HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF NEW ENGLAND, NEW YORK, NEW JERSEY, AND PENNSYLVANIA. EMBRACING THE FOLLOWING SUBJECTS, VIZ: PISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS-INDIAN HISTORY-INDIAN, FRENCH, AND REVOLUTIONARY WARS-RELIGIOUS HISTORY-BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES --ANECDOTES, TRADITIONS, REMARKABLE AND UNACCOUNTABLE UCCURRENCES-WITH A GREAT VARIETY OF CURIOUS AND INTERESTING RELICS OF ANTIQUITY ILLUSTRATED BY NUMEROUS ENGRAVINGS. COLLECTED AND COMPILED FROM AUTHENTIC SOURCES, BY JOHN WARNER BARBER;.'EFM;MER OF THE CONNECTICUT HISTORICAL SOCIETY, AUTHOR OF THE CONNECT 1:1. T AND MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS, &C. THIRD EDITION. HARTFORD: ALLYN S. STILLMAN & SON. 1850. EN TEIED acco)rding to Act of Congress, iir yer 1tye C, BY JOHN W. BARABER, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Connec',cw(l.. PREFACE. THE compiler of this work, having been engaged for a number of years, in compilations relating to the History and Antiquities of several of the northern States, has come in contact with a variety of historical information, which may be considered as out of print. Many of these items of history, though valuable and interesting, may be thought by some as too trivial, or too much beneath what is called the "dignity of history," to be inserted in a historical work. It may be here observed, that it may he a fact, that we are not entirely competent judges of what may ctm valuable, or interesting, to those who come after us. Much valuaole information has undoubtedly been lost to the world by fastidious views on this subject. In some instances, writers on history have made elegance of composition a primary object, and have selected their materials with reference to it. Instead of iolished sentences, or well turned periods, truth in its simplzcity should be the aim of the historian. To attain this object, we should, as far as practicable, go back to the original sources of information. In accordance with this practice, many parts of this work are copied from the original accounts, from which later historians have drawn their information. Though many of these accounts, in point of elegance of expression, &c., may be far below those more recently written, yet in every point of real utility, as historical documents, they are much superior. There are many valuable items of history which lie scattered aW;out in publications of various kinds, rarely accessible to most readers, and which could not with propriety be introduced into any one history, written in the modern style. This work may IV PREFACE. he considered as a collection of historical facts, items, and antiquities, relating to the history of the northern States. It may, perhaps, be the opinion of many, that if a work has been printed ind circulated, there is but little or no danger of its becoming totally lost. It is a well known fact, however, that there have been works printed in this country, of which a copy cannot now he found. In some instances, even the publishers of books have been unable to procure a single copy of some of their publialions, which had been issued but a few years. The compiler has endeavored to make an interesting collection, and trusts his readers will find entertainment, as well as valuable information, respecting the history of the several States. The study of history, is believed to be one every way worthy of attention. By the contemplation of the past, we feel our span of existence exlended, and in a measure enter into the feelings of those who have gone before us. By tracing the history of man, in the varied situations in which he has been placed, and by observing the effect of principles by which he has been actuated, we feel interested and instructed. CONTENTS. I:? Notices of distinguished persons are found under the head of lBIOCGRfAPHICAL SKETCHES. Page. Page ABERCROMBIE, defeat of 296 Canker worms.......... 485 Albany, settlement of.. 60, 120 Cattle, first brought over 32 Albany, fever in....... 478 Catholic Priests, expulsion of 319 America, first discovery of 9 Canonchet, the Sachem.. 243 Amsterdam, New, surrendered 328 Charter of Connecticut, preservaAndre, capture of....... 458 tion of............. 323 Andre, execution of... 459 Christianity, progress of among Andross, tyranny of... 47 the New England Indians 352 Andross, Maj. visits Saybrook 319 Church, first in Massachusetts 34 Andover, witchcraft... 491 Codfish disease amoig... Annawan, capture of.... 252 Coinage, first.......525 D'Anville's expedition... 286 Colburn, Zerahb........... 510 Arnold, treason of.......457 Cold and wet seasons... 472 Cold winter of 1780.... 483 Baker, Miss Rachel, the sleeping Cole, Ann, executed.... 486 preacher........ 515.Colonial Antiquities,..... 304 Baptists in Pennsylvania. 554 Conestogoe, Indian massacre 559 Beers, Capt., surprisal of. 228 Confederation of United Colonies Bennington, battle of.... 428 of New England.........44 Bible, Indian........ 518 Connecticut Records... 309 Bills of credit, &c..525 Connecticut, principal settlers, Biographical Sketches ". 577 names of.............151 Biographical Sketches of distin- Conspiracy, great....... 43 guished persons in Pennsylvania 575 Comet 1668.473 Black worm in, 1770,..... 479 Corey, Giles, pressed to death 498 Bloody Brook, fight at.. 229 Court, first in Massachusetts 35 Boston Massacre........ 385 Cross in the King's colors. 190 Boston Port Bill.... 54, 391 (Covenant, Halfway.. 362 Braddock's expediton. 556 Customs, Religious usages, &c. 357 Brainerd's mission among the In- Concord, engagement at... 395 dians of New Jersey.. 371 Brandywine, battle of.... 562, Dark Days............ 481 Bunker Hill battle,.... 399 Dartmouth College.......166 Bull, Capt., opposes Andross 321 Davenport, the enthusiast 369 Bourgoyne, Invasion of.. 427 Days of Fasting and Thanksgiving Brookfield, attack on.. 225 in New York colony... 316 Deerfield burnt.......... 271 Cabot, discoveries by.. 12 Delaware Indians......99 Caldwell, Mrs., murder of. 456 Delaware, separation of.. 535 Cambridge Platform.... 361 Dermer's Capt., Voyage.. 470 Canada, invasion of.... 402 Dighton Rock.......11 1* vi CONTENTS. Dieskau, Baron, wounded. Dixwell, Col., the regicide. Drinking of healths abolished Dover, attack on.... Duke's Laws, N. Y... Dutch, their first arrival. Dutch, Indian tradition of Dustan family, escape of Dreaming match.. Drought, great..... Drought in 1762 Duel, first in New England. Dudley, Gov. difficulty with Drunkenness defined. Dutch, ancient manners of Earthquake in 1638... Earthquake in 1727. Episcopal Church, Liturgy. Eruption at Derby, Conn.. Eruption at Hinsdale, N. H. Page. 292 327 194 259 315 102 103 268 119 470 479 29 186 307 131 471 478 553 480 479 Fairfield, burning of.... 449 Faith, religious, of the first planters of New England...335 Fall Fight at Turner's Falls. 249 Five Nations, account of.. 86 Fleet, wreck of Walker's.. 278 Forts Edward and William Henry, plans of...... 294 Fort William Henry, capture of 295 French and Indian Wars.. 255 Friends or Quakers.. 552 Gazette, Indian...... 108 Germantown, battle of... 566 Goffe and Whalley, regicides. 324 Goffe, repulses the Indians.. 325 Gookins' Hist. Collections. 70 Gorton, difficulties with.. 36, 342 Gorges, Sir Fernando.... 173 Gosnold, discoveries by. 13 Griswold, Fort, massacre of. 462 Groton surprisal of... 245 Hakluyt, Richard..... 13 Half-way Covenant.... 362 Hale, Capt., death of.... 417 Haverhill, attack on.... 276 Hendrick, death of... 291 Heckewelder, Mr., notice of. 99 Hessians, capture of... 421 Hooker, Mr., emigration of. 149 Hooker, congregation of... 149 Hubbard's Narrative of the Indian Wars........ 204 Hudson, Henry... 14,124 Hudson river, discovery of. 120 Hunt, carries offIndians... 15 Hutchinson, Mrs.,.. 35, 339 Hutchinson, Gov., plundered. 383 I PartE. Indian cunning...... 12 Indian History, Traditions, Anecdotes and Illustrations.. 99 Indian Gazette....... 108 Indian head work..... 117 Indian, Five Nations... 88 Indian, application of Scripture 118 Indian and bear......119 Indian metaphors.... 106 Indians of Pennsylvania. 536 Indian sagacity......113 Indian shrewdness.....117 Indian worship...... 78 Indian Tradition of future happiness and misery... 92 Indian Wars..... 204 Indians of New England.. 69 Indians of New Jersey... 94 Indians of New York... 85 Indians, expedition against. 450 Indians, frightened from Fort Stanwix....... 434 Indians, great mortality among in New England.... 468 Indians, their language... 536 Indians, their liberality... 537 Indians, their customs...537 Indians, their religion....538 Indians, their origin.... 539 Indians, their justice.... 539 Ingersoll, Mr., stamp master. 383 Inscriptions on Dighton Rock. 12 Iroquois, history of... 85 Iroquois, artfulness of... 101 Insanity among Indians... 116 Insurrection in Massachusetts. 464 Judges' Cave, New Haven.. 325 Jurymen not allowed tobacco. 306 Kieft, Gov., Proclamations.. 132 Knows God, name of.... 189 Lake George, battle of.. 288 Lancaster, burning of... 238 Laudian Persecution... 32 La Tour visits Boston... 199 Laws, capital of Connecticut 314 Laws, capital, of New York. 315 Laws respecting dress.. 313 Laws respecting wages... 311 Laws respecting marriage..306 Lee, mother Ann.... 373 Lexington, action at.. 56, 394 Liberty, Indian notions of.. 98 Long Island, battle of... 408 Lord's Prayer in Indian... 90 Louisburg, capture of... 279 Lovell's Expedition... 28 Mackerel fishery..... 194 CONTENTS. Vlt Page. Magnalia, Mather's.... 137 M\aine, first settlement. 42, 171 M ap, first....... 524 Marriage, laws respecting. 306 Marriage, first in New England 29 McCrea, Miss, murder of..443 Massachusetts, first settlement 137 Massachusetts Indians.. 71 Massachusetts silver coin..525 Massasoit, visit to..... 29 Massacre, Boston..... 385 Massacre at Fort Griswold 462 Matthias, notice of.... 378 Medfield surprised:.... 239 Mennonists... 556 Mohawks, conquests of. 83 Money, scarcity of.... 195 Miantonimoh, death of... 219 Moravians, account of... 553 Mormons, history of... 379 Monmouth, battle of... 444 Murder of an Indian.... 192 Narragansetts..... 70 Narragansett Fort destroyed. 327 New Amsterdam, view of.. 127 New England, outline History. 9 New Jersey, outline do... 66 New York, currency of... 526 New York, religious state of. 375 New York, outline History of. 60 New York Ancient Laws.. 315 New Amsterdam, settlement of 125 New England, Natural History 201 New England Psalms.... 518 Negro plot in New York.. 332 New Haven, settlement of. 155 New London, burning of.. 461 New Hampshire, first settlement of........ 39, 164 News, lying and false.. 317 Newspapers, first in Connecticut 522 do. in Massachusetts 519 do. in New Hampshire 523 do. in New Jersey. 523 do. in New York. 520 do. in Rhode-Island. 521 Night Walking, laws against 309 Northern Lights..... 476 Non-conformity..... "7 Nova Scotia, conquest of. 267 Norridgewock Expedition.. 282 Oath, omission of.... 198 Ogilby's America..... 200 Oldham, J., murderof... 204 Old and New Lights.... 369 Onondaga country ravaged. 452 Oysters, disease among... 480 Page Pawkunnacut Indians... 71 Penobscot Indians... 69 Penn's Treaty...... 534 Pennsylvania, new settlements, character of settlers, &c.. 547 Pennsylvania. Thomas' account of......... 542 Pennsylvania Townsend's account.... 545 Pennsylvania, origin and history of the term....... 530 Pennsylvania, Indians of..536 Penn's Treaty Tree.... 534 Penn, death of...... 535 Philadelphia, first settlement of 533 Pequots, war with..... 205 Pequots, destruction of.. 208 Philip's War..... 46, 220 Philip, death of..... 251 Pierce, Capt., killed.... 240 Pigeons, immense numbers of 472 Pipe, Capt., speech of... 111 Platform, Saybrook.... 362 Plymouth Colony.... 304 Plymouth Colony Records.. 305 Poetical Description of New England Productions.... 201 Potatoes, importation of.. 191 Powawing forbidden.. 317 Princeton, victory at... 425 Printing, first......515 Providence settled... 160 Psalms, ancient version... 517 Puritans, rise of.... 16 Puritans emigrate to America. 22 Quakers, persecution of, Quakers, difficulties with Quebec, expedition against. Quebec, capture of... 44, 345 44 278 298 Ralle, Father, death of... 282 Red Jacket....... 103 Records of Plymouth... 305 Records of Connecticut.. 309 Regicides....... 324 Remarkable account of Mr. Beacon....... 500 Remarkable account of Mrs. Henman....... 501 Remarkable Events, Diseases Storms, &c...... 468 Revolution, Events in.. 381 Revival, Religious 1740..363 Rhode Island, first settlement. 15, Rhode Island, action on... 447 Ruling Elder, duty of...357 Rum, law against landing,. 312 Sabbath, when begun... 359 Saint Tammany..... 115 Pauer Currency, depreciation 527 viii CONTENTS. Page. Pare Salem Witchcraft... 489 Unaccountable Occurrences. 4H5 Salisbury, singular occurrences in 499 Uncas and Miantonimoh.. 218 Samoset comes to Plymouth. 25 Sassamon, murder of.. 220 Valley Forge, encampment.. 568 Saybrook, Andross' attempt Veils, question upon....189 against.. 319 Vermont, first settlement of. 176 Saybrook Platform. 362 Verrazzano, discoveries by.. 12 Scarcity in 1789. 485 Vineyard. Martha's, discovered 13 Schenectady, destruction of. 255 Scripture, singular application 118 Wadsworth, Capt., death of. 247 Shay's Insurrection... 464 Wages, regulation of.. 188 Shakers......... 373 Waldron, Major, death of.. 259 Seneca country ravaged. 453 Washington's retreat through N. Sheep buried in snow. 475 Jersey...... 411 Singing Procession... 368 Washington, Fort, capture of 416 Smith, Capt., discoveries by 14 Washington, Inauguration of. 467 Snow, great..... 474 Watson's Annals, extracts from 540 Standish, exploit of 31 Wayne, Gen., storms Stony Springfield, attack on... 231 Point...... 452 Stamp Act,...... 51,381 Wells, attack on..... 260 Stamp-masters...... 384 Wheeler, Mercy, remarkable healStanwix, Fort, seige of. 431 ing of....... 507 Stony Point, storming of.. 452 Whiskey Insurrection.. 574 Stratagem of General Arnold.434 White Plains, action at... 413 Stuyvesant, Governor, print of 331 Wilkinson, Jemima... 377 Sunday called Lord's day.. 359 Williams, Roger.. 158, 336, 337 Sullivan's Expedition..453 Williams, Rev. J., captivity of 271 Swedes' church, ancient... 542 Williams, Mrs., murder of. 274 Sven Sener, house of.. 543 Winslow, Mr., entertains MassaSynod, Reforming.. 361 soit....... 28 Winthrop's, Gov., Journal,. 181 Tea destroyed.....53, 388 Winthrop's, Gov., disinterestedTennent, Rev. W., remarkable ness....... 187 account respecting. 500 Witchcraft in Salem... 489 The Free Society of Traders 533 Witchcraft, trials for in ConnecTobacco, Laws against.. 307 ticut......... 499 Traditions, Ancedotes, Illustrat- Witchcraft at Boston... 487 ing Indian History. 99 Witchcraft at Hartford... 488 Tryon, Gov., burns Fairfield. 449 Wyoming, battle of.... 570 Ticonderoga surprised.. 397 Ticonderoga, retreat from.. 427 Yellow Fever.....470 Tuscaroras...... 85 York, surprisal of... 261 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE NEW ENGLAND STATES. THEKE are good reasons for believing that the first civilized people who visited New England, were a colony of Norwegians, or Northmen. The original Icelandic accounts of the voyages of discovery, performed by these men, are still in existence; and have been recently published by the Society of Antiquaries, at Copenhagen.* The following summary of events, and conclusions, respecting the discovery and first settlement of this country are drawn by the authors of that publication. " In the spring of 986, Eric the Red, emigrated from Iceland to Greenland, and formed a settlement there. In 994, Biarne, tie son of Heriulf Bardson, one of the settlers who accompanied Eric, returned to Norway, and gave an account of discoveries he had made to the south of Greenland. On his return to Greenland, Leif, the son of Eric, bought Biarne's ship, and with a crew of 35 men, embarked on a voyage of discovery, A. D. 1000. After sailing sometime to the southwest, they fell in with a country covered with a slaty rock, and destitute of good qualities, and which, therefore, they called Helluland, (Slate-land.) They then continued southerly, until they found a low flat coast, with white sand cliffs, and immediately back, covered with wood, whence they called the country Markland, (Wood-land.) From here, they sailed south and west, until they arrived at a promontory which stretched to the east and north, and sailing round it turned to the west and sailing westward, passed between an island and the mainland, and entering a bay through which flowed a river, they concluded to winter there. Having landed they built houses to winter in, and called the place Leifsbuthir, (Leifs-booths.) Soon after this, they discovered an abundance of vines, whence they named the country Vinland or Wineland. Antiquarians have been much puzzled to know where Vinland was located, but the Antiquarian Society, to * ANTIQUITATES AMERICANs, sive Scriptores Septentrionales rerum Ante-Columbianarum sn America. (Antiquities of America, or Northern writers of things in America before Columbus.) Hafnia, 1837, 4to. pp. 486. 10 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE whose exertions we owe the above work, after the most careful examination of all the evidence on the subject, do not hesitate to place it at the head of Narraganset Bay, in Rhode Island. Every thing in the description of the voyage and country, agrees most exactly with this. The promontory extending east and north, corresponds closely with that of Barnstable and Cape Cod, and the islands they would encounter immediately upon turning west, would be Nantucket and Martha's Vineyard. Two years after, [1002,] Thorwold, the brother of Leif, visited Vinland, where he spent two years, and was finally murdered by the natives. Before his death, he coasted round the promontory and called the north end, now Cape Cod, Kjalarnes, (Keel-Cape.) He was killed and buried on a small promontory, reaching south from the mainland, on the west side of the Bay, inclosed by the promontory of Kjalarnes, and which answers most accurately to the strip of land on the east side of Plymouth harbour, now called Gurnet's Point. The Norwegians called it Krassanes, (Crossness or Cross-land,) because the grave of Thorwold had a cross erected at both ends. In 1007, three ships sailed from Greenland for Vinland, one under the command of Thorfinn Karlsefne, a Norwegian of royal descent, and Snorre Thorbrandson, of distinguished lineage; one other commanded by Biarne Grimalfson and Thorhall Gamlason; and the third by Thorward and Thorhall. The three ships had 160 men, and carried all sorts of domestic animals necessary for the comfort and convenience of a colony. An account of this voyage, and a history of the country, by Thorfinn Karlsefne, is still extant, and forms one of the documents in the Antiquitates Americanse. They sailed from Greenland to Helluland, and passing Markland, arrived at Kjalarnes; whence sailing south by the shore of the promontory, which they found to consist of trackless beaches and long wastes of sand, they called it Furthustrandir, (Wonder-Strand or Beach;) whether on account of the extensive sandy shore, or from the mirage and optical illusion so common at Cape Cod, it is impossible to determine. Passing south, they sailed by the island discovered by Leif, which they called Straumey, (Stream-Isle,) probably Martha's Vineyard, and the straits between, Straumfjothr, (Stream-Firth,) and arrived at Vinland, where they spent the winter. The Bay into which they sailed, they called Hopsvatn, and their residence received the name of Hop, (English Hope, Indian Haup,) the identical Mount Hope, so much celebrated as the residence of King Philip. After various successes, Thorfinn returned to Greenland, and finally went to Iceland and settled. From a comparison of all the remaining accounts of these voyages, the geographical, nautical and astronomical facts con NEW ENGLAND STATES. 11 tamed in them, with the natural history and geography of this country when first settled by the whites, there can be little doubt that Vinland has been correctly located by the learned society. By similar evidence it also appears, that Markland was what is now called Nova Scotia; that Litla Helluland (Little Helluland) was Newfoundland; and that Helluland it Mikla, (Great Helluland,) was the coast of Labrador. We ought also to have observed above, that Straumfjothr (Stream-Firth) probably included the whole of Buzzard's Bay. Of the climate of Vinland the Northmen say, it was, when they were there, so mild that cattle would live out-doors during the year, that the snow fell but lightly, and that the grass continued to be green in some places, nearly all winter. Among the productions of Vinland, were, abundance of vines, a kind of wild wheat (maize,) a beautiful wood which they called mazer (Birdseye-maple, Acer Saccharinum,) a great variety of forest animals, eider ducks in great plenty, and the rivers and bays they describe as filled with fish, among which they reckon salmon, halibut, whales, &c. It is also said by the same historians, that the sun rose at half past seven o'clock in the shortest days, which is the exact time it rises at Mount Hope. Subsequent to this time, explorations were made to the south of Vinland, along the eastern shore, and judging from the fragments of voyages, it would seem that some penetrated as far south as Florida. The whole country south of Chesapeak Bay is called by them Hvitramannaland, (white-man's-land,) or Ireland it Mikla, (Ireland the Great.) In 1121, Vinland was visited by bishop Eric, and as there is no account of his return, it seems probable that he spent his days there."* Soon after the first settlement of this part of the country, a remarkable rock covered with hieroglyphics, was discovered in the present town of Berkley, since known as the " Dighton Writing Rock." This rock which has caused much speculation among antiquarians, is of fine grained gray granite, a few feet above the present low water mark, in Taunton river and is partially covered at every tide. The face of the rock is eleven feet long, and rises from the ground about five: the inscriptions are apparently pecked into it, the channels of the letters or marks being about a half, or three fourths of an inch in width. * For this summary account, the author is indebted to an article published in i ie " Chronicle of the Church," by A. B Chapin, Esq. of New Haven, Con. 12 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE Inscriptions on Dighton Rock. The above shows the shape of the rock with the inscriptions upon it, being a reduced copy from that taken under the direction of the Rhode Island Historical Society in 1830, and published in the Antiquitates Americans. It is supposed by some, that these inscriptions were made by the Northmen, and signify in Icelandic characters, that Thorfinn Karlsefne arrived here in A. D., 1007, and took possession of the country: others suppose them to be of much earlier origin, and ascribe them to the Phoenicians. After the discovery of Columbus in 1492, a general spirit of enterprise and inquiry was awakened in the European nations. In 1497, John Cabot, a Venetian, under the patronage of Henry VII. of England, commenced a voyage of discovery. He was accompanied by his son Sebastian, and three hundred men, with two caravals freighted by the merchants of London and Bristol. On the 24th of June they were surprised by the sight of land, which being the first they had seen; Cabot called it Prima Vista, which in Italian, his native tongue, signifies,first sight. This is generally supposed to be some part of the island of Newfoundland. A few days afterwards, they discovered a smaller island which they named St. Johns. Continuing westerly, they soon reached the continent, and then sailed along the coast northwardly, to the latitude of sixty-seven and a half degrees. Finding that the coast stretched towards the east, they turned back, and sailed south "ever with the intention to find the passage to India," till they came to the southernmost part of Florida. Their provisions now failing, and a mutiny breaking out among the mariners, they returned to England, without attempting a settlement, or conquest in any part of the New World. In 1524, John Verrazzano, an Italian in the service of France, NEW ENGLAND STATES. 13 sailed along the American coast from Florida to Labrador, and named the country New France. In 1534, the French fitted out another expedition under James Cartier. He discovered and named the gulf of St. Lawrence; the year following he sailed up the river St. Lawrence as far as Montreal, built a fort and took possession of the country in the name of the French king. These, and other discoveries and settlements, made by the French, afterwards proved the source of many calamities to the British Colonies, till the conquest of Canada in 1760. For a long period after the discovery of Cabot, the English monarchs appear to have given but little attention to the country which they afterwards claimed. In 1584, Sir Walter Raleigh obtained a patent from Queen Elizabeth, and sent out two ships commanded by Amidas and Barlow to America, to examine the country in order to make a settlement. They landed at Roanoke, and were well received by the natives. On their return they have so flattering an account of the country, that Queen Elizabeth delighted with the idea of possessing so fine a territory, named it Virginia, as a memorial that the discovery was made under a virgin queen. This name was afterwards applied to the country along the whole coast. The exertions of Raleigh, however, to plant a permanent colony proved unsuccessful. In 1602, Bartholomew Gosnold sailed in a small barque from Falmouth, England, with thirty-two persons, for the northern parts of Virginia with the intention of making a settlement. Steering due west, as near as the winds would permit, after a passage of seven weeks, discovered land on the American coast, May 14th. Sailing along the shore the next day they discovered a head land in the latitude of forty-two degrees, where they came to anchor; and taking a great number of Cod at this place, they named it Cape Cod. On the 21st they discovered an island, which they called Martha's Vineyard. On the 28th they concluded to commence a settlement on one of the Elizabeth Islands; so named by them in honor of the Queen. They landed on Cuttahunk the westernmost Island, and in nineteen days, a fort and store house were completed. While the men were occupied in this work, Gosnold crossed the Bay and landed on the main land, where he amicably trafficked with the natives. Upon his return to the island, he found that a portion of his men who were to have remained, so discontented, that he concluded to abandon the design of a settlement, and the whole company returned to England. The discovery made by Gosnold, incited a spirit of enterprise, and by the influence of Richard Hakluyt, a most active promoter of the English settlements in America, an association of gentlemen was formed, for the purpose of establishing colonies in 2 14 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE America. Upon their application to king James, a patent was granted in 1606, for the settling two plantations in America, one called North, the other South Virginia. The Southern district, called the first colony, he granted to the London Company; the Northern, called the second colony, he granted to the Plymouth Company. North Virginia was allotted as a place of settlement, to several knights, gentlemen, and merchants of Bristol, Plymouth, and other parts of the west of England. In 1607, owing to the encouragement given for the settlement of North Virginia, Sir John Popham and others sent out two ships under the command of George Popham and Ralegh Gilbert, with a hundred men, with ordnance and all provisions necessary until they might obtain further supplies. They sailed from Plymouth the last of May, and on the 1lth of August, landed on a peninsula at the mouth of Kennebec river now in the state of Maine. Here, after a sermon was delivered, and their patent and laws were read, they built a store-house, fortified it and gave it the name of Fort St. George. On December 5th, the two ships sailed for England, leaving a colony of forty-five persons, Popham being president, and Gilbert, admiral. The ships which arrived the next year with supplies, brought the news of the death of Sir John Popham and Sir John Gilbert. These misfortunes, with the death of Capt. George Popham, the loss of the stores the preceding winter by fire, with the barren aspect of the country, so dispirited the colony, that they unanimously resolved to return in these ships to England. In 1609, Henry Hudson an Englishman in the service of the Dutch, attempted to penetrate to the East Indies, by sailing a north-westward course. Having attempted in vain this passage, he followed the track, which the Cabots had marked for him a century before. He coasted along the foggy shores of Newfoundland; shaped his course for Cape Cod; worked into the Chesapeak, where the English were. settled; sailed into the Manhattan or Hudson river; and departed in October for England. The Dutch sent ships the next year to Manhattan, to open a trade with the natives. In 1614, Capt. John Smith, who some years before had been Governor of Virginia, was sent out with two ships from England, to North Virginia, with instructions to remain in the country, and to keep possession. He ranged the coast from Penobscot to Cape Cod; made a discovery of the river Piscataqua, and the Massachusetts Islands. He also traded with the natives for furs. From the observations he made on the coast, islands, headlands, &c. on his return home, he formed a map, and presented it to king Charles, who in the warmth of admiration, declared the country should be called New England. Smith in his voyage NEW ENGLAND STATES. 15 made several discoveries, and distinguished them by peculiar names. The north promontory of Massachusetts Bay, he named Tragabigzanda, ir honor of a Turkish lady to whom he had been a slave at Constantinople. Prince Charles, however, in filial respect to his mother, called it Cape Ann; a name which it still retains. The three small islands at the head of the pronm, ontory, Smith called the Three Turks Heads, in memory of his victory over three Turkish champions; but this name was also changed. Another cluster of Islands, to which the discoverer gave his own name, Smith's Isles was afterwards called the Isle of Shoals, which name it still retains. " The base and perfidious action of one man subjected English adventurers to present inconveniences, and to future dangers. Smith had left behind him one of his ships, to complete her lading, with orders to Thomas Hunt, the master, to sail with the fish, that he should procure on the coast, directly for Malaga. Hunt however, under pretence of trade, having enticed twenty-four of the natives on board his ship, put them under hatches, and carried them to Malaga, where he sold them to the Spaniards.* This flagrant outrage disposed the natives in that part of the country where it was committed, to revenge the injury on the countrymen of the offender; and the English were hence constrained to suspend their trade, and their projected settlement in New England. An opportunity was soon offered to the Indians, to show their resentment, if not to inflict revenge. In the course of the year, the English adventured to dispatch to the same coast another vessel, commanded by Captain Hobson, for the purpose of erecting a plantation, and establishing a trade with the natives; but it was found next to impracticable to settle any where within their territories. Two Indians, Epenow and Manowet, who had been carried by Hunt to England, were brought back in Hobson's vessel, to be serviceable toward the design of a plantation; but they united with their countrymen in contriving means, by which they might be revenged on the English. Manowet died soon after their arrival. Epenow, not allowed to go on shore, engaged his old friends, who visited the vessel, to come again, under pretext of trade. On their approach at the appointed time with twenty canoes, he leaped overboard, and instantly a shower of arrows was sent into the ship. The Indians, with desperate * Hubbard says, that Hunt, " like a wicked varlet," decoyed them; and that he took 20 Indians fro: Patuxet [now Plymouth], and 7 from Nauset [Eastham]. I Mather says the same thing. But, as Hubbard and the best authorities give the aggregate number of 24, it is probable, that 4 only were taken from Nauset, and that this figure has been mistaken for 7. Mather also says, that Hunt carried these Indians to Gibraltar, and there sold as many of them, as he could, for ~20 a man. until it was known whence they came; " for then the friars in those parts took away the rest of them, that so they might nurture them in the Christian religion." 16 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE courage, drew nigh, and, in spite of the English muskets, carried off their countrymen. Several Indians were killed in the skirmish. The master of the ship and several of the company were wounded. Discouraged by this occurrence, they returned to England."* The rise of the English Puritans by whom the first permanent settlement in New England was effected is generally dated about the year 1550. The controversy which resulted in the separation from the Church of England is said to have originated " on occasion of bishop Hooper's refusing to be consecrated in the Popish habits." Hooper was a zealous, a pious, and a learned man, who had gone out of England in the latter part of the reign of Henry VIII, and resided at Zurich. Pierce hence observes, 'that the habits have, from the very infancy of our Reformation, been an offence to very learned and pious men." The archbishop of Canterbury, with other bishops and divines, having concluded on an order of divine worship, an act, confirming that new liturgy, had passed both houses of Parliament, January 15, 1549. It was protested against, however, by the bishops of London, Durham, Norwich, Carlisle, Hereford, Worcester, Westminster, and Chichester. The Parliament enacted, that all divine offices should be performed according to the new liturgy, and subjected such of the clergy, as should refuse the service, or officiate in any other manner, to forfeitures and imprisonment; and, for the third offence, to imprisonment for life. Whoever should write or print against the book were to be fined ~10 for the first offence; ~20 for the second; and to be imprisoned for life for the third. The Council immediately appointed visitors, to see that the liturgy was received throughout England." " Although the aera of the Puritans commenced in the reign of Edward VI; yet that pious young prince very soon after began an ecclesiastical reformation. Had he lived to perfect it according to his intentions, the Puritans would probably have been satisfied. But he died in 1553, at the early age of XVI; and was succeeded by queen Mary, a bigoted Papist, under whose administration John Rogers, of pious memory, was burnt at Smithfield; and bishop Hooper, with other pious reformers, suffered martyrdom. On the accession of queen Elizabeth, the reformation, which had been begun by Edward, was, in some degree, restored; but that illustrious queen, addicted to show, and jealous of prerogative, soon made the Puritans feel the weight of her royal power. Bishops and otherclergymen were deposed, for refusing the oath to the queen's supremacy. At length (31st Jan. 1563) the convocation of the English clergy met, and finished * Holmes' Annals. NEW ENGLAND STATES. 17,he XXXIX Articles. Of the lower house, 43 present were for throwing out the ceremonies, but 35 were for keeping them; and these, with the help of proxies, carried their measure by one vote. The bishops now began to urge the clergy to subscribe to the liturgy and ceremonies, as well as to the Articles. Coverdale, Fox, Humfrey and others, refused to subscribe; and this was the epoch of NON-CONFORMITY." "In 1564, many intances of non-conformity were reported to the queen. Her majesty was highly displeased. It appeared that some of the clergy performed divine service "wearing a square cap, some a round cap, some a button cap, some a hat, some in scholar's clothes, and some in others." However unimportant or ludicrous such a controversy may appear in the present day, the merits of these habits were then solemnly debated by the gravest doctors and bishops of England, and by the most learned divines of Europe. Their disputes were useless. The strong arm of authority decided the question. The bishops published their "advertisements" to the clergy, prescribing an exact uniformity, as to the fashion of their dress, "gowns, caps, cuffs, capes, sleeves, and tippets." By this measure another portion of the most serious and useful ministers, who had continued to preach, were expelled from their pulpits, and shut up iii prison. They refused to conform. Some of them became physicians, some became chaplains in private families; some fled to Scotland; others to the continent; some resorted to secular business; and many with large families, were reduced to want and beggary. The churches were shut; the public mind was inflamed; six hundred people repaired to a church in London to receive the sacrament; the doors were closed; no minister would officiate. The cries of the people reached the throne; but the throne was inexorable, and the archbishop had rather see his flock perish for the waters of salvation, than dispense with the clerical robes of the Papal church. Despairing of relief from the government, the suspended ministers appealed to the world, and published an able defence of their conduct. Other publications followed. These were answered by the bishops. The Puritans replied; the public mind was agitated and inflamed; multitudes of the common people refused to attend worship where the ministers wore the habits. The government was roused. The Star Chamber decreed, that no person shotild publish any book against the queen and ordinances, or their meaning. Booksellers were compelled to enter into bonds to observe this law. This measure hastened the controversy to a signal crisis. The suspended ministers finding themselves in a pressing dilemma, having lost all hope of relief, had a solemn consultation, and agreed, "that since they could not have "2* is OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE the word of God preached, nor the sacraments administered without idolatrous geare, it was their duty to break off from the public church, and to assemble in private houses and elsewhere." This agreement took place about the year 1566, and was the event that constituted the memorable era of SEPARATION from the church of England, and the establishment of the denomination of DISSENTERS. In June, 1567, the sheriff of London discovered and broke up an assembly of about one hundred Puritans, most of whom were arrested, and several sent to Bridewell, where they were confined more than a year. In all suspected places, spies were employed to prevent these religious assemblies. In 1572, about one hundred clergymen were deprived of their support, for not subscribing to the articles of the church. Doctor Clark was expelled from the university of Cambridge, which by this time was considered " a nest of Puritans," for preaching that " Satan introduced into the church the different orders of the clergy." Though the pulpits of the Puritans were daily silenced, and they were not allowed to print a page, still their cause gained ground; the spirit of their principles spread continually through the mass of society. Their zeal was inextinguishable. They employed printing presses, which secretly traveled through the country. Their pamphlets were scattered in every direction. The sober part of the community were addressed with powerful arguments; humor, sarcasm, and intolerable satire, were scattered every where by invisible hands. To no purpose did Parker, for a long time, employ his agents to discover their presses. Deplorable was the state of morals and religion. Oppression and invective had sharpened the spirit of the parties. In some places Popery was openly professed; the bishops were loaded with riches; the people were neglected, and the court was corrupt, and reputed even to be the residence of licentiousness and atheism. While the bishops were driving the Puritans from their pulpits, many of the nobility received them into their families, as their chaplains, and tutors of their children. Thus sheltered from their oppressors, they preached to the family, and catechised the children. This doubtless had a powerful effect on the rising generation. Still the spirit of persecution did not rest. In June, 1583, two ministers of the Brownists were executed. This year the troubles of the Puritans were increased. Archbishop Grindal, who was rather favorably disposed towards them, was succeeded by Whitgift, a cruel persecutor. He ordered that all preaching, catechising, and praying should cease in every house, when any person was present beside the family. In 1584,,,, less than thirty-eight clergymen were suspended in the county,,t Essex. More effectually to arrest the Puritan pens, the Star NEW ENGLAND STATES. 19 Chamber forbade having any printing presses in any private place, or any where in the kingdom, except in London, and the two universities. These must be licensed by the archbishop of Canterbury, or bishop of London. Nor might any book be printed, till it had been perused by them or their chaplains. The Lord's day being greatly profaned by plays and sports, the Rev. Mr. Smith, preaching before the university of Cambridge, urged the unlawfulness of such practices. For this he was summoned before the vice chancellor; yet so reasonable was the course of duty, that without any law, the observance of the Sabbath became more common, and afterwards was considered as the badge of a Puritan. So oppressive was the Episcopal party, that the dissenters were not permitted to keep a common school. In 1586, the Puritan ministers again petitioned parliament. They state, that after the most laborious and exact survey, they find that one third of the ministers have been expelled from their pulpits; that there are in England only two thousand ministers to supply ten thousand churches; that many people, in order to hear a sermon, must travel twelve or twenty miles. But the spirit of mercy had forsaken the government. Another terrific law was made by the Parliament, which opened February 19, 1591. It was enacted "that if any person above the age of sixteen, shall for one month, refuse to attend at some Episcopal church, and after conviction, shall not in three months make a humble confession, he shall go into perpetual banishment, if he do not depart in the time appointed, or if he return without the queen's license, he shall suffer death, without benefit of clergy." The moderate Puritans evaded this dreadful law by going to church when the services were near closing. But on the Brownists, who had conscientiously separated from the church, of whom there were twenty thousand in Norfolk, Essex, and about London, this law burst like a fatal thunderbolt. Though they conducted their meetings with all practicable secresy, and changed the place of their worship from time to time to prevent discovery, it was not long before the officers of government fell upon one congregation, and arrested fifty-six of them, who were all sent to prison, where many of them perished, and others, after several years of confinement, were executed or banished. At their examination, they confessed, that for years they had met in the fields, in summer, at 5 o'clock A. M. on the Lord's day, and in the winter at private houses. Till about this time, the controversy had chiefly respected habits, discipline, and ceremonies; but doctrines now began to be disputed. The Puritans and the universities denied the descent of Christ into hell, advocated the sanctity of the Sabbath, and the opinions of Calvin, his Institutions being read in their schools: 20 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE while the Episcopal party took the opposite side, and espoused the system of Arminius. The cause of the Puritans advanced; the bishops lost the respect due to ministers of religion. If any among the clergy or laity were distinguished for their pure morals, o0 ardent piety, they were immediately supposed to be Puritans. For some time, however, before the death of the queen, the zeal of controversy had gradually subsided, and the aspect of public affairs was more favorable to the rights and interests of the Puritans. Those of their opposers, who had been the most intimate friends of the queen, whom she had most favored, and through whose influence she had been led to do many things against the Puritans, when her case became desperate, and she could no longer serve them, deserted her, and scarce afforded her any of their company. She died March, 1603, and was succeeded by James I., who came to the throne by hereditary right, as well as by the appointment of queen Elizabeth. The Puritans had high hopes of relief from the new king, who had been educated in their religion. But unfortunately for himself and the nation, James had not abilities to soften the violence of party asperity, nor conscience enough to support the friends of a thorough reformation; but immediately became a dupe to the flattery of the bishops, and a tool of their ambition. The men who forsook Elizabeth, and seduced the king to act against his own principles and interests, became his confidents. Though he had given the most solemn pledges of favor to the Presbyterians, "thanking God that he was king of the purest church in the world;" yet in nine months he renounced his former professions, and became the champion of Episcopacy. The church of Rome he called his mother church, declaring, "I will have one doctrine, one discipline, one religion in substance and ceremony." "I will make them conform, or I will hurry them out of the land, or else worse." The execution was as fatal as the threatening was absurd and wicked. Whitgift was succeeded by Bancroft, as archbishop of Canterbury, a man of rough temper, and an open foe to civil and religious liberty. By enforcing the observance of festivals, and the use of surplices, and caps and hoods; and by requiring the clergy, from the heart to subscribe certain articles, he very soon silenced more than three hundred Puritan ministers. Some were excommunicated, some imprisoned, and others driven into exile. The greater part of those who left the country were Brownists, whose leaders were Johnson, Ainsworth, Smith, and the well known John Robinson; who has since been considered the father of that portion of the Puritans, who were the founders of the New England colonies; of whom a more particular account will be given in the subsequent history. NEV:\ ENGLAND STATES.,21 Abbot, a sound Protestant, and thorough Calvinist, succeeded Bancroft, who died in 1610, in the archbishopric of Canterbury. Still, in 1612, several persons were burned for heresy at Smithfield and Litchfield; but so evident was the commiseration of the people, that it was thought more prudent to let tile prisoners languish out their days in Newgate. On the death of James, in March, 1625, he was succeeded,by his son Charles I., who inherited his father's love of power, and hatred of puritanism. The good archbishop Abbot, having lost his influence, and Laud being bishop of London, and prime minister, the work of persecution proceeded with new vigor. Ministers were daily suspended, and their families ruined; no shelter from the terrific storm could be discovered in the realm of England."* " The Puritan or Reformed church in the north of England, had, ip the year 1606, on account of its dispersed state, become divided into two distinct churches, to one of which belonged Mr. John Robinson, afterward its minister, and Mr. William Brewster, afterward its ruling elder. This church, in common with other dissenting churches throughout England, being extremely harrassed for its non-conformity, sought at length an asylum in Holland, where religious toleration was sanctioned by the laws. Mr. Robinson and as many of his congregation, as found it in their power, left England in the years 1607 and 1608, and settled in Amsterdam; whence, in 1609 they removed to Leyden. After residing several years in that city, various causes influenced them to entertain serious thoughts of a removal to America. These causes were, the unhealthiness of the low country where they lived; the hard labors to which they were subjected; the dissipated manners of the Hollanders, especially their lax observance of the Lord's day; the apprehension of war at the conclusion of the truce between Spain and Holland, which was then near its close, the fear, lest their young men would enter into the military and naval service; the tendency of their little community to become absorbed and lost in a foreign nation; the natural and pious desire of perpetuating a church, which they believed to be constituted after the simple and pure model of the primitive church of Christ; and a commendable zeal to propagate the Gospel in the regions of the New World. In 1617, having concluded to go to Virginia, and settle in a distinct body under the general government of that colony, they sent Mr. Robert Cushman and Mr. John Carver to England, to treat with the Virginia company, and to ascertain, whether the king would grant them liberty of conscience in that distant country. Though these agents found the Virginia company very desirous of the projected settlement in their American * Morse and Parish's History of New England. 22 OUTLINE HISTORY OF TIHE territory, and willing to grant them a patent with as ample privileges, as they had power to convey; yet they could prevail with the king no farther, than to engage, that he would connive at them, and not molest them, provided they should conduct peaceably Toleration in religious liberty, by his public authority, under his seal, was denied. The agents returned to Leyden the year following (1618), to the great discouragement of the congregation. Resolved however to make another trial, they sent two other agents to England in February of this year (1619), to agree with the Virginia company; but, dissensions then arising in that body, the business was necessarily procrastinated. After long attendance, the agents obtained a patent, granted and confirmed under the seal of the Virginia company; but though procured with much charge and labor, it was never used, because it was taken out in the name of a gentleman, who, though at that time designing to accompany the Leyden congregation, was providentially prevented. This patent, however, being carried to Leyden for the consideration of the people, with several proposals from English merchants and friends for their transportation, they were requested to prepare immediately for the voyage. It was agreed by the English congregation at Leyden, that some of their number should go to America, to make preparation for the rest. Mr. Robinson, their minister, was' prevailed on to stay with the greater part at Leyden; Mr. Brewster, their elder, was to accompany the first adventurers; but these, and their brethren remaining in Holland, were to continue to be one church, and to receive each other to Christian communion, without a formal dismission, or testimonial. Several of the congregation sold their estates, and made a common bank, which, together with money received from other adventurers, enabled them to purchase the Speedwell, a ship of sixty tons, and to hire in England the Mayflower, a ship of one hundred and eighty tons, for the intended enterprise. Preparation being thus made, the adventurers having left Leyden for England in July, sailed on the fifth of August from Southampton for America; but, on account of the leakiness of the small ship, they were twice obliged to return. Dismissing this ship, as unfit for the service, they sailed from Plymouth on the sixth of September in the Mayflower. After a boisterous passage, they at break of day on the ninth of November, discovered the land of Cape Cod. Perceiving that they had been carried to the northward of the place of their destination, they stood to the southward, intending to find some place near Hudson's river, for settlement. Falling, however, among shoals,* they were induced * The same, which Gosnold called Point Care and Tucker's Terror; but whichi he French and Dutch call Malebar. NEW ENGLAND STATES. 23 from this incident, together with the consideration of the advanced season of the year, and the weakness of their condition, to relinquish that part of their original design. The master of the ship, availing himself of the fears of the passengers, and of their extreme solicitude to be set on shore, gladly shifted his course to the northward; for he had been clandestinely promised a reward in Holland, if he would not carry the English to Hudson's river. Steering again therefore for the cape, the ship was clear of the danger before night; and the next day, a storm coming on, they dropped anchor in Cape Cod harbor, where they were secure from winds and shoals. Finding the harbor to be in the forty-second degree of north latitude, and therefore beyond the territory of the South Virginia company, they perceived that their charter, received from that company had become useless. Symptoms of faction at the same time appearing among the servants on board, who imagined, that, when on shore, they should be under no government; it was judged expedient, that, before disembarkation, they should combine themselves into a body politic, to be governed by the majority. After solemn prayer and thanksgiving, a written instrument, drawn for that purpose, was accordingly subscribed on board the ship, on the eleventh day of November. This solemn contract was signed by forty-one of their number; and they, with their families, amounted to one hundred and one persons. Mr. John Carver was now unanimously chosen their governor for one year. Thus did these intelligent colonists find means to erect themselves into a republic, even though they had commenced their enterprise under the sanction of a royal charter; "a case, that is rare in history, and can be effected only by that perseverance, which the true spirit of liberty inspires." Government being thus established, sixteen men, well armed, with a few others, were sent on shore the same day, to fetch wood, and make discoveries; but they returned at night, without having found any person, or habitation. The company, having rested on the Lord's day, disembarked on Monday, the thirteenth of November; and soon after proceeded to make further discovery of the country. On Wednesday the fifteenth, Miles Standish and sixteen armed men, in searching for a convenient place for settlement, saw five or six Indians, whom they followed several miles, until night; but not overtaking them were constrained to lodge in the woods. The next day they discovered heaps of earth, one of which they dug open; but, finding within implements of war, they concluded these were Indian graves; and therefore, replacing what they had taken out, they left them inviolate. In different heaps of sand they also found baskets of corn, a large quantity of which they carried away in a great kettle, found at the OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE ruins of an Indian house. This providential discovery gave them seed for a future harvest, and preserved the infant colony from famine. Before the close of November, Mrs. Susanna White was delivered of a son, who was called Peregrine; and this was the first child of European extraction, born in New England. On the sixth of December, the shallop was sent out with several of the principal men, Carver, Bradford, Winslow, Standish and others, and eight or ten seamen, to sail around the bay, in search of a place for settlement. The next day this company was divided; and, while some traveled on shore, others coasted in the shallop. Early in the morning of the eighth, those on the shore were surprised by a flight of arrows from a party of Indians; but, on the discharge of the English muskets, the Indians instantly disappeared. The shallop, after imminent hazard from the loss of its rudder and mast in a storm, and from shoals, which it narrowly escaped, reached a small island on the night of the eighth; and here the company the next day, which was the last (lay of the week, reposed themselves, with pious gratitude for their preservation. On this island they the next day kept the Christian Sabbath. The day following, they sounded the harbor, and found it fit for shipping; went on shore, and explored the adjacent land, where they saw various cornfields and brooks; and, judging the situation to be convenient for a settlement, they returned with the welcome intelligence to the ship. On the fifteenth they weighed anchor, and proceeded with the ship for this newly discovered port, where they arrived on the following day. On the eighteenth and nineteenth they went on shore for discovery, but returned at night to the ship. On the morning of the twentieth, after imploring divine guidance, they went on shore again, to fix on some place for immediate settlement. After viewing the country, they concluded to settle on a high ground, facing the bay, where the land was cleared, and the water was excellent. On Saturday the twenty-third, as many of the company, as could with convenience, went on shore, and felled and carried timber to the spot, designated for the erection of a building for common use. On Lord's day the twenty-fourth, the people on shore were alarmed by the cry of Indians, and expected an assault; but they continued unmolested. On Monday the twentyfifth they began to build the first house. A platform for their ordinance demanding the earliest attention, they on the twentyeighth began one on a hill, which commanded an extensive prospect of the plain beneath, of the expanding bay, and of the distant ocean. In the afternoon they divided their whole company into nineteen families; measured out the ground; and assigned to LAN~DIN\G OF THEP-PILGRIM-PlkFATHERS" AT PLYMTOUTH, DECEMBER 221d, 1620. NEW ENGLAND STATES. 27 every person by lot half a pole in breadth, and three poles in length, for houses and gardens. Though most of the company were on board the ship on the Lord's day, December thirty-first; yet some of them kept Sabbath for the first time in their new house. Here therefore is fixed the aera of their settlement, which, in grateful remembrance of the Christian friends, whom they found at the last town they left in their native country, they called Plymouth. This was the foundation of the first English town, built in New England. After the departure of the adventurers from the coast of England, a new patent, dated the third day of November, was granted by king James to the duke of Lenox, the marquises of Buckingham and Hamilton, the earls of Arundel and Warwick, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, with thirty-four associates, and their successors, styling them, 'The Council established at Plymouth, in the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing of NEW ENGLAND, in America.' By this patent that part of the American territory, which lies between the fortieth and fortyeighth degree of north latitude in breadth, and 'in length by all the breadth aforesaid throughout the main-land from sea to sea,' was given to them in absolute property; the same authority and privileges, which had previously been given to the treasurer and company of Virginia, were now conferred on them; and they were equally empowered to exclude all from trading within the boundaries of their jurisdiction, and from fishing in the neighboring seas. This patent was the only civil basis of all the subsequent patents and plantations, which divided this country."* "The Plymouth colonists on the 9th of Jan. 1621, proceeded to the erection of their projected town; which they built in two rows of houses for greater security. On the fourteenth their Common House, that had been built in December, took fire from a spark, that fell on its thatched roof, and was entirely consumed. On the seventeenth of February, they met for settling military orders, and having chosen Miles Standish for their captain, conferred on him the power pertaining to that office. On the sixteenth of March an Indian came boldly alone, into the street of Plymouth, and surprised the inhabitants by calling out, "Welcome, Englishmen! Welcome, Englishmen!" He was their first visitant; his name was Samoset, a sagamore of the country, lying at the distance of about five days journey. Having conversed with the English fishermen, who had come to this coast, and learnt of them to speak broken English, he informed the Plymouth people, that the place, where they were seated, was called by the Indians Patuxet; that all the inhabitants died of an extra* Holmes' American Annals. 28 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE ordinary plague, about four years since; and that there was neither man, woman, nor child, remaining. No natives therefore were dispossessed of this territory, to make room for the English, excepting by the providence of God previously to their arrival. Samoset, treated with hospitality by these strangers, was disposed to preserve an intercourse with them; and, on his third visit, was accompanied by Squanto, one of the natives, who had been carried off by Hunt in 1614, and afterward lived in England. They informed the English, that Masassoit, the greatest king of the neighboring Indians, was near, with his brother and a number of his people; and within an hour he appeared on the top of a hill over against the English town, with a train of sixty men. Mutual distrust prevented for some time any advances from either side. Squanto at length, being sent to Masassoit, brought back word, that the English should send one of their number to parley with him. Mr. Edward Winslow was accordingly sent. Two knives, and a copper chain, with a jewel in it, were sent to Masassoit at the same time; and to his brother a knife, and a jewel, 'with a pot of strong water,' a quantity of biscuit, and some butter, all which articles were gladly accepted. Mr. Winslow, the messenger, in a speech to Masassoit, signified, that king James saluted him with words of love and peace, and that the English governor desired to see him, and to truck with him, and to confirm a peace with him, as his next neighbor. The Indian king heard his speech with attention, and approbation. After partaking of the provision, which made part of the English present, and imparting the rest to his company, he looked on Mr. Winslow's sword and armor, with an intimation of his desire to buy it; but found him unwilling to part with it. At the close of the interview, Masassoit, leaving Mr. Winslow in the custody of his brother, went over the brook, which separated him from the English, with a train of twenty men, whose bows and arrows were left behind. He was met at the brook by captain Standish and Mr. Williamson, with six musketeers, who conducted him to a house then in building, where were placed a green rug, and three or four cushions. The governor now advanced, attended with a drum and trumpet, and a few musketeers. After mutual salutations, the governor called for refreshments, of which the Indian king partook himself, and imparted to his followers. A league of friendship was then agreed on; and it was inviolably observed above fifty years. A great mortality, that commenced among the people soon aftei their arrival at Plymouth, swept off half of their number within the first three months, leaving scarcely fifty persons remaining.* "* CTradition gives an affecting picture of the infant colony, during this critical and distressing period. The dead were buried on the bank, at a little distance from the NEW ENGLAND STATES. 