Majesty's minister resident, Maj.
James Hay Wodehouse; United States consul-general, Hon. Ellis
Mills. They were received with the usual honors.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN IRWIN,
Bear-Admiral U. S. Navy,
Commanding United States Naval Force Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy.Department, Washington, D. C.
Admiral Irwin to Secretarg of the Navy.
No. 6.]                        U. S. S. PHILADELPHIA,
FLAGSHIP OF THE PACIFIC STATION,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, November 16, 1893.
SIR: I have the honor to report that I have this day received on
board the flagship an official call from the Hon. S. B. Dole, President
of the Provisional Government, accompanied by his staff and the
members of the executive council. They were received with the usual
honors.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN IRWIN,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station.
The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,
Navy Department, Washinton, D. C.
Admiral Irwin to Secretary of the Navy.
[Telegram.]
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, December 4.
(Via B. a., December 12.)
SECRETARY OF NAVY,
Washington, D. C.:
Confidential. Provisional Government they have 1,000 men under
arms. Palace prepared for defence. Party feeling intense, but no
outbreak anticipated at present.
IRWIN.




I ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~~I




IINTDEX.
A.
Abdication:                                                                  Page.
Blackstone on --- —--------------------------------------------------        13
What constitutes ---          ------------------------------------------ 3, 4,14
of the Queen, hour of                                                      217
Acreage on which taxes were paid, 1891-1892               — 1880
Adams, John Quincy:
Extract from report of, 1842 --- —----------------- 11,121
Letter, influence of missionaries ----------------------------------- 11,121
Adee, A. A.. Assistant Secretary of State:
To Mr. StevensNo. 31,- July 14, 1890 ---------------------------------— 1141
No. 11, November 16. 1889-                                            1979
No. 11, November 16, 1889 -----—. --- —--------------------.. 1108
No. 82, April 27, 1893 -----------------------------------------      1228
To Merrill: No. 139, September 10, 1889 -------------------------—.. 1099
To Willis: No. 2, September 28, 1893 -------------------------            1997
Adverse views, minority report, of Committee on Foreign Relations ------        35
Advisory Committee, selection of ----------------------------------- 1765, 1403
Affidavit of:
Atherton, J. B ----------------------------------------— 595
Bishop, E. F                                                               594
Bolte, C -------------------------------------------— 452
Brown, Frank -592
Castle, William R --------------------------------------------------       583
Colburn, J. F., and Peterson, A. P -1332,1439
Committee of safety -------------------------------------. --- -   590
Cornwell, W. H -1440
Cummins, J. A., and Seward, W. T --------------— 1442
Ehlers, P. F. A -593
Emmeluth, John, member of Committee of Safety -----------------            454
Fisher, J. H., captain in Honolulu Rifles -593
Hopkins, C. L --- —---------------------------------------------- 1331,1443
Judd, A. F., chief justice supreme court, Hawaiian Islands -438
Kaulukou, John Lota -1444
Lowrey, F. J ----------------------------------------------------—.-       594
Macfarlane, E. C                                                          1445
McChesney, F. W., member of Committee of Public Safety ----------          457
Morgan, James F ----------------------------------------------— __         581
Neumann, Paul ---------------------------------------------               1446
Nowlien, Samuel, Household Guards, strength of -1448
Peterson, A. P                                                       1332, 1439
Ripley, C. B         ----------------------------------------              594
Rooney, P. M --------------------------------------------— 1449
Ross, john -1449
Soper, John H., colonel commanding N. G. H -----------------------         450
Tenney, Edward D ------------------------------------------------          588
Wilcox, W. L., Hawaiian interpreter -595
Wilcox, Geo. N., cabinet minister, 1892                                    453
Wilcox, Albert S —. -----------------------------------— 451
Wilder, William C ----------------------------------------                 447
Wilson, C. B -    -.       -- -- --.....-.. 1333,1450
2223




2224                                  INDEX.
Page.
Agreement, written, to support the ministry against the Queen ------—.           607
Agriculture --- —-------------------------------------------------------            86
Ahupufaa-a division of land ------------------------------------------           1695
Aki case, settlement of                          — 1468
Aki opium scandal -----------------          ---------- 1468,1631
Alexander, B. S., lieutenant-colonel engineers, brevet brigadier-general
U. S. Army. Report on Pearl River Harbor, 1873 -----—.. --- —-----              962
Alexander, Prof. William De Witt (surveyor-general of Hawaii) -262
American citizens, danger to, from royalist mobs -302
flag, hauling down of ---------------------------------           305
Annexation -----          ---------------------------------------------       300
Appendix ----------------------------------------------                      1420
Approximate division of the lands of the Hawaiian Kingdom.         Table- 1914
Artesian wells ----------------------------------------------— 278
Blount s report on conspiracy of 1892 -312
Bribery in passage of opium and lottery bills        — 290,1464, 1468
British Commissioners, activity of ---------------------------—.-..          312
Causes which led to the revolution                 — 282, 283
Chinese immigration, Hawaiian policy on -----------------------               314
Civil disorders, apprehensions of                   — 302
CivilizationProgress of, in Hawaii ------------------------------------               267
State of ----------------------------------------------------—..         275
Clothing  supply.............. — -------------------- ------------------   273
Coffee --------------------------------              -----                    279
Compulsory education -----------------------------------------                271
Conspiracies -------      ----------------------------------------------      283
Constitution, the first written, 1839-'40              — 316
of 1852 ---                                                      318
of 1864 ------------------------------------------—.           320
of 1887                     — 322,1470
of 1887, Queen's plot to abrogate.-     --------   __ ---_ —  292, 293
Coronation of Kalakaua --------------------------------------------          1459
Coup d'etat of 1864                          — 320
Court-house riot, 1874                       — 1454
Crown lands ---------------------------------------------—.           1473-1475
Domestic relations. Hawaiian -----------------------------------              274
Education, 1890 to 1892 -----------------------------------------.   323
Education and schools ---------------------— 272
Election of Kalakaua ----------------------------------------------          1453
Elections of 1886 ---------------------------------------------------        1462
Elections, method of contesting                 ---------------------         462
Estimated annual expenditures of Hawaiimn Government --- —----- 272, 273
Food supply. --- —--------------------------------------------         - 276,277
Forests -----------------------------------------------------                 264
Fruits --- —------------------------------------------------------- 266,279
Government hospitals ---------------------— 274
Government and crown lands ----------------------------------------          1913
Grazing, stock -------------------------— 276
Green-Carter ministry, 1880 ------------------------------------—.          1457
Hale Naua, alias Temple of Science ---------------------------            -  1466
Hawaiians as seamen                             — 281
Hawaiian Islands-sketch of constitutional history             — 315
Influence of C. B. Wilson on legislature of 1892 ---------— 312
Insane asylums -------------------------—. --- —-------—. —.-      -----     275
Insurrection of 1889                       — 284, 285
Intrigues during Lunalilo's reign --------------— 1453
Jury system --------------------------— 286
Justice, administration of ------------------------------------------         275
Kaimiloa ------------------------------                                      1467
KalakauaInauguration of -------------------------—.-....-.. —            1454
Jubilee ------------------------------------------------                1466
Royal misrule                          — 1465
Tour of the world                        — 1458
Kuleanas ---------------------------------. ---  --    -------   264
Land surveys                             ---                                  263




INDEX.                          2225
Alexander-Continued.                                            Page.
Legislative sessions of180    --------------------------------    -------    -- 1456
1882-                                                     1458
1884   -----------------------     ------------------     1461
1886              ------   ---------------------------------  1463
Leper's settlement ---                                      274, 275
London loan ------------------—. --- —---------—.           1464
Sequel to --- 1465
Lottery  bill --- —--------------------------------------------  290-292,1461
Market gardens -----------------------— 280
Missionary element, influences of --- —---------------------—. --- —-  314
Mobs, suppression of, in 1874.-. --- —----------------—..    303
Moreno, Celso Cesar                — 1456
Moreno ministry, fall of -------------------— 1457
Native Hawaiian character              — 268
Nordhoft on lottery bill             — 323
Notes on Col. Blount's report  --------— 309-312
Opium bill -----------------------      ------------—. 290,1464
Opium bribe, 1887 -290,1468
Organization of governments of 1845 and 1847   -   -317
Police department, corrupt administration of   — 289
Practical politics under Gibson          — 1462
Prisons    ---------------------       -----------------      275
Provisional Government, sentiment of natives on  — 304,305
Queen, accession of --- —--------------------------------------------  288
lack of confidence in  ---------------------—..        301
Railroads                      — 280
Rainfall --------------------------------                     266
Reciprocity treaty, 1875 -------------------— 1455
Reform League-Great reform meeting, 1887 ------------------- 1469
Religious ad vancement ----------------— 270
Removal of Wundenberg, clerk of the supreme court — 460,461
Resignation of Justice Dole ---------------— 460
Revolution of 1893-Causes                                 301, 1471
Samoan embassy, 1887                 — 1467
School age                      — 271
Schools, support of  --------------— 271, 272
Spreckels. Claus                  — 1455
Spreckles's bank charter -------------------------------------------- 1461
Statement-Facts relating to Kalakaua's reign  — 1453
Personal recollection of the revolution of 1893.. —........ 295-299
Steam vessels and shipping             — 280
Sugar production, capacity for. --- —-----------------------.  277
Supreme court of Sandwich Islands --- —-------- -----------------  459
Taro as a food ------------------------ --------------------- 277,278
Telegraph and telephones ------------------------------- --—. ----  280
Temperature, variations of           — 266, 267
Tobacco -----------------------------------------------------------  280
Total area of land commission awards-Table -----------------—. 1914
Trade winds    ---------------         ------------------     266
Troops, Provisional, strength of --- —-----------------------------—.  306
Uncompleted treaty of 1854             — 1415
U. S. marines, necessity for landing of-                      308
Veto, royal  ----------------------     ----------------      283
Allen, A. H., chief of bureau of rolls and library, U. S. State Department                         — 815
Annexation, President Johnson on           — 824
Henry A. Pierce, February 25, 1871....  825
British loan ------------------------- --------- -----------..  832
Hawaiian Islands, British seizure         — 817
narrative of official relations of United States with,
since 1820                               816-836
Insurrection of 1889 ----------------------------   -------   834
King Kalakaua, visit to United States, 1874 ---------—. --- —-—...  828
death of.                              834
S. Rep. 227-   140




2226 6                               INDEX.
Allen, A, H., etc.-Continued.                                               Page.
Liliuokalani, accession of-                                               834
dethronement of                   — 835
influence of C. B. Wilson    --------       ----------      835
Pearl River Harbor, concession to United States -—.     — 831
Pearl River Harbor concession, British protest against ----— 833
Territorial extension-Hawaiian protest against Great Britain and
France        -----------------              -----------------          831
Treaty with Denmark, 1846 --------------------          -------           820
Treaty-Great Britain and Hawaii, 1852-Parity clause          — 829
Treaty with Unitea States of1850 -----------------------------------------------------—......    821
1875   ----------------------— 828
Americans in cabinets of late kings -------         --. --- —--—.-        226
Activity in dethroning Queen       -----------          --------      -  1284
American citizens, orders to protect ------           — 470
Protection of, in foreign countries -5, 7, 15, 21, 1974, 1975
American flag-(See Flag.)
American interests in Hawaii -943,946,1123,1803
Protection of                                                  1974,1975,2163
American League, Visit to U. S. Minister Willis -1242
American missionary influence ------------------------------ 11,314,1555,1630
American protectorate, 1851 --- —--------------- 1415,1420
1854-Secretary Marcy on -929
1893 ---- 340, 473, 552,590, 1008, 1053,1211,1258, 1487,1600
disavowal of --- —------ 19,25,1048-1050,1214,1989, 2165
removal                                      25,397,1376
unauthorized -32
Amnesty:
For members of Provisional Government ----          ----------         1998-9
Insisted upon, 1893-        ----------------------------------------- 1245
Queen's refusal of                                             1266,2088,2109
Required as a condition of restoration of Queen -26,1272,1999
Annexation -- 23, 29, 134, 135, 138, 197, 198, 199, 243, 252, 254, 300, 352, 550, 581,
632, 658, 692, 696, 707, 733, 771, 824, 897, 903. 914, 947, 952, 954, 961, 977, 989,
991, 993, 1003, 1051, 1161, 1286, 1486, 1487, 1488, 1635, 1682, 1807, 1877, 1969
A settled policy -699
Acquiescence of Queen in --- —--------------------------------------        23
Advantages of --- —--------------------------------------------------      696
American Secretaries of State on       ---------    --------------        696
A necessity for defense of western coast of United States                  22
Annuities, etc -------------------------------                           1051
And equal rights ----------------------------------------------— 1484,1487
As distinguished from protection --- —--------------                       930
Authority of Provisional Government to negotiate -28
British opposition --- —--------------------------------------------       937
Desire of Hawaiians for            ---------------------                21, 22
Effect on land values                                                    1808
Growth of sentiment in 1854                                    1417,1502,1503
Letter of H. A. Pierce, 1871                                           29, 825
McKinley bill                                                             638
Native opposition to                                                      692
Native sentiment --- —------------ 509,692,1341,1371,1518,1519,1549,1784
Negotiations of, United States policy, 1855 --- —------- 929, 931, 932, 933, 941
Not a new question ------------------------------------------------- 28-32
Petitions against --- —---------------------------------------- 1736,1957
President Johnson on. 1868 -824
Opposition of English minister to American annexation-                    554
Opposition to-                                                           1310
Sugar planters on -------------------------------------------------- 1783
Sentiment --- —---------------------------------- 766,1161,1407,1498,1682
The avowed purpose of the Provisional Government            — 22
Treaty, negotiation of --------------------— 28
vs. Reciprocity -------- ---                                              951
Or revolution ------------------------— 931
Papers, attack on Commissioner Blount          -        -395




IN1DEX.                                2227
Annexation Club:                                                             Page.
Nationality of             --------------------------------               1406
Number of registered names -1945
Resolutions of                                                            1867
Annexation Clubs, on the various islands ----------        -----------        1883
Annexation scheme ----------------------------------------------------- 1571
Stevens's agency in --- —------------------------------- 1256-1263,1670, 1676
Annuities, Queen and Princess --- —------------------------------------- 1051
Appeal to the President of United States. 1851                                1422
Appendix to Alexander's statement -1420
Extract from instructions of February 21, 1854 -------------------        1423
Joint declaration, 1851, French Republic and Hawaiian Islands -           1421
Joint resolution -------------------------            ----------------    1423
Order of the King to Mr. Wyllie                                           1423
Protectorate proclamation -------------          ---    --------------- 1420
Protocols of treaty, 1854, text -1424-1432
Resolution about the joint declaration, March 20, 1851 ----------- 1420,1421
Appendix to report of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations ------          37
Arbitration, Provisional Government, denial of any desire for --- —-- 2122-2128
Areas and names of Hawaiian Islands -----------------------------------         49
Area total, of land commission awards ----------------------------------- 1914
Arion Hall, location of ---------------— 655-445
Ashford, Volney V.:
Statement ofMarch, 1893        -----------------------------------------          1476
April, 1893. --- —-----------—. --- —------------ 1489
American protectorate -1487
Annexation --- —----------------------- ---------------- 1486,1487,1488
Conspiracy to force Kalakaua to abdicate            — 1478
First official acts of Queen-                                         1482
Hawaiian Patriotic League       ---------------- 1481
Arrest of members       ----------— 1485
Insurrection of 1889 -----   ----------          -------------        1478
Japanese question -------------------— 1488
King Kalakaua, election of                  — 1476
Liliuokalani, moral character --------------— 1481
Missionary party --------------------— 1486
Native distrust of missionary element — 1491
Palace scandals --- —------------------------------------- 1482, 1483
Political record of R. W. Wilcox --- —-------          ---------       1478
of leaders of revolution of 1893    — 1489
Queen, accession of ---------------------— 1480
-Wilson scandal                   — 1482
treachery of                     — 1480
Revolution 1887 ---------------       -                               1477
Wilson, C. B., character of                                      1482,1483
Atherton, J. B., affidavit                      — 595
Australian ballot syste m                                                     1807
Effect on natives' vote --- —------------------------------------ 1514,1663
B.
Baldwin, H. P.:
Interview with -1492
Annexation.-                                                             1877
Bayard, T. F., Secretary of State:
To G. W. MerrillJanuary 8, 1887                                                       1973
May 26, 1887 -------------------—. --- —---------------       ----    1974
July 12, 1887                                                         1974
July 22,1887 --- —---------------------------- 1976
August 16, 1887 --- —-----------------                                 1976
September 30, 1887 --- —-------------------                            1976
March 29, 1888 ---......                                          1977
May 27, 1889        ----------------------------------         ---    1977
May 31, 1889 --- —---------------------------- 1977
American citizens, protection o. —                                   1974,1975
Hawaiian Islands, importance of ------------                --------      1973




2228                                  INDEX.
Bayard, T. F., Secretary of State-Continued.                                   Page.
Kapiolani, Queen, visit to United States ---------------------—..... 1974
Oath prescribed for foreign residents of Hawaiian Islands ---------—.. 1976
Policy of United States, 1887 -1974,1975
Revolution of 1887, United States policy                                    1975
Belknap, George, Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy -169,710
Statement in the Boston Herald, January, 1893 ---------            ---       169
Annexation -----------------------------------------------------        170
Blount's flag order to Admiral Skerrett ----------— 716
British desire for possession of Hawaiian Islands         — 170
influences in 1874 --     ----------------------------------    712
troops landed in 1874 —                                         713
Coaling station in Hawaii, necessity for ----------------------—.      723
Corean incident                          — 718
Hawaiian Islands as a commercial center              — 169
Honolulu, expenses of fortifying                 — 722
Honolulu Bay, defense of --- —------------------                         711
Kalakaua, King, election of --------------------------------        -   711
election riots ---------------— 712
Letter to the Boston Journal.. --- —--------                            724
Naval officers, United States, responsibility, in obeying orders of
civil officers --- —-------------------------------------------- 714, 719
Navy Regulations, Article 19 ---------------— 714
Pacific Ocean, naval control of -----.    — 722
Pearl River Harbor --- —--------- ------------                           710
Troops, United States, landing at Honolulu 1874 --- —-------—...        712
Wiltse, Capt., order to Commander Swinburne             — 718
Bennett, C. C --- —------------------------------------------------------         155
Chronological table of notable events in Hawaiian history       — 155
Bishop, C. R ----------------------------------------------------------- 1493
Annexation, popular sentiment on -----------------------------—...        1498
Government lands                              --— 1493
Native chiefs, habits of ---------------------------— 1497
Race feeling -------------------------------------------------------       1498
Bishop, E. F., affidavit                                -— 594
Bishop, Rev. Sereno E.:
Interview                    -          -1499
Annexation sentiment, growth of --------------------— 1502
Chinese, wifeless --- —------------------------------------------ 1583
Christain instruction -----------------------------------------—. 1584
Diseases, infectious, epidemic -----------------------— 1581
Drunkenness ----------------------------------------------------       1581
Hygienic instruction                             -— 1584
Idolatry                                    -— 1582
Kahunas -------------------------------------------------—... 1582
Leprosy ------------------------------------   ---------------------   1582
Lottery ring, collusion of Queen with                  -— 1500
Medical aid, Government ----------—..           ---                   1584
Native capacity for self-government ----                                1507
Oppression of the chiefs                        -— 1581
Parker-Peterson ministry --- —                                          1500
Queen, aggressions of ---------------------------------------—..      1499
attempt to promulgate a new constitution        — 1501
School education -----------------------------— 1584
Sorcery                                      -— 1582
Unchastity ---------------------------------------------       ---     1579
"Why are the Hawaiians dying out? "                                    1577
Blaine, J. G., Secretary of State, to:
Mr. ComlyJune 30, 1881 -— 1961
July 27, 1881 --------------------—. --- —-. ---... --- —-—. —.- 1962
November 19, 1881 ----------------------------— 1963
December 1, 1881                     — 1965,1969
Mr. MerrillMay 27, 1889 --- —-------------------- 1079,1977
May 31, 1889.      -----------------       --------------- 1080,1977
June 20, 1889 --------------------------------        ----------       1080
June 27, 1889                                 -— 1080




INDEX.                           2229
Blaine, J. G., Secretary of State, to-Continued.                  Page.
Mr. StevensOctober 16, 1889. --- —-------             ---------       1103
October 31, 1889 -------------------------------------------- 1105
November 4, 1889 ---------------------   --------------     1105
November 6, 1889 --- —------------------- 1106,1978
December 3,1889                                        1109,1980
March 4,1890 --------------------— 1123
March 6,1890    ----------------       --------------- 1123
April 7, 1890- --  -------------------------  -----    --- 1127
April 24,1890                                          1127, 1980
June 14,1890                                           1139, 1980
July 3, 1890 -----------------—... ---- -------------------- -----  1140
October 15,1890 --- —--------------------------------   ---- 1144
November 12,1890 --- —--------------------------------- 1145,1984
December 3, 1890 ---------------------------------------------- 1984
December 5, 1890-                                           1148
February 28, 1891   ---------------------------------- 1152, 1984
March 2, 1891 ----  -----------         ----------------- 1153
March 10, 1891 --  ---------------       ------------- 1153
March 14, 1891  ------------------    ------------------- 1154
April 12, 1892               -    -1165
Secretary TracyNovember 6, 1889 ---------------------    ------------ 1979
American warships in Hawaiian waters          — 1980
Annexation                     — 977, 1969
Coolie convention, instructions in relation to proposed  — 1963
Native population, decrease in ----------      ------------ 1969
Queen Liliuokalani, accession                              1152, 1984
Review of the relationship of the Hawaiian Kingdom to the United
States --- -------------------— 1965
Treaty of 1875, " Most favored nation clause ------  ------ 1961
Blaisdell, William:
Interview                           ---------------------------- 1511
Annexation, native sentiment on -- -------   ----------- 1518
Australian ballot, effect on natives -------- ----------- 1514
Contract labor system               — 1518
Hawaiian monarchy, causes of overthrow      — 1513
Hawaiian native character -------------------.. --- —--- 1520
Native capacity for self-government ----------— 1514
Portuguese labor importation           — 1517
Race  prejudice -------------------------------------------------  1519
Blount, Hon. Jas. H., special commissioner to Hawaii, testimony and
report:
To Mr. Dole, May 10, 1893 -------    -     -1343
To Secretary GreshamApril 6, 1893                  — 1278
April 8, 1893 -----------— ] — 284
April 26, 1893 -----—... --- —------------------            1287
May 4, 1893                   — 1309
May 6, 1893                    — 1333
May 9, 1893                    — 1338
May 24, 1893                   — 1340
May 24, 1893 ------------— 1229
May 24, 1893 -------------     ---------------------- 1230-1234
May 29, 1893 --- —------------------------------------------  1235-1237
June 1, 1893 -1237
June 1, 1893 -1237
June 1, 1893 -1347
June 6, 1893 --- —------------------ 1357
June 17, 1893 --- —-------------- 1372
June 28, 1893 --- —--  -- --      -----------------------    1373
July 7, 1893 ----—. —   ---     ------   ----------------- 1374
July 17,1893                                                1375
July 19, 1893-     ------------------------------------------- 1413
July 31, 1893 --- —----------------- 1438




2230                                 INDEL
Blount, Hon. Jas. H., etc.-Continued.                                         Page.
Advisory Council, Provisional Government --- —-------- 1403
American activity in overthrow of the Hawaiian monarchy                   1284
American flag, order to Skerrett for removal of                           1280
AnnexationClub, nationality of members ----------------------------------- 1406
Memorials for-.    --------------------------------------------       1341
Newspapers, attacks on the U. S. Special Commissioner ---------        395
Opposition to --------------------------------------------------- 1310
Public sentiment oh-           ------------------------------------ 1407
Appointment as special commissioner to the Hawaiian Islands -------        388
Appointment as U. S. minister to Hawaii ------- --------------------       412
Barracks, attempt to destroy ---------------------------------------- 1237
Census of Hawaiian Islands, 1890 (table)             — 1404
Collusion of Mr. Stevens with the Provisional Government to dethrone the Queen --------—. --- —---------------------------------- 1402
Commissioner, paramount, to Hawaiian IslandsArrival in Honolulu --------------------------------------------- 1278
Instructions to --- —--------------------------------------------- 1375
Committee of SafetyAppeal for aid of United States forces, text -----     --     ----    1392
Organization                         — 1391
Personnel of ------          -------       --------------------       1395
Constitution of1852    ---------------         --          ----------------          1377
1864                             — 1378
1887, amendments to ------------------           -------------- 1385
1887, changes attempted by the Queen ------       --      -------     1389
1887, chief Justice Judd on                — 1383
1887, voting qualifications under --- —--------- 1293
Credentials presented to Provisional Government            — 1279
Crown lands ------------------------              ---------------         1351
Financial depression, causes —.                                           398
Flag, United States, reason for removal                                401, 402
Foreign recognition of Provisional Government ------------------          1401
Hawaiian land tenures ----------------------------------------------- 1297
Hawaiian Patriotic League, proceedings of --- —----                        1279
Hawaiian Political Association, statement of-                             1291
Instructions from U. S. Secretary of State -387,398,399
Interview withPresident Cleveland --- —----------------                               407
Dr.W.S. Bowen --- —---------------------- 671,1288
Claus Spreckles --- —-----            ---------------------            1280
Investigation methods -389,411,412
Lands, crown ------------------------------------- 1360
early surveys -        ---                                        1362
Government -1360
Land tenures ----------------------- - - -                                1358
Mass meeting, indorsing the Queen's administration                        1390
Memorandum, showing movements of U. S. troops in Honolulu-                1405
Native population, increase -1363
Native sentiment on annexation -1341
"New constitution," native sentiment toward                               1291
Nordhoff affair                                                      1230, 1235
Object of mission to Hawaii -387
Objectionable language against Mr. Blount in annexation papers- 1338, 1343
Offensive language in Hawaiian Star toward Mr. Blount --- —------ 1339
Political feeling in Hawaii. --- —----         --                          389
PopulationCensus, 1890     ---------------------------- 1347-1352
Character of     — 1408-1412
Portuguese -----------------         — 1348
Protectorate, withdrawal of                    — 1376
Provisional GovernmentCredentials to --- —-----------------                                   391
Hour of Mr. Stevens's recognition --------------— 1334
Instability of                                                        1438




INDEX.                                 2231
Blount, Hon. Jas. H., etc.-Continued.                                         Page.
Queen LiliuokalaniCharacter of --------         ------------                              396
Interviews with --------------------— 393,395,1296
Protest of. Text                                                       1 394
Rumors of assassination -------------------------------                1294
Rumored deportation of --- —         -----     -------- 1336,1338
Statement of causes of revolution ---------------                       394
Surrender of ---------------------      _____1394
Queen's troops, location of ----------------— _                            1393
Recognition of Provisional Government by Mr. Stevens, hour of_ 1398-1401
Reform party, who constitute --------------------------------------- 1295
Religious affiliations of natives --- —------------------                   1408
Restoration of Queen, memorials for --------------                     -   1340
Revolution, 1893 -Causes ---------------          ------------- 1377
Cooperation of United States minister and naval commander in__ 1398
Royalists, leaders of   ---      _________     _   __________               416
Scandal, Queen-Wilson -------------------         ___                      1342
Special Commissioner, authority for control of United States forces_ 400, 409
Stevens's recognition of Provisional Government --- —---------------        1413
Sugar interests and annexation ------         --------                     1407
Taxes --- —---------------------------------— 1350
Treaty of 1854, uncompleted -------------------                            1414
of 1875, United States and Hawaiian Islands --------               1379
Trousseau. Dr., offer of information to United States special commissioner ------------------— 417
United States money in Hawaii --- —------------                              398
United States troopsLanding of ------------------— 1392
Location in Honolul       ------------------                  414,1335,1393
Withdrawal of -------------------— 397
Witnesses, secret examination of ---------------— 391, 411
Blount, Jas. H., special commissioner:
Appointment as special commissioner ------------— 1255,1275,
1278, 1993,1995, 2040
Arrival at Honolulu --------— 558, 582, 667, 730, 704
Attitude toward Mr. Stevens                                                 561
Authority for appointment ----------------— _ 25, 33,35
control of United States forces --------------- 33, 400,409-410
Charges against Sewall ------------------— ' ---     ------- ----        -   673
Conduct of ------------------------------— 732
Flag order to Admiral Skerrett -----         --------— 437,716,796
Incorrect statements of ------------— 450
Instructions, extract from Hawaiian Star -------------                     1343
Methods of gaining information --- —----            -   '39,411,452, 561, 2041, 2125
Offer of information to --- —-------------- 450,587,637
Publication in regard to Americans                                          732
Removal of American flag ----               25, 305, 437, 590, 797,1280,1869, 2171
Report of ------------------— 23,702
Method of construction --- —---------------                          597,702
Notes on ---------—... —.. --- —----------—. --- —--—.        309-312
Bolte, Crister:
Interview ---—,. --- —-------—. --- —------------------—.. 1523
Affidavit -------         -------         -------------                 452
Blount, methods of investigation --- —------                             452
Committee of safety, organization --- —---------------                  1524
Hawaiian native character -----------------— 1536
Parker-Peterson ministry ---------------------------------------       1523
Provisional Government organization ---------------------------        1525
U. S. troops. landing of --- —--------------------------           1531,1535
Boston, U. S. S., departure for Hilo --- —--------------------------------       735
Bowen, William S., journalist:
Statement ----------------------------                                      666
Blount, arrival in Honolulu    ------------------                       667
charges against Sewall --- —--------         ----------------    673
letter to Gresham on Bowen and Sewall -         -------     -   668
Coolie labor -      ---------------------          ---                  668