29 The first marriage in the colony was solemnized on the twelfth of May, between Mr. Edward Winslow, and Mrs. Susanna White. The first duel in New England was fought on the eighteenth of June, on a challenge at single combat, with sword and dagger, between two servants; both of whom were wounded. For this outrage they were sentenced by the whole company to the ignominious punishment of having the head and feet tied together, and of lying thus twenty-four hours, without meat or drink. After suffering, however, in that painful posture one hour, at their master's intercession, and their own humble request, with the promise of amendment, they were released by the governor. Gov. Bradford, by advice of the company, sent Edward Winslow and Stephen Hopkins, with Squanto for their guide, to Masassoit, to explore the country; to confirm the league; to learn the situation and strength of their new friend; to carry some presents; to apologize for some supposed injuries; to regulate the intercourse between the English and the Indians; and to procure seed corn for the next planting season. They lodged the first night at Namasket. In some places, they found the country almost depopulated by the plague, which had desolated the neighborhood of Patuxet. They passed through fine old cornfields, and pasture grounds, that were destitute of cattle and of inhabitants. Skulls and bones appeared in many places where the Indians had dwelt. On their arrival at Pokanoket, the place of Masassoit's residence, forty miles from Plymouth, they were kindly welcomed by that Indian sovereign, who renewed his assurances of continuing the peace and friendship.* rock where the Fathers landed; and lest the Indians should take advantage of the weak and wretched state of the English, the graves were leveled and sown, for the purpose of concealment." * "The manner of reception and treatment of the envoys at the court of Masassoit is worthy of notice. When the king had taken them into his house, and seated them, he heard their message, and received their presents. He then put on a horseman's red coat, and a chain about his neck, (these having been among the presents), and 'was not a little proud to behold himself, and his men also to see their king so bravely attired.' Having given a friendly answer to the message, his men gathered around him; and, turning himself to them, he addressed them in a speech: ' Am not I Masassoit, commander of the country around you? Is not such a town mine, and the people of it? Will you not bring your skins to the English?' After this manner he named at least thirty places, to every one of which they gave an answer of consent and applause. At the close of his speech he lighted tobacco for the envoys, and proceeded to discourse about England, and the English king, wondering that he would live without a wife. He talked also of the Frenchmen, bidding the English not to suffer them to come to Narraganset, for it was king James' country, and he was king James' man. It now grew late, ' but victuals he offered none; for indeed he had not any,' having but just returned home. The envoys therefore, finding no prospect of refreshment, but from sleep, desired to go to rest; yet they were disappointed even of repose. ' Hee laid us,' says the narrator, 'on the bed with himselfe and his wife, they at the one end and wee at the other, it being onely plankes laid a foot from the ground, and a thinne mat upon them. Two more of his chiefe men for want of roome pressed by and upon us; so that wee were worse wearie of our lodging then of our journey.' " Purchas, v. 3* 30 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE After the league with Masassoit, Corbitant, one of his petty sachems, becoming discontented, meditated to join the Narra. gansetts, who were inimical to the English; and he was now at Namasket, attempting to alienate the subjects of Masassoit from their king. Squanto and Hobomack, two faithful friends of the English, going at this time to Namasket, to make observation, were threatened with death by Corbitant, who seized and detained Squanto, but Hobomack made his escape. To counteract the hostile machinations of Corbitant, and to liberate Squanto, the governor, with the advice of the company, sent Miles Standish and fourteen men, with Hobomack for their guide, to Namasket. On their arrival, the Indians of Corbitant's faction fled. The design of the English expedition was explained to the natives of the place, with menaces of revenge, in case of insurrection against Masassoit, or of violence to any of his subjects. This resolute enterprise struck such terror into the neighboring Indians, that their chiefs came in, and solicited the friendship of the English. On the thirteenth of September, nine sachems voluntarily came to Plymouth, and subscribed an instrument of submission to king James. It was peculiarly happy for the colony, that it had secured the friendship of Masassoit; for his influence was very extensive. He was reverenced and regarded by all the natives from the bay of Narragansett to that of Massachusetts. The submission of the nine sachems is ascribed to their mutual connection with this sovereign, as its primary cause. Other princes under him made also a similar submission, among whom are mentioned those of Pamet, Nauset, Cummaquid, and Namasket, with several others about the bays of Patuxet and Massachusetts."* In March, 1623, intelligence being received at Plymouth that Masassoit was sick, and apparently near death, and that a Dutch ship was driven ashore near his house, the governor sent Edward Winslow and John Hambden, to visit and assist him, and speak with the Dutch. They found Masassoit extremely ill; but by some cordials which Mr. Winslow administered, he recovered. Gratefully impressed with the kind offices performed, Masassoit revealed a plot of the Massachusetts Indians, against Weston's people at Wessagusset, who, being a set of rude and profane fellows, had provoked the Indians, by stealing their corn, and other abuses. Being fearful that the English settlers at Plymouth might avenge their countrymen, it was determined to kill them also. Masassoit advised the English to kill the chief conspirators, as the only means of safety. "The governor, on receiving this intelligence, which was con* Homes' Annals NEW ENGLAND STATES. 31 Mr. WVinslow, attending on Masassoit. firmed by other evidences, ordered Standish to take with him as many men, as he should judge sufficient, and, if a plot should be discovered, to fall on the conspirators. Standish, with eight men, sailed to the Massachusetts, where the natives, suspecting his design, insulted and threatened him. Watching his opportunity, when four of them, Wittuwamet, Pecksuot, another Indian, and a youth of eighteen, brother of Wittuwamet, and about as many of his own men, were in the same room, he gave a signal to his men; the door was instantly shut; and, snatching the knife of Pecksuot from his neck, he killed him with it, after a violent struggle; his party killed Wittuwamet, and the other Indian; and hung the youth. Proceeding to another place, Standish killed an Indian, and afterward had a skirmish with a party of Indians, which he put to flight. Weston's men also killed two Indians. Standish, with that generosity, which characterizes true bravery, released the Indian women, without taking their beaver coats, or allowing the least incivility to be offered them. The English settlers now abandoned Wessagusset; and their plantation was thus broken up, within a year after its commencement. Standish, having supplied them with corn, and conducted them safely out of Massachusetts Bay in a small ship of their own, returned to Plymouth, bringing the head of Wittuwamet, which he set up on the fort. This sudden and unexpected execution so terrified the other natives, who had intended to join the Massachusetts in the conspiracy, that they forsook their houses, and fled to swamps and desert places, where they contracted diseases, which proved mortal to many of them; 32 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE among whom were Canacum, sachem of Manomet; Aspinet, sachem of Nauset; and lanough, sachem of Mattachiest." "We have already mentioned that Mr. Carver was elected governor of the colony immediately after their arrival. He died the 5th of April following. He was a man of great piety, and indefatigable in his endeavors to advance the interest and happiness of the colony. Mr. William Bradford was soon after chosen to succeed him in office. This gentleman, by renewed elections, was continued in office until he died in 1657, except in 1633, 1636 and 1644, when Edward Winslow was chosen, and 1634, when Thomas Prince was elected, who also succeeded Governor Bradford and was annually elected, until his death in 1673, when Josias Winslow succeeded and continued until he died in 1680, and was succeeded by Thomas Hinkley, who held the place, except in the interruption by Andros, until the junction with the Massachusetts in 1692. In March 1624, Mr. Winslow, agent for the colony, arrived in the ship Charity, and, together with a good supply of clothing, brought a bull and three heifers, which were the first cattle of the kind in this part of America. From these, and others that were afterward brought over from England, sprang the present multitudes of cattle in th.e northern states. None of the domestic animals were found in America by the first European settlers. This year Lyford and Oldham, two treacherous intriguing characters, influenced the factious part of the adventurers, to join them in opposing the church and government of the colony. Their artful designs got vent, and occasioned much disturbance. Oldham was detected and banished. Lyford, who afterward proved to be a villain, was, upon apparent repentance, pardoned and received. At the close of 1624, the plantation at New Plymouth, consisted of 180 persons, who lived in thirty-two dwelling-houses. Their stock was a few cattle and goats, and a plenty of swine and poultry. Their town was empaled about half a mile in compass. On a high mount in the town, they had erected a fort of wood, lime and stone, and a handsome watchtower. This year they were able to freight a ship of 180 tons. Such was the healthfulness of the place or of the seasons, that, notwithstanding their frequent destitution of the necessaries of life, not one of the first planters died for three years succeeding 1621. The Laudian persecution was conducted with unrelenting severity; and while it caused the destruction of thousands in England, proved to be a principle of life and vigor to the infant settlements in America. Several men of eminence in England, who were the friends and protectors of the Puritans, entertained a design of settling in New England, if they should fail in the NEW ENGLAND STATES. 33 measures they were pursuing for the establishment of the liberty, and the reformation of the religion of their own country. They solicited and obtained grants in New England, and were at great pains in settling them. Among these patentees were the Lords Brook, Say and Seal, the Pelhams, the Hampdens and the Pyms; names which afterward appeared with great eclat. Sir Matthew Boynton, Sir William Constable, Sir Arthur Haslerig, and Oliver Cromwel, were actually upon the point of embarking for New England, when Archbishop Laud, unwilling that so many objects of his hatred should be removed out of the reach of his power, applied for, and obtained, an order from the court to put a stop to these transportations. However, he was not able to prevail so far as to hinder New England from receiving vast additions, as well of the clergy, who were silenced and deprived of their living and for non-conformity, as of the laity who adhered to their opinions. New Plymouth, until this time, had remained without a patent. Several attempts were made, agents were sent and much money was expended, with a view to obtain one, but all hitherto had proved abortive. On the 13th of January, 1630, the council of New England sealed a patent to William Bradford, Esq.; and his heirs, of 'all that part of New England lying between Cohasset rivulet towards the north, and Narragansett river toward the south, the western ocean toward the east, and between and within a strait line directly extending up the main-land toward the west from the mouth of Narragansett river, to the utmost bound of a country in New England, called Pokanoket, alias Sawamsett westward, and another like strait line extending directly from the mouth of Cohasset river toward the west so far up into the main-land as the utmost limits of the said Pokanoket extend:' Also, 'all that part of New England between the utmost limits of Capersecont which adjoineth to the river Kennebek, and the falls of Negumke, with the said river itself, and the space of fifteen miles on each side between the bounds above said,' with all the rights, jurisdictions, privileges, &c. &c. usual and necessary. This patent passed the King's hand, and would no doubt have now been finished, had not the agents, without the notice or advice of the colony, inserted a clause to free the colony from customs seven years inward, and twenty-one outward. But in consequence of this clause the patent was never finished, and they remained without a charter, until they were incorporated with Massachusetts, in 1691 or 1692. Notwithstanding this, New Plymouth was a government defacto, and considered as such by king Charles in his letters and orders which were sent them at various times previous to their incorporation with Massachusetts." 34 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE "On the 19th of March, 1628, the Plymouth council sealed a patent to Sir Henry Roswell, and five otheis, of all that part ol New England, included between a line drawn three miles south of Charles river, and another three miles north of Merrimak river, from the Atlantic to the South Sea.* This patent gave a good right to the soil, but no powers of government. A royal charter was necessary. This passed the seals March 4th, 1629. Until this year, a few scattering settlements only, had been made in Massachusetts Bay. In the summer of 1628, Mr. Endicot, one of the original planters, with a small colony, was sent over to begin a plantation at Naumkeag, (now Salem). The June following, about 200 persons, furnished with four ministers,t came over and joined Mr. Endicot's colony; and the next year they formed themselves into a regular church. This was the first church gathered in Massachusetts, and the second in New England. The church at Plymouth had been gathered eight years before. In 1629, a larger embarkation was projected by the company in England; and at the request of a number of respectable gentlemen, most of whom afterward came over to New England, the general consent of the company was obtained, that the government and patent should be transferred and settled in Massachusetts. In 1630, seventeen ships from different ports in England, arrived in Massachusetts, with more than 1500 passengers, among whom were many persons of distinction. Incredible were the hardships they endured. Exposed to the relentless cruelties of the Indians, who, a few months before, had entered into a general conspiracy to extirpate the English-reduced to a scanty pittance of provisions, and that of a kind to which they had not een accustomed, and destitute of necessary accommodations, numbers sickened and died; so that before the end of the year, they lost 200 of their number. About this time settlements were made at Charlestown, Boston, Dorchester, Cambridge, Roxbury, *This tract of country was called MASSACHUSETTS BAY. The Massachusetts tribe of Indians, lived around, and gave their name to the large bay at the bottom of this tract, hence the name Massachusetts Bay. The following extract from the epistle dedicatory to a sermon preached at Plymouth, in 1620, will show the ideas then entertained, respecting the situation of the South Sea. "New England, so called, not only (to avoid novelties) because Captain Smith hath so entitled it in his description, but because of the resemblance that is in it, of England the native soil of Englishmen; it being much what the same for heat and cold in summer and winter, it being champion ground, but not high mountains, somewhat like the soil in Kent and Essex; full of dales, and meadow ground, full of rivers and sweet springs, as England is. But principally, so far as we can yet find it is an island, and near about the quantity of England, being cut out from the main land in America, as England is from the main of Europe, by a great arm of the sea, which entereth in forty degrees, and runneth up North West and by West, and goeth out either into the South Sea, or else into the Bay of Canada." t Messrs. Higginson, Skelton, Bright and Smith. NEW ENGLAND STATES. 35 and Medford. The first general court of Massachusetts was held on the 19th of October, 1631, not by representation, but by the freemen of the corporation at large. At this court, they agreed that in future, the freemen should choose the assistants, and that the assistants should choose, from among themselves, the governor and deputy governor. The court of assistants were to have the power of making laws and appointing officers. This was a departure from their charter. One hundred and nine freemen were admitted this court. At the next general court of election, in the same year, the freemen, notwithstanding their former vote, resolved to choose their own governor, deputy, and assistants, and passed a most extraordinary law, 'that none but church members should be admitted to the freedom of the body politic.' This law continued in force until the dissolution of the government; with this alteration, however, that instead of being church members, the candidates for freedom, must have a certificate from the minister, that they were of orthodox principles, and of good lives and conversations. In the years 1632 and 1633, great additions were made to the colony. Such was the rage for emigration to New England, that the King in council thought fit to issue an order, (February 7, 1633,) to prevent it. This order, however, was not strictly obeyed; for this year came over Messrs. Cotton, Hooker, and Stone, three of the most famous pillars of the church. Mr. Cotton settled at Boston, and the other two at Cambridge. Mr Hooker settled at Hartford, on Connecticut river. In 1634, twenty-four of the principal inhabitants appeared in the general court for elections, as the representatives of the body of freemen, and resolved, 'That none but the general court had power to make and establish laws-to elect officers-to raise monies, and confirm proprieties;' and determined that four general courts be held yearly, to be summoned by the governor, and not be dissolved without the consent of the major part of the court-that it be lawful for the freemen of each plantation, to choose two or three persons as their representatives, to transact, on their behalf, the affairs of the commonwealth, &c. Thus was settled the legislative body, which, except an alteration of the number of general courts, which were soon reduced to two only in a year, and other not very material circumstances, continued the same as long as the charter lasted. In 1636 Mrs. Hutchinson, a very extraordinary woman who came to New England with Mr. Cotton, made great disturbances in the churches. Two capital errors with which she was charged, were, 'That the Holy Ghost dwells personally in a justified person; and that nothing of sanctification, can help to evidence to believers their justification.' Disputes ran high about the cove 36 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE nant of works, and the covenant of grace, and involved both the civil and religious affairs of the colony in great confusion. The final result was, a synod was appointed to be held at Cambridge, in August, 1637, where were present, both ministers and messengers of churches and magistrates, who after three weeks disputing, condemned, as erroneous, above eighty points or opinions, said to have been maintained by some one or other in the couniry. The result was signed by all the members but Mr. Cotton. In consequence of this, Mrs. Hutchinson and some of her principal followers were sentenced to banishment. She, with her husbaind and family, shortly after removed to Aquidnick, (Rhode Island), where, in 1642, Mr. Hutchinson died. She being dissatisfied with the people or place, removed to the Dutch country beyond New Haven, and the next year, she and all her family, being sixteen souls, were killed by the Indians, except one daughter who was carried into captivity. In 1640, the importation of settlers ceased. The motives for emigrating to New England were removed by a change in the affairs of England. They who then professed to give the best account, say that in 298 ships, which were the whole number from the beginning of the colony, there arrived 21,200 passengers, men, women and children, perhaps about 4000 families. Since then more persons have removed from New England to other parts of the world, than have arrived from thence hither. The present inhabitants therefore of New England, are justly to be estimated a natural increase, by the blessing of heaven, from the first 21,000 that arrived by the year 1640. It was judged that they had, at this time, 12,000 neat cattle, and 3000 sheep. The charge of transporting the families and their substance, was computed at ~192,000 sterling. In 1641, many discouragements were given to the settlers by their former benefactors, who withheld their assistance from them, and endeavored, though without success, to persuade them to quit their new establishments. The following year, the Indians confederated under Miantinomo, a leader of the Narragansett Indians, for the extirpation of the English. The confederacy was fortunately discovered in its infancy and produced no mischief. This year (1643), great disturbance was made in the colony by a sect which arose from the ashes of Antinomianism. The members of it, by their imprudence, exposed themselves to the intolerant spirit of the day, and Gorton, the leader of the party, was sentenced to be confined to Charlestown, there to be kept at work, and to wear such bolts and irons as might hinder his escape, and was threatened with severer punishment in case of a repetition of his crime. The rest were confined to different towns, one in a town, upon the same conditions with Gorton." NEW ENGLAND STATES. 37 "The first grant of Connecticut was made, by the Plymouth council, to the Earl of Warwick, in 1630, and confirmed by his majesty in council the same year. This grant compiehended ' all that part of New England which lies west from Narragansett river, 120 miles on the sea-coast, from thence, in latitude and breadth aforesaid, to the south sea.' The year following, the earl assigned this grant to Lord Say and Seal, Lord Brook, and nine others. No English settlements were attempted in Connecticut until the year 1633, when a number of Plymouth men, having purchased of Sequasson and Natawanute, two principal sachems, a tract of land at the mouth of Farmington river in Windsor, built a house and fortified it, and ever after maintained their right of soil upon the river. The same year, a little before the arrival of the English, a company of Dutch traders came to Hartford, and built a house which they called the Hirse of Good Hope, and erected a small fort, in which they planted two cannon. This was the only settlement of the Dutch in Connecticut in these ancient times. The Dutch, and after them the province of New York, for a long time claimed as far east as the western bank of Connecticut river. It belongs to the professed historian to prove or disprove the justice of this claim. Douglass says, 'The partition line between New York and Connecticut as established December 1, 1664, run from the mouth of Momoronock river, (a little west from Byram river), N. N. W. and was the ancient easterly limits of New York, until Nov. 23, 1683, when the line was run nearly the same as it is now settled.' If Douglass is right, the New York claim could not have been well founded. In 1635, Lord Say and Seal, and Lord Brook, sent over a small number of men, who built a fort at Saybrook, and held a treaty with the Pequot Indians, who, in a formal manner, gave to the English their right to Connecticut river and the adjacent country. In 1635, the Plymouth council granted to the Duke of Hamilton, all lands between Narragansett and Connecticut rivers, and back into the country as far as Massachusetts south line. This covered a part of the Earl of Warwick's patent, and occasioned some disputes in the colony. There were several attempts to revive the Hamilton claim, but were never prosecuted. In Oct. of this year, about sixty persons, from Newtown, Dorchester, and Watertown, in Massachusetts, came and settled Hartford, Wethersfield and Windsor, in Connecticut; and the June following the Rev. Mr. Hooker, and his company came and settled at Hartford, and was a father to the colony to the day of 4 38 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE his death. The first court held in Connecticut was at Hartford April 26th, 1636." The year 1637, is rendered memorable in Connecticut by the conquest of the Pequots, one of the most warlike tribes in New England. They were surprised by Capt. Mason in one of theii forts which stood in the limits of the present town of Groton, near New London, Conn., and their existence as a tribe was destroyed. This destruction of the Pequots struck such terror among the surrounding Indian tribes, as to restrain them from open hostilities for nearly forty years afterwards. The pursuit of the Pequots along the southern coast of Connecticut, led to an acquaintance with lands on the sea-coast. The favorable report respecting the country, induced Mr. Eaton and Mr. Hopkins, both merchants of London of the first respectability, and the Rev. Mr. Davenport a man of distinguished abilities, with their company to select it as a place for settlement. Accordingly, in March, 1638, they proceeded to Quinnipiac now New Haven and laid the foundation of a flourishing colony. At their first election in Oct. 1639, Mr. Theophilus Eaton was chosen governor for the first year. Their elections by agreement, were to be annual; and the Word of God their rule for all their affairs of government. In 1639, the three towns on Connecticut river, already mentioned, finding themselves without the limits of any jurisdiction, formed themselves into a body politic, and agreed upon articles of civil government. These articles were the foundation of the Connecticut charter, which was granted by king Charles in 1662. The colony of New Haven being included within the chartered limits of Connecticut, both colonies were united in one, in 1665. Rhode Island was first settled from Massachusetts. It owes its first settlement, to a spirit of religious persecution. "Mr. Roger Williams, a minister, who came over to Salem in 1630, was charged with holding a variety of errors, and was at length banished from the colony of Massachusetts, and afterward from Plymouth, as a disturber of the peace of the Church and Commonwealth; and, as he says, 'a bull of excommunication was sent after him.' He had several treaties with Myantonomo and Canonicus, the Narragansett sachems, in 1634 and 1635; who assured him he should not want for land. And in 1634 and 1635, he and twenty others, his followers, who were voluntary exiles, came to a place called by the Indians Mooshausick, and by him Providence. Here they settled, and though secured from the Indians by the terror of the English, they for a considerable ime greatly suffered through fatigue and want. The unhappy divisions and contentions in Massachusetts still prevailed. And in the year 1636, governor Winthrop strove to NEW ENGLAND STATES. 39 exterminate the opinions which he disapproved. Accordingly a synod was called at Newtown (now Cambridge) on the 30th of August, when eighty erroneous opinions were presented, debated, and condemned; and a court holden in October following, at the same place, banished a few leading persons of those who were accused of these errors, and censured several others; not, it seems, for holding these opinions, but for seditious conduct. The disputes which occasioned this disturbance, were about the same points as the fife questions debated between the synod and Mr. Cotton, which are thus described by Dr. Mather. They were 'about the order of things in our union to our Lord Jesus Christ; about the influence of our faith in the application of his righteousness; about the use of our sanctification in evidencing our justification; and about the consideration of our Lord Jesus Christ by men yet under a covenant of works; briefly, they were about the points whereon depend the grounds of our assurance of blessedness in a better world.' The whole colony of Massachusetts, at this time, was in a vio lent ferment. The election of civil officers was carried by a party spirit, excited by religious dissension. Those who were banished by the court, joined by a number of their friends, went in quest of a new settlement, and came to Providence, where they were kindly entertained by Mr. R. Williams; who, by the assistance Sir Henry Vane, jun. procured for them, from the Indians, Aquidnick, now Rhode Island. Here, in 1638, the people, eighteen in number, formed themselves into a body politic, and chose Mr. Coddington, their leader, to be their judge or chief magistrate. This same year the sachems signed the deed or grant of the island. For which Indian gift, it is said, they paid very dearly by being obliged to make repeated purchases of the same lands from several claimants. The other parts of the state were purchased of the natives at several successive periods. In the year 1643, the people being destitute of a patent or any legal authority, Mr. Williams went to England as agent, and by the assistance of Sir Henry Vane, jun. obtained of the Earl of Warwick (then governor and admiral of all the plantations) and his council, 'a free and absolute charter of civil incorporation, by the name of the incorporation of Providence Plantations in Narragansett Bay.' This lasted until the charter granted by Charles II. in 1663, by which the incorporation was styled, 'The English colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations in New England.' This charter, without any essential alteration, has remained the foundation of their government ever since."-Dr. Morse. The first discovery of any part of New Hampshire by the English, it appears, was madeby Capt. John Smith in 1614, as 40 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE has been related. "In 1621, Capt. John Mason, obtained from the council of Plymouth, a grant of all the land from the river Naumkeag (now Salem) round Cape Ann, to the river Merrimack, up each of those rivers, and from a line connecting the furthest sources of them inclusively, with all islands within three miles of the coast. This district was called Mariana. The next year, another grant was made to Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Mason jointly, of all the lands between the Merrimack and Sagadahock, extending back to the great lakes of Canada. This grant, which includes a part of the other, was called Laconia. Under the authority of this grant, in 1623, a settlement was made at Little Harbor, near the mouth of the Piscataqua. In 1629, some planters from Massachusetts Bay, wishing to form a settlement in the neighborhood of Piscataqua, procured a general meeting of the Indians, at Squamscot falls, where, with the universal consent of their subjects, they purchased of the Indian chiefs, for a valuable consideration, a tract of land comprehended between the rivers Piscataqua and Merrimack, and a line connecting these rivers, drawn at the distance of about thirty miles from the sea-coast, and obtained a deed of the same, witnessed by the principal persons of Piscataqua and the province of Maine. The same year, Mason procured a new patent under the common seal of the council of Plymouth, of all lands included within lines drawn from the mouths and through the middle of Piscataqua and Merrimack rivers, until sixty miles were completed, and a line crossing over land connecting those points, together with all islands within five leagues of the coast. This tract of land was called New Hampshire. It comprehended the whole of the above mentioned Indian purchase; and what is singular and unaccountable, the same land which this patent covered, and much more, had been granted to Gorges and Mason, jointly, seven years before. In 1635, the Plymouth company resigned their charter to the king, but this resignation did not materially affect the patentees under them, as the several grants to companies and individuals were mostly confirmed at some subsequent period by charters from the crown. In 1640 four distinct governments had been formed on the several branches of Piscataqua. The people under these governments, unprotected by England, in consequence of her own internal distractions, and too much divided in their opinions to form any general plan of government which could afford any prospect of permanent utility, thought best to solicit the protection of Massachusetts. That government readily granted their request, and accordingly, in April, 1641, the principal settlers of Piscataqua, by a formal instrument, resigned the jurisdiction of the whole NEW ENGLAND STATES. to Massachusetts, on condition that the inhabitants should enjoy the same liberties with their own people, and have a court of justice erected among them. The property of the whole patent of Portsmouth, and of one third of that of Dover, and of all the improved lands therein, was reserved to the lords and gentlemen proprietors and their heirs forever. These reservations were acceeded to on the part of Massachusetts, and what is extraordinary, and manifested the fondness of the government for retaining them under their jurisdiction, a law, of Massachusetts, declaring that none but church members should sit in the general court, was dispensed with, in their favor. While they were united with Massachusetts, they were governed by the general laws of the colony, and the conditions of the union were strictly observed. During this period, however, they had to struggle with many difficulties. One, while involved together with Massachusetts in a bloody war with the Indians; and repeatedly disturbed, with the warm disputes occasioned by the ineffectual efforts of Mason's heirs to recover the property of their ancestor. These disputes continued until 1679, when Mason's claim, though never established in law, was patronized by the crown, and New Hampshire was erected into a separate government. Massachusetts was directed to recall all her commissions for governing in that province, which was accordingly done. The first commission for the government of New Hampshire, was given to Mr. Cutt, as resident of the province on the 18th of September, 1679. In the year 1691, Mason's heirs sold their title to their lands in New England to Samuel Allen of London, for ~2750. This produced new controversies, concerning the property of the lands, which embroiled the province for many years. In 1692, Colonel Samuel Allen was commissioned governor of New Hampshire. Eight years after, he came over to America to prosecute his claim, but died before the affair was concluded. The inhabitants about this time suffered extremely from the cruel barbarity of the Indians; Exeter, Dover, and the frontier settlements, were frequently surprised in the night-the houses plundered and burnt-the men killed and scalped-and the women and children either inhumanly murdered, or led captives into the wilderness. The first settlers in other parts of New England were also, about this time, harrassed by the Indians, and it would require volumes to enumerate their particular sufferings. In 1737, a controversy, which had long subsisted between the two governments of Massachusetts and New Hampshire, respecting their divisional line, was heard by commissioners appointed by the crown for that purpose. These commissioners determined that the northern boundaries, of Massachusetts should be a line three miles north from the river Merrimack as far as Pawtucket falls, 4* 42 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE then to run west 100 north, until it meets New York line Although Massachusetts felt herself aggrieved by this decision, and attempted several ways to obtain redress, the line has never been altered, but is, at present, the divisional line between the two states. Douglass mentions, 'That the governor of Massachusetts, for many years, was also governor of New Hampshire, with a distinct commission.' This must have been many years after New Hampshire had been erected into a separate government in 1679. He adds that New Hampshire entered a complaint to the king in council against the joint governor, relative to settling the boundaries between the two provinces. This complaint was judged by the king to have been well founded, and 'therefore a separate governor for New Hampshire was commissioned in 1740.'"-Dr. Morse's Hist. The first permanent settlement in Maine, was effected in York in 1630, by emigrants from Plymouth colony. "In 1635, Sir Ferdinando Gorges obtained a grant from the council of Plymouth, of the tract of country between the rivers Piscataqua and Sagadahok, which is the mouth of Kennebeck; and up Kennebeck so far as to form a square of 120 miles. It is supposed that Sir Ferdinand first instituted government in this province. In 1639, Gorges obtained from the crown a charter of the soil and jurisdiction, containing as ample powers perhaps as the king of England ever granted to any subject. In the same year he appointed a governor and council, and they administered justice to the settlers until about the year 1647, when, hearing of the death of Gorges, they supposed their authority ceased, and the people on the spot universally combined and agreed to be under civil government, and to elect their officers annually. Government was administered in this form until 1652, when the inhabitants submitted to the Massachusetts, who, by a new construction of their charter which was given to Rosswell and others, in 1628, claimed the soil and jurisdiction of the province of Maine as far as the middle of Casco Bay. Maine then first took the name of Yorkshire; and county courts were held in the manner they were in Massachusetts, and the towns had liberty to send their deputies to the general court at Boston. In 1664, Charles II. granted to his brother, the Duke of York, all that part of New England which lies between St. Croix and Pemaquid rivers on the sea-coast; and up Pemaquid river, and from the head thereof to Kennebeck river, and thence the shortest course north to St. Lawrence river. This was called the Duke of York's property, and annexed to the government of New York. The Duke of York, on the death of his brother Charles II. be NEW ENGLAND STATES. 43 came James II., and upon James' abdication, these lands reverted to the crown. Upon the restoration of Charles II., the heirs of Gorges complained to the crown of the Massachusetts usurpation; and in 1665, the King's commissioners who visited New England, came to the province of Maine, and appointed magistrates and other officers independent of Massachusetts Bay. The magistrates, thus appointed, administered government according to such instructions as the king's commissioners had given them, until about the year 1668, when the Massachusetts general court sent down commissioners and interrupted such as acted by the authority derived from the king's commissioners. At this time public affairs were in confusion; some declaring for Gorges and the magistrates appointed by the king's commissioners, and others for Massachusetts. The latter however prevailed, and courts of pleas and criminal jurisdiction were held as in other parts of the Massachusetts Bay. About the year 1674, the heirs of Gorges complained again to the king and council of the usurpation of Massachusetts Bay, and they were called upon to answer for their conduct. The result was, they ceased for a time to exercise their jurisdiction, and Gorges, grandson of Ferdinando, sent over instructions. But in 1677, the Massachusetts, by their agent, John Usher, Esq., afterward governor of New Hampshire, purchased the right and interest of the patent for ~1200 sterling. The Massachusetts now supposed they had both the jurisdiction and the soil, and accordingly governed in the manner the charter of Maine had directed, until 1684, when the Massachusetts charter was vacated. In 1691, by charter from William and Mary, the province of Maine and the large territory eastward, extending to Nova Scotia, was incorporated with Massachusetts Bay."-Dr. Morse. King Charles in the patent given to Gorges, granted more and greater powers, than had ever been granted by a sovereign to a subject. He enjoined little else in particular, than an establishment of the Episcopal religion. The territory was then called the Province of Mayne, by way of compliment to the queen of Charles I. who was a daughter of France, and owned as her private estate, a province there, called the Province of Mayne, now the department of Maine. Maine became separated from Massachusetts in 1820, by being that year formed into an independent state. In the spring of 1630 the Great Conspiracy was entered into by the Indians in all parts, from the Narragansetts round to the eastward, to extirpate the English. The colony at Plymouth was the principal object of this conspiracy. They well knew that if they could effect the destruction of Plymouth, the infant OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE settlement at Massachusetts would fall an easy sacrifice. They laid their plan with much art. Under color of having some diversion at Plymouth, they intended to have fallen upon the inhabitants, and thus to have effected their design. But their plot was disclosed to the people at Charlestown, by John Sagamore, an Indian, who had always been a great friend to the English. This treacherous design of the Indians alarmed the English, and induced them to erect forts and maintain guards, to prevent any such fatal surprise in future. These preparations, and the firing of the great guns, so terrified the Indians that they dispersed, relinquished their design, and declared themselves the friends of the English. Such was the great increase of inhabitants in New England by natural population, and particularly by emigrations from Great Britain, that in a few years, besides the settlements in Plymouth and Massachusetts, very flourishing colonies were planted in Rhode Island, Connecticut, New Haven and New Hampshire. The dangers to which these colonies were exposed from the surrounding Indians, as well as from the Dutch, who, although very friendly to the infant colony at Plymouth, were now likely to prove troublesome neighbors, first induced them to think of an alliance and confederacy for their mutual defence. Accordingly in 1643, the four colonies of Plymouth, Massachusetts, Connecticut and New Haven, agreed upon articles of confederation, whereby a congress was formed, consisting of two commissioners from each colony, who were chosen annually, and when met were considered as the representatives of ' The United Colonzes of New England.' The powers delegated to the commissioners, were much the same as those vested in Congress by the articles of confederation, agreed upon by the United States in 1778. The colony of Rhode Island would gladly have joined in this confederacy, but Massachusetts, for particular reasons, refused to admit their commissioners. This union subsisted, with some few alterations, until the year 1686, when all the charters, except that of Connecticut, were, in effect, vacated by a commission from James II. " In 1656 began what has been generally called the persecution of the Quakers. The first who openly professed the principles of this sect in this colony, were Mary Fisher and Ann Austin, who came from Barbadoes in July of this year. A few weeks after, nine others arrived in the ship Speedwell of London. On the 8th of September, they were brought before the court of Assistants. It seems they had before affirmed that they were sent by God to reprove the people for their sins; they were accordingly questioned how they could make it appear that God sent them? After pausing, they answered that they had the same call that Abraham NEW ENGLAND STATES. 45 had to go out of his country. To other questions, they gave rude and contemptuous answers, which is the reason assigned for committing them to prison. A great number of their books which they brought over with intent to scatter them about the country, were seized and reserved for the fire. Soon after this, as the governor was going from public worship on the Lord's day to his own house, several gentlemen accompanying him, Mary Prince called to him from a window of the prison, railing at and reviling him, saying, 'woe unto thee, thou art an oppressor;' and denouncing the judgments of God upon him. Not content with this, she wrote a letter to the governor and magistrates filled with opprobrious stuff. The governor sent for her twice from the prison to his house, and took much pains to persuade her to desist from such extravagancies. Two of the ministers were present, and with much moderation and tenderness endeavored to convince her of her errors, to which she returned the grossest railings, reproaching them as hirelings, deceivers of the people, Baal's priests, the seed of the serpent, o the brood of Ishmael and the like. At this time there was no special provision made in the laws for the punishment of the Quakers. But in virtue of a law which had been made against heretics in general, the court passed sentence of banishment upon them all. Afterwards other severe laws were enacted, among which were the following; any Quaker, after the first conviction, if a man, was to lose one ear, and for the second offence, the other-a woman to be each time severely whipped-and the third time, whether man or woman, to have their tongues bored through with a red-hot iron."-Dr. Morse. "In October, 1658, the members of the general court of Massachusetts, by a majority of one vote only, passed a law for punishing with death all Quakers who should return into their jurisdiction after banishment. Under this law four persons were executed. The friends of the Quakers in England now interposed, and obtained an order from the king, September 9th, 1661, requiring that a stop should be put to all capital or corporeal punishments of his subjects called Quakers, and that such as were obnoxious, should be sent to England. This order was obeyed, and all disturbances by degrees subsided. Much censure has been passed upon the New England colonies for their severe laws against those calling themselves Quakers; yet it must be recollected that the laws in England against them, at this period, were severe, and although none were put to death by public execution, yet many were confined in prisons, where they died, in consequence of the rigor of the law. One principal thing which tends to mislead the judgment of many, in this present age, is the supposition that those who suffered the punishment of the law were essentially of the same spirit and practice 46 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE of the respectable and worthy society of Friends or Quakers of the present day. This is a mistake; many who went by this name at that period may be considered as fanatics, and proper subjects of a madhouse. The following instances of their conduct may be considered as a species of madness. 'Some at Salem, Hampton, Newbury, and other places, coming into the congregations and calling to the minister in time of public worship, declaring their preaching, &c., to be an abomination to the Lord. Thomas Newhouse went into the meeting-house at Boston, with a couple of glass bottles, and broke them before the congregation, and threatened, ' Thus will the Lord break you in pieces.' AnotlRer time, M. Brewster came in with her face smeared and black as a coal. Deborah Wilson went through the streets of Salem as naked as she came into the world.'* " That some provision was necessary against these people so far as they were disturbers of civil peace and order, every one will allow; but such sanguinary laws against particular doctrines or tenets in religion are not to be defended." "Soon after the restoration of Charles II. in 1660, many complaints were made to his majesty respecting the colony, and, agreeably to a requisition from him, agents were sent over to answer to them. These were favorably received, and returned in a short time with letters from the king, commanding the alteration of some of the laws and customs, and directing the administration of justice to be in his name. The letters not being strictly obeyed, and new complaints coming to the king's ears, four commissioners were dispatched in 1665, to the colony of Massachusetts, with absolute authority to hear and determine every cause. This authority met with merited opposition. The colonists adhered to what they imagined to be their just rights and privileges, and though somewhat culpable for their obstinate defence of a few unwarrantable peculiarities, deserve commendation for their general conduct. The commissioners left the colony dissatisfied and enraged. Their report, however, occasioned no trouble from England, on account of the jealousies of government which then prevailed there, and the misfortunes of the plague, and fire of London." The year 1675 is memorable in the history of New England on account of King Philip's War, the most general and destructive ever sustained by the infant colonies. The Indian power in New England was forever broken in a bloody conflict in the depth of winter, called the Swamp fight. The war was ended by the death of Philip, who was killed August 12th, 1676. In this distressing war, the English lost six hundred men, the flower of their strength; * Hutchinson, vol. i., p. 203 and 204 NEW ENGLAND STATES. 47 twelve or thirteen towns were destroyed, and six hundred dwelling houses were consumed. Every eleventh family was houseless, and every eleventh soldier had sunk to the grave. " In the year 1684, it was decided in the high Court of Chancery, that Massachusetts had forfeited her charter, and that henceforth her government should be placed in the hands of the king. This event was brought about chiefly by the instrumentality of Edmund Andros. This man had been sent over as a kind of spy on the colonies; he made it his business to collect charges against the colonies, and return to England and excite the jealousy of the British government. In this manner, the way was prepared for annulling the colonial charters. In December 1686, Andros arrived at Boston, being commissioned by King James, as Governor General, and Vice Admiral over New England, New York, and the Jerseys. Like all tyrants, Sir Edmund began his administration with professions of high regard for the public welfare. In a few months, however, the prospect was changed. The press was restrained, liberty of conscience infringed, and exhorbitant taxes were levied. The charters being vacated, it was pretended all titles to land were destroyed; farmers, therefore, who had cultivated their soil for half a century, were obliged to take new patents, giving large fees, or writs of intrusion were brought, and their lands sold to others. To prevent petitions or consultations, town meetings were prohibited, excepting once in a year for the choice of town officers. Lest cries of oppression should reach the throne, he forbade any to leave the country without permission from the government. In 1689, King James having abdicated the throne, William, Prince of Orange, and Mary, daughter of James, were proclaimed in February. A report of the landing of William in England, reached Boston; but before the news of the entire revolution in the English government arrived, a most daring one was effected in New England. The colonists had borne the impositions of Andros's government about tlree years. Their patience was now exhausted. On the morning of April 18th, the public fury burst forth like a volcano. The inhabitants of Boston were in arms, and the people from the country poured in to their assistance. Andros and his associates fled to a fort; resistance was in vain, he was made a prisoner, and sent to England." The year 1692 is memorable in New England for the convulsion produced in Salem and its vicinity by the supposed prevalence of witchcraft. Many were supposed to be bewitched, and would complain of being bitten, pinched, pricked with pins, &c.; some declared that they beheld a spectral representation of the person whom they said was the cause of their affliction. 48 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE Some were struck dumb, others had their limbs distorted in a shocking manner, sometimes running on their hands and feet, creeping through holes, and under chairs, tables, &c.; barking like a dog, with other actions equally strange and unaccountable. Upon the accusation and testimony of persons thus afflicted, many were imprisoned, and nineteen were executed for practicing witchcraft, most of whom died professing their innocence.* The evil became awfully alarming;, the most respectable persons in the country were accused; but the magistrates finally acquitted those who were accused, and the menacing storm blew over to the great joy of the inhabitants. At this period, many learned and eminent men, both in England and America, fully believed in the existence of witchcraft. Sir Matthew Hale, one of the brightest ornaments of the English bench, repeatedly tried and condemned persons as criminals, who were brought before him charged with this crime. It must be confessed, that notwithstanding all the obloquy and contempt which is now cast upon our forefathers, for believing in the existence of witchcraft, many things took place at that time, (if we can credit the accounts given by many respectable witnesses), which would be extremely difficult to account for, on natural principles. "About this period, the French in Canada and Nova Scotia, instigated the northern and eastern Indians to commence hostilities against the English settlements. Dover and Salmon Falls, in New Hampshire, Casco, in Maine, and Schenectady, in New York, were attacked by different parties of French and Indians, and shocking barbarities committed. Regarding Canada as the principal source of their troubles, New England and New York formed the bold project of reducing it by force of arms. For this purpose, they raised an army under general Winthrop, which was sent against Montreal, and equipped a fleet, which, commanded by Sir William Phipps, was destined to attack Quebec. The season was so far advanced when the fleet arrived at Quebec, October 5th, 1690, the French so superior in number, the weather * A cotemporary writer observes: " As to the method which the Salem Justices do take in their examinations, it is truly this: A warrant being issued out to apprehend the persons that are charged and complained of by the afflicted children, as they are called; said persons are brought before the justices, the afflicted being present. The justices ask the apprehended why they afflict those poor children; to which the apprehended answer, they do not afflict them. The justices order the apprehended to look upon the said children, which accordingly they do; and at the time of that look (I dare not say by that look as the Salem gentlemen do,) the afflicted are cast into a fit. The apprehended are then blinded, and ordered to touch the afflicted; and at that touch, though not by the touch, (as above,) the afflicted do ordinarily come out of their fits. The afflicted persons, then declare and affirm, that the apprehended have afflicted them, upon which the apprehended persons, though of never so good repute, are forthwith committed to prison on suspicion of witchcraft." NEW ENGLAND STATES. i9 so tempestuous, and the sickness so great among the soldiers, that the expedition was abandoned. Success had been so confidently expected, that no adequate provision was made for the payment of the troops. There was danger of a mutiny. In this extremity, the government of Massachusetts issued bills of credit, as a substitute for money; and these were the first ever issued in the American colonies. The war with the French and Indians, which began in 1690, was not yet terminated. For seven years the frontier settlements were harrassed by the savages, till peace took place between France and England. But in a few years war again broke out in Europe, which was the signal for hostilities in America. In February, 1704, Deerfield, on Connecticut river, was surprised in the night, about forty persons killed, and more than one hundred made prisoners, among whom were Mr. Williams, the minister, and his family. In 1707, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island, despatched an armament against Port Royal, in Nova Scotia; but the expedition was unsuccessful. In 1710, New England, assisted by the mother country, with a fleet, succeeded in reducing the place; and its name, in honor of Queen Anne, was changed to Annapolis. This success encouraged the commander, General Nicholson, to visit England and propose an expedition against Canada. His proposition was adopted, and in June, 1711, Admiral Walker, with a fleet of fifteen ships of war, and forty transports, with an army of veteran troops, arrived at Boston, from whence he sailed for Quebec about the last of July. At the same time, General Nicholson repaired to Albany, to take the command of the forces that were to proceed by land. When the fleet had advanced ten leagues up the St. Lawrence, the weather became tempestuous and foggy. Nine of the transports were dashed in pieces on the rocks, and upwards of a thousand men perished. Weakened by this disaster, the admiral returned to England, and the New England troops returned to their homes. Nicholson, having learned the fate of the fleet, returned with his troops to Albany. In 1713, peace was made between France and Great Britain at Utrecht. In 1716, Samuel Shute, a colonel in the army of the celebrated Duke of Marlborough, was appointed governor of Massachusetts. For a long period afterwards, many controversies and difficulties took place between the royal governors sent from England and the representatives of the people, who were jealous of their rights as British subjects. These disturbances continued, with some intervals, till the period of the American Revolution. In 1744, war again broke out between England and France, and the colonies were again involved in its calamaties. Their commerce and fisheries suffered great injury from privateers fitted 5 50 OUTLINE HISTORY" OF THE out at Louisburg, a strong fortress on the Island of Cape Breton. This place was considered one of the strongest in America; the fortifications had been twenty-five years in building, and had cost the French five and a half millions of dollars. The legislature of Massachusetts, convinced of the importance of reducing this place, planned a daring, but successful enterprise for its reduction. Accordingly, about four thousand men, from Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Connecticut, under the command of Gen. Pepperell, sailed from Boston for the conquest of this place. Having the assistance of four ships of war, under Commodore Warren, from the West Indies, the troops arrived at Louisburg, about the 1st of May, 1745, and commenced the siege. For fourteen nights successively, the New England troops, sinking to their knees in mud, drew their cannons and mortars through a swamp two miles in length. By this means, the siege was pushed with so much vigor, that, on the 16th of June, the garrison surrendered. France, fired with resentment against the colonies, the next summer sent a powerful fleet to ravage the coast of New England and recover Louisburg. The news of their approach spread terror throughout New England. But an uncommon succession of disasters, which the pious at that time ascribed to the special interposition of Providence, blasted the hopes of the enemy. The French fleet was delayed and damaged by storms: some of the ships were lost, and a pestilential fever prevailed among the troops, and the two admirals killed themselves through chagrin on the failure of the expedition. The war at this period was ended by the peace of Aix la Chapelle, in 1748, by which all prisoners on each side were to be restored without ransom, and all conquests made during the war were to be mutually restored. Scarcely had the colonies begun to reap the benefits of peace, before they were again thrown into anxiety and distress by another war against France. The war actually commenced in 1754, though not formally declared till May, 1756. Early in the spring of 1755, preparations were made by the colonies for vigorous exertions against the enemy. Four expeditions were planned:-one against the French in Nova Scotia; a second against the French on the Ohio; a third against Crown Point; and a fourth against Niagara. The expedition against Nova Scotia, consisting of three thousand men, chiefly from Massachusetts, was led by General Monckton and General Winslow. With these troops, they sailed from Boston on the 1st of June, arrived at Chignecto, in the bay of Fundv. After being joined by three hundred regular British troops, they proceeded against fort Beau Sejour, which surrendered, after a siege of four days. Other forts were taken, and Nova Scotia was entirely subdued. In order that the French in Canada should derive no assistance from this territory, the country NEW ENGLAND STATES. 51 was laid waste, and the inhabitants were taken from the country, and dispersed among the English colonies. One thousand of these proscribed Acadians were transported to Massachusetts, where many of them embarked for France. The expedition against Niagara, was committed to Governor Shirley of Massachusetts, whose force amounted to two thousand five hundred men. The season, however, was too far advanced before he had completed his preparations, to effect any thing of importance, and the expedition was abandoned. The war continued, with varied success, till the conquest of Quebec by the army under Gen. Wolfe, in September, 1759, and the final reduction of Canada in 1760. This event caused great and universal joy in the colonies, and public thanksgivings were generally appointed. A definitive treaty, the preliminaries of which, had been settled the year before, was signed at Paris in 1763, by which all Nova Scotia, Canada, the isle of Cape Breton, and all other islands in the gulf and river St. Lawrence, were ceded to the British crown." "The first attempt to raise a revenue in America appeared in the memorable stamp act, passed March 22, 1765; by which it was enacted that certain instruments of writing, as bills, bonds, &c. should not be valid in law, unless drawn on stamped paper, on which a duty was laid. No sooner was this act published in America, than it raised a general alarm. The people were filled with apprehensions at an act which they supposed an attack on their constitutional rights. The colonies petitioned the king and parliament for a redress of the grievance, and formed associations for the purpose of preventing the importation and use of British manufactures, until the act should be repealed. This spirited and unanimous opposition of the Americans produced the desired effect, and on the 18th of March, 1766, the stamp act was repealed. The news of the repeal was received in the colonies with universal joy, and the trade between them and Great Britain was renewed on the most liberal footing. The parliament, by repealing this act, so obnoxious to their American brethren, did not intend to lay aside the scheme of raising a revenue in the colonies, but merely to change the mode. Accordingly the next year, they passed an act, laying a certain duty on glass, tea, paper and painter's colors; articles which were much wanted, and not manufactured, in America. This act kindled the resentment of the Americans, and excited a general opposition to the measure; so that parliament thought proper in 1770, to take off these duties, except three pence a pound on tea. Yet this duty, however trifling, kept alive the jealousy of the colonists, and their opposition to parliamentary taxation continued and increased. 52 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE But it must be remembered that the inconvenience of paying the duty was not the sole, nor principal cause of the opposition: it was the principle which, once admitted, would have subjected the colonies to unlimited parliamentary taxation, without the privilege of being represented. The right, abstractly considered, was denied; and the smallest attempt to establish the claim by precedent, was uniformly resisted. The Americans could not be deceived as to the views of parliament; for the repeal of the stamp act was accompanied with an unequivocal declaration, 'that the parliament had a right to make laws of sufficient validity to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever.' The colonies therefore entered into measures to encourage their own manufactures, and home productions, and to retrench the use of foreign superfluities; while the importation of tea was prohibited. In the royal and proprietary governments, the governors and people were in a state of continual warfare. Assemblies were repeatedly called, and suddenly dissolved. While sitting, the assemblies employed the time in stating grievances and framing remonstrances. To inflame these discontents, an act of parliament was passed, ordaining that the governors and judges should receive their salaries of the crown; thus making them independent of the provincial assemblies, and removable only at the pleasure of the king. These arbitrary proceedings, with many others not here mentioned, could not fail of producing a rupture. The first act of violence, was the massacre at Boston, on the evening of the fifth of March, 1770. A body of British troops had been stationed in Boston to awe the inhabitants and enforce the measures of parliament. On the fatal day, when blood was to be shed, as a prelude to more tragic scenes, a riot was raised among some soldiers and boys: the former aggressing by throwing snowballs at the latter. The bickerings and jealousies between the inhabitants and soldiers, which had been frequent before, now became serious. A multitude was soon collected, and the controversy became so warm, that to disperse the people, the troops were embodied and ordered to fire upon the inhabitants. This fatal order was executed and several persons fell a sacrifice. The people restrained their vengeance at the time; but this wanton act of cruelty and military despotism fanned the flame of liberty; a flame that was not to be extinguished but by a total separation of the colonies from their oppressive and hostile parent. In 1773 the spirit of the Americans broke out into open violence. The Gaspee, an armed schooner belonging to his Britannic Majesty, had been stationed at Providence in Rhode Island, to prevent smuggling. The vigilance of the commander irritated the inhabitants to that degree, that about two hundred armed men en NEW ENGLAND STATES. 53 tered the vessel at night, compelled the officers and men to go ashore, and set fire to the schooner. A reward of five hundred pounds, offered by government for apprehending any of the persons concerned in this daring act, produced no effectual discovery. About this time, the discovery and publication of some private confidential letters, written by the royal officers in Boston, to persons in office in England, served to confirm the apprehensions of the Americans, with respect to the designs of the British government. It was now made obvious that more effectual measures would be taken to establish the supremacy of the British parliament over the colonies. The letters recommended decisive measures, and the writers were charged, by the exasperated Americans, with betraying their trust and the people they governed. As the resolutions of the colonies not to import or consume tea, had, in a great measure, deprived the English government of a revenue from this quarter, the parliament formed a scheme of introducing tea into America, under cover of the East India Company. For this purpose an act was passed, enabling the company to export all sorts of teas, duty free, to any place whatever. The company departed from their usual mode of business and became their own exporters. Several ships were freighted with teas, and sent to the American colonies, and factors were appointed to receive and dispose of their cargoes. The Americans, determined to oppose the revenue system of the English parliament in every possible shape, considered the attempt of the East India Company to evade the resolutions of the colonies, and dispose of teas in America, as an indirect mode of taxation, sanctioned by the authority of Parliament. The people assembled in various places, and in the large commercial towns, took measures to prevent the landing of the teas. Committees were appointed, and armed with extensive powers to inspect merchants books, to propose tests, and make use of other expedients to frustrate the designs of the East India Company. The same spirit pervaded the people from New Hampshire to Georgia. In some places, the consignees of the teas were intimidated so far as to relinquish their appointments, or to enter into engagements not to act in that capacity. The cargo sent to South Carolina was stored, the consignees being restrained from offering the tea for sale. In other provinces, the ships were sent back without discharging their cargoes. But in Boston the tea shared a more violent fate. Sensible that no legal measures could prevent its being landed, and that if once landed, it would be disposed of; a number of men in disguise, on the 18th of December 1773, entered the ships and threw overboard three hundred and forty chests of it, which was the propor5* 54 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE non belonging to the East India Company. No sooner did the news ot this destruction of the tea reach Great Britain, than the parliament determined to punish that devoted town. On the king's laying the American papers before them, a bill was brought in and passed, 'to discontinue the landing and discharging, landing and shipping of goods, wares and merchandizes at the town of Boston, or within the harbor.' This act, passed March 25, 1774, called the Boston Port Bill, threw the inhabitants of Massachusetts into the greatest consternation. The town of Boston passed a resolution, expressing their sense of this oppressive measure, and a desire that all the colonies would concur to stop all importation from Great Britain. Most of the colonies entered into spirited resolutions, on this occasion, to unite with Massachusetts in a firm opposition to the unconstitutional measures of the parliament. The first of June, the day on which the Port Bill was to take place, was appointed to be kept as a day of humiliation, fasting and prayer throughout the colonies, to seek the divine direction and aid, in that critical and gloomy juncture of affairs. During the height of the consternation and confusion which the Boston Port Bill occasioned; at the very time when a town meeting was sitting to consider of it, General Gage, who had been appointed to the government of Massachusetts, arrived in the harbor. His arrival however did not allay the popular ferment, or check the progress of the measures then taking, to unite the colonies in opposition to the oppressive act of parliament. But the port bill was not the only act that alarmed the apprehensions of the Americans. Determined to compel the province of Massachusetts to submit to their laws, parliament passed an act for 'the better regulating government in the province of Massachusetts Bay.' The object of this act was to alter the government, as it stood on the charter of King William, to take the appointment of the executive out of the hands of the people, and place it in the crown; thus making even the judges and sheriffs dependent on the king, and removable only at his pleasure. This act was soon followed by another, which ordained that any persons, indicted for murder, or other capital offence, committed in aiding the magistrates in executing the laws, might be sent by the governor either to another colony, or to Great Britain for his trial. In the mean time, every thing in Massachusetts wore the appearance of opposition by force. A new council for the governor had been appointed by the crown. New judges were appointed and attempted to proceed inthe execution of their office. But the juries refused to be sworn under them; in some counties, the people assembled to prevent the courts from proceeding to business; and in Berkshire they succeeded, setting an example of resist NEW ENGLAND STATES. 55 ance that has since been followed, in violation of the laws of the state. In this situation of affairs, the day for the annual muster of the militia approached. General Gage, apprehensive of some violence, had the precaution to seize the magazines of ammunition and stores at Cambridge and Charlestown, and lodged them in Boston. This measure, with the fortifying of that neck of land which joins Boston to the main-land at Roxbury, caused a universal alarm and ferment. Several thousand people assembled, and it was with difficulty they could be restrained from falling upon the British troops. On this occasion, an assembly of delegates from all the towns in Suffolk county, was called; and several spirited resolutions were agreed to. These resolutions were prefaced with a declaration of allegiance; but they breathed a spirit of freedom that does honor to the delegates. They declared that the late acts of parliament and the proceedings of General Gage, were glaring infractions of their rights and liberties, which their duty called them to defend by all lawful means. This assembly remonstrated against the fortification of Boston Neck, and resolved upon a suspension of commerce, an encour agement of arts and manufactures, the holding of a provincial congress, and a submission to the measures which should be recommended by the continental congress. They recommended that the collectors of taxes should not pay any money into the treasury, without further orders; they also recommended peace and good order, as they meant to act merely upon the defensive. In answer to their remonstrance, General Gage assured them that he had no intention to prevent the free egress and regress of the inhabitants to and from the town of Boston, and that he would not suffer any person under his command to injure the person or property of any of his majesty's subjects. Previous to this, a general assembly had been summoned to meet; and notwithstanding the writs had been countermanded by the governor's proclamation, on account of the violence of the times and the resignation of several of the new counselors, yet representatives were chosen by the people who met at Salem, resolved themselves into a provincial congress, and adjourned to Concord. This congress addressed the governor with a rehersal of their distresses, and took the necessary steps for defending their rights. They regulated the militia, made provision for supplying the treasury, and furnishing the people with arms; and such was the enthusiasm and union of the people that the recommendations of the provincial congress had the force of laws. General Gage was incensed at these measures-he declared, in 56 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE his answer to the address, that Britain could never harbor the black design of enslaving her subjects and published a proclamation in which he insinuated that such proceedings amounted to rebellion. He also ordered barracks to be erected for the soldiers; but he found difficulty in procuring laborers, either in Boston or New York. In the beginning of 1775, the fishery bills were passed in parliament, by which the colonies were prohibited to trade with Great Britain, Ireland or the West Indies, or to take fish on the banks of Newfoundland. In the distresses to which these acts of parliament reduced the town of Boston, the unanimity of the colonies was remarkable, in the large supplies of provision, furnished by the inhabitants of different towns from New Hampshire to Georgia, and shipped to the relief of the sufferers. Preparations began to be made, to oppose by force, the execution of these acts of parliament. The militia of the country were trained to the use of arms-great encouragement was given for the imanufacture of gunpowder, and measures were taken to obtain all kinds of military stores. In February, Colonel Leslie was sent with a detachment of troops from Boston, to take possession of some cannon at Salem. But the people had intelligence of the design-took up the drawbridge in that town, and prevented the troops from passing, until the cannon were secured; so that the expedition failed. In April, Colonel Smith and Major Pitcairn were sent with a body of about nine hundred troops, to destroy the military stores which had been collected at Concord, about sixteen miles from Boston. It is believed, that another object of this expedition, was to seize on the persons of Messrs. Hancock and Adams, who by their spirited exertions, had rendered themselves very obnoxious to General Gage. At Lexington, the militia were collected on a green, to oppose the incursion of the British forces. These were fired upon by the British troops, and eight men killed on the spot. The militia were dispersed, and the troops proceeded to Concord; where they destroyed a few stores. But on their return, they were incessantly harrassed by the Americans, who, inflamed with just resentment, fired upon them from houses and fences, and pursued them to Boston. The loss of the British in this expedition, in killed, wounded and prisoners, was two hundred and seventy-three men. The militia now collected from all quarters, and Boston, in a few days was besieged by twenty thousand men. A stop was put to all intercourse between the town and country, and the inhabitants were reduced to great want of provisions. General Gage promised to let the people depart, if they would deliver up NEW ENGLAND STATES. 57 their arms. The people complied, but when the general had obtained their arms, the perfidious man refused to let the people go. This breach of faith, and the consequences that attended it, were justly and greatly complained of; and although many, at different times, were permitted to leave the town, they were obliged to leave all their effects behind; so that many who had been used to live in ease and affluence, were at once reduced to extreme indigence and misery. A circumstance peculiarly and wantonly aggravating, and which was the ground of the bitterest complaints of Congress, was, that passports were granted or retained in such a manner, as that families were broken, and the dearest connections separated; part being compelled to quit the town, and part cruelly retained against their inclination. In the mean time, a small number of men, to the amount of about two hundred and forty, under the command of Colonel Allen, and Colonel Arnold, without any public orders, surprised and took the British garrisons at Ticonderoga and Crown Point, without the loss of a man on either side. During these transactions, the Generals Howe, Burgoyne, and Clinton, arrived at Boston from England, with a number of troops. In June following, our troops attempted to fortify Bunker's hill, which lies near Charlestown, and but a mile and a half from Boston. They had, during the night, thrown up a small breast-work, which sheltered them from the fire of the British cannon. But the next morning, the British army was sent to drive them from the hill, and landing under cover of their cannon,.hey set fire to Charlestown, which was consumed, and marched to attack our troops in the entrenchments. A severe engagement ensued, in which the British, according to the best accounts, had two hundred and twenty-six killed, and eight hundred and twentyeight wounded. They were repulsed at first, and thrown into disorder; but they finally carried the fortification, with the point of the bayonet. In autumn, a body of troops, under the command of General Montgomery, besieged and took the garrison at St. John's, which commands the entrance into Canada. The prisoners amounted to about seven hundred. General Montgomery pursued his success, and took Montreal; and designed to push his victories to Quebec. A body of troops, commanded by General Arnold, was ordered to march to Canada, by the river Kennebeck, and through the wilderness. After suffering every hardship, and the most distressing hunger, they arrived in Canada, and were joined by General Montgomery, before Quebec. This city, which was commanded by Governor Carleton, was immediately besieged. But there being little hope of taking the town by a 58 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE siege, it was determined to storm it. The attack was made on the last day of December, but proved unsuccessful, and fatal to the brave general; who, with his aids, were killed in attempting to scale the walls. Of the three divisions which attacked the townl, one only entered, and that was obliged to surrender to superior force. After this defeat, Gen. Arnold, who now commanded the troops, continued some months before Quebec, although his troops suffered incredibly by cold and sickness. But the next spring, the Americans were obliged to retreat from Canada." The year 1777 was distinguished by several important events in favor of the American cause. Gen. Burgoyne, with a well disciplined and powerful army, advanced from Canada, to invade New York and the New England States. His approach occasioned much alarm, and the militia from all parts of New England, pressed forward to resist the British forces. The progress of Burgoyne was checked, by the defeat of Col. Baum, near Bennington, in which the undisciplined militia of Vermont, under Gen. Stark, defeated and captured nearly the whole of a large detachment of British troops. Burgoyne himself surrendered at Saratoga, Oct. 17th, 1777, with his whole army. This event diffused great joy throughout the American States, and laid the foundation for a treaty with France. From the first period of the Revolutionary War, to its close, the New England States, rendered the most powerful and efficient aid in the American cause; but this was not done without enduring many sacrifices and privations. During the enfeebled and disorganized state of the country, which followed the war, Massachusetts, in her zeal to comply fully with the requisitions of Congress, and satisfy the demands of her own creditors, laid a heavy tax upon the people. This was the immediate cause of the rebellion in that State, in 1786. But a heavy debt lying on the State, added to burdens of the same nature, upon almost every incorporation within it; a decline, or rather an extinction of public credit; a relaxation and corruption of manners, and a free use of foreign luxuries; a decay of trade and manufactures, with a prevailing scarcity of money; and, above all, individuals involved in debt to each other-these were the real, though more remote causes of the insurrection. It was the tax which the people were required to pay, that caused them to feel the evils which we have enumerated-this called forth all their other grievances; and the first act of violence committed, was the burning or destroying of a tax bill. This sedition threw the State into a convulsion which lasted about a year; courts of justice were violently obstructed; the collection of debts was suspended; and a body of armed troops, under the command of general Lincoln, was employed during the winter of 1786, to disperse the insurgents. Yet so numerous NEW ENGLAND STATES. 59 were the latter, in the counties of Worcester, Hampshire, and Berkshire, and so obstinately combined to oppose the execution of law by force, that the governor and council of the State thought proper not to intrust General Lincoln with military powers, except to act on the offensive, and to repel force with force, in case the insurgents should attack him. The leaders of the rebels, however, were not men of talents; they were desperate, but without fortitude; and while they were supported with a superior force, they appeared to be impressed with that consciousness of guilt, which awes the most daring wretch, and makes him shrink from his purpose. This appears by the conduct of a large party of the rebels before the magazine at Springfield; where General Shepard with a small guard, was stationed to protect the continental stores. The insurgents appeared upon the pianm, with a superiority of numbers, but a few shot from the artillery, made the multitude retreat in disorder with the loss of four men. This spirited conduct of General Shepard, with the industry, perseverance and prudent firmness of General Lincoln, dispersed the rebels, drove the leaders from the State, and restored tranquillity. An act of indemnity was passed in the legislature for all the insurgents, except a few leaders, on condition they should become peaceable subjects and take the oath of allegiance. The leaders afterwards petitioned for pardon, which, from motives of policy, was granted by the legislature." Although the efforts of the colonies against their enemies during the French and Revolutionary conflicts, were crowned with entire success, yet the demoralizing effects ever attendant on wars, were felt afterwards. Infidel, and corrupting principles were introduced by the British and French soldiery; particularly by the latter, and their demoralizing influence was felt to some extent. Perhaps the time in the history of New England, in which religion and morality were at their lowest ebb, may be found in the course of twenty or thirty years after the conclusion of the Revolutionary War. Since this period, greater regard has been paid to religion and morality, the habits and manners of the people have been improved; the benefits of education have been more widely diffused, and wealth has been more equally distributed. OUTLINE HISTORY OF NEW YORK. IN 1609, Henry Hudsoil. an Englishman in the service, of the Dutch East India Cnrlpany, discovered Long Island, the harbor of New York, and the river to which his whc nname has since been given. "He penetrated this river ac_cording to his own account, 53 leagues; which must be as far as where the city of Albany now stands. This discovery gave the Dutch at once an entrance into the heart Aoms of New York of the American continent, where the best furs could be procured, without interruption from the French or English, both which nations claimed this territory. Within four years after this discovery, a company of merchants, who had procured from the States General a patent for an exclusive trade to Hudson's river; built a fort and trading house, where Albany now stands." In 1613, Capt. Argal, under Sir Thomas Dale, governor of Virginia, visited the Dutch, on Hudson's river, who, being unable to resist him, prudently submitted for the present, to the king of England, and, under him, to the governor of Virginia. Determined upon the settlement of a colony, the States General, in 1621, granted the country to the West India Company; and in the year 1625, Peter Minuet arrived at fort Amsterdam, now New York, as the first governor or director. In 1615, a fort was built on tile southwest point of Manhattan, now York Island; but the first settlers planted themselves about two miles from this fort, and built a church there, the ruins of which, not many years since, were visible, near where the two miie NEW YORK. 61 stone formerly stood. In this situation, finding themselves insecure, during the wars between the English and Dutch, they left this place, and planted their habitations under the guns of the fort, which laid the foundation of the present city of New York. The first emigrants under Minuet, appear to have been from the river Waal in Guelderland, and under the name of Waaloons, founded the first permanent settlement, beyond the immediate protection of the cannon of fort Amsterdam. They settled at Brooklyn, opposite New York, and were the first who professionally pursued agriculture. In June, 1625, the first child of European parentage was born in New Netherlands. In 1633, Minuet was recalled, and Wouter Van Twiller arrived at fort Amsterdam as governor. His arrival gave fresh impulse to the settlements, and agricultural pursuits. In 1638, Van Twiller was succeeded by William Kieft as governor. Two years after his administration, the English had overspread the eastern part of Long Island and advanced as far as Oyster Bay. In 1647, Kieft was succeeded by Peter Stuyvesant. In consequence of their discoveries and settlements, the Dutch claimed all the country, extending from Cape Cod to Cape Henlopen, along the sea-coast, and as far back into the country as any of the rivers, within those limits, extend, and named it New NETHERLANDS. But these extravagant and unfounded claims were never allowed to the Dutch. This nation, and after them the province of New York, for a long time, claimed as far east as the western banks of Connecticut river, and this claim was the ground of much altercation, till 1664, when the partition line between New York, and Connecticut was run nearly the same as it is now settled.' In 1664, Aug. 27, Gov. Stuyvesant surrendered the colony to Col. Nicolls, who had arrived in the bay a few days before, with three or four ships, and about 300 soldiers, having a commission from King Charles II. to reduce the place, which was then called New Amsterdam, afterwards, New York. Very few of the inhabitants removed out of the country; and their respectable descendants are still numerous in many parts of this state, and of New Jersey. A league of friendship was at this time entered into with the Five Indian nations. In 1667, at the peace of Breda, New York was confirmed to the English, who, in exchange, ceded Surinam to the Dutch. The English kept peaceable possession of the country, until the year 1673, when the Dutch, with whom the English were then at war, sent a small squadron, which arrived at Staten Island on the 30th of July. John Manning, a captain of an independent company, who had at that time command of the fort, sent a messenger down to the commodore, and made his terms with him. On the same day, the ships came up, moored under the fort, landed 6 62 OUTLINE HISTORY OF their men, and entered the garrison, without giving or receiving a shot. All the magistrates and constables from East Jersey, Long Island, AEsopus, and Albany, were summoned to New York; and the major part of them swore allegiance to the States General, and the Prince of Orange. The conquerors, however, did not long enjoy the fruits of their success; for on the 19th of February, the year following, a treaty of peace between England and Holland, was signed at Westminster; by the sixth article of which, this province was restored to the English. In 1684, the French attempted the destruction of the Five Nations, the confederated Indian tribes in New York, because they interrupted their trade with the more distant tribes, called the Far Nations. The Seneca Indians interrupted this trade, because the French supplied the Miamies, with whom they were at war, with arms and ammunition. To effect the destruction of the Indians, great preparations were made by the French. But famine and sickness prevailing among them, the expedition proved fruitless Five years after this, 1200 of these Indians attacked Montreal burnt many houses, and put to death 1000 inhabitants. A new charter having been granted to the duke of York; major afterwards Sir Edmund Andross was sent over as governor. This agent of a despotic master soon began a career of tyranny. He involved himself in disputes with the neighboring government of Connecticut; and excited the indignation of the magistrates, clergy and people of his own jurisdiction. Not content with the ple nary powers which he exercised over New York, he with the countenance of his master claimed an undefined and vexatious jurisdic tion over New Jersey. Complaints of his arbitrary acts having been sent over to England, the duke of York was compelled to re call him, and Col. Dongan was appointed his successor in 1682. In 1689, Col. Dongan, the governor, being called home by King James, and a general disaffection to government prevailing at New York, one Jacob Leisler took possession of the garrison for King William and Queen Mary, and assumed the supreme power over the province. His reduction of Albany, held by others for William, and the confiscation of the estates of his opponents, were impolitic measures, which sowed the seeds of mutual animosity, the ill effects of which were felt for a long time after, in the embarrassments of the public affairs. The French, in 1689, in order to detach the Five Nations from the British interest, sent out several parties against the English colonies; one of which, consisting of about 150 French, and some of the Cagnawaghga Indians, commanded by D'Ailldebout, de Mantel, and le Moyne, was intended for New York. But by the advice of the Indians, they determined first to attack Schenectady. They entered the town at night whilst the inhabitants were asleep. NEW YORK. 63 They murdered 60 persons, pillaged and burnt the place. Twentyfive of the inhabitants who fled towards Albany, lost their limbs by the severity of the frost. Upon the arrival of Governor Slaughter at New York, who was commissioned by the king, Leisler refused to surrender the garrison, for the seizure of which, he and his son were tried and condemned to die, as guilty of high treason. 'Gov. Slaughter hesitated to command their execution, and wrote to the English ministers how to dispose of them. But their enemies stimulated by hate and apprehension of some reaction in their favor, earnestly through the legislature and council, pressed their execution. The governor resisted, until, having been invited by the petitioners to a sumptuous entertainment, he was, his reason drowned in wine, seduced to sign the death warrant. Before he recovered his senses the prisoners were executed.' The whole province of New York was originally settled by non-episcopalians, chiefly by presbyterians, except a few episcopal families in the city of New York. In 1693, Col. Fletcher, then governor of the province, projected the scheme of a general tax for building churches, and supporting episcopal ministers, and by artifice effected his design in part. This overture laid the foundation for a controversy between the presbyterians and episcopalians, which, until the revolution, was maintained on both sides with great warmth and animosity. Several of the governors, particularly Lord Cornbury, showed great partiality to the episcopalians, and oppressed and persecuted the presbyterians. In 1701, (July 19), the confederated tribes of Indians, at Albany, surrendered to the English their beaver hunting country, lying between lakes Ontario and Erie, to be by them defended for the said confederated Indians, their heirs and successors forever. This transaction was confirmed, Sept. 14, 1726, when the Senecas, Cayugas, and Onondagas, surrendered to the English, for the same use, their habitations, from Cayahoga to Oswego, and 60 miles inland. In 1709, a vigorous expedition was meditated against Canada; m making preparations for which, this province expended above ~20,000; but the expected assistance from Britain failing, it was never prosecuted. Soon after, Col. Schuyler, who had been very influential with the Indians, visited England with five sachems, who were introduced into the presence of Queen Anne. The object of this visit was to stimulate the ministry to the reduction of Canada. Afterward, in 1711, a considerable fleet was sent over for that purpose; but eight transports being cast away on the coast, the rest of the fleet and troops returned without making any attempt to reduce Canada. In 1710, Gov. Hunter brought over with him about 2700 Pala 64 OUTLINE HISTORY OF tines, who, the year before, had fled to England from the rage of persecution in Germany. Many of these people settled in the city of New York; others settled on a tract of several thousand acres, in the manor of Livingston, and some went to Pennsylvania, and were instrumental in inducing thousands of their countrymen afterwards to migrate and settle in that province. The prohibition of the sale of Indian goods in France, in 1720, excited the clamor of the merchants at New York, whose interest was affected by it. The measure was undoubtedly a futile one; and the reasons for it were these: the French, by this trade, were supplied with articles which were wanted by the Indians. This prevented the Indians from coming to Albany, and drew them to Montreal; and they, being employed by the French as carriers, became attached to them from interest. About the same time, a trading house was erected by the English at Oswego, on lake Ontario; and another by the French at Niagara. In 1729, the act prohibiting the trade between Albany and Montreal, was imprudently repealed by the king. This naturally tended to undermine the trade at Oswego, and to advance the French commerce of Niagara; and at the same time to alienate the affections of the Indians from the English. Not long after this, the French were suffered to erect a fort on lake Champlain. To prevent the ill consequences of this, a scheme was projected to settle the lands near lake George, with loyal protestant Highlanders, from Scotland. Accordingly, a tract of 30,000 acres was promised to Capt. Campbell, who, at his own expense, transported eighty-three protestant families to New York. But through the sordid views of some persons in power, who aimed at a share in the intended grant, the settlement was never made." In 1743, George Clinton was sent over as governor of New York. He was welcomed with joy; and one of his earliest measures confirmed the favorable accounts, which had preceeded him. To show his confidence in the people, he assented to a bill limiting the duration of the present and all succeeding assemblies. The house manifested its gratitude, by adopting the measures he recommended, for the defence of the province against the French, who were then at war with England. In 1745, the Indians, in alliance with the French, made frequent incursions into the English colonies. Hosick was deserted, Saratoga was destroyed; the western settlements in New England were often attacked and plundered. Encouraged by success, the enemy became more daring, and even ventured into the suburbs of Albany, and there lay in wait for prisoners. During the seven years war previous to the reduction of Canada, in 1760, New York became the theatre of many important military operations. A French army under Dieskau, invaded the province NEW YORK. 65 from Montreal, in 1755, and was routed by the New York and New England troops, under Gen. Johnson. The French under Montcalm, in 1757, took Fort William Henry, on Lake George. An unsuccessful attack was made by Gen. Abercrombie, in 1758, on the French fort at Ticonderoga. In 1759, Gen. Amherst took Ticonderoga, and Crown Point; and Gen. Johnson defeated a French army near Niagara, and took Niagara. During the Revolutionary War, the territory of New York was again traversed by hostile armies. In September, 1776, the British forces occupied the city of New York, and kept possession of it through the war. The battle of White Plains was fought Oct. 28th, 1776, and fort Washington taken Nov. 16th of the same year. Ticonderoga and Crown Point were occupied by Burgoyne, in 1777; during the same year, a State Constitution was established. In 1779, Gen. Sullivan undertook an expedition against the Iroquois Indians, and destroyed great numbers of their villages. The British troops evacuated the city of New York, Nov. 25th, 1783. The State of New York was among the first in framing and adopting the Federal Constitution, and she became the seat of the Federal Government, during the first year of its operation. During the last war with Great Britain, her soil again became a theatre for important military operations. Since the Revolution, New York has pursued a wise, enlightened, and liberal policy, in sustaining objects of public utility. She now ranks as the Empire State, being the first in wealth, resources, commerce, and population. OUTLINE HISTORY OF NEW JERSEY. THE first settlement within the limits of New Jersey, is said to have been made by the Danes, about the year 1624, at Bergen, so called from a city of that name in Norway. Soon afterward, several Dutch families seated themselves in the vicinity of New York. In Js 1627, a colony of Swedes and S Finns came over and settled on the river Delaware. "They Safterwards purchased of the Indians, the land on both sides rms o e ersey. New Swedeland stream, (now Arms of New Jersey. called Delaware river) from Cape Henlopen to the falls; and, by presents to the Indian chiefs, obtained peaceable possession of it. The Dutch and Swedes, though not in harmony with each other, kept possession of the country many years. In 1683, the Dutch had a house devoted to religious worship at New Castle; the Swedes at the same time had three, besides one on the island of Tinicum, one at Christiana, and one at Wicoco. In March, 1634, Charles II. granted all the territory, called by the Dutch New Netherlands, to his brother the Duke of York. And in June, 1664, the duke granted that part now called New Jersey, to Lord Berkley of Stratton, and Sir George Carteret jointly; who, in 1665, agreed upon certain concessions with the people for the government of the province, and appointed Philip Carteret, Esq. their governor. He purchased considerable tracts of land from the Indians, for small considerations, and the settlements increased. This territory was named Nova Ccesarea, or New Jersey, in compliment to Sir George Carteret, whose family came from the Isle of Jersey. OUTLINE HISTORY OF NEW JERSEY. 67 In Dec. 1664, Gov. Nicolls by a patent dated at Fort James, in New York, granted a tract of land in New Jersey called the Elizabethtown grant. This tract was purchased of some Indian chiefs of Staten Island, by John Bailey, Daniel Denton, and Luke Watson of Jamaica, Long Island. This territory soon became a place of resort for reputable farmers. "The English inhabitants at the west end of Long Island, principally removed thither: and many families from New England. There were soon four towns in the province; Elizabethtown, Newark, Middletown, and Shrewsbury." Most of the Long Island emigrants "fixed about Middletown, whence by degrees they extended their settlements to Freehold and thereabouts," those from New England settled at Shrewsbury. The name of the principal town is said to have been given for Elizabeth, the wife of Sir George Carteret. The four towns, with the adjacent country, were, in a few years, well inhabited by many settlers from Scotland, some from England, and some from the neighboring colonies. The Dutch reduced the country in 1673; but it was restored by the peace of Westminster, February 9th, 1674. In consequence of the conquest made by the Dutch, and to obviate any objections that might be made on account of it against the former grant, a new patent was issued, in 1674, to the Duke of York, for the same country. The country of New Jersey -was divided into West and East Jersey. In 1676, West Jersey was granted, by the Duke of York, to the assigns of Lord Berkley; and East Jersey to Sir G. Carteret. The division line was to run from the southeast point of Little Egg Harbor, on Barnegat Creek, being about the middle between Cape May and Sandy Hook, to a creek, a little below Ancocus creek, on Delaware river, thence about thirty-five miles, strait course, along Delaware river up to 410 40' north latitude. In 1675, West Jersey, which had been granted to Lord Berkley, was sold to John Fenwick, in trust for Edward Bylinge. Fenwick came over with a colony, and settled at Salem. These were the first English settlers in West Jersey. In 1676, the interest of Bylinge in West Jersey was assigned to William Penn, Gavin Laurie, and Nicholas Lucas, as trustees, for the use of his creditors. Mutual quit claims were executed between Sir George Carteret and the trustees of Bylinge. In 1678, the Duke of York made a new grant of West Jersey to the assigns of Lord Berkley. Agreeably to Sir George Carteret's will, dated December 5, 1678, East Jersey was sold, in 1682, to twelve proprietors, who by twelve separate deeds, conveyed one half of their interest to twelve other persons, separately, in fee simple. This grant was confirmed to these twenty-four proprietors, by the Duke of York the same year. These twenty 68 OUTLINE HISTORY OF NEW JERSEY. four shares, by sales of small parts of them, and by these small parts being again divided among the children of successive families, became at last subdivided in such a manner, as that some of the proprietors had only one 40th part, of a 48th part of a 24th share. West Jersey was in the same condition. This created much confusion in the management of the general proprietors, particularly in regard to appointing governors. These inconveniences, aided by other causes of complaint, which had been increasing for several years, and were fast advancing to a dangerous crisis, disposed the proprietors to surrender the government to the crown; which was accordingly done, and accepted by Queen Ann, on the 17th of April, 1702. Both territories were now united under one government and received the single name of New Jersey, and Lord Cornbury, Governor of New York was appointed governor of the united colony. Till this time the government of New Jersey was proprietory; it now became royal, and so continued till the fourth of July, 1776. This State was the seat of war for several years, during the bloody contest between Great Britain and her Colonies. Her losses both of men and property, in proportion to the population and wealth of the State, was greater than of any other of the thirteen States. When General Washington was retreating through the Jerseys, almost forsaken by all others, her militia were at all times obedient to his orders; and for a considerable length of time, composed the strength of his army. There is hardly a town in the State that lay in the progress of the British army, that was not signalized by some enterprise or exploit. At Trenton the enemy received a check which may be said with justice to have turned the tide of the war. In the summer of 1778, Sir Henry Clinton retreated with the British army from Philadelphia, through New Jersey to New York. The battle of Monmouth signalizes this retreat. The military services performed by the soldiers of New Jersey, and the sufferings of her people during the Revolutionary War, entitle her to the gratitude of her sister States. By her sacrifices of blood and treasure, in resisting oppression, she is entitled to stand in the foremost rank, among those who struggled for American freedom. AN ACCOUNT OF THE INDIANS OF NEW ENGLAND. THE original inhabitants of New England, were savages. "These people" says Dr. Dwight, "were all of one nation; unless we are to except those in the eastern parts of the District of Maine, with those of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia; and were so considered by themselves. A single language was spoken by them all; distributed indeed into different dialects; not more different, however, from each other, than some of those, which are now spoken in England; particularly that of Yorkshire, and that which you call the West Country dialect. Accordingly, they appear to have conversed easily with each other, both on their public and private concerns. But they were only a small part of this nation. The same language was spoken by all the tribes between the Potomac aid the St. Lawrence, the Mississippi and the ocean. I know of no exception, beside the Iroquois, or Six Nations; who were plainly a people entirely distinct from all the rest. The tribes, who inhabited this vast extent of territory, containing about six hundred thousand square miles,t seem never to have been called by any common name; as were their brethren * The Indians of Penobscot, as I have been since informed by the Hon. Timothy Edwards, were proved to be Mohekaneews, by the following incident: Several men of this tribe, during the Revolutionary War, came to Boston, to solicit of the government a stipend, which had been formerly granted to the tribe, by the legislature of Massachusetts Bay. The business was referred, by the Council of Safety, to Mr. Edwards, then a member of their body, as being versed in the affairs, and acquainted with the character of Indians. Mr. Edwards employed Hendrick Awpaumut, a Stockbridge Indian accidentally in Boston at that time, to confer with the petitioners, and learn the nature of their expectations. Hendrick found himself able to converse with them, so far as to understand their wishes satisfactorily; and observed to Mr. Edwards, that their language was radically Mohekaneew, and differed only as a dialect. This fact I had from Mr. Edwards. I have mentioned it here because the contrary opinion seems to have been universally adopted."-Dr. Dwight t From a collation of facts, particularly the accounts given by Sir Alexander Mackensie, and others, it appears that the language of the Mohekaneews is extensively spoken by the Indians on the West of the Mississippi, as far, at least, as within four hundred miles of the Pacific ocean. This nation, therefore, has probably been extended over the greater part of North America. 70 AN ACCOUNT OF THE the Tartars in the northern parts of Asia; but always to have been designated by appellations, derived apparently from incidental circumstances; particularly from the mountains, rivers, lakes, bays, and islands, on or near which they resided. The oldest tribe, according to their own account, and that which has been regularly allowed the pre-eminence in all their councils, lived in the county of Berkshire in Massachusetts, and in the neighboring regions of New York; and since my remembrance principally at Stockbridge. They are styled by the late Dr. Edwards, President of Union College at Schenectady in the State of New York, who spoke their language familiarly, Mohekaneews, and by a writer of their own, Muhheakunnuk. The principal tribes, which were settled in New England, were the Pequods in Connecticut; Narragansetts in Rhode Island; the Wampanoags, Massachusetts, Nipnets or Nipmuks, Nashuas, and Stockbridge Indians in Massachusetts; the Pzgwacket and Coos Indians in New Hampshire; and the Tarrateens, or Abenaquis, in the District of Maine." In no part of New England were the Indians so numerous as in Connecticut. The great quantities of fish and fowl which the country and its waters afforded, were well adapted to their convenience and modes of living. Neither wars, nor diseases, had so depopulated this, as they had some other parts of New England. Dr. Trumbull says the Connecticut Indians cannot be estimated at less than twelve or sixteen thousand. It was supposed that the River Indians alone, in 1633, could bring three or four thousand warriors into the field. These were principally included within the ancient limits of Windsor, Hartford, Wethersfield and Middletown. Within the town of Windsor only, there were ten distinct tribes, or sovereignties. The Pequots were the most warlike tribe in New England. The tradition is, that they were originally an inland tribe; but by their prowess, came down and settled themselves along the sea-coast from Nehantic to Narragansett bay. When the English began their settlements in Connecticut, Sassacus had twenty-six sachems, or principal war captains under him. The chief seat of these Indians was near New London, (Con. and it is supposed they could muster about a thousand warriors. Gen. Gookin, in his " Historical Collections of the Indians" written in 1674, after giving an account of the Pequots, says: "The Narragansitts were a great people heretofore; and the territory of these sachems extended about thirty or forty miles from Sekunk river and Narragansitt bay, including Rhode Island and other islands in that bay, being their east and north bounds or border, and so running westerly and southerly unto a place called Wekapage, four or five miles to the eastward of Pawcutuk river, which was reckoned for their south and west border, and the eastermost limits of the Pe INDIANS OF NEW ENGLAND. 71 quots. This sachem held dominion over divers petty governors; as part of Long Island, Black Island, Cawesitt, Niantick, and others; and had tribute from some of the Nipmuck Indians, that lived remote from the sea. The chief seat of this sachem was about Narragansitt bay by the Cannonicut island. The Narragansitts were reckoned, in former times, able to arm for war more than five thousand men as ancient Indians say. All do agree they were a great people, and oftentimes waged war with the Pawkunnawkutts and Massachusetts, as well as with the Pequots. The jurisdiction of Rhode Island and Providence plantations, and part of Connecticut people, possess their country. These Indians are now but few comparatively: all that people cannot make above one thousand able men. The Pawkunnawkutts were a great people heretofore. They lived to the east and northeast of the Narragansitts; and their chief sachem held dominion over divers other petty sagamores; as the sagamores upon the island of Nantuckett, and Nope, or Martha's Vineyard, of Nawsett, of Mannamoyk, of Sawkattukett, Nobsquasitt, Matakees, and several others, and some of the Nipmucks. Their country, for the most part, falls within the jurisdiction of New Plymouth colony. This people were a potent nation in former times; and could raise, as the most credible and ancient Indians affirm, about three thousand men. They held war with the Narragansitts; and often joined with the Massachusetts, as friends and confederates against the Narragansitts. This nation, a very great number of them, were swept away by an epidemical and unwonted sickness, Anno. 1612 and 1613, about seven or eight years before the English first arrived in those parts, to settle the colony of New Plymouth. Thereby Divine providence made way for the quiet and peaceable settlement of the English in those nations. What this disease was, that so generally and mortally swept away, not only these, but other Indians, their neighbors, 1 cannot well learn. Doubtless it was some pestilential disease. I have discoursed with some old Indians, that were then youths; who say, that the bodies all over were exceeding yellow, describing it by a yellow garment they showed me, both before they died and afterward. The Massachusetts, being the next great people northward, inhabited principally about that place in Massachusetts bay, where the body of the English now dwell. These were a numerous and great people. Their chief sachem held dominion over many other petty governors; as those of Weechagaskas, Neponsitt, Punkapaog, Nonantam, Nashaway, some of the Nipmuck people, as far as Pokomtacuke, as the old men of Massachusetts affirmed. This people could, in former times, arm for war, about three thousand men, as the old Indians declare. They were in hostility very often with the Narragansitts; but held amity, for the most part, with the Pawkunnawkutts, who lived on the south border, and with the Pawtucketts, who inhabited on their north and northeast limits. In An. 1612 and 1613, these people were also sorely smitten by the hand of God with the same disease, before mentioned in the last paragraph; which des 72 AN ACCOUNT OF THE troyed the most of them, and made room for the English people of Massachusetts colony, which people this country, and the next called Pawtuckett. There are not of this people left at this day above three hundred men, besides women and children. Pawtuckett is the fifth and last great sachemship of Indians. Their country lieth north and northeast from Massachusetts, whose dominion reacheth so far as the English jurisdiction, or colony of the Massachusetts, doth now extend, and had under them several other smaller sagamores; as the Pennakooks, Agawomes, Naamkeeks, Pascatawayes, Accomintas, and others. They were also a considerable people heretofore, about three thousand men; and held amity with the people of Massachusetts. But these also were almost totally destroyed by the great sickness before mentioned; so that at this day, they are not above two hundred and fifty men, besides women and children. This country is now inhabited by the English under the government of Massachusetts." "The New England Indians, were large, strait, well proportioned men. Their bodies were firm and active, capable of enduring the greatest fatigues and hardships. Their passive courage was almost incredible. When tortured in the most cruel manner; though flayed alive, though burnt with fire, cut or torn limb from limb, they would not groan, nor show any signs of distress. Nay, in some instances they would glory over their tormentors, saying that their hearts would never be soft until they were cold, and representing their torments as sweet as Englishmen's sugar. When traveling in summer or winter, they regarded neither heat nor cold. They were exceedingly light of foot, and would travel or run a very great distance in a day. Mr. Williams says, 'I have known them run between eighty and a hundred miles in a summer's day and back again within two days.' As they were accustomed to the woods, they ran in them nearly as well as on plain ground. They were exceedingly quick sighted, to discover their enemy, or their game, and equally artful to conceal themselves. Their features were tolerably regular. Their faces are generally full as broad as those of the English, but flatter; they have a small, dark coloured good eye, coarse black hair, and a fine white set of teeth. The Indian children when born, are nearly as white, as the English children; but as they grow up their skin grows darker and becomes nearly of a copper color. The shapes both of the men and women, especially the latter are excellent. A crooked Indian is rarely if ever to be seen. The Indians in general were quick of apprehension, ingenious, and when pleased nothing could exceed their courtesy and friendship. Gravity and eloquence distinguished them in council, address and bravery in war. They were not more easily provoked than the English; but when once they had received an injury, it INDIANS OF NEW ENGLAND. 73 was never forgotten. In anger they were not, like the English, talkative and boisterous, but sullen and revengeful. Indeed, when they were exasperated nothing could exceed their revenge and cruelty. When they have fallen into the power of an enemy, they have not been known to beg for life, nor even to accept it when offered them. They have seemed rather to court death. They were exceedingly improvident. If they had a supply for the present, they gave themselves no trouble for the future. The men declined all labor, and spent their time in hunting, fishing, shooting, and warlike exercises. They were excellent marksmen, and rarely missed their game whether running or flying. They imposed all their drudgery upon their women. They gathered and brought home their wood, planted, dressed and gathered in their corn. They carried home the venison, fish and fowl, which the men took in hunting. When they traveled, the women carried the children, packs and provisions. The Indian women submitted patiently to such treatment, considering it as the hard lot of the woman. This ungenerous usage of their haughty lords, they repaid with smiles and good humor. It has been common among all heathen nations to treat their women as slaves, and their children in infancy, with little tenderness. The Indian men cared little for their children when young, and were supposed at certain times, to sacrifice them to the devil. Christianity only provides for that tender and honorable treatment of the women, which is due to the sex formed of man. This alone provides for the tender care, nursing and education of her offspring, and is most favorable to domestic happiness, to the life and dignity of man. The Indian women were strong and masculine; and as they were more inured to exercise and hardship than the men, were even more firm and capable of fatigue and suffering than they. They endured the pains of child-bearing without a groan. It was not uncommon for them, soon after labor, to take their children upon their backs and travel as they had done before. The clothing of the Indians in New England, was the skins of wild beasts. The men threw a light mantle of skins over them, and wore a small flap which was called Indian breeches. They were not very careful however to conceal their nakedness. The women were much more modest. They wore a coat of skins, girt about their loins, which reached down to their hams. They never put this off in company. If the husband chose to sell his wives' beaver petticoat, she could not be persuaded to part with it, until he had provided another of some sort. In the winter, their blanket of skins, which hung loose in the summer, was tied or wrapped more closely about them. The old men in the severe seasons also wore a sort of trowsers made of skins and fastened to their 7 74 AN ACCOUNT OF THE girdles. They wore shoes without heels, which they called moccasons. These were made generally of moose hide but sometimes of buckskin. They were shaped entirely to the foot, gathered at the toes and round the ancles, and made fast with strings. Their ornaments were pendants in their ears and nose, carved of bone, shells and stone. These were in the form of birds, beasts and fishes. They also wore belts of wampompeag upon their arms, over their shoulders and about their loins. They cut their hair into various antic forms and stuck them with feathers. They also by incisions into which they conveyed a black or blue, unchangeable ink, made on their cheeks, arms, and other parts of their bodies, the figures of moose, deer, bears, wolves, hawks, eagles, and all such living creatures as were most agreeable to their fancies. These pictures were indelible and lasted during life. The sachems, on great days, when they designed to show themselves in the full splendor of majesty, not only covered themselves with mantles of moose, or deer skins, with various embroideries of white beads, and with paintings of different kinds; but they wore the skin of a bear, wild cat or some terrible creature upon their shoulders and arms. They had also necklaces of fish bones, and painting themselves in a frightful manner, made a most ferocious and horrible appearance. The warriors, who, on public occasions, dressed themselves in the most wild and terrific forms were considered as the best men. The Indian houses or wigwams, were, at best, but poor smoky cells. They were constructed generally like arbors, of small young trees bent and twisted together, and so curiously covered with mats or bark, that they were tolerably dry and warm. The Indians made their fire in the centre of the house, and there was an opening at the top, which emitted the smoke. For the convenience of wood and water, these huts were commonly erected in groves; near some river, brook or living spring. When the wood failed the family removed to another place. They lived in a poor low manner. Their food was coarse and simple, without any kind of seasoning. They had neither spice, salt, nor bread. They had neither butter, cheese, nor milk. They drank nothing better than the water which ran in the brook or spouted from the spring. They fed on the flesh and entrails of moose, deer, bears, and all kinds of wild beasts and fowls: on fish, eels, and creeping things. They had good stomachs and nothing came amiss. In the hunting and fishing seasons, they had venison, moose, fat bears, racoons, geese, turkies, ducks, and fish of all kinds. In the summer they had green corn, beans, squashes and the various fruits which the country naturally produced. In the winter they subsisted on corn, beans, fish, nuts, groundnuts acorns, and the very gleanings of the grove. INDIANS OF NEW ENGLAND. 75 They had no set meals, but, like other wild creatures, ate when they were hungry, and could find any thing to satisfy the cravings of nature. Sometimes they had little or nothing, for several days; but when they had provisions, they feasted. If they fasted, for some time, they were sure at the next meal to make up for all they had lost before. They had but little food from the earth, except what it spontaneously produced. Indian corn, beans, and squashes were the only eatables for which the natives in New England labored. The earth was both their seat and their table. With trenchers, knives, and napkins, they had no acquaintance. Their household furniture was of small value. Their best bed was a mat or skin; they had neither chair nor stool. They ever sat upon the ground, commonly with their elbows upon their knees. This is the manner in which their great warriors and counselors now sit, even in the most public treaties, with the English. A few wooden and stone vessels and instruments served all the purposes of domestic life. They had no steel nor iron instrument. Their knife was a sharp stone, shell, or kind of reed, which they sharpened in such a manner, as to cut their hair, make their bows and arrows, and served for all the purposes of a knife. They made them axes of stone. These they shaped somewhat similar to our axes; but with this difference, that they were made with a neck instead of an eye, and fastened with a withe, like a blacksmith's chisels. They had mortars, and stone pestles and chissels. Great numbers of these have been found in the country, and kept by the people, as curiosities. They drassed their corn with a clamshell, or with a stick made flat and sharp at one end. These were all the utensils which they had, either for domestic use, or for husbandry. Their arts and manufactures were confined to a very narrow compass. Their only weapons were bows and arrows, the tomahawk and the wooden sword or spear. Their bows were of the common construction. Their bowstrings were made of the sinews of deer, or of the Indian hemp. Their arrows were constructed of young elder sticks, or of other strait sticks and reeds. These were headed with a sharp flinty stone, or with bones. The arrow was cleft at one end, and the stone or bone was put in, and fastened with a small cord. The tomahawk was a stick of two or three feet in length, with a knob at the end. Sometimes it was a stone hatchet, or a stick with a piece of deer's horn at one end, in the form of a pickaxe. Their spear was a strait piece of wood, sharpened at one end, and hardened in the fire, or headed with bone or stone. With respect to navigation they had made no improvements beyond the construction and management of the hollow trough or canoe. They made their canoes of the chesnut, whitewood and 76 AN ACCOUNT OF THE pine-trees. As these grew strait to a great length, and were exceedingly large as well as tall, they constructed some, which would carry sixty or eighty men.* These were first rates; but commonly they were not more than twenty feet in length, and two in breadth. The Pequots had many of these, in which they passed over to the islands, and warred against and plundered the islanders. The Indians upon Long Island had a great number of canoes, of the largest kind. The construction of these, with such miserable tools as the Indians possessed, was a great curiosity. The manner was this. When they had found a tree to their purpose; to fell it they made a fire at the root, and kept burning it and cutting it with their stone axe until it fell. Then they kindled a fire, at such a distance from the butt as they chose, and burned it off again. By burning and working with their axe, and scraping with sharp stones and shells, they made it hollow and smooth. In the same manner they shaped the ends, and finished it to their wishes. They constructed nets, twenty and thirty feet in length, for fishing; especially for the purpose of catching sturgeon. These were wrought with cords of Indian hemp, twisted by the hands of the women. They had also hooks made of flexible'bones, which they used for fishing. With respect to religion and morals, the Indians in New England were in the most deplorable condition. They believed that there was a great SPIRIT, or GOD, whom they called KITCHTAN. They imagined that he dwelt far away in the southwest, and that he was a good God. But they worshipped a great variety of gods. They paid homage to the fire and water, thunder and lightning, and to whatever they imagined to be superior to themselves, or capable of doing them an injury. They paid their principal homage to Hobbamocko. They imagined that he was an evil spirit, and did them mischief; and so, from fear, they worshipped him, to keep him in good humor. They appeared to have no idea of a sabbath, and not to regard any particular day more than another. But in times of uncommon distress, by reason of pestilence, war, or famine; and upon occasion of great victories and triumph, and after the ingathering of the fruits, they assembled in great numbers, for the celebration of their superstitious rites. The whole country, men, women, and children, came together upon these solemnities. The manner of their devotion was to kindle large fires in their wigwams, or more commonly in the open fields, and to sing and dance round them in a wild and violent manner. Sometimes they would all shout aloud with the most antic and hideous notes. They made rattles of shells which they shook, in * Winthrop's Journal, p. 54. N IND)IAN NWORShIP1. I ed on by their priests, or Powa~ws, they shoutcd and danced around a large fire, v, awlId and fantastic manner often sacrificing their choicest treasuresi by throwiwl them into the fire. INDIANS OF NEW ENGLAND. 