2232                             INDEX.
Bowen, William S., journalist-Continued.                             Page.
Statement-Continued.
Dole, S. B., conference with --------    ---------          -  671
Hawaii, reasons for visiting  --------   -------— _            667
Honolulu society-                                              667
Interview with Col. Blount ------     ----------          671, 1288
Paul Neuman -------       ------   --        -  671
Neuman's dislike of the missionary party ---   --------        674
Political party feeling ---------     --    ----        -      673
Provisional Government, personnel of --- —    ---------         667
Boyd, W. Porter interview -----------—...-. --- —. —. —,. 1539
U. S. troops, landing of -------------------— _                _ 1540
Bribery in Hawaiian legislature of 1892 ----   207, 444, 584, 633, 726,751,1322
Accusations of -------------                -----    -678
In passage of lottery and opium bills ------  ---------        -   290
Brief history of French and English attempted seizure of the islands —.  799
Brief resume of Mr. Willis's official actions in Honolulu to December 20,
1893 ---------                                                      2116
British:
Claims, adjudication of -------------------                        926
Cruiser Garnet, arrival at Honolulu  ---------------        -     1218
Commercial policy, development of ---  -------------               128
Demands in 1842 --------------------------------------             800
Desire for possession of Hawaiian Islands ---------—. --- —------..  170
Influences for the Queen — ---------  -- ------                994,1182
Influences in 1863                   — 942
1874 ---     ---------                          -     712
Landing in 1843 -----     --------      -------                    801
Loan --------------------------------                              832
Maritime stations in the Pacific --------------- 115,128,793
Minister, efforts against Provisional Government --------— 1219
intrigues against Provisional Government -------— 1221
Naval stations on the Pacific Coast --- —--------- 115,128, 793
Objections to American influences --- —-------- 899,1218,2196
Opposition to annexation ---------------------- 554 937
Recognition of Hawaiian independence    --------------— 927
Seizure of Hawaiian Islands, 1843 --- — ------------            -   853
disavowal --------------------------— 866,923
Troops, landing in 1874 -----------------------—.- 351, 713
Unfriendliness to Provisional Government -------------— 1218
Brown, George, U. S. commissioner to Sandwich Islands, to Secretary of
State Upshur:
October 26. 1843 --- —--------—. --. --- —--—..    870
November 4, 1843 ---------------------------                       870
Brown, Frank M., member of Hawaiian legislature -------------      -   592
Interregnum -------------------   ------                           592
Brown, George, Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy:
To Secretary of the NavyMay 31, 1890 --- —------------------— 2178
June 9, 1890 ----  ----------------       ----- 2178
June 26, 1890 -----------      --------                        2178
July 29, 1890 ------------------------ -                  1981, 2179
September 1, 1890 ------------- ----  --                       2183
September 19, 1890 --------------------------—..-......   2183
September 26,1890 --------------------- 2185
October 24,1890 ----------------------—. --- ——... --- —------- 2185
November 11, 1890 --- —-------------- 2186
November 14, 1890 -------     -----------                      2186
November 20, 1890 -    ------------------—.- 2187
December 4, 1890 --   --------------------                     2187
February 7, 1891 —      ---------------— 2188
February 23, 1891  -----------------— 2188
February 27, 1891  -- —...  ------------------ 2190
February 29, 1892  ------------------                          2191
March 28.1892 ----. ---        -     -. --- —------             2192
April 26,1892. — ---..    -----------—..  ---             2193
May 23, 1892 -.......... --- —-—.-......     ----     -   2193




INDEX.                          2233
Brown, George, Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy-Continued.              Page.
To Secretary of the NavyJune 20, 1892 --------------------------------  ---    - 2194
June 30, 1892 --------------------------------------      2195
July 19, 1892 ---------------------------- 2195
August 17, 1892 --------------------------------- ----- - 2195
September 6, 1892 -------- ---------------- ------------ -  991
American warship in Hawaiian waters for protection of American interests --- —    ------------------------------------------------ 2193
Annexation ---- ------------------------------- 991, 2192
Arrest of Ashford and others for treason ----- ------------ 2193
Business depression in Honolulu, 1892 - ----       -------- 2195
Constitution of 1887, attempted revision ----- --------— 1981
Kalakaua, death of   ------------------------------- 2188
funeral ------ -------------------- ----------     2188
Political situation, 1890 --- —------------------------------   2185
Queen Liliuokalani, accession of ----------—. ---- —... --- —--  2188
visit to U. S. flagship --- --------     - 2192
Revolution, imminent  -------------- 2179
Stevens, character of -------------------- 2178
Buchanan to Ten EyckAugust 28, 1848, policy of United States -- ----------    877
B.isiness done by Americans, per cent of ----- --------- 54, 697
Butler, Hon. M. C., adverse views; minority report Committee on Foreign Relations -------------------   -------  ---— 35
Annexation ---------------------------------                  36
C.
Cabinet:
Call for armed resistance to Queen --- —-   ----               600
Changes in 1892 --- —----------------- 204,1650, 1705-1708,1741,1755,1819
Changes, public anxiety over- ---    -------------            373
Wilcox-Jones --- —----------------------------- 520, 726, 365, 679, 735,1755
Refusal to sign new constitution -------------— 1757,1766
Calhoun to Brown, 1845 ------    --------                        875
Campbell, loss of steamship ---- -------              ------     1830
Capital, American, in the Hawaiian Islands  -------- 1729,1803
Carter, Charles L.:
Stteement of --------------------------------                 595
To Mr. Foster, February 11, 1893 --------------------— 1046
Hawaiian Islands and dependencies. --- — ----------- 1047
Resources of Princess Kaiulani    ---------- 1046
Queen Liliuokalani ----------- 1046
Statement of public lands  ---------------- 1047
Carter, J. 0.:
To Mr. BlountJuly, 1893 ----------------      ---------     --         944
May 3, 1893 --- —-----        ---------------------------  1330
Interview -------------— 1543
Parker-Peterson ministry ---------------                   - 1545
Queen, surrender of --- —---------- 1330,1547
Queen-Wilson scandal --------------— 1543, 1544
Castle, William R.:
Member of committee of safety     ----------                  583
Incendiary speeches      ---------------                      586
Legislature, 1892-'93, corruption in ------------— 584
Lottery bill, passage of  --------------                      584
Mass meeting, January 16, 1893 --- —----------                 585
Mob threats --------------------—.. --- —                     586
Offer of information to Mr. Blount --- -------     ---    -   587
Political situation prior to revolution, 1893 --- —-----  - 583, 584
Provisional GovernmentMilitary establishment of --- —-—. --- —------          -  587
Organization --------------. ---._. ---                    585
Queen, cabinet opposition to -------   ------       ---    -  585
Request in writing to Stevens for military protection — ----------  86
U. S. troops, attitude of --                                  587




2234                                 INDEX.
Page.
Castle, S. N., financial agent of American Board of Commissioners for
l'oreign Missions of Hawaiian Islands --- —-------------------            799
American Missionaries, complaint of undue influence of --- —                802
Brief history of French and English attempted seizure of Islands -----     799
English demands in 1842 -------------------------------------              800
English and French encroachments in former times --------              -   800
French demands in 1842 --- —-         -------     ----------------------    800
Hawaii, American relations with, since 1837 --- —-           -------    -   799
Hawaiian IslandsJarvis, Historian, on maritime advantages of ---       ------      -   803
Lincoln, A., on --- —----------------------------------------           803
Strategic value of --- —----     ------     ---------                   804
Kamehameha IV on annexation            ---------        ------------       803
Marines, British, landing in 1843    -----------------------------         801
Pearl River Harbor, maritime power in ---------------                      800
Troops, French, landing in 1849 --- —---------------            ---------   801
Catholic missionaries, arrival in 1830   ------------------------------ 1555
Celebration of July 4 in Hawaii    -    --—. ----       -----------  551,1080, 2133
Census table --------------------         ----------------------              1064
Censusof 1890; statistics --- —---------------------------------- 1347-1352,1728
Census, official, of Hawaiian Islands, December, 1890, table -    -----       1404
Center, H.:
Interview --- —---—, --- —----------------------------------------- 1548
Annexation, native sentiment -------------------------                1549
Contract labor system   ----------   -----------------------------    1548
Cession of islands to England, 1843, deed of, text --           -              159
provisional, to Great Britain --- —-----------------------------       919
protest against -------------------------------------    865
Chamber of Commerce, Honolulu, resolutions passed on death of King
Kalakaua ------------------------------------------------------------- 1151
Chandler, William E., Secretary of Navy, toFrelinghuysen, F.T., Secretary of State —
October 20, 1882         --------------    ----------------- 1971
June 7,1882 -----     -----------------------      ------------ 2155,2007
May 3,1883 --- —-------                                           2008, 2156
Balch, Admiral —
June 6, 1882 -----------------      ---       -------------- 2155,2007
October 19, 1882 --- —-------------------------------------------- 2156
Characteristics, individual, of the eight inhabited islands -------             57
physical, Hawaiian Islands --- —------               ----       79
Chiefs, oppression of the --- —------------------------------- 1581
Education of ---------------                                               150
Chinese:
Consul, visit of, to American consulate ---------------                    476
Exclusion of, from suffrage --- —-----------------          -------------    21
Immigration, Hawaiian policy on --- —------------------------------         314
Labor, importation --- —-----------                                        1565
how employed ------      -----   ---------       ---                193
Mass meeting, February 14, 1894 --- —---------------------       -------- 2068
Moral character of, in Honolulu -----------— 683
Residents of Honolulu.. --- —-- - --------------------  682
Restriction   --------------       ---     ---------------    ------      1098
Story, Mr. Stevens's Chinese servant --- —---------------             ---   573
Voters -----------------------------------------                          1808
Wifeless ---       -. --- ——. --- —  ----------—. --- —---           -  - 1583
Christian instruction ----------   ----  -   ---   ----------------           1584
Christian native population, per cent of. --- —------------------              224
Christianity in the Islands -----------------------                            921
' Chronological table of notable events connected with Hawaiian history "-     155
Cities of Oahu, other than Honolulu --------------------------------       -    61
Citizens:
Agreement to support cabinet --- —---------            ----                 600
Right of a nation to protect, in foreign countries in absence of effective civil government ---------------                           - 5-7,15-21
Civilization:
State of ---------                              -------                    275
Progress of, in Hawaii --- —-..    ---------------------------          -   267




INDEX.                            2235
Page.
Civil disorder, apprehension of ------------------                  302
Civil government, suspension of (see Interregnum)_ --- —--             3
Clayton, Secretary of StateTo Rives, U. S. Minister to France, July 5, 1850 ------ ----------  895
To Messrs. Judd & Jarvis, June 3, 1850 --- —------------------------  894
Claims, British, adjudication of -----------------—. --- —-—. --- — -  926
Claims of Provisional Government submitted to U. S. Secretary of State__ 1245
Classification of each nationality and sex by occupation, table ----------- 1353
Social condition, education, etc., table ------------           1354
Cleghorn, Gov., protest against landing troops --- —--- 567, 1846,1866
Cleveland, Grover, President of United States:
Message relating to the Hawaiian islandsDecember 18, 1893 --- —-      ----------                     1075
December 18,1893 ------   --------------,-                 1253
December 18,1893 --..-.. --- —--------—. —1-9- ------     1959
January 13, 1894 -----------      — 2087
January 20,1894    --------                ----- 2071
January 22, 1894 ----------       — 2079
February 2,1894 ------------------ 2131
February 20, 1894 ----------------------------------------------- 2023
March 7, 1894 --------------------------------------------. 2057
Amnesty, Queen's refusal of -—.  --- -   --     -------        1266
Annexation scheme, Stevens's agency in -----— 1256, 1263
Blount, appointment as special commissioner ---- ------      - 1255
Honolulu, occupation of, by United States forces ------------------— 1263
Mass meeting January 16,1894  ----       ---------          _   1258
Policy of United States -----------  ---- 1264, 1265
Protectorate, establishment of -- -      --      -- 1258
Provisional GovernmentOrganization of   ---------              ------- 1254
Proclamation of..-      -------       --    -------        1260
Queen Liliuokalani, protest of -------    -----  ------     -   1261
restoration of -------   ---------- 1266
surrender of --- —----------------             1265
Territorial extension                                           1253
Territorial extension ---------------------------------------   1253
Troops, U. S., co:peration of in overthrow of monarchy --- —-------- 1259
U. S. marines, landing of ------------- 1259-1260
Climate ----     ------ - -----------   ----------          50,79,239,701
Clipping from New York Mail and Express -------                  -   695
Clothing supply ---------------------------------------             273
Coal and coaling stations. --- —---- 131,360,431,777,778
Cost of, in Honolulu --- —-----------                            778
Nearest mines to Hawaiian Islands --- —---------- 429,775
Vancouver --- —-----------------                                 777
Coal fields, Northwest_    --------                              782,794
Coaling capacity of U. S. cruisers  ----------— 132
Coaling station:
Need of, at Honolulu ----------------------- 360,723,1145
Hawaiian Islands as a --- —-----     ------                       118
Coffee ------— 725,279
Coffee culture                                                       774
Coffee culture --- —--------------------------------------            774
Coffman, Lieut. De Witt, U. S. Navy:
Statement -------------------------------—..- 489,638
Character of Liliuokalani                                    644
Establishment of Provisional Government --- —---------------- 642-643
Landing of U. S. marines for protection of American citizens - 490, 638
Location of U. S. troops -------------------—.- --  - 639,640, 645
McKinley bill and annexation         ------------             638
Sentiment of natives toward Provisional Government ---    -   645
Statement of number of U. S. troops landed and returned to the
Boston, table ------—..     ------------- 1549
Coinage, Hawaiian ------------------        -                       1460
Colburn, J. F., statement.- --------—.. -------—.. ---- 1304, 1332,1439
Commerce ------------------------------------------ 55,776,777
Commercial development of the eastern Pacific -------------------    115
Commissioners, Hawaiian special, Dole to Thurston, February 3, 1893 —  1042




2236                               INDEX.
Commissioner, Special, appointment of Mr. Blount --------------.   388
Paramount, authority of --- —----        --------            399
Commissioners, Hawaiian:
Appointment of --- —-----------------------------                  1028,1205
To Secretary Foster, February 3, 1893 -   --------------               1032
Presenting report of Committee of Safety ----       ------    -    1034
Presenting Queen's proclamation, by authority -------— 1036
Reply to Queen's protest --- —----------------                      1044
Treaty negotiations, 1893 ----------------— 1043
Committee of Safety:
Affidavit of -------------------------------------                - 590-591
Americans on --- —----------                                             741
Appeal to Stevens ---------------------------------— _-,__-_ —. 1309
Appeal for aid of United States forces -----------— 1016,1392
Appointment of -----------------— 448,609-616
Intention of, to depose Queen --- —---------------                       598
Message, to Capt. Wiltse ---------------------                          467
Organization of ----     ------— 8,1322, 1323,1391,1524,1758,1769
Personnel of ----------—.. ------------------— _ 765,1395
Proclamation of, text ----------------------------------—. --- —    - 1017
Report of --------------                ----- 1034,1590
Request to U. S. minister for aid -----      ---------- 1016,1326
Revolutionary proceedings of --—.. --------------             1836-1838
Sugar interests of members ------------— _-__ —______ —         _ 1785,1786
To Mr. Stevens, January 16, 1893.- ---------------------—. --- —--- 1864
Visit to Queen's cabinet ------------------— __ --- —---— ____-____ ---   613
W ork  of ------------—. -------------- —......-.- - ----- —..  448,449
Communication, Hawaiian, with the United States --- —-------               48,74
Comparative value of Hawaii and Cuba as sugar-producing countries ----       783
Compensations ------------------------------—. ---. --- — 930-932
Conference, Cabinet and Committee of Safety ------------— 1774
Queen and cabinet, January 17, 1893 ----------- 1810
Mr. Stevens and Capt. Wiltse --- —----------                    576
Conspiracies --- —--------------------------— 283,312,1478,1833
Conspiracy:
Overthrow the monarchy -.    -------------------- 1833
Of 1892 ----    ----------------— _-              ------                 312
Proposed arrest of leaders. --- —------— ______-                       1839
To force Kalakaua to abdicate --------        -----------              1478
Constitution, Hawaiian:
The first written, 1839-'40 -----— 316
Of 1840, text -------------------------------- - ---  - - --  -  -- — __ _ __ _..  121
Of 1852, article 78 — -------------------------------------- 160,318,1377
Of 1864, text --------------              --- 160-168, 320,1378
Of 1887, promulgated by Kalakaua, text_ -------------             1054-1063
Of 1887 ----------— __                  _                  219, 322,604, 1469
Amendments                          — 1385
Changes attempted by Queen in 1892 --- —------------ 1389
Intention of the Queen to abrogate --- —--- 219, 292,1665, 1849,1982, 1983
Native objection to --- —-- -_  -     -   — __-                  - 1849
Notable features of. --- —---------—. —._   -.. ---__ --- —--------- 1687
Per cent of white voters under -------------        __     _ --- —-- 1688
Qualifications for electors ----------— _ 1656,1748,1817,1818
Queen's objection to signing  --     -1665,1827
plot to overthrow -------        ---   ---     -       _ 292-293
Reluctance of Queen to sign --- —-------........ 1665,1827
Of 1893 (new), draft of -----------            — __  -      -— _ 1855-1864
Attempt of Queen to promulgate --------— 222, 443,
447,520,600,608,697,735,1015,
1322, 1501,1646,1647,1671, 1763
Cabinet, opposition to                  — 1742
Conference between Queen and cabinet ----           ---------       1715
Favorable elements. --- —-------------      -.... --- —..-. --- —--  1822
Petitions, native, for a -------------—......-...... —. —. --- —-  1835




INDEX.                               2237
Constitution, Hawaiian -Continued.
Of 1893-Continued.                                                        Page.
Petitions, native, for a change in --- —------------— 1656
Native sentiment toward -------------------------------               1291
Refusal of ministers to sign --- —------ 222,223,1672,1757,1766
Constitutions, 1864 and 1887, comparison, text --------------------      1612-1625
Constitutional changes in 1887 ---       -----   ----------              1641-1643
Constitutional history, sketch of ----------------------------------------     315
Constitutional rights of King Kalakaua, supreme court of Hawaii on —.- 1095
Constitution of Hawaiian Patriotic League, text --- —---------                 1737
Consular Regulations, U. S.. extract from --- —----------                       436
Contract between foreign laborer and the Hawaiian Government, copy            1789
Contract labor, appropriations for 1874 to 1890, table ------------— 1872
Contract labor system ------------------------------------ 1518,1548,1781,1789
Convention of commerce. (See Treaty, Great Britain and Sandwich Islands, February 12, 1844) ----— 8.7_3_ --- ——....                            873
Coolie convention, instructions in relation to proposed -----------        -  1963
Coolie labor --- —----------------------        --                      668, 952, 953
trade --- —--------------------------------------------------------      953
Corean incident ---------------------------------------------------------      718
Causes for landing of U. S. marines      ---------------— 428
Correspondence in regard to uncompleted treaty of 1854, extracts from
letters ---------------------------------- 1432-1438
Great Britain and U. S., relating to Sandwich Islands, 1854 --- —-----      915
Corporations, Hawaiian, other than sugar plantations ------            - 1918-1944
Cornwell, W. H.:
Affidavit --- —--------------------------— 1440
Statement to Blount -----                                                 1304
Cotton culture ----------------------                                          943
Council, Advisory, of Provisional Government, personnel of --- —-           - 1403
visit to Mr. Blount ----------------------------           582
Coup d'etat of 1864 —....                                      320
Court, Supreme, of the Sandwich Islands --- —------------                       459
since the revolution, 1893 --- —----------                    572
Court-house riot in 1874 ----------------------------------— 1454
Credentials:
Mr. Blount to Hawaiian Government -----------------             1277,1279,2213
Mr. Stevens to Hawaiian Government -----— _ --- —----               - 1100,1143
Hawaiian Special Commissioners to United States --------- 1041
Crisis, Hawaiian, generative causes ------------------ 1722
Crown lands ^ --- —-----—..           -   236,1351,1473,1475,1913,1678,1881,1882
Cruisers, U. S., coal carrying capacity -------------— 132
Cummins, J. A., affidavit -----------------                                   1442
Currency           ----------------------------— _                              54
Customs reports ------------------— 776,777,1125
D.
Daily Pacific Commercial Advertiser, extract from ----         -------         1345
Political developments                                                    1345
Damon, S.M.:
Interview with Commissioner Blount ----- -        -—, ---       -     1313
Native character ---------         ------ 1319
suffrage --------------------                             1318
sentiment on annexation --- —-—.. --- —--------------- 1320
Provisional Government, proclamation ---         -------       - 1313
Stevens's sympathy with the Provisional Government ------ 1314
Surrender of Queen --------------------                           1316
Voting qualifications ------       -   ----    -------      -     1319
Advice to the Queen -----------------— _                               624
Ex-Cabinet Minister, character of --- —-----------                      581
Daniel, Hon. John W., adverse views, minority report Committee on
Foreign Relations -----—. ----                -                               35
Davis, John, Acting Secretary of State, to Mr. Daggett, August 2, 1884__      1973
Davis, Hon. Cushman       K., additional views, report of Committee on
Foreign Relations -----------                                                 33




2238                                  INDEX.
Page.
Day, Dr. Francis R --- —-------------          ------------------                  734
Committee of Safety, Americans on --- —-----------------                       741
Hawaiian flag, lowering of -----------------          -------------------     737
Lottery bill, passage. --- —-----------------     ---------------------      735
Mass meeting January 16,1893 --- —-------------------------------              736
Monarchy, abrogation of -----------------           --------------— 736
New constitution. Queen's attempt to promulgate                               735
Provisional Government, personnel of --- —-------------------                  739
Queen, armed forces of --- —-------------------------------                    738
Queen and Legislature, struggle between ---         --   ------------         735
Stevens's attitude toward Provissional Government --- —--------                738
U. S. S. Boston, departure for Hilo            ---------------------          735
U. S. troops, landing of --- —-----------------------------               736, 742
Wilcox Jones ministry --- —-------------------                                 735
Dead-lock, ministerial, 1892 ----------------           ----- ---------- 1169,1182
Declaration, joint-French Republic and King of Hawaian Islands, 1851             1421
Debt, public -----------------------      -----       -        ------------      1066
De.facto government, what constitutes -------------         -------------    - 15,17
Delamater, Dr. Nicholas B --- —--------------------------                          725
Annexation -----          -----------------------------                       733
Blount, arrival in Honolulu     ------------------------          -           730
conduct of ----------------------------------------------       -    732
"The silent man" --- —---------------------                           730
publications in regard to Americans -----------------------          732
Coffee industry --- —----     ------                                           725
Hawaiian Islands, possibilities of ----------------------------           -   725
Hawaiian Hotel, Royalist influences at --- —------------------------           730
Kaiulani, Princess, education of -----------                  -----------     732
Legislature of 1892, bribery in    ------------------------------             726
Legislature and Queen, conflict between          ---    ---------------       726
Marines, U. S., location in Honolulu --           -----------------------     728
Provisional forces -----       -----------------------------------            729
Provisional Government, recognition by Foreign Representatives__-             729
Queen, address at proroguing of Legislature, 1893 --- —-----------             726
rumors of restoration -------            -------------------          731
Stevens, Minister, political attitude of ------------------       -------     728
Threats of incendiarism --- —----------------------------------------          727
Wilcox-Jones cabinet-                                                         726
Denization, letters patent of ------------------------ 1885 —1887
DenmarkTreaty with Sandwich Islands, 1846 -------         ----        ----           820
Diplomatic relations with Hawaii, principles involved --- —          -----           2
Diseases:
Epidemic      -------------------— 1581
Infectious     --------------                                                1581
Other than leprosy --------------------------------— ' --- —---------           56
Docking facilities of U. S. Navy -------                   ------------           130
Dole, Sanford B., President of Provisional Government:
To Mr. BlountJuly 20, 1893_ --    ------                    -------                  1415
May 9, 1893 ----          ----------                                    1340
To Secretary Foster, January 18, 1893 ---------------------           ----   1027
To President Harrison, February 4, 1893 -----------------            ---     1041
To Admiral Erwin, January 13, 1894 -       ------      - -                   2147
To Mr. Thurston, February 3, 1893_ --      ---       --       --             1042
To Mr. WillisDecember 18, 1893      --   ----------------                            2120
December 23, 1893 --       ------        -------       -       ----     2122
December 27, 1893             ------------        -   ------— 2074
December 29,1893         ---------       --    ----- 2076
January 1, 1894 --     ------         -  ------ 2077
January 18,1894 -----------—. ---       ------------,2052
November 29, 1893 --- —---------------------------              ---      2141
January 11, 1894 -----------                   ----------- 2039
November 29,1893 — --        ----                 -------       ---     2103




INDEX.                               2239
Dole, Sanford B., President of Provisional Government-Continued.          Page.
To Mr. StevensJanuary 17, J893-         --                                       1373
Appeal for support of United States troops --- —------------------      1373
Appointment of Mr. Blount as Special Commissioner --- —----------- 2040
Blount's investigation methods --- —---------- 2041, 2125, 2126
British troops for protection of Legation of Great Britain             2045
Change in commanders of United States forces ---------------------- 2041
Denial of United States right to arbitrate --- —----- ---------    2122-2126
Estates, hereditary transmission of       ------------------             97
Evolution of Hawaiian land tenures ---------------------------      -    92
Extract from bill of rights proclaimed by Kamehameha III -----           99
Feudalism    ----------------    --------------               ------- 94-97
Feudal authority of the old kings ------------------------------------   97
Hawaiian monarchy, retrogressive tendencies -------        ---------- 2127
Irrigation system   --------------------------------------------         94
Japanese troops for protection of Legation of Japan-     -2045
Land commissionersCreation of a board of, 1845 ------       ------— 101
Under Kamehameha I ---------------------      ---                    96
Letter rescinding permission to land United States troops for drilling
purposes, 1893.. --- —------------         2102
Offensive language toward Mr. Blount in " Hawaiian Star " --- —--       1340
President Cleveland's message on restoration -    --------             2074
Provisional Government, refusal to surrender to the Queen ----- 2122-2128
Restoration of monarchyInformation asked                                                  2120
Information requested as to United States policy -------------     2103
Royalist assertion of the -------     -------      -----        - 2044
Social courtesies declined by Minister Willis — --     ---     -       2046
Special Commissioners from Hawaii to United States, appointment -      1027
Specifications concerning letter of December 27, 1893 --------     2039-2047
The Thurston-Gresham interview ----------------------------------- 2040
The Gresham letter of October 18, 1893 --- —----------------         -  2042
Treaty of annexation, withdrawal of --- —---------------------------- 2040
United States interference in Hawaiian domestic affairs --- —-------- 2122
policy of enforcing restoration ----------- 2075
Willis address requesting surrender of Provisional Government ----- 2045
Dole, President Hawaiian GovernmentCharacter of   ---------------------------------------------------- 571,751
Conference with W. S. Bowen ---------           -------------------     671
Interview with Charles F. MacArthur ----       -        -----------      704
Justice Supreme Court, resignation as --- —----------------------        460
Letter to Dr. Trousseau   ----------        --     -------— 514
Letter of criticism of President Cleveland's message -------           2072
Request of, for recognition of Provisional Government --   ----     -   309
Dolph, Hon. J. N., additional views, report of Committee on Foreign
Relations ----------------------------------                               33
Domestic relations of the Kanakas ------------------------------—..       274
Dominis, Governor John 0., death of --------          -------   ---- 1157,1666
Draper, Hon. W. F., member of Congress from Massachusetts:
Remarks --- —----------------------------------------------------        127
Annexation --- —----------------------------------- -------- 135,138
Annexation letters of Secretary Fish, 1873, and U. S. Minister
Pierce, 1881          ----------------      ----------            134
British maritime stations in the Pacific ------------— 128
Coal and coaling stations ----------------------------------   -    131
Coal capacity of United States cruisers                             132
Commercial advantages of Hawaii to the United States -------        127
Development of British commercial policy --- —-------                128
Dry docks, better facilities needed ----------------------------    130
Extract from speech delivered in the U. S. House of Representatives, February 4,1894     ------------------------------------   127
Hawaii as a base of naval supplies --------------------         130,133
Pearl River Harbor concession --     ----------------------------   130
Draper, Herbert L., First Lieut., U. S. Marine Corps, statement -------- 1337
Drunkenness — -     ----------------------------- 1581