19 a wild and violent manner, to fill up the confused noise. After the English settled in Connecticut, and they could purchase kettles of brass, they used to strain skins over them and beat upon them to augment their wretched music. They often continued these wild and tumultuous exercises incessantly for four or five hours, until they were worn down and spent with fatigue. Their priests or powaws led in these exercises. They were dressed in the most odd and surprising manner, with skins of odious and frightful creatures about their heads, faces, arms, and bodies. They painted themselves in the most ugly forms, which could be devised. They sometimes sang, and then broke forth into strong invocations, with starts, and strange motions and passions. When these paused, the other Indians groaned, making wild and doleful sounds. At these times they sacrificed their skins, Indian money and the best of their treasures. These were taken, by the powaws, and all cast into the fires and consumed together. After the English came into the country, and they had hatchets and kettles, they sacrificed these in the same manner. The English were also persuaded, that they, at sometimes, sacrificed their children, as well as their most valuable commodities. No Indians in Connecticut were more noted for these superstitions than those of Wopowage, and Machemoodus. Milford people observing an Indian child, nearly at one of these times of their devotion, dressed in an extraordinary manner, with all kinds of Indian finery, had the curiosity to inquire what could be the reason. The Indians answered, that it was to be sacrificed, and the people supposed, that it was given to the devil. The evil spirit, which the New England Indians called Hobbamocko, the Virginia Indians called Okee. So deluded were these unhappy people, that they believed these barbarous sacrifices to be absolutely necessary. They imagined that unless they appeased and conciliated their gods, in this manner, they would neither suffer them to have peace, nor harvests, fish, venison, fat bears, nor turkeys; but would visit them with a general destruction. With respect to morals they were indeed miserably depraved. Mr. Williams and Mr. Callender, who, at an early period were acquainted with the Indians, in Rhode Island, Mr. Hooker and others have represented them as sunk into the lowest state of moral turpitude, and as the very dregs of human nature.* Though the character which they gave them was, in some respects exaggerated and absurd, yet it cannot be denied, that they were worshippers of evil spirits, liars, thieves, and murderers. They certainly were insidious and revengeful almost without a parallel; and they wallowed in all the filth of wantonness. Great pains were taken with *Williams's manuscripts, and Mr. Callender's sermon. AN ACCOUNT OF THE the Narragansett and Connecticut Indians to civilize them and teach them Christianity; but the sachems rejected the Gospel with indignation and contempt. They would not suffer it to be preached to their subjects. Indeed, both made it a public interest to oppose its propagation among them. Their policy, religion, and manners were directly opposed to its pure doctrines and morals. The manner of their courtship and marriages manifested their impurity. When a young Indian wished for marriage, he presented the girl with whom he was enamored, with bracelets, belts and chains of wampum. If she received his presents they cohabited together, for a time upon trial. If they pleased each other, they were joined in marriage: but if, after a few weeks, they were not suited, the man, leaving his presents, quitted the girl and sought another mistress, and she another lover.* In this manner they courted, until two met who were agreeable to each other. Before marriage the consent of the sachem was obtained, and he always joined the hands of the young pair in wedlock. The Indians in general kept many concubines, and never thought they had too many women.t This especially was the case with their sachems. They chose their concubines agreeably to their fancy, and put them away at pleasure. When a sachem grew weary of any of his women, lie bestowed them upon some of his favorites, or chief men. The Indians however, had one wife, who was the governess of the family, and whom they generally kept during life. In cases of adultery, the husband either put away the guilty wife, or satisfied himself by the infliction of some severe punishment. Husbands and wives, parents and children, lived together in the same wigwams, without any different apartment, and made no great privacy of such actions as the chaster animals keep from open view. The Indian government generally was absolute monarchy. The will of the sachem was his law. The lives and interests of his subjects were at his disposal. But in all important affairs he consulted his counselors. When they had given their opinions, they deferred the decision of every matter to him. Whatever his determinations were, they applauded his wisdom, and without hesitation obeyed his commands. In council the deportment of the sachems was grave and majestic to admiration. They appeared to be men of great discernment and policy. Their speeches were cautious and politic. The conduct of their counselors and servants was profoundly respectful and submissive. The counselors of the Indian kings, in New England, were termed the paniese. These were not only the wisest, but largest SHutchinson, vol. 1, p. 461, 462. t+Neal's Hist. N. E. p 38, 39. INDIANS OF NEW ENGLAND. 81 and bravest men to be found among their subjects. They were the immediate guard of their respective sachems, who made neither war nor peace, nor attempted any weighty affair without their advice. In war and all great enterprises, dangers and sufferings, these discovered a boldness, and firmness of mind, exceeding all the other warriors. To preserve this order among the Indians, great pains were taken. The stoutest and most promising boys were chosen and trained up with peculiar care, in the observation of certain Indian rites and customs. They were kept from all delicious meats, trained to coarse fare, and made to drink the juice of bitter herbs, until it occasioned violent vomitings. They were beaten over their legs and shins, with sticks, and made to run through brambles and thickets, to make them hardy: and, as the Indians said, to render them more acceptable to Hobbamocko. These paniese, or ministers of state, were in league with the priests, or powaws. To keep the people in awe, they pretended, as well as the priests, to have converse with the invisible world; and, that Hobbamocko often appeared to them. Among the Indians in New England, the crown was hereditary, always descending to the eldest son. When there was no male issue, the crown descended to the female. The blood royal was held in such veneration, that no one was considered as heir to the crown, but such as were royally descended on both sides. When a female acceeded to the crown, she was called the sunk squaw, or queen squaw. There were many petty sachems, tributary to other princes, on whom they were dependent for protection, and without whose consent they made neither peace, war, nor alliances with other nations. The revenues of the crown consisted in the contributions of the people. They carried corn, and the first fruits of their harvest of all kinds, beans, squashes, roots, berries, and nuts, and presented them to their sachem. They made him presents of flesh, fish, fowl, moose, bear, deer, beaver, and other skins. One of the paniese was commonly appointed to receive the tribute. When the Indians brought it, he gave notice to his sachem, who went out to them, and by good words and some small gifts, expressed his gratitude. By these contributions, his table was supplied; so that he kept open house for all strangers and travelers. Besides, the prince claimed an absolute sovereignty over the seas within his dominion. Whatever was stranded on the coast, all wrecks and whales floating on the sea, and taken, were his.* In war the spoils of the enemy, and all the women and royalties of the prince conquered, belonged to him, who made the conquest. The sachem was not only examiner, judge and executioner, in * Magnalia, Book vi.. p. 51. 82 AN ACCOUNT OF THE all criminal cases, but in all matters of justice between one man and another. In cases of dishonesty the Indians proportioned the punishment to the number of times in which the delinquent had been found guilty. For the first offence, he was reproached for his villany in the most disgraceful manner; for the second he was beaten with a cudgel upon his naked back. If lie still persisted in his dishonest practices and was found guilty a third time, he was sure, besides a sound drubbing, to have his nose slit, that all men might know and avoid him. Murder was in all cases punished with death. The sachem whipped the delinquent and slit his nose in cases which required these punishments; and he killed the murderer, unless he were at a great distance. In this case, in which execution could not be done with his own hands, he sent his knife, by which it was effected. The Indians would not receive any punishment, which was not capital, from the hands of any except their sachems. They would neither be beaten, whipped, nor slit by an officer. But their prince might inflict these punishments to the greatest extremity, and they would neither run, cry, nor flinch. Indeed, neither the crimes nor the punishments are esteemed so infamous, among the Indians, as to groan or shrink under suffering. The sachems were so absolute in their government, that they contemned the limited authority of the English governors. The Indians had no kind of coin; but they had a sort of money, which they called wampum, or wampumpeag. It consisted of small beads, most curiously wrought out of shells, and perforated in the centre, so that they might be strung on belts, in chains and bracelets. These were of several sorts. The Indians in Connecticut, and in New England in general, made black, blue and white wampum. Six of the white beads passed for a penny, and three of the black, or blue ones, for the same. The Five Nations made another sort, which were of a purple color. The white beads were wrought out of the inside of the great conchs, and the purple out of the inside of the muscle shell. They were made perfectly smooth, and the perforation was done in the neatest manner. Indeed, considering that the Indians had neither knife, drill, nor any steel or iron instrument, the workmanship was admirable. After the English settled in Connecticut, the Indians strung these beads on belts of cloth, in a very curious manner. The Indians in all parts of New England, made great lamentations at the burial of their dead. Their manner of burial was to dig holes in the ground with stakes which were made broad and sharpened at one end. Sticks were laid across the bottom, and the corpse, which was previously wrapped in skins and mats, was let down upon them. The arms, treasures, utensils, paint, and ornaments of the dead were buried with them, and a mount of INDIANS OF NEW ENGLAND. 83 earth was raised upon the whole. In some instances the Indians appear to have used a kind of embalming, by wrapping the corpse in large quantities of a strong scented red powder. In some parts of New England the dead were buried in a sitting posture with their faces towards the east. The women on these occasions painted their faces with oil and charcoal, and while the burial was performing, they, with the relatives of the dead, made the most hideous shrieks, howlings, and lamentations. Their mourning continued, by turns, atonight and in the morning, for several days. During this term all the relatives united in bewailing the dead. When the English began the settlement of Connecticut, all the Indians both east and west of Connecticut river were tributaries except the Pequots, and some few tribes, which were in alliance with them. The Pequots had spread their conquests over all that part of the State east of the river. They had also subjugated the Indians on the sea-coast as far eastward as Guilford. Uncas therefore, after the Pequots were conquered, extended his claims as far as Hammonasset in the eastern part of that township. The Indians in these parts were therefore tributaries to the Pequots. The Mohawks had not only carried their conquests as far southward as Virginia, but eastward, as far as Connecticut river. The Indians therefore, in the western parts of Connecticut, were their tributaries. Two old Mohawks, every year or two, might be seen issuing their orders, and collecting their tribute, with as much authority and haughtiness as a Roman dictator. It is indeed difficult to describe the fear of this terrible nation, which had fallen on all the Indians in the western parts of Connecticut. If they neglected to pay their tribute, the Mohawks would come down against them, plunder, destroy, and carry them captive at pleasure. When they made their appearance in the country, the Connecticut Indians would instantly raise a cry from hill to hill, A Mohawk! A Mohawk! and fly like sheep before wolves, without attempting the least resistance.* The Mohawks would cry out, in the most terrible manner, in their language, importing 'We are come, we are come, to suck your blood.'t When the Connecticut Indians could not escape to their forts, they would immediately flee to the English houses for shelter, and sometimes the Mohawks would pursue them so closely, as to enter with them, and kill them in the presence of the family. If there was time to shut the doors, they never entered by force, nor did they upon any occasion, do the least injury to the English. When they came into this part of the country for war, they used their utmost art to keep themselves undiscovered. They would conceal themselves in swamps and thickets, watching their oppor*Colden's History, vol. 1, p. 3 t Wood's prospect of N. England 84 AN ACCOUNT OF THE tunity, and all on a sudden, rise upon their enemy, and kill or captivate them, before they had time to make any resistance. About the time when the settlement of New Haven commenced, or not many years after, they came into Connecticut, and surprised the Indian fort at Paugusset. To prevent the Connecticut Indians from discovering them, and that not so much as a track of them might be seen, they marched in the most secret manner, andwhen they came near the fort, traveled wholly in the river. Secreting themselves near the fort they watched their opportunity, and suddenly attacking it, with their dreadful yellings and violence, they soon took it by force, and killed and captivated whom they pleased. Having plundered and destroyed, at their pleasure, they returned to their castles, west of Albany. As all the Indians in Connecticut were slaughtered and oppressed, either by the Pequots or Mohawks, they were generally friendly to the settlement of the English among them. They expected, by their means, to be defended against their terrible and cruel oppressors. They also found themselves benefitted by trading with them. They furnished themselves with knives, hatchets, axes, hoes, kettles, and various instruments and utensils which highly contributed to their convenience. They could, with these, perform more labor in one hour or day, than they could in many days without them. Besides, they found that they could exchange an old beaver coat, or blanket, for two or three new ones of English manufacture. They found a much better market for their furs, corn, peltry, and all their vendible commodities. The English were also careful to treat them with justice and humanity, and to make such presents to their sachems and great captains, as should please and keep them in good humor. By these means, the English lived in tolerable peace with all the Indians in New England, except the Pequots, for about forty years. The Indians, at their first settlement, performed many acts of kindness,towards them. They instructed them in the manner of planting and dressing the Indian corn. They carried them upon their backs, through rivers and waters; and as occasion required, served them instead of boats and bridges. They gave them much useful information respecting the country, and when the English or their children, were lost in the woods, and were in danger of perishing with hunger or cold, they conducted them to their wigwams, fed them, and restored them to their families and parents. By selling them corn, when pinched with famine, they relieved their distresses, and prevented them from perishing in a strange land and uncultivated wilderness."* * For this account of the Indians [commencing at the 72 page] of New England, the compiler is indebted to the account given by Dr. Trumbull, in his History of Connecticut: it is evidently drawn up with care and accuracy INDIANS IN NEW YORK. 85 INDIANS IN NEW YORK. THE Iroquois, or the confederated tribe, called the Five Nations,* were in possession of the principal part of the territory now comprised within the limits of New York, at the period of Hudson's discovery. Their history before their acquaintance with Europeans, is obscured in the darkness of antiquity. " It is said that their first residence was in the country about Montreal; and that the superior strength of the Adirondacks, whom the French call Algonquins, drove them into their present possessions, lying on the south side of the Mohawk river, and the great lake Ontario. Towards the close of those disputes, which continued for a great series of years, the confederates gained advantages over the Adirondacks, and struck a general terror into all the other In dians The Hurons, on the north side of lake Erie, and the Cat Indians on the south side, were totally conquered and dispersed. The French, who settled in Canada in 1603, took umbrage at their success, and began a war with them which had well nigh ruined the new colony."t The confederacy of the Iroquois consisted, originally, of five nations,t the Mohawks, the Oneidas, the Onondagas, the Cayugas, and the Senecas. The Mohawks had four towns, and one small village, situated on or near the fertile banks of the river of that name. The position of the first was the confluence of the Schoharie creek and Mohawk river. The others were further to the west. The Mohawks, from their martial renown, and military spirit, have not unfrequently given their name to the whole confederacy, which was often denominated the Mohawks in the annals of those days. This nation was always held in the greatest veneration by its associates, and they were declared by the other nations, ' the true old heads of the cornfederacy.' The Oneidas had their principal seat on the south of the Oneida lake; the Onondagas, near the Onondaga; and the Cayugas, near the Cayuga lake. The principal village of the Senecas was near the Genesee river, about twenty miles from Irondequoit bay. * Maquaas, was the name given them by the Dutch. In their own language, they gave themselves the name Agoneaseah: that is, The Long IHouse. t Smith's History of New York. t The Tuscaroras, a tribe driven by the Carolinians from the frontiers of Virginia, [in 1712,] were received into the Five Nations, upon a supposition that they were originally of the same stock, on account of some similarity of language: after this union the Iroquois were called the Six Nations. 8 86 AN ACCOUNT OF THE Each nation was divided into three tribes: the Tortoise, the Bear, and the Wolf. Each village was a distinct republic, and its concerns were managed by its peculiar chiefs. Their exterior relations, general interests, and national affairs, were conducted and superintended by a great council, assembled annually at Onondaga, the central canton, composed of the chiefs of each republic; and eighty sachems were frequently convened at this national assembly. It took cognizance of the great questions of war and peace, and of the affairs of the tributary nations. All their proceedings were conducted with great deliberation, and were distinguished for order, decorum, and solemnity. A prominent feature in the character of the confederates, was an exalted spirit of liberty, which revolted with equal indignation at domestic or foreign control. They esteemed themselves as sovereigns, accountable to none, but God alone, whom they called the Great Spirit. They admitted no hereditary distinctions. The office of sachem was the reward of personal merit; of great wisdom; of commanding eloquence; of distinguished services in the cabinet, or in the field. Whatever superiority the Iroquois might have in war, they never neglected the use of stratagem. The cunning of the fox, the ferocity of the tiger, and the power of the lion, were united in their conduct. They preferred to vanquish their enemy, by taking him off his guard, by involving him in an ambuscade; but when emergencies rendered it necessary for them to face him in the open field, they exhibited a courage and contempt of death, which has never been surpassed."-Eastman's Hist. N. York. The following account of the Five Nations is taken from Smith's History of New York, a work written previous to the American Revolution. " No people in the world perhaps have higher notions than these Indians of military glory. All the surrounding nations have felt the effects of their prowess; and many not only became their tributaries, but were so subjugated to their power, that without their consent, they durst not commence either peace or war. Though a regular police for the preservation of harmony within, and the defence of the State against invasions from without, is not to be expected from the people of whom I am now writing, yet, perhaps, they have paid more attention to it than is generally allowed. Their government is suited to their condition. A people whose riches consist not so much in abundance, as in a freedom from want;* who are circumscribed by no boundaries, * An Indian, in answer to his question, what the white people meant by covetous ness. was told by another, that it signified, a desire of more than a man had need of That's strange! said the querist. INDIANS IN NEW YORK. 87 who live by hunting, and not by agriculture, must always be fret, and therefore subject to no other authority, than such as consists with the liberty necessarily arising from their circumstances. All their affairs, whether respecting peace or war, are under the direction of their sachems, or chief men. Great exploits and public virtue procure the esteem of a people, and qualify a man to advise in council, and execute the plans concerted for the advantage of his country: thus, whoever appears to the Indians in this advantageous light, commences a sachem without any other ceremony. As there is no other way of arriving at this dignity, so it ceases, unless an uniform zeal and activity for the common good, is uninterruptedly continued. Some have thought it hereditary, but that is a mistake. The son, is indeed, respected for his father's services, but without personal merit, he can never share in the government; which, were it otherwise, must sink into perfect disgrace. The children of such as are distinguished for their patriotism, moved by the consideration of their birth, and the perpetual incitements to virtue constantly inculcated into them, imitate their father's exploits, and thus attain to the same honors and influence; which accounts for the opinion that the title and power of sachem are hereditary. Each of these republics has its own particular chiefs, who hear and determine all complaints in council, and though they have no officers for the execution of justice, yet their decrees are always obeyed, from the general reproach that would follow a contempt of their advice. The condition of this people exempts them from factions, the common disease of popular governments. It is impossible to gain a party amongst them by indirect means; for no man has either honor, riches, or power to bestow. All affairs which concern the general interest are determined in a great assembly of the chiefs of each canton, usually held at Onondaga, the centre of their country. Upon emergencies they act separately, but nothing can bind the league but the voice of the general convention. The French, upon the maxim, divide et impera, have tried all possible means to divide these republics, and sometimes have even sown great jealousies among them. In consequence of this plan, they have seduced many families to withdraw to Canada, and there settled them in regular towns, under the command of a fort, and the tuition of missionaries. The manners of these savages are as simple as their government. Their houses are a few crotched stakes thrust into the ground, and overlaid with bark. A fire is kindled in the middle, and an aperture left at the top for the conveyance of the smoke. Whenever a considerable number of those huts are collected, they 88 AN ACCOUNT OF THE have a castle, as it is called, consisting of a square without bastions, surrounded with palisadoes. They have no other fortification; and this is only designed as an asylum for their old men, their wives, and children, while the rest are gone out to war. They live almost entirely without care. While the women, or squaws, cultivate a little spot of ground for corn, the men employ themselves in hunting. As to clothes, they use a blanket girt at the waist, and thrown loosely over their shoulders; some of their women, indeed, have besides this, a sort of a petticoat, and a few of their men wear shirts; but the greater part of them are generally half naked. In winter their legs are covered with stockings of blanket, and their feet with socks of deer skin. Many of them are fond of ornaments, and their taste is very singular. I have seen rings affixed, not only to their ears, but to their noses. Bracelets of silver and brass round their wrists, are very common. The women plait their hair, and tie it up behind in a bag, perhaps in imitation of the French beaux in Canada. Though the Indians are capable of sustaining great hardships, yet they cannot endure much labor, being rather fleet than strong. Their men are taller than the Europeans, rarely corpulent, always beardless,* straight limbed, of a tawny complexion, and black uncurled hair. In their food they have no manner of delicacy, for though venison is their ordinary diet, yet sometimes they eat dogs, bears, and even snakes. Their cookery is of two kinds, boiled or roasted; to perform the latter, the meat is penetrated by a short sharp stick set in the ground, inclining towards the fire, and turned as occasion requires. They are hospitable to strangers, though few Europeans would relish their highest favors of this kind, for they are very nasty both in their garments and food. Every man has his own wife, whom he takes and leaves at pleasure: a plurality, however, at the same time, is by no means admitted among them. They are so perfectly free, that unless their children, who generally assist the mother, may be called servants, they have none. The men frequently associate themselves for conversation, by which means they not only preserve the remembrance of their wars, and treaties, but diffuse among their youth incitements to military glory, as well as instruction in all the subtilties of war. Since they became acquainted with the Europeans, their warlike apparatus is a musket, hatchet,t and a long knife. Their boys still accustom themselves to bows and arrows, and are so dexterous in the use of them, that a lad of sixteen, will strike an English shilling five times in ten at twelve or fourteen yards dis* Because they pluck out the hairs. The French writers, who say they have naturally no beards, are mistaken; and the reasons they assign for it are ridiculous. t Hence, to take up the hatchet, is, with them, a phrase signifying to declare war; as, on the contrary, to bury it, denotes the establishment of peace. INDIANS IN NEW YORK. 89 tance. Their men are excellent marksmen, both with the gun and hatchet; their dexterity at the latter is very extraordinary, for they rarely miss the object, though at a considerable distance. The hatchet in the flight perpetually turns round, and yet always strikes the mark with the edge. Before they go out, they have a feast upon dog's flesh, and a great war-dance. At these, the warriors, who are frightfully painted with vermilion, rise up and sing their own exploits, or those of their ancestors, and thereby kindle a military enthusiasm in the whole company. The day after the dance, they march out a few miles in a row, observing a profound silence. The procession being ended, they strip the bark from a large oak, and paint the design of their expedition on the naked trunk. The figure of a canoe, with the number of men in it, determines the strength of their party; and by a deer, a fox, or some other emblem painted at the head of it, we discover against what nation they are gone out. The Five Nations being devoted to war, every art is contrived to diffuse a military spirit through the whole body of their people. The ceremonies attending the return of a party, seem calculated in particular for that purpose. The day before they enter the village, two heralds advance, and at a small distance set up a yell, which by its modulation intimates either good or bad news. If the former, the village is alarmed, and an entertainment provided for the conquerors, who in the mean time approach in sight: one of them bears the scalps stretched over a bow, and elevated upon a long pole. The boldest man in the town comes out, and receives it, and instantly flies to the hut where the rest are collected. If he is overtaken, he is beaten unmercifully; but if he outruns the pursuer, he participates in the honor of the victors, who at their first entrance receive no compliments, nor speak a single word till the end of the feast. Their parents, wives, and children are then admitted, and treat them with the profoundest respect. After these salutations, one of the conquerors is appointed to relate the whole adventure, to which the rest attentively listen, without asking a question, and the whole concludes with a savage dance. The Indians never fight in the field, or upon equal terms, but always sculk, and attack by surprise in small parties, meeting every night at a place of rendezvous. Scarcely any enemy can escape them, for by the disposition of the grass and leaves, they follow his track with great speed any where but over a rock. Their barbarity is shocking to human nature. Women and children they generally kill and scalp, because they would retard their progress; but the men they carry into captivity. If any woman has lost a relation, and inclines toreceive the prisoner in his stead, he not only escapes a series of the most inhuman tortures 8* 90 AN ACCOUNT OF THE and death itself, but enjoys every immunity they can bestow, and is esteemed a member of the family into which he is adopted. To part with him would be the most ignominious conduct, and considered as selling the blood of the deceased; and for this reason, it is not without the greatest difficulty that a captive is redeemed. When the Indians incline to peace, a messenger is sent to the enemy with a pipe, the bowl of which is made of soft, red marble; and a long reed, beautifully painted, and adorned with the gay plumage of birds, forms the stem. This is his infallible protection from any assault on the way. The envoy makes his proposals to the enemy, who, if they approve them, ratify the preliminaries to the peace, by smoking through the pipe, and from that instant a general cessation of arms takes place. The French call it a calumet. It is used, as far as I can learn, by all the Indian nations upon the continent. The rights of it are esteemed sacred, and have been only invaded by the Flat Heads; in just indignation for which, the confederates maintained a war with them for near thirty years. As to the language of the Five Nations, the best account I have had of it, is contained in a letter from the Reverend Mr. Spencer, who resided amongst them in the year 1748, being then a missionary from the Scotch society for propagating Christian knowledge. He writes thus: 'SIR, 'Though I was very desirous of learning the Indian tongue, yet through my short residence at Onoughquage, and the surly disposition of my interpreter, I confess my proficiency was not great. Except the Tuscaroras, all the Six Nations speak a language radically the same. It is very masculine and sonorous, abounding with gutturals and strong aspirations, but without labials. Its solemn grave tone is owing to the generosity of its feet, as you will observe in the following translation of the Lord's prayer, in which I have distinguished the time of every syllable by the common marks used in prosody. Sofingwa.ineh;, cauroiinkyawga, tehs&tdr6an, saihssney6iistd, esa., sAiwaneyou, 06k6tt~iihs6ld, ehnaiuwofing, na cauroinkyawga, nfighwanshiliga, neattewehne6slauiga, tailgwduniutor6nointo5igsick, todntailgweolewhyo6ustading, chein&yeit, chaquatafitehwh6youstfiinua, toilghsai, tdugwaussarineh, tdwaut6ttinnugalofightounggd, nasawne, sacheaitidiagw~ss, coantehsl]6haunzaickaw, esa, sawaunneyou, esa, sashiutzta, esa, soingwdsofing, chann6aihfiingwa, auwen. The extraordinary length of Indian words, and the guttural INDIANS IN NEW YORK. 91 aspirations necessary in pronouncing them, render the speech extremely rough and difficult. The verbs never change in their terminations, as in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, but all their variations are prefixed. Besides the singular and plural, they have also the dual number. A strange transposition of syllables of different words, euphonice gratia, is very common in the Indian tongue, of which I will give an instance.-g-ogll signifies fire, and cawauinna, great; but instead of joining the adjective and substantive to say great fire, cawa'uinndi ogill, both words would be blended into this one, co-g'lld-wdunna. The dialect of the Oneydas, is softer than that of the other nations; and the reason is, because they have more vowels, and often supply the place of harsh letters with liquids. Instead of R, they'always use L: Rebecca would be pronounced Lequcca. The art of public speaking is in high esteem among the Indians, and much studied. They are extremely fond of method, and displeased with an irregular harangue, because it is difficult to be remembered. When they answer, they repeat the whole, reducing it into strict order. Their speeches are short, and the sense conveyed in strong metaphors. In conversation they are sprightly, but solemn and serious in their messages relating to public affairs. Their speakers deliver themselves with surprising force and great propriety of gesture. The fierceness of their countenances, the flowing blanket, elevated tone, naked arm, and erect stature, with a half circle of auditors seated on the ground, and in the open air, cannot but impress upon the mind, a lively idea of the ancient orators of Greece and Rome. At the close of every important part of the speech ratifying an old covenant, or creating a new one, a belt is generally given, to perpetuate the remembrance of the transaction. These belts are about four inches wide, and thirty in length. They consist of strings of conch shell beads fastened together.* With respect to religion, the Indians may be said to be under the thickest gloom of ignorance. If they have any, which is much to be questioned, those who affirm it, will find it difficult to tell us wherein it consists. They have neither priest nor temple, sacrifice nor altar. Some traces, indeed, appear of the original law written upon their hearts; but they have no system of doctrines, nor any rites and modes of public worship. They are sunk, unspeakably, beneath the polite pagans of antiquity. Some confused notions, indeed, of beings superior to themselves, they have, but of the Deity, and his natural and moral perfections, no proper or tole* Those beads, which pass for money, are called by the Indians, wampum, and by the Dutch sewant: six beads were formerly valued at a stiver. There are always several poor families at Albany, who support themselves by coining this cash for the traders. 92 AN ACCOUNT OF THE rable conceptions; and of his general and particular Providence they know nothing. They profess no obligations to him, nor acknowledge their dependence upon him. Some of them, it is said, are of opinion, that there are two distinct, powerful beings, one able to help, the other to do them harm. The latter they venerate most, and some alledge, that they address him by a kind of prayer. Though there are no public monuments of idolatry to be seen in their country, yet the missionaries have discovered coarse imagery in wooden trinkets, in the hands of their jugglers, which the converts deliver up as detestable. The sight of them would remind a man of letters of the lares and penates of the ancients, but no certain judgment can be drawn of their use. The Indians sometimes assemble in large numbers, and retire far into the wilderness, where they eat and drink in a profuse manner. These conventions are called kenticoys. Some esteem them to be debauched revels or Bacchanalia; but those, who have privately followed them into these recesses, give such accounts of their conduct, as naturally lead one to imagine, that they pay a joint homage and supplication to some invisible being." The following extract of a letter to the late Dr. Morse, from the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, missionary among the Six Nations, gives an interesting account of their views of a future state. " The region of pure spirits, the Five Nations call Eskanane. The only characters, which, according to their tradition, cannot be admitted to participate of the pleasures and delights of this happy country, are reduced to three, viz: suicides, the disobedient to the councils of the chiefs, and such as put away their wives on account of pregnancy. According to their tradition, there is a gloomy, fathomless gulf, near the borders of the delightful mansions of Eskanane, over which all good and brave spirits pass with safety, under the conduct of a faithful and skilful guide appointed for that purpose; but when a suicide, or any of the above mentioned characters, approaches this gulf, the conductor, who possesses a most penetrating eye, instantly discovers their spiritual features and character, and denies them his aid, assigning his reasons. They will, however, attempt to cross on a small pole, which, before they reach the middle, trembles and shakes, till presently down they fall with horrid shrieks. In this dark and dreary gulf, they suppose resides a great dog, some say a dragon, infected with the itch, which makes him perpetually restless and spiteful. The guilty inhabitants of this miserable region all catch this disease of the great dog, and grope and roam from side to side of their gloomy mansion in perpetual torment. Sometimes they approach so near the happy fields of Eskanane, they can hear the songs and dances of their former companions. This only serves to increase their torments, as they can discern no light, nor discover any passage by which they can gain access to them. They suppose idiots and dogs go into the same gulf, but have a more comfortable apartment, where they enjoy some little light." Mr. Kirkland adds, that several other nations of Indians, with whom he has conversed on the subject, have nearly the same traditionary notions of a future state. They almost universally agree in this, that the departed spirit is ten days in its passage to their happy elysium, after it leaves the body. Some of them suppose its course towards the south; others, that it ascends from some lofty mountain. The number of Indians comprised in the Five Nations, at the time of the first European settlements in New York, has been estimated from twenty to twenty-five thousand. This number is supposed to comprise the main body of Indians living in the pres INDIANS IN NEW YORK. 93 ent limits of the state at that period. Their number at present, including those in Canada and elsewhere, is said not to exceed six or seven thousand souls, although for the last fifty years they have been somewhat on the increase. During the war between the English and French, which commenced in 1755, and ended in 1763, the Mohawks, and some other confederates, joined the English, while the Senecas and others joined the French. Hendrick, the Mohawk chief, accompanied Sir William Johnson to the head of Lake Ge corge, near which hlie fell in a battle with the French. As the French interest declined in Canada, those tribes who aided them came over to the English. At the commencement of the Revolutionary War, all the Six Nations, except the Oneidas, took up the hatchet against the United States, being seduced by English agents to make common cause with England against the Americans. In the early part of 1776, a treaty was negotiated with them at Herkimer, in which they engaged to remain neutral. Large presents were made them. Notwithstanding General Schuyler, the American commissioner, in this delicate affair, acted with the utmost prudence and skill, still it was unavailing, for the Indians violated the treaty. The Mohawks, who had hitherto resided on the Mohawk river, broke up their settlements and retired to Canada. The Oneidas, preferring peace to war, upon the suggestion of the American government, removed from the vicinity of Oneida creek to Schenectady, where they remained till the peace in 1783, being provided by the government with the means of subsistence. The Mohawks, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas, in the course of the war made numerous inroads into New York and Pennsylvania. In 1778, a large body of these Indians, accompanied by a band of tories or loyalists, fell upon the flourishing settlement at Wyoming, laid it entirely waste, and killed most of the inhabitants. The settlement at Minisink, and of Cherry Valley, were likewise destroyed, and the enemy under Brandt an Onondaga, or Mohawk chief, and Col. John Butler a royalist, committed many atrocities. In order to repress these barbarities, Gen. Sullivan was detached in 1779, to march into the Indian country with four thousand men. He proceeded up the Susquehanna and Tioga rivers, and from thence down the Genesse. He destroyed eighteen towns and villages in this vicinity in the course of a few days. By these proceedings, the Indians, though not conquered, were greatly intimidated. Since 1783, the Six Nations do not appear to have acted in unison; the bonds which formerly held them together became loosened, and the several tribes have, in many instances, acted separately. Most of their lands, which are the best in the state, have been purchased, and are now occupied by flourishing settlements. 94 AN ACCOUNT OF THE INDIANS IN NEW JERSEY. THE Indians inhabiting New Jersey at the period of its settlement, were of that race called 1Mohekaneews, who inhabited the country between the St. Lawrence in Canada, and the Potomac in Virginia. The confederation of the Lenni Lenape,* or Delawares as they are usually called, was the most extensive and powerful of the Mohekaneew states. Its limits extended from Connecticut river on the northeast, to the Susquehanna river and the head of the Chesapeak bay on the southwest. The tribes which composed the confederacy were subdivided into numerous clans, and this circumstance has been the source of much confusion among writers. The Delawares, who were numerous on the river and bay of that name, were conquered by the Five Nations, about the time the English began the settlement of Virginia. The war between these Indians raged with great fury at the time Capt. Smith, the founder of Virginia, was exploring Chesapeak bay. The Delawares were so enfeebled and exhausted by this war, that the Dutch and English settlers in their vicinity had but little to fear from them, and experienced iew difficulties. They received some addition to their numbers by the Indian war in New England, when the remains of several of the vanquished tribes retired westerly, and crossed the Hudson. During the Revolutionary War, a portion of the Delawares took up arms against the United States. Since this period they removed to Ohio, where they continued upwards of fifty years. They have since removed farther westward, and at present but few of this tribe remain. The following account of the Indians in New Jersey, is taken from Smith's history of this state. " When they bury their dead, it was customary to put family utensils, bows and arrows, and sometimes money, (wampum) into the grave with them, as tokens of their affection. When a person of note died far from the place of his own residence, theywould carry his bones to be buried there; they washed and perfumed the dead, painted the face, and followed singly; left the dead in a sitting posture, and covered the grave pyramidically. They were very careful in preserving and repairing the graves of their dead, and pensively visited them; did not love to be asked their judgment twice about the same thing. They generally delighted in mirth; were very studious in observ* These words are said to mean " the original people," whereby they expressed they were an unmixed race, who had never changed their character since the creation.Watson's Annals of Philadelphia. INDIANS IN NEW JERSEY. 95 ing the virtues of roots and herbs, by which they usually cured themselves of many bodily distempers, both by outward and inward applications. They besides frequently used sweating, and the cold bath. They had an aversion to beards, and would not suffer them to grow; but plucked the hair out by the roots. The hair of their heads was black, and generally shone with bear's fat, particularly that of the women, who tied it up behind in a large knot; sometimes in a bag. They were very loving to one another; if several of them came to a christian's house, and the master of it gave one of them victuals, and none to the rest, he would divide it into equal shares amongst his companions; if the christians visited them, they would give them the first cut of their victuals; they would not eat the hollow of the thigh of any thing they killed. The Indians would not allow of mentioning the name of a friend after death. They sometimes streaked their faces with black, when in mourning; but when their affairs went well, they painted red. They were great observers of the weather by the moon; delighted in fine clothes; were punctual in their bargains, and observed this so much in others, that it was very difficult for a person who had once failed herein, to get any dealings with them afterwards. In their councils they seldom or never interrupted or contradicted one another, till two of them had made an end of their discourse; for if ever so many were in company, only two must speak to each other, and the rest be silent till their turn. Their language was high, lofty, and sententious. Their way of counting was by tens, that is to say, two tens, three tens, four tens, &c., when the number got out of their reach, they pointed to the stars, or the hair of their heads. They lived chiefly on maize, or Indian corn roasted in the ashes, sometimes beaten and boiled with water, called hommony; they also made an agreeable cake of their pounded corn; and raised beans and pease; but the woods and rivers afforded them the chief of their provisions. They pointed their arrows with a sharpened flinty stone, and of a larger sort, with withes for handles, cut their wood; both of these sharpened stones are often found in the fields. Their times of eating were commonly morning and evening; their seats and tables the ground. They were naturally reserved, apt to resent, to conceal their resentments, and retain them long; they were liberal and generous, kind and affable to the English. They were observed to be uneasy and impatient in sickness for a present remedy, to which they commonly drank a decoction of roots in spring water, forbearing flesh, which if they then eat at all, it was of the female. They took remarkable care of one another in sickness, while hopes of life remained; but when that was gone, some of them were apt to neglect the patient. 96 AN ACCOUNT OF THE Their government was monarchical and successive, and mostly of the mother's side, to prevent a spurious issue.* They commonly washed their children in cold water as soon as born; and to make their limbs straight, tied them to a board, and hung it to their backs when they traveled; they usually walked at 9 months old. Their young men married at 16 or 17 years of age, if by that time they had given sufficient proof of their manhood, by a large return of skins. The girls married about 13 or 14, but stayed at home with their mothers to hoe the ground, and to bear burdens, &c. for some years after marriage. The women, in traveling, generally carried the luggage. The marriage ceremony was sometimes thus; the relations and friends being present, the bridegroom delivered a bone to the bride, she an ear of Indian corn to him, meaning that he was to provide meat, she bread. It was not unusual, notwithstanding, to change their mates upon disagreement; the children went with the party that loved them best, the expense being of no moment to either; in case of difference on this head, the man was allowed the first choice, if the children were divided, or there was but one. Very little can be said as to their religion; much pains were taken by the early christian settlers, and frequently since, to inform their judgments respecting the use and benefit of the Christian Revelation, and to fix restraints; but generally with unpromising success, though instances have now and then happened to the contrary. They are thought to have believed in a God and immortality, and seemed to aim at public worship; when they did this, they sometimes sat in several circles one within another; the action consisted of singing, jumping, shouting and dancing; but mostly performed rather as something handed down from their ancestors, than from any knowledge or inquiry into the serious parts of its origin. They said that the great king that made them, dwelt in a glorious country to the southward, and that the spirits of the best should go there and live again. Their most solemn worship was the sacrifice of the first fruits, in which they burnt the first and fattest buck, and feasted together upon what else they had collected; but in this sacrifice broke no bones of any creature they ate; when done, they gathered and buried them very carefully; these have since been frequently ploughed up. They distinguished between a good and evil man-etta, or spirit; worshipped the first for the good they hoped: and some of them are said to have been slavishly dark in praying to the last for deprecation of evils they feared; but if this be generally true, some of the tribes much concealed it from our settlers. * That is, the children of him now king, will not succeed, but his brother by the mother, or children of his sister, whose sons (and after them the male children of her daughters) were to reign; for no woman inherited. 1NDIANS IN NEW JERSEY. 97 They did justice upon one another for crimes among themselves, in a way of their own; even murder might be atoned for by feasts, and presents of wampum; the price of a woman killed was double, and the reason, because she bred children, which men could not do. If sober they rarely quarrelled among themselves. They lived to 60, 70, 80 years, and more, before rum was introduced, but rarely since. Some tribes were commendably careful of their aged and decrepit, endeavouring to make the remains of life as comfortable as they could, except in desperate decays, then they were apt to neglect them. Strict observers of property, yet to the last degree, thoughtless and inactive in acquiring or keeping it. None could excel them in liberality of the little they had, for nothing was thought too good for a friend; a knife, gun, or any such thing given to one, frequently passed through many hands. Their houses or wigwams were sometimes together in towns, but mostly movable, and occasionally fixed near a spring, or other water, according to the conveniencies for hunting, fishing, basket-making, or other business of that sort, and built with poles laid on forked sticks in the ground, with bark, flags, or bushes on the top and sides, with an opening to the south, their fire in the middle. At night they slept on the ground with their feet towards it. Their clothing was a coarse blanket or skin thrown over the shoulder, which covered to the knee, and a piece of the same tied round their legs, with part of a deer skin sewed round their feet for shoes. As they had learned to live upon little, they seldom expected or wanted to lay up much. They were also moderate in asking a price for any thing they had for sale. When a company traveled together, they generally followed each other in silence, scarcely ever two were seen by the side of one another. In roads, the man went before with his bow and arrow, the woman after, not uncommonly with a child at her back, and other burdens besides: but when these were too heavy, the man assisted. To know their walks again, in unfrequented woods, they heaped stones or marked trees. In person they were upright, and straight in their limbs, beyond the usual proportion in most nations. Their bodies were strong, but of a strength rather fitted to endure hardships, than to sustain much bodily labor, very seldom crooked or deformed: their features regular: their countenances sometimes fierce, in common rather resembling a Jew than Christain: the color of their skin a tawny reddish brown. The whole fashion of their lives of apiece; hardy, poor and squalid. When they began to drink, they commonly continued it as long as the means of procuring it lasted. While intoxicated, they often lay exposed to all the inclemencies of weather, which introduced a train of new disorders among them. They were grave, even to sadness, upon any common, and 9 98 AN ACCOUNT OF THE more so upon serious occasions; observant of those in company, and respectful to the old; of a temper cool and deliberate; never in haste to speak, but waited for a certainty, that the person who spoke before them had finished all he had to say. They seemed to hold European vivacity in contempt, because they found such as came among them, apt to interrupt each other, and frequently speak all together. Their behavior in public councils, was strictly decent and instructive, every one in his turn was heard, according to rank of years or wisdom, or services to his country. Not a word, a whisper, or a murmur, while any one spoke; no interruption to commend or condemn; the younger sort were totally silent They got fire by rubbing wood of particular sorts, (as the ancients did out of the ivy and bays) by turning the end of a hard piece upon the side of one -that was soft and dry. To forward the heat they put dry rotten wood and leaves; with the help of fire and their stone axes, they would fall large trees, and afterwards scoop them into bowls, &c. From their infancy they were formed with care to endure hardships, to bear derision, and even blows patiently; at least with a composed countenance. Though they were not easily provoked, they were hard to be appeased. Liberty in its fullest extent, was their ruling passion; to this every other consideration was subservient. Their children were trained up so as to cherish this disposition to the utmost; they were indulged to a great degree, seldom chastised with blows, and rarely chided; their faults were left for their reason and habits of the family to correct: they said these could not be great before their reason commenced; and they seemed to abhor a slavish motive to action, as inconsistent with their notions of freedom and independence. Even strong persuasion was industriously avoided, as bordering too much on dependence, and a kind of violence offered to the will. They dreaded slavery more than death. They laid no fines for crimes; for they had no way of exacting them. The atonement was voluntary. Every tribe had particular persons in whom they reposed a confidence, and unless they did something unworthy of it, they were held in respect. Their kings were distinguished sachems; the respect paid them was voluntary, and not exacted or looked for, or the omission of it regarded. The sachems directed in their councils, and had the chief disposition of lands. To help their memories in treaties, they had belts of black and white wampum; with these closed their periods in speeches, delivering more or less according to the importance of the matter treated of; this ceremony omitted, all they said passed for nothing. They treasured these belts when delivered to them in treaties, kept them as the records of the nation, to have recourse to upon future contests. Governed by customs and not by laws, INDIANS IN NEW JERSEY. 99 they greatly revered those of their ancestors, and followed them implicitly. They long remembered kindness'es, families, or individuals that had laid themselves out to deal with, entertain and treat them hospitably, or even fairly in dealings, if no great kindness was received, were sure of their trade. This also must undoubtedly be allowed, that the original and more uncorrupt, very seldom forgot to be grateful, where real benefits had been received." ANECDOTES, TRADITIONS, &c. ILLUSTRATING INDIAN HISTORY. THE Delaware Indians, (according to the tradition handed down by their ancestors), resided many hundred years ago, in a very distant country in the western part of the American continent.* Having determined on migrating to the eastward, they set out in a body, and after a very long journey they arrived on the banks of the Mississippi river, where they fell in with the Mengwe, now called the Iroquois, or Five Nations, who had likewise emigrated from a distant country, and had struck upon this river somewhat higher up. The Delawares by their spies had before their arrival discovered that the country east of the Mississippi was inhabited by a very powerful nation, who had many large towns built on the great rivers flowing through their land. These people were called the Alligewi, and from them, it is supposed, the name of the Alleghany river and mountains is derived. When the Delawares arrived on the Mississippi, they sent a message to the Alligewi to request permission to settle in their neighborhood. This was refused; but they granted them leave to pass through the country and seek a settlement farther to the eastward. They accordingly began to cross the Mississippi, when the Alligewi seeing that their numbers were very great, made an attack on those that had crossed, and threatened they would destroy all those who should venture to cross the river. The Delawares, indignant at such conduct, consulted with the Iroquois, (who had thus far only been spectators), who offered to join them in attempting the conquest of the country. Having united their forces, they declared war against the Alligewi, and * These traditionary accounts respecting the Delawares and Iroquois, were drawn from the Rev. Mr. Heckcwelder's account of the Indian Nations, published in Vol. i. of the Hist. and Lit. Trans. of the American Phil. Soc., Philadelphia, 1819 Mr. Heckewelder was for a long period, a missionary among the Indians. 100 ANECDOTES, TRADITIONS, &C. great battles were fought, in which many fell on both sides. The enemy fortified their large towns, and erected fortifications, especially on large rivers near the lakes, where they were attacked and sometimes stormed by the allies. The Alligewi at last finding that they would all be destroyed if they remained, abandoned the country, and fled down the Mississippi river, from whence they never returned. After the conquest of the Alligewi, the Delawares and the Iroquois divided their country between them; the Iroquois made choice of the lands in the vicinity of the great lakes, and the Delawares took possession of the countries to the south. For a long period of time, some say two hundred years, the two nations resided peaceably in this country, and increased very fast; some of their enterprising men crossed the mountains, and falling on the streams running eastward, followed them to the Great Saltwater Lake, or ocean. Satisfied with what they had seen, they (or some of them) after a long absence, returned to their nation, and described the country they had discovered as abounding with game and various kinds of fruits; and the rivers and bays with fish, tortoises, &c. together with abundance of water-fowl, and no enemy to be dreaded. Concluding this to be the country destined for them by the Great Spirit, they began to emigrate thither, but only in small bodies, so as not to be straitened for want of provisions by the way, some even laying by for a whole year. They at last settled on the four great rivers, the Delaware, Hudson, Susquehanna, and the Potomac, making the Delaware the centre of their possessions. The Delawares say that the whole of their nation did not reach this part of the country, that many remained behind to assist the great body of their people who did not cross the Mississippi, but retreated into the interior of the country on the west side of that river, on account of the hostilities with the Alligewi. Their nation finally became divided into three bodies; the larger body, which they suppose to have been one half of the whole, were settled on the Atlantic, and the other half was again divided into two parts, one of which the strongest they suppose, remained beyond the Mississippi, and the remainder where they left them on this side of that river. Those of the Delawares who fixed their abode on the shores of the Atlantic, divided themselves into three tribes. Two of them chose that part of the country which lay nearest the sea. As they multiplied, their settlements extended from Hudson river to beyond the Potomac. The third tribe, called the Minsi or Munsees, chose to live back of the other tribes, and formed a kind of bulwark for their protection against the Iroquois. They extended their settlements from the Minisink, a place named af ILLUSTRATING INDIAN HISTORY. 101 ter them, where they had their council-seat or fire, to the Hudson on the east, and to the southwest far beyond the boundaries of the Susquehanna. From the above tribes sprung many others, who, having for their convenience chosen detached places to settle in, gave themselves names or received them from others. These various tribes did not deny their origin, but retained their affection for the parent tribe, of which they were proud to be called the grandchildren.