2240                      INDEX.
Page
Dry docks, United States ---------- - ---------- --     130
Duties collected, 1888 to 1892, table --- — --------------  1913
Dutton, C. E., Capt., U.S. Army --- — ----- --            79
Agriculture   ----------------------------            86
Characteristics, physical, of the Hawaiian Islands --- --. — -----  79
Climate -------------              -------            79
Compulsory education ----  ------------                91
Government --- —---------                          -   90
Kamehameha I --- —--------------— 88
Missionaries, first landing of --- —----------------   88
Native races -------------          -------           84
Natives at the discovery of the islands by Capt. Cook ------- -  85
Population, decrease in -.. --- —---------------------  89
Scenery -----      ---    --     -------              80
Temperature ------                               -    79
The Hawaiian Islands and people ---------— 79
Volcanoes ----.. ----.-   -      -..                    81
Volcanic origin of the islands -- ----------—. ----........ ---- -  80
E.
Earthquakes      --------------- --   ----— 51
Education:
Compulsory   ----------------------------- -.    91,248, 271
Schools --- —---  ---------------------------------------  182,272
Native ----    --------------------------------   178,211,507
1890 to 1892 -------------------------------         323
Young.chiefs, 1840 to 1845 ------------- ---— 150
Ehlers, P. F. A., affidavit. ---.. ------------------------------  593
Electors, property qualifications -- ------— 1637-1640,1688
Elections:.
Methods of contesting ----- ----------- -            462
White influences in --- -----   --------            1820
Of 1886. --- —--------- ------------                1462
Emmerson, Rev. Oliver P.:
Statement ---------------------  ---------------     173
Annexation. ---- -.    ----------- ------------   197
Chinese, how employed.. --- —---- -, --- —---—.-  193
Education, native ------------ ---------------------------  178
Education and schools --------------              182
Gambling, prevalence of ----------------------    190
Hawaiian intermarriage with other races --—.- -----------  193
Heathenism ------------------ -------------------------- -  195
Intelligence of natives -- ---------—. --- —--------....  179
Kahunas ---     -----        ----                 180
Lottery bill --------             -------      -  190
Mass meeting of January 16,1893 —. --- ----------- -..-..-  184
Native homes, moral tone of --------------- -.. — 181
Native Hawaiian character ----- --    ---      -  179
Native women, immorality of ---- --    ---    -   181
Opium smuggling --------           -----          177
Portuguese in HawaiiCharacter of ---                                191
Religion of --- —---- -   --     -----          191
Voters  ----------            ------           192
Revolution --- —-------- ---              174,182,189,196
Troops, United StatesLanding of ----------------- ---------------------- 185
Location in Honolulu --- —-------- --           186
Troops, Queen's, strength of -------------- ------------ -  186
Emmeluth, John, member of Committee of Safety, affidavit ---- ------ 454
England:
Demands in 1842 ----    ------— 800.1182
Influences for the Queen ---------—.                994
Influence in the islands in 1863 ------- -- -----    942
Intrigues against Provisional Government         1219,1221
Encroachments in early times -                    799,800




INDEX.                                 2241
England-Continued.                                                            Page.
Naval stations on the Pacific coast --- —-----—. --- —-------------—.      793
Objection to American influences --- —------------       ---------- 899,1218
Seizure of the islands, disavowal of         -     ------------------ 866, 923
Equal rights, native demand for --- —---------------.. --- —----- 1726
Estates:
Administration of --- —----------------------------------------             224
Bernice Pauhi Bishop --- —--------------                                   1882
Hereditary transmission of ---------          ----------------------        97
Evarts, Wm. M., Secretary of State:
To Mr. Comly, November 13, 1880 --- —--------------------------             976
Liquor traffi --- —---------------------                                    976
Everett, Edward:
To Secretary of State WebsterJuly 1, 1842 --- —------------------------------                        916
March 28, 1843 ------------------------— 919
To Secretary LegareJune 1, 1843 ------------------------------                            919
June 3, 1843 -------------------------------                           920
June 14, 1843 -------------------------------------------------        922
July 1 1843 --- —--------------------------------------------           924
To Secretary UpshurAugust 15, 1843 --- —------------------------------------------         925
August 28, 1843 --- —-------------------                                926
To Secretary NelsonApril 21, 1844 --------------     --------------------------------     927
Adjudication of British claims-                                            926
British recognition of Hawaiian independence, 1843 --------------          925
British claims. --- —---------------------------------—. --- —--..926
French recognition of Hawaiian independence, 1843 --- —-------              927
Provisional cession of Hawaiian Islands in 1843 --- —----         -------   919
Evolution, political, of Hawaii ---------------------------                    496
Evolution of Hawaiian land tenures                                              92
Expenditures, annual, other than school --- —-------------------------          272
Exports --- —--------------------------------------- 1071,1072
Hawaiian, value, to United States --- —-----------       ----------------   105
Extracts fromArticle published in Harper's Magazine, September, 1883 ------             138
Bill of rights proclaimed by Kamehameha III                                 99
Hawaiian newspapers, January, 1893-Establishment of Provisional
Government                                                              1203
Hawaiian newspapers-Report of Committee of Safety -----              1015-1026
History of Hawaiian Islands, 1846       -   ---------------------------    141
History of provisional cession of the islands to Great Britain --- —---     149
Journal of Dr. Judd, minister to Kamehameha III                            149
Message of President Lincoln, February 5, 1864 ------------------- 803,944
New York Mail and Express ---------------------------------------          695
Pacific Commercial Advertiser, anniversary celebration of Provisional Government            ----------------------------------- 2024-2038
Pacific Commercial Advertiser on political developments --- —------ 1345
Records of U. S. legation in Honolulu ------------------------------- 1337
Remarks of Mr. Draper in U.S. House of Representatives,February,1894       127
U. S. Consular Regulations --- —----------------------------------          436
U. S. naval rules, regulations, etc -----------------------------------    434
F.
Feudalism --- -----             -------    ------------------------ 85,94-97
Filibusters --- —-------------------        -----------        -------------- 1416
Finance ---     -------------    --       ------------                          54
Financial depression, causes                   ------------------------        398
Fisher, J. H., captain Honolulu Rifles, affidavit ----------------------       593
Fisheries                                                                      518
Fisheries ---------------------------------------------------------------      518
Flag, United States:
Blount's removal of ------— 437,590,797,1280,2171
Capt. Wiltse to Mr. Swinburne, February 1,1893- 2170
Hauling down of                                               25, 305,1282; 1869
Hauling down of_______ --- —----------------------------- 25,305,1282'1869
Hoisting of --- —-----------                                       340,2170,472
National salute to -------------------------                            -  473
S. Rep. 227       141




ZZ4'                               INDEX.
Flag, United States —Continued.                                           Page.
Purpose of the removal ----------------                             401,402
Flags, American and Hawaiian ----------          ---------— _               798
Food  supply  ----—. --- —--------—. --- —........ --- —— _....... 276,517,648
Forests, protection of                      — 265
Foreign element in Hawaii -----------------                   497-498,1348,1632
Foreign residents qualified to vote, per cent of -------—. --- —--....__ 1944
Forces, Queen s, strength of, civil and military -—. --- —— _.. _..... --- -  186
Foster, John W., Secretary of State:
To President HarrisonFebruary 6,1893     ----------..    ----------------   -         811
February 15, 1893 -------------------------—. 813, 1006
To Mr. StevensSeptember 29, 1892. --- —-----------—. --- —-------— __.__.. _ 1169, 1986
No. 61, November 5, 1892 -----------------------------             1183
No. 62, November 8, 1892 -----------------------—. ----_.     1184, 1986
No. 65, December 1, 1892 ---------------              __     _     1193
No. 68, December 23,1892      -------------                        1193
No. 67, December 23, 1892 ---------------                          1193
January 28, i893 13 --- —---—, --- —--------        -— __ - -— ____  1207, 1987
No. 70, February 1, 1893 ----------------—.. --- —-__. -. ---.-_.._ 1208
No. 71, February 11. 1893 -------      --------    --     _   1048, 1987
February 14, 1893 -------------------------—. --- —-. ---- 1214, 1989, 2202
February 15, 1893 ----------------------------— _ 1215, 1990
No. 72, February 16, 1893 --------------—.. --- —-----—.-.._ 1215, 1991
No. 73, February 16, 1893 --- —--       -----------            1215, 1991
February 22, 1893 ------------------------— _                 1216, 1992
Annexation ---------------------------------— 813
ProtectorateDisavowal of -------        -----— 10-50, 1214, 1987, 1989
Establishment of ---------------------— _ 1008
Provisional Government, recognition of --- —          - 1029, 1207, 1987, 2202
United States troops, landing of -------       ----------— 1007
Fox to Secretary Upshur, June 25, 1843 --------------—. --- —— _-_-_.___,  923
France, declaration relative to independence of the Sandwich Islands -      872
treaty with Sandwich Islands, 1839 --- —---------                845,846
treaty with Sandwich Islands, 1846 ------      --------    -        876
Freight rates, sugar  ----   --------    ----------— 109
Frelinghuysen, Fred'k T., Secretary of State:
To Mr. ComlyMay 31, 1882 --- —-------------------------------------             1970
June 2,1882 --------------------------— 1971
To Mr. DaggettFebruary 2,1884 -------------------------------------         -    1972
March 2, 1883 --- —---------------   ----------                     1972
May 5,1883 --- —---------------------                               1972
October 23,1882 ---------        -    ---------— _-' 1971
Coronation of King Kalakaua ----    ---------------------------—....  1972
Death of Princess Kekaulike. --- —---------------                      1972
Taxation ---------------------— 1970
France:
Claims in 1849    --------     ----------------                   1113,1115
Demands in 1842 -----------------------------------------           -   800
Encroachments in early times ------------------     ---— _-_. 799, 800,897
Policy toward Hawaiian Islands ------------------                       912
Recognition of Hawaiian independence --- —---------------------          927
Seizure of Hawaiian Islands -------- 878,880, 881,882, 884, 894,905
Seizure, protest against -------------------------------—. ---_-____  883,884
Fruits ----— 2 --- —------------------------— 6 --- —--------                 266
Frye, Hon. William P., additional views, report of Committee on Foreign
Relations --------------------------------------                           33
G.
Gambling, prevalence of ------------------— 190
Gardens, market ---------------------------— _ —_ ---                        280
German consul, resignation from the Committee of Safety --- —-       --     1772
Gibson administration --- —---------------                             1462,1796




INDEX.                                2243
Page.
Gibson cabinet, 1878 --- —----------------------------------------------— 1564
Goldsborough, paymaster U. S. N., to Secretary of Navy, August 9, 1889 -Unsuccessful revolution ------—.. --- —----------------------------- 2173
Government, Hawaiian ---------------------------— 54, 90
Hospitals --- —---------------------------------------------------         274
Lands     -----------------— 13(60,1493,1678,1913
Military force essential in --- —-----    ------------------------     481,482
Organization of, 1845 and 1817 --- —---------------------------------      317
Provisional:
Ability for self-support --- —------------------------------- 357,369, 675
Armed forces of --- —--------------------------------------------      589
Character of members --- —---------------------      370, 667,739, 487,1016
Credentials presented to --- —--                                       391
Establishment of, aid of U. S. troops --- —------------      ----- 642, 643
Organization of -------------------------------------     -   585,620,623
Personnel of ---------------      ------------------------------ 739,788
Proclamation of                                          582, 577-580, 655
Recognition from foreign consulates, text of letters --------- 743-750
Recognition of --- —------      -------------------------------        446
Recognition by foreign ministers —       ---------------          626, 729
Sentiment of natives as to --- —-------------------------------- 304-305
Visit of Queen's cabinet to ---------------------------------— _ 627-628
Grant, U. S., President, message transmitting a dispatch from Minister
Pierce on annexation of Hawaii ---------------------------------            824
Gray, Hon. George, adverse views, minority report Committee on Foreign
Relations -----------------------— 35
Grazing, cattle, stock, etc --- —-----------------                             276
Great Britain. (See also England and British.)
Declaration relative to independence of Sandwich Islands, 1843 --- —-      872
Demands of ------------------------------------------------------- 800,916
Recognition of Hawaiian independence -------        ----------------      925
Seizure of the Islands ------------------------— 916
Treaty with Sandwich Islands, 1836 --- —----------------------------       845
1844 --- —-—... --- —--   -----  -----   873
1852 --- —-------    --       ---         829
Green, W. L., to Pierce, February 21, 1874 --- —-------------------------      971
Green, J. G., Commander, U. S. N., to Secretary of Navy, August 6,1889-_     2172
Green-Carter ministry --------------------------------------------           1457
Gregg, U. S. minister:
To Secretary MarcyJuly 26, 1854, letter 48-931
July 26, 1854, letter 48 ------------------------------------------   931
No. 51, August 7, 1854 --- —------      -------------------------      932
No. 52, September 15, 1854 --- —--------------------------------       933
No. 54, October 2,1854       -------------------------------------    937
No. 61, December 19,1854 ---------------------------------------      939
No. 64, December 29,1854 --- —-------------------------------          940
Accession of King Kamehameha IV ----------------------------------        939
Annexation, British opposition to --- —--------------------------          937
Annexation or revolution --- —-------------------------------------        931
Annexation negotiations -          -----------— 932,933
Compensation -------------------------------------------------        931,933
Death of King Kamehameha III --- —------------------------------           939
Gresham, W. Q., Secretary of State:
To the PresidentOctober 18, 1893 --- —---         ---------------------------- 1267-1271
December 18,1893 --- —---------         -------------------------- 1959
February 2,1894 --- —--------------------------------------       -- 2131
February 19,1894 --- —----------------------------------------- 2024
March 7,1894 --- —----------------------------------------------      2057
To Mr. BlountMarch 11,1893 ---------------------------        --        ----   - 1993
May 22,1893 --- —---------                    --------   ----- 1996.1997
June 23,1893 --- —------------------           ------------------     1238
July 23,1893.                          1997
JulyTo Mr. Severance, Marc --- —-------— h, 893 -------------- 1278 --- —-------------------
To Mr. Severance, March 11, 1893 --- —---------. --- —------------ 1278
*b




2244                                 INDEX.
Gresham, W. Q., Secretary of State-Continued.                                Page.
To Mr. StevensMarch 10, 1893 --- —---------------------                              1223
March 11, 1893 --- —---         ----------------- -1995
April 18,1893 --- —-----------------------------                       1228
April 25,1893 --- —---------------------------------— 1996
May 4, 1893 --- —-------------------------------------                 1228
To Mr. WillisOctober 18, 1893 -----------------                               1271,1997
November 24, 1893 -------------------------                      1272, 1999
December 3, 1893 ---------------------------        -       -- 1245,1999
January 12, 1894 -----------------------------------------------      2129
February 8, 1894 --- —-------------------------------------------- 2135
Amnesty a condition to restoration of the Queen --- —------ 172,1273,1999
Blount, appointment as commissioner paramount --- —------ 1278, 1993, 1995
credentials of --- —------------------------------------------ 1277
Hawaiian monarchy, overthrow of --- —------------                     1267-1271
Instructions toMr. Blount_ ---. 1993
Mr. Willis --------------.      ----------------------------- 1999
Mr. Willis in relation to restoration of the Queen ---------- 1997,1999
Mr. Stevens-Blounts paramount authority -----------                    399
Policy of United States --- —----    ---------------                       1271
Restoration of the Queen:
Conditions of --- —-----------------------           - 1245,1272,1997,1999
The Thurston interview on --- —--------------------------------- 2135
Resignation of Mr. Stevens accepted --------------                   1228,1996
Gulick, Charles T., notary public:
Interview --- —-------------------—. --- —------------                     1550
Annexation scheme, --- —------------------------------             - 1571
Arrival of Catholic missionaries in 1830 -----------— 1555
Arrival of Puritan missionaries in 1820 ------— 1553
Chinese and Japanese labor importation ----------------— 1565
Election of Kalakaua in 1874 ----------------— 1559
Gibson cabinet of 1878 -----------------------------------— _         1564
Honolulu as a commercial port in 1874 -----------— 1559
Landing of U. S. troops ------------------------------—... ___       1551
Missionary influence in early government of Hawaii ----            - 1555
Missionary party, 1874 --- —--------------- --------                   1560
Organization of the Honolulu Rifles -----       --------— 567
Queen-Wilson scandal ------— _ --- —--------— __      -________.-     1551
Reciprocity treaty of 1875 --- —------------------------------         1562
Statement, "A footnote of Hawaiian history "                          1553
Stevens's agency in the overthrow of the monarchy --- —------- 1625
Stevens's connection with annexation scheme ---------— 1574
Surrender of monarchy --------------— 1576
Wilcox revolution, 1889.. --- —-------------------------— _.. 1571
II.
Hale Naua, alias Temple of Science --- —------------------------------- 1466
Harmony, D. B., Acting Secretary of Navy to Admiral Kimberly November 11, 1887 -------------------------------------                 2009,2157
Pearl River Harbor examination ----------------— 2009
Hartwell, Judge A. S., denial of statement of Dr. Trousseau --- —-           - 515
Hassenger, J. A., Chief Clerk ------------------— 1884
Certificates:
Letters patent of denization --- —-------------------. 1885-'86-'87
Oath of citizen or resident ------------------—. --- —---          - 1884
Oath of Government officer ------—. --- —-----—. --- —---—. ---- 1884
Record of naturalization --- —--------------- 1885
Harrison, Benjamin, President United States:
Message relating to uncompleted treaty with Hawaiian Islands, February 4, 1893_ --- —-----------------------                               811
Message transmitting a treaty of annexation between the United
States and Provisional Government of Hawaiian Islands, February
16, 1893 —. --- —-....... --- —..     —....- 1005




INDEX.                                 2245
Harrison, Benjamin, President United States-Continued.                       Page.
Message relating to Hawaiian Islands, February 17, 1893 --- —--------       813
To S. B. Dole, President of Provisional Government, text --- —------- 1220
Annexation or protectorate --------------------------------------         1006
Policy of United States --- —-----------------------------------------     1005
Revolutionary policy of the Queen ----------------------        ----      1005
Hawaii:
American relations with, since 1837 --------------------------------       799
As a naval base of supplies ---------------------------------------- 130,133
Civilization         --------------     -----------------— 267,275
Commercial advantages of, to United States ----------------------          127
Decrease in native population --- —-------------           --------        1969
Domestic relations --------          -----------              ----  --     274
Exports --- —---------       ------------------------- 105,1071
"Hawaii and our future sea power " -------------------..            113
"Hawaii for heH   awaiawaiians "                                          1796
Island of --- —-------------------------------------------------------       62
cities, towns, ports --- —-----------------------------------      64
Object of Mr. Blount's mission to --------------—. --- —---------------    387
Party feeling in --- —---------------------------------------------- 389,673
Political parties of --- —----------------------------------------- 677,1819
Political evolution of --- —-------------------------------------------     496
Population of --- —-------------------------------------------------- 1124
Relation between United States and ---------          -.. --- —---   --- 21, 783
Report of collector of customs, 1890 --------------------------------- 1125
"The strategic key to the Pacific"                                         700
Hawaiians:
Ability for self-government -------------------------         ---   - 512,1514
"A dying race"                                                             698
As seamen ---------------------------------------                          281
Intermarriages ---------------       ----------                            193
Vices -------------------------------------------------                    153
"Why are they dying out?" __. —          -     -----                     1577
Hawaiian coinage -------------------------------------------------------      1460
Hawaiian Commlissioners to Secret ry Webster, December 14, 1842 --- —-          849
Hawaiian Daily Bulletin, May 16, 1893, Mr. Blount's instructions, extract_ 1344
Hawaiian history:
"Two Weeks of, a Brief Sketch of the Revolution of 1893" --------- 1585
"A Footnote of" --------------------------------- 1553
"An Unpublished Chapter"                                                   138
"Chronological Table of Notable Events " -----------— 155
"Memoranda and Reminiscences of Incidents " --- —---                -----   799
Hawaiian Government lands ------          ---        --- 1360,1493-1495.1678,1913
Hawaiian Government:
Organization of in 1845 ----------------------. -----—. ---. --- —-. — _   317
Hawaiian Hotel, royalist influences at --- —---------------------------- 559, 730
Hawaiian independence:
British recognition -------------------------    ------   ---              927
French recognition ------------------— 927
Preservation of ----------------------- 908, 911,924
Hawaiian Islands:
Advantages as a coaling station --- —-------------------------- 118, 431, 780
in sugar producing --------------------------------           783
Area and population -----— 49, 53, 89,497,697,803, 944, 1124,1347,1363,1408
British seizure -— 817,853
Buiness status --------------------------— 1002
Capacity for supporting population ---------------                     -   200
Census, 1890 --------------------- 1347,1352,1404
Characteristics, individual, of --- —----------------------               57,79
Commercial advantages --- —------------ 169, 431,783, 998
Communications of --------— __-___         --------   -                  48,74
Corporations other than sugar plantations ----------------------- 1918-1944
Declaration of Great Britain relative to the independence, 1843 ---        872
France relative to independence of, 1843 -----          -   872
Decrease in native population                                             1969
Dependencies ----------------— _-     ----—.........    ---—..-       1047




2246                                  INDEX.
Hawaiian Islands-Continued.                                                    Page.
Early attempts to seize -----------          -------------------------- 1723
Extract from the history of --- —-------------------------                   141
First line of steamships between the United States and --- —---------        775
Geographical position -------------------------— 48
Government of --- —---------------------------- 50,90,999
Importance to United States ------------------------------------------ 116,
169,700,788,803,806,902,921, 998, 1159, 1973
Land tenures -----     -------------------------------------------- 1297
Liabilities to United States ---------------                            -   106
Location of --- —------------------------------------------- ---------        48
Maritime advantages of --- —--------------------------------------- 781,803
Military value ------------------- 788, 806
Naval importance ------------------------------------                       998
Nearest coal mines-                                                         775
Official relations with United States since 1820 --     ------        - 816-836
People ------------------------      -----------------                        79
Physical dimensions                        — 79, 997
Policy of United States toward -------           ------------ 2, 19,
20, 103, 136, 137, 868, 877, 907, 918, 930,1003,
1005, 1264, 1265, 1271, 1975, 2075, 2103, 2120
Possibilities of --- —-       ---------------------                          725
President Lincoln on --------------------------------------------—.         803
Provisional cession to England --- —------- 138,144,149,159, 857,860,865,919
Report of the physical features, supplies, climate, diseases, etc ------     47
Restoration of independence, 1843 --------          ---------               863
Review of relations with United States ---             --- 1965
Sketch of constitutional history --------------                             315
Sketch of the official relations of United States with since 1820 --- 816-836
Social and political conditions ---------------—. --- —---             996, 1182
Statistics -------------                                              1064-1073
Strategic value --- —---          ------ 116, 117, 118, 700, 701,804,806
Sugar plantation corporations --------------------------------------- 1890
U. S. naval depot in ----------------       ---                              945
U. S. naval forces in ------------------- 2137
Value as a commercial center --- —----------------                            169
Hawaiian justice -------------       — __.__-____-_________ -.-_.               692
Hawaiian Legislature.     (See "Legislature.")
Hawaiian monarchy:
Cooperation of U. S. troops in the overthrow of                             1259
Overthrow of ----------------------                    453,1193, 1267-1271-1513
A missionary project ---------------------------- 1676
Stevens's agency in ----------------—. -------—. 1730,1833
Restoration under an American protectorate ------------                      17
Retrogressive tendencies ------------—..   ----— _ ---- 2127
Hawaiian Kingdom, review of relations with United States --- —--------- 1967
Hawaiian native character..           -..___.___         179,
211,238,268,364,647,786,1319,
1520,1536,1633, 1648,1684,1686
Hawaiian native women, immorality of                                       181, 1649
Hawaiian Patriotic League:
Statement ----------------------------------------                      -  1719
American capital in the Hawaiian Islands ----         ------        - 1729
Annexation, protest against --- —---           ------— _                1736
Arrest of members ------------— __-                        ____     - 1485
Census of 1890, statistics ---------—. --- —--—,             --   -       1728
Constitution of, text -------         -----— 1737-1739
Hawaiian Islands, early attempts to seize ------       ---    -----    1723
Mass meeting January 16, 1893 -       -        ---- 1732
Memorial on the Hawaiian crisis ------          ---------- 1722
Monarchy, Stevens's agency in overthrow ---           ------       -- 1730
Native demand for equal rights -------          --------          ---  1726
Provisional Government, administration-                                1720
business depression under --- —---           1721
organization of ---------------------.        1481
petition to the President of the United
States --- —--------                  2080-2084
Provisional troops, organization of ---------—.. --- 1734




INDEX.                                 2247
Hawaiian Patriotic League-Continued.                                           Page.
Statement-Continued.
Queen, dethronement of --- —------          ------------------------ 1719
Reciprocity treaty of 1876 ---------------------------------        - 1725
Reform party, divisions in ----         -------------------             1728
Revolutions of 1887 --- —--------                                       1725
Sugar culture --------------------------                               1724
Wilcox insurrection --- —--------------------------------------- 1726
Wiltse, Capt., annexation boasts of --- —---------- 1731
Hawaiian Political Association, statement --- —-----          --------------- 1291
Hawaiian real and personal property -----------------------------------        1064
Hawaiian Star, extract:
Blount's instructions _-  ------------------------------- 1343
Deportation of the Queen --- —----------------------------------- 1338,1339
Provisional legislation                                                    1311
Poiin   -i --- —---------------------------------------
Hayselden, Fred. H., interview                                                 1628
Heathenism -_     ___..__-                ---------------------                 195
Herbert, Hilary A., Secretary of Navy:
To Admiral SkerrettMarch 11, 1893     -------------------------------- 401, 2019,2138,2167
April 8, 1893 -------------       ---------------------------     2021, 2167
September 27,1893 --- —----------------------------------- 2021,2168
October 9, 1893 -------------      ---------------------------- 2021, 2169
To Admiral Irwin, October 10, 1893 --- —----------------------- 2021,2169
To Pay Inspector Lyons, August 16, 1893 ------------------------ 2020, 2168
To Commander-in-chief Pacific Station, August 18, 1.893 ------------ 2020
Naval correspondence -------------------                                   2153
To Skerrett, obedience to instructions of Commissioner Blount -----        2138
Protection of British subjects -----------------------       ------  ---- 2168
Protection of American interests ------           --------------- 2168
United States naval forces in Hawaiian Islands      ------    ----------- 2137
United States naval policy ---—..-    ------------------------------- 2139
Hobbs, Goodwin I., paymaster U. S. Navy --- —-------          ----------------   363
Honolulu society --- —-------                                                371
Natives, character of          -        -----------------    ------------   364
Provisional Government, personnel of --- —--------             -----------   370
stability of -----------------— 269
Race feeling --- —------------------------------- --                         371
Troops, United States, landing of --- —----------                  -------   368
comparison of purpose, 1874 to 1893      372
Wilcox Cabinet, personnel of --- —-------------------------                  365
Hoes, Roswell Randall, chaplain U. S. Navy --- —----------------------           742
Annexation sentiment --------------                                         766
Committee of Safety, personnel of --- —---------------------------           765
Dole, President; character of-........................... --- —-----  751
Incendiarism, fears of ----------------------------------------------       754
Incendiarism, fears of..                                    754
Interview with native members of Hawaiian legislature -------— *-.         758
Kalakaua, King, career of --- —---------------------------------             758
Legislature of 1892, bribery in --- —----------------..   -   751
Lottery bill, copy of text --- —--------------                               761
passage of --- —------------------------------------            752
Mass meetings, call for --- —----------------------                      -   753
Provisional Government:
Ability for self-support. --- —-------------------------------          765
British recognition of --- —-----------------                            750
Call for arms ---------------------------------------------------       756
Letters of recognition from foreign consulates --- —---------- 743-750
Queen, proclamation dethroning.. --- —       --------                 755
Stevens, character of. --- —---------------------                           765
Thurston and annexation _ —      ----------------------------------         766
Troops, United States, landing of ----------------------                    757
Wilcox, R. M., interview with -      ---          ----                      759
Holidays, American, celebration of        -----------------        ----------   509
Homes, native ----------------------------------- 181, 236
Honolulu:
Island of Oahu _ ---   --   -------------                          -------    4 58
Coaling station -------------                                          791,1145
Commercial port in 1874 --- —----------------           ----------------- 1559




2248                              INDEX.
Honolulu-Continued.                                                   Page.
Distance from United States ------------------— 78
Expense of fortifying ---------------— 22
Harbor -----------------------------— 433,711
Harbor, possibilities of fortification ------- ---------      -     433
Map of ------------------------— 810
Nearest coal mines -----------------                                429
Newspapers of ------------                                          546
Occupation by U. S. forces --------------------------------     - 1263
Political situation prior to sailing of the Boston for Hilo --- --   463
Society-                                                357,358,371,667
Honolnlu Bay, fortification of --- —--------------                   711,789
Honolulu Rifes ----—. —  -----------------                    603,611,1567
Hooper,C. L., Capt. U. S. Revenue Marine, lowering American flag_ 1282,1869
Hooper, William, to Secretary Webster:
March 7, 1843 --     --------------------------                     853
March 11, 1843 -   ----------        ----   ----------              861
August 15,1843_ ----------------                                    863
Hopkins, Charles L., affidavits --------------— 1331,1443
Hospitals, Government ----------------             --------— 274
House of Nobles, abolished 1887. --- —---------- ------                242
Household Guards (see Queen's troops), strength of ---- -----       - 1448
Houston, E. S., Commander, U. S. Navy, letter to Senator Gray; strategic
value of Hawaiian Islands ----------—.                               808
Hui Kalaiaina (see Hawaiian Political Association) -----------—. --- —.- 1291
Hunt, William H., Secretary of Navy, to Admiral G. B. Balch, December 2, 1881 --- —-----------------------                              2152
Hyde, C. M., principal of North Pacific Missionary Institute ------------ 1629
Annexation -----       -------------— 1635
Aki opium scandal --- —---------------                              1631
Foreign element in Hawaii ---------------— 1632
Hawaiian native character ---------------------   --               1633
Language --- —--------------------------------— _ 1633
Missionary influences --------------------—. ---___________     _ 1630
Revolution of 1887 ---------------—. --- —-----                    1632
Social conditions --- —-------------------------— 1633
Hygienic instruction -------------------------— 1584
I.
Idolatry                                                               1582
Immigration, moneys expended for --------       — _________ 1947
Imports (table) --------------------------— _ 1070
Imports and exports:
By countries (table) ---------------------— _                      1072
Annual value of (table) --- —    -------  --------      -  __       1072
Incendiarism, fears of-                                             754-755
Incendiary talk -------------------                     _              1325
speeches -------------               --                      584
Industries. --- —----------------------- ----------------— _ --- —----    55
Instructions:
Confidential, Admiral Brown to Capt. Wiltse -----—. --- —----------  334
Special, to diplomatic and naval officers                            21
To Mr. Blount as special commissioner, published in newspapers in
Honolulu. ---------------                ---------     --      -  392
To Mr. Blount as special commissioner --    -   -----------     - 1375
Extract from, of February 21, 1854 ----—. --- —---------------—..   1423
Insane asylum -------------------— 275
Insurrection of 1889 ----------------------------      284-285, 834,1097, 1478
Failure of --------------------                                    1092
Landing of U. S. Marines   -----------------------                 1090
Leaders of -------------- 1103,2181
InsurrectionRumors of -----------------                  _-                 - 1164
Wilcox ---------------------—.. --- —------—. --- —-             - 1726
Intelligence of native Hawaiians —     -       --                       179




INDEX.                            2249
Interference by United States:                                       Page.
in domestic policy of Hawaii ----    ----------------              3, 21
Causes of                                                      3, 21, 35
Intermarriage, Hawaiian with other races --------------.        193
Interregnum --- 3, 578, 540, 592
Causes of --- —------------------- ----------------------             3
Duration of -------------     -     ----------------------------     4
Interview of Japanese interpreter with captain of Japanese ship Kongo__ 1226
Interview with J. W. Kalua, president of the Annexation Club, and
others ------— __ --- —---— _ --- —--------------        -----------  1654
Interview between Hawaiian Patriotic League and Mr. Blount ----     - 1333
Intrigues during Lunalillo's reign --- —------------------------------ 1453,1794
Investigation:
Mr. Blount's methods of conducting ---.- 389, 411, 412, 413,452,561, 2041, 2125
Irrigation systems --------------------------------------------------   9
Irwin, Admiral:
To President Dole, January 16, 1894 --------       --------    - 2147
To Secretary HerbertNovember 10, 1893 —3                 -2220
November 13, 1893. --- —------------- 2220
November 14. 1893 --- —-----------              -2 2220
November 15, 1.8 —)3-      ------------------                 2221
November 16. 1893 ------------------------                  - 2221
December 4, 1893 ----------------                             2221
December 23, 1893 ----------------- 2145
Decelnber 26, 1893 -----------------------— 2145
January 2, 1894                         -2145
To Secretary of NavyJanuary 3, 1894 ----------------— 2146
January 11, 1894 ----------------           ----—. 2146
January 19, 1894 -----    ------------ 2149
February 2, 1891 -------------------------- 2150
December 4, 1893 ------------------ 2141
December 9, 1893 -------------------— 2144
Dicember 14. 1893 ---   -. --- —-----      --------- 2144
January 2, 1894 --- —--—. --- —----- --        -                2084
January 3, 1894 ---------------------------—.... -- -2085
To Mr. WillisNovember 29, 1893 --------------------                        2141
January 13, 1894 ---------------— 2147
January 16, 1894 -----------------------                    - 2147
January 15, 1894 ------------------------— 2148
Hawaiian islands, maritime value of-                               781
Official calls  ---------------------------------—. ----. --- —-- —.- --  2220
Political situation in Honolulu --------— _   _      ------     - 2141
Provisional Government, preparation for defense   -----   ----    2221
troops under arms                          2221
Restoration of Queen -------------------—. --- —------------    - 2084
J.
Japanese:
Ambitions in Hawaiian affairs --- —---------------------------------- 1224
Commissioner, interview with --- —- -------------                  1225
Exclusion of, from suffragee ----------------— _-                   21
Interests in Hawaiian affairs --------    ----------- 1225
Laborers:
Character of -------------------                              1805
Characteristics -------------                                  482
Labor importation ---------------------—. --- —----------------   1565
Minister:
Interview with -------------------------                       554
On Japanese suffrage  ------------------------------------------  553
Suffrage question, importance of -------------- —. ---. — --- 1488,2093
Voters                                                         21,1807
Warship, withdrawal of —        -------------------------         1377




2250                                 INDEX.
Page.
Jarves, James Jackson, historian ---------------------------------------       141
Advancement in moral sentiment of natives --- —----             ---------   152
Chief vices of Hawaiians, 1846 --- —----     -------------------      ---   153
Extract from History of the Hawaiian Islands, 1846 --- —--                  141
Extract from journal of Dr. Judd, minister to Kamehameha III.....         149
Extract from    journal of 1843, provisional cessions of islands to
England --- —---------------------        ---------------------------     149
General revision of the laws in 1840    ------------------------------     143
Letter to Secretary Clayton, May 30,1850 --- —-----------------------       894
Mission influences ----       --------------------------------------       141
Paulet incident -_        _    --------------    ----------------------    144
Protest of Kamehameha III against demands of Lord Paulet --------          146
Resolutions from missionary minutes of 1838 --- —-----------------          142
School for education of young chiefs, 1840 --- —--                          150
Jaukea, C. P., to Mr. Blount, June 21, 1893-Appropriation of Legislature
of 1887 for permanent public improvement --      ---------------------- 1917
Jewell, Theo. F., Commander U. S. Navy:
Testimony --- —----------                                                   418
Blount, flag order --------------------------------------              437
Consular Regulations of 1888, extracts from --     ------    --    435, 436
Corean incident, landing of troops --- —---        -----   --    ----   428
Hawaiian Islands —
Commercial advantages of --- —------------------         --     431, 432
Coaling station --- —--------------                                 431
Nearest coal beds to --- —-------------------                   429, 430
Strategic value of --- —--------------------------------------      432
Honolulu, harbor of --- —---------------------------------------        433
Honolulu Harbor fortifications ------         -------—. --- —-----     433
Kalakaua, election of --- —---------------------------------------      422
Naval relations with diplomatic representatives in foreign ports - 435,436
Naval regulations, rules and orders of 1893, extracts from --- —---     434
Revolution of 1874, landing of the United States troops --------       419
Revolution, American interference in -----        --------             426
Special instructions of Secretary Gresham to Col. Blount, extract
from ------------------------------------------------        -       437
United States naval forces in riot of 1874 ------— _ --- —----------    420
United States naval officers, responsibility of, concerning orders
given by civil officers (see Naval Regulations) ------ 429, 435, 436, 437
United States troopsPanama in 1872                                                     427
Riot at Honolulu in 1874 ----------           --------             424
Landing of-Capt. Wiltse to Lieut. Commander Swinburne _            438
Request to land-Minister Stevens to Capt. Wiltse --- —--            437
Johnson, A., President United States:
Annexation ---------------------       ----—.......... --- —--—........   824
Extract from message of December 9,1868, reciprocity with Hawaiian
Kingdom --     ------------------------—.. --- —---—. --- —-----         954
Jones, Peter Cushman-testimony --- —-------------------------------- 201,209
Abdication of Queen, hour of -------------------                           217
Administration of estates --------------------                             224
Americans in cabinet of Hawaiian kings -----------                         226
Cabinet changes of 1892 -----------------                                  204
Constitution of 1887, intention of Queen to abrogate --------          219, 220
Constitution of 1893 (new), attempted promulgation        -------          222
refusal of cabinet to sign --- —----       - 222,223
Christians, per cenr of native ----      ---    --     ---------— 224
Education, native --------------------------                               211
Language, Hawaiian Islands                      — 221
Moreno and cabinet of King Kalakaua ------           ---------             228
Mormon colony ---------------------------— __ ---____ ---_ --- —-..           227
Native Hawaiians, character of ------------------------------------        211
Provisional Government:
Establishment of ----------------     —. --- —---------          - 202,203
Organization of ----------------------—.. --- —------ 212,218
Revolution of 1887, causes of -------------------------------     ----     230
1893, causes of    ---    -     ---   --------— 204




INDEX.                                 2251
Jones, Peter Cushman —testimony-Continued.                                   Page.
Revolution, events immediately leading to -----------— 201
Royal succession to throne -----------------— 230
Temperance laws ------------------— _                                      224
United States troops, landing of ---------------— 218-232
Queen's troops, strength of --------------------—. --- —-— ____   _____    232
Volunteer troops, number of, at the proclamation of Provisional Government ---------------------—..-. 214-215
Wilcox-Jones cabinet, policy of ----------------— 205
bribery used in ousting ----                       207
Queen's lack of sympathy with ------           -   206
Jones, J. W.:
To Mr. Blount, May 15, 1893       --------— _.     — ______ 1883
Annexation clubs on various islands ---------------                   1883
To Mr. Blount July 9, 1893 -------------— 1945
Annexation club -number of registered names -------- 1945
Jones, Theo. Ap Catesby, December 25, 1826, extract letter to Secretary
of State ----------------------------— 844
Judd, A. F., chief justice, Hawaiian Islands:
Interview --------------------------------------— _..__._____ - 1636
Arion Hall, location of ----------------------— _,_ —           _     445
Autobiography. --- —-------------------—. ----___     -.-       — ___ -__ _._  438
Bribery of Legislature - --   ---------------------------------        444
Cabinet changes in 1892. --- —.. --- —----------------— __ —____.- 1650
Chief justice supreme court Hawaiian Islands, affidavit -----          438
Constitution of 1887, dissatisfaction of Queen with   --------     -   441
Constitutional changes in 1887 ------------------—. --- —--- 1641-1643
Constit,,tion, new, 1893 -Attempt of Queen to promulgate ------------                  443-1646
Powers of the Queen under -----------          ----         _      444
Electors, property qualifications -------------— 1637-1640
Explanation of statement to Mr. Blount -----           ------   -      447
Hawaiian natives, character ---------— _    ----                      1648
Hawaiian native women, immorality of --- —--------                     1649
Judiciary, change of ----— 441
Kalakaua, reasons for election of ------------------— _    -           439
Legislature of 1892 --------------— __-_    — _                       1650
Letter to editor of "The Hawaiian Star" ---------— 515
Lottery bill, passage of, and ousting of Wilcox-Jones cabinet_- 442-443
Parker-Peterson cabinet, fears of, for personal safety --- —----- 444-445
Provisional Government, recognition of                                 446
Queen, indignation of whites against -------------— __  _       __     446
Race feeling in politics ----------------------— _____-_           371-372
Rebellion of 1889, Queen Liliuokalani's connection with ---------      440
Relations between Queen and Marshal Wilson ----------— _______ 1617
Supreme court, appointment of judges --------------------— ___     - 1637
Trial of Robert Wilcox for conspiracy, 1889 ---------        ___       440
Troops, United States, landing of --- —-----------                      445
Judd, G. P., to Secretary Clayton, May 30, 1850, French seizure --- —-----      894
Judd, Dr., minister to Kamehameha, III, extract from the journal of___         149
Judiciary, change of                                                           441
Judges, Supreme, appointment of --- —----------------                          1637
Jury system-                                                                   286
Justice, administration of -------------------                                 275
K.
Kahi, Hon. A., member of legislature, interview                                758
Kahulani, island of --- —-------------------------------------                   73
Kahunas ----------------------- ---                     -----------       180, 1582
Kaimiloa, the -------------------------------------------                     1467
Kaiulani, Princess:
Education of —                                                             732
Resources of ------------------         -------------- 1046
Kalakaua, King:
Advice to, against change of constitution -----------------                524
Cabinet troubles of, causes -----------------------           -----       1094
Career of --- —--------------          ----------------                     758




2252                                 INDEX.
Kalakaua, King-Continued.                                                     Page.
Chamber of commerce resolutions on death of ----------------------- 1151
Character of ------------    ----------------— 496,497
Constitution promulgated by, 1887, text --- —-------------------- 1054-1063
Constitutional rights of                                                  1095
Coronation of                                                        1459, 1972
Corruption during reign of --- —-------------------------------------         5
Death of ------------     -------------------------              834,1149,1665
Election of, in 1874 ---       -— 422, 439, 698-711,967, 1453,1476,1559,1795
native sentiment for and against ----------— 422
Hawaii during reign of. --- —------------------------------ 5,1453
Inauguration of --- —----------------------------------------------         1454
Jubilee of --    --      ----   --------     ------              ----     1466
Reported attempt to depose ----------------------------------             1088
Royal misrule -      ---------------------        --------------------- 1465
Tour'of the world --- —----        ------------------------------------- 1458
Visit to United States -----—.. --- —--------------                   828,1147
Kalaiaina Hui, interview ---------- 1653
Kalua, J. W., president of the Annexation Club, and others, interview-_-      1654
Kamehameha III. King:
To Capt. Long, February 25, 1843 --- —------------------------------        859
To Lord Paulet, February 17, 1843, February 18, 1843 -------------- 856, 857
To President Tyler, March 10, 1843 --- —----------------------          861,916
Annexation to United States ----------           ----                  - 1423
Demands of Great Britain -—.. --- —-------------------------               916
Death of --------------------------------------------                      939
English seizure of Sandwich Islands --- —----------------------------       916
Extract of bill of rights proclaimed by                                     99
Order to Mr. Wyllie, February 6, 1854 --- —--                              1423
Protest against demands of Paulet -------           ----------             146
Provisional cession of Hawaiian Islands to England in 1843 --- 857, 858, 917
Requests to United States for arbitration between Great Britain and
Sandwich Islands in 1843 --- —----------------                            861
Kamehameha I ---                   -------------------             _         -   88
Kamehameha IV:
Accession of   ---------------------------— 939
Annexation — 803
Kamehameha V, proportion of Americans in government positions under            168
Kanaka:
Domestic relations --- —------                                              274
Government, end of --- —-----------------------               -----------   651
Leaders                                                                   1761
Leaders ------------------------------------------------------------ 1761
Sentiment during revolution, 1893 --- —----------------------------         661
Sentiment toward the monarchy --------------------------— _ -------        680
Kanoho, Rev. J., interview --- —-----------                           ------- 1655
Kapiolani, Queen, visit to United States --- —--     -------------------    - 1974
Kauai, island of -----------------— 69
Cities, towns, ports --- —---------------------------------------------       70
Kaula, Island of-                                                               73
Kaulukon, John Lota:
Affidavit --- —------------------------- 1444
Australian ballot system, effect on native vote ------------      -- 1664
Mass meeting, royalist ------— 1659,1660
Native petitions for a change in constitution -------------------- 1656
Proclamation of Provisional Government --- —-------- 1661
Troops, royalist, surrendered ---------------------                   1662
United States, landing of ----------------------     ------ 1660
Kawainui, J. A. (editor of the " Kuakoa"):
Interview --- —--------------------       ---------— 7 --- —-----------      757
Kearney, Lawrence, commander U. S. Navy:
To King Kamehameha III, July 11, 1843 --- —---------                        865
Kimberly, L. A., admiral U. S. Navy:
To Commodore Walker, September 2, 1889 -------------------------- 2174
To Secretary of the NavySeptember 27, 1889 --- —----------------------------------------- 2175
October 18, 1889 --- —----------------- 1978, 2175
November 16, 1889 —        ------------------------  -       ----- 2176




INDEX.                                    2253
Kimberly, L. A., admiral U. S. Navy-Continued.                                     Page.
To Secretary of the Navy-Continued.
November 19, 1889 --- —------------------                                   2177
December 13, 1889 -----------------                                        2177
Political situation in 1889 ---------------------------------— 2175
King, J. A., to Mr. Blount, June 22,1893, naturalizations from 1860 to 1878_ -      1917
Kuleanas ------------------- 236,264,1699
L.
Labor importation -------------------                                               1565
LaborersChinese --- —------------------------------------------------- 193,314,1565
Japanese --- —------------       ------------------------------------- 482,1805
Portuguese       ----------------------------         191,255,693,1348,1517,1806
Laird, Chas., Lieut. U. S. Navy ------------------------------                       372
Cabinet changes of 1!92 ---------------------                                   373
Troops, United StatesLocation of, in Honolulu --- —----                                      377, 381
Neutrality maintained by — ---------------------------                      376
Preparations to land ------------------------------------— ____ —.          375
Salute to the Queen -----------------------                                 377
Lamont, Daniel, Secretary of War, to Mr. Morgan, January 18, 1894 --- —---             43
Appointment of Trist as special commissioner to Mexico -----                - 43,44
Lands, HawaiianApproximate division of ------------------— 1914
Arable ----------------------------------------------------------              1782
Crown ---------—.. --- —.       ------   -----     - 231,1351,1473,1678
Government ------------------------- 1493-1495, 1678,1913
Government and Crown ----------— 1360,1913
Statement of -----------------------------— 1047
Surveys --- —---------------------------- 263,1362
Land commissionersCreation of the board ----—. —        ---------------                          101
Under Kamehameha I —.. ------------------- -------           -— _     96
Land laws. --- —---------------- -------— 236
Land matters in Hawaii --- —----------------------------------                 1695-1703
Land tenures ------------------------ 1297,1358,1401
evolution of --------------------------------------------              92
Language, Hawaiian ----------------          -----------------     --- 53,221,269,1633
offensive, in annexation newspapers toward Mr. Blount-            1338, 1343
Lanai, island of ------------------— 72
Laws, 1840-general revision --- —---------... --- —--------             -----.    143
Legare, H. S., Secretary of State:
To Mr. Everett, June 13, 1843 -----------------------------—.                  921
Christian influence in the islands ----------------------                       921
Hawaiian Islands, importance to United States ------------------                921
Legislators:
Bribery of.. --- —--------------------—. --- —---------              -          247
Election of, 1890 -------------                --      -----                   1109
I egislature:
Of 1856 -----------------------------                                           168
Of 1880 -----------------------------                                          1456
Of1882 ---------------— 1458
Of 1884 ------------------------------                                         1461
Of 1886.. --- —.__-.___. ----.                                             1462,1463
Of 1887-Appropriations for public improvements ---------                       1917
Of 1890 -Appropriations of. --- —------------------    1146
Revision of treaty with United States --- —------                     1146-1147
Threats of violence to ----------------------------------         --       1144
Of 1892-'93 ------—.. --- — 1650,1689, 1764
Bribery in --- —--          -----    - 207, 444, 584, 633, 648, 697, 726, 751,1322
Classified by political parties                                 677, 1819,1945
Prorogation of ------------------------------------------- 327,1814
Queen, conflict with     ---      -------------------------—. ----          726
Reform party in. --- —--------       ----------                        1811
Report of proceedings --        -------       ---------              1171-1181
Wilson's influence in ----        -----         -------     ----    --      312




2254                                  INDEX.
Page
Lepers' settlement     ----------------                                           274
Leprosy                                                                 75, 1582, 2216
Letters of recognition of Provisional Government from foreign consulates, text ------------     -----   ------------                         - 743-750
Letter to the Boston Journal, Belknap --------------------------— ______          724
Lenua, island of                    ------    ------------------------             73
Liabilities of Hawaiian Islands to United States ----------------— __ ---.         106
Liberal League, formation of ---        ---------------— 526
Liliuokalani, Queen:
Accession of -----------------        ----— 288,834, 1149,1665, 2188
Character of -       ----------— 396,644,1481,1804
Hostility to Americans --------     ----------—. --------------------         24
Protest ----------                       ----------------------------          23
Resources of --- —---------------                                            1046
To S. M. Damon, January 31. 1893 ---------------------------------— 1867
Statement of -1664
Accession to throne of Hawaii ---- -----. --- —-      ----------   --    1665
Constitution of 1887, objections to signing -----------                 1665
Constitution, new:
Desire to proclaim   -------------------------— 1671
Refusal of cabinet to support     ----------------          -       1672
Dominis, Hon. J. O., death of --- —-----------. --- —--—. --- —---       1666
Kalakaua, death of --- —----------------------------------------- 1665
Letter to President Harrison January 19, 1893                           1675
President-elect Cleveland January 31,1893 ----             -  1675
Macfarlane ministry, policy of --- —------------------------------ 1668
Monarchy, overthrow of, a missionary project ---------                  1676
Neumann, Paul, appointment as special envoy to United States__          1676
Opium and lottery bills, passage of ------------------------- ____      1670
Provisional Government, establishment of ----------— 1674
Protest to S. B. Dole and others ------—...      ----------       1674
Reform ministry, political measures --------------------         -      1669
Reform party, policy of -------------------— 1667
Stevens, annexation schemes of --- —------------------------- 1670,1676
Surrender to U. S. forces ------------------------—. --- —----— _       1677
Troops, United States, landing of --- —--------— _ 1673
Wilson, C. B., character of ----------------------— 1667
Lincoln, A., President:
Extract from message February 5, 1864 ------------— 803,944
Hawaiian Islands ----------------------------------------                     803
Liquor traffic -------------------------------------—.-                          976
Location of Hawaiian Islands      ---------------— ___                     _       48
Loebenstein, Albert B., surveyor and civil engineer:
Interview -------------------          --—. 1678
Annexation, general sentiment on ----                    _              1682
Crown lands -------------------                         _               1678
Government lands ----------              -------------                  1678
Hawaiian native character -------------—. --- —-----— __-__- 1684-1686
Native land-owners ----------------------------------— _                1680
Race question --------------------------------               - ____ — ___-___ —.  1686
in politics --------------------------— ______           1682
Revolution of 1887, causes -------------      -----— __ --- — 1685
Suffrage, effect of unqualified -------------------------------—.      1684
Territorial form of Government, desire for --- —------                   1684
London loan ----------------------------------—. ---          ------     -.-_ 1464
Sequel to --- —-------------------------------------                          1465
Lottery, uses of --------------------------------— 1798
Lottery bill:
Passage of ------— 189,246,290,353,442, 520,584, 735, 752, 1461,1670,1711,1761
Petition of women against                        --                           677
Promoters of -----       -------------------                    ---       -   662
Lottery ring, collusion of Queen with -------         -------- 1500
Lottery and opium ring --------—. ---__        ---— ___ —_ — 1015
Opposition to --- —--------------------------------------------------          464
Text of --- —-------------------                          --------             761
Lottery petition, text ----------------------------------------—. --- 1948-1956




INDEX.                                 2255
Page.
Lowrey, F. J., affidavit -------------------------------------------------     594
Ludlow, Nicoll, commander U. S. Navy:
Statement-                                                                 787
Coal fields of the Northwest --------------------------                794
Commissioner Blount's " flag order " --------— _               -       797
Flags, American and Hawaiian --- —--------------------                  798
Hawaiian Islands as a military base --------------                 788,789
Honolulu as a coaling station ------------    ------------  -------    791
Honolulu Bay, fortifications --- —--------------------------------      789
Naval stations, United States, on Atlantic Ocean                       792
British, Pacific coast ----------------------------  i193
Pearl River Harbor --- —----------------------------------------        789
Provisional Government, personnel -----------------------          -   788
Troops, United States, influence on revolution --- —-                   795
Vancouver's Island fortifications ----------------------------         793
Warships, modern, steaming radius. ------------—. --- —----— _        791
Lunalillo, King, intrigues at death of ---------------— _                     1794
Lyons, Curtis J., assistant on Hawaiian Government surveys:
Interview                                                                 1687
Ahupuia ----------------------------                                  1695
Constitution of 1887:
Notable features --------------------------------------           1687
Per cent of white voters under ------------       _- 1688
Electors, property qualification of --------------— 1688
Hawaiian lands, statement ------------------                          1694
Kuleanas -----------------------------------— 1699
" Land matters in Hawaii "                                       1695 —1703
Legislature of 1892 --- —-------------                                 1689
Mahele ------------------.. --- —--     — _ 1698
Mass meetings of January, 1893 ---—._ --- —-----— __ --- —          - 1693
Revolution of 1887, an uprising of the better class of people ----- 1687
IM.
McAdoo, Hon. Wm., Acting Secretary of the Navy:
To commander-in-chief Pacific Station, May 10, 1893 ------           2020,2167
To the President, December 12, ]893, naval instructions -----          - 2003
McArthur, Charles L., editor Troy Budget:
Testimony -------------------                                              691
Annexation -----        ---------— 692,696:707
advantages of --- —---------------------------------       696
American Secretaries of State on --- —---                  696
a settled policy ----------------------------—. --- —     699
native opposition to --- —-----------------------      -   692
Blount, arrival of, at Honolulu --- —----                               705
Blount's report --- —-     -------------------------                    702
British troops, landing of, in 1874 ----------   -----                 713
Business in Honolulu done by Americans, per cent of-__ ---         -    697
Climate of islands -------------------------------------------         701
Clipping from New York Mail and Express ----         ------        -   695
Dole, President, interview with -----------------—..                  704
HIawaii, strategic value to United States --- —------               700-701
the "hub "of the Pacific Ocean ----         -------     -     700
Hawaiian justice    --------------------                               692
Hawaiians, a dying race ---------------      -----------               698
Hawaiian Islands, area and population ---------------------— ___       697
Kalakaua, King, election of -------------     -------------—.... ----.. -  698
Legislature, 1893, corruptness of ----          ----                   697
NativesClannishness of --- —------    ----       ------------              692
Decrease of --- —---- --------------------------------          -   693
Population ------      -----       -----                           693
Navy regulations, article 19 ----------------------------------—.     714
Pearl River Harbor, the naval Gibraltar of the Pacific -----           701
Portuguese laborers, character --- —-------------------------           693
Property, descent of, through the female line -      ----        ---   698




2256                                INDEX.
McArthur, Charles L., editor Troy Budget-Continued.                       Page.
Testimony- Continued.
Provisional Government, control of crown lands --------             710
Queen's intentions to promulgate a new constitution -----      -    697
Woman question ------------------------------— 692
McBride, James, U. S. minister to Hawaiian Islands:
To Secretary SewardOctober 9, 1863 -------------------  --------—.                    942
September 16, 1864 ---    -------      ---------— 945
American interests in Hawaii --------         -----   -----       -     943
Cotton culture ----   -..                                               943
English influences in Hawaii -----------------—. --- —-------—. --- —   942
Sugar culture -----------------------------------—.._..   944
U. S. naval depot in Hawaiian Islands -----------—. --- —-              945
Macfarlane, E. C.:
Affidavit --- —----------        ---   ------------                     1445
StatementMay 9,1893_ --------------------------                             1704
July 13, 1893          -                                           1945
Cabinet changes, 1892 --- —--------------------                1705, 1708
Legislature of 1:92, classified by political parties -- ----    - 1945
Lottery petitions; copy -----------------                 -    -- 1948
Moneys expended by Hawaiian Government for immigration ---- 1947
Taxation, rate of --------------------------------------------     1947
Macfarlane, character of --- —----------------                               222
Macfarlane cabinet, policy of -----------------— 1668
Mahan, A. T., Capt., U. S. Navy --------—.. --- —------------------—..-    113
British maritime possessions -—....._ —...      115
Commercial development of the eastern Pacific ----------— 115
"Hawaii and Our Future Sea Power," article in the Forum -... 113
Hawaiian Islands as a coaling station --- —-----------                   118
Strategic value of the Hawaiian Islands ----    ------— _ 116, 118
Mahele —                                                                   1698
Manner of life, native -----------------               ---                   56
Maps:
(1) Naval chart of the Pacific and western Atlantic --- —----            810
(2) Hawaiian or Sandwich Islands -------------------------------— _     810
(3) Island of Oahu ----------------------— 810
(4) Island of Hawaii. --- —---------------------------—. ----_          810
(5) Island of Maui. ----         - ---------------------     __ —       810
(6) Island of Kauai -----------------------— 810
(7) Part of city of Honolulu -------------------— 810
(8) Pearl Harbor-.. ------------------------                           810
(9) Honolulu ----------------------------------                         810
Marcy, W. L., Secretary of State:
To Mason, Secretary of Navy, December 16, 1853 ---      ------      -   914
To President Pierce, February 15, 1854 --- —---       -------            915
To Gregg, minister to Hawaiian IslandsNo. 6, April 4,1854 ------------------—. —.. --- ——. —             929
No. 12, January 31, 1855 ------------— 941
To Gen. Scott, April 14, 1847 ------------           ----        -       44
American protectorate of Hawaiian Islands -----       ------— 929
Annexation -----------------------                       _ ---       -   914
Distinguished from protection --------------------— _               930
Negotiations, 1854, United States policy --------— 929, 930, 941
Appointment of Mr. Trist as a special commissioner to Mexico. —.        44
Compensation to royal family-___                                        930
United States policy --------------------                               930
Marines: (See also Troo- s).
British, landing in 1842 --------------------— _                        801
United StatesArrival in Honolulu --------------— 688
Inactivity of -------------------------—..                         589
Landing of -------------------------— 185,
218, 308, 334,343, 368, 445, 522, 532, 574, 598, 619, 622, 653, 742, 987, 1007,
1029, 1090,1259,1392,1531,1540, 1660, 1673,1733, 1792, 1815,1842,2169,2200
Minister Stevens to Capt. Wiltse, request for aid of — 437