-This was the case with the Mahicanni or Mohicans, in the east, a people who by intermarriages had become a detached body, mixing two languages together, and forming out of the two a dialect of their own; choosing to live by themselves, they crossed the Hudson, and spread themselves all over the country now composing the eastern States. Ne* tribes again sprung from them, who also assumed distinct names, still, however, acknowledging the Delawares their grandfathers. The Iroquois, settled along the river St. Lawrence, soon became neighbors of the Delawares, upon whom they began to look with a jealous eye, being fearful of being dispossessed by them of the lands which they occupied. To meet this evil in time, they sought to embroil the Delawares in quarrels with distant tribes, and with each other. As the different nations or tribes have a particular mark on their war-clubs, different from each other, the Iroquois having purposely committed a murder in the Cherokee country, left a Delaware war-club near the dead body. This stratagem took effect, and a bloody war soon took place between the Cherokees and Delawares. The treachery of the Iroquois was after a while discovered, and the Delawares determined on taking exemplary revenge, by exterminating their deceitful enemies. The Iroquois tribes, who had previous to this period lived in a manner independent of each other, now saw the necessity of coming under some general union for their common preservation. This confederation, it is said, took place somewhere between the 15th and 16th centuries: the most bloody wars were afterwards carried on for a great length of time, in which the Delawares say they generally came off victorious. During this warfare, the French landed in Canada, but the Iroquois, not willing they should establish themselves in that country, made war upon them. The Iroquois now finding themselves between two fires, and despairing of conquering the Delawares by force of arms, had recourse to a stratagem to secure a peace with them, in order to put forth their whole strength against the French. The plan was deeply laid, and was calculated to deprive the Delawares of their power and military fame by which they were distinguished. In the language of the Indians, they were to become women. It must be understood, that among these Indians, 9* i02 ANECDOTES, TRADITIONS, &C. wars are never brought to an end, but by the interference of the weaker sex. The men, however tired of fighting, are fearful of being thought cowards should they show a desire for peace. The women on these occasions would by their moving speeches persuade the enraged combatants to bury their hatchets and be at peace with each other. They would lament with great feeling the losses on each side; they would describe the sorrows of widowed wives, and above allbereaved mothers. They would conjure the warriors by every thing that was dear, to take pity on the sufferings of their wives and helpless children, lay aside their deadly weapons and smoke together the pipe of peace. Speeches of this nature seldom failed of their intended effect, and the women by becoming peacemakers were placed in a dignified situation. The artful Iroquois urged that it would not be a disgrace to assume the part and the situation of the woman, but on the contrary it would be an honor to a powerful nation, who could not be suspected of wanting either strength or courage to assume that station, by which they would be the means of preserving the general peace, and save the Indian race from utter extirpation. As men they had been dreaded, as women they would be respected and honored, and would have a right to interfere in the quarrels of other nations and to stop the effusion of Indian blood. They intreated them therefore to lay down their arms and to devote themselves to agriculture and other pacific employments. By these representations the Delawares were induced to become women. The Iroquois, notwithstanding their fair speeches, sought to injure them by secretly embroiling distant tribes against them, and in some cases joined the forces of their enemies in disguise. This treachery when found out roused the Delawares, who resolved to destroy their perfidious enemies. This, they say, they might easily have done, as they were numerous as grasshoppers at particular seasons, and as destructive to their enemies as these insects are to the fruits of the earth; while they described the Iroquois as frogs in a pond who make a great noise when all is quiet, but at the mere rustling of a leaf plunge into the water and are silent. But at this period the attention of the Indians was now directed to other scenes. The whites were landing in great numbers on their coast in the east and south. They were lost in admiration at what they saw, and they consulted together on what they should do. By these occurrences warfare among themselves was suspended. The following is the Indian account of the first arrival of the Dutch, at New York island. This relation Mr. Heckewelder states was taken down from the mouth of an intelligent Delaware ILLUSTRATING INDIAN HISTORY. 103 Indian, and may be considered as a correct account of the tradition existing among them of this momentous event. " A great many years ago, when men with a white skin had never yet been seen in this land, some Indians who were out a fishing at a place where the sea widens, espied at a great distance something remarkably large floating on the water, and such as they had never seen before. These Indians immediately returning to the shore, apprised their countrymen of what they had observed, and pressed them to go out with them and discover what it might be. They hurried out together, and saw with astonishment the phenomenon, which now appeared to their sight, but could not agree upon what it was; some believed it to be an uncommonly large fish or animal, while others were of opinion that it must be a very big house floating on the sea. At length the spectators concluded, that this wonderful object was moving towards the land, and that it must be an animal, or something else that had life in it; it would therefore be proper to inform all the Indians on the inhabited islands, of what they had seen, and put them on their guard. Accordingly they sent off a number of runners and watermen, to carry the news to their scattered chiefs, that they might send off in every direction for the warriors, with a message that they should come on immediately. These arriving in numbers, and having themselves viewed the strange appearance, and observing that it was actually moving towards the entrance of the river or bay, concluded it to be a remarkably large house, in which the Mannitto, (the Great or Supreme Being) himself was present; and that he was probably coming to visit them. By this time the chiefs were assembled at York Island, and deliberating in what manner they should receive their Mannitto on his arrival. Every measure was taken to be well provided with plenty of meat for a sacrifice. The women were desired to prepare the best victuals. All the idols or images were examined and put in order, and a great dance was supposed not only to be an agreeable entertainment for the Great Being, but it was believed that with the addition of a sacrifice, contribute to appease him if he was angry with them. The conjurors were also set to work to determine what this phenomenon portended. To these and to the chiefs and wise men of the nations, men, women and children, were looking up for advice and protection. Distracted between hope and fear, they were at a loss what to do; a dance however, commenced in great confusion. While in this situation, fresh runners arrive, declaring it to be a large house of various colors, and crowded with living creatures. It appears now to be certain, that it is the great Mannitto, bringing them some kind of game such as he had not given them before, but other runners soon after arrive, declare that it is positively 104 ANECDOTES, TRADITIONS, &C. a house full of human beings, of quite different color from the Indians, and dressed differently from them; that in particular one of them was dressed entirely in red, who must be the Mannitto They are hailed from the vessel in a language they do not understand, yet they shout or yell in return by way of answer, according to the custom of the country; many are for running off to the woods, but are pressed by others to stay, in order not to give offence to their visitor, who may find them out and destroy them. The house (some say canoe), at last stops, and a canoe of a smaller size comes on shore, with the red man and some others in it. Some stay with his canoe to guard it. The chiefs and wise men assembled in council, form themselves in a large circle towards which the man in red clothes approaches, with two others. He salutes them with a friendly countenance, and they return the salute aftertheir manner. They are lost in admiration; the dress, the manners, the whole appearance of the unknown strangers is to them a subject of wonder; but they are particularly struck with him who wore the red coat, all glittering with gold lace, which they could in no manner account for. He, surely, must be the great Mannitto; but why should he have a white skin? Meanwhile a large Hachhack* is brought by one of his servants, from which an unknown substance is poured into a small glass or cup, and handed to the supposed Mannitto. He drinks-has the glass filled again, and hands it to the chief standing next him. The chief receives it, but only smells the contents, and passes it to the next chief, who does the same. The glass or cup thus passes through the circle, without being tasted by any one, and is upon the point of being returned to the red clothed Mannitto, when one of the Indians, a brave man and a great warrior, suddenly jumps up and harangues the assembly on the impropriety of returning the cup with its contents. It was handed to them, says he, by the Mannitto that they should drink of it, as he himself had done. To follow his example would be pleasing to him; but to return what he had given them might provoke his wrath, and bring destruction upon them. And since the orator believed it to be for the good of the nation, that the contents offered them should be drunk, and as no one else would do it, he would drink it himself, let the consequence be what it might; it was better for one man to die than that the whole nation should be destroyed. He then took the glass, and bidding the assembly -i solemn farewell, at once drank up its contents. Every eye was fixed on the resolute chief, to see what effect the unknown liquor would produce. He soon began to stagger, and at last fell prostrate on the ground. His companions now bemoan *Hachhack is properly a gourd, but since they have seen glass bottles and decanters, they call them by the same name. ILLUSTRATING INDIAN HISTORY. 105 his fate; he falls into a sound sleep, and they think he has expired. He wakes again, jumps up and declares that he has enjoyed the most delicious sensations, and that he never before felt so happy as after he had drunk that cup. He asks for more, his wish is granted; the whole assembly then imitate him, and all become intoxicated. After this general intoxication had ceased, for they say that while it lasted, the whites had confined themselves to their vessel, the man with the red clothes returned again, and distributed presents among them, consisting of beads, axes, hoes, and stockings such as white people wear. They soon became familiar with each other, and began to converse by signs. The Dutch made them understand that they would not stay here, that they would return home again, but would pay them another visit next year, when they would bring them more presents, and stay with them a while; but as they could not live without eating, they should want a little land of them to sow seeds, in order to raise herbs and vegetables to put into their broth. They went away as they had said, and returned in the following season, when both parties were much rejoiced to see each other; but the whites laughed at the Indians, seeing that they knew not the use of the axes, and hoes, they had given them the year before; for they had these hanging to their breasts as ornaments, and the stockings they made use of as tobacco pouches. The whites now put handles to the former for them, and cut down trees before their eyes; hoed up the ground, and put the stockings on their legs. Here, they say, a general laughter ensued among the Indians, that they had remained ignorant of the use of such valuable implements, and had borne the weight of such heavy metal hanging to their necks for such a length of time. They took every white man they saw to be an inferior Mannitto, attendant on the Supreme Deity, who shone superior in the red and laced clothes. As the whites became daily more familiar with the Indians, and at last proposed to stay with them, and asked only for so much ground for a garden spot, as they said the hide of a bullock would cover or encompass; which hide was spread before them. The Indians readily granted this apparently reasonable request; but the whites then took a knife, and beginning at one end of the hide, cut it up into a rope not thicker than a child's finger, so that by the time the whole was cut up, it made a great heap; they then took the rope at one end and drew it gently along, carefully avoiding its breaking. It was drawn out in a circular form, and being closed at its ends, encompassed a large piece of ground. The Indians were surprised at the superior wit of the whites, but did not wish to contend about a little land, as they had still enough themselves. The white and red men lived contentedly together for a long time, though the former from time to time asked for 106 ANECDOTES, TRADITIONS, &C. more land, which was readily obtained, and thus they gradually proceeded higher up the Mahicanittuck, until the Indians began to believe that they would soon want all their country, which in the end proved true. The Indians are fond of metaphorical expressions in their language: the following examples are given in Mr. Heckewelder's work. 1. " The sky is overcast with 4ark As you have satisfied me, I have blustering clouds." done the same for you; I We shall have troublesome have killed many of your times; we shall have war. enemies. 2. "A black cloud has arisen yon- 10. " You did not make me strong." der." You gave me nothing or but War is threatened from that little. quarter or from that nation. 11. " Make me very strong." 3. " Two black clouds are drawing Give me much, pay me well. towards each other." 12. " The stronger you make me, Two powerful enemies are in the more you will see." march against each other. The more you give me, the 4. " Thepath is already shut up." more I will do for you. Hostilities have commenced. 13. " I did as you bid me, but SEE The war is begun, nothing." 5. " The rivers run with blood." I have performed my part, but War rages in the country. you have not rewarded me; 6. " To bury the hatchet." or, I did my part but you have To make, or conclude a peace, not kept your word! 7. " To lay down the hatchet, or 14. " You have spoken with your to slip the hatchet under the lips only, notfrom the HEART." bedstead." You endeavor to deceive me; To cease fighting for a while, you do not intend to do as you during a truce; or to place the say! hatchet, so that it may be 15. " You now speak from the taken up again at a moment's heart!" warning. Now you mean what you say! 8. " The hatchet you gave me to 16. " You keep me in the dark!" strike your enemies, proved to You wish to deceive me! you be very dull, or not to be conceal your intentions from sharp." me! you keep me in ignoYou supplied me so scantily rance! with the articles I stood in 17. " You stopped my ears." need of, that I wanted strength You kept the thing a secret from to execute your orders. The me; you did not wish me to presents you gave me, were know it. not sufficient for the task you 18. " Singing birds." imposed upon me, therefore I Tale bearers-story tellersdid little, liars. 9. " The hatchet you gave me was 19. " Don't listen to the singing of very sharp " the birds which fly by!" ILLUSTRATING INDIAN HISTORY. 107 Don't believe what stragglers tell you. 20. " What bird was it that sung that song?" Who was it told that story; that lie? 21. (To a chief). "Have you heard the news?" Have you been officially informed. 22. " I have not heard any thing." I have no official information. 23. "' To kindle a council fire at such a place." To appoint a place where the national business is to be transacted; to establish the seat of government there. 24. " The council fire has been extinguished." Blood has been shed by an enemy at the seat of government; which has put the fire out; the place has been polluted. 25. " I have not room to spread my blanket." I am too much crowded upon. 26. "I will place you under my wings." (Meaning under my armpits). I will protect you at all hazards! You shall be perfectly safe; nobody shall molest you! 27. " Suffer no grass to grow on the war path." Carry on the war with vigor. 28. " Never suffer grass to grow on this war path!" Be at perpetual war with the nation this path leads to; never conclude a peace with them. 29. " To open a path from one nation to another, by removing the logs, brush and briers out of the way." To invite the nation to which this path leads, to a friendly intercourse; to prepare the way to live on friendly terms with them. 30. "The path to that nation is again open." We are again on friendly terms; the path may again be traveled with safety. 31. "I wipe the tears from your eyes, cleanse your ears; and place your aching heart, which bears you down to one side, in its proper position." I condole with you; dispel all sorrow; prepare yourself for business: (N. B. This is said when condoling with a nation on the death of a chief). 32. " I have covered yon spot with fresh earth: I have.aked leaves, and planted trees thereon" means literally. " I have hidden the grave from your eyes;" and figuratively, " you must now be cheerful again." 33. "I am much too heavy to rise at this present time." I have too much property, (corn, vegetables), &c. 34. "I will pass one night yet at this place." I will stay one year yet at this place. 35. " We have concluded a peace which is to last as long as the sun shall shine, and the rivers flow with water." The peace we have made is to continue as long as the world stands, or to the end of time. 36. " To bury the hatchet beneath the root of a tree." To put it quite out of sight. 37. " To bury deep in the earth." (An injury done). To consign it to oblivion. 108 ANECDOTES, TRADITIONS, &C. The following is a copy of an Indian Gazette taken by a French officer, from the American original, with an explanation. It relates to a body of Indians, who, soon after the settlement of this part of America, took up the hatchet in favor of the French, against a hostile tribe that adhered to the English. It was obtained by Mr. Thomas about the year 1770, and a copy of it is inserted in the 2d vol. of his " History of Printing." 1. Each of these figures represent the number ten-They all signify that 18 times 10, or 180 American Indians took up the hatchet, or declared war, in favor of the French which is represented by the hatchet placed over the arms of France. 2. They departed from Montreal-represented by the bird just taking wing, from the top of a mountain. The moon, and the buck, show the time to have been in the first quarter of the buck-moon, answering to July. EImm 3. They went by water-signified by the canoe. The number of huts, such as they raise to pass the night in, shows they were 21 days on their passage. ILLUSTRATING INDIAN HISTORY. 109 4. They came on shore, and traveled seven days foot and seven huts. 5. When they arrived near the habitations of their enemies at sunrise-shown by the sun being to the eastward of them, beginning, as they think, its daily course; then they lay in wait three days-represented by the hand pointing and the three huts. S... -- - -=--:=..-.-..-. 6. After which, they surprised their enemies, in number 12 times 10, or 120 -The man asleep shows how they surprised them, and the hole in the top of the building is supposed to signify, that they broke into some of their habitations in that manner. 7. They killed with the club eleven of their enemies, and took five prisonersThe former represented by the club and the eleven heads; the latter by the figure on the little pedestals 10 110 ANECDOTES. TRADITIONS, &C. 8. They lost nine of their own men in the action-represented by the nine heads within the bow, which is the emblem of honor among the Americans; but had none taken prisoners-a circumstance they lay great weight on, shown by all the pedestals tLeing empty. __~~ --)-------$, ---4 -- ~----_ "-- ~-.<--- 9 The heads of the arrows, pointing opposite ways, represent the battle..._.. -..... ---.. ---._..~ ___. -- a -- --.P -s.---3 10. The heads of the arrows all pointing the same way, signify the flight of the enemy. The following is a song of the Delawares which they use when they go out to war, as translated by Mr. Heckewelder. They sing it as here given, in short sentences, not always the whole at a time, but generally in detached parts, as their feelings prompt them. Their accent is very pathetic, and the whole, in their language, produces considerable effect. 0 poor me! But tries to do his duty Whom am going out to fight the For the welfare of his nation enemy, 0 thou Great Spirit above! And know not whether I shall re- Take pity on my children turn again And on my wife! To enjoy the embraces of my Prevent their mourning on my children account! And my wife. Grant that I may be successful in 0 poor creature! this attempt, Whose life is not in his own That I may slay my enemy, hands, And bring home the trophies of Who has no power over his own war. body, To my dear family and friends, ILLUSTRATING INDIAN HISTORY. 11. I That we may rejoice together. To my wife O! take pity on me! And to my relations! Give me strength and courage to Take pity on me and preserve my meet my enemy life Suffer me to return again to my And I will make to thee a sacrichildren, fice. The following speech illustrative of Indian eloquence was spoken by Captain Pipe, a Delaware chief, to the British cor mandant at Detroit. The Delawares were on the side of the French during the war in 1756; after the peace of 1763, they were obliged to submit to the government of Great Britain. During the Revolutionary War, Capt. Pipe was compelled rather reluctantly to take up arms against the Americans. On his return from an expedition, he was invited to the council house to give an account of his past transactions to the British officers present. He was seated in front of his Indians, and held in his left hand a short stick, to which was fastened a scalp. After a pause of some minutes he rose, and addressed the governor as follows. " Father, [then he stooped a little, and, turning towards the audience, with a countenance full of great expression, and a sarcastic look, said, in a lower tone of voice], " I have said FATHER, although, indeed, I do not know WHy I am to call HIM so, having never known any other father than the French, and considering the English only as BROTHERS. But as this name is also imposed upon us, I shall make use of it, and say, [at the same time fixing his eyes upon the commandant], Father, some time ago you put a war hatchet into my hands, saying, ' Take this weapon and try it on the heads of my enemies, the Long-Knives, and let me afterwards know if it was sharp and good.' Father, at the time when you gave me this weapon, I had neither cause nor inclination to go to war against a people who had done me no injury; yet in obedience to you, who say you are my father, and call me your child, I received the hatchet; well knowing, that if I did not obey, you would withhold from me the necessaries of life, without which I could not subsist, and which are not elsewhere to be procured, but at the house of my father. You may perhaps think me a fool, for risking my life at your bidding, in a cause too, by which I have no prospect of gaining any thing; for it is your cause and not mine. It is your concern to fight the Long-Knives; you have raised a quarrel amongst yourselves, and you ought yourselves to fight it out. You should not compel your children, the Indians, to expose themselves to danger, for your sakes. Father, many lives have already been lost on your account!-Nations have suffered, and been weakened! children have lost parents, brothers, and relatives!-wives have lost husbands!-It is not known how many more may perish before your war will be at an end!-Father, I have said, that you may, perhaps, think me a fool, for thus thoughtlessly rushing on your enemy!-Do not believe this, father: Think not that I want sense to convince me, that 112 ANECDOTES, TRADITIONS, &C although you now pretend to keep up a perpetual enmity to the LongKnzves, you may before long conclude a peace with them. Father, you say you love your children, the Indians. This you have often told them, and indeed it is your interest to say so to them, that you may have them at your service. But, father; who of us can believe that you can love a people of a different color from your own, better than those who have a white skin like yourselves? Father, pay attention to what I am going to say. While you, father, are setting me [meaning the Indians in general] on your enemy, much in the same manner as a hunter sets his dog on the game; while I am in the act of rushing on that enemy of yours, with the bloody destructive weapon you gave me, I may, perchance, happen to look back to the place from whence you started me; and what shall I see? Perhaps I may see my father shaking hands with the Long-Knives; yes, with these very people he now calls his enemies. 1 may then see him laugh at my folly for having obeyed his orders; and yet I am now risking my life at his command! Father, keep what I have said in remembrance. Now, father, here is what has been done with the hatchet you gave me. [With these words he handed the stick to the commandant, with the scalp upon it, above mentioned]. I have done with the hatchet what you ordered me to do, and found it sharp. Nevertheless, I did not do all that I might have done. No, I did not. My heart failed within me. I felt compassion for your enemy. Innocence [helpless women and children] had no part in your quarrels; therefore I distinguished-I spared. I took some live flesh, which, while I was bringing to you, I spied one of your large canoes, on which I put it for you. In a few days you will recover this flesh, and find that the skin is of the same color with your own. Father, I hope you will not destroy what I have saved. You, father, have the means of preserving that which with me would perish for want. The warrior is poor, and his cabin is always empty; but your house, father, is always full." Matrimony.-" An aged Indian, who for many years had spent much time among the white people, observed that the Indians had not only a much easier way of getting a wife than the whites, but also a more certain way of getting a good one. 'For,' said he in broken English, 'white man court-court-may be one whole year!-may be two years before he marry! Well-may be then he get very good wife -but may be not-may be very cross! Well, now suppose cross! scold so soon as get awake in the morning! scold all day!-scold until sleep!-all one-he must keep him!-White people have law forbidding throw away wife he be every so cross-must keep him always! Well, how does Indian do? Indian, when he see industrious squaw he go him, place his two forefingers close aside each other, make two like one-then look squaw in the face-she him smile-this is all one he say yes!-so he take him home-no danger he be cross I No, no-squaw know too well what Indian do if he cross! throw him away and take another!--Squaw love to eat meat -no husband no meat. Squaw do every thing to please husband, he do every thing to please squaw -live happy.'" ILLUSTRATING INDIAN HISTORY. 113 Red Jacket, Sagoyewatha. The above is a representation of the celebrated Seneca chief, Red Jacket, copied from an original painting. His Indian name was Sagoyewatha, signifying it is said, " one who keeps awake." He died in 1832 at his residence about four miles from Buffalo. He was formerly considered of superior wisdom in council, and of a noble and dignified behavior, which would have honored any man. But like most of his race, he could not withstand the temptation of ardent spirits, and during the latter period of his life, from this cause, and his opposition to the introduction of christianity among his tribe, his influence became quite limited. The sagacity of the Indians in discovering traces of men and animals, where white men would discover nothing is well known. The following account given by Mr..Heekewelder will serve fo: an illustration. "In the beginning of the summer of the year 1755, a most atrocious and shocking murder was unexpectedly committed by a party of Indians, on fourteen white settlers within five miles of Shamokin. The surviving whites in their rage determined to take their revenge, by murdering a Delaware Indian, who happened to be in those parts, and was far from thinking himself i\ 10* 114 ANECDOTES, TRADITIONS, &C any danger. He was a great friend to the whites, was loved anti estee ed by them, and in testimony of their regard had received from them the name of Duke Holland, by which he was generally known. This Indian, satisfied that his nation was incapable of committing such a foul murder, in a time of profound peace, told the enraged settlers, that he was sure that the Delawares were not in any manner concerned in it; and that it was the act of some wicked Mingoes or Iroquois, whose custom it was to involve other nations in wars with each other, by clandestinely committing murders, so that they might be laid to the charge of others rather than themselves. But all his representations were vain; he could not convince exasperated men, whose minds were fully bent upon revenge. At last he offered that if they would give him a party to accompany him, he would go with them in quest of the murderers, and was sure he could discover them by the prints of their feet and other marks well known to him, by which he would convince them that the real perpetrators of the crime belonged to the Six Nations. His proposal was accepted, he marched at the head of a party of whites, and led them into the tracks. They soon found themselves in the most rocky parts of a mountain, where not one of those who accompanied him, was able to discover a single track, nor would they believe that man had ever trodden upon this ground, as they had to jump over a number of crevices between the rocks, and in some instances to crawl over them. Now they began to believe that the Indian had led them across these rugged mountains in order to give the enemy time to escape, and threatened him with instant death the moment they should be fully convinced of his fraud. The Indian, true to his promise, would take pains to make them perceive that an enemy had passed along through the places which he was leading them, here he would show them that the moss on the rock had been trodden by the weight of an human foot, there it had been torn or dragged forward from its place; further he would point out to them that pebbles, or small stones on the rocks had been removed from their beds, by the foot hitting against them; that dry sticks by being trodden upon were broken, and even that in a particular place an Indian's blanket had dragged over the rocks, and removed or loosened the leaves lying there; all of which the Indian could perceive, as he walked along without ever stopping. At last arriving at the foot of the mountain on soft ground, where the tracks were deep, he found out that the enemy were eight in number, and from the freshness of the foot-prints, he concluded that they must be encamped at no great distance. This proved to be the exact truth, for, after gaining the eminence on the other side of the valley, the Indians were seen encamped, some having already laid down to sleep, while others were drawing cff their ILLUSTRATING INDIAN HISTORY. 115 leggings for the same purpose, and the scalps they had taken were hanging up to dry. "See!" said Duke Holland to his astonished companions, "there is the enemy! not of my nation but Mingoes as I truly told you. They are in our power; in less than half an hour they will be all fast asleep. We need not fire a gun, but go up and tomahawk them. We are nearly two to one and need apprehend no danger. Come on, and you will now have your full revenge!" But the whites overcome with fear did not choose to follow the Indian's advice, and urged him to take them back by the nearest and best way, which he did, and when they arrived home late at night, they reported the number of the Iroquois to have been so great, that they durst not venture to attack them." Tamany and St. Tammany, is a name which has often appeared in print. It is applied to an Indian chief or saint, who is supposed to have been alive as late as the year 1680. Mr. Heckewelder, in his Historical Account, states that all that is known of him is " that he was a Delaware chief, who never had his equal." "It is said that when, about 1776, Colonel George Morgan, of Princeton, New Jersey, visited the western Indians by direction of congress, the Delawares conferred on him the name of Tamany, " in honor and remembrance of their ancient chief, and as the greatest mark of respect which they could show to that gentleman, who they said had the same address, affability, and meekness, as their honored chief." " The fame of this great man extended even among the whites, who fabricated numerous legends respecting him, which I never heard, however, from the mouth of an Indian, and therefore believe to be fabulous. In the revolutionary war, his enthusiastic admirers dubbed him a saint, and he was established under the name of St. Tammany, the patron saint of America. His name was inserted in some calendars, and his festival celebrated on the first day of May in every year. On that day a numerous society of his votaries walked together in procession through the streets of Philadelphia, their hats decorated with buck's tails, and proceeded to a handsome rural place out of town, which they called the wigwam; where, after a long talk, or Indian speech had been delivered, and the calumet of peace and friendship had been duly smoked, they spent the day in festivity and mirth. After dinner, Indian dances were performed on the green in front of the wigwam, the calumet was again smoked, and the company separated." It was not until some years after the peace that these yearly doings were broken up, which would doubtless have lasted longer but for the misfortune of the owner of the ground where they were held. Since that time, Philadelphia, New York, and perhaps 116 ANECDOTES, TRADITIONS, &C. other places, have had their Tamany societies, Tamany halls, &c. In their meetings, these societies make but an odd figure in imitating the Indian manner of doing business, as well as in appropriating their names upon one another. Among the multitude of poems and odes to Tamany, the following is selected, to give the reader an idea of the acts said to have been achieved by him:" Immortal Tamany, of Indian race, And loved his country most, and next his Great in the field, and foremost in the friends; chase! With courage long he strove to ward the No puny saint was he with fasting pale; blow; He climbed the mountain, and he swept (Courage we all respect, ev'n in a foe); the vale, And when each effort he in vain had Rushed through the torrent with unequal- tried, led might; Kindled the flame in which he bravely Your ancient saints would tremble at the died! sight; To Tamany let the full horn go round; Caught the swift boar, and swifter deer His fame let every honest tongue rewith ease, sound; And worked a thousand miracles like these. With him let every gen'rous patriot vie, To public views he added private ends, To live in freedom or with honor die." "Insanity is not common among the Indians; yet I have known several who were afflicted with mental derangement. Men in this situation are always considered as objects of pity. Every one young and old feels compassion for their misfortune; to laugh or scoff at them would be considered as a crime, much more so to insult or molest them. The nation, or color of the unfortunate object makes no difference; the charity of the Indians extends to all, and no distinction is made in such a lamentable case. About the commencement of the Indian war, in 1763, a trading Jew, named Chapman, who was going up the Detroit river with a batteau load of goods, which he had brought from Albany, was taken by some Indians of the Chippeway nation, and destined to be put to death. A Frenchman impelled by motives of friendship and humanity, found means to steal the prisoner, and kept him so concealed for some time, that although the most diligent search was made, the place of his confinement could not be discovered. At last, however, the unfortunate was betrayed by some false friend, and again fell into the power of the Indians, who took him across the river to be burned and tortured. Tied to the stake and the fire burning by his side, his thirst from the great heat became intolerable, and he begged that some drink might be given to him. It is a custom with the Indians previous to a prisoner being put to death, to give him what they call his last meal; a bowl of pottage or broth was given him for that purpose. Eager to quench his thirst; he put the bowl immediately to his lips, and the liquor being very hot he was dreadfully scalded. Being a man of a very quick temper, the moment he felt his mouth ILLUSTRATING INDIAN HISTORY. 117 burned, he threw the bowl with its contents full in the face of the man who had handed it to him. 'He is mad! he is mad!' resounded from all quarters. The bystanders considered his conduct as an act of insanity, and immediately untied the cords with which he was bound, and let him go where he pleased." " Shrewdness.-As Governor Joseph Dudley of Massachusetts was superintending some of his workmen, he took notice of an able-bodied Indian, who, half naked, would come and look on, as a pastime, to see his men work. The governor took occasion one day to ask him why he did not work, and get some clothes, wherewith to cover himself. The Indian answered by asking him why he did not work. The governor, pointing with his finger to his head, said, 'I work head work, and so have no need to work with my hands as you should.' The Indian then said he would work if any one would employ him. The governor told him he wanted a calf killed, and that, if he would go and do it, he would give hiim a shilling. He accepted the offer, and went immediately and killed the calf, and then went sauntering about as before. The governor, on observing what he had done, asked him why he did not dress the calf before lie left it. The Indian answered, 'No, no, Coponoh; that was not in the bargain: I was to have a shilling for killing him. Am he no dead, Coponoh?' (governor). The governor, seeing himself thus outwitted, told him to dress it, and he would give him another shilling. This done, and in possession of two shillings, the Indian goes directly to a grog-shop for rum. After a short stay, he returned to the governor, and told him he had given him a bad shilling piece, and presented a brass one to be exchanged. The governor, thinking possibly it might have been the case, gave him another. It was not long before he returned a second time with another brass shilling to be exchanged; the governor was now convinced of his knavery, but, not caring to make words at the time, gave him another; and thus the fellow got four shillings for one. The governor determined to have the rogue corrected for his abuse, and, meeting with him soon after, told him he must take a letter to Boston for him, (and gave him half a crown for the service). The letter was directed to the keeper of bridewell, ordering him to give the bearer so many lashes; but, mistrusting that all was not exactly agreeable, and meeting a servant of the governor on the road, ordered him, in the name of his master, to carry the letter immediately, as he was in haste to return. The consequence was, this servant got egregiously whipped. When the governor learned what had taken place, he felt no little chagrin at being thus twice outwitted by the Indian. He did not see the fellow for sometime after this, but at length, falling in with him, asked him by what means he had cheated and 118 ANECDOTES, TRADITIONS, &C. deceived him so many times. Taking the governor again in his own play, he answered, pointing with his finger to his head,' Head work, Coponoh, head work!' The governor was now so well pleased that he forgave the whole offence." Justice -" A white trader sold a quantity of powder to an Indian, and imposed upon him by making him believe it was a grain which grew like wheat by sowing it upon the ground. He was greatly elated by the prospect, not only of raising his own powder, but of being able to supply others, and thereby becoming immensely rich. Having prepared his ground with great care, he sowed his powder with the utmost exactness in the spring. Month after month passed away, but his powder did not even sprout, and winter came before he was satisfied that he had been deceived. He said nothing; but some time after, when the trader had forgotten the trick, the same Indian succeeded in getting credit of him to a large amount. The time set for payment having expired, he sought out the Indian at his residence, and demanded payment for his goods. The Indian heard his demand with great complaisance; then, looking him shrewdly in the eye, said 'Me pay you when my powder grow.' This was enough. The guilty white man quickly retraced his steps, satisfied, we apprehend, to balance his account with the chagrin he had reccived."-Drake's Book of the Indians." Characters contrasted.-" An Indian of the Kennebeck tribe, iemarkable for his good conduct, received a grant of land from the state, and fixed himself in a new township where a number of families were settled. Though not ill treated, yet the common prejudice against Indians prevented any sympathy with him. This was shown at the death of his only child, when none of the people came near him. Shortly afterwards he went to some of the inhabitants and said to them, ' When white man's child die, Indian man he sorry-he help bury him,- When my child die, no one speak to me-I make his grave alone. I can no live here.' He gave up his farm, dug up the body of his child, and carried it with him 200 miles through the forests, to join the Canada Indians!" Singular application of Scripture.-A certain clergyman on a particular occasion, had for his text, the following words, "vow, and pay unto the Lord thy vows." An Indian happened to be present, who, when the sermon was finished, stepped up to the preacher, and said to him, " Now me vow me go home with you, Mr. Minister." The preacher taken somewhat by surprise, and being at a loss how to oppose the Indian's determination, said, "you must go then." When he had arrived at the home of the minister, the Indian vowed again, saying, "Now me vow me have supper." When this was finished, he said, "' me vow me stay all ILLUSTRATING INDIAN HISTORY. 119 night." The clergyman by this time, thinking himself sufficiently taxed, replied, "It may be so, but I vow you shall go in the morning." The Indian judging from the tone of his host, that more vows would be useless, departed in the morning without cere mony. Dreaming Match.-" Soon after Sir William Johnson entered upon his duties as superintendent of Indian affairs in North America, he received from England some richly embroidered suits of clothes. Hendrick was present when they were received, and could not help expressing a great desire for a share in them. He went away very thoughtful, but returned not long after, and called upon Sir William, and told him he had dreamed a dream. Sir William very concernedly desired to know what it was. Hendrick very readily told him he had dreamed that Sir William Johnson had presented him with one of his new suits of uniform. Sir William could not refuse it, and one of the elegant suits was forthwith presented to Hendrick, who went away to show his present to his countrymen, and left Sir William to tell the joke to his friends. Some time after, the general met Hendrick, and told him he had dreamed a dream. Whether the sachem mistrusted that he was now to be taken in his own net, or not, is not certain; but he seriously desired to know what it was, as Sir William had done before. The general said he dreamed that Hendrick had presented him with a certain tract of land, which he described, (consisting of about 500 acres of the most valuable land in the valley of the Mohawk River). Hendrick answered,' it is yours;' but, shaking his head said,' Sir William Johnson, I will never dream with you again, you dream too hard for me.'" It is stated that the Indian includes all savage beasts among the number of his enemies, in a literal sense; this will appear, from the following anecdotes related by Mr. Heckewelder. " A Delaware hunter once shot a huge bear, and broke its back bone. The animal fell and set up a most plaintive cry, something like that of a panther when he is hungry. The hunter, instead of giving him another shot, stood up close to him and addressed him in these words: 'Hark ye! bear; you are a coward and no warrior as you pretend to be. Were you a warrior you would show it by your firmness, and not cry and whimper like an old woman. You know bear that our tribes are at war with each other, and that yours was the aggressor.* You have found the Indians too powerful for you, and you have gone sneaking about in the woods, stealing their hogs; perhaps at this time you have * Probably alluding to a tradition which the Indians have, of a very ferocious kind of bear, called the naked bear, which they say once existed, but was totally destroyed by their ancestors. The last was killed in the New York state, at a place they called Hoosick, which means the Basin or more properly, The Kettle. 120 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. hog's flesh in your belly. Had you conquered me, I would have borne it with courage, and died like a brave warrior; but you, bear, sit here and cry, and disgrace your tribe by your cowardly conduct.' I was present at the delivery of this curious invective; when the hunter had despatched the bear, I asked him how he thought that poor animal could understand what he said to it? 'Oh!' said he in answer, 'the bear understood me very well; did you not observe how ashamed he looked while I was upbraiding him?' Another time I witnessed a similar scene between the falls of the Ohio and the river Wabash. A young white man named William Wells, who had been when a boy taken prisoner by a tribe of the Wabash Indians, by whom he was brought up, and had imbibed all their notions, had so wounded a large bear that he could not move from the spot, and the animal cried piteously like the one I have just mentioned. The young man went up to him, and with seemingly great earnestness, addressed him in the Wabash language, now and then giving him a slight stroke on the nose with his ramrod. I asked him when he had done, what he had been saying to this bear. 'I have,' said he, 'upbraided him for acting the part of a coward; I told him that he knew the fortune of war, that one or the other of us must have fallen; that it was his fate to be conquered, and he ought to die like a man, like a hero, and not like an old woman; that if the case had been reversed, and I had fallen into the power of my enemy, I would not have disgraced my nation, but would have died with firmness and courage, as became a true warrior.'" DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &c. Discovery of Hudson River by Henry Hudson. HUDSON, the discoverer of the Bay of New York and the riv er called by his name, was at the time in the service of the cel ebrated Dutch East India Company. A small ship called th( Half-Moon was equipped and intrusted to his command. Hc left Amsterdam, April 4th, 1609, and once more encountered the northern seas, having in two former voyages attempted a north ern passage to India. His progress being again intercepted by the ice, he determined upon the design of visiting America. He arrived off the coast of Maine, and landed at or near the place where Portland now stands on the 18th of July. After continuing for about six days, he proceeded southward. Hudson came to Cape Cod about the 3d of August. From this pla,:e L, pro. DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 121 ceeded southward as far as Virginia, and then turned to the northward. On the 2d of September, he espied the Highlands of Neversink, passed Sandy Hook on the 3d, and on the following day is said to have made his first landing on Long Island, opposite Gravesend. On the 6th of September, Hudson sent a boat manned with six hands to explore what appeared to be the mouth of a river, at about the distance of four leagues from the ship. This was the strait between Long and Staten Island called the Narrows. In exploring the bay and adjacent waters, the boat's crew spent the whole day. On their return to the ship they were attacked by the natives in two canoes, the one carrying 14, and the other 12 men. One of Hudson's men, John Colman, was killed by an arrow, and two more wounded. Colman was buried on a point of land which they named Colman's Point, probably the same that is now called Sandy Hook. On the 12th he entered the river called by his name. The following, relative to his voyage up the river, is extracted from a Journal of his voyage in Purchas' Pilgrim, 1625; which was kept by Robert Juet, the mate of the ship, evidently with a good deal of care and accuracy. " The twelfth, very faire and hot. In the afternoone at two of the clocke wee weighed, the winde being variable, betweene the North and the Northwest. So we turned into the Riuer two leagues and A nchored. This morning at our first rode in the Riuer, there came eight and twenty Canoes full of men, women and children to betray vs: but we saw their intent, and suffered none of them to come aboord of vs. At twelue of the clocke they departed. They brought with them Oysters and Beanes, whereof wee bought some. They haue great Tabacco pipes of yellow Copper, and Pots of Earth to dresse their meate in. It floweth South-east by South within. The thirteenth, faire weather, the wind Northerly. At seuen of the clocke in the morning, as the floud came we weighed, and turned foure miles into the Riuer. The tide being done wee anchored. Then there came foure Canoes aboord: but we suffered none of them to come into our ship. They brought great store of very good Oysters aboord, which we bought for trifles. In the night I set the variation of the Compasse, and found it to be 13 degrees. In the afternoone we weighed, and turned in with the floude, two leagues and a halfe further, and anchored all night, and had flue fathoms soft Ozie ground, and had an high point of Land, which shewed out to vs, bearing North by East five leagues off vs. The fourteenth, in the morning being very faire weather, the wind South-east, we sayld vp the Riuer twelue leagues, and had flue fathoms, and flue fathoms and a quarter lesse; and came to a Streight betweene two Points, and had eight, nine, and ten fathoms: and it trended North-east by North, one league: and wee had twelue, thirteene and fourteene fathomes. The Riuer is a mile broad: there is very high Land on both sides. Then wee went vp North-west, a 11 122 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. league and an halfe deepe water. Then North-east by North flue miles; then North-west by North two leagues, and anchored. The Land grew very high and Mountainous. The Riuer is full of fish. The fifteenth, in the morning was misty vntill the Sunne arose. then it cleered. So wee weighed with the wind at South, and ran vp into the Riuer twentie leagues, passing by high Mountaines. Wee had a very good depth, as sixe, seuen, eight, nine, ten, twelue, and thirteene fathoms, and great store of Salmons in the Riuer. This morning our two Sauages got out of a Port and swam away. After we were vnder sayle, they called to vs in scorne. At night we came to other Mountaines, which lie from the Riuers side. There wee found very louing people, and very old men: where wee were well vsed. Our Boat went to fish, and caught great store of very good fish. The sixteenth, faire and very hot weather. In the morning our Boat went againe to fishing, but could catch but few, by reason their Canoes had beene there all night. This morning the people came aboord, and brought vs eares of Indian Corne, and Pompions, and Tabacco: which wee bought for trifles. Wee rode still all day, and filled fresh water; at night wee weighed and went two leagues higher, and had shoald water: so wee anchored till day. The seuenteenth, faire Sun-shining weather, and very hot. In the morning as soone as the Sun was vp, we set sayle, and ran vp sixe leagues higher, and found shoalds in the middle of the channell, and small Ilands, but seuen fathoms water on both sides. Toward night we borowed so neere the shoare, that we grounded: so we layed out our small anchor, and heaued off againe. Then we borrowed on the banke in the channell, and came aground againe; while the floud ran we heaued off againe, and anchored all night. The eighteenth, in the morning was faire weather, and we rode still. In the after-noone our Master's Mate went on land with an old Sauage, a Gouernor of the Countrey; who carried him to his house, and made him good cheere. The nineteenth, was faire and hot weather: at the floud being neere eleuen of the clocke, wee weighed, and ran higher vp two leagues aboue the Shoalds, and had no lesse water than flue fathoms: wee anchored, and rode in eight fathomes. The people of the Countrie came flocking aboord, and brought vs Grapes, and Pompions, which wee bought for trifles. And many brought us Beuers skinnes, and Otters skinnes, which wee bought for Beades, Kniues, and Hatchets. So we rode there all night. The twentieth, in the morning was faire weather. Our Master's Mate with foure men more went vp with our Boat to sound the Riuer, and found two leagues aboue vs but two fathomes water, and the channell very narrow; and aboue that place seuen or eight fathomes. Toward night they returned: and we rode still all night. The one and twentieth, was faire weather, and the wind all Southerly: we determined yet once more to go farther vp into the Riuer, to trie what depth and breadth it did beare; but much people resorted aboord, so we went not this day. Our Carpenter went on land, and made a Fore-yard. And our Master and his Mate determined to trie some DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 12f3 of the chiefe men of the Countrey, whether they had any treacherie in them. So they tooke them downe into the Cabbin, and gave them so much wine and Aqua vitae, that they were all merrie: and one of them had his wife with him, which sate so modestly, as any of our Countrey women would doe in a strange place. In the end, one of them was drunke, which had beene aboord of our ship all the time that we had beene there: and that was strange to them; for they could not tell how to take it. The Canoes and folke went all on shoare: but some of them came againe, and brought stropes of Beades: some had six, seven, eight, nine, ten; and gaue him. So he slept all night quietly. The two and twentieth, was faire weather: in the morning our Master's Mate and foure more of the companie went vp with our Boat to sound the Riuer higher vp. The people of the Countrey came not aboord till noone: but when they came, and saw the Sauages well, they were glad. So at three of the clocke in the afternoone they came aboord, and brought Tabacco, and more Beades, and gaue them to our Master, and made an Oration, and shewed him all the Countrey round about. Then they sent one of their companie on land, who presently returned, and brought a great Platter full of Venison, dressed by themselues; and they caused him to eate with them: then they made him reuerence, and departed all saue the old man that lay aboord. This night at ten of the clocke, our Boate returned in a showre of raine from sounding of the Riuer; and found it to bee at an end for shipping to goe in. For they had been vp eight or nine leagues, and found but seuen foot water, and vnconstant soundings. The three and twentieth, faire weather. At twelue of the clocke wee weighed, and went downe two leagues to a shoald that had two channels, one on the one side, and another on the other, and had little wind, whereby the tide layed vs vpon it. So, there wee sate on ground the space of an houre till the floud came. Then wee had a little gale of wind at the West. So wee got our ship into deepe water, and rode all night very well. The foure and twentieth was faire weather: the winde at the Northwest, wee weighed, and went downe the Riuer seuen or eight leagues; and at halfe ebbe we came on ground on a banke of Oze in the middle of the Riuer, and sate there till the floud. Then wee went on Land, and gathered good store of Chest-nuts. At ten of the clocke wee came off into deepe water, and anchored." It appears from this account that Hudson himself sailed a little above where the city of Hudson now stands. It is evident that a boat with the mate and four hands went up as far as Albany. On the passage down, Hudson's men frequently went on shore, and had several friendly interviews with the natives. But when the ship came below the highlands, the Indians appeared to be of a different character, and were extremely troublesome; especially those wric were on the western side of the river. 124 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. They attempted to rob the ship, and repeatedly shot at the crew, with bows and arrows; none of the ship's crew, however, appeared to have been injured. During these attacks, Hudson's men fired upon the Indians and killed ten or twelve of their number. The land on the eastern side of the river, near its mouth, was called "Manna-hata." On Oct. 4th, (just one month from the day on which he landed within Sandy Hook), Hudson came out of the river which bears his name,* and without anchoring in the bay, stood out to sea. He steered directly for Europe, and on Nov. 7th, "arrived," as the writer of the journal expresses it, "in the range of Dartmouth, in Devonshire." The next year, 1610, Hudson undertook a fourth voyage in quest of a northwest passage to India. He left England in April, and reached the American coast early in the summer. He soon discovered the great northern Bay which bears his name. There, after an unwise delay, he was compelled to pass a distressing and dangerous winter. In the spring, in addition to all his other misfortunes, he found a spirit of dissatisfaction and mutiny growing among his crew, and, at length, manifesting itself in open violence. This proceeded so far, that on the twenty-second of June, 1611, a majority of the crew rose, took the command of the ship, put Hudson, his son, and seven others, most of whom were sick or lame, into a boat, turned them adrift in the ocean, and abandoned them to their fate. They never were heard of afterwards. Dutch Settlements at New York and Albany. "The States' General of the Netherlands, in the early part of the year 1614, granted a patent to sundry merchants for an exclusive trade on Hudson's river. In the grant the country was styled New Netherlands. The company the same year built a fort and trading house on an island in the river, about half a mile below where the city of Albany now stands. Henry Christiaens was entrusted with the command. This seems to have been the first establishment formed by the Dutch in the New Netherlands. It was judiciously selected for defence against savages. The island at present is called Dunn's island, and contains about seventy acres of land. It is near the west side of the river. It is alluvial and very fertile, being mostly subject to annual inunda*Hudson did not give his own name to the river he discovered. He styled it emphatically, the " Great River," or the " Great River of the Mountains," probably from the extraordinary circumstance of such a body of water flowing through the mountains without a cataract. At an early period it was familiarly called Hudson's river in some of the public documents of the Dutch Colonial government, but more frequently the North River, to distinguisn it from tne Delaware, which being within the territory claimed by the Dutch, was calihe ay toem the South River DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 125 tions. The land was cleared and under cultivation. The Mohawks every year planted it with corn. On this island they had a small village. Dunn's island now contains one house. Towards the latter part of the same year, the company erected another small fort and a trading house at the southerly end-of Manhattan island. The fort occupied a part of the battery, and some of the grounds adjoining it on the north. To this establishment they gave the name of New Amsterdam. Both were inclosed with pallisadoes, and mounted with some small pieces of cannon. The Mohawks, Mohiccons, &c. gave to the Dutch a very friendly reception. They sold them furs and provisions, and treated them like brethren. They imagined that the residence of these strangers would be only temporary. Adrian Block, in 1614, sailed from the fort and trading house at the south end of Manhattan island, through the Sound to Cape Cod, and visited the intermediate coasts and islands. He was the first European who ever passed through Hell Gate. In 1615 the company constructed a small fort at the mouth of Norman's Kill, about a mile and a half southerly of the fort on Dunn's island. The place where the city of Albany stands, and the adjoining parts, the Mohawks called Schaunaughtada, that is, a place beyond, on the other side, or over the plains. The designation was, in respect to Ohnowalagantle, on the river Mohawk or Canneogahakalononitade. At the time the Dutch arrived, several small bands of Mohawks resided on the west bank of the Hudson, and on the islands in that stream. The eastern bank of that river was occupied by the bands of the Maheakanneews. The river was the boundary between those hostile tribes. Violent disputes then existed between the members living on its banks in relation to the islands. The Hudson was called by the Mohawks Cahohatatea, and by the Lenni Lenape, Mahackaneghtuck. To Schaunaughtada the Dutch first bestowed the appellation of Aurania, and then Beverwyck. The company in 1618 built a redoubt at Kingston landing, and established a post at Esopus, now Kingston, in the county of Ulster. This place is on the south side of Esopus creek, and two miles west of the landing. The banks of the Hudson below Catskill, and those of Walkill and Rundout rivers, and of Esopus creek, were inhabited by bands of the Mohiccons and Mohickanders, or Wabingas. The Mohiccons and Wabingas belonged to the confederacy of the Lenni Lenape, and were kindred tribes. Between the years 1616 and 1620, about twenty persons belonging to the company went from the fort on Dunn's island, below Albany, to Ohnowalagantle, now Schenectady, where they entered into a compact with the Mohawks, from whom they 11* 120 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. bought some land on which they erected a trading house. This they surrounded with pickets and fortified. Then Ohnowalagantie was a considerable town, and contained several villages and hamlets. The principal village stood within the bounds of the present city. The rich and beautiful intervale lands on the Mohawk, around the city, were mostly cleared and cultivated. On these the Mohawks grew corn, beans, and squashes, which in part afforded them subsistence. According to tradition, the village of Ohnowalagantle occupied the site of Connughariegugharie, the ancient capital of the Mohawks. The same tradition informs us that it was abandoned some ages anterior to the colonization, and that Icanderago, at the mouth of Schoharie creek, was selected for the new capital. We have no certain information in respect to the number of the Mohawks residing at Ohnowalagantle when the Dutch came to it. According to some accounts there were eight hundred fighting men, and according to others, less. The same accounts inform us that three hundred warriors lived upon the lands which have since been included in one farm. Without attempting to reconcile these jarring accounts, we may reasonably infer that the numbers were considerable. The company in 1618 erected an establishment at Bergen, in the state of New Jersey. The Wabingas called this place Scheyichbi; and the flat country, south and southeast of the mountains, comprising parts of the latter state and Pennsylvania, Tulpahocking. The States' General of the Netherlands, in the year 1621, made a grant of the whole country to the Dutch West India company. In 1623 this company formed two new establishments, the one on the west side of Delaware bay, and the other on the west side of Connecticut river, where the city of Hartford has since been built. Forts and trading houses were erected at both places. To the former they gave the name of Nassau, and to the latter that of Good Hope. Johannes de la Montagne was the first deputy governor at the last place. The same year they built fort Orange on the west side of the Hudson, about half a mile above Dunn's island. A village soon rose in its vicinity. Fort Orange stood in the southeasterly quarter of the city of Albany."