INDEX.                                 2257
Marines-Continued.                                                           Page.
United States-Continued.
Location in Honolulu --- —        --- ------     — 186
377,381,414,542, 689, 645, 369, 728, 736,1335, 1393,1753, 1874
Location during the reading of the proclamation of Provisional
Government ---------------------------— _____-...........__.        486
Reasons for presence in Honolulu -------        -----    ---      -   548
Request for landing ----------------     -----— ____ 2169
Maritime possessions, British ---------------— __...._____.-__   __.    _  115
Maritime stations in the Pacific, British --- —-------—. --- —-- 115,128, 129,793
Marshall:
Special envoy to United States -------------— __        — _138
Extract from article published in Harper's Magazine September, 1883,
" An Unpublished Chapter of Hawaiian History "                          138
Provisional cession of Hawaiian Islands to England --- —---             138-141
Martial law, proclamation ----------------— ___ ---_ —_ 1020
Mason, J. Y., Secretary of Navy:
To Commodore Perry, April 15, 1847 ---       ----- 39, 2151
Appointment of Trist as special commissioner to Mexico --- —------ 39, 2151
Mass meeting of January 16, 1893 --- —------------------------- 12,184,448,521,
541, 585, 588, 650, 686, 1016, 1258, 1693, 1758, 1841
Mass meetings:
Called --- —      ------------ 736,753,1020
Citizens                                                                 1590
Closing of business houses --- —----------------                       612-615
Indorsing the Queen's administration ----------                           1390
Of January 16, 1893, object --- —------------------------------------- 1732
Protesting against restoration of monarchy, proceedings of --- —- 2093-2101
Queen denounced --- —---------------------------------------------         599
Royalist --- —----------------------------------------------- 541,1659,1815
Royalist threats of incendiarism --- —--------------                        727
Maui, island of. ------------------- 66,67
McCandless, John A.Testimony ----------------------------------                           -  516
Annexation.. ---._-     -----        ----  -----                      632
Artesian wells            -       -------------  -------  ---------    517
Attitude of Stevens   ------------------- 618,621,634
Bribery of legislature -----------                    -    --------    633
Character ofMr. Bush __ --- —__       -       --------        --               666
Mr. Stevens --- —------                                            634
Committee of SafetyAppointment of ---        -----    --------------- '609,616
Meeting at Thurston's-office --- —--       ---------               612
Visit to Cabinet ----           -      ----------------            612
Constitution of 1887 ----       -----                   ------------   604
Crisis precipitated ----      ----      --------                - 618-622
Damon's advice to the Queen -----------------------------             624
Fisheries --- —------------------------                                 518
Food supply               -517
Food supply --- —-----------------------------------------------        517
Honolulu Rifles ----------                                        603-611
Mass meeting, closing of business houses ------------------ 612-616
Political programme of Queen ----------------------------------        606
Provisional Government recognized by foreign ministers -------         626
annexation                                   611
formation of --- —----------------------     623
Selection of officers by Committee of Safety ---------------------     620
Queen's intention to promulgate new constitution -----------          608
Row between English and American sailors        ------------------     631
Surrender of police station -----------------------------       ---   629
Statement, two weeks of Hawaiian history ------------------ 665,1685
U.S. troops, landing of --- —---------------------------- 619,622,623
Visit of Queen's cabinet to Provisional Government --------       627,628
Visit to. Mr. Blount ---------------------------------------------    637
Wilson's influence with the Queen --                                  612
Written agreement to support the ministry against the Queen-_-         607
S. Rep. 227-     142




2258                                 INDEX.
Page.
McCarthy, C. J., to C. B. Wilson, diagram of position of U. S. troops in
Honolulu —.. --- —--------      ----------------------------------— _     _ 1873
McChesney, F. W., member of Committee of Safety:
Affidavit                                                                   457
AffidavitU                --------------------------- ----------------------  457
Cause of revolution.. --- —-.. ---- -----—. —                 - --— _ -..  458
McCook, Edward:
To Stephen H. Phillips, July 29, 1868 --- —-----------------------           953
To Secretary SewardJune 7, 1867 -----------------------------------------------            947
August 5, 1867 --------------------------------- 948, 950
August 14, 1868 -------—. --- —----                              - 952, 953
September 3, 1866 --- —-----------— 945
American interests -.       ----------------------------—.  -----.   946
Annexation ------                                                           947
Annexation ________,-__ —_ --- ---—. --- ——. --- —-------— _ —__ ---_______   94
Conversation between Mr. De Varigny and the King, September 14,
1869. --- —----------------------------------------------.. — --— _ -.  957
Coolie  labor. — --------------------- --- ---------------—.. ----.. _ _   953
Reciprocity treaty, negotiations for -----        ------------— 948
McCurley, Felix, Commander, U. S. Navy:
To Secretary of the Navy, August 22, 1890 ---        ------        - 1982, 2181
Attempt to abrogate the constitution of 1887 ----       -------        _   1982
Leaders of insurrection, 1889 -----------        --------— _ 2181
McKinley bill, effect in Hawaiian Islands ------         — _  -------           768
Medical aid, Government -------------------------------— 1584
Memorial, Dr. G. Trousseau --- —-----     ----------._   __ 1793
Memorials:
For annexation ------------------        --— _ --- —— _ --- —-.-.._ —_ 1341
On the Hawaiian crisis -------------          -- ----------                1722
Restoration of monarchy -------------------— _                             1340
Memoranda:
Arms, ammunition, of Provisional Government, January 17, 1893           - 1916
Request to Provisional Government for restoration of monarchy, submitted ------------------—.    -—. 2120
Showing movements of U. S. troops in Honolulu         ----------           1405
Willis to Provisional Government, surrender of authority to Queen-         2120
Merrill, G. W., U. S. minister:
To Secretary BlaineMay 1,1889 --- —----------------------------------------          -     1078
May 8,1889 -----------------    ---------------—..-..                1079
July 9,1889   ------------------    ----------------------—.          1080
July 26,1889 --- — --------------------------— _    ------—..... 1088
July 29,1889 ----------------------------------------------.  1090
August 1, 1889 ---------------------------------—. —_.______....     986
August 2,1889 --- —--       --------    --------—..............  1092
August 6,1889 --- —-----------------                                   1092
August 29,1889__ -        ---------------------------------------- 1097
September 7,1889.__._ ---. --- —----       -—,____        -. 1098
Attempted insurrection -------      -        -----      ---------------- 1092
Attempted revolution, 1889 --------       -----------------------------     987
Chinese restriction --------------------------------------------------- 1098
Insurrection of 1889 --------------------------------------      --- 1090,1097
Failure of -------------------—. --- —---------------------------- 1092
Landing of U. S. marines --- —------                      ------------ 987,1090
Meeting of Foreign Ministers ------------------------------------- 1092
Reported attempts to depose King Kalakaua -------- ---------------- 1088
Message:
Of the President of United States December 31, 1842, Sandwich Islands
and  China --- —--------—.. —     -— _ -.- - — ___ --- —-— _ ----------------  847
From President Pierce, correspondence between United States and
England relative to Sandwich Islands, 1854 ----------------------         915
President Lincoln, relative to a proposed reciprocity treaty, United
States and Hawaiian Islands, February 5, 1864. --- —----  -. --- —    --   944
President HarrisonFebruary 6, 1893, in relation to the uncompleted treaty with
Hawaii -----------------------------------—. —    ---------------    811
February 10, 1893, Hawaii and the United States, from 1820 to 1893      813




INDEX.                              2259
Message-Continued.                                                      Page.
President Harrison-Continued.
February 15, 1893, transmitting a treaty of annexation between
United States and the Provisional Government of Hawaiian
Islands --- —--     -----------------------------------------    1005
President ClevelandDecember 18, 1893 --- —----------------------------           1075,1253
December 18, 1893 --- —----------------------- 1959
January 13, 1894 --- —----------------------------------------     2087
January 20, 1894 --- —-------------------------------------       2071
January 22, 1894 --- —-----------------------------------      -- 2079
February 2, 1894 --------  -----------------------------         2131
February 13, 1894 -----   ------------------   -----   -----      2133
February 20, 1894 --- —-------------------------------------      2023
March 7, 1894. --- —---------—,                               2057
Militia, Queen's, strength of. (See Troops, Royalist.)
Military forces of Provisional Government --- —---------------      _.. ---  214,
215, 306,341, 511,544, 589, 729, 788, 1759,1779, 2221
Ministry, excitement in Honolulu over frequent changes in ---— 325
Ministers, foreign, meeting of -—... ---- ------ -—,- -------—. --  1092
Ministry:
Green-Carter, 1880 --------     --------                          -  1457
Hawaiian, changes in ----------------— 1140
Moreno ---------------------------------------------------------- 1457
Parker-Peterson --- —--------------------------------------- 444,1500-1501
Character of -----------                                  - 1523, 1545
Queen's, character of --- —-------------------------------------------  667
Wilcox-Jones --- —------------------------------ 365, 520, 679, 726, 735,1755
Appointment of      -------------                                 1184
Missionaries'
American, influence in civilization of Hawaii -----------           10-12,
141,260,314,802, 1555, 1630
Catholic, arrival in 1830 ----     ---------------- 1555
First landing of --------------------------------------------  88,773,1553
Influence of. letter of President Tyler -------------- 11,141
letter of J. Q. Adams ---------------— 11,141
Puritan, arrival in Hawaii, 1820 --- —------------    ---------—... 1553
MissionaryElement, native distrust of   ---------  ------                   -  1491
Influence in Hawaiian Government ----------- 260,314, 1555, 1630
Minutes of 1838, extract of resolutions from -142
Party --- —---------------------------------------------          -   1486
1874 --- —---------------------------------------------------     1560
Desire for government control ----------                          1740
Reform party, personnel of ----------- 1756
Work in' Hawaii --- —---                      ----------------         507
Mobs:
Threats ---------------   ------------------------------------  ----  586.Suppression of                                                        303
Mob violence, threats to kill the Queen        --------------- 531,1294
Molokai, island of --- —--------               ------------------------     71
Monarchy:
Abrogation of -----------------------------------                736,1193
Causes of overthrow -------------------------               453,1513, 1676
Collapse of -----------------------------------    ---------------    510
Effects of restoration of ------------------------                    257
Embarrassed by debt         -     ------------------                  685
Inability of, to preserve good government ------------ 451,452
Monarchical government:
Public opinion of ---------------------                           -    17
Sentiment on, in United States --- —--------------------— 17
Money, United States, the circulating medium in Honolulu-_ —          -   398
Moneys expended by Hawaiian Government for immigration ----           - 1947
Monroe doctrine -------—.. --- —------------        -------..-. —     20
Morality of natives     _                                                 507
Moral sentiment, advancement in natives ---     ---------------- 152,153




2260                                 INDEX.
Page.
Moreno, Celso-Cesar --- —---------------------------------- 228,1456
Ministry, fall of -—.. —. ---.. ------------------------------------------ 1457
Morgan, James F., member of AdvisoryCouncil of Provisional Government:
Affidavit ---        ---------        -----   ------------------------      581
Advisory Council call on Blount --- —-      ---------------             582
Annexation -----------------------— 581
Arrival of Mr. Blount --- —--------------------------—. --- —---        582
Proclamation of Provisional Government -------------------—._.        582
Morgan, Hon. J. T., chairman Senate Committee on Foreign Relations,
report submitted by ------------                -----------     ------          1
Mormon colony -----------------                      --   --------    -     -   227
Moore, J. B.. Acting Secretary of State:
To Secretary of Navy, August 12, 1889, insurrection of 1889 --- —-—.- 2173
Mr. Merrill, August 12, 189 ---------------------------------------- 1096
Moore, E. K., Lieut., U. S. Navy:
Testimony     -----------------------------                                 350
Annexation         -------------------------------------               352
Honolulu society -------------------------------------------- 357-358
Lottery and opium bills, passage of --- —------------------              353
Pearl River Harbor, advantages of, as coaling station --- —----- 360-361
Distance from Honolulu. —..... —...... -----------------—. —_  360
Extent of ---------------------------------------------- --    -   359
Strategic advantages of --- —-----------------------           - 361-363
Provisional Government, ability of, to maintain itself -----------     357
effect on commerce-      ------     -   -   358
Riot of 1874 ---------        -----------------—.                --   350
Troops, American and British, landing of, in 1874 ------— 351
Mundon, George, interview ---------------------— 1709
N.
Native Hawaiian:
Character --- —------------------------- 53, 179,
211, 238, 268, 364, 507, 647, 786, 1319, 1520, 1536, 1633, 1648, 1684, 1686
Clannishness --- —--------------------                                       692
Native homes -     -------------   -------------------—.. --- —---------   181,236
Natives:
Business ability.._ ---. --- —-—... ---------------------------------—.  238
Capacity for self-government --- —-------------- 1507,1514
Condition of -------------------------------------                          517
Petition of -----------------------------------—. --- —------ 1312
Sentiment towardAnnexation --- —---------------- 509,692,1320,1341,1371,1518,1549,1784
Provisional Government --- —----------------------- 304,645,661,1751
United States --------------       --------------------------------     248
The whites ---------—.... ---   --------------------------             551
Native chiefs, extravagant habits of --- —----------------------— 1497
Native population --- —----------------------------------------------- 693,1124
Increase --- —--------------------------------------------------------      1363
Decrease in --- —------------                         -------- 89,693,1718,1969
Per cent of Christians --- —---------------------------------       --- 224,921
Native race-             -------    ----------------      - 84,497, 693, 1718, 1969
Native suffrage..__ —_ --- —------------------------            ------------ 1318
Native women, immnorality of -     -- -------------------- 181,1649
Natives at the discovery of the islands ----------------------------             85
Native distrust of missionary element --- —     -------------------------- 1491
Native land owners --- —------      ------ 1680
Naturalization.
Application for ---------------     ---------------------------------- 1887
From 1860 to 1878 ------------------------------—. —. --- —-------      - 1917
Nationality and number from 1876 to 1892, table --------------------- 1888
Record --------         --------------------------------------------- 1885
Naval chart of the Pacific and western Atlantic oceans -------------—. —       810
Naval control of Pacific Ocean..-                 722
Naval correspondence ----------------------------               ----     ---- 2153




INDEX.                                2261
Page.
Naval forces, United States, in Hawaiian Islands ------------------------ 2137
Legality of Mr. Blount's control of -       ------------                   33
Naval instructions -------------------     ---------------—.. --- —--------  2007
Naval officers:
Discretion of, in obeying orders ------------------- 347-349, 429,435,715, 719
Responsibility of, in obeying orders of civil officers ------- 429, 435,436
Naval Regulations, article 19 --- —--------                                    714
extract from --     ----------------------------------   434
Naval relations with diplomatic representatives in foreign ports --- —----     436
Naval stations:
English, on Pacific coast        -    -------        -----        -----   793
United States, on Atlantic Ocean --- —-----------       ----------------   792
Neumann, Paul:
Affidavit --- —----------------------------------      -------   ------- 1446
Mr. Stevens's attitude toward the Provisional Government -----       1447
Mr. Stevens's reply to Cleghorn     --------------------------------- 1447
Appointment as special commissioner to United States -----------—.        676
Character of -------------—.                                            1206
Dislike of missionary party -----       --------------                    674
Interviews with W. S. Bowen -------------------------------—. ----        671
Newspapers of Honolulu --- —-------                                            546
Newspaper reports of mass meeting, February, 1894 ----        ---------- 2059-2067
Niihau, island of -------------------------------------------------     ---    72
Nordhoff affair -----------— 2 --- —----                                 1230 123 5
Nordhoff, Charles, on the lottery bill -----------------                      323
Norrie. Edmund ----------------------------------------—. --- —------- 1874
United States troops at the proclamation of Provisional Government- 1874
Nowlein, Samuel:
Affidavit —. --- —-------------------------------------------         - 1448
Household guards --------------------------------------------------- 1448
0.
Oahu, island of ----                --------------------------                   57
Area       ------     -----------------       -------------------------   774
Oath:
Of citizens or residents, Hawaiian Islands ---------------------------- 1884
Government officer --- —       -----------------      -----------------   1884
Prescribed for foreign residents ------------------------------------- 1876
Taken by foreign residents, text --- —------------------------------- 1372
Oleson, William Brewster:
Statement -491
Elements in the political evolution of Hawaii --- —----------      --  496
Foreign population. -------------------------------------         498
Kalakaua, character of ----       ----------------------------         497
Missionary work    --------------------------------------------       507
Monarchy, collapse of --- —--------------------------------------      510
Native race, capacity for self-government     -   --------------- 504,512
decay of --- —--------------------------------------      497
education ---------------       -----------              507
morality. ---    --------------       -------------    507
observations of American holidays      ----     ------   509
sentiment toward annexation      ------------------      509
Provisional Government, military forces of --- —-----------------      511
Queen, overthrow of, effect of U. S. troops on -      ---         -   514
Opium bill... — --- ---------------- ----------—. 290,681,1323,1464
Opposition to....... --- ----                                             684
Passage of --- —------------------------------------------- 1670, 1711,1712
Petition of women against -------------------------------------           677
Opium:
Bribes, 1887 -------------------                                    1468,1631
Free, effect on Chinese _ --- —----      ---    -----------------------    683
License act ------------------------                 ------------------ 1304
Smuggling --—. --- —---            ------- 177,1798




2262                                 INDEX.
P.                                   Page,
Pacific Ocean, naval control of      -----------------         ------         722
Palace Iolani, location of ------------------          -------— 327
Palace, scandals. --- —---------      -------------        -----------       1482
surrender of --- —-       ----         -----------------               472
Parker, Samuel, ex-cabinet minister:
Interview -------                    ---------------------------         1711
Diplomatic corps meeting -------------          -   --------------- 1714
Hawaiian monarchy, restoration under American protectorate -         1717
Lottery and opium bills, passage of ---------------        ---- 1711,1712
Memorandum of visit to Minister Stevens, January 25, 1893 --- —- 1713
Native race, decrease in -------------------------------------       1718
New constitution. conference regarding -------------------        _ 1715
Restoration of Queen, Hawaiian sentiment ---------------------       1717
To Stevens, January 16, 1893, protest against landing of troops_ -   1865
Parker-Peterson Ministrv      -------           ------------------- 444, 1500,1523
Party feeling -...... --- —-----                                          389,673
Paramount Commissioner. (See Blount, Jas. H.)
Patriotic League, Hawaiian -----------------------------                1299,1719
Paulet, Lord George:
Letter to governor of Oahu, February 11, 1843 --- —-------                 855
To King Kamehameha III, February 16,1843 ----              ------         855
February 17, 1843 ------------     --     856-857
February 18, 1843 --- —-------                 848
Hawaiian Islands, provisional cession of, to England, 1843 --- — 138,144,860
Proclamation of, 1843 --- —--------------------------                      860
Demands made by --- —----                                                  144
Pearl River Harbor --- —        ----------------    252, 710, 789,790, 960,1125, 2157
Advantages as coaling station --------------------------          130, 360,361
Cession of, to United States --- —-------------------------------          979
Concession to United States -----------       -------------------     130,831
Concession, British protest against --- —--        ---      -----     ---   833
Distance from Honolulu --- —----------------------------------------       360
Examination of --- —-------------                                         2009
Extent of -------------------------------------------                     359
Grant of, to United States --- —---------------------------------- 130,831
Maritime power in --- —----         ---------------------------------      800
Report on --- —------------------------------------ 962-966
Strategic advantages of -----------------                      -- 130,361-363
"The Naval Gibraltar of the Pacific " --------------               ----   701
Treaty ------------------------------------------------------------         61
Perry, M. C.. Commodore U. S. Navy, to Secretary of Navy, May 8,1847 - 40, 2151
Peterson, A. P., ex-cabinet minister:
Affidavit ----    -------------                 ----       ------ 1332,1439
Statement of -----------------                    ----     ----   ---    1740
Cabinet changes of 1892 ------------------------- 1741
Constitution, "new," cabinet opposition to ----      ---------------   1742
Missionary party, desire for Government control --        ----— 1740
Royalist Government, surrender... --- —-----------------------       1743
Visits of, to United States legation --------------------- 540,548, 569
Peterson and Colburn, affidavit of --- —-----         --------      ---- 1332,1439
Peterson and Parker, denial of statements of --------------------------       573
Petitions against annexation     -----         ----------------------—.. 1957
Pierce, Franklin, President United States:
Message, March 3, 1854, correspondence, Great Britain and United
States relative to Sandwich Islands --- —-       -----------              915
Pierce, Henry A.:
To Secretary FishFebruary 25, 1871 --- —---          ------------     -                  825
February 7, 1873 --- —-----           --------         -               959
February 10, 1873 ---       -        --------------                    960
February 17, 1873 --- —--------------------                            961
February 11, 1874 --- —---------      ----------------       --   -    966
February 20, 1874 --- —----------------------                          970
October 12,1874     --------                     --          ---       971
Annexation --- —--..-. ----.. --—. 29, 825, 961




INDEX.                                2263
Pierce, Henry A.-Continued.                                                Page.
Election of King Kalakaua ----- ---------------------—.                 967
Pearl River Harbor ---------------     ----------------------.......  960
Riot, and landing of United States forces in 1874 ---------— 967
Planters' Labor Supply Company -..                                     1....._  1786
Officers of the. --- —----  ----------------------------...           1956
Policy, British commercial, development of ----------------------------      128
Policy, United StatesTowards Hawaiian Islands --- —-2, 19, 20, 103, 136, 137, 868, 877, 907, 918, 930,
1003,1005, 1264, 1265, 1271, 1974, 1975
In French-Hawaiian troubles, 1851 --—... ---- ---------—. --- —  --—... — _ 907
Police department, corrupt administration of --- —----------------------      289
Police station, surrender of ----------------------------------—.-. —_-__   629
Police and military forces.. —....                   53
Political situationIn 1853      -..-. ------------------------------—. ----......      - 1416
In 1889. --- —---   —.     ----------—.._.....                1107,2175
In  1890  ----------—., --- —-------------------------.. — --. — —..  1129,1141
In 1892 ------------------------------—.. ---. ----. —_.... —. 993,1161
In 1893    --------------------— 583, 1242, 1243,2141,2218
Political conditions in islands, 1892 --------------------------     583,584.991
Political development, extract Daily Pacific Commercial Advertiser ---      1345
Political feeling in islands 1892-'93 -------------- 524,1645,1682
Political parties of 1892   -----------       ---------        -   677,1819,1945
Population:
Census 1890 ----------------------------------------------- 1347-1352,1728
Character of --------------------------- 1348,1408-1412
Characteristics, religion, education ---------------------------------      53
Decrease in. --- —------------------— _ —__._     ---   -, _ 89,693,1718,1969
Foreign, of Hawaii --- —---          ----------- 497-498,1348
Increase ------- ---------------------------------— _ _   -— _ --- —---- _ 1363
Portuguese                  ----------------------------------- 1348
Porter, Theo. C., minister of finance, Hawaiian Islands:
To Mr. Blount, tabulated statements ------------------------------      1878
Acreage on which taxes have been paid 1891-'92, table ---        - 1880
Crown lands available for lease, sale, or homestead, table --- —--- 1882
Crown lands, summary, 1893 -------—. --- —------------._ ---  - 1881
Estate of Bernice Pauhi Bishop, summary, table -..._.  1882
Monthly pay roll of Provisional Government, summary by nationality, table ------------------------------------------------ 1883
Taxes paid'by various nationalities in Hawaiian Islands, 1891-'92,
table  -----------------— _ ------------------------— 1879
Summary of Government lands, 1893, table - ------------       -     1880
Portuguese labor, importation of -----------------------------         1517, 1806
Character of -----------—.-_ --------------------------------- 191, 254,693
Population in Hawaiian Islands --------------------..-       1348
Religion of ------    -------------------—.                             191
Voters --- —-------------— __ ---. —. --- —-----------. ----. ---_. -.- -..  192
Practical politics under Gibson    -------------------------------------    1462
President United States, intervention of    -................ 26, 27
Princess Kekaulike, death of --- —-----------------------       -            1972
Prisons -------------— _ __ —_ — __ --- —- ----------------------------- ----  275
Proclamation of Committee of Safety, text -----------------------         - 1017
of Queen-" By authority ---------------- 8,1036
in Hawaiian, relative to new constitution --------------— _ - 9,10
of the Provisional Government — 577,650,1017,1026,1196,1260,
1313,1595,1661,1845
in Hawaiian, January 16,1893 ----------------—.. —        -    37
" The voice of the chief" --------------     -----  -------     37
Products, resources, vegetation --- —---------------------------------         55
Profits, general distribution of --- —-------------------------------------   105
Property:
Estimated proportion held by Americans ------—. ---        ------—.      249
Descent of. through the female line ---     ----------------     ----    698
Security of individual --------------------------------------------—..  930
Owners --- —---------------------------------------         --            685




2264                                 INDEX.
Page.
Protest against annexation     -    --------      ----------           -    -  1736
against the landing of United States troops ---------— 1842
against restoration of Queen ------------— _      -------—.. _2101
of American residents of Honolulu, December 7, 1893, copy ------ 2142
against cession of islands to England, 1843 ----------— 865
of Queen Liliuokalani, text ---------------------—.. -   - 1261,1394,1674
of Queen Liliuokalani to PresidentHarrison, January 18,1893_ 1027,1040
Queen's, reply to, by special Hawaiian commissioners, 1893 --- —-- 1044
Protection of American interests in Hawaii -----------—. --- —- 1974,1975,2168
of American citizens in foreign countries --       5, 7, 15, 21,1974,1975
to British subjects -------------------— 21682214
without interference -----        -------------- 2164
Protectorate, American, in 1851:
Application for ----------------------—.-_    ----------—.. --- —— _ 1415
Proclamation of Kamehameha III ----------------— 1420
Protectorate, American, Secretary Marcy on, 1854       -------— 979
Protectorate, American, 1893 --- —-------------------— 1487,1600
Disavowal of ----------------              19, 25,555,1048-1050,1214,1989, 2165
Establishment of -------------— 340,473,1008,1207,1258,2201
Influence of ----------------------    -------------------- 1217
Instructions of Secretary Gresham in relation to     -----    --- 406-407,1375
Practical workings of ----------------------                     -      - 1223
Reasons for the establishment of ----------------- 552, 590,1053,1054, 1211
Removal of -------        --------------                  ----— _- 25,1376
absence of civil disorder at -----     ------      -     - 397,1376
State of public mind during ---------            -----------               341
Unauthorized -------------------— 32'
Protectorate or annexation ------------        --------          — _ 1006
Protocols of uncompleted treaty of 1854, text              -.... — -    1424-1432
of treaty of 1875-'76 --—.. --- ----------------—.                  975
Provisional Government:
Act relating to the office of minister of foreign affairs ------------    2059
Administration of -------                                                 1720
Arms and ammunition of ------------—._ —      -    _                1778,1916
Attitude of foreign citizens to ---    -----------------                   564
Business depression under ------------— __ ---_                            1721
Call for arms ----------------------— 756,1020
Call for volunteer troops ---------------— __ —                             756
Celebration of first anniversary --------------     -   ___ 2024
-refusal of foreign representatives to
participate in --- —---------------- 2133
Celebration, flag raising, review and parade, state receptions --- 2027, 2032,
2034, 2035, 2133
Claims submitted to U. S. Secretary of State ----------— 1245
Control of crown lands ----------------------                               710
Declaration of martial law ----------------— _                            1020
Effect on commerce -------------— __      __                                358
Establishment of --------— _ __-__- 18, 202, 623,642, 1016,1674
Financial condition for week ending November 23, 1893 --- —-             - 2090
Guns and ammunition of ---------------— __                                 1778
Instability of -----------------—. --- —________________________..___. 1438
Interview of Capt. Wiltse and members of --- —---------                     471
Letter from Mr. Swinburne to Mr. Blount in relation to --- —             -  488
Military establishment of ----------— 5.87....                      _ _ -   587
Military strength of --- —--- 214,306 341,511,544,589,729,788,1759,1779, 2221
Native opinion of --------------     ------ 304,645,6611751
Organization of ------------— 212,449,585, 620,1254,1525, 1771
Organizations against ---------------------------------                     562
Pay roll of -----------------------------------------.. --- —-_____..- 1883
Personnel of -------------------- 370, 487, 620, 667, 739, 788, 1016
Preparations for defense --------------------       -                2092, 2221
Principal facts in relation to the establishment of ----------------— 1032
Proclamation, text --— 577,582,655,1017, 1026,1196,1260,1313,1595, 1661,1845
reading of.. --- —---------—. ---. --- —-- -------------    1327
Proposed changes in Constitution      ----------------- 2058
Protest of Queen to -.,...                —...-.....-            ------ 1674
)