-Macauley's Hist. N. Y. The following cut shows the principal buildings standing on the present site of the city of New York in 1659. The following description of New York at about that period, is copied from " Ogilby's America," a large folio volume illustrated by engravings, published in London in 1671. This work contains a view of Novum Amsterodamum, (as it is called), similar to the engrav ing from which the following cut is copied DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 127 Nieuw Amsterdam, in 1659. [A, the fort. B, the church. C, the wind mill. D, the flag, which is hoisted when vessels arrive in port. E, the prison. F, the house of the General. G, the place of execution. H, the place of expose or pillory.] "It is placed upon the neck of the island Manhattans looking towards the Sea; encompass'd with Hudson's River, which is six Miles broad, the town is compact and oval, with very fair streets and several good Houses; the rest are built much after the manner of Holland, to the number of about four hundred Houses, which in those parts are held considerable: Upon one side of the Town is James-Fort, capable to lodge three hundred souldiers and Officers; it hath four bastions, forty Pieces of Cannon mounted; the Walls of Stone, lined with a thick Rampart of Earth, well accommodated with a spring of Fresh Water, always furnish'd with Arms and Ammunition against Accidents: Distant from the Sea seven Leagues, it affords a safe entrance, even to unskilful Pilots; under the Town side, ships of any burthen may ride secure against any Storms; the Current of the River being broken by the interposition of a small Island, which lies a mile distant from the Town. About ten Miles from New York is a place call'd Hell Gate, which being a narrow passage, there runneth a violent Stream both upon Flood and Ebb; and in the middle lie some Rocky Islands, which the Current sets so violently upon, that it threatens present Shipwrack; and upon the Flood is a large Whirlwind, which continually sends forth a hideous roaring; enough to affright any Stranger from passing farther; and to wait for some Charon to conduct him through; yet to those who are acquainted little or no danger: It is a place of great Defence against any Enemy coming in that way, which a small Fortification would absolutely prevent, and necessitate them to come in at the West End of Long Island by Sandy Hook, where Statten Island forces 128 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. them within the Command of the Fort at New York, which is one of the best Pieces of Defence in the North parts of America. It is built most of Brick and Stone and cover'd with Red and Black Tyle, and the Land being high, it gives at a distance a most pleasing prospect to the Spectators. Ihe inhabitants consist most of English and Dutch, and have a considerable trade with Indians for Beaver, Otter and Rackoon Skins with other Furrs; as also for Bear, Deer, and Elke-Skins; and are supply'd with Venison and Fowl in the winter, and Fish in the Summer by the Indians, which they buy at an easie Rate; and having the Countrey round about them, and are continually furnish'd with all such provisions as are needful for the Life of Man, not onely by the English and Dutch within their own, but likewise by the adjacent Colonies. The Manhattans, or Great River being the chiefest, having with two wide Mouths wash'd the mighty Island Watonwahs. falls into the Ocean. The Southern Mouth is call'd Port May, or Godyns Bay. In the middle thereof lies an Island call'd 'The States Island; and a little higher the Manhattans, so call'd from the Natives which on the East side of the River dwell on the Main Continent. They are a cruel people, and Enemies to the Hollanders, as also of the Sanhikans which reside on the Western Shore. Farther up are the Mackwaes and Mahikans which continually War, one against another. In like manner all the Inhabitants on the West Side of the River Manhattan, are cornmonly at enmity with those that possess the Eastern Shore; who also us'd to be at variance with the Hollanders, when as the oilier People at the Westward kept good correspondency witih them. On a small Island near the Shore of the Mackwaes, lay formerly a Fort, provided with two Drakes and eleven Stone Guns, yet was at last deserted." " The settlement and fort continued to bear the name of Nieuw Amsterdam, by the Dutch, down to the time of the surrender by Governor Stuyvesant to the English, in 1664. Then for ten years under the rule of Cols. Nicolls and Lovelace, acting for the Duke of York, it was called New York; but in August, 1673, a Dutch fleet, in time of war, re-captured it from the British, and while exercising their rule for their High Mightinesses of Holland, to the time of the peace in 1674, they called the place NewOrange, in compliment to the Prince of Orange, and the fort they called Willem Hendrick. The city being restored to the British by the treaty, was redelivered to the British in October, 1674. The fort then took the name of Fort James, being built of quadrangular form, having four bastions, two gates, and 42 cannon. The city again took the name of New York, once and forever. DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMNETS, &C. 129 Stadt Huys, (City Hall), New York, 1642. [The above is a representation of the ancient " Stadt Huys" or City Hall, which was built early in the Dutch dynasty, in 1642. It was built of stone at the head of Coenties Slip facing Pearl street. About the year 1700, it became so weakened and imnpaired, it was sold, and a new one erected by the head of Broad street, which was afterwards the Congress Hall, on the corner of Wall street.]. "The city was laid out in streets, some of them crooked enough, in 1656. It then contained by enumeration ' 120 houses, with extensive garden lots,' and 1000 inhabitants. In 1677 another estimate of the city was made, and ascertained to contained 368 houses. In the year 1674, an assessment of 'the most wealthy inhabitants' having been made, it was found that the sum total of 134 estates amounted to 95,0001. During the military rule of Governor Colve, who held the city for one year under the above mentioned capture, for the States of Holland, every thing partook of a military character, and the laws still in preservation at Albany show the energy of a rigorous discipline. Then the Dutch mayor, at the head of the city militia, held his daily parades before the City Hall (Stadt Huys), then at Coenties Slip; and every evening at sunset, he received from the principal guard of the fort, called the hoofd wagt, the keys of the city, and thereupon proceeded with a guard of six to lock the city gates; then to place a Burger-wagt-a citizen-guard, as nightwatches at assigned places. The same mayors also went the rounds at sunrise to open the gates, and to restore the keys to the officer of the fort. All this was surely a toilsome service for the domestic habits of the peaceful citizens of that day, and must have presented an irksome honor to any mayor who loved his comfort and repose. It may amuse some of the present generation, so little used to Dutch names, to learn some of the titles once so familiar in New York, and now so little understood. Such as,-De Heer Officier, 130 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. or Hloofd-Schout-High Sheriff. De Fiscael, or Procureur Gen. Attorney General. Wees-Meesters-Guardians of orphans.Roy-Meesters-Regulators of fences. Groot Burgerrecht and Klein Burgerrecht-The great and small citizenship, which then marked the two orders of society. Eyck-lleester- The Weigh Master. The Schout, (the Sheriff) Bourgomasters and Schepens -then ruled the city ' as in all the cities of the Fatherland.' Geheim Schryver-Recorder-of secrets.*" Dutch Fort and English Church. In the year 1623, the Dutch may be said to have commenced the regular settlement of Albany, by the construction at this place of Fort Orange, and giving to the little village the name of Auranie-names given in honor of their Prince of Orange. The place for a time bore the name of Beverwyck then Fort Orange until 1647: then Williamstadt until 1664; when it received at the British conquest the name of Albany. It was for a long period the advanced post for the fur trade. Here was the proper market for all the " Five Nations" or Iroquois, could gather from their hunting grounds, and for more than a century was a great place of resort for Indian visitors. " The fort, a great building of stone was constructed on a high steep hill at the west end of State-street, having around it a high and thick wall, where they now have a state house and a fine commanding view over the town below. The English church was just below it, at the west end of a market; and the original old Dutch church, now down, of Gothic appearance, stood in the middle of State street of the eastern end-of which the cut seen on the opposite page is a representation. * Watson's Sketches of Olden Times in N. Y. DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 131 Ancient Dutch Church in Albany. Professor Kalm, who visited Albany in 1749, has left us some facts. All the people then understood Dutch. All the houses stood gable-end to the street; the ends were of brick and the side walls of planks or logs; the gutters on the roofs went out almost to the middle of the street, greatly annoying travelers in their discharge. At the stoopes (porches) the people spent much of their time, especially on the shady side; and in the evenings they were filled with people of both sexes. The streets were dirty, by reason of the cattle possessing their free use during the summer nights. They had no knowledge of stoves, and their chimnies were so wide that one could drive through them with a cart and horses. Many people still made wampum to sell to the Indians and traders. Dutch manners every where prevailed; but their dress in general was after the English form. They were regarded as close in traffic; were very frugal in their house economy and diet. Their women were over-nice in cleanliness, scouring floors and kitchen utensils several times a week; rising very early and going to sleep very late. Their servants were chiefly negroes. Their breakfast was tea without milk, using sugar by putting a small bit into the mouth. Their dinner was buttermilk and bread; and if to that they added sugar, it was deemed delicious. Sometimes they had bread and milk, and sometimes roasted or boiled meats." At the period of the first settlements in New-York and NewEngland, there was some collision between the Dutch and English authorities, originating in conflicting claims to the same territory. The following correspondence between Governor Kieft of NewNetherlands and Governor Eaton, and the commissioners of the UTnited Colonies, will serve to show the nature of these difficulties. 132 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. The letters here inserted, with many other of the like nature, are to be found in the 2d vol. of Hazard's Historical Collections. "The Commissioners of Connecticute complayned of seueral insolencies and iniuries with an high hand lately committed and mayntained by the Dutch agent, and some of his family to the Disturbance of the peace there; and a protest lately sent by the Dutch Governoure against New Haven, with the answer returned were read. The Protest was written in Latine,the contents in English was as followeth. 'We William Kieft generall Director, and the Senate of NewNetherlands for the high and mighty Lords the States of the Vnited Belgicke Provinces, for his Excellency the Prince of Orange, and for the most noble Lords, the Administrators of the West India Company to thee Theophilus Eaton Governoure of this place, by vs called the Red Hills in New Netherland, but by the English called New Haven, we give notice that some years past, yours (without any occasion given by vs, and without any necessity imposed vpon them, but with an unsatiable desire of possessing that which is ours, against our protestations, against the law of Nations, and the auncient league the Kings Majesty of greate Britaine, and our superiours) haue indirectly entered the limitt of New Netherland, vsurped diuerse places in them, and haue bene very injurious vlto vs, neither haue they given satisfaccon though oft required: And because you and yours haue of late determined to fasten your foote neare Mauritius River in this Proviuce, and there not onely to disturb our trade (of noe man hitherto questioned) and to draw it to yourselues, but vtterly to destroy it, were compeled againe to Protest, and by these presents doe protest against you as against breakers of the peace, and disturbers of the publicke quiet, That if you do not restore the places you haue vsurped, and repaire the losse we haue suffered, we shall by such meanes as God affoords, manfully recover them. Neither doe we thincke this crosseth your publicke peace but shall cast the cause of the ensuinge euill vpon you. Given in Amsterdam forte August 3,1646, Newstile. WILLIAM KIEFT. The Answere was returned in Latine to the said protest the Contents as followeth. To the Right Worshipfull WILLIAM KIEFT Gouernoure of the Dutch in NEW NETHERLAND. SIR, BY some of yours I haue receaued a Potest vnder your hand Dat. Aug. 3. 1646 wherein you pretend we haue indirectly entered the limits of New Netherland, vsurped diuerse places in them, and haue offred you many injuries, Thus in generall, and in reference to some yeare past, more particulerly that to the disturbance, nay to the vtter destruction of your trade, we haue lately set foote neare Mauritius Riuer in that province &c. We doe truely professe we know noe such River, nor can conceiue what Riuer you intend by that name vnlesse it be that which DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 133 the English haue longe and still doe call, Hudson's Riuer. Nor haue we at any time formerly or lately entred vpon any place to which you had, or haue any knowne title, nor in any other respect beene injurious to you. It is true we haue lately vpon Pawgussett Riuer, which falls into the sea in the midst of the English Plantations, built a small house within our owne limits, many miles nay leagues from the Manhattoes from your tradinge house and from any porte of Hudson's River, at which we expect little trade but can compell none, the Indians beinge free to trade with you, vs, Connecticute, Mattachusetts, or with any others: nor did we build there till we had first purchased a due title from the true proprietors: what injuries and outrages in our persons and estates at the Manhattoes in Delawar River &c. we haue receiued from you, our former letters and protest doe both declare and proue to all which you have hitherto given very vnsatisfyinge answeres: But whatever our losses and sufferinge haue beene, we conceiue we haue neither done, nor returned any thinge euen vnto this day, but what doth agree with the law of God, the law of Nations, and with that ancient confederation and amity betwixt our Superiours at home, soe that we shall readily refer all questions and difference betwixt you and vs euen from first to last to any due examination and iudgement, either heere or in Europe and by these presents doe refer them, being well assured that his Majesty our soueraigne Lord Charles Kinge of great Britaine and the Parliament of England now assembled will mintatine their owne right and our iust liberties against any who by vnjust encroachment shall wronge them or theirs, and that your owne Principalls vpon a due and mature consideration will also see and approue the righteousnes of our proceedings. T. E. New Haven in New England August 12th 1646. old stile. The premisses being duly considered both in reference to Hartford and New Hauen the Commissioners thought fitt to expresse their apprehentions in writinge to the Dutch Gouernor in latine but the Contents as followeth. To the Right Worshipful WILLIAM KIEFT, Gouernor &c. SIR, VPON a due consideration how peace (a choice blessinge) may be continued, we are carefull to enquire and search into those differences and offences soe long continued betwixt some of our confederates and your selues: it is neare 3 yeares since the Governor of Mattachusets by consent and advice of the Counsell of that Colony, did particularly propounde to your consideration sundry injurious and vnworthy passages done by your Agent vpon the fresh Riuer, and some of his family vpon our brethren at Hartford to all which you returned an Ignoramus with an offensiue addicon which we leaue to a Review and better consideration, what inquiry and order you after made and tooke to suppresse such miscarriages for the future, we haue not heard, but certainly your Agent, and his company are now growne to a strange and vnsufferable bouldnes (we hope without commission) An Indian 12 134 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. Captiue liable to publicke punishment fled from her Master at Hartford, is entertayned in your house at Hartford, and though required by the magistrate is vnder the hands of your Agent there denyed, and we heare she is either marryed, or abused by one of your men: Such a servant is parte of her master's estate, and a more considerable parte then a beast, our children will not longe be secure if this be suffered: your Agent himselfe in height of disorder and contempt of authority, resists the watch at Hartford, drawes and breakes his rapier vpon their weapons and by flight escapes, had he bene slaine in this proude affront, his bloud had beene vpon his owne head: Lastly to passe by other particulars, some of your horses being pownded for damage done in the English Corne, your Agent and 4 more made an assault, and stroke him who legally sought justice, and in an hostile way tooke away his teame and laden. We have also seene a Protest of yours Dat. Aug. 3.1646 New stile, against our Confederates of New Haven with their Answer Dat. Aug. 12th, and deliuered to leiftenant Baxtey your messenger: vpon our most serious consideration of the contents togeither with their title heere held forth, we conceiue their Answere fayre and just; and hope it will cleare their proceedings, and giue you full satisfaction, yet to prevent all inconveniences which may grow by any part of the premises, we haue sent this bearer, by whome we desire such a returne as may testify your concurrence with vs to embrace and pursue righteousnes and peace. Vpon information that the Dutch Governor in a letter to the Governor of the Mattachusets chargeth Mr. Whitinge, one of the Magistrates of Connecticut that at the Manhattoes he should say The English were fooles to suffer the Dutch to liue there, Mr. Whitinge vpon other occasions beinge nowe at New Haven the Commissioners enquired of him what had passed betwixt him and the Dutch Governoure or him and others at the Manhattoes, end therevpon in English wrote another letter to the Dutch Governoure as followeth: SIR, SINCE your former dated the fifth of this present we haue spoken with Mr. Whitinge concerninge words you chardge him with in your letter to the Governoure of the Mattachusets, he professeth he neither remembereth nor knoweth any such words spoken by him, and we could wish that all such provokinge and threatninge language might be forborne on both parts, as contrary to that peace and neighbourely correspondency which.we desire sincerely to preserue betwixt the 2 nations. Mr. Whitinge complaines of a sentence lately passed against him in his absence at the Manatoes, when he had noe agent there to pleade to his cause, or to giue in his evidence, and that demandinge a just debt long since due from some of yours, he receiued neither that help of justice from your selfe nor soe fair an answere as the cause required and he expected, we are assured you will both grante him a review in the former and free passage for recoveringe debts as all the Colonies will readily doe to any of yours in our Courts, y! in DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 135 your answere to our former you will please to adde a word or two concerning the premises, it may settle a right understandinge betwixt vs, we rest yours, &c. September 7th. 1646. old stiyle. Both those letters were sent by Leiftenant Godfrey a messenger to the Dutch Governoure the same day. September 15th leiftenant Godfrey returned Manattchoes and brought 2 letters from the dutch Governoure, the one in latine, the other in English, the latine translated hath these contents. To the most noble and worthy Commissioners of the federated English met together at the Red Mounte, or Newhaven in New Netherlands, Wm. Keift Director and the Senate of New Netherland doe send many salutations. YOURS dated the 5th September, old style, we receaued the 21. new style, by your messenger to which we thincke sufficient to giue this short answere. That the Inhabitants of Hartford haue deceiued you with false accusations as were easy to be euidenced by us if it were now seasonable to produce our allegations which we can proue to be true by diuerse attestations as well of your owne Country men, as ours, togeither with other authenticke writinge, but that we may not seeme to be willing to evade you with vaine words, we shall at this time present you a few particulars, out of soe greate an heap, as by the claw you may iudge of the talants of the lyon, and therefore passinge by their vsurpinge of our jurisdiccon, and of our proper grounde against possession solemnly taken by us, and our protestacons formerly made, we doe say, that the bloud of our Country men wrongfully shed by the inhabitants of Hartford, and.the sellinge of our domesticke beasts by them, doe sufficiently testify the equity of their proceedings and therefore your prejudgement supported by this Oath Creto Coxtius, as if you should say Amen, Amen, seemes wonderful to vs, and done contrary to the modesty requisite in such an Assemblie, who should allwaies keepe one eare for the other party. Soe far as concernes the Barbarian handmaide although it be apprehended by some that she is no slaue but a free woman, because she was neither taken in war nor bought with price, but was in former time placed with me by her parents for education, yet we will not suffer her to be wrongfully detayned, but wither he shall pay the damadge to her Mr. or she shal be restored to him we will not suffer him that desires her for his wife to marry her, vntill she be lawfully baptised. Concerning the breaking in of our Agent vpon the watch at Hartford we truly conceiue that watches are appointed for the defence of townes against the violence of enemies, and not for the hinderinge of friends returne to their owne houses, and therefore least mischeifes happen, it were good to committ such a trust to skillfull men, and not to ignorant boyes who when they once finde themselues loaden with armes, thinke they may alsoe lawfully cry out etiam nos poma natamus. 136 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. Certainely when we heare the Inhabitants of Hartford complayninge of vs, we seeme to heare Esops wolfe complayninge of the lamb, or the admonition of the younge man who cryed out to his mother chideinge with her neighboures, oh mother revile her, least she first take vp that practise against you: But being taught by precedent passages we received such an answer to our Protest from the inhabitants of Newhaven as we expected, the Eagle allwaies despiseth the Beetle fly, yet notwithstandinge we doe vndauntedly continue in our purpose of pursueinge our owne right by just armes and righteous meanes, and do hope without scruple to execute the expresse commands of our superiours. To conclude we protest against all you Commissioners mett at the Red Mounte as against breakers of the common league, and alsoe infringers of the speciall right of the Lords, the States our superiours, in that ye have dared without expresse Commission to hould your generall meetinge within the limits of New Netherlande, these things are spoken from the Duty of our place, in other respects we are yours. WILLIAM KEIFT, By commande of the Lord Director and Senate, CORNE: TMHAVEIUS. Amsterdam fort in New Netherland the 22. Sept. 1646. The following is an extract from the letter wrote in English. " Whereas likewise you mention Mr. Whitinge's complaint concerning a sentence of Corte passed here against him in his absence and without any Attorney to pleade for him, I cannot but apprehend it as a greate injury to myselfe in particular, but chiefly to you gentlemen that he should soe misinforme you, for in the first place he left Mr. Dolling, for his Agent, who pleaded his cause for him, and what process was then and there awarded with the reasons and grounds inducinge vs., if he had produced the Copy of the Sentence of Corte vnder our Secretary's hand, I suppose you would haue beene very well satisfyed. Yet if he can further cleare the said cause by better Evidence I shall willingly graunte a review, and doe that which is just according to that light God giues me. Concerninge debts due to him from any here, I shall according to justice and the law of our country doe him right." DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 137 FIRST SETTLEMENT IN MASSACHUSETTS. THE first settlement in the present limits of Massachusetts was at Plymouth. The following account of the first settlements in the Colony of "Massachusetts Bay" is extracted from the " Mqgnalia" Swritten by Dr. Cotton Mather, a clergyman of Boston. The first edition of this work was Spublished in London in 1702, 4 e in a folio volume of 788 pages. n" Several persons in the west of England, having by fishing Seal of Massachusetts. voyages to Cape Ann, The nothern promontory of the Massachusets Bay, obtained some acquaintance with those parts; the news of the good progress made in the new plantation of Plymouth, inspired the renowned Mr. White, minister of Dorchester, to prosecute the settlement of such another plantation here for the propagation of religion. This good man engaged several gentlemen about the year 1624, in this noble design; and they employed a most religious, prudent, worthy gentleman, one Mr. Roger Conant, in the government of the place, and of their affairs upon the place; but through many discouragements, the design for a while almost fell unto the ground. That great man greatly grieved hereat, wrote over to this Mr. Roger Conant, that if he and three honest men more would yet stay upon the spot, he would procure a patent for them, and send them over friends, goods, provisions, and what was necessary to assist their undertakings. Mr. Conant, then looking out a situation more commodious for a town, gave his three disheartened companions to understand, that he did believe God would make this land a receptacle for this people; and that if they should leave him, yet he would not stir; for he was confident he should not long want company; which confidence of his caused them to abandon the thoughts of leaving him. Well, it was not long before the Council of Plymouth in England, had by a deed bearing date, March 19, 1627, sold unto some knights and gentlemen about Dorchester, viz. Sir Henry Rowsel, Sir John Young, Thomas Southcott, John Humphrey, John Endicott, and Simon Whetcomb, and their heirs and assigns, and their associates for ever, that part of New England which lyes between a great river called Merimack, and a certain other river there called Charles' 12* 138 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. River, in the bottom of the Massachuset Bay. But shortly after this, Mr. White brought the aforesaid honourable persons into an acquaintance with several other persons of quality about London; as, namely Sir Richard Saltonstall, Isaac Johnson, Samuel Adderly, John Ven, Matthew Cradock, George Harwood, Increase Nowel, Richard Perry, Richard Bellingham, Nathaniel Wright, Samuel Vassal, Theophilus Eaton, Thomas Goff, Thomas Adams, John Brown, Samuel Brown, Thomas Hutchings, William Vassal, William Pinchon, and George Foxcraft. These persons being associated unto the former, and having bought of them all their interest in New England aforesaid, now consulted about settling a plantation in that country, whither such as were then called Non-conformists, might with the grace and leave of- the King make a peaceable secession, and enjoy the liberty and the exercise of their own perswasions, about the worship of the Lord Jesus Christ. Whereupon petitioning the King to confirm what they had thus purchased with a new patent, he granted them one, bearing date from the year 1628, which gave them a right unto the soil, holding their titles of lands, as of the manner of East Greenwich in Kent, and in common soccage. By this Charter they were empowered yearly to elect their own governour, deputy-governour and magistrates; as also to make such laws as they should think suitable for the plantation: but as an acknowledgment of their dependance upon England, they might not make any laws repugnant unto those of the kingdom; and the fifth part of all the oar of gold or silver found in the territory, belonged unto the crown. So, soon after Mr. Cradock being by the company chosen governour, they sent over Mr. Endicott in the year 1628, to carry on the plantation, which the Dorchester agents had lookt out for them, which was at a place called Nahumkeick. The report of the charter granted unto the governour and company of the Massachuset Bay, and the entertainment and encouragement, which planters began to find in that Bay, came with a,-Patrias age, desere Sedes, and caused many very deserving persons to transplant themselves and their families into New England. Gentlemen of ancient and worshipful families, and ministers of the gospel, then of great fame at home, and merchants, husbandmen, artificers to the number of some thousands, did for twelve years together carry on this transplantation. It was indeed a banishment rather than a removal, which was undergone by this glorious generation, and you may be sure sufficiently afflictive to men of estate, breeding and conversation. As the hazard which they ran in this undertaking was of such extraordinariness, that nothing less than a strange and strong impression from Heaven could have thereunto moved the hearts of such as were in it; so the expense with which they carried on the undertaking was truly extraordinary. By computation, the passage of the persons that peopled New England, cost at least ninety-five thousand pounds: the transportation of their first small stock of cattle great and small, cost no less than twelve thousand pound, beside the price of the cattle themselves: the provisions laid in for subsistence, till tillage might produce more, cost fourty-five thousand pounds; the materials for DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 139 ltheir first cottages cost eighteen thousand pounds; their arms ammunition and great artillery, cost twenty-two thousand pounds; besides which hundred and ninety-two thousand pounds, the adventurers laid out in England, what was not inconsiderable. About and hundred and ninety-eight ships were employed in passing the perils of the seas, in the accomplishment of this renowned settlement; whereof, by the way, hut one miscarried in those perils. The Governour and Company of the Massachuset Bay then in London, did in the year 1629, after exact and mature debates, conclude, that it was most convenient for the government, with the charter of the plantation, to be transferred into the plantation itself; and an order of court being drawn up for that end, there was then chosen a new governour, and a new deputy-governour, that were willing to remove themselves with their families thither on the first occasion. The governour was John Winthrop, Esq; a gentleman of that wisdom and virtue, and those manifold accomplishments, that after generations must reckon him no less a glory, than he was a patriot of the country. The deputy-governour was Thomas Dudley, Esq; a gentleman, whose natural and acquired abilities, joined with his excellent moral qualities, entitled him to all the great respects with which his country on all opportunities treated him. Several most worthy assistants were at the same time chosen to be in this transportation; moreover, several other gentlemen of prime note, and several famous ministers of the gospel, now likewise embarked themselves with these honourable adventurers: who equipped a fleet, consisting of ten or eleven ships, whereof the admiral was, The Arabella (so called in honour of the right honourable the lady Arabella Johnson, at this time on board) a ship of three hundred and fifty tuns; and in some of the said ships there were two hundred passengers; all of which arrived before the middle of July, in the year 1630, safe in the harbours of New England. There was a time when the British sea was by Clements, and the other ancients, called the unpassable ocean. What then was to be thought of the vast Atlantick sea, on the westward of Britain? but this ocean must now be passed! An heart of stone must have dissolved into tears at the affectionate farewel which the governour and other emient persons took of their friends, at a feast which the governour made for them, a little before their going off; however they were acted by principles that could carry them through tears and oceans; yea, through oceans of tears; principles that enabled them to leave. Being happily arrived at New England, our new planters found the difficulties of a rough and hard wilderness presently assaulting them: of which the worst was the sickliness which many of them had contracted by their other difficulties. Of those who soon dyed after their first arrival, not the least considerable was the lady Arabella, who left an earthly paradise in the family of an Earldom, to encounter the sorrows of a wilderness, for the entainments of a pure worship in the house of God; and then immediately left that wilderness for the Heavenly paradise, whereto the compassionate Jesus, of whom she was a follower, called her. We have read concerning a noble woman 140 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. of Bohemia, who forsook her friends, her plate, her house and all; and because the gates of the city were guarded, crept through the common sewer, that she might enjoy the institutions of our Lord at another place where they might be had. The spirit which acted that noble woman, we may suppose carried this blessed lady thus to and through the hardships of an American desart. But as for her virtuous husband, Isaac Johnson, Esq; ----- He try'd To live without her, lik'd it not, and dy'd. His mourning for the death of his honorable consort was too bitter to be extended a year; about a month after her death his ensued, unto the extream loss of the whole plantation. But at the end of this perfect and upright man, there was not only peace but joy; and his joy particularly expressed itself that God had kept his eyes open so long as to see one church of the Lord Jesus Christ gathered in these ends of the earth, before his own going away to Heaven. The mortality thus threatning of this new Plantation so enlivened the devotions of this good people, that they set themselves by fasting and prayer to obtain from God the removal of it; and their brethren at Plymouth also attended the like duties on their behalf; the issue whereof was, that in a little time they not only had health restored, but they likewise enjoyed the special directions and assistance of God in the further prosecution of their undertakings. But there were two terrible distresses more, besides that of sickness, whereto this people were exposed in the beginning of their settlement: though a most seasonable and almost unexpected mercy from Heaven still rescued them out of those distresses. One thing that sometimes extreamly exercised them, was a scarcity of provisions; in which 'twas wonderful to see their dependance upon God, and God's mindfulness of them. When the parching droughts of the summer divers times threatened them with an utter and a total consumption of the fruits of the earth, it was their manner, with heart melting and I may say, Heaven melting devotions, to fast and pray before God; and on the very days, when they poured out the water of their tears before him, he would shower down the water of his rain upon their fields; while they were yet speaking he would hear them; insomuch that the salvages themselves would on that occasion admire the Englishman's God! But the Englishmen themselves would celebrate their days of Thanksgiving to him. When their stock was likewise wasted so far, which divers times it was, that they were come to the last meal in the barrel, just then, unlooked for, arrived several ships from other parts of the world loaden with supplies among which, one was by the lord deputy of Ireland sent hither although he did not know the necessities of the country, to which he sent her; and if he had known them, would have been thought as unlikely as any man living to have helpt them: in these extremities, 'twas marvellous to see how helpful these good people were to one another, following the example of their most liberal governour DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 141 Winthrop, who made an equal distribution of what he had in his own stores among the poor, taking no thought for to-morrow! And how content they were; when an honest man, as I have heard, inviting his friends to a dish of clams, at the table gave thanks to Heaven, who had given them to suck the abundance of the seas, and of the treasures hid in the sands! Another thing that gave them no little exercise, was the fear of the Indians, by whom they were sometimes alarmed. But this fear was wonderfully prevented, not only by intestine wars happening then to fall out among those barbarians, but chiefly by the small-pox, which proved a great plague unto them, and particularly to one of the Princes in the Massachuset Bay, who yet seemed hopefully to be christianized before he dyed. This distemper getting in, I know not how, among them, swept them away with a most prodigious desolation, insomuch that although the English gave them all the assistances of humanity in their calamities, yet there was, it may be, not one in ten among them left' alive; of those few that lived, many also fled from the infection, leaving the country a meer Golgotha of unburied carcases; and as for the rest, the English treated them with all the civility imaginable; among the instances of which civility, let this be reckoned for one, that notwithstanding the patent which" they had for the country, they fairly purchased of the natives the several tracts of land which they afterwards possessed. The people in the fleet that arrived at New England, in the year 1630, left the fleet almost, as the family of Noah did the ark, having a whole world before them to be peopled. Salem was already supplied with a competent number of inhabitants; and therefore the governour, with most of the gentlemen that accompanied him in his voyage, took their first opportunity to prosecute further settlements about the bottom of the Massachuset Bay: but where ever they sat down, they were so mindful of their errand into the wilderness, that still one of their first works was to gather a church into the covenant and order of the gospel. First, there was a church thus gathered at Charlestown, on the north side of Charles' river; where keeping a solemn fast on August 27, 1630, to implore the conduct and blessing of Heaven on their ecclesiastical proceedings, they chose Mr. Wilson, a most holy and zealous man, formerly a minister of Sudbury, in the county of Suffolk, to be their teacher; and although he now submitted unto an ordination, with an imposition of such hands as were by the church invited so to pronounce the benediction of Heaven upon him; yet it was done with a protestation by all, that it should be only as a sign of his election to the charge of his new flock, without any intention that he should thereby renounce the ministry he had received in England. After the gathering of the church at Charlestown, there quickly followed another at the town of Dorchester. And after Dorchester there followed another at the town of Boston, which issued out of Charlestown; one Mr. James took the care of the Church at Charlestown, and Mr. Wilson went over to Boston, where they that formerly belonged unto Charlestown, with universal 142 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. approbation became a distinct church of themselves. To Boston soon succeeded a church at Roxbury; to Roxbury, one at Lynn; to Lynn one at Watertown; so that in one or two years' time there were to be seen seven churches in this neighbourhood, all of them attending to what the spirit in the scripture said unto them; all of them golden candlesticks, illustrated with a very sensible presence of our Lord Jesus Christ. It was for a matter of twelve years together, that persons of all ranks, well affected unto church reformation, kept sometimes dropping, and sometimes flocking into New England, though some that were coming into New England were not suffered so to do. The persecutors of those Puritans, as they were called, who were now retiring into that cold country from the heat of that persecution, did all that was possible to hinder as many as was possible from enjoying of that retirement. There were many countermands given to the passage of people that were now steering of this western course; and there was a sort of uproar made among no small part of the nation, that this people should not be let go. Among those bound for New England, that were so stopt, there were especially three famous persons, whom I suppose their adversaries would not have so studiously detained at home, if they had foreseen events; those were Oliver Cromwell, and Mr. Hambden, and Sir Arthur Haslerig: nevertheless, this is not the only instance of persecuting church-mens not having the spirit oJ prophecy. But many others were diverted from an intended voyage hither by the pure providence of God, which had provided other inprovements for them; and of this take one instance instead of many. Before the woful wars which broke forth in the three kingdoms, there were divers gentlemen in Scotland, who being uneasie under the ecclesiastical burdens of the times, wrote unto New England their enquiries, whether they might be there suffered freely to exercise their Presbyterian church government? And it was freely answered, That they might. Hereupon they sent over an agent, who pitched upon a tract of land near the mouth of Merimack river, whither they intended then to transplant themselves: but although they had so far proceeded in their voyage, as to be half-seas thorough; the manifold crosses they met withal, made them give over their intentions; and the providence of God so ordered it, that some of those very gentlemen were afterwards the revivers of that well known solemn league and covenant, which had so great an influence upon the following circumstances of the nations. However, the number of those who did actually arrive at New England before the year 1640, have been computed aboutfour thousand; since which time far more have gone out of the country than have come to it; and yet the God of Heaven so smiled upon the Plantation, while under an easie and equal government, the design of Christianity in well formed churches have been carried on, that no history can parallel it. That saying of Eutropius about Rome, which hath been sometimes applied unto the church, is capable of some application to this little part of the church: Nec Minor ab Exordio, nec major Incrementis ulla. Never was any plantation brought unto such a considerableness, in a space of time DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 143 so inconsiderable! An howling wilderness in a few years became a pleasant land, accommodated with the necessaries, yea and the conveniences of human life; the gospel has carried with it a fullness of all other blessings; and (albeit, that mankind generally, as far as we have any means of inquiry, have increased, in one and the same given proportion, and so no more than doubled themselves in about three hundred and sixty years, in all the past ages of the world, since the fixing of the present period of human life) the four thousand first planters, in less than fifty years, notwithstanding all transportations and mortalities, increased into, they say, more than an hundred thousand FIRST SETTLEMENTS IN CONNECTICUT. IN 1634, such numbers were constantly emigrating to New England, in consequence of the persecution of the puritans, that the people of Dorchester, Watertown and Newtown began to be much straitened, by the accession of new Splanters. By those who had been at Connecticut, they had P c e received intelligence of the Sexcellent meadows upon the river, they therefore determined to remove, and once more brave the dangers and Arms of Connecticut. hardships of making settlemenrits in a dreary wilderness. Upon application to the general court for the enlargement of their boundaries, or for liberty to remove, they at first obtained consent for the latter. However, when it was afterwards discovered,,that their determination was to plant a new colony at Connecticut, there arose a strong opposition; so that when the court convened in September, there was a warm debate on the subject, and a great division between the houses. Indeed the whole colony was affected with the dispute. Mr. Hooker, who was more engaged in the enterprise than the other ministers, took up the affair and pleaded for thle people. He urged, that they were so straitened for accommodations for their cattle, that they could not support the ministry, neither receive, 144 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. nor assist any more of their friends, who might come ovei to them. He insisted that the planting of towns so near together was a fundamental error in their policy. He pleaded the fertility and happy accommodations of Connecticut: that settlements upon the river were necessary to prevent the Dutch and others from possessing themselves of so fruitful and important a part of the country; and that the minds of the people were strongly inclined to plant themselves there, in preference to every other place, which had come to their knowledge. On the other side it was insisted, that in point of conscience they ought not to depart, as they were united to the Massachusetts as one body, and bound by oath to seek the good of that commonwealth; and that on principle of policy it could not, by any means, be granted. It was pleaded, that as the settlements in the Massachusetts were new and weak, they were in danger ot an assault from their enemies: that the departure of Mr. Hooker and the people of these towns, would not only draw off many from the Massachusetts, but prevent others from settling in the colony. Besides, it was said, that the removing of a candlestick was a great judgment: that by suffering it they should expose their brethren to great danger, both from the Dutch and Indians. Indeed, it was affirmed that they might be accommodated by the enlargements offered them by the other towns. After a long and warm debate, the governor, two assistants and a majority of the representatives were for granting liberty for Mr. Hooker and the people to transplant themselves to Connecticut. The deputy governor however and six of the assistants were in the negative, and so no vote could be obtained. This made a considerable ferment not only in the general court, but in the colony, so that Mr. Cotton was desired to preach on the subject to quiet the court and the people of the colony. This also retarded the commencement of the settlements upon the river. Individuals, however, were determined to prosecute the business, and made preparations effectually to carry it into execution. It appears, that some of the Watertown people came in 1634 to Connecticut, and erected a few huts at Pyquag, now Wethersfield, in which a small number of men made a shift to winter. While the colonists were thus prosecuting the business of settlement, in New England, the right honorable James, Marquis of Hamilton, obtained a grant from the council of Plimouth, April 20th, 1635, of all that tract of country which lies between Con-iecticut river and Narraganset river and harbor, and from the mouths of each of said rivers northward sixty miles into.the country. However, by reason of its interference with the grant to the Lord Say and Seal, Lord Brook, &c. or for some other reason, DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 145 the deed was never executed. The Marquis made no settlement upon the land and the claim became obsolete. The next May the Newtown people determining to settle at Connecticut, renewed their application to the general court, and obtained liberty to remove to any place which they should choose, with this proviso, that they should continue under the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts. A number of Mr. Warham's people came this summer into Connecticut, and made preparations to bring their families and make a permanent settlement on the river. Th'e Watertown people gradually removed and prosecuted their settlement at Wethersfield. At the same time the planters at Newtown began to make preparations for removing to Hartford the next spring. Meanwhile twenty men arrived in Massachusetts, sent over by Sir Richard Saltonstall, to take possession of a great quantity of land in Connecticut, and to make settlements under the patent of Lord Say and Seal, with whom he was a principal associate. The -ressel in which they came over, on her return to England, in the fall, was cast away on the isle Sable. As the Dorchester men had now set down at Connecticut, near the Plimouth trading house, governor Bradford wrote to them complaining of their conduct, as injurious to the people of Plimouth, who had made a fair purchase of the Indians, and taken a prior possession. The Dutch also alarmed by the settlements making in Connecticut, wrote to Holland for instructions and aid to drive the English from their settlements upon the river. The people at Connecticut having made such preparations, as were judged necessary to effect a permanent settlement, began to remove their families and property. On the 15th of October about sixty men, women and children, with their horses, cattle, and swine commenced their journey from the Massachusetts, through the wilderness, to Connecticut river. After a tedious and difficult journey through swamps and rivers, over mountains and rough grounds, which were passed with great difficulty and fatigue, they arrived safely at the places of their respective destination. They were so long on their journey and so much time and pains were spent in passing the river, and in getting over their cattle, that after all their exertions, winter came upon them before they were prepared. This was an occasion of great distress and damage to the plantations. Nearly at the same time, Mr. John Winthrop, son of governor Winthrop of Massachusetts, arrived at Boston, with a commission from Lord Say and Seal, Lord Brook and other noblemen and gentlemen interested in the Connecticut patent, to erect a fort at the mouth of Connecticut river. Their lordships sent over men, ordinance, ammunition, and ~2,000 sterling for the accomplish13 146 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. ment of their design. Mr. Winthrop was directed, by his commission, immediately on his arrival to repair to Connecticut, with fifty able men, and to erect the fortifications and to build houses for the garrison, and for gentlemen, who might come over into Connecticut. They were first to build houses for their then present accommodation, and after that such as should be suitable for the reception of men of quality. The latter were to be erected within the fort. It was required, that the planters, at the beginning, should settle themselves near the mouth of the river, and set down in bodies, that they might be in a situation for entrenching and defending themselves. The commission made provision for the reservation of a thousand or fifteen hundred acres of good land for the maintenance of the fort, as nearly adjoining to it as might be with convenience. Mr. Winthrop having intelligence, that the Dutch were preparing to take possession of the mouth of the river, as soon as he could engage twenty men and furnish them with provisions, dispatched them, in a small vessel of about 30 tons, to prevent their getting the command of the river, and to accomplish the service to which he had been appointed. But a few days after the party, sent by Mr. Winthrop, arrived at the mouth of the river, a Dutch vessel appeared off the harbor, from New Netherlands, sent on purpose to take possession of the entrance of the river and to erect fortifications. The English had, by this time, mounted two pieces of cannon, and prevented their landing. Thus providentially, was this fine tract of country preserved for our venerable ancestors and their posterity. Mr. Winthrop was appointed governor of the river Connecticut and the parts adjacent for the term of one year. He erected a fort, built houses and made a settlement according to his instructions. One David Gardiner an expert engineer, assisted in the work, planned the fortifications and was appointed lieutenant of the fort. Mr. Davenport and others, who afterwards settled New Haven were active in this affair, and hired Gardiner, in behalf of the lordships, to come into New England and assist in this business. As the settlement of the three towns on Connecticut river was begun before the arrival of Mr. Winthrop, and the design of their lordships to make plantations upon it was known, it was agreed, that the settlers on the river should either remove, upon full satisfaction made, by their lordships, or else sufficient room should be found for them and their companies at some other place. The winter set in this year much sooner than usual, and the weather was stormy and severe. By the 15th of November, Connecticut river was frozen over and the snow was so deep, and the season so tempestuous, that a considerable number of tthe DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 147 cattle which had been driven on from the Massachusetts could not be brought across the river. The p6ople had so little time to prepare their huts and houses, and to erect sheds and shelters for their cattle, that the sufferings of man and beast were extreme. Indeed the hardships and distresses of the first planters of Connecticut scarcely admit of a description. To carry much provision or furniture through a pathless wilderness was impracticable. Their principal provisions and household furniture were therefore put on board several small vessels, which, by reason of delays and the tempestuousness of the season, were either cast away or did not arrive. Several vessels were wrecked on the coasts of New England, by the violence of the storms. Two shallops laden with goods, from Boston to Connecticut, in October, were cast away on Brown's island, near the Gurnets nose; and the men, with every thing on board were lost. A vessel with six of the Connecticut people on board, which sailed from the river for Boston, early in November, was, about the middle of the month, cast away in Manamet bay. The men got on shore, and after wandering ten days in deep snow and a severe season, without meeting any human being, arrived, nearly spent with cold and fatigue, at New Plimouth. By the last of November or beginning of December provision generally failed in the settlements on the river, and famine and death looked the inhabitants sternly in the face. Some of them driven by hunger attempted their way, in this severe season, through the wilderness, from Connecticut to Massachusetts. Of thirteen, in one company, who made this attempt, one in passing the rivers fell through the ice and was drowned. The other twelve were ten days on their journey and would all have perished, had it not been for the assistance of the Indians. Indeed such was the distress in general, that by the 3d and 4th of December a considerable part of the new settlers were obliged to abandon their habitations. Seventy persons, men, women and children, were necessitated, in the extremity of winter, to go down to the mouth of the river to meet their provisions, as the only expedient to preserve their lives. Not meeting with the vessels which they expected, they all went on board the Rebecca, a vessel of about 60 tons. This, two days before, was frozen in twenty miles up the river; but by the falling of a small rain and the influence of the tide, the ice became so broken and was so far removed, that she made a shift to get out. She ran however upon the bar, and the people were forced to unlade her to get off. She was reladed, and, in five days, reached Boston. Had it not been for these providential circumstances the people must have perished with famine. The people who kept their stations on the river suffered in an 148 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. extreme degree. After all the help they were able to obtain, by hunting, and from the Indians, they were obliged to subsist on acorns, malt, and grains. Numbers of the cattle which could not be got over the river before winter, lived through without any thing but what they found in the woods and meadows. They wintered as well, or better than those which were brought over, and for which all the provision was made, and pains taken of which the owners were capable. However, a great number of cattle perished. The Dorchester, or Windsor people, lost in this single article about two hundred pounds sterling. Their other losses were very considerable. It is difficult to describe or even to conceive the apprehensions and distresses of a people, in the circumstances of our venerable ancestors, during this doleful winter. All the horrors of a dreary wilderness spread themselves around them. They were compassed with numerous, fierce and cruel tribes of wild and savage men, who could have swallowed up parents and children, at pleasure, in their feeble and distressed condition. The had neither bread for themselves, rjor children, neither habitations nor clothing convenient for them. Whatever emergency might happen they were cut off, both by land and water, from any succor or retreat. What self-denial, firmness, and magnanimity are necessary for such enterprises? How distressful, in the beginning, was the condition of those now fair and opulent towns on Connecticut river! For a few years after the settlements on the river commenced, they bore the same name with the towns in the Massachusetts whence the first settlers came. The Connecticut planters, at first settled under the general government of the Massachusetts, but they held courts of their own, which consisted of two principal men from each town; and, on great and extraordinary occasions, these were joined with committees, as they were called, consisting of three men from each town. These courts had power to transact all the common affairs of the colony, and with their committees, had the power of making war and peace, and treaties of alliance and friendship with the natives within the colony. The first court in Connecticut was holden at Newtown, April 26th, 1636. It consisted of Roger Ludlow, Esq., Mr. John Steel, Mr. William Swain, Mr. William Phelps, Mr. William Westwood, and Mr. Andrew Ward. Mr. Ludlow had been one of the magistrates of Massachusetts in 1630, and in 1631 had been chosen lieutenant governor of that colony. At this court it was ordered, that the inhabitants should not sell arms or ammunition to the Indians. Various other affairs were also transacted 0,*4 til cj: 0 0 z 0? 0L H H z H~ 0 -z1 13* DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 151 relative to the good order, settlement and defence of these infant towns. Several of the principal gentlemen interested in the settlement of Connecticut, Mr. John Haynes, who at this time was governor of Massachusetts, Mr. Henry Wolcott, Mr. Welles, the ministers of the churches, and others had not yet removed into the colony. As soon as the spring advanced and the traveling would admit, the hardy men began to return from the Massachusetts to their habitations on the river. No sooner were buds, leaves and grass so grown, that cattle could live in the woods, and obstructions removed from the river, so that vessels could go up with provisions and furniture, than the people began to return, in large companies, to Connecticut. Many, who had not removed the last year, prepared, with all convenient dispatch, for a journey to the new settlements upon the river. About the beginning of June, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Stone and about a hundred men, women and children took their departure from Cambridge and traveled more than a hundred miles, through a hideous and trackless wilderness to Hartford. They had no guide but their compass; made their way over mountains, through swamps, thickets and rivers, which were not passable, but with great difficulty. They had no cover but the heavens, nor any lodgings but those which simple nature afforded them. They drove with them a hundred and sixty head of cattle, and by the way, subsisted on the milk of their cows. - Mrs. Hooker was borne through the wilderness upon a litter. The people generally carried their packs, arms and some utensils. They were nearly a fortnight on their journey. This adventure was the more remarkable, as many of this company were persons of figure, who had lived, in England, in honor, affluence and delicacy, and were entire strangers to fatigue and danger. The famous Mr. Thomas Shepard, who, with his people, came into New England the last summer, succeeded Mr. Hooker at Cambridge. The people of his congregation purchased the lands which Mr. Hooker and his company had previously possessed. The removal of Dorchester people to Windsor is said to have been disagreeable to their ministers, but as their whole church and congregation removed, it was necessary that they should go with them. However, Mr. Maverick died in March, before preparations were made for his removal. He expired in the 60th year of his age. He was characterized as a man of great meekness, and as laborious and faithful in promoting the welfare both of the church and commonwealth. Mr. Warham removed to Windsor in September, but he did not judge it expedient to bring his family until better accommodations could be made for their reception. Soon after the remo 152 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. val of Mr. Warham from Dorchester, a new church was gathered in that town, and Mr. Mather was ordained their pastor. Mr. Phillips, pastor of the church at Watertown, did not remove to Wethersfield. Whether it was against his inclination, or whether the people did not invite him does not appear. They chose Mr. Henry Smith for their minister, who came from England in office. The colony of New Plimouth professed themselves to be greatly aggrieved at the conduct of the Dorchester people, in settling on the lands, where they had made a purchase, and where they had defended themselves and that part of the country against the Dutch. They represented that it had been a hard matter that the Dutch and Indians had given them so much trouble as they had done, but that it was still more grievous to be supplanted by their professed friends. Mr. Winslow of Plimouth made a journey to Boston, in the spring, before governor Haynes and some other principal characters removed to Connecticut, with a view to obtain compensation for the injury done to the Plimouth men, who had built the trading house upon the river. The Plimouth people demanded a sixteenth part of the lands and ~100 as a compensation; but the Dorchester people would not comply with their demands. There however appeared to be so much justice, in making them some compensation, for the purchase they had made, and the good services which they had done, that sometime after, the freeholders of Windsor gave them ~50, forty acres of meadow and a large tract of upland for their satisfaction. At a court holden at Dorchester it was ordered, that every town should keep a watch, and be well supplied with ammunition. The constables were directed to warn the watches in their turns and to make it their care, that they should be kept according to the direction of the court. They also were required to take care, that the inhabitants were well furnished with arms and ammunition, and kept in a constant state of defence. As these infant settlements were filled and surrounded with numerous savages, the people conceived themselves in danger when they lay down and when they rose up, when they went out and when they came in. Their circumstances were such, that it was judged necessary for e.very man to be a soldier. At a third court therefore, holden at Watertown, an order was given, that the inhabitants of the several towns should train once a month, and the officers were authorized to train those who appeared very unskilful more frequently as circumstances should require. The courts were holden at each town by rotation, according to its turn. A settlement was made, this year, at Springfield, by Mr. Pyncheon and his company from Roxbury. This for about two years was united in government with the towns in Connecticut. In DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 153 November, Mr. Pyncheon for the first time appears among the members of the court. All the powers of government, for nearly three years, seem to have been in the magistrates, of whom two were appointed in each town. These gave all orders, and directed all the affairs of the plantation. The freemen appear to have had no voice in making the laws, or in any part of the government, except in some instances of general and uncommon concern. In these instances committees were sent from the several towns. During this term it seems that juries were not employed in any case. This was a summer and year of great and various labors, demanding the utmost exertion and diligence. Many of the planters had to remove themselves and effects from a distant colony. At the same time it was absolutely necessary that they should turn the wilderness into gardens and fields, that they should plant and cultivate the earth, and obtain some tolerable harvest, unless they would again experience the distresses and losses of the preceding year. These were too great, and too fresh in their memories, not to rouse all their exertion and forethought. It was necessary to erect and fortify their houses, and to make better preparations for the feeding and covering of their cattle. It was of equal importance to the planters not only to make roads for their particular convenience, but from town to town; that, on any emergency, they might fly immediately to each other's relief. It was with great difficulty that these businesses could be at first accomplished. The planters had not been accustomed to felling the groves, to clearing and cultivating new lands. They were strangers in the country, and knew not what kinds of grain would be most congenial with the soil, and produce the greatest profits, nor had they any experience how the ground must be cultivated, that it might yield a plentiful crop. They had few oxen, or instruments for husbandry. Every thing was to be prepared, or brought from a great distance, and procured at a dear rate. Besides all these labors and difficulties, much time was taken up in constant watchings, trainings and preparations for the defence of themselves and children. The Pequots had already murdered a number of the English; some of the Indians, in Connecticut, were their allies; and they had maintained a great influence over them all. They were a treacherous and designing people; so that there could be no safety but in a constant preparation for any emergency. Some of the principal characters, who undertook this great work of settling Connecticut, and were the civil and religious fathers of the colony, were Mr. Haynes, Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Warham, Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Welles, Mr. Wyllys, Mr. Whiting, Mr. Wolcott, Mr. Phelps, Mr. Webster, and captain Mason. These were of the first class of settlers, and all except the minis 154 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. ters were chosen magistrates or governors of the colony. Mr. Swain, Mr. Talcott, Mr. Steel, Mr. Mitchel, and others were capital men. Mr. John Haynes, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Stone, Mr. George Wyllys, Mr. Welles. Mr. Whiting, Mr. Thomas Webster, and Mr. John Talcott, were all from Hartford. Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Henry Wolcott, Mr. Warham, Mr. William Phelps, and captain John Mason, were some of the principal planters of Windsor. Mr. William Swain, Mr. Thurston Reyner, Mr. Henry Smith, Mr. Andrew Ward, Mr. Mitchel and Mr. John Deming, were some of the chief men, who settled the town of Wethersfield. These were the civil and religious fathers of the colony. They formed its free and happy constitution, were its legislators, and some of the chief pillars of the church and commonwealth. They, with many others of the same excellent character, employed their abilities and their estates for the prosperity of the colony. While the three plantations on the river were making the utmost exertions for a permanent settlement, Mr. Winthrop was no less active in erecting fortifications and convenient buildings at its entrance. Though he had, the last year, sent on one company after another, yet the season was so far advanced, and the winter set in so early, and with such severity, that little more could be done than just to keep the station. When the spring advanced the works were therefore pressed on with engagedness. Mr. Winthrop and his people were induced, not only in faithfulness to their trust, but from fears of a visit from the Dutch, and from the state of that warlike people, the Pequots in the vicinity, to hasten and complete them, with the utmost dispatch. A good fort was erected and a number of houses were built. Some cattle were brought from the Massachusetts for the use of the garrison. Small parcels of ground were improved, and preparations made for a comfortable subsistence and good defence. There were, at the close of this year, about two hundred and fifty men in the three towns on the river, and there were twenty men in the garrison at the entrance of it under the command of lieutenant Gardiner. The whole consisted, probably, of about 800 persons, or of a hundred and sixty or seventy families." "While the planters of Connecticut were thus exerting themselves in prosecuting and regulating the affairs of that colony, another was projected and settled at Quinnipiack, afterwards called New Haven. On the 26th of July 1637, Mr. John Davenport, Mr. Samuel Eaton, Theophilus Eaton, and Edward Hopkins, Esquires, Mr. Thomas Gregson and many others of good characters and fortunes arrived at Boston. Mr Davenport had been a famous minister in the city of London, and was a distinguished character for piety, learning and good conduct. Many of his con DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 155 gregation, on the account of the esteem which they had for his person and ministry, followed him into New England. Mr. Eaton and Mr. Hopkins had been merchants in London, possessed great estates, and were men of eminence for their abilities and integrity. Tlhe fame of Mr. Davenport, the reputation and good estates of the principal gentlemen of this company, made the people of the Massachusetts exceedingly desirous of their settlement in that commonwealth. Great pains were taken not only by particular persons and towns, but by the general court, to fix them in the colony. Charlestown made them large offers; and Newbury proposed to give up the whole town to them. The general court offered them any place which they should choose. But they were determined to plant a distinct colony. By the pursuit of the Pequots to the westward, the English became acquainted with that fine tract along the shore, from Saybrook to Fairfield, and with its several harbours. It was represented as fruitful, and happily situated for navigation and commerce. The company therefore projected a settlement in that part of the country. In the fall of 1637, Mr. Eaton and others, who were of the company, made a journey to Connecticut, to explore the lands and harbours on the sea-coast. They pitched upon Quinnipiack for the place of their settlement. They erected a poor hut in which a few men subsisted through the winter. On the 30th of March 1638, Mr. Davenport, Mr. Prudden and Mr. Samuel Eaton, Theophilus Eaton, Esquire, with the people of their company sailed from Boston for Quinnipiack. In about a fortnight they arrived at their desired port. On the 1Sth of April they kept their first Sabbath in the place. The people assembled under a large spreading oak, and Mr. Davenport preached to them from Matthew [iv J vi. 1. He insisted on the temptations of the wilderness, made such observations, and gave such directions and exhortations as were pertinent to the then present state of his hearers. He left this remark, that he enjoyed a good day. One of the principal reasons, which these colonists assigned for their removing from Massachusetts, was that they should be more out of the way and trouble of a general Governor of New England, who at this time, was an object of great fear in all the plantations. What foundation there was for the hope of exemption from the control of a general governor, by this removal, had one been sent, does not appear. Soon after they arrived at Quinnipiack, in the close of a day of fasting and prayer, they entered into what they termed a plantation covenant. In this they solemnly bound themselves, 'That as in matters that concern the gathering and ordering of a church, so also in all public offices which concern civil order-; as choice of magistrates and officers, making and repealing laws, dividing r56 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. allotments of inheritance, and all things of like nature, they would all of them be ordered by the rules, which the scripture held forth to them.' This was adopted as a general agreement, until there should be time for the people to become more intimately acquainted with each other's religious views, sentiments and moral conduct; which was supposed to be necessary to prepare the way for their covenanting together, as christians, in church state. The aspects of providence on the country, about this time, were very gloomy; and especially unfavorable to new plantations. The spring, after a long and severe winter, was unusually backward. Scarcely any thing grew for several weeks. The planting season was so cold, that the corn rotted in the ground, and the people were obliged to replant two or three times. This distressed man and beast, retarded all the affairs of the plantations. It rendered the gloom and horrors of the wilderness still more horrible. The colonists had terrible apprehensions of scarcity and famine. But at longth the warm season came on, and vegetation exceeded all their expectations. The planters at Quinnipiack determined to make an extensive settlement; and, if possible, to maintain perpetual peace and friendship with the Indians. They therefore paid an early attention to the making of such purchases and amicable treaties, as might most effectually answer their designs. On the 24th of November, 1638, Theophilus Eaton, Esquire, Mr. Davenport and other English planters, entered into an agreement with Momauguin, sachem of that part of the country, and his counsellors, respecting the lands. The articles of agreement are to this effect. That Momauguin is tihe sole sachem of Quinnipiack, and had an absolute power to aliene and dispose of the same: That in consequence of the protection which he had tasted, by the English, from the Pequots and Mohawks,* he yielded up all his right, title and interest to all the land, rivers, ponds and trees, with all the liberties and appurtenances belonging to the same, unto Theophilus Eaton, John Davenport and others, their heirs and assigns forever. He covenanted that neither he nor his Indians would terrify nor disturb the English, nor injure them in any of their interests; but that, in every respect, they would keep true faith with them. lThe English covenanted to protect Momauguin and his Indians, when unreasonably assaulted and terrified, by other Indians: and that they should always have a sufficient quantity of land to * The Indians of Quinnipiack, in this treaty, declared, " That they still rememnered the heavy taxes of the Pequots and Mohawks; and that, by reason of their fear of them, they could not stay in their own country; but had been obliged to flee. By these powerful enemies they had been reduced to about forty men. DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 157 plant on, upon the east side of the harbor, between that anid Saybrook fort. They also covenanted, that by way of free and thankful retribution, they gave unto the said sachem and his council and company, twelve coats of English cloth, twelve alchymy spoons, twelve hatchets, twelve hoes, two dozen of knives, twelve porringers, and four cases of French knives and scissors. This agreement was signed and legally executed, by Momauguin and his council on the one part, and Theophilus Eaton and John Davenport on the other. Thomas Stanton, who was the interpreter, declared in the presence of GOD, That he had faithfully acquainted the Indians with the said articles, and returned their answers. In December following they made another purchase of a large tract, which lay principally north of the former. This was of Montowese, son of the great sachem at Mattabeseck. This tract was ten miles in length, north and south, and thirteen miles in breadth. It extended eight miles east of the river Quinnipiack, and five miles west of it towards Hudson's river. It included all the lands within the ancient limits of the old towns of New Haven, Branford and Wallingford, and almost the whole contained in the present limits of those towns, and of the towns East Haven, Woodbridge, Cheshire, Hamden and North Haven.* These have since been made out of the three old towns. The New Haven adventurers were the most opulent company, which came into New England; and they designed to plant a capital colony. They laid out their town plat in squares, designing it for a great and elegant city. In the centre was a large beautiful square. This was compassed with others, making nine in the whole. The first principal settlers were Theophilus Eaton, Esquire, Mr. Davenport, Mr. Samuel Eaton, Mr. Thomas Gregson, Mr. Robert Newman, Mr. Matthew Gilbert, Mr. Nathaniel Turner, Mr. Thomas Fugill, Mr. Francis Newman, Mr. Stephen Goodyear, and Mr. Joshua Atwater. Mr. Eaton had been deputy governor of the East India company, was three years himself in the East Indies. He served the company so well, that he received from them presents of great value. He had been on an embassy from the court of England to the king of Denmark. He was a London merchant who had for many years traded to the East Indies, had obtained a great estate, and brought over a large sum of money into New England.t * For this last tract of ten miles north and south, and thirteen east and west, the English gave thirteen coats, and allowed the Indians ground to plant, and liberty to hunt within the lands. Records of New Haven. t The tradition is that he brought to New Haven a very great estate, in plate and money. The East India company made his wife a present of a bason and ewer double gilt, and curiously wrought with gold, weighing more than sixty pounds. 14 158 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. Others were merchants of fair estates, and they designed to have been a great trading city. There appears no act of civil, military, or ecclesiastical authority during the first year; nor is there any appearance, that this colony was ever straitened for bread, as the other colonies had been."-Trumbull's History of Connecticut. ROGER WILLIAMS' SETTLEMENT OF RHODE ISLAND. THE following particulars _respecting the first settlement of Rhode Island by GODMr. Williams, are from 11110 PKnowles' "Memoir of Roger Williams," a new work published in Boston, in 1834. "About the middle of January, 1735-6, Mr. Williams left Salem in secrecy and haste. It is not certain, that any one accompanied him, though a number of persons were with him a short time Arms of Rhode Island. afterwards. He proceeded to the south, towards the Naraganset Bay. The weather was very severe, and his sufferings were great. In a letter written thirty-five years afterwards, he said: 'I was sorely tossed for one fourteen weeks, in a bitter winter season, not knowing what bread or bed did mean;' and he added, that he still felt the effects of his exposure to the severity of the weather. He appears to have visited Ousamequin, the sachem of Pokanoket, who resided at Mount Hope, near the present town of Bristol (R. I.) From him he obtained a grant of land now included in the town of Seekonk, in Massachusetts, on the east bank of Pawtucket (now Seekonk) river. This territory was within the limits of the Plymouth colony, but Mr. Williams recognized the Indians only as the proprietors, and bought a title from the sachem. Ousamequin doubtless granted his request with pleasure, as a return for the services and presents which he had formerly received from Mr. Williams If, as we have supposed, the exile was obliged to visit the sachem, and make these arrangements, the journey, on foot, increased that exposure to the severity of the elements, of which he complains. DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 159 He was, moreover, unprovided with a dwelling. Mr. Cotton (in his Bloody Tenet washed, p. 8.) says, 'that some of his friends went to the place appointed by himself beforehand, to make provision of housing, and other necessaries for him against his coming.' This statement however, must be incorrect. "Mr. Williams' departure from Salem was sudden and unexpected; and his assertion, just quoted, that he did not know' what bread or bed did mean,' for fourteen weeks, must be understood as excluding the idea of such a preparation as Mr. Cotton mentions. Mr. Williams, too, says, 'I first pitched, and began to build and plant at Seekonk.' He had no house, it would seem, till he built one. Roger Williams. For the means of subsistence he must have been dependent on the Indians. At that season, hunting and fishing were impracticable, if he had possessed the proper instruments. The earth was covered with snow, and he had not even the poor resource of roots. He may refer to his situation at this time, in the following lines, alluding to the Indians: " God's Providence is rich to his, Let none distrustful be; In wilderness, in great distress, These ravens have fed me." The spot, in Seekonk, where he reared his habitation, is believed, on good authority, to have been at Manton's Neck, near the cove, a short distance above the central bridge. 160 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. Here he probably hoped, he might live in peace. He was soon joined by several friends, if they did not at first accompany him. His wife and children were still at Salem. But Seekonk was not to be his home. In a short time, to use his own language, 'I received a letter from my ancient friend Mr. Winslow, the governor of Plymouth, professing his own and other's love and respect to me, yet lovingly advising me, since I was fallen into the edge of their bounds, and they were loath to displease the Bay, to remove to the other side of the water, and there, he said, I had the country free before me, and might be as free as themselves, and we should be loving neighbors together.' This advice was apparently prudent and friendly, prompted by a desire of peace, and by a kind regard to Mr. Williams. It does not seem to deserve the harsh comments which have sometimes been made on it. Mr. Williams himself does not speak of it in a tone of reproach. He immediately resolved to comply with the advice. He accordingly embarked in a canoe, with five others,* and proceeded down the stream. As they approached the little cove, near Tockwotten, now India Point, they were saluted by a company of Indians, with the friendly interrogation, ' What cheer?' a common English phrase, which they had learned from the colonists.t At this spot, they probably went on shore, but they did not long remain there.t They passed round India Point and Fox Point, and proceeded up the river on the west side of the peninsula, to a spot near the mouth of the Moshassuck river. Tradition reports, that Mr. Williams landed near a spring, which remains till this day.~ At this spot, the settlement of Rhode Island commenced. To the town here founded, Mr. Williams, with his habitual piety, and in grateful remembrance of ' God's merciful Providence to him in his distress,' gave the name of PROVIDENCE. The spot where Mr. Williams and his companions landed was within the jurisdiction of the Narraganset Indians. The sachems of this tribe were Canonicus, and his nephew Miantinomo. The former was an old man, and he probably associated with him his young nephew, as better fitted to sustain the. toils and cares of royalty. Their residence is said by Gookin to have been about Narraganset Bay, and on the island of Canonicut. The first object of Mr. Williams would naturally be, to obtain from the sachems a grant of land for his new colony. He proba* William Harris, John Smith, (miller), Joshua Verin, Thomas Angell, and Francis Wickes. R. I. Register, 1828, article written by Moses Brown. t Equivalent to the modern How do you do! t The lands adjacent to this spot were called Whatcheer, in memory of the occurrence. " " Tradition has uniformly stated the place where they landed, to be at the spring southwest of the Episcopal church, at which a house ha recently been built by Mr. Nehemiah Dodge." Moses Brown. DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 161 bly visited them, and received a verbal cession of the territory, which, two years afterwards, was formally conveyed to him by a deed. This instrument may properly be quoted here. 'At Narraganset, the 24th of the first month, commonly called March, the second year of the plantation or planting at Moshassuck, or Providence; Memorandum, that we, Canonicus and Miantinomo, the two chief sachems of Narraganset, having two years since sold unto Roger Williams the lands and meadows upon the two fresh rivers, called Moshassuck and Wanasquatucket, do now, by these presents, establish and confirm the bounds of these lands, from the river and fields of Pawtucket, the great hill of Notaquoncanot, on the northwest, and the town of Mashapaug, on the west. We also, in consideration of the many kindnesses and services he hath continually done for us, both with our friends of Massachusetts, as also at Connecticut, and Apaum or Plymouth, we do freely give unto him all that land from those rivers reaching to Pawtuxet river, as also the grass and meadows upon the said Pawtuxet river. In witness whereof, we have hereunto set our hands.'" The lands thus ceded to Mr. Williams, he conveyed to twelve men, who accompanied, or soon joined him, reserving to himself an equal part only. In answer to a question which was raised in the early times of the colony, Mr. Williams asserts in the first place "' It is not true, that I was employed by any, was supplied by any, or desired any to come with me into these parts. My soul's desire was, to do the natives good, and to that end to learn their language, (which I afterwards printed) and therefore desired not to be troubled with English company.' He adds that' out of pity, he gave leave to several persons to come along in his company.' He makes the same statement in his deed of 1661:-' I desired it might be for a shelter for persons distressed for conscience. I then considering the condition of divers of my distressed countrymen, I communicated my said purchase unto my loving friends, (whom he names) who then desired to take shelter here with me.' It seems, then, that his original design was to come alone, probably to dwell among the Indians, and do them good; but he altered his plan, and resolved to establish a refuge for those who might flee from persecution. The project was his own, and worthy of his generous and liberal mind. He certainly was not employed as an agent, to purchase lands for others. He uses another argument: 'I mortgaged my house in Salem (worth some hundreds) for supplies to go through, and, therefore, was it a single business.' Having thus shown that he acted for himself, and on his own responsibility, he states, that the lands were procured from the sachems by his influence alone. He enumerates several advantages which he enjoyed in this negotiation: '1. A constant, zeal14* 162 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. ous desire to dive into the native's language. 2. God was pleased to give me a painful, patient spirit to lodge with them in their filthy, smoky holes, (even while I lived at Plymouth and Salem) to gain their tongue. 3. I spared no cost towards them, and in gifts to Ousamequin, yea, and all his, and to Canonicus, and all his, tokens and presents, many years before I came in person to the Narraganset, and when I came, I was welcome to Ousamequin, and to the old prince Canonicus, who was most shy of all English, to his last breath. 4. I was known by all the Wampanoags and the Narragansets to be a public speaker at Plymouth and Salem, and, therefore, with them, held as a sachem. 5. I could debate with them (in a great measure) in their own language. 6. 1 had the favor and countenance of that noble soul, Mr. Winthrop, whom all Indians respected.' He proceeds to state, respecting Canonicus, that' it was not thousands nor tens of thousands of money could have bought of him an English entrance into this Bay.' In the deed, already quoted, he says, 'By God's merciful assistance, I was the procurer of the purchase, not by monies nor payment, the natives being so shy and jealous, that monies could not do it, but by that language, acquaintance and favor with the natives, and other advantages, which it pleased God to give me; and also bore the charges, and venture of all the gratuities, which I gave to the great sachems, and other sachems round about us, and lay engaged for a loving and peaceable neighbourhood with them, to my great charge and travel.'"* It is probable, that Mrs. Williams and her two children came from Salem to Providence, in the summer of 1636, in company with several persons, who wished to join their exiled pastor.t "The family of Mr. Williams was now dependent on his exertions for support. No supplies could be derived from Massachusetts. The natives were unable to afford much aid. It is probable, that Mr. Williams had nearly expended all his funds, in the support of his family during his absence, and in the negotiations with the Indians. Of his poverty,$ there is evidence, in a touching incident, mentioned in his letter to Major Mason. It is alike honorable to all the parties: ' It pleased the Father of Spirits to touch many hearts, dear to him, with many relentings; amongst which, that great and pious soul, Mr. Winslow, melted, and kindly visited me at Providence, and put a piece of gold into the hands of my wife for our supply.' * Backus, vol. i. p. 94. t Throckmorton, Olney and Westcott, three of the first proprietors, were members of the Salem church. Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 371. t Hubbard repeatedly alludes, in a somewhat taunting tone, to the poverty of Roger Williams.-pp. 205, 350 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 163 In a deed, which was enrolled January 29, 1667, Mr. Williams says, that he planted, with his own hands, at his first coming, the two Indian fields, Whatcheer and Saxifrax Hill, which he had purchased of the natives. Thus was he forced, as at many other times, to resort to manual labor for his subsistence. In his reply to Mr. Cotton he says: 'It is not unknown to many witnesses, in Plymouth, Salem and Providence, that the discusser's time had not been spent (though as much as any others whosoever) altogether in spiritual labors and public exercises of the word; but day and night, at home and abroad, on the land and water, at the hoe, at the oar for bread.' But he sustained all his labors and hardships with a patient spirit, and with a steadfast adherence to his principles. His house was, undoubtedly, erected near the spot where he landed, and a few rods eastward of the celebrated spring. Here the wanderer found a resting place. This was his home, for more than forty years. Here he died, and near the site of his dwelling his ashes were deposited. The community, thus formed, were invested with the power of admitting others to the privileges of citizenship. Their number was soon increased, by emigrants from Massachusetts, and from Europe.* It was the design of Mr. Williams, that his colony should be open to all persons who might choose to reside there, without regard to their religious opinions. He was careful, nevertheless, to provide for the maintenance of the civil peace. Every inhabitant was required to subscribe the following covenant: 'We, whose names are here under-written, being desirous to inhabit in the town of Providence, do promise to submit ourselves, in active or passive obedience, to all such orders or agreements as shall be made for public good of the body, in an orderly way, by the major consent of the present inhabitants, masters of families, incorporated together into a township, and such others whom they shall admit unto the same, only in civil things.' This simple instrument, which combines the principles of a pure democracy, and of unrestricted religious liberty, was the basis of the first governme'nt in Providence. It was undoubtedly drawn up by Roger Williams. It bears the impress of his character, and it was the germ of those free institutions, under which Rhode Island has flourished till the present day." * Among these, were Chad Brown, William Field, Thomas Harris, William Wickenden, Robert Williams (brother of Roger) Richard Scott, William Reynolds, John Warner, Benedict Arnold, Joshua Winsor and Thomas Hopkins. Backus, vol. i. p. 93. 164 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &G. FIRST SETTLEMENTS IN NEW HAMPSHIRE. THE first discoveries in the limits of New Hampshire, were made at an early periREI ood, (see pages 14 and 3'9) -_The following giving an acragd bt count of the first settlements within its territory, is from._Gov. Hutchinson's History Massachusetts, vol. 1. " In the year 1623 several gentlemen merchants and others in the west of England belonging to Bristol, Exeter, Dorchester, Shrewsbury, Plimouth, &c. having obtained Arms of New Hampshnie. patents from the council of Plimouth for several parts of New England, and being encouraged by the plantation of N ew Plimouth and the reports of fishermen who had made voyages upon the coast, projected and attempted a fishery about Piscataqua, and sent over David Thompson, together with Edward Hilton and William Hilton, who had been fishmongers in London, and some others, with all necessaries for their purpose. The Hiltons set up their stages some distance above the mouth of the river, at a place since called Dover. Some others of the company about the same time seized on a place below at the mouth of the river called Little Harbor, where they built the first house. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. John Mason were of this company, and the place where this house was built with three or four thousand acres of land for a manor or lordship, by consent of the rest of the undertakers, was assigned to Capt. Mason, and the house took the name of Mason-hall '* These settlements went on very slowly for seven years after, and in 1631 when Edward Colcottt first came over there were but three houses an all that side of the country adjoining to Piscataqua river. There had been some expense besides about salt works. The affairs of the great council of Plimouth from first * The chimney and part of the stone wall were standing in the year 1680. t He was afterwards chose by some of the planters above Boston their head or governor.--Hubbard. DISCOVERIES, SETrLEMENTS, &C. 165 to last were carried on in a confused manner. There have been six or seven several grants of the lands between Merrimack and Kennebeck. In the year 1630 Captain Neale with three others came over to Piscataqua to superintend the affairs of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Mason, and the rest, but principally to discover a new country to which they gave the name of Laconia, and which in Gorges's history is very pompously described. Champlain many years before this had given his own name to Lake Iroquois, and the English, it may be, were informed by the Indians something of the geography of the country and of other lakes on the back of New England, and no doubt the rumor was carried over to England. Neale spent three years in searching out his new couvtry, but could not find it and so returned. Nothing else memorable is mentioned of Neale, except that he forbad Wiggan settling a point of land betwixt Dover and Exeter. Wiggan went on and determined to defend his right by the sword. The other threatened as high, and from what might have happened, the disputed land took the name of Bloody Point, which it retains to this day. The Lords Say and Brooke also made Wiggan their agent for the term of seven years, during which time the interest was not greatly advanced, the whole being sold to him at the expiration of the term for six hundred pounds. Soon after the year 1631 one Mr. Williams came over from England, sent also by Gorges and Mason to take care of their salt works. Mr. Chadburne* with several other planters and traders came over with him. These began the settlement of Strawberry bank (Portsmouth), and after Neale went away they are supposed either to have entered into an agreement and to have chosen Williams for their governor, who is said to have been a discreet sensible man and a gentleman, or else he was appointed by the company in England. There was a grant of a sum of money for building a parsonage house and a chapel, and for a glebe of 50 acres of land to be annexed, made by the inhabitants of Strawberry bank to Thomas Walford and Henry Sherburn church wardens and their successors, &c. and this was signed by Francis Williams governor, Ambrose Gibbons assistant, and 18 inhabitants, dated May 25, 1640. Williams soon after removed to Barbadoes. The first who enterprised the settlement of Piscataqua had some religious as well as civil views, and a puritan minister Mr. Leveridge a worthy man came over with Capt. Wiggan in 1633, but not being supported he removed to the southward and was succeeded by Mr. Burdet, who has not left so good a character. * Mr. Chadburne had the direction of the artificers who built what was called the great house at Strawberry bank. His posterity are settled on the other side the river in the province of Maine. 166 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. About the same time, viz. in 1638, Mr. Wheelwright the minister who had been banished from the Massachusetts, with a number of persons who adhered to him, began a plantation on the south side of the great bay up Piscataqua river, to which they gave the name of Exeter. They thought it necessary likewise to form themselves into a body politic, in order to enable them to carry on the affairs of their plantation. Captain Underhill an enthusiast who obtained his assurance, as he expressed himself before the church of Boston, while he was taking a pipe of the good creature tobacco,* and who was at the same time a very immoral man, and for adultery had been excommunicated, joined Mr. Wheelwright's company and played his card so well that he obtained the place of governor over them, and also over the other company at Dover, they having quarreled with Burdet the minister, who removed to York. There was a strong party against Underhill which caused great disturbance and confusion. At the same time they were as much divided in their ecclesiastical affairs. They at Dover had one Mr. Knolles for their minister, but Mr. Larkham arriving there from Northam near Barnstable in England, many people were taken with him and determined to dismiss Knolles, but his party stood by him and he and his company excommunicated Larkham. He in return laid violent hands on Knolles. The magistrates took part some on. one side and some on the other, but Larkham's party being weakest sent to Williams the governor below for assistance, who came up with a company of armed men, beset Knolles's house, where Underhill the governor then was, called him to account, set a fine upon him and some others who had been concerned in the riot, and obliged them to remove from the plantation. Knolles was a rigid antinomian, his practice was agreeable to his principles. He was charged with being too familiar with some of his female domestics and found it necessary to depart. Larkham a zealous churchman soon followed him for an offence of the same nature." Establishment of Dartmouth College. One of the most marked events during the period of the early settlement of the towns in the western part of New Hampshire, was the establishment of Dartmouth College in Hanover, on Connecticut river. This institution originated from Rev. Dr. Wheelock's Indian school at Lebanon, Con. The first design of the Indian School was conceived by Mr. John Sergeant, missionary to the Indians at Stockbridge, Mass., at which place, after procuring benefactions in America and England, he began a school for the education of Indian youths, but his death prevented him *Hubbard &c. DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 167 from accomplishing his plan. Dr. Wheelock 'conceived that if lie could educate Indian youth for missionaries, there would be more prospect of success from their labors, than from the exertions of the whites.' With these views he undertook himself the care and expense of educating two Indian lads in 1754; but the design was so benevolent that a number of gentlemen soon united with him. His pupils increased, and after receiving numerous benefactions, the largest of which was the donation of Mr. Joshua Moor of Mansfield, he called his institution 'Moor's school.' In 1762 he had more than twenty youth under his care. To enlarge the power of doing good, contributions were solicited not only in various parts of this country, but also in England and Scotland. The money collected in England, was put into the hands of a board of trustees, of whom the earl of Dartmouth was at the head. From this circumstance, when Dr. Wheelock was invited by the government of New Hampshire to remove to Hanover and establish a college in that place, it was called Dartmouth college. This seminary was incorporated in 1769, and Dr. Wheelock was declared its founder and president with the right of appointing his successor. He lived for some time at Hanover in a log hut. In 1770 he removed his school. The number of his scholars, destined for missionaries, was at this time twenty-four, of whom eighteen were whites and only six Indians. This alteration of his plan was the result of experience. He had found, that of forty Indian youth, who had been under his care, twenty had returned to the vices of savage life. The first commencement was held in 1771, when the degree of bachelor of arts was conferred on four students, one of whom was John Wheelock, the son and successor of the founder." The following account relative to the establishment of Dartmouth College, is from the memoirs of Wheelock by Drs. M'Clure and Parish. "In the month of August, 1770, entrusting the care of their removal to Mr. Woodward, who then officiated as tutor, he set out for Hanover to provide the necessary accommodation for his family and school. They soon followed him. A part of his family travelled in a coach, presented him by a very respectable friend in London; his pupils performed the journey on foot. The roads as they advanced northward were found in a very unfinished state, and in many places it was with difficulty they passed. On their arrival he welcomed them to the spot where he was to begin his labors, and where he expected to terminate his days. It was an etensive plain shaded by lofty pines, with no accommodations except two or three small huts composed of logs, and no house on that side of the river within two miles through one continued dreary wood. The Doctor like a venerable patri 168 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. arch surrounded by his affectionate family and pupils, looked around him, and the serenity of his countenance dispelled the gloom. His mind rose to the level of the difficulties before him, and with the activity and enterprise of youth he laid out plans of buildings, selected their sites, and with his presence and advice animated the laborers, hastened the operations, that his dependents might be sheltered against the approaching severity of the season. The number of souls there with him was about seventy. A few acres of pines had been felled before his arrival. Log houses were soon constructed, and a small framed house was begun, designed for the reception of Dr. Wheelock and his family. The frame of a college, eighty feet in length and two stories in height, was soon after raised and partially covered; a hall and two or three rooms in it were considerably advanced when the autumnal storms, setting in earlier than usual, put a stop to the work of the builders. The sufferings of this little colony and its worthy founder, were not inconsiderable during several months from their arrival and even to the following spring. Their removal proved too late in the season, and preparations for their reception, from various circumstances, were far from that state of forwardness which was intended. Failing to obtain water by digging wells near where their first house was erected, he was compelled to change its situation after the arrival of his family. Many were necessitated to sleep several nights on the ground, withl boughs of trees for beds, and sheltered from the nightly dews and rains by a few boards raised over them on poles. The country all around was new, and the few dispersed inhabitants poor. Upon a circular area of about six acres, the pines were soon felled and in all directions covered the ground to the height of about six feet. Paths of communication were cut through them. The lofty tops of the surrounding forests were often seen bending before the northern tempest, while the air below was still and piercing. The snow lay four feet in depth between four and five months. The sun was invisible by reason of the trees until risen many degrees above the horizon. In this secluded retreat and in these humble dwellings, this enterprising colony passed a long and dreary winter. The students pursued their studies with diligence; contentment and peace were not interrupted by murmurs. The venerable president directed the attention of his pupils to the signal smiles of heaven upon the institution, which were witnessed by its rapidly increasing prosperity from a small beginning, through seemingly insurmountable discouragements. He observed to them that the cause, he doubted not, was the cause of God; that he would own and succeed it, and that his great concern in the whole business was, to follow the pointings of His providence. He derived support from the example of the pro F(OUNDING OFD' DAtTMOUTT'll CIOLLEGE. In 1770 Dr. Wheelock removcd his. faimily aud school from Lebanon, Conr. awl betran the erection of a colleccr in a forest. In the open air with his numerous fainilv hie offered morning and evening prayer, and the surrounding forest regou~indef with the solemn sounn of sipphlicat-i n and praise. -15 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 171 phet Elisha, (2 Kings vi. 1-7) who founded a college or school of prophets in the wilderness of Jordan, by the divine direction, for the preservation and diffusion of true religion, and in circumstances bearing considerable analogy to his. FIRST SETTLEMENTS IN MAINE. THE following respecting the first settlements in Maine, is extracted from Mr. Folsom's history of the towns of S Saco and Biddeford. " The unfortunate termination of Sir Walter Raleigh's attempts to colonize Virginia during the reign of Queen Elizabeth, had effectually checked the spirit of enterprise in England in relation to the settleie iment of America. The discoveries of Gosnold and Pring, and the shortness of Arms of Maine. their voyages, now caused the subject to be revived, and to excite more general interest than had before existed. On the petition of a number of gentlemen, a charter was granted by King James in the year 1606, dividing the country into two districts, called North and South Virginia, and authorizing the establishment of separate colonies in each district by two distinct companies. A right of property in the land fifty miles on each side of their first plantations, and extending 100 miles into the interior, was granted by this patent. The first or Southern colony were allowed to settle any part of the country within the degrees of 34 and 41 north latitude; the second consisting chiefly of persons resident at Plymouth and other towns in the west of England, and thence denominated the Plymouth Company, were allowed to choose a place of settlement between 38 and 45 degrees north latitude. As a considerable portion of the territory thus allotted was common to the two districts, a provision was added, that the colony last planted should not approach within one hundred miles of that already established. 172 DISCOVERIES. SETTLEMENTS, &C. The next year colonies were sent out by the two companies. One was fixed at Jamestown, of which Gosnold 'was the prime mover,' and Capt. Smith an active member; the other was established at Sagadahock, or the mouth of the Kennebec, led by Captains George Popham, brother to the Chief Justice, and Raleigh Gilbert. This colony consisted of 108 men;-whether accompanied by their families, we are not informed. They arrived on the coast near the island of Monheagan, a few leagues east of the Kennebec, in the month of August, and soon after entered the mouth of that river, where, on the eastern side, on an island now forming a part of Georgetown, they commenced preparations for a permament settlement without delay. Monheagan was agreed upon as a place of rendezvous for the ships before leaving England, and although we are not directly told that the destination of the colony was determined before their arrival, there is no doubt of the fact. The great patron of the enterprise, Chief Justice Popham, obtained an accurate survey of the coast the year before, and doubtless selected the mouth of that 'fair and navigable river,' as the Kennebec is styled by Smith, as a favorable location for the seat of the colony. The lateness of the season scarcely allowed the colonists time to erect a fort and the necessary places of shelter before the ap-proach of winter, which proved excessively rigorous. More than half their number returned with the ships to England in Decem ber, in consequence of the severity of the cold and the scantiness of their supplies. Soon after those who had remained had the misfortune to lose the greater part of their buildings and stores by fire. Capt. Popham died in the course of the winter, and an arrival in the spring brought news of the death of the Chief Justice. Raleigh Gilbert, who succeeded Popham as president of the colony, was under the necessity of returning to England on account of the decease of his brother, of which intelligence was received by another arrival, and the colonists, discouraged by so many adverse circumstances, resolved to abandon the country and return with him. Thus in less than one year from the time the settlement was commenced, the northern colony was broken up; the country was denounced as uninhabitable, and no further attempts were made for many years to promote its settlement by the Company to whom it was assigned by the patent of King James. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, a conspicuous member of the Plymouth Company, alone remained undiscouraged. The attention of this gentleman appears to have been first turned to this part of America in the year 1605, when Capt. Weymouth arrived in the harbor of Plymouth where he resided, on his return from a voyage for the discovery of the northwest passage. Falling short of his course, Weymouth had accidentally discovered the river Penobscol, from DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 173 whence he carried to England five of the natives, 'three of whom, says Gorges, 'I seized upon; they were all of one nation, but of several parts and several families. This accident must be acknowledged the means under God of putting on foot and giving life to all our plantations. He retained these Indians in his family three years, and obtained from them much information respecting their native shores: they were afterwards sent back. Gorges henceforth took a deep interest in schemes for the settlement of North Virginia, and was rather chagrined than discouraged by the return of the Sagadahock colonists, and the unfavorable reports which they spread concerning the country. ' He had too much experience in the world,' he said, 'to be frighted with such a blast, as knowing many great kingdoms and large territories more northerly seated and by many degrees colder, were plentifully inhabited, and divers of them stored with no better commodities than these afforded, if like industry, art and labor be used.' Unable, however, to persuade the company to undertake the planting of a second colony, Gorges engaged in private enterprises to this coast, which began to be much resorted to by English ships for purposes of trade with the natives, and of fishing. In the year 1616, he sent hither a party commanded by Richard Vines, for the express object of exploring the country with a view to form a settlement. He contracted with them to remain during the winter, with the hope of removing the prejudice excited by the Sagadahock colonists against the character of the climate. They arrived during the prevalence of a destructive disease among the natives, which spread throughout New England, commencing its ravages in the west. This pestilence is noticed by all the writers on the early history of New England, with some difference of opinion as to the precise year of its occurrence. A late and highly respectable writer supposes it to have prevailed in different places at different times, but a few years previous to the arrival of the Plymouth pilgrims. It was regarded by those pious colonists as a special interposition of divine providence in their favor, so great was the havoc it made among the tribes in that quarter. 'Thus,' says old Morton, ' God made way for his people by removing the heathen and planting them in the land.' Mr. Vines and his companions penetrated into the interior, visiting the Indians in their villages and wigwams, who received them with great kindness and hospitality. Beside the ravages of sickness, they were at this time thrown into confusion by the death of the Bashaba or chief sachem, whom the Tarrantines, living east of the Penobscot, had attacked by surprise and destroyed with his family the preceding year. Great dissensions had immediately followed among the different tribes, who were engaged in a destructive war with each other when the pestilence made its ap15* 174 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. first ettlers of Mazne. pearance. In the midst of these evils, the Englishmen passed with safety among them, and slept in their cabins without suffering from the contagion. They were in particular welcomed by the savages whom they had seen in the family of Gorges at Plymouth, and now met in their native homes. Having visited different parts of the coast, this little party prepared to establish themselves for the winter. The spot which they selected for their abode, we have reason to suppose, was at the mouth of Saco river, on the western side, near the capacious and sheltered basin now called the Pool, but in early times known as Winter Harbor. Vines performed several voyages to our coast in the service of Gorges, and it is probable made Winter Harbor his principal resort. While he was occupied in exploring the country and trading with the natives, his men were engaged in fishing. How long he pursued this course, we are not informed, nor do we find him mentioned again until several years after his early residence at Winter Harbor. The employments of the colonists were chiefly agriculture, fishing, and trade with the natives. Most of them combined these pursuits, and were styled husbandmen or planters. The husbandmen took up tracts of 100 acres, of which they received leases on nominal or small rents, from Mr. Vines. Some of these are now on record. An estate that had been in the possession of Thomas Cole, including 'a mansion or dwellinghouse,' was leased by Mr. Vines to John West for the term of 1000 years, for the annual rent of two shillings and one capon, a DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 175 previous consideration having been paid by West. The lease which is partly in the latin language, was executed, 1638. Another deed from Vines requires the lessee to yield and pay an acknowledgement and rent-charge of 5s., two days work, and one fat goose yearly. In this manner were all the planters rendered tenants to the proprietor, none of them holding their estates in fee simple. Fishing was the most common occupation, as it was both easy and profitable to barter the products of this business for corn from Virginia, and other stores from England. The trade with the planters of Massachusetts soon became considerable. In 1636, Mr. Vines had a consignment of bread and beef from that quarter. Jocelyn remarks that 'Winter Harbor is a noted place for fishers.' He describes this mode of pursuing the business in the following manner: 'The fisherman take yearly on the coast many hundred quintals of cod, hake, haddock, pollock, &c. and dry them at their stages, making three voyages in a year. They make merchantable and refuse fish, which they sell to Massachusetts merchants; the first for 32 ryals ($4) per quintal; the refuse for 9 and 10 shillings ($2, and 2,25). The merchant sends the first to Lisbon, Bilboa, Marseilles, Bordeaux, Toulon, and other cities of France; to Canaries, pipe-staves and clapboards; the refuse fish to the W. [ndies for the negroes. To every shallop belong four fishermen, a master or steersman, a midshipman, and a shoreman, who washes it out of the salt, and dries it upon hurdles pitched upon stakes breast high, and tends their cookery. They often get in one voyage S or 9 barrels a share per man. The merchant buys of the planters beef, pork, peas, wheat, Indian corn, and sells it to the fishermen.' The expense of each planter to provision himself was quite small, if we may judge from an estimate furnished by Mr. Jocelyn for the information of proposed emigrants. A similar estimate had been previously made by Capt. Smith with reference to Virginia. 'Victuals to last one man a year; 8 bushels of meal, ~2: two bushels of peas, 6 shillings: two bushels of oatmeal, 9 shillings: one gallon of aqua vitae, (brandy), 2s. 6d.: one gallon of oil, 3s. 6d.: two gallons of vinegar, 2s,:' total, ~3 3s., equal to $14. A considerable traffic was carried on with the natives by many of the planters, some of them visiting remote parts of the coast, or traveling into the interior for this purpose. English and French goods were bartered for valuable furs, particularly beaver" 176 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, ýC. FIRST SETTLEMENTS IN VERMONT. THE territory now comprised within the State of Vermont, owing to its distance from the English settlements on the sea-coasts, and from the French on the St. Lawrence, prevented its settlement by either nation at an early period. "In 1716, a tract of land was granted by the general court of MassaSDchusetts, in the southeast part of the state, containing more than one hundred thousand acres. But it was not Arms of Vermont. until the year 1724, that any settlement was made, within the bounds of Vermont: the government of Massachusetts then built fort Dummer, upon Connecticut river. This fort was then admitted to be within Massachusetts; afterwards it was found to be in New Hampshire, and is now in Vermont. This was the first settlement any civilized nation had ever made in this state. On the other side of the state, the French made their advances up lake Champlain, and in 1731, built their fort at Crown Point, and began a settlement on the east side of the lake. This part of America became of course the seat of war, and was constantly exposed to the depredations of both nations, and their Indian allies; and it was dangerous and impracticable to settle the country. The wars having terminated in the reduction of Canada, the frontiers of New York, Massachusetts, and New Hampshire, were no longer exposed to the inroads of the French, or to the ravages and depredations of the Indians. The prospect was that the unsettled parts of the country would now afford quiet and peaceable abodes for a large body of farmers, who might with ease and safety advance their fortunes, and establish settlements and townships in every part of the frontiers. On such accounts the unsettled lands of the country acquired a new value, and were every where explored and sought after, by speculators and adventurers DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 177 Among these lands none appeared more inviting, tiian the tract of country which was situated between lake Champlain and Connecticut river. The soil was rich and fertile, favorable in many places to the production of grain, and in all to grazing and the raising of cattle. It was plentifully watered by streams and rivers, and abounded with necessary and useful timber. In such a soil and situation, the labor and hardships of a few years could scarcely fail of producing rich and valuable farms, with all the ease and independence that is naturally annexed to industry in the rural economy and life. First Settlers of Vermont. Encouraged by such prospects, many persons were diposed to attempt their fortunes, by settling or speculating in those lands; and as they were generally supposed to fall within the limits of New Hampshire, the applications were made to that government for the purchase, and for a title to the proposed new townships. The governor of New Hampshire wished to encourage these applications; and when a sufficient number of purchasers appeared to advance the purchase money, and pay the customary fees and donations, he was always ready to make the grants and issue the charters. Nor could the purchasers be apprehensive that any controversies could arise respecting the validity of grants and charters, purporting to be made by the king of Great Britain, under the signature and seal of the governor of New Hampshire; as this was one of the royal provinces, and the lands were fairly purchased and paid for. They had further reasons for such ex 178 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. pectations, for a royal decision had been made, which was understood to have decisively assigned these lands to that province. The provinces of Massachusetts and New Hampshire had a long and tedious controversy, respecting their divisional line. This was not settled until March 5, 1740; when George the second determined, 'that the northern boundary of the province of Massachusetts be, a similar curve line, pursuing the course of Merrimack river, at three miles distance, on the north side thereof, beginning at the Atlantic ocean, and ending at a point due north of Patucket falls; and a straight line drawn from thence, due west, until it meets with his Majesty's other governments.' This line was run in 1741, and has ever since been admitted as the boundary line between Massachusetts and New Hampshire. By this decision, and the establishment of this line, the government of New Hampshire concluded, that their jurisdiction extended as far west, as Massachusetts had claimed and exercised; that is, within twenty miles of Hudson's river. The king of Great Britain, had repeatedly recommended to the assembly of New Hampshire, to make provision for the support of fort Dummer; as a fortress, which had now fallen within their jurisdiction, and was known to stand on the west side of Connecticut river. From these circumstances, it was not doubted either in Britain, or in America, but that the jurisdiction of New Hampshire extended to the west of Connecticut river; but how far to the west, had never been examined, or called into question. Benning Wentworth was at that time governor of New Hampshire. In 1749, he made a grant of a township, six miles square. It was situated twenty miles east of Hudson's river, and six miles north of Massachusetts line. In allusion to his own name, he gave to this township the name of Bennington. For the space of four or five years, he made several other grants, on the west side of Connecticut river. In 1754, hostilities commenced between the English and the French in America, which put a stop to the applications and grants, and issued in a war between the two crowns. In 1760, the operations of the war, in this part of America, were terminated, by the surrender of Montreal, and the entire conquest of Canada. During the progress of the war, the New England troops cut a road from Charlestown in New Hampshire, to Crown Point, and were frequently passing through these lands; and their fertility and value became generally known. Upon the cessation of hostilities, they were eagerly sought after, by adventurers and speculators. By the advice of his council, the governor of New Hampshire directed a survey to be made of Connecticut river, for sixty miles; and three lines of townships to be laid out on each side. The applications for lands constantly increased, and new surveys were made." DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. 179 A great proportion of the first settlers were from Connecticut. Following the course of the Connecticut river, they established themselves along its banks, and afterwards in other parts of the state. Brattleborough may be considered as the oldest town, as within its limits the settlement at fort Dummer was commenced in 1724. Bennington was first settled in 1761, Windsor in 1764. Rutland was settled about 1770, Burlington about 1783. Montpelier, the capital of the state, was first settled in the spring of 1786. " So rapid was the progress, that during the year 1761, not less than sixty townships, of six miles square, were granted on the west of Connecticut river. The whole number of grants, in one or two years more, amounted to one hundred and thirtycight and their extent, was from Connecticut river, to what was esteemed twenty miles east of Hudson's river, so far as that extended to the northward; and after that as far west as the eastern shore of Lake Champlain. The cultivation of, the country, and the number of the settlers, increased with a surprising rapidity; and Wentworth had an opportunity to accumulate a large fortune, by the fees and donations which attended the business, and by a reserve of five hundred acres, which he made in every township for himself. The government of New York, wishing to have the profits, and intending to have the disposal of the lands, was alarmed at these proceedings. Charles the second, in 1664 and 1674, made an extraordinary grant to his brother, the duke of York; containing among other parts of America, 'all the lands from the west side of Connecticut river, to the east side of Delaware bay.' This grant was inconsistent with the charters, which had before been granted to Massachusetts and Connecticut; and neither of them admitted it to have any effect, with regard to the lands which they had settled, or claimed to the west of Connecticut river." This and other royal grants occasioned a good deal of difficulty between New York and the parties concerned. The grants made by New Hampshire, were considered by New York as illegal and of no authority, and endeavored in some instances to enforce submission to her jurisdiction by force of arms. "The main body of the settlers at that time, consisted of a brave, hardy, intrepid, but uncultivated set of men. Without many of the advantages of education, without any other property than what hard labor and hard living had procured, destitute of the conveniences and elegances of life, and having nothing to soften or refine their manners; roughness, excess, and violence, would naturally mark their proceedings. To deny such people justice, was to prejudice and arm them against it, to confirm all their suspicions and prejudices against their rulers, and to give them an excuse and plea to proceed to outrage and violence. 180 DISCOVERIES, SETTLEMENTS, &C. When the government of New York gave to their proceedings the names of mobs and riots, abuse and outrage to their officers, it is probable the expressions conveyed pretty just ideas, of the appearance of their conduct, and opposition to the laws. But when they called their opposition, felony, treason, and rebellion against lawful authority, the people of the adjacent provinces seem to have believed, that the government of New York was much more blamable, in making and executing such laws as called their titles to their lands in question, than the settlers were, in acting in open and avowed opposition to them. "In this scene of violence, and opposition to the proceedings of New York, Ethan Allen placed himself at the head of the opposition. Bold, enterprising, ambitious, with great confidence in his own abilities, he undertook to direct the proceedings of the inhabitants. He wrote and dispersed several pamphlets to display the injustice, and designs, of the New York proceedings: and so oppressive were those measures, that although Allen was a very indifferent writer, his pamphlets were much read, and regarded"; and had a great influence upon the minds and conduct of the people. The uncultivated roughness of his own temper and manners, seems to have assisted him, in giving a just description of the views and proceedings of speculating land jobbers: and where all was a scene of violence and abuse, such a method of writing, did not greatly differ from the feelings of the settlers, or from the style of the pamphlets that came from New York. But though he wrote with asperity, a degree of generosity attended his conduct; and he carefully avoided bloodshed, and protested against every thing that had the appearance of meanness, injustice, cruelty, or abuse, to those who fell into his power. Next to him, Seth Warner seems to have been the most distinguished, in those times. Warner was cool, firm, steady, resolute, and fully determined that the laws of New York respecting the settlers, never should be carried into execution. When an officer came to take him as a rioter, he considered it as an affair of open hostility; defended himself, attacked, wounded and disarmed the officer; but, with the spirit of a soldier, spared his life."