INDEX.                                  2265
Provisional Government-Continued.                                               Page.
Recognition of     ----------------------------         ------------------    18,
34,446, 626,729,1017,1029,1048,1207,1214,1401,1599,1987,2202
Recognition of, by U.S. minister --- —------------- 472,546,1334,1751,1777
hour of --- —-- 23,1334,1398-1401,1413,1751
Recognition byThe Harrison and Cleveland Administrations --- —--------------              34
Foreign representatives      ----    ------ 545,626,729,744-751,1036-1040
Austro-Hungary ------------------------------------                       744
Belgium --------           ----------------------------------------      749
Chile ------------------------      ----------------------               744
China --- —----------------------------             ----------    -----    749
Denmark ---        --------    ------------                               748
England-                                                                 748
France -—.-...-.... --- —                       --------- --- -- - -- - -   750
Germany --------------------------------------------                      745
Italy ------   -----------------------------------------------            747
Japan --------------------------------------                              746
Mexico ----    ----------------------------------------             --    744
Netherlands ----         -    ---    ---------------------                 745
Peru ------------------------                             -----------     749
Portugal --- —---          -----        -----------------------------      749
Russia -----                               --------------------- 745,2219
Spain                   ---------------------------                       746
Sweden ---------------                                                    746
United States -------------—. --- —---------------                        749
Refusal to surrender authority to ex-Queen       ----      ----------- 2122-2128
Request for recognition, text -----------------        -------    --------   1019
protection, text --- —------------------------------------      1213
Rumors of arepublic           -------------        ---    ------------       1240
Special commissioners to U. S., appointment of         -  ------ 1028,1042,1205
Stability of ----    -       ----      ----------- 357,369,675,765,1787,2214
Supporters of --- —------------------------                                    544
Volunteer troops --- —------------- 214,306, 341,544,589,729,1759,1779,2221
organization of --- —------------------------------ 1734
Willis's address to, in relation to restoration of the Queen --- —-- 2045, 2120
Public lands, statement of --- —------------------          -------------------   1047
Queen Liliuokalani:
Abdication of, confirmed    --------------------------------                   18
Accession of --- —-------------------------------- 288, 1480, 1665, 1827,2188
Acquiescence in annexation -----------------------------—..                   23
Address at prorogation of legislature, 1893 ---------------------             726
Aggressions of --- —----------------                            -----------   1499
American activity in dethronement ---------------------------------          1284
Animosity of, to white population --- —------------------------          9,16,428
Armed forces of ---------------------------------------------------           738
Attempt to promulgate a new constitution- --       222,443, 447, 520,600, 608, 697,
735,1015,1322,1501,1646,1671,1763
Attempted changes of Constitution of 1887 --- —--------- 219, 292,1389,1665
Attitude of, toward foreigners       --    --------------------------         466
Bad elements surrounding ------------------------------------------          1151
Cabinet, conduct of -------------------       -----------------                24
Cabinet opposition to -----------------------------------------           -   585
Character of ----------------------                            396, 644,1481,1804
Collusion of Mr. Stevens and revolutionists to overthrow --- —-------         1402
Conduct of, after proroging the legislature, 1893 -----                       329
Deportation of, discussed ------------------------ 1336, 1338
Dethronement of ----------------------------- 835,1719
Disregard of the constitution of 1887 ----------------------------- 441,1770
English influences about     --      -------------------------        ----- 1182
Events prior to the overthrow of -----------------                        -   520
First official acts -------------------------------                          1482
Indignation of citizens against ----------------------------------- 446,599
Influence of Marshal Wilson --- —------------------- 612,835, 1170
Interviews with Mr. Blount --- —------- ---- 393,395,1269




2266                                   INDEX.
Queen Lilluokalani-Continued.                                                   Page.
Interviews with Mr. Willis ---         -----------— _    --        _....       16
Lack of confidence in ------         --------------— _                        301
Memorials for ----------—. --- —----------------------—.-___                1340
Movement to dethrone ---------------------— 686
Offered protection at United States legation -----------— 2088
Personnel of first cabinet -------------------------------------------       1155
Political programme of ---------------------— 606
Power of, to overthrow Provisional Government ----------                      561
Proclamation dethroning --- —                                                  755
Protest of ------     -----—.. --- —             -----         _ 1261,1394,1674
Protest to President Harrison January, 1893. --- —---------------- 1027,1040
Refusal of amnesty to members of Provisional Government - 1266, 2088, 2109
Reluctance to sign the constitution of 1887                            1625,1827
Responsibility for her own deposition ------— __         -— __                588
Resources of --     ----------— ________                   _ __       __     1046
Restoration of ----—... --- —----------------- 251,1266, 1997, 2084, 2101,2142
Restoration, conditions to ------        --------- 26,1266, 1272, 1999
Revolutionary policy of ----------------       ----------------              1005
Rights of, in crown lands ----___         ------— _  -— _          _       -   704
Rumors of assassination -531, 1294
Special advisors ---------------—. --- —-—..-. --- —---—.-     - 2054, 2089, 2106
Speech at opening of legislature, 1892 -----          ----------             1167
Statement of, as to causes of revolution --------— _-___ —_ —_ --- —--         394
Struggle between legislature and ----------------------------— _ 735,1169
Surrender of --—. —. -----       472, 1265, 1316, 1330, 1394, 1547, 1576,1677, 1743
Threats of, against her cabinet --- —------------------------------- 330, 600
Treachery of ------------------------------------ 1480
Troops, strength of --- —-----      - 186,232,337,738, 1448, 1450. 1752,1817, 1847
Troops surrendered -------------------------------.1450
Wilson scandal ------------------------------- 1342, 1364, 1482, 1543, 1551, 1647
Visit to U. S. flagship at Honolulu. --- —---------—. --- —-----—.- 1163,2192
U. S. legation --- —-----------      ------, — 2087
Queen's ministers:
Statement to Mr. Blount ---------------------------                          1355
To Mr. Stevens --- —---------------------------------------------         1337
Fears for personal safety --------------------------------------------        444
Quinn, J. C.:
Statement --—. —  -----------------—. --- —_ --- —-------------           -  1874
Location of U. S. troops in Honolulu -----------------------—. --- 1874
R.
Races, native ---------     -----------------------------------------------        84
Race feeling between whites and natives ----.. ---- 371, 1498,1519,1590, 1686,1762
in politics ------------------    --    ----------------- 1645,1682
Railroads -------------------------------                                          74
Steam and tramway --------------------------------------------                280
Rainfall --- —----------                                                           266
Ramsey, Commodore, U. S. Navy, Acting Secretary of Navy:
To Admiral BrownSeptember 13, 1892 ------------------------------------ 2014, 2162
September 15, 1892 —        -     -----------------       --    -- 2015, 2162
September 21, 1892 ---------------------------------------         2015, 2162
January 20, 1891 --- —-------------------------- 2012, 2159
March 25, 1891 ----------------------- 2013, 2160
To commanding officer of BostonSeptember 2. 1892 --- —--------------------------              ---- 2014,2161
February 17,1893 ------------------------------------- 2019,2166
To Admiral Harmony, September 13, 1892 --------------------- 2014, 2162
Read, J. J., Commander, U. S. Navy, to Secretary of Navy, July 1,1891 --- 2191
Rebellion of 1889, connection of Liliuokalani with       -                        440
Reciprocity:
President Johnson on --- —------                                               954
Treaty of 1889                -1100
Treaty of 1889 --- —-------------------------------------------------- I100
Treaty of 1875 -------                 ---------------------------- 1455, 1725
Treaty of 1857, uncompleted ----                              -------------     45




INDEX.                               2267
Reciprocity-Continued.                                                    Page.
Treaty, unperfected negotiations, 1867.. --- —-----—. --- —-------      948
Treaty of 1875, effect on sugar culture ----------------------------   1782
With Hawaiian Islands, advantages. —.   --------------—. --- —-—. 1101
Reeder, P. W.:
Statement -------                                          ----------   676
Bribery charges in Legislature ------------------        ----   -   678
Chinese in Honolulu, character of --- —----------------------        683
Kanaka sentiment toward the mnonarchy ------         -----      -   680
Lottery and opium bills, women's petition against -------------     677
Marines, U. S., location in Honolulu -------        ------      -   689
Mass meeting January 16, 1893 ----------------------------          686
Monarchy embarrassed by debt ------------------        -     ----   685
Opium, free, effect on the Chinese --------        ------       -   683
Political parties of Hawaii ------------------------   --------     677
Property owners -----------------------------------------------     685
Queen, dethronement of ----------- --------     -----   ---------   686
Suffrage qualifications -----------------------------------------   679
Wilcox-Jones cabinet -----------------------         ---        -   679
Reform League --------         -— _.... — _ ----_ --- —--------------- 1469
Reform ministry, political measures of --- —------------------      ----    1669
Reform party ---------—..  _ ---_ --- —----— _ --- —. --- —-------     - 1756,1811
Divisions --- —-------------------------------------------------        1728
Platform, 1890 ----------------------------------------       ------- 1121
Policy of ---------------------------------   ---------------- ------- 1667
Who constitute ------. --- —------—. --- —-- 1295
Reform in 1887, secret organization, for --- —----—. --- —----------------   240
Reform meeting, 1I87 ------------------------------------------------ 1469
Regulations:
U. S. Consular, 1888, extracts --—. --- —------------------------       436
Rules, etc., U. S. Naval, 1893, extracts   --------------- -- -----     434
Relations, exceptional, between the United States and Hawaii --------        20
commercial, with Hawaii.. --- —-------------------     ------- 21,783
Religion of Portuguese in Hawaii -----------------------------          -   191
Religious advancement of natives -----------------------------------        270
affiliations of natives --- —--------------------------------     1408
Receipts, expenditures, public debt, table ------------------------- 1069
Report, Col. Blount's,notes on --- —---------—.-        _-. --- —----- --- 309-312
Report of collector of customs, Hawaiian Islands, 1890 --- —------------- 1125
Report of the Committee on Foreign Relations, U. S. Senate:
In relation to the Hawaiian Islands ----------------    ----------        1
Abdication, Blackstone on ------------------        --------             13
what constitutes -------  ---------------------------   3, 4,14
American citizens, protection of, in foreign countries_ --- — 5, 7,15, 21
Annexation, acquiescence of'Queen in ---------          ------      -    23
authority of the Provisional Government to negotiate —      28
desire of Hawaiians for -----------------------------    21, 22
letter of United States Minister Pierce, 1871__ --- —--      29
necessary for defense of western coast of United'States-    22
not a new question -------       ------— 28, 32
the avowed purpose of the Provisional Government --- -      22
treaty, negotiations ------------------------               28
Appendix  to  ---—.. ----   --—.. —.. — -------------—... ---- -----   37
Blount, J. H., special commissioner, authority for appointment of —      25
report of ---    --------------------                      23
Chinese exclusion from suffrage --- —--------------                       21
Citizen, right of a nation to protect, in foreign countries in absence
of effective civil government --------------------------------- 5,7, 15, 21
Civil government, suspension of (see Interregnum) ----------------        3
Committee of Safety, organization __ --- — ------  ------------------      8
De facto government, what constitutes ------------------------------- 15, 17
Diplomatic relations, principles involved -----     -—. —. ---            2
Flag of United States, lowering of --------------   -----------------    25
Inquiry, scope of. --- —-----------------------                           1
Instructions, special, to diplomatic and naval officers --------------   21
Interregnum, causes.. —. --- —-                                           3
duration of --- —--------------                              3




2268


INDEX.


Report of the Committee on Foreign Relations, etc.-Continued.            Page
Interference, United States, causes. ----      ----— 3..._              3
in domestic policy of Hawaii-.....      _.    21
Japanese, exclusion from suffrage ------------—. —. --- —------------   21
Kalakaua, corruption during reign of ------        ---------             5
Liliuokalani, Queen, hostility to Americans ------------ -------—..-   24
protest of -.. --- —----------  --. — - --- — __._.-.. _  23
Mass meeting, January 16, 1893 -------------------— _ --- ——.  __. ---   12
Missionaries, American, influence in civilization of Hawaii ---------- 10-12
influence of, letter of J. Q. Adams --------------------  11
letter of President Tyler --- —-----------     11
Monarchical government, public opinion on --- —--— _ ---... --- —-— _      17
sentiment on, in United States ------------   17
Monroe doctrine  ---------------------------------------------—. - -_-  20
President of United States, intervention of -------------------------- 26-27
Policy of United States toward Hawaiian Islands -       ____ --- —-----—.   2,19, 20
Proclamation of Queen, "By authority" -------—..      ___ --- —------—.8 8
in Hawaiian, relative to new constitution ------------- 9,10
Protectorate. disavowal of — _.__-__________.__. 19-25
unauthorized.                       32
unauthorized__ -------— _- ________,,   ~._ — --- — _ -__ -- --- -__  32
Protection of American citizens in foreign countries ----       - 5, 7,15, 21
Provisional Government:
Establishment of ----------------------------------------------     18
Recognition of --------------—.-    —.. --- —-----                 18
by United States minister -----------------------—.    23
Queern, abdication of -----------------------— __-_____-_ _ —_ —_-__    18
animosity of, to white population -------— _   _ —    -        9,16
interview with Minister Willis ------------------------------    16
Queen's, cabinet, conduct of ---------------  --—.__ —__ —             24
Relations, commercial, with Hawaii ------------—. ---_ ----         -    21
exceptional, between United States and Hawaii -----------     20
Resolutions authorizing investigation -------------------------------    1
Stevens, minister, correspondence of, relating to annexation --------   32
Supremacy of United States over Hawaii -------------—.. —,, --- —--     21
Troops, United States:
Conduct of                                                           5
Purpose of landing ---------—. --- —-----                          6, 7
Right to land. -------------------------                ---          7
Withdrawal of -------------------------------------                 25
Willis, U. S. minister:
Object of mission to Hawaii --------        ---------               26
Relations with Provisional Government ------------------------      26
Report, Committee on Foreign Relations, additional views submitted - --     33
Arbitration of Hawaiian affairs, authority of the President of the
United States in ----------------------— ____ ---__                    34
Blount, special commissioner, constitutionality of appointment - -      33
Provisional Government, recognition of, by United States ---------      34
Restoration of monarchy, the Administration policy of --- —---------     34
U. S. naval forces, legality of Mr. Blount's control of --- —---------   33
Report of the Committee on Foreign Relations, minority:
Adverse views submitted ------------------------------------    — _.    35
Blount, special commissioner, appointment of --- —----------------       35
Stevens, U. S. minister, participation in the Hawaiian revolution- -    35
United States interference in Hawaiian affairs --— _ -----       -      35
Report on Pearl River Harbor ------—. --- —-------------—. --- —----- 962-966
Report of Lieut. Commander Swinburne on landing of U. S. troops and subsequent operations ------------------------------------------------ 2204-2208
Report of Special Commissioners of the Provisional Government of Hawaii:
To Secretary Foster, February 3, 1893 --- —-------------------------- 1032
Commissions of ----------------------------------------- 1042
Committee of safety, report -------        ------------- 1034
Credential letters of --- —-------------------------------------------- 1041
Outline of conditions for a treaty between United States and Hawaiian
Government-.............._.........,_-_ --- —-................. ---  1043
Proclamation, Queen's ministers, "By authority " --- —----- 1036




INDEX.                                 2269
Report of Special Commissioners of the Provisional Government of Hawaii-Continued.                                                         Page.
Provisional Government:
Principal facts in relation to establishment of --------— 1032
Recognition of by representatives of foreign countries, text__ 1036-1040
Protest of Queen to President of United States, reply to statements
in  ----— _.. --- —-------------..- -----------—. ----.- ------------—..  1044
'"Retrospect, A ": A sketch of events culminating in revolution of 1887  1601-1611
Resolutions of Annexation Club, 1893 --------------       --------—..         1867
Restoration of the monarchy --- —------------- 26,251,1997-1999, 2084,2101,2142
Citizens protest against ----------------------— 2101
Decision of the President of the United States submitted to Provisional Government          -----------------------------------          2120
Information requested as to United States policy -----------— __ 2103, 2120
Interview of Mr. Thurston with Secretary Gresham on -----— 2134
Mass meeting to protest against -------------------                       2093
Message of President Cleveland on ---------------------— _..._ 2074
Queen's acceptance of conditions -------------     --— _ 2115
Rumors of ---------------------------------------------—. --- —---— _ 2092
The overthrow of constitutional government --------------—. --- — 2089
United States policy on ------------------------------------— 34
Restoration of Queen Liliuokalani --- —----------— _                             251
Conditions of —         -------------- 26, 1245, 1266, 1272,1998,1999,2101,2142
Hawaiian sentiment on           -       ------------— _ 1717
Memorials for --------------------------------------                       1340
Proposed course of procedure on, copy -----------------— ___________ 2104
Reports of United States military aid to -------------— 2084
Rumors of.-      - -------------------------.. --- —----------------— ______   731
Revenues and expenditures for biennial periods, 1878-1880 to 1890-1892,
table ----------------------------------------------                     1068
Review of the relationship of the Hawaiian Kingdom to the United
States,1881 --- —---------------                                          1965
Revolution, 1874:
Charge of American interference in ---------------— 426
Landing of United States troops ---       ----   ----      351,419,424,712,967
Revolutionof 1887 --- —------------------------------- 1366,1477,1632,1725,1797
Causes --- —-----------------------                               230,1685,1754
Policy of United States in                    — 1975
Uprising of the better classof people in -------------------— ____   -__ 1687
Revolutions of 1887 and 1889 ------------               ----      -             601
Revolution, Wilcox, 1889.. --- —--  ------—. --- —----— __...-   987,1571, 1726,1747
Killed --- —-------------------------------------------------------- 1956
Object --- —----------------- -_                                         _ 1823
Revolution of 1893 ----    ----— _ 492,769
Causes --------        ----- 201, 204, 28, 301, 447,458, 492, 1015,1377,1471, 1826
Co6peration of United States minister in     -   _________-   __     __ 1398
Events immediately preceding ---------------------- __ —________ 201,1586
First intimations of -------------------------------------        ---       174
Personal recollections of —. --- —------------    --—. --- —— _-___... 295-299
Political record of leaders -------------------------------— 1489
Political situation prior to-  --------------------------------      -      583
Responsibility of Queen for ----------------------------.___..    23
Revolutionary contingencies, instructions asked by United States minister --- —------------------------ --------------------------—._             12 ---  1162
Rice trade   ------------------------------------------------------             783
Rice, Wm. Hyde, ex-governor of Kauai, interview ----------------               1745
Riot of 1874    ------------------------------------                  -   350, 1454
Election of King Kalakaua -------------—. --- —-------------— ____         712
U. S. naval forces in -----------------------------------          351,420,967
Ripley, C. B., affidavit -------------------   --------------—.               594
Rives,W. C., United States minister to Paris:
To Secretary WebsterSeptember 12, 1850 --    ----------------------------------            896
July 8, 1851 --------------------------                                901
July 22,1851 ---------------------          - ----------------------    916
October 30, 1851 -------------------------------------------           912




2270                                 INDEX.
Rives, W. C., United States minister to Paris-Continued.                     'Page.
French policy toward Hawaiian Islands ------------------—.. —___.         912
Preservation of independence Hawaiian Islands ---------------.   911
Robertson, J. W., chamberlain to Queen Liliuokalani:
To Mr. Blount, June 23, 1893 -----------------— 1918
Landing of U. S. troops --- —-.. ---    ----------—................. 1918
Rooney, P. M., affidavit ----------------------------—. 1449
Robeson, George M., Secretary of Navy:
To Capt. Balch, November 6,1869 ---------------------— ___._-..... 2151
To Lieut. Commander Bunce, January 11, 1870 -----------— __      --—.._ 2152
Ross, John:
Affidavit ---------------------------------------......         1449
Landing of U. S. forces -—.1 --- —-.. --- —------------— 4.......__  1449
Rosa, Antone:
Interv'ew -----—. --- —-----------                          -_. —_-___......__..__._ _ 1747
Constitution of 1887, voting qualifications under --------—.....-__  1748
Provisional GovernmentNative sentiment toward ----------------— 1751
Mr. Stevens's recognition of --------------------—. —. ---_.._ 1751
Troops, United States, location in Honolulu -----------—.1..-.._     1753
Royalist, surrender of -----------------— 1752
Wilcox revolution of 1889 -----         ------------                  1747
RoyalistsHawaiian Hotel a rendezvous for ---------------- 559, 730
Leaders of -------------------------------         -                        416
Mass meeting ---------—. --- —---— _                     499,541,542,1815, 1659
Government, surrender of ---------------—.-_ 1598,1743
Royal succession to throne of Hawaii -----------------—.. 230
Rumors of attack on Government building        ---------— 1243
S.
Samoan embassy, 1887 ------------—. —. --- —---...           1467
Sandwich Islands. (See Hawaiian Islands.)
Scandal, palace                            — 1482
Queen-Wilson_ ----        _      612,1342,1364-1365,1482, 1543, 1551, 1647
Scenery ---------------------------------------------------                      80
Schofield, John M., major general, U. S. Army ----------— 962-966
Report on Pearl River Harbor ----------------— _.. --- —_____      ____      962
School, age --------     -----------------------                                271
education --- —------------------------                                1584
how supported -------------------------------— 271-272
statistics                                                            1..... —5........ 1065
Scott, M. M., principal of Fort Street School:
Interview ----------------------------------------...___._     _ 1754
Cabinet, Wilcox-Jones ---------------------                           1755
Cabinet changes, 1892 -------------------------------— ___.______ 1755
Committee of safety, organization of ------------------—. ----___     1758
Constitution, "new," refusal of cabinet to sign ------------—..._ 1757
Kanaka leaders ---------------—. --- —---.-  ---— _______-  1761
Lottery bill, passage of --- —-------------------------------—.-_     1761
Mass meeting of January 16, 1893- --------------------                1758
Missionary reform party, personnel of -----        -------        -   1756
Race feeling ------------------      --------— _                      1762
Troops of the Provisional Government ---—. --- —.. --- —-           - 1759
Severance, Luther:
To Secretary WebsterMarch 11, 1851 ---------------             -.-.                         897
March 12, 1851 --- —-----------------— 899
March 17, 1851 --- —------------------                       __         901
March 20, 1851 --- —------------- ------— 903
March 21, 1851 --------------------    --------------, -     -  904
Annexation --- —-------------------------------------- 897,898
British jealousy of American influence ------------—. --- —-----------       99
French-Hawaiian troubles, 1851 ---------------------------------— _         897
Desire for American protectorate, 1851 ---------------------           899, 900
Importance of Hawaiian Islands to United States ----       ----         -   902




INDEX                                 2271
Sewa'ra, W. H., U. S. Secretary of State:                                   Page.
To Mr. McBrideJanuary 14, 1864       -   -        ---------        --------------   945
To Mr. McCook —
October 5, 1867 -------------------   ----------       ------         951
July 13, 1867-       -     ----------        -----------------        948
September 12, 1867 ------------------------                           951
To Mr. Spalding, July 5, 1868          ----------------------------       952
Annexation as preferred to reciprocity -------------------------- 951, 952
Seward, W. T., affidavit ---.- -— _ --- —---------------------------------  1442
Shephard, E. M., commander U. S. Navy, to Secretary of Navy, March
9,1891 ------------------------------------------------                    2190
Sherman, Hon. John, additional views. Report of Committee on Foreign
R{elations -------------- ----— _ --- ---------      ----------—. --- —.-    33
Shipping --- —---------------------      ------- 1073
Simpson, Wmi    E., merchant:
Statement --- —--------------------------------------                      768
Annexation ------------------------------— 7 --- —--------------       771
Coal, nearest mines to islands ----------------   -----------—. —    775
Vancouver ------------------------------------------------      777
cost of, in Honolulu ----------------------------------------   778
Coal fields of Northwest --------—. --- —------    ---------------    782
Coffee culture ---—.. --- —----—..-_ --- — 7 --- —-7 —  ---—. --- —.-  774
Hawaiian Islands, advantages of, as a coaling station -. ------- 780, 781
commercial relations with United States --- —-      783
distance from United States -------------------     780
maritime value of ----------------------------     781
Stevens on commercial interests of ----         -  772
McKinley bill, effect on Hawaiian Islands --- —-------------------     768
Missionaries, first landing of --- —-------    ----------------------  773
Natives, improvident character of-                                    786
Oahu, area of -----------------------------------------------     -   774
President Cleveland's election, effect in Hawaiian Islands - -- --    768
Revolution of 1893 --- —----------------------------------------       769
Rice trade ---------------    ----------------------------------      783
Steamships, first line between United States and Hawaiian Islands     775
Sugar interests --- —-----------------------   --------------- 769,775,783
Trade, table of exports and imports with United States —. ----    776, 777
Vegetation, marketable —.. -. --- —-----------------------------      773
Woods, indigenous to islands -----------------------                  776
Skerret, J. S., Admiral U. S. Navy:
To Secretary of NavyFebruary 27, 1893 ------------------------------------------------ 2208
March 15, 1893                                                       221()
March 15, 1893 --------------------------------------------------- 2210
March 29, 1893 ------------------------ 2210
April 4, 1893 ---------------------------------------------       - 2211
April 6, 1893 ------------------------------------------- 2171,2211
April 25, 1893         ---------- 2212
May 4, 1893 --- —------------------------------------------------ 2213
May 23, 1893 ---------   ----  ----------------------------------    2213
May 31, 1893 --- —-----------------------------------------------     2214
June 21, 1893 --- —------- -------------------------------------- 2215
June 28, 1893 --- —-----------------------------------------   2 ----  2216
July 25, 1893 --- —-------------------- 2216
August 14,1893 --- —------------------------        ----------------  2217
September 12, 1893 --- —--------------------------------------- 2218
October 10, 1893 --- —-------------------------------------------     2218
November 16, 1893          --------------------------------------- 2219
To Mr. BlountApril 1, 189 —3                                                      1868
April 8, 1893    ----------------------------------- 1871
Arrival of, in Honolulu --------------------------------------- 338,474,557
Blount's order to remove the American flag.. --- —------—. --- —---- 2211
Departure of Mr. Blount for United States -- 2217
Leprosy ------------------------ 2216
Letter of instructions delivered by Mr. Blount --------------       --- 2211
Location of United States troops in Honolulu --- —----------------- 1346




2272                                INDEX.
Skerret, J. S., Admiral, U. S. Navy-Continued.                              Page.
Lowering American flag ---------------------------------                1282
Official visits_                                                        2208
Political situation, 1893 --- —----------------— _ 2218
Presentation of Blount's credentials to Provisional Government - - -    2213
Protection of British subjects         -         -------------  -       2219
Provisional Government, recognition by Russia. --- —------              2219
stability of --------------— 2214
United States flag, lowering of -   ----------------- 1868
Smith, J. Mott:
Appointment to negotiate a treaty with United States -------------- 1160
To Secretary Foster, official dispatch from President Dole, February
3, 1893 — 1030
Smith, WV. O., member Committee of Safety:
Statement --- —---------------— 1763
Advisory committee, selection of --------------— 1765
Attempt of the Queen to promulgate a constitution ------            1763
Committee of Safety, organization of --- —----------------------- 1769
Conference, Cabinet and Committee of Safety     ----------          1775
Neutrality of United States troops --- —---------- 1772
New Constitution, refusal of Cabinet to sign -------—. —__-__ —  _ 1766
Provisional Government, organization of ----------— 1771
Queen, disregard of the Constitution ---------------.. --- -____-_ 1770
Resignation of German consul from the Committee of Safety -— _ 1772
Stevens s recognition of Provisional Government -----------         1777
United States troops, requestfor protection of --------------       1770
Social conditions. --- —-----------------— _-_.-_ —      -________________ 1633
Society in Honolulu ----      ----    -   -    -----------     -       371,357-358
Soils --- —-------------                                                       50
Soley, S. R., Acting Secretary of Navy:
To Mr. Blaine, August 14, 1890 --- —----         ------- -__1981
To commanding officer Boston, August 16, 1892 -____ —_           _ 2014, 2161
Soper, Col. J. H.:
Affidavit ----------          --------------------                       450
To Mr. Blount, June 20,1893, memorandum of arms and ammunition
in hands of the Provisional Government January 17, 1893 ---------- 1916
Blount's incorrect statements ------------              ----.-__  ---   450
Guns and ammunition of the Provisional Government --------— _ ---_       1778
Time of Stevens's recognition of the Provisional Government --------    1780
Troops, volunteer, number of --------------------------------------- 1779
Sorcery --- —----------------------    -----------------   ---------—..-__  1582
Sovereign, feudal authority of -----------------— 97
Spalding, Z. S.:
To Spalding, April 14, 1869 --------------------------------— ___..       954
Testimony ------------------— 233
Abolishment of House of Nobles ----------------------      ___       242
Annexation ------------------------------— 243-252-254
Bribery of Legislatures ------------------------— _______ -___-_ 247-248
Climate -----------------------------------------— _ --- —---—.-     239
Comparative value of Hawaii and Cuba as sugar-producing countries  ----------------------------—. ---- ------- —.. __ __      783
Compulsory education -------------------- —..-___                   248
Crown lands ----------------------------------—. --- —-—. ---- 236,237
Estimated value of property owned by Americans ----------------      249
Hawaii as a Republic with limited suffrage ----------                256
Hawaiian Islands, capacity for supporting population.-....  200
Kuleanas --   ---------------------------                            236
Land laws ------------------      ----------- -- -------- --------   236
Lottery and opium bills, bribery in connection with ----------- 246, 247
Missionaries, influence of --- —----------------------------------    260
Native, character ---------------------------------------------      238
business capacity of ----------------------        ---       238
feeling toward the United States --- —---------— 248
homes ----------------------------------------              236
Pearl River Harbor -----------------------------       ----------    252
advantages as a coaling station --------------   254
Portuguese laborers, character of         --------------        --   255




INDEX.                                 2273
Spalding, Z. S.-Continued.                                                   Page.
Testimony-Continued.
Restoration of monarchy, effect of --- —--— _ --- —------------- 257,251
Sugar interests in Islands ---------   -------------------------- 251, 258
Taro -        ---------------------------------------------           237
Speech of chairman of committee of American League ---------—.-____. 1242
Speech of L. A. Thurst:)n in Hawaiian legislature, 1890 ----— _  --— ___-__. 1131
Special Commission, Hawaiian, to United States, appointment of --------       1027
Special Commissioner. (See Jas. H. Blount.)
Spreckles, Claus:
Interview ---------------------------                                     1788
Annexation, native sentiment on —       _1 --- —-- -----              1784
sugar planters on --- —., --- —---------------------- 1783
Arable lands of Hawaiian Islands -------------------------— __       1782
Committee of Safety, sugar interests of --- —----------------- 1785-1786
Contract-labor system —          ------------------------       1781-11'a
Planters' Labor Supply Company ------------------------------- 1786
Provisional Goverment, stability of ---17 ---       ------             1787
Sugar culture under reciprocity treaty, 1876 --------------------     1782
Advent of          -        ----------------------------    --     ---- 1455
Bank charter --— _ --- —--------------------------- -------             - 1461
Interview with Blount _ --- —------------------------------------- 1289
Relation to the Island sugar trade ------    ---------------------- 108-112
Stalker, M., veterinary surgeon:
Testimony          ----------      ---------------------        ---       647
Annexation --— _ --- —---------------------------------            -   658
Arion Hall, situation of -----------------------------------------    655
Food supply --- —------                    -----------------           648
Kanaka feeling during revolution -.. --- —-----------------------      661
Kanaka government, end of --- —--------------------------------        651
security of property under ----------------     675
Legislature, 1892 ------ ---   -----------------------                648
Lottery bill, promoters of --- —----------------------------       -   662
Mass meeting ----       -----------------------                   -   650
Natives, character of --- —-------------—. --- —----------------       647
Provisional Government, ability for self-support -. --- —-... ----      675
United States troopsLanding of --- —--------------------------------------------       653
Significance of presence of.. --- —-------- ------ ---—. --- —--  657
Statement of Alexander, W. D ---------------------- ------------------- 1471
Bowen, W. S -------------------------------                     666
Boston Herald, January, 1893 -------------—.. —. --- —------     169
Carter, Charles L --- —------------------------------------      595
Colburn, J. F --- —------------------------------ 1304,1332,1449
Draper, Herbert L -------------------------------------- 1337
Emmerson, Rev. 0. P --------------       -------------------    173
Hawaiian Patriotic League -------------------------------- 1719
Hawaiian Political Association -----------------------         1291
Hobbs, I. Goodwin --- —------------------------------------      363
Hyde, C. M. --- —-----------------------------           ----- 1629
Liliuokalani, Queen --------------------------------------- 1664
Ludlow, Nicoll --------------------------------------------      787
Lyons, Curtis J --- —------------------------------------- 1694
Macfarlane, E. C ----------------------------------------- 1704
McCandless, John A ------------      --------------------- 516,603
Oleson, Wm. B ----------       ------------------ --------      490
Peterson, A. P --- —------------------------------------         1741
Quin, J. C-_ -  --         -------------------------------- 1874
Reeder, P. W.-.6 --- —- ------------- -------..-   676
Revolution in Hawaii ------------------------- 1893,1471,1826
Simpson, William E --- —-------------------------------          768
Smith, Wm. O --- —-----------------------—.. --- —------- 1763
Thurston, L. A --- —--------------------------------------       596
Troops, United States --- —----------------------------         1549
Trousseau, Dr. G -------------                            1791, 1792
S. Rep. 227 -     143




2274                       INDEX.
Statistics, Hawaiian Islands:                           Page.
A. Census - -. ----------.. ---- --------------.........-  1064
B. Hawaiian real and personal property ---------------------- 1064
C. School statistics -- ------—.. ---—. - - ---—.  1065
D. Public debt ----------------------------------—... 1066
E. Sug-ar estates ---------------     -               1067
F. Taxes -----------    -----   ---    ----— 1068
G. Revenues and expenditures ------------------------—.. 1068
H. Receipts, expenditures, public debt ---- --— 1069
I. Imports -------------— 1070
J. Exports -     ------------— 1071
K. Imports and exports by countries ----------------------- 1072
L. Annual value of imports and exports -------------—..  1072
M. Shipping             ---------------------------------- 1073
Steamships, first line between United States and Hawaiian Islands --- 775
Steamers and vessels, inter island ----------------------------- 75
Steam vessels and shipping  ----------— 280
Stevens, John L., U. S. minister to Hawaiian Islands:
To Secretary BlaineNo. 1, July 12, 1889  ------------— 1088
No. 2, September 25, 1889.. --- —--... ----—..-,. --- —----- 1099
No. 3, October 7,1889        -----------— 1100
No. 6, October 17, 1889 ----- -     ----  -1103
No. 7, October 18, 1889  --------         --       1104
No. 10, November 4, 1889 -------------- -------------------.  1105
No. 11, November 14, 1889  -----------------       1107
No. 17, February 7,1890 --------— 1109
No. 18, February 10, 1890  -----------             1111
No. 19, February 22, 1890  --------— 1151
No. 20, March 20, 1890 --- -----          -    -   1123
No. 24, May  20, 1890 -----------------------------------------—.1127
No. 25, May 28, 1890 -------------------- ----------------  1129
No. 26, June 9, 1890 -----------.    1130
No. 27, June 26, 1890 --------------------. --- —---- 1140
No. 30, August 19,1890 -------------------------   1141
No. 2, September 17, 1890 -----------------------------  1143
No. 3, September 25. 1890 ----------------------------- 1144
No. 7, October 22, 1890 ----------------— _- ---- - 1145
No. 8, November 14,1890 -- -—.. — ----- -------- - 1146
No. 9, November 20, 1890 ---------------------------------------- 1147
No. 16, February 5,1891 ----------—. --- —---.-..... 1148
No. 18, February 9, 1891 ---------------- -----    1149
No. 19, February 16, 1891 --- —----  -------------------------—..   1150
No. 21, March 26, 1891 ------------- -- -----— 1154
No. 23, April 4, 1891- --  ------------------------------- 1155
No. 30, August 20, 1891            -—.           1156
No. 31, September 3, 1891 -------- ----------------- 1157
No. 32, September 5, 1891 - ----  -------— 1158
No. 34, October 15,1891 --- —---—.. --- —----—.- -----—.. 1160
No. 46, February 8, 1892 ------------- ---------------- - 989,1161
No. 48, March 8, 1892 --- —----------------------------   990, 1162
No. 50, March 19, 1892 -------------- ----------------- 1163
No. 52, April 2, 1892 ---------- ----------------.. --- —-------- 1164
No. 56, May 21, 1892 --- —----------------------------—.I -----  1165
No. 57, June 11, 1892 ------- -------------— 1167
To Governor Cleghorn, January 17, 1893 -------------------— 1867
To President Dole, January 17, 1893 -------—. --- —-------—.   1415
To Secretary FosterNo. 64, September 9, 1892 --- —------— 1168
No. 65, September 14, 1892.. --- —---- --- -----  1169
No. 71, October 19, 1892 --- —----  —. --- —--- --------- -  1170
No. 72, October 31, 1892 --- —----------------— 993
No. 73, November 8, 1892 -------- _ -------..... 1184
No. 74, November 20, 1892 --- —---------------— 996, 1185
No. 75, November 28,1892  -----------------------— 1192
No. 79, January 18, 1893 --- —------------------------- 1015-1026, 1194
No. 80, January 19, 1893 --- —-------------- ------ 1205




INDEX.                                 2275
Stevens, John L., U. S. minister to Hawaiian Islands-Continued.               Page.
To Secretary Foster —Continued.
No. 81, January 26, 1893 -----------------   --— 1206
No. 82, February 1, 1893 -----------------------— ________. 1050, 1208
No. 83, February 1,1893 ---------------------------      -            1210
No. 84, February 1, 1893 --- —--------- --   --------—.-  -----..    1211
No. 85, February 8,1893 ----------------    - ----------- ---         1213
No. 86, February 27,1893    -------------.. --- —- --------   _ ---   1217
No. 87, February 27. 1893 —                                           1218
No 88, March 1,1893 ----     ------------  --------------------        1219
To W. M. Gifford, January 16, 1893 ------------—. --- —-----           _ 1865
To Secretary GreshamNo, 91, March 7, 1893 -------------------                 ----     _  1222
No. 92, March 15, 1893 --- —-------        ---------                   1223
No. 93, March 24, 1893 --- —--------------------------                 1224
No. 94, April 4, 1893 --- —----------------                            1227
No. 96, May 18, 1893 -------   -         --------------— 1229
To Parker, January 17, 1893 -------------------- 1866
To Walker, January 16, 1893 ---------      -   ---------       ----   -- 1865
To Capt. WiltseFebruary 1, 1893 ---------------- 1212
January 16, 1893 ------------------------                             2169
To Assistant Secretary WhartonJuly 23, 1891 ---------------        ---------     -— 1165
American flag, request for raising of ---------— 1212, 2170, 2202
American interests in Hawaiian Islands -------------— _ 1123
Annexation _ --- —------—...    __ --- —__       ___      _   550,989,1003,1161
Annexation. annuities, etc -------------------------------—. ---_.. __    1051
Answer to Minister Peterson's request for assistance to the Queen- - -     548
Appointment of the Jones-Wilcox cabinet ------------------------—. 1184
J. Mott Smith to negotiate a treaty with the United
States  -----------------------------------— ___ — _ -  1160
C. B. Wilson to be marshal of the Kingdom -... 1166
special commissioners from Provisional Government
to United States -----------            --      - 1028,1205
Arrest of Ashford et al. for treason ---------------------------. 1165
Arrival of Admiral Skerrett at Honolulu -----          -------— 557
Attempt of Queen to promulgate a new constitution --------             - 1015
Bayard's dispatch to Minister Merrill on protection of American citizens -.   -------.. --- — - - — ____________ -__ ----- -------           532
Blount, Commissioner Paramount, arrival in Honolulu ----            - 558,1227
attitifde toward citizens ------------------------------------     560
British cruiser Garnet, arrival of ------------     ----------      --- 1218
Business status in 1892 --         --------------     ----------     1002,1190
Celebration of American holidays --- —---------------------            - 551, 552
Chinese servant story    ------ - - - -   --- - - - ----------------------  573
Commercial and naval importance of the Hawaiian Islands ----------          998
C om m ittee   of  Safety  ------—................ --- —- --- ------- ---..............................  521
request to U. S. minister for United States' protection ----------     ---------------------- 528, 1016
Communication from the Queen --           -     ----------— 541,549
Conference with Capt. Wiltse -—..      ----------------- ------------     576
Credentials presented to the Hawaiian Government. ------------ 1099,1143
Damon, S. M., character of -----------     -----------------               581
Deadlock between Queen and legislature ---------------------------- 1169
Denial of statements of Peterson and Parker -       ----------             573
Dole, S. B., character of --- —-    -----------------------------       --   571
Dominis, Governor J. O.. death of --- —------------------------------ 1157
English influences near the Queen ---    ------—. --- —--------— __ —  994,1182
English minister, efforts to influence Japanese against Provisional
Government.-. --- ——. --- —-------------------—... 1219,1221
enmity to the Provisional Government and Americans -----          1218
opposition to annexation -----------     --—. —      — __-__- _   554
Events prior to overthrow of the monarchy ----—. --- —-_ ---- --— __ —      520
Foreign citizens of Honolulu, feeling toward Provisional Government -----— _       __     — ___ --- —-----------          ------------   564
Free sugar, policy of United States --- —----------- --------       ----- 1158
Government of the Islands -------------------------------— 999




2276                            INDEX.
Stevens, John L., U. S. minister to Hawaiian Islands-Continued.     Page.
Hawaiian Hotel, the lodge of Royalists.- ----—.._.__ -____.-.   559
Hawaiian Islands, importance to United States ------ _... --- —__  1159
physicaldimensions --- —-------------         997 1185
Honolulu as a coaling station ----------—. --- —------------... 1145
Interregnum                                 -        -----------------------, - -------------— _ ---____ 540, 578
Interviews with Japanese minister -------------------.       554
Instructions asked in case of revolution, 1892... ---. ----_-    1162
Insurrectionof 1889, leaders --—..-.                            1103
Insult to American minister in the '' Bulletin ------- - -.... 1170
Japanese, ambition in Hawaiian affairs ----   ---------      _   1224
annexation --- —-- ----------------  -— ___.__. 1224
Japanese commissioner, interview with --- —_ — ___    -,__    _ 1225
Japanese minister on Japanese suffrage ----------------------     553
Kalakaua, advice to, against change of constitution --.. —    _  524
death of ----------------— _                            1148
resolutions on death of --- -------    -------       _ 1149
Legislators, election of, in 1890 ------------       -____ 1109
Legislature, 18-90 --- —--------------- ---           - __1146
Appropriations of ----------------------------—.. —... _______ 1146
Letter to Capt. Wiltse. on landing the United States troops -------  533
Liberal League, organization of —.. --- —5 —26 —                   526
Liliuokalani, proclaimed Queen -------------------— __________ _ 1149
Lottery and opium ring ----                                      1015
Lottery and opium bills, passage of- ------------        -        520
Macfarlane, E. C., character of -----------— _____               1222
Mass meeting of January 16, 1893 --------------     -         521, 1016
call for   ------------— ______                     1020
Martial law proclaimed -------------------— _                    1020
Mobs, threats to the Queen ------------— _______531
Native population ------------------—. ______1124
sentiment toward whites -------------------------— __________  551
New constitution, promulgation attempted --   ---------  ___   _  520
Neumann, Paul, character of --- —--------       -----— __         1206
Newspapers of Honolulu -------------------------     -.    546
Organization against the Provisional Government ----  -— __       562
Overthrow of the monarchy -----------    -----------— 1193
Pearl River Harbor -------------------                           1124
Political situation in1889        ----------------   -------------------— o — -_-_   1107
1890-                                                    1129, 1130
1 89-  - -  - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -9  - - - - - - -  - - - - - - - - - -  - - - - - -  1-  - - - - - - - - - - 1161
1892 ---..... --- —---------- ----------- -.. -—....__ 1161
Political feeling in the Islands ---- --— _-_               __    524
Proclamation ofCommittee of Safety, text --- —--------        --— _       _   1017
Provisional Government --------------------—.-____-___..______  577
read at Government building, text ----- 1025
Protectorate, United StatesDisavowal by Mr. Foster ----------------— __                   555
Establishment of ----------------------------   ------------  1207
Influences of --- —-------------------------------------------  1217
Reasons for --- —------------------------------    552,553,1053,1207
Protest of Governor Cleghorn ---------------—.      -            567
Provisional GovernmentCall for arms, text --- —-------------------------------------   1020
Establishment of. —  ------------                          - 1014
Personnel ----  -----------------   -----— 1016
Recognition --- —-. --- —------------------------------- 545, 546, 1017
Request for United States protection, text ----------— I --- —.  1213
to U, S. minister for recognition, text-.             1019
Queen, speech to populace. --- —--------- -------------------------- 1015
Elements surrounding ---------------—. --- —------------ ___  1151
First cabinet, personnel of. --- —--  ----—. --- —.. --- —--  1155
Guard of. --- —----------------------------------------------  545
Influence of Wilson with. --- —----—. --- —---------- 1170
Power to overthrow Povisional Government -----------------  561
Visit to American flagship     ------   -      -    ----- 1163




INDEX.                               2277
Stevens, John L., U. S. minister to Hawaiian Islands-Continued.           Page.
Queen's special commissioners to the United States, character of —.    1210
Reciprocity- 1100
Recognition of Provisional Government:
American ---------------------------                                546
Foreign --- —----------------------------------------------------    545
Resignation as United States minister --- —------------------------ 1221
Revolution of 1893, reasons for ------------------------------------- 1015
Royalist meetings --------------------------    -------                 541
Statementof social and political conditions of the Hawaiian Islands_ 996, 1185
Sugar interest, bounty system ----------------------------------- 1128
Supporters.of Provisional Government        ------------------     -    544
Supreme court of Hawaii since revolution --- —------- ---------          572
Testimony before U. S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations - --       519
Tokio ring, contract labor importing ----------------      ---------- 1226
Treaty relations with the United States, 1892 --- —-----                1161
Trial of Wilcox and others for treason --- —--------------           - 1105
Trousseau, Dr., character of ---       -    ---------------------       571
Troops, United States:
Landing of. --- —-- 522,532,535,576
request for --- —------------                      2169,2199
Location in Honolulu ----         -----------                  542,1865
Reasons for presence in Honolulu   -------------------------        548
War ships, American, at Honolulu ---------     ---------------      - 1156
Wilcox-J ones ministry -------                     ------               520
Stevens, John L., United States Minister to Hawaiian Islands:
Address to the Queen upon her accession    --------       ----------- 1828
Agency in overthrow of the monarchy -      --        - 1256,1263,1265, 1730
Annexation, scheme of -------        -— 1256-1263,1625,1670,1676
Anti-monarchical sentiments of ---------------------------         -   1832
Attitude on the annexation scheme --- —----     -   --       ------  1256,1574
toward the revolutionary movement ----          - 618,621, 634,1328
toward Provisional Government -     ------     ----   448, 738,1445
Character of... --- -.      513, 634, 765, 2178
Conspiracy to overthrow Queen -----------—.. --- —---- ---------- 1402
Correspondence relating to annexation ------       ---------             32
Interference of --- —-------------------------------- 1676
Interview with Mr. Swinburne on board the Boston, January 16, 1893-     469
On commercial interests of Hawaiian Islands ----------------------      772
Participation in the Hawaiian revolution of 1893 --------------------    35
Political attitude of --- —------------------------------------------    728
Request to, for aid of United States troops                             586
Recognition of Provisional Government, hour of ---      23,448,472,546,1334,
1369,1398,1401,1413,1447,1751,1780,1845
Reply To Governor Cleghorn --------- 1777
Support of revolutionary movement ------------- 1328, 1851
Sympathy with annexation element --------------------- 1314,1704, 1792
To Capt. Wiltse, letter on landing of United States troops, text - -  533, 717
Strategic value of Hawaiian Islands -----------------   116,117,118,700,804,806
Sugar, culture       -   --------------------------------         943,1724,1782
Estates -                                                           1067
Estates --- —---------------------------------------------------- 1067
Free, United States policy on ----------------------------     --- 1158
Freight rate -----------------------------------------------         109
Production —                                                         277
Raw   duty on                                                        111
Raw, duty on ----------------------------------------------------    i
Tariff                                                              1128
Tariff -----------------------------------------------------------   128
Trade, Claus Spreckles's relation to    -   -------------------- 108-112
Sugar interests:
Hawaiian Islands. --- —----- -              -251,258,769,775,783,1128,1407
Of Committee of Safety.             ----------------                   1785
Tabulated statement of nationality and capital invested in --- —-- 1889-1913
Plantations:
Corporations, amount of investments and nationality of stockholders, table __ --- —-----------------------------              1890
Opening of, after treaty of 1876 -------------------------------    103
Plantation and planting interests not incorporated, table ------   1889




2278                               INDEX.
Suffrage:                                                                Page.
Effect of unqualified ----  -------     --------------- 1684
Hawaii as a republic with limited -----------------------------------  256
Japanese --- —---------------------------------------------------- 553,2093
Qualifications ----------  ----------------------------—. --- —--—. ----  679
Supreme court of Hawaiian Islands -------------- 459,572,1637
Supremacy of United States over Hawaii ---------------— 21
Swinburne, W. T., Lieut. Commander, U. S. Navy:
Statement to Mr. Blount --- —-----       ---------- 1331
Statement of                                                           462
American citizens, protection of, orders -------------             470
American flag, hoisting of. --- —-----—.   ---------   ------     472
national salute to --- —---------------------------  473
Arrival of Admiral Skerrett at Honolulu     ---------       ---    474
Chinese consul, visit to American consulate --------     ----      476
Committee of Public Safety, message to Capt. Wiltse ------------   467
Hawaiian Government, military forces essential ------     ---      481
Interview with Mr. Stevens on the Boston, January 17, 1893 --- —-   469
Japanese laborers, class characteristics ----------------   -----   482
Letter to Mr. Blount in regard to Provisional Government --- —-     488
Lottery bill, opposition to ---------------------- -  ------   -   464
Order, Capt. Day to Mr. Swinburne, on withdrawal of U. S.
troops ----..       — ____       --------------                477
Order, Capt. Wiltse to Mr. Swinburne, text ---------------------   474
Political condition in Honolulu prior to sailing of the Boston for
Hilo  ------— _ — _ --. --- —- -—.. --- —----------        ---   463
Protectorate, establishment of --- —-----------------------------   473
Provisional Government:
Interview between Capt. Wiltse and members of-. ----       -   471
Official recognition, by Minister Stevens -------              471
Queen, sentiment toward foreigners --- —----------         -        466
surrender of --- —-------                                    472
Troops, United States:
Details of the landing ----------— _ --- —-------—. --- —-----  469
Position of, during reading of proclamation of Provisional
Government --- —------                                        486
Preparations for landing --- —----------------------------- 465, 467
Purpose of landing --- —------------                        477,483
Report to Capt. Wiltse of the landing of United States troops and
subsequent operations --   ------------                       -2204-2208
Table:
Acreage on which taxes were paid, 1891-'92    -------------------- 1880
Census --- — ----------------------------------------    ----------- 1064
Official, of 1890 --- —---------------- 1404
Classification of nationality and sex by occupation ---------         1353
by social condition, education, etc 1354
Crown lands, available for lease, sale, or homestead ---   -------     1882
summary, 1893 — 1881
Duties collected, 1888-1892 -................  1913
Estate of lands, Bernice Pauhi Bishop                                 1882
Exports and imports with United States --- —---------------------- 776,777
Hawaiian corporations, other than sugar plantations --------     1918-1944
historical events -----------------------------------------  155
sugar plantations and interests, not incorporated --------- 1889
sugar-plantation corporations, amount of investment and
nationality of stockholders --- —------------------------- 1890
Imports --- —----------------------------------------------------- 1070
Imports and exports by countries --- —------------------------------ 1072
Imports and exports, annual value of --- —--------------------------- 1072
Lands, approximate division of --- —--------------------------------- 1914
Monthly pay roll of Provisional Government, by nationality --------- 1883
Nationality and number of naturalizations from 1876 to 1892 --------- 1888
Number of United States troops landed and returned to U. S. S. Boston ------------------------------------------------ 1549
Sugar interests and plantations, nationality and capital invested- _1889 —1913
Summary of Government lands for 1893 ------------------- 1880
Taxes paid by various nationalities in Hawaiian Islands, 1891-'92 ---  1879




INDEx.                                 2279
Table-Continued.                                                              Page.
Total area of land commission awards -. --- —-------------------        _ 1914
Tariff-sugar- ---------     --      -—. --- —.                   _             107
Taro ----------------------— 237,277
Taxation:
Rate of --------------------------------------------—. --- —-— ___-  1947, 1970
Foreign capital and property ------------------------------— _.-__        1970
Taxes -------------------------------------------------            __     1068,1350
Tax frauds    ------------—.. ----_  -----        ----                        1798
Telegraphs -----------—.-          -------— ______ - ---------------—.     75, 280
Telephones -----------            ---------                                 75, 280
Temperance laws-                                                               224
Temperature, variations of ---------------------.. —   - 79,266
Ten Eyck, A.:
To Mr. Buchanan, September 3,1849 --------------------             -----   878
To Commodore Jones, August 31, 1849      ----------------       ------     880
French seizure of Hawaiian Islands. --- —----— _ --- —-      ----- _.    878, 880
Tenney, Edward D.. member of advisory council, Provisional Government:
Affidavit            -----------------------------------------    ----- ___..  588
Blount investigation methods -----------------------------------       590
Flag, American, removal of ------------------                          590
Mass meeting, January 16,1893 --- —-----------------------------        588
Mobs, fears of ----------— ___-__-_______,_     __ —_ ---               588
Protectorate, United States, reasons for             -    -------      590
Provisional Government, armed forces of --- —-------                    589
Queen, responsibility for downfall ----------------                    588
United States marines, inactivity of --- —----------                    589
Territorial extension:
President Cleveland on ---------------—. ---_-__- 1253
Hawaiian protest against Great Britain and France ---------                831
Territorial government ----------------—.-...... --- --— ___ --- —----  1684
Thomas, Richard, admiral English navy, disavowal of seizure of Hawaiian Islands, 1843 ------------------—. —__. _ ----. —.._    -_     _   866
Thompson, Smith, Secretary of the Navy:
To John Gallagher, commanding United States brig EnterpriseApril 8, 1823 -----------------------—. 2150
April 24, 1823 --------------------—.. ---__. __ —_ --- — 2151
Thrum, T. G., statement to Mr. Blount, summary of capital invested in
sugar interests         ----—.... --- —--                            - 1889-1913
Thurston, Lorin A., Hawaiian minister to United States:
To A. Rosa ----------------------—. --- —---—. --- —-—,_        ____  _ 1285
To Colburn ------------------------ _-_-__.____          -.._..__.__     1287
To Secretary Gresham --------------------— __ --- —-------             1245-1250
Claims of Provisional Government submitted ---------—.          1245-1250
Statement ---— _______                                                     596
Annexation -------------------------------. ---_-_.- _    1286, 1287
Answer to Mr. Blount                       ---                         596
Cabinet call for armed resistance to the Queen -----------— _ ----       600
Citizens' agreement to support the cabinet ---------------— _-___      600
Committee of Safety, intention to depose the Queen -----— __. —     _   598
Hawaiian history, application to present issues --- —          _  1111-1115
Mass meeting of January 16, 1893, Queen denounced -----— ___ —_        599
Queen, threats to cabinet -------------------------------     -— ____  600
attempt to promulgate a new constitution --------— __           600
Revolutions of 1887-1889. --- —---------—. --------------------------      601
Royalist mass meeting -----------------— _                                  599
Speech delivered in Hawaiian legislature, 1890 --      ------       - 1131
United States troops, landing of -----------------—. --- ——..____     597
Wilson, C. B., attempt to suppress the Committee of Safety ----        598
Tobacco ----------------         -------      --------------------------        280
Tokio ring, contract-labor importing. --- ——.. --- —------------— ___       - 1226
Trade-Table of export and import with United States -----------------           776
Trade winds _-_....___.___.._-_ _..._ _       ___ __ _266
Tracy, B. F., Secretary of the Navy:
To Secretary BlaineNovember 1, 1889 ----------------------                  --            1978
November 13, 1889 ---------------------            -   ---— _      -  1979
November 10, 1891 -------------------------------                     1986




2280                                 INDEX.
Tracy, B. F., Secretary of the Navy-Continued.                               Page.
Admiral BrownMay 15,1890 -----------           -------------                 2011,2158
June 20,1890 --------------------------------—. 2011,2158
August 27,1890 --     ----       ------------- 2011, 2159
January 21,1891 ---------------------- 2012,2159
January 22,1891 ----------------------------------------        2012,2160
January 24,1891 --------          -------------— 2013, 2160
March 11,1891 ---------          -------------- 2013,2160
September 28,1892 ----------------------------— 2015
To Secretary FosterJanuary 28, 1893 —          - ----------—. ------------------------- 1029
February 3,1893 -----------------------------------—. --- —--- _     1031
February 11, 1893 -------------       ------------- 1048
To Admiral KimberlySeptember 3,1889 --------------------- 2009, 2157
November 13,1889 --------------                  --------            2158
September 13,1889 --- —---       -       -------         -— 2175
December 2,1889 ----     -----     -------------------------------   2177
To Admiral SkerrettFebruary 14,1893 -------------                 -------      -   2018,2164
January 28,1893 --- —---                                         2015, 2163
To commanding officer ofAlliance, October 11, 1892 ------                  --------— 2015, 2163
Boston, September 28,1892 -------         -------     --      - 2013, 2162
Boston, July 15, 1892 -  --------        -------- 2013
Iroquois, June 26.1891 - --    _       ----   ---   --------- 2013,2161
Mohican, August 23. 1890 -----        ---------—. ---- ---—. —. --- ——.-  2159
To commanding officer of Pacific station, September 8, 1891 - - _ 2013, 2161
Protectorate, American -----------— j.. --- —-----------                   1048
Protection of American interests --- —------------------ ------ 2015, 2163
without interference -------------       - -------- 2164
United States naval cooperation with United States minister -------- 2018
Treason:
Arrest of Ashford, Wilcox, etc., for --- —-----------------------      -- 1165
Punishment of -------—.._.-.. _____;_... -                   ----    2089
Treaty:
1839. France and Sandwich Islands              -845, 846
1846. France and Sandwich Islands_-          ---------    -------------    876
1846. Denmark and Sandwich Islands --------------------                   820
1836. Great Britain, of Lord Edward Russell -      ----------        -     845
1844. Great Britain and Sandwich Islands ----------          -----     -   873
1852. Great Britain and Hawaiian Islands ---------------------—. —       829
1826. United States and Sandwich Islands, text-        ---------      816, 843
1850. United States and Sandwich Islands_ --- —------              821,887-893
1854. Uncompleted, United States and Sandwich Islands --------       935, 1415
correspondence in relation to extracts from letters --- —-------------------------------- 1432 —1438
negotiations for -------     -       -----    ---- 1418
procrastination and failure of --- —----          -- 1419
r*otocols of ---------------- 1424-1432
text of   ---------------       -      ----       - 40-43
1857. Uncompleted, United States and Sandwich Islands -— _ ---               45
1867. Uncompleted -- ------------------------— __. --- —--------------      948
1875. Reciprocity, United States and Sandwich Islands_-       ----     -  828,
1379, 1455, 1565,1725
Text ---------------------                                       972-975
Protocols of --- —----------------------------------------------      975
" Most favored nation" clause ---------------------------------     1961
A review of its commercial results -.. --- —--------------- 103,1782
Results, values delivered by the United States to Hawaiian
Islands for nine years, 1876 to 1885, table ---------------------  104
Results, values received and receivable, United States from
Hawaiian Islands for nine years, 1876 to 1885, table ---     -      104
Results, general distribution of profits, table ----  -----      -   105
General results of -----------------------------—..            113, 1782




INDEX.                                2281
Treaty-Continued.                                                           Page.
Supplementary, United States and Sandwich Islands; concluded, 1884,
proclaimed, 1887, text --------------------— _                          978
Pearl River Harbor cession, text -----------------                        979
Parcels post convention between United States and Hawaiian Kingdom, 1889, text ---------------------------------------------— _. 980-986
1893. Uncompleted, of United States and Hawaiian Islands. text - -       1010
Treaty relations in Hawaiian Legislature, 1892 ----------------—. ---. —     1161
Treaty --------------------------       __                               1893
Outlines of ------------------- --------.-.. 1043
Negotiations ------— _ --- —--------------—. ----. —. --- -...._       _  2040
Trist, Nicholas P., appointment as special commissioner to Mexico in
1847 --- —         -                                  --   -     ------    3944
Tromelin, L., admiral French Navy:
To U. S. Consul TurrellAugust 23,1849 ---------------------------------                      882
August 25, 1849 --------------------------------------------     -    884
French seizure of Sandwich Islands -------------—,       ------      -   882
Troops:
American, landing in Hawaiian Islands in 1874 ---- 351, 419,424, 712, 967
British, landing in Hawaiian Islands in 1874 --- —------------         351,713
landing in 1843 -------------     -------    ---                 801
French, landing in Hawaiian Islands in 1819 --- —--------------------      801
Hawaiian Royalist:
Armament of...... 1871,1838
Location of ---         ----------------------—..   --—.          1393
Number of ------     -      186, 232, 337, 1817,738,232, 1448, 1450,1752, 1847
Surrendered ---------------— 1450,1662
Provisional Government --------------------.            214,215,
306,341,511,544,589, 729,788,1597, 1759,1779,2221
Queens. (See Hawaiian Royalist.)
United StatesAttitude of ------------------------------------------       -        587
At the proclamation of Provisional Government -------            486,1874
Conduct of -----------------—._  __ --- —--------- ----- - - -     - __ ____   5
Cooperation of, in overthrow of Hawaiian monarchy ---             - 1259
Details of landing -----------------         -                        469
Diagram of position January 16, 1893 -----------— 1873
Effect on overthrow of the Queen ------------------------- 514, 494,499
Equipment of ---------------------                                    335
For protection of American interests ---------                        490
Inaction of, while in Honolulu --------------------------------       450
Influence on revolution of 1893   --------      -------- 494,495, 795,499
Landing at Corea                                                      428
Landing at Panama, 1872 ----------------— 427
Landing at Honolulu in1874 --- —-------------— 351, 424, 712, 967
1889 --- —------------------------------------------------ 1090,2174
1893 --- —------------------------------------ 185,218,334,343,368.
372, 445, 532, 535, 598, 619, 622, 653, 742, 1029, 1267, 1390,1449, 1531,
1535,1540, 1551, 1660, 1673, 1733, 1792, 1815, 1842, 1918, 2169, 2200
Landing of, in 1874 and 1893, comparison of purpose ------        -   372
protest against -------------   ----------— 1843
purpose of    ---------   -----    --      6,7,477,483, 1531,1534
Location of, in Honolulu --------------------— 186, 377, 381, 414, 542, 639,
640, 645, 728, 736, 1335, 1346, 1393, 1753,1874
Movement of, memorandum --- —--------------------------------- 1405
Necessity for aid of --- —--       -----------------------    ------   757
Neutrality of --- —----------------------------------------------      376
Occasion for landing -----------------— 308
Order for landing, text -   --------------------------------------   2169
Preparations for landing       ----------------------         375,465,468
Paramount Commissioner, authority to control -------           33,400, 409
Queen's surrender to --- —-----------------------------------         1677
Request to Minister Stevens for assistance from ------------------- 448,
449, 528,1326, 2169,2199
Right to land -------------------------------                           7
Royal salute to the Queen ------------------------------------        377




2282                                 INDEX.
Troops-Continued.                                                           Page.
United States-Continued.
Strength of, in Honolulu ------      -      ---------------       -   335
When reembarked -----           ----        - --       ---        -   338
Withdrawal of ------------------------------------------- 25,397,477
Volunteer, of the Provisional Government --- —-------------- 511,729, 788
Numberof          -   —.      ---                           214, 215,1779
Trousseau, Dr. G.:
Statement toMr. Blount --- —---------                          -     ---    ---- 1791
Mr. Nordhoff --- —-----------------------                           - 1792
American capital invested in the Hawaiian Islands --- —--------- 1803
Character of Queen Liliuokalani -------------------------------- 1804
Gibson administration -— _ --- —--—. --- —-----                       1796
"Hawaii for the Hawaiians "                                          1796
Intrigues at the death of King Lunalillo ------------------------ 1794
Kalakaua, election of --- —--------------------------------------- 1795
Landing of United States troops -------------------                  1792
Lottery, uses of --- —-------------------------------------------- 1798
Opium smuggling ---------------------                                1798
Revolution of 1887 -—: --- —------------                             1797
Stevens's sympathy with the revolutionists         ---------------   1799
Tax frauds    -         -----------                 --------    --- 1798
Character of -----------------------------                                571
Contradiction of testimony of --- —-------------------------------- 514, 515
Turpie, Hon. David ------------------------------           -  ------------     35
Additional views, minority report of the Committee on Foreign Relalations --------------                         --                 ----    35
Annexation --- —----------------                                     --      36
Turrell, J., U. S. consul to Honolulu:
To Secretary Clayton, September 4, 1849 -----------------------            881
French seizure of Hawaiian Islands. --- —----          - ---------- ----   881
To Admiral TromelinAugust 24,1849 ------------------      ------------        -------     883
August 27,1849 --- —----------------------------------          ----   885
Protest against seizure of the islands-         -      -------------- 883-885
To R. C. Wyllie, August 25, 1849 -----------    --------------   -—. --- —  886
Tyler,John, Presidentof the United States, message on Sandwich Islands
and China, December 31,1842 --- —----------------------------------         847
T. 
Upshur, A. P., U. S. Secretary of State:
To Mr. Fox, July 5, 1843 -----------— 924
Independence of Hawaiian Islands --- —--------------------                  924
United States:
Interference in Hawaiian domestic affairs ------------------ 3,21,36, 2122
Money in Hawaii —....- -    ----------    --------------------       398
Naval forces in Hawaiian Islands -------------------------------- 2137
legality of Mr. Blount's control of -    33
Naval forces in riot of 1874 --- —--.... ----... --- —--          351,420
officers, responsibility of, concerning orders given by civil
officers ----       ------         ----- 346, 348, 429, 435,436,714,719
Policy of --------------------------       ----------— 907,1005,1271
1851 --- —-------------                                                908
1887 -------------                        ----                        1975
1893. --- —-------------   -    --------         1271, 1272,2075,2103,2120
Naval policy in foreign relations --------------------                    2139
Treaty with Sandwich Islands1826, text  ----------------------------- 816,843
1850, text --- —------------------------------------------------        887
1854, uncompleted --- —- --------------------------------- 935,1415
protocols of ----                             1424-1432
1857 ----------------------------------------                           45
1875, reciprocityv. -----------------—...- 972, 1379,1455,1565, 1725
1893, uncompleted, text.- -..-... —...-. ----. —.-.-. —. 1010
United States flag. (See Flag.)




INDEX.                                  2283
United States troops:                                                           Page.
At Corea ----    -------------------           ------                         428
At Panama. 1872 ------------------—......42.7.... --- —----— _ --- —           427
At the proclamation of Provisional Government -------—..__ —_-..-           1874
Cooperation or, in overthrow of Hawaiian monarchy -..                        1259
Details of the landing   ------— 469... --- —------—.. --- —---- _ ___         469
Effect on overthrow of the Queen -.. —. —       ------------ 494, 495,499, 514,795
Equipment of -------------------------------------------—. --- —--            335
For protection of American interests --------------— 490, 638
Influence on revolution of 1893 —.. --- —--------       ---   -- 494,495,499.795
Honolulu, strength of ----------------------------------------------         335
Riot of 1874 ----—. --- —--------------------------------- 351,424,712,967
Landing in Honolulu1889 --- —----------------------------— 1090,2174
1893  ------------------------------------------------------- 185,218,
334, 343, 368, 372,445, 532, 535, 598, 619, 622, 653, 742, 007, 1029, 1259,
1392,1449, 1531, 1535, 1540, 1551, 1660,1673, 1733, 1792, 1815, 1842,1918
Location in Honolulu --      -------------------------------------- 186
'377, 381, 414, 542, 639, 640, 645, 7.36, 1335, 1346,1393,1753,1865,1874
Protest against landing.... —  ---— 1842
Request to Minister Stevens for assistance from ------— 448,
449, 528, 586, 1326, 2169,2199
Withdrawal. --- —-- --------------------------—.             ---..  25,397,477
V.
Values delivered and received by the United States to the Hawaiian Islands in nine vears, table of --- —--------------------------------------        101
Vancouver Island, fortification of --- —---------------                            793
Vegetation, marketable -------------------------—.-.                          55,773
Veto, the royal --- —-----------------------------------------------------         283
Vices, chief, of Hawaiians, 1846 ----------------------------------------         153
Volcanoes..-. --- —--- -   _. --- —----— _     -----—. --- —---       81
Volcanicorigin of the islands ---------------------                        ----    80
Volunteerforces of Provisional Government ------------                       214, 306,
341,511,544,589,729, 788,1597,1759,1779,2221
Voting qualificationrrs_ --- —---—. ----  ------------------ 1318,1319
Constitution of 1887 ----------—.... --- —-------- 1293
W.
Warships, American, in Hawaiian waters, need of - -       1156,1250,1979,1980, 2007,
2193
Japanese --------— ___ —..   _       ------------                     1377
steaming radius of modern      ----------------------------------      791
Waterhouse, Henry:
Intervie wl   -    -----   -- -----       -------   --------------— _ ---     1321
Bribery --- —--- --------------—. --- —----------------- 1322
Committee of Safety, organization ------— _       ----------             1322
request for protection of U. S. troops ------    1326
Incendiary talk ----      -- -   ------------—..                        1325
Opium bill ----— _    _____-   ______ --- —.                              1323
Provisional Government, reading of proclamation of --- —-------- 1327
Queen's attempt to promulgate a new constitution --------------          1322
Stevens, Minister, sympathy with revolutionary movement ---               1328
Webster, Daniel, Secretary of State:
To Mr. Brown, Commissioner to Sandwich Islands, March 45, 1843_               868
To Mr. Everett, March 23, 1843 ----          ----------------                  918
To Hawaiian Conmmssioners, December 19,1842           ----   --    -      -   852
To Mr. Rives, June 19, 1851        -           -   --                         905
To Mr. Severence. July 14, 1851      ----------    -----------------          907
French seizure of Hawaiian Islands ----             -------------— 905
Policy of United States --------------------------------------------          868
in the French-Hawaiian troubles       --------       907
Preservation of Hawaiian independence -----------------------------           908
Wells, artesian........-                                                     278,517




2284                          INDEX.
Wells, C. B.:                                                 Page.
Interview     ---    -------------------------             1805
Annexation. --- — ------------------------------------------------  1807
effect on land values -------------- ---------  1808
Australian ballot system  --------------------------------------  1807
Chinese as voters-  - --  --------------    ------—. 1808
Japanese as voters      ---------------  -------------  1807
laborers, character of --- —-   --------------- 1805
Portuguese laborers, character of --- -----  -1806
Wharton, W. F., Acting Secretary of State:
To Mr. MerrillAugust 22, 1889 ------  ------------ 1097
August 23, 1889 --- —---------------------- -----     1097,1978
To Mr. StevensAugust 1, 1890   ------------              -----        1981
August 16, 1890 ------------------- 1141
September 10, 1890 --- —-----------------     -------- 1142, 1982
September 9, 1891-,       -------------- 1160,1985
September 16, 1891 --------------------- 1985
September 22, 1891 --      ------         --    ----    1160
March 3, 1892-   ------------                           1162
March 19,1892 ---------     -- --           ----------- 1163
June 7, 1892 ------------------                     1167, 1986
October 26,1892 -------------------- ----------------------  1181
February 17, 1893 --- —-----------             ------- 1216,1991
March 2, 1893 --- —----------------               --- 1220,1992
February 23,1893 --- —---- -------------             ---  1217
February 24,1893 --- —-  -------  --------- 1217,1992
Political changes in Hawaiian affairs --- — -- ---  ---- 1097,1981
Landing of U. S. marines, 1889  --------------------- 2174
Whitney, W. C., Secretary of the Navy:
To American consul, Panama, June, 1887  ----- 2008, 2156
To Amiral Kimberly, July 12,1887 ---- -------- -----   2008, 2156
Widemann, Judge H. A.:
Interview ------         --—............. --- —------   - 1809
Conference of Queen and cabinet January'17, 1893: --------------- 1810
Legislature of 1892-'93, reform party in - -  ---------   1811
Wiley, John, case of --. --- — - -------------- ---------. ---- 874
Wilcox, Albert S.:
Affidavit --- —------------------------------- ----------------------  451
Abrogation of Hawaiian monarchy ------------  -----         451
Wilcox, George N., cabinet minister in 1892:
Affidavit -----  -----------                           --   453
Hawaiian monarchy, causes of overthrow of --- —-----.. ----  453
Wilcox, W. L,, interpreter, affidavit ------------------ ------  595
Wilcox, Robert W.:
Interview-1.. --- —----------------------------             1813
Appropriations for contract labor, 1874 to 1890 ------------------ 1872
Armament of the Royalist forces ---------------------- 1871
Armed forces of Queen, surrendered. --- —---—. --- -.- -   1817
Cabinet changes in 1892 -------------------------------------- 1819
Constitution of 1887, voting qualifications under ------------ 1817,1818
Constitution, new, elements favorable to -----------------  1822
Elections in 1892, influence of white population in -------   1820
bribery in ---------------------------- 1820
Legislature of 1892, prorogation of ---------------------------- 1814
Political parties, 1892 --- -------------               1819
Revolution of 1889, object ------------------------ ---------—. 1823
Royalist mass meeting, 1893 --------------------------- 1815
Troops, United States, landing of ------------------------------ 1815
To Mr. BlountApril 6, 1893 ------  ----               -              1870
April 7, 1893. --- —----             -----             1870
April 19, 1893 ------------—..- - ----    ----------- 1871
April 25, 1893  ----------.-   ----     1872
Interview with Mr. Hoes — ---------------- --------------   759
Political record of —. --- --------             --       - 1478
Trial of, for conspiracy, 1889 --- ------------    -      440, 1105
I1




INDEX.                                    2285
Page.
Wilcox insurrection. --- —----------------------------- 1726, 987, 1571, 1747
Wilcox-Jones cabinet --- —---------------------- 365,520,679, 726, 735, 1184,1755
Policy of -------------     -----------------    --------------        ------   205
Queen's antagonism to ----------------------------------            -     ---   206
Wilcox-Brown ministry.. --- —----------           ------------      -----            1834
Wilder, William C., member of Committee of Safety:
Affidavit --------       ----- -----  -------------------     --------------    447
Committee of Safety ----------------          ----------------------        448
Mass. meetings of January 16, 1893 ------------------------------           448
Offer of information to Commissioner Blount ----          ----,    450
Provisional Government, organization of ----            ------          _   449
Queen's attempt to proclaim a new constitution --—. --- —--—._-            447
Revolution, 1893, causes of ----—..   -   ------------------------—.      447
Stevens, United States minister, recognition of Provisional Government -----------------------------                                     448
United States troops, call for --- —--         ----------                    448
Willis, Albert S., United States minister to Hawaiian Islands:
To Mr. DoleDecember 27, 1893 --- —---------------------------— 2075
January 1, 1894 --- —-—..  --------     --- -----------------------        2077
-, 1894 ------------------------------         -----   ----- 2047-2053
January 15, 1894 --- —--------------        --       ---— 2053
December 2, 1893 --- —-------------------------------                       2103
To Secretary GreshamNo. 1, November 6, 1893 ----            ------------              -  1238-1240
No. 2, November 11, 1893 -------------------                               1240
November 16, 1893 ---------------------------                       1242
No. 3, November 16, 1893 --- —----------            ------                  2087
No. 4, November 16, 1893      -------    ------------                      1242
No. 5, November 18,1893 -------          -----    -----------—.   ---— 1243
No. 6, November 19, 1893 --------------------------       ---------—..    2090
No. 7, December 1. 1893 ---------------------         -     ----------     2090
December 4, 1893     -------------------      -      ----------     1250
No. 8, December 5,1893 -------------------------------------—.            2092
No. 9, December 5, 1893 ---------------------         ----     --          2103
No. 10, December 9, 1893      ----------         ---  -       ------       2103
No. 11, December 14, 1893. --- —-----        -----------—.  --------      2107
No. 12, December 14, 1893 ------—.. --- —------------— 2107
No. 13, December 14, 1893       -------------         ---------            2108
No. 14, December 18, 1893      -------------------       -------— _....    2108
No. 15, December 19, 1893 e --- —-----                    --------     -    2112
No. 16, December 20, 1893                                ---— 2115
No. 17, December 20, 1893 ---------------------------          --------    2119
No. 20, December 26, 1893 ----------------                        -    _   2071
No. 21, January 4,1894 -------------------           -        -— 2079
No. 201, January 5, 1894 ----------------------------—.-. ----            2072
No.22, January 6,1894 ---------------------------------                 -  2079
No. 23, January 6,1894 ----------      ---------------- -----------        2080
No. 24, January 6,1894 --- —------       -------        ------------ 2080-2084
No. 27~, January 12,1894 --- —-------         -- --    ------     --    --  2132
No. 28, January 16, 1894 ------------------      -------— 2133
No. 29, January 16,1894     -----------------------------------      ---   2134
No.30, January 19,1894 ------------------—. --- —--------                  2024
No. 31, January 19, 1894     --------------------        -----------       2039
No. 33, January 20, 1894       -----------------------------------         2054
No. 34, February 3, 1894 --- —----        -----------------    ---------- -  2055
No. 32, February 2, 1894 --------------------—. --- —-----..              2054
No. 35, February 10,1894 -----------------------—.. ---. --- —— _. 2057
No. 36, February 14, 1894 -       ------    ----       ----   ----------   2058
No. 37, February 15, 1894     -------------------------         -          2067
To Rear-Admiral IrwinNovember 29, 1893 -------------------------------------                 - 2140
December 14, 1893        -----------------------------------               2144
January 15, 1894.   --    --------------    --------------         2146
January 15, 1894 ----------------------------- ------------                2148
Brief r6sume of official actions in Honolulu to December 20. 1893 --- —         2116
Blount's connection with the Spreckles cane presentation_-            -    -.-.-  2090




2286                                INDEX.
Willis, Albert S., etc.-Continued.                                         Page.
Celebration of first anniversary of Provisional Government, refusal of
foreign representatives to assist in --- —--------------------------- 2133
Chinese mass meeting. February 14, 1894 -------------—.. —.___ ---    2067
Constitution of Provisional Government, proposed changes in ----       2058
Dole letter of December 27, criticism of President Cleveland's message. --- —--------—.               -------------------------------  2072
Explanation asked of the Dole criticism of the President of United
States --- —-— __  -------------------------------------              2075
Foreign warships in Hawaiian waters -------------— 1250
Interview with the Queen November 13, 1893, at U. S. legation -_ ---.._  2087
December 18, 1893, conditions of restoration --- —--------—.. -------------        2112
and J. 0. Carter --- —---------------         2109
Interview with C. B. Wilson --- —----------------                       2103
Japanese suffrage question, importance of --- —---------------------- 2093
Memorandum, decision of the President of the United States in relation to restoration of Queen submitted to the Provisional Government —       ----------------------------------------------------- 2120
Provisional Government:
Celebration of first anniversary, refusal of foreign diplomats to
participate in --- —--------------------------------------------- 2133
Preparations for defense ----------------------------— 2092
Refusal to surrender to Queen ----------------------------------- 2121
Queen, offered protection at the U. S. legation --- —-------------      2088
refusal of conditions to restoration  ------------         2088, 2109
the Wilson list of special advisers to --- —-------------------- 2054
Queen, restoration of:
Decision of President Cleveland in relation to, submitted to Provisional Government --- —---------------                          2119
Mr. Thurston's interview with the Secretary of State on -------- 2134
Liliuokalani, acceptance of conditions ---------------— _-         2115
Overthrow of constitutional government ------------------          2089
Resignation of the Vice-President of the Provisional Government__-      279
Object of mission to Hawaii ----------—. —   ------------------------   26
Relations with Provisional Government ----------           --— 26
Wilson, Charles B., marshal of Hawaiian Kingdom:
Affidavits --- —-----------------       -------------------------- 1333, 1450
Statement ----     ----------------------------------   --------------  1826
Constitution of 1887, Queen's reluctance to sign --------          1827
new, native petitions for ---------  -— _ 1835
Mass meetings of January 16, 1893 -------       ----------         1841
Proclamation of Provisional Government ---------------— _-,_-    _ 1845
Protest against landing of United States troops ----------— __  1842,1846
Queen, accession of   ---------        ----------— 1827
Queen's troops, armament of ------------------------------------ 1838
strength of --- —---------------------------      - 1450
Revolution of 1893, causes --- —----------------      -----      - 1826
Revolutionary proceedings of the Committee of Safety    ----    - 1836
Steamship Campbell, shipwreck of.. --- —— __ --- —-------------- 1829
Stevens's address to the Queen on her accession --------— 1828
interest in the conspiracy to overthrow the monarchy ---     1833
anti-monarchical sentiments --------   ---—. --- —------—.  1832
recognition of the Provisional Government, hour of -------- 1846
Surrender of royalist troops -------------—.                 1450,1847
United States troops, landing of ------      ---------- 1842
Wilcox-Brown cabinet ----—.. -------------------------------- 1834
Appointment of. --- —-----—..   -     ------------------------------ 1166
Character of          ------------------------------ 1483, 1667
Influence with Queen --- —------                612, 1342 1482, 1543,1551, 1647
legislature of 1892 --- —-------------------------— 312
Interview with Mr. Thurston --- —-------------------------------- 598, 612
Wiltse, G. C., Capt., U. S. Navy:
To the Secretary of the NavyOctober 12, 1892 --- —---------.. --- —--------                992, 2196
October 20, 1892 ----------------------------                  993, 2197
November 1, 1892 ----         ---------------                  995, 2197




INDEX.                                 2287
Wiltse, G. C., Capt., U. S. Navy ---Continued.                                 Page.
To the Secretary of the Navy ---Continued.
November 9, 1892 --------------      -—. --- —------------      - 996, 2197
January 4, 1893 ---------------------------          --------------- 2198
January 18, 1893 --- —------------      -      --------------------- 2198
January 28, 1893 -----------------------------------------       ---   1029
February 1, 1893 ----------------------------------------------- 2200
February 27, 1893 ---------— 2203
February 28, 1893 ----------— 2209
To Mr. Swinburne —
February 1, 1893-     ------------------- 2170, 2204
January 16, 1893 --- —-------------------------------------------- 2169
Annexation --- —--— _ --- —------------------------------------         993, 2196
Cabinet changes, 1892 --- —--------------------                             2197
English opposition to Americans in Hawaii ---. ---.. --- —------------ 2196
Events immediately prior to the establishment of Provisional Government_. -    ------------------------- ---- --—. --- —---------------- 2198
Landing of the U, S. marines ---        ----------      ---------------    2200
Order to raise the American flag       -   ------------------------ 2170, 2202
land the U. S. marines -------    ----------------------- 2169, 2200
Provisional Government, resolution of thanks from, to U. S. officers
and men -----------— __ --- —---     ------------------------ 2209
Protectorate established by United States --------         ------          2201
Instructions to officers of the Boston ----------     ----       ----       336
Witnesses, secret examination of --- —--          -----------------------        391
Wood, indigenous to Hawaii.. --- —--—..-. --- —----—.. --- —-..  776
Woodward, E. T., Commander, U. S. Navy, to Secretary of Navy July 17,
1889 ---------    —. --- —-------------------------                          2171
Wundenberg, F.:
Interview --- —----------- 1364,1849
Native objection to the constitution of 1887 --- —---------         __ 1849
Report to Mr. Blount            ------      -----   ---------------- 1300
Stevens's support of revolutionary movement ---        --— _      _   1851
Clerk of supreme court, removal of --- —-------      ------                  460
Wyllie, R. C.:
To J. Turrell, August 25,1849        ----------------------------------     885
French seizure of Hawaiian Islands     ---------------— 885
Young, Lucien, Lieut. U. S. Navy:
To Blount, July 16. 1893-_        _ -----------------------               1947
Testimony -----— ______..___ --- —----------    _ --- —_   --     -   324
Arrival of Admiral Skerrett at Honolulu -.. --- —---— _ --- —-.           338
Blount, order to Admiral Skerrett to reembark troops ---           -   346
Consultation of Minister Stevens with Capt. Wiltse on the Boston
January 16 _.._ --- —---.. --- —---------------------------       335
Hoisting of American flag --- —----          -------------               340
Household guards ---------------------------------------------          331
Legislature of 1892, prorogation of ---------------------          327, 328
Location of Iolani palace --------— 327
Ministries, excitement over frequent changes in -------— ____-__        325
Naval officers, discretion of, in obeying orders of civil officers_ 347-349
Protectorate proclaimed -----—.    ------------------ -------------    340
state of public mind during ----------------— ___-_      341
Provisional Government, military strength of --- —-----                  341
Queen, conduct of, at prorogation of Legislature --      -----     _   329
threats of, against her ministry ----------— 330, 331
Queen's troops, number of --- —------------------                       337
Troops, United States —
Equipment of     -----     -----------------------                 335
Landing of --- —------------------------------------- 334,335,336
Strength of -------------------— 335
When reembarked -----------           ------------ 338, 339
Wiltse. Capt.Confidential instructions ------------------                       334
Instructions to officers of the Boston ------------                336
UNW. OF MICHCtIAN
MAY 27 1913




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