* These controversies continued till the Revolution, when the attention of all parties was turned to a more important conflict than that which related to titles and grants of territory. In 1777, the people of Vermont delared themselves independent, and organized a government for themselves. In 1790 all controversy with New York was amicably adjusted, and in 1791, Vermont was admitted into the Federal Union. * Williams' History of Vermont, vol. 2. WINTHROP'I S JOURNAL IS IS] C7~~ w~4 (Goy. Winthrop, and copy of his Signature. Extracts front Gov. Winthrop's Journal. JOHN W\INTHROP, the first governor of Massachusetts, kept a journal of every important occurrence from his embarking for America in 1630, to 1644. This manuscript, as appears by some passages, was originally designed for publication; and it was consulted by the first compilers of New England History, particularly by Hubbard, Mather, and Prince. It continued unpublished, and uncopied, in possession of the elder branch of the family, till the. Revolutionary war, when Governor Trumbull of Connecticut, procured it, and with the assistanee of his secretary, copied a considerable part. It was first printed at Hartford, Con. by Elisha Babcock, in 1790. "1June (Friday) 12th, 1630. The wind still S. W. close weather; we stood to and again all this day within sight of Cape Anne. The Isles of Shoals were now within two leagues of us, and we saw a ship lie there at anchor, and 5 or 6 shallops under sail up and down. We took many mackerel, and met a shallop which stood from Cape Anne towards the Isles of Shoals, which belonged to some English fishermen. Saturday 12. About 4: in the morning we were near our port: We shot off two pieces of ordnance, and sent our skiff to Mr. Pierce his ship which lay in the harbour, and had been here some days before. 16 1S2 W)NTHROP S JOURNAL. About an hour after, Mr. Allerton came aboard us in a shallop as he was sailing to Penaquid. As we stood towards the harbour we saw another shallop coming to us, so we stood in to meet her, and passed thro the narrow streight between Baker's Isle and Little Isle, and came to an anchor a little within the Island. After Mr. Pierce came aboard us, and returned to fetch Mr. Endicott, who came to us about 2 of the clock, and with him Mr. Shelton and Capt. Levett. We that were of the assistants, and some other gentlemen, and some of the women and our Captain, returned with them to Nahumkeck,* where we supped on a good venison pastry and good beer, and at night we returned to our ship, but some of the women stayed behind. In the morning the rest of the people went on shore upon the land off Cape Anne, which lay very near us, to gather store of strawberries. An Indian came aboard us and lay here all night. June 17. We went to Mattachusetts, to find out a place for our sitting down. We went up Mistick river about six miles. We lay at Mr. Maverick's, and returned home on Saturday. As we came home, we came by Nataskott and sent for Capt. Squibb ashore. He had brought the West-country people, viz. Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Rosseter, Mr. Maverick, and ended a difference between him and the passengers, whereupon he sent his boat to his ship (the Mary and John) and at our firing gave us five pieces. At our return we found the Ambrose in the harbour at Salem. Sept. 20. About 2 in the morning, Mr. Isaac Johnson died; his wife the lady Arabella of the house of Lincoln, being dead about one month before. He was a holy man, and wise, and died in sweet peace, leaving some part of his substance to the colony. Oct. 25. The Governor, upon consideration of the inconveniences which had grown in England by drinking one to another, restrained it at his own table, and wished others to do the like, so it grew by little and little to disuse. Dec. 26. The rivers are frozen up, and they of Charlestown could not come to the sermon at Boston till the afternoon at high water. Many of our cows and goats were forced to be still aboard for want of houses. Richard Garner a shoe-maker of Boston, and one of the congregation there, with one of his daughters a young maid and four others went towards Plimouth in a shallop, against the advice of their friends, and about the Gurnett's nose the wind overblew so much at N. W. as they were forced to come to a hillock at 20 fathom, but their boat drove and shaked out the stern and they were put to sea, and the boat took in much water, which did freeze so hard as they could not free her, so they gave themselves up for lost, and commending themselves to God, they disposed themselves to die, but one of their company espying land near Cape Cod, they made shift to hoist up part of their sail, and by God's special providence were carried thro the rock to * Saleu. WINTHROP'S JOURNAL. 183 the shore, when some got on land, but some had their legs frozen into the ice, so as they were forced to be cut out. Being come on shore they kindled a fire, but having no hatchet, they could get little wood, and were forced to lie in the open air all night, being extremely cold. In the morning two of their company went towards Plimouth, supposing it had been within seven or eight miles, whereas it was near fifty miles from them. By the way they met with two Indian squaws, who coming home, told their husbands that they had met two Englishmen: they thinking (as it was) that they had been shipwrecked, made after them, and brought them back to their wigwam, and entertained them kindly, and one of them went with them the next day to Plimouth, and the other went to find out their boat and the rest of their company, which were seven miles off, and having found them, he helped them what he could, and returned to his wigwam, and fetched them a hatchet, and built them a wigwam and covered it, and got them wood, for they were so weak and frozen, as they could not stir, and Garner died about two days after his landing, and the ground being so frozen as they could not dig his grave, the Indian hewed a hole about half a yard deep, with his hatchet, and having lain the corpse in it, he laid over it a great heap of wood to keep it from the wolves. By this time the Governor of Plimouth had sent three men to them with provisions, who being come, and not able to launch their boat, (which with the strong N. W. wind was driven up to the high water mark) the Indian returned to Plimouth and fetched three more, but before they came they had launched their boat, and with a fair Southerly wind were gotten to Plimouth where another of their company died, his flesh being mortified with the frost; and the two who went towards Plimouth died also, one of them being not able to get hither, and the other had his feet so frozen as he died of it after. The girl escaped best, and one Harmer, a godly man of the congregation of B. lay long under the surgeon's hands, and it was above six weeks before he could get the boat from Plimouth; and in their return they were much distressed, yet their boat was very well manned, the want whereof before was the cause of their loss. Feb. 10, 1631. The frost broke up, and after that tho we had many storms and sharp frost, yet they continued not, neither were the waters frozen up as before. And it hath been observed ever since this bay was planted by the English, viz, seven years, that at this day the frost hath broken up every year. The poorer sort of people who lay long in tents, &c. were much afflicted with the scurvy, and many died, especially at Boston and Charlestown; but when this ship came and brought us good stores of juice of lemons, many recovered speedily. It hath been always observed, that such as fell into discontent, and lingered after their former condition in England, fell into the scurvy and died. Feb. 18. Captain Weldon, a hopeful young gentlemen and an experienced soldier, died at Charlestown of a consumption, and was buried at Boston, with a military funeral, Of the elder planters and such as came the year before, there were 14 WINTHROP S JOURNAl. but two, and those servants, which had the scurvy in all the country. At Plimouth not one had it, nor out of those who came this year (whereof there were above sixty). Whereas at their first planting time near half of their people died of it. Of those which went back in the ships this summer, for fear of death or famine, &c. many died by the way and after they were landed, and others fell very sick and lean, &c. The provision which came to us this year, came at excessive rates, in regard of the dearness of corn in England, so as every bushel of wheat meal stood us in fourteen shillings, pease eleven and six pence, &c. March 23. Chickatabot came with his sannops and squaws, and presented the Governor with a bushel of Indian corn. After they had all dined and had each a small cup of sacke and beer, and the men tobacco, he sent away all his men and women, tho the Governor would have stayed them, in regard to the rain and thunder; himself and one squaw and one sannop stayed all night, and being in English clothes, the Gov. set them at his own table, where he behaved himself as soberly, &c. as an Englishman. The next day after dinner he returned here, the Governor giving him cheese and pease and a mug and some other small things. March 29. About 10 of the clock Mr. Coddington and Mr. Wilson and divers of the congregation met at the Governor's, and there Mr. Wilson praying and exhorting the congregation to love &c. commended to them the exercise of prophecy in his absence and designed those whom he thought most fit for it (viz) the Governor, Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Newell the elder; then he desired the Governor to commit himself and the rest to God by prayer, which being done, they accompanied him to the boat, and so they went over to Charleston to go by land to the ship. April 12. At a court holden at Boston (upon information to the Governor that they of Salem had called Mr. Williams to the office of a teacher) a letter was written from the court to Mr. Endicott to this effect; that whereas Mr. Williams had refused to join with the churches at Boston, because they would not make a public declaration of their repentance for having communion with the churches of England while they tarried there; and besides had declared his opinion that the magistrate might not punish the breach of the sabbath nor any other offence that was a breach of the first table; and therefore they marvelled they would chose him without advising with the council, and withal desiring him that he would forbear to proceed until they had considered about it. April 13. Chickatabot came to the governor, and desired to buy some English cloths for himself. The Governor told him that English Sagamores did not use to truck, but he called his taylor and gave him order to make him a suit of clothes, whereupon he gave the governor two large skins of coat beaver, and after he and his men had dined he departed, and said he would come again three days after for his suit. WINTHROP S JOURNAL 185 April 15. Chickatabot came to the governor again, and he put him into a very good new suit from head to foot, and after he sat meat before him, but he would not eat till the Governor had given thanks, and after meat he desired him to do the like, and so departed. June 14. At a court Jo. Sagamore and Chickatabot being told at last court of some injuries that their men did to our cattle, and giving consent to make satisfaction &c. now one of their men was complained of for shooting a pig, for which Chickatabot was ordered to pay a small skin of beaver, which he presently paid. At this court one Philip Ratlif a servant of Mr. Cradock, being convict ore tenus of most foul scandalous invectives against our churches and government, was censured to be whipped, lose his ears, and be banished the plantation, which was presently executed. July 13. Canonicus, son to the great Sachem of Naraganset, came to the Governor's house with Jo. Sagamore, after they had dined he gave the Governor a skin, and the Governor requited him with a fair pewter pot, which he took very thankfully and stayed all night. July 30. Mr. Ludlow in digging the foundation of his house at Dorchester, found two pieces of French money, one was coined in 1596, they were in several places above a foot within the firm ground. Sept. 27. At a court one Josias Playstone and two of his servants were censured for stealing corn from Chickatabot and his men, who were present, the master to restore two fold, and to be degraded from the title of a gentleman, and fined five pounds, and his men to be whipped. Oct. 11. The Governor being at his farm house at Mistick, walked out after supper and took a piece in his hand, supposing he might see a wolf (for they came daily about the house, and killed swine and calves, &c.) and being about half a mile off, it grew suddenly dark, so as in coming home he mistook his path, and went till he came to a little house of Sagamore John, which stood empty; there he stayed, and having a piece of match in his pocket (for he always carried about his match and compass, and in the former there spake need) he made a good fire and warmed the house, and lay down upon some old matts which he found there, and so spent the night, sometimes walking by the fire, sometimes singing psalms, and sometimes getting wood, but could not sleep. It was (thro God's mercy) a weary night, but a little before day it began to rain, and having no cloak, he made shift by a long pole to climb up into the house. In the morning there came thither an Indian squaw, but perceiving her before she had opened the door, he barred her put, yet she stayed there a great while essaying to get in, and at last she went away, and he returned safe home, his servant having been much perplexed for him, and having walked about, and shot off pieces and halloed in the night, but he heard them not. Oct. 25. The Governor, with Capt. Underhill and other of the officers went on foot to Sagus, and next day to Salem, where they were bountifully entertained by Capt. Endicott, &c. and the 28th 16* 186 WINTHROPIS JOURNAL. they returned to Boston by the fort at Sagus river, and so over to Mistick. Nov. 2. The ship Lyon Wm. Pierce, master, arrived at Natascot there came in her the Governor's wife, and other of his children, and Mr. Eliot, a minister, and other families, being in all about 60 persons, who all arrived in good health, having been ten weeks at sea, and lost none of their company but two children, whereof one was the Governor's daughter Anne, about one year and half old, who died about a week after they came to sea. Nov. 4. The Governor, his wife and children went on shore with Mr. Pierce in his ship boat, the ship gave them six or seven pieces. At their landing the Captains with their companies in arms entertained them with a guard and divers vollies of shot, and three drakes;-and divers of the assistants and most of the people of the near plantations, came to welcome them, and brought and sent, for divers days, great store of provisions, as fat hogs, kids, venison, poultry, geese, partridges, &c. so as the like joy and manifestation of love had never been seen in New England: it was a great marvel that so much people and store of provisions could be gathered together at so few hours warning. Feb. 17, 1632. The Governor and assistants called before them at Boston divers of Watertown; the pastors and elder by letter, and the others by warrant. The occasion was for that a warrant being sent to Watertown for levying of 81. part of a rate of 601. ordered foI the fortifying the new town; the pastor and elder, &c. assembled the people and deliver'd their opinion, that it was not safe to pay money after that sort, for fear of bringing themselves into bondage, being come before the governor and council, after much debate they acknowledged their fault, confessing freely that they were in an error, and made a retraction and submission under their hands, and were injoyned to read it in the assembly the next Lord's day. The ground of their error was, for that they took this government to be no other but as of a mayor and aldermen, who have not power to make laws or raise taxations without the people; but understanding that this government was rather in the nature of a Parliament, and that no assistant could be chosen but by the freemen, who had power likewise to remove the assistants and put in others, and therefore at every general court (which was to be holden once every year) they had free liberty to consider and propound any thing concerning the same.. and to declare their grievances without being subject to question. &c. they were fully satisfied, and so their submission was accepted and their offence pardoned. May 1. The Governor and assistants met at Boston to consider of the Deputy his deserting his place. The points discussed were two. The first, upon what grounds he did it. 2d, whether it were good or void. For the 1st, his main reason was for public peace, for he must needs discharge his conscience in speaking freely, and he saw that bred disturbance. For the 2d, it was maintained by all that he could not to leave his place, except by the same power which put him in; yet he could not be put from his contrary opinion, nor WINTHROP'S JOURNAL. 187 would be persuaded to continue till the general court, which was to be the 8th of this month. Another question fell out with him about some bargains he had made with some poor men, members of the same congregation, to whom he had sold 7 bushels and an half of corn to receive ten for it after harvest, which the Governor and some others held to be oppressive usury, and within the compass of the statute, but he persisted to maintain it to be lawful, and there arose hot words about it, he telling the Governor that if he had thought he had sent for him to his house to give him such usage, he would not have come there, and that he never knew any man of understanding, of other opinion, and that if the Governor thought otherwise of it, it was his weakness. The Governor took notice of these speeches and bore them with more patience than he had done upon a like occasion at another time. Upon this there arose another question about his house. The Governor having freely told him that he did not well to bestow so much cost about wainscoting and adorning his house in the beginning of a plantation, both in regard of the necessity of public charges, and for example. His answer now was, that it was for the warmth of his house, and the charge was little, being but clapboards nailed to the walls in form of wainscot. These and other speeches passed before dinner. After dinner the Governor told him he had heard that the people intended at the next general court to desire that the assistants might be chosen anew every year, and that the Governor might be chosen by the whole court and not by the assistants only. Upon this Mr. Dudley grew into passion, and said that then we should have no government, but there would be an interim wherein every man might do what he pleased. This was answered and cleared in the judgment of the rest of the assistants, but he continued stiff in his opinion, and protested he would then return back into England, May 8. A proposition was made by the people that every company of train-men might choose their own Captain and officers, but the Governor giving them reasons to the contrary, they were satisfied with it. Every town may choose two men to be at the next court to advise with the Governor and assistants about the raising of a public stock, so as what they should agree upon should bind all, &c. The Governor among other things used this speech to the people after he had taken his oath,-That he had received gratuities from divers towns, which he received with much comfort and content; he had also received many kindnesses from particular persons, which he would not refuse, least he should be accounted uncourteous, &c. but he expressed that he received them with a trembling heart, in regard of God's rule, and the consciousness of his own inconformity, and therefore desired them that hereafter they would not take it ill if he did refuse presents from particular persons except they were from the assistants, or from special friends, &c. to which no answer was made, but he was told after that many good people were much grieved at it, for that he never had any allowance towards the charge of his place. 188 WINTHROP S JOURNAL. Jan. 17, 1633. A maid servant of Mr. Skelton of Salem, going towards Sagus, was lost seven days, and at length came home to Salem. All that time she was in the woods, having no kind of food, the snow being very deep, and as cold as at any time that winter. She was so frozen into the snow some mornings as she was one hour before she could get up, yet she soon recovered and did well through the Lord's wonderful providence. July 12. Mr. Edward Winslow, Governor of Plimouth, and Mr. Bradford came into the bay, and went away the 18th. They came partly to confer about joining in a trade to Connecticut, for beaver and hemp: there was a motion to set up a trading house there, to prevent the Dutch who were about to build one, but in regard the place was not fit for plantation, there being three or four thousand warlike Indians, and the river not to be gone into but by small pinnaces, having a bar affording but six feet at high water, and for that no vessels can get in for 7 months in the year, partly by reason of the ice, and then the violent stream, &c. we thought not fit to meddle with it. Nov. The scarcity of workmen had caused them to raise their wages to an excessive rate, so as a carpenter would have three shillings the day, a laborer two shillings and six-pence, &c. and accordingly those who had commodities to sell, advanced their prices sometimes double to that they cost in England, so as it grew to a general complaint, which the court taking knowledge of, as also of some furthe,r evils which were springing out of the excessive rate of wages, they made an order that carpenters, masters, &c. should take but 2s. the day, and laborers but 18d.,-and that no commodity should be sold at above four pence in the shilling more than it cost for ready money in England, oil, wine, &c. and cheese in regard of the hazard of bringing, &c. The evils which were springing, were, 1. Many spent much time idly, because they could get as much in four days as would keep them a week. 2. They spent much in tobacco and strong waters,* which was a great waste to the Commonwealth, which by reason of so many scarce commodities expended could not have subsisted to this time, but that it was supplied by the cattle and corn which were sold to new comers at very dear rates, viz. corn at 6s. the bushel; a cow at 201.-yea some at 241. some 261. a mare at 351. an ewe goat at 3 or 41. and yet many cattle were every year brought out of England, and some from Virginia. Soon after an order was taken for prices of commodities, viz. not to exceed the rate of four pence in the shilling above the price in England, except cheese and liquors, &c. Dec. 5. John Sagamore died of the small pox and almost all his people, about 30 buried by Mr. Maverick of Winesemett in one day. The towns in the bay took away many of the children, but most of them died soon after. James Sagamore of Sagus died also and most of his folks. John Sagamore desired to be brought among the English, so he agreed and promised, if he recovered, to live with the *Rum or spirits. WINTHROP'S JOURNAL. 189 English and serve their God. He left one son which he disposed to Mr. Wilson the pastor of Boston to be brought up by him. He gave to the Governor a good quantity of wampampeague, and to divers others of the English he gave gifts and took order for the payment of his own debts and his men's; he died in a persuasion that he should go to the Englishmen's God. Divers of them in their sickness confessed that the Englishmen's God was a good God, and that if they recovered they would serve him. It wrought much with them that when their own people forsook them, yet the English came daily and ministered to them, and yet few took any instructions by it. Among others Mr. Maverick of Winesemett is worthy of special remembrance; himself, his wife and servants went daily to them, ministered to their necessities, and buried their dead, and took home many of their children; so did other of the neighbors. This infectious disease spread to Piscataqua, where all the Indians except one or two died. Feb. 1, 1634. Such of the Indians' children as were left, were taken by the English, most whereof did die of the pox* soon after, three only remaining, whereof one which the Governor kept was called Knows God, (the Indians' usual answer being, when they were put in mind of God, me no knows God). March 7. At the lecture at Boston a question was propounded about veils. Mr. Cotton concluded that where by the custom of the place, they were not a sign of a woman's sobriety, they were not commanded by the apostle. Mr. Endicott opposed, and did maintain it by the general arguments brought by the apostle. After some debate, the Governor perceiving it to grow to some earnestness, interposed and so it brake off. May. One -, a godly minister, upon conscience of his oath and care of the common W. discovered to the magistrates some seditious speeches of his son delivered in private to himself, but the court thought not fit to call the party in question then, being loth to have the father come in as public accuser of his own son, but rather desired to find other matters, or other witnesses against him. Aug. 12. One pleasant passage happened which was acted by the Indians. Mr. Winslow coming in his bark from Connecticut to Narragansett, and left her there, and intending to return by land, he went to Osamekin the Sagamore, his old ally, who offered to conduct him home to Plimouth, but before they took their journey Osamekin sent one of his men to Plimouth to tell them that Mr. Winslow was dead, and directed him to shew how and where he was killed, whereupon there was much fear and sorrow at Plimouth. The next day when Osamekin brought him home they asked him why he sent such word, &c. he answered, that it was their manner to do so that they might be more welcome when they came home. Oct. 14. It was informed the Governor that some of our people being aboard the bark of Maryland, the sailors did revile them, calling them holy brethren, the members, &c. and withal did curse and *The small-pox,, which proved fatal to many of the natives. 190 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL. swear most horribly, and used threatening speeches against us. The Governor wrote to some of the assistants about it, and upon advice with the ministers, it was agreed to call them in question; and to this end, (because we knew not how to get them out of their bark), we apprehended the merchant of the ship, being one Store, and committed him to the marshal, till Mr. Maverick came and undertook that the offender should be forthcoming. The next day (the Governor not being well) we examined the witnesses and found them fall short of the matter of threatening, and not to agree about the reviling speeches, beside not being able to design certainly the men that had so offended, whereupon (the bark staying only for this) the bail was discharged, and a letter written to the master, that in regard such disorders were committed aboard his ship, it was his duty to inquire out the offenders and punish them, and withal to desire him to bring no more such disordered persons among us. Nov. 20. At the court of assistants complaint was made by some of the country, viz. Richard Brown of Watertown in the name of the rest, that the ensign at Salem was defaced, viz. one part of the red cross taken out. Upon this an attachment was awarded against Richard Davenport, Ensign bearer, to appear at the next court to answer. Much matter was made of this, as fearing it would be taken as an act of rebellion, or of like high nature, in defacing the King's colors: Though the truth were it was done upon this opinion, that the red cross was given to the King of England by the Pope, as an ensign of victory, and so a superstitious thing, and a relic of antichrist What proceeding was hereupon, will appear after, at next court in the first month, for by reason of the great snows and frosts we used not to keep courts in the three winter months. Nov. 13. One thing I think fit to observe as a witness of God's providence for this plantation. There came in a ship of Barnstable one Mansfield, a poor godly man of Exeter, being very desirous to come to us, but not able to transport his family: there was in the city a rich merchant, one Marshall, who being troubled in his dreams about the said poor man, could not be quiet till he had sent for him and given him 501. and lent him 1001. willing him withal, that if he wanted, he should send to him for more. This Mansfield grew suddenly rich and then lost his godliness, and his wealth soon after. Jan. 19. All the ministers except Mr. Ward of Ipswich, met at Boston, being requested by the Governor and assistants, to consider of these two cases. 1. What ought to be done if a general Governor should be sent out of England? 2. Whether it be lawful for us to carry the cross in our banners? In the first case they all agreed that if a general Governor were sent, we ought not to accept him, but defend our lawful possessions (if we were able), otherwise to avoid or protract. For the matter of the cross they were divided, and so deferred it to another meeting. Mo. 1, 1635. At this court brass farthings were forbidden, and musket bullets made to pass for farthings. A commissioner for military affairs was established who had power of life and limb, &c. WINTHROP'S JOURNAL. 191 Mo. 2, 30. The Governor and assistants sent for Mr. Williams; thje occasion was for that he had taught publicly, that a magistrate ought not to tender an oath to an unregenerate man, for that we thereby have communion with a wicked man in the worship of God, and cause him to take the name of God in vain. He was heard before all the ministers, and very clearly confessed. Mr. Endicott was at first of the same opinion, but gave place to the teacher. Mo. 11 Jan. Mr. Hugh Peters went from place to place laboring both publicly and privately, to raise up men to a public frame of spirit, and so prevailed as he procured a good sum of money to be raised to set on foot the fishing business, to the value of -, and wrote into England to raise as much more. The intent was to set up a magazine of all provisions and other necessaries for fishing, that men might have things at hand and for reasonable prices, whereas now the merchants and seamen took advantage to sell at most excessive rates, (in many things two for one). Mo. 1, 8, 1636. The Rebecca came from Bermuda with thirty thousand weight of potatoes, and store of oranges and lemons, which were a great relief to our people; but their corn was sold to the W. Indies three motths before. Potatoes were bought for 2s8. and sold here for 2d. the pound. Mo. 2, 11. At a general court it was ordered that a certain number of the magistrates should be chosen for life. The reason was, for that it was shewed from the word of God, &c. that the principal magistrates ought to be for life. Accordingly the 25th of the 3d Mo. John Winthrop and Thomas Dudley were chosen to this place, and Henry Vane by his place of Governorship was President of this council for his year. It was likewise ordered that quarter courts should be kept in several places for ease of the people, and in regard of the streights of victuals, the remote towns should send their votes by proxy to the court of elections; and that no church should be allowed that was gathered without the consent of the churches and the magistrates. Mo. 3. 15. Mr. Peters preaching at Boston, made an earnest request to the church for four things. 1. That they would spare their teacher Mr. Cotton, for a time, that he might go through the Bible and raise marginal notes upon all the knotty places of the scripture. 2. That a new book of might be made, to begin where the other had left. 3. That a form of church government might be drawn according to the scripture. 4. That they would take order for employment of people, especially women and children, in the winter time, for he feared that idleness would be the vice both of church and commonwealth. 9ber. 17. Cattle were grown to high rates, a good cow 251. or 301.a pair of bulls or oxen 401.-Corn was near at 5s. the bushel, and much rye was sown with the plow this year, for about thirty plows were at work. Board was at 9 and 10s. the C.-carpenters at 3.v. the day and other work accordingly. 192 WINTHROP S JOURNAL. Things went not well at Connecticut, their cattle did many of them cast their young, as they had done the year before. Mo. 12, 1637. Divers gentlemen and others being joined in a military company, desired to be made a corporation, but the council considering from the example of the Praetorian band among the Romans and the templars in Europe, how dangerous it might be to erect a standing authority of military men, which might easily in time overthrow the civil power, thought fit to stop it betimes, yet they were allowed to be a company, but subordinate to all authority. About this time the Indians which were in our families were much frightened with Hobbanock (as they called the Devil) appearing to them in divers shapes, and persuading them to forsake the English, and not to come at the assemblies, nor to learn to read, &c. Mo. 1, 1638. At this court divers of our chief military officers who had declared themselves favorers of the familistical persons and opinions were sent for, and being told that the court having some jealousy of them for the same, and therefore did desire some general satisfaction from them, they did ingenuously acknowledge how they had been deceived and misled by the pretence which had been held forth of advancing Christ and debasing the creature, which since they had found to be otherwise, and that their opinions and practice led to disturbance and delusions, and so blessed God that had so timely discovered their error and danger to them. Mo. 6. Four servants of Plimouth ran from their masters, and coming to Providence, they killed an Indian. He escaped after he was deadly wounded in the belly, and got to other Indians, so being discovered they fled and were taken at the Isle Aquiday. Mr. Williams gave notice to the Governor of Massachusetts and desired advice. He returned answer, that seeing they were of Plimouth they should certify Plimouth of them, and if they would send for them to deliver them, otherwise, seeing no Englishman had jurisdiction in the place where the murder was committed, neither had they at the Island any Governor established, it would be safest to deliver the principal (who was certainly known to have killed the party) to the Indians his friends, with caution that they should not put him to torture, and to keep the other three to further consideration. After this Plimouth men sent for them, but one had escaped, and the Governor there wrote to the Governor here for advice, especially for that he heard they intended to appeal into England. The Governor returned answer of encouragement to proceed notwithstanding, seeing no appeal did lie, for that they could not be tried in England, and that the whole country here were interested in the case and would expect to see justice done, whereupon they proceeded as appears after. The three prisoners being brought to Plimouth and examined, did all confess the murder, and that they did it to get his wampom, &c. but all the question was about the death of the Indian, for no man could witness that he saw him dead, but Mr. Williams and Mr. James of Providence made an oath that his wound was mortal;-at last two Indians, who with much difficulty were procured to come to the trial WINTHROP'S JOURNAL. 193 (for they still feared that the English were conspired to kill all the Indians), made oath after this manner, viz. that if he were not dead of that wound then they would suffer death. Upon this they three were condemned and executed. Two of them died very penitently, especially Arthur Peach, a young man of good parentage and fair conditioned, and who had done very good service against the Pequods. Mo. 7, 25. A remarkable providence appeared in a case which was tried at the last court of assistants. Diver neighbours of Linn, by agreement, kept their cattle by turns. It fell out to the turn of one Gillow to keep them, and as he was driving them forth, another of these neighbours went along with him and kept so earnestly in talk that his cattle strayed and got in the corn, then this other neighbour left him and would not help him recover his cattle, but went and told another how he had kept Gillow in talk that he might lose his cattle &c. The cattle getting into the Indian corn eat so much ere they could be gotten out, that two of them fell sick of it, and one of them died presently, and these two cows were that neighbours cows who had kept Gillow in talk, &c. The man brings his action against Gillow for his cow, not knowing that he had witness of his speech, but Gillow producing witness &c. barred him of his action, and had good cost &c. The court taking into consideration the great disorder proceeding thro' the country in costliness of apparel, and following new fashions, sent for the elders of the churches, and conferred with them about it, and laid it upon them, as belonging to them to redress it, by urging it upon the consciences of their people, which they promised to do. But little was done about it, for divers of the elders wives &c, were in some measure partners in this general disorder. Mo. 1, 1639. A printing house was begun at Cambridge by one Daye at the charge of Mr. Glover who died on sea hitherward. The first thing which was printed was the freeman's oath, the next was an almanack made for New England by Mr. Pierce, mariner-the next was the psalms newly turned into metre. Mo. 3, 2. Mr. Cotton preaching out of the 8. of Kings 8. taught, that when magistrates are forced to provide for the maintenance of ministers, then the churches are in a declining condition: there he shewed that the ministers maintenance should be by voluntary contribution, not by lands or revenues or tithes &c, for these things had always been accompanied with pride, contention and sloth. The two regiments in the bay were mustered at Boston to the number of one thousand soldiers, able men and well armed and exercised. They were headed, the one by the Governor who was General of all, and the other by the Deputy who was Colonel. The captains &c. shewed themselves very skilful and ready in divers sorts of skirmishes and other military actions, wherein they spent the whole day. One of Piscat: having opportunity to go into Mr. Burdet his study, and finding there the copy of his letter to the archbishops, sent it to the Governor, which was to this effect.-That he did delay to go into 17 194 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL. England, because he would fully inform himself of the state of the people here in regard of allegiance, and that it was not discipline that was now so much aimed at as sovereignty, and that it was accounted piracy and treason in our General Court to speak of appeals to the King. The first ships which came this year brought him letters from the archbishops and the lords commissioners for plantations, wherein they gave him thanks for his care of his Majesty's service &c. and that they would take a time to redress such disorders as he had informed them of: but by reason of the much business which now lay upon them they could not at present accomplish his desire. These letters lay above fourteen days in the Bay, and some moved the Governor to open them, but himself and others of the council thought it not safe to meddle with them, nor would take any notice of them, and it fell out well by God's good providence, for the letters, by some means, were opened, yet without any of their privity or consent, and Mr. Burdett threatened to complain of it to the Lords; and afterwards we had knowledge of the contents of them by some of his own friends. The Governor acquainted the General Court that in these last two years of his government he had received from the Indians in presents, to the value of about ~40. and that he had spent about ~20. in entertainment of them and in presents to their Sachems &c. The court declared that the presents were the Governor's due, but the tribute was to be paid to the treasurer. Mo. 4. 26. Mr. Hooker being to preach at Cambridge, the Gover. nor and many others went to hear him (tho' the Governor did very seldom go from his own congregation upon the Lord's day.) He preached in the afternoon, and having gone on with much strength of voice and intention of spirit about a quarter of an hour, he was at a stand, and told the people that God had deprived him both of his strength and matter &c. and so went forth, and about half an'hour after returned again and went on to a very good purpose about two hours. A fishing trade was began at Cape Anne by one Mr. Maverick Tomson a merchant of London, and an order was made that all stocks employed in fishing should not be free from public charge for seven years. This was not done to encourage foreigners to set up fishing among us, for all the gains would be returned to the place where they dwelt, but to encourage our own people to set upon it, and in expectation that Mr. Tomson &c. would e're long come settle with us. Here was such store of exceeding large and fat mackrell upon our coast this season as was a great benefit to all our plantations. Some one boat with three men would take in a week ten hundreds, which was sold in Connecticut for ~3. 12 the hundred. Mo. 10. At the general court an order was made to abolish that vain custom of drinking one to another, and that upon these and other grounds. 1. It was a thing of no good use. 2. It was an inducement to drunkenness and occasion of quarrelling and bloodshed. 3. It occasioned much waste of wine and beer. 4. It was very WINTHROP'S JOURNAL. 195 troublesome to many, especially the masters and mistresses of the feast, who were forced thereby to drink more often than they would. Yet divers, even godly persons, were very loth to part with this idle ceremony, tho' when disputation was tendred, they had no life, nor indeed could find any arguments to maintain it, such power hath custom &c. Mo. 3, 13, 1640. The court of elections was at Boston, and Thomas Dudley Esq. was chosen Governor. Some trouble there had been in making way for his election, and it was obtained with some difficulty, for many of the elders laboured much in it, fearing lest the long continuance of one man in the place should bring it to be for life, and in time, hereditary. Besides this gentleman was a man of approved wisdom and godliness, and of much good service to the country, and therefore it was his due to serve in such honor and benefit as the country had to bestow. The elders being met at Boston about this matter, sent some of their company to acquaint the old Governor with their desire and the reasons moving them, clearing themselves of all dislike of his government, and seriously professing their sincere affections and respect towards him, which he kindly and thankfully accepted, concurring with them in their motion, and expressing his unfeigned desire of more freedom, that he might a little intend his private occasions, wherein they well knew how much he had lately suffered (for his bailiff whom he trusted with managing his farm had engaged him ~.2500 without his privity) in his outward estate. One Baker, master's mate of the ship -being in drink, used some reproachful words of the Queen. The Governor and Council were much in doubt what to do with him, but having considered that he was distempered and sorry for it, and being a stranger and a chief officer in the ship, and many ships were then in harbour, they thought it not fit to inflict corporeal punishment upon him, but after he had been two or three days in prison, he was set an hour at the whipping post with a paper on his head and so dismissed. Mo. 8. The scarcity of money made a great change in all commerce. Merchants would sell no wares but for ready money-men could not pay their debts tho' they had enough-prices of lands and cattle fell soon to the one half and less, yea to a third, and after one fourth part. Mo. 10. About the end of this month a fishing ship arrived at Isle of Shoals, and another soon after, and there came no more this season for fishing. They brought us news of the Scotts entering into England, and the calling of a parliament, and the hope of a thorough reformation &c. whereupon some among us began to think of returning back to England. Others dispairing of any more supply from thence, and yet not knowing how to live there if they should return, bent their minds wholly to removal to the south parts, supposing they should find better means of subsistence there, and for this end put off their estates here at very low rates. These things, together with the scarcity of money, caused a sudden and very great abatement of the prices of all our own commodities. Corn (Indian) was sold ordinarily at 196 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL. three shillings the bushel, a good cow at seven or eight pounds, and some at ~5-and other things answerable (see the order of court in 8ber. about these things) whereby it came to pass that men could not pay their debts, for no money or beaver was to be had, and he who last year, or but three months before was worth ~.1000 could not now if he should sell his whole estate raise ~.200 whereby God taught us the vanity of all outward things &c. One Taylor of Linne having a milch cow in the ship as he came over, sold the milk to the passengers for 2d the quart, and being after at a sermon wherein oppression was complained of &c. he fell distracted. This evil was very notorious among all sorts of people, it being the common rule that most men walked by in all their commerce, to buy as cheap as they could, and to sell as dear. The general fear of want of foreign commodities now our money was gone, and that things were like to go well in England, set us on work to provide shipping of our own, for which end Mr. Peters, being a man of very public spirit and singular activity for all occasions, procured some to join for building a ship at Salem of 300 tons, and the inhabitants of Boston stirred up by his example, set upon the building another at Boston of 150 tons. The work was hard to accomplish for want of money &c. but our shipwrights were content to take such pay as the country could make. The shipwright at Salem, thro' want of care of his tackle &c. occasioned the death of one Baker who was desired with five or six more to help hale up a piece of timber, which, the rope breaking, fell down upon them. The rest by special providence were saved. This Baker going forth in the morning very well, after he had prayed, told his wife he should see her no more, tho' he could not foresee any danger toward him. The court having found by experience that it would not avail by any law to redress the excessive rates of labourer's and workmen's wages &c. for being restrained, they would either remove to other places where they might have more or else being able to live by planting and other employments of their own, they would not be hired at all. It was therefore referred to the several towns to set down rates among themselves. This took better effect, so that in a voluntary way, by the counsel and persuasion of the elders, and example of some who led the way, they were brought to more moderation than they could be by compulsion, but it held not long. Mo. 4, 2. 1641. The parliament of England sitting upon a general reformation both of church and state, the earl of Strafford being beheaded, and the archbishop (our great enemy) and many others of the great officers and judges, bishops and others imprisoned and called to account, this caused all men to stay in England in expectation of a new world, so as few coming to us, all foreign commodities grew scarce, and our own of no price. Corn would buy nothing-a cow which cost last year ~20 might now be bought for four or ~5 &c. and many gone out of the country, so as no man could pay his debts, nor the merchants make return into England for their commodities, which occasioned many there to speak evil of us. These streights set our WINTHROP S JOURNAL. 197 people on work to provide fish, clapboards, plank &c. and to sow hemp and flax (which prospered very well) and to look out to the W. Indies for a trade for cotton. The general court also made orders about payments of debts, setting corn at the wonted price, and payable for all debts which should arise after a time prefixed. They thought fit also to send some chosen men into England to congratulate the happy success there, and to satisfy our creditors of the true cause why we could not make so current payment now as is in former years we had done, and to be ready to make use of any opportunity God should offer for the good of the country here, as also to give any advice, as it should be required for the settling the right form of church discipline there, but with this caution, that they should not seek supply of our wants in any dishonorable way, as by begging or the like, for we were resolved to wait upon the Lord in the use of all means which were lawful and humble. This summer the merchants of Boston set out a vessel again to the isle of Sable, with 12 men, to stay there a year. They sent again in the 8th month, and in three weeks the vessel returned and brought home 400 pr. of sea horse teeth which were esteemed worth ~300, and left all the men well and 12 ton of oil and many skins which they could not bring away, being put from the island in a storm. Mo. 7, 15. A great training at Boston two days. About 1200 men were exercised in most sorts of land service; yet it was observed that there was no man drunk, tho' there was plenty of wine and strong beer in the town-not an oath sworn-no quarrel, nor any hurt done. Mo. 5, 1642. Now came over a book of Mr. Cotton's sermons upon the seven vials. Mr. Humphry had gotten the notes from some who had took them by characters, and printed them in London, which was a great wrong to Mr. Cotton, and he was much grieved at it, for it had been fit he should have perused and corrected the copy before it had been printed. Mo. 7, 22. The sudden fall of land and cattle, and the scarcity of foreign commodities and money &c. with the thin access of people from England, put many into an unsettled frame of spirit, so as they concluded there would be no subsisting here, and accordingly they began to hasten away, some to the W. Indies, others to the Dutch at Long Island &c. (for the Governor there invited them by fair offers) and others back for England. Ask thy conscience if thou wouldst have plucked up thy stakes, and brought thy family 3000 miles if thou hadst expected that all, or most, would have forsaken thee there. Ask again what liberty thou hast towards others which thou likest not to allow others towards thyself, for if one may go another may, and so the greater part, and so church and commonwealth may be left destitute in a wilderness exposed to misery and reproach, and all for thy ease and pleasure, whereas these all, being now thy brethren, as near to thee as the Israelites were to Moses, it were much safer for thee, after his example, 17* 198 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL. to choose rather to suffer affliction with thy brethren, than to enlarge thy ease and pleasure by furthering the occasion of their ruin. Mo. 8, 5. Nine bachellors commenced at Cambridge; they were young men of good hope, and performed their acts so as gave good proof of their proficiency in the tongues and arts. The general court had settled a government or superintendency over the college, viz. all the magistrates and elders of the three nearest churches, and the president or the greatest part of these. Most of them were now present at this first commencement, and dined at the college with the scholars ordinary commons, which was done of purpose for the students encouragement &c. and it gave good content to all. At this commencement complaint was made to the governors of two young men of good quality lately come out of England, for foul misbehaviour, in swearing and ribaldry speeches &c. for which, tho' they were adult, they were corrected in the college, and sequestered &c. for a time. Mo. 30, 1643. There was a piece of justice executed at NewHaven, which being the first in that kind, is not unworthy to be recorded. Mr. Malbon one of the magistrates there had a daughter about-years of age which was openly whipped, her father joining in the sentence. The cause was thus. [Here is a blank in the copy]. One Richard-servant to one-Williams of Dorchester, being come out of service, fell to work at his own hand and took great wages above others, and would not work but for ready money. By this means in a year or little more, he had scraped together about ~25 and then returned with his prey into England, speaking evil of the country by the way: he was not gone far, after his arrival, but the cavaliers met him and eased him of his money, so he knew no better way but to return to N. England again to repair his loss in that place which he had so much disparaged. Mo. 3. Those of Sir Ferdinand Gorge his province beyond Piscat: were not received nor called into the confederation because they ran a different course from us both in their ministry and civil administration, for they had lately made Acomenticus (a poor village) a corporation, and had made a taylor their mayor, and had entertained one Mr. Hull an excommunicated person and very contentious, for their minister. At this court of elections tnere arose a scruple about the oath which the Governor and the rest of the magistrates were to take viz. about the first part of it-' You shall bear true faith and allegiance to our sovereign Lord King Charles'-seeing he had violated the privileges of parliament, and made war upon them, and thereby had lost much of his kingdom and many of his subjects; whereupon it was thought fit to omit that part of it for the present. (4) 12. Mr. La Tour arrived here in a ship of 140 tons and 140 persons. The ship came from Rochelle, the master and his company were protestants: there were two friars and two women sent to wait upon La Tour his lady. They came in with a fair wind with WINTHROP S JOURNAL. 199 out any notice taken of them. They took a pilot out of one of our boats at sea, and left one of their men in his place. Capt. Gibbons' wife and children passed by the ship as they were going to their farm, but being discovered to La Tour by one of his gentlemen who knew him, La Tour manned out a shallop which he towed after him to go speak with her. She seeing such a company of strangers making towards her, hastened to get from them, and landed at the Governor's garden. La Tour landed presently after her, and there found the Governor and his wife, and two of his sons, and his son's wife, and after mutual salutations he told the Governor the cause of his coming, viz. that this ship being sent him out of France, D'Aulnay his old enemy had so blocked up the river to his fort at St. Johns with two ships and a galliot, as his ship could not get in, whereupon he stole by in the night with his shallop, and was come to crave aid to convey him into his fort. But the training day at Boston falling out the next week, and La Tour having requested that he might be permitted to exercise his soldiers on shore, we expected him that day, so he landed 40 men in their arms (they were all shot) they were brought into the field by our train band consisting of 150, and in the forenoon they only beheld our men exercise. When they had dined (La Tour & his officers with our officers, & his soldiers invited home by the private soldiers) in the afternoon they were permitted to exercise (our governor and others of the magistrates coming then into the field) and all ours stood and beheld them. They were very expert in all their postures and motions. When it was near night La Tour desired our Governor that his men might have leave to depart, which being granted, his captain acquainted our captain therewith, so he drew our men into a march and the French fell into the middlewhen they were to depart they gave a volley of shot and went to their boat, the French shewing much admiration to see so many men of one town so well armed and disciplined, La Tour professing he could not have believed it if he had not seen it. Our Governor and others in the town entertained La Tour and his gentlemen with much courtesy both in their houses and at table. La Tour came duly to our church meetings, and always accompanied the Governor to and from thence, who all the time of his abode here was attended with a good guard of halberds and musketteers. Mo. 7. (4). There was an assembly at Cambridge of all the elders in the country (about 50 in all) such of the ruling elders as would were present also, but none else. They set in the college and had their diet there after the manner of scholars commons, but somewhat better, yet so ordered as it came not to above sixpence the meal for a person. Mr. Cotton and Mr. Hooker were chosen moderators. The principal occasion was because some of the elders went about to set up somethings undoing to the presbytery, as of Newbury &c. The assembly concluded against some parts of the presbyterial way, and the Newbury ministers took time to consider the arguments &c. The Trial (the first ship built in Boston) being about 160 tons, Mr. Thomas Graves an able and a godly man master of her, was sent to 200 EXTRACTS FROM Bilboa in the 4th month last, with fish, which she sold there at a good rate, and from thence she freighted to Malaga, and arrived here this day laden with wine, fruit, oil, iron and wool, which was a great advantage to the country, and gave encouragement to trade. So soon as she was fitted she was set forth again to trade with La Tour, and so along the eastern coast towards Canada. Mo. 3, 1644. Divers of the merchants of Boston being desirous to discover the great lake, supposing it to lie in the N. W. part of our patent, and finding that the great trade of beaver which came to all the eastern and southern parts, came from thence, petitioned the court to be a company for that design, and to have the trade which they should discover, to themselves for 21 years. The court was unwilling to grant any monopoly, but perceiving that without it they would not proceed, granted their desire: whereupon, having also commission granted them under the public seal, and letters from the Governor to the Dutch and Swedish Governors, they sent out a pinnace wvell manned and furnished with provisions and trading stuff, which was to sail up Delaware river so high as they could go, and then some of the company, under the conduct of Mr. William Aspenwall, a good artist, and one who had been in those parts, to pass by small skiffs or canoes up the river so far as they could. 4 & 5. There was mention made before of a pinnace sent by the company of discoverers (3) 3. to Delaware river with letters from the Governor to the Dutch and Swedish Governors for liberty to pass. The Dutch promised to let them pass, but for maintaining their own interest he must protest against them. When they came to the Swedes, the fort shot at them, ere they came up: whereupon they cast forth anchor, and the next morning, being the Lord's day, the lieut. came aboard them and forced them to fall down lower; when Mr. Aspenwall came to the Governor and complained of the lieutenant's ill dealing both in shooting at them before he had hailed them, and in forcing them to weigh anchor on the Lord's day. The Governor acknowledged he did ill in both, and promised all favor, but the Dutch agent being come down to the Swede fort, shewed express order from the Dutch Governor not to let him pass, whereupon they returned. But before they came out of the river, the Swedish lieutenant made them pay 40f. for that shot which he had unduly made. The pinnace arrived at Boston (5) 20.-44. THE following passages relating to the natural history of New England, are copied from "Ogilby's America," published in 1671. They are inserted as a curious relic of antiquity. "Though there are, who having remained some time, and been concerned in those parts, affirm the soil of New England to be nothing so fruitful as it is believed and commonly delivered to be yet we think it not improper to give a brief account of the trees and other plants; also the beasts, birds, fishes and other corn OGILBY'S AMERICA. 201 modities which most writers will have to be the production of this country, especially since we find them compactly summed up by an unknown writer in the language of the muses. The recital of the plants and trees which (excepting the cedar, sassafras, and dyer's sumach) are all of the same kind with those that grow in Europe, only differing in nature, according as the epithets of many of them declare, is as follows: " Trees both in hills and plains in plenty be; The long-lived oak, and mournful cypress tree; Skie-towering pines, and chesnuts coated rough; The lasting cedar, with the walnut tough; The rozen-dropping fir for mast is use; The boat-men for oars light, neat grown sprewse; The brittle ash, the ever trembling asps; The broad-spread elm, whose concave harbors wasps; The water-spungy alder good for nought; Small elder by the Indian fletchers sought. The knotty maple, pallid birch, hawthorns; The horn-bound tree, that to be cloven scorns; Which from the tender vine oft takes his spouse, Who twines embracing arms about his boughs. Within this Indian orchard fruits be some The ruddy cherry and the jetty plum Snake-murthering hazel, with sweet saxafrage Whose leaves in beer allay hot feavers rage; The dyer's shumack, with more trees there be, That are both good to use and rare to see." The beasts peculiar to this country are the moose, the rackoon, and the musquash; the two first land-animals; the last amphibious, which with others common to them with us, are thus versified by the above said author: "The kingly Lyon, and the strong-armed Bear;" The large limbed Mooses, with the tripping Deer; Quill-darting Porcupines, that Rackoons be Castled ith' hollow of an aged tree; The skipping Squirrel, Rabbet, pueblind Hare, Immured in the self-same castle are, Lest red-eyed Ferrets, wily Foxes should, Them undermine if ramper'd but with mold; The grim-faced Ounce, and ravenous howling Wolf, Whose meager paunch sucks like a swallowing gulph. Black glittering Otters, and rich coated Beaver; The civet-scented Musquash smelling ever." Of such as these as are altogether unknown to us take these brief descriptions. " The beast called a Moose is not much unlike Red Deer, and is as big as an Ox, slow of foot, headed like a 202 EXTRACTS FROM buck with a broad beam, some being two yards in the head, their flesh is as good as beef, their hides good for clothing; if these were kept tame and accustomed to the yoke, they would be a great commodity: First, because they are so fruitful, bringing forth three at a time being likewise very hiberous: Secondly, because they will live in winter without any fodder. There are not many of these in the Massachusetts Bay, but forty miles to the north east there are great store of them. The Rackoone is a deep furred beast, not much unlike a Badger, having a tail like a Fox, as good meat as a Lamb. These beasts in the day time sleep in hollow trees, in a moonshine night they go to feed on clams at a low tide by the sea side, where the English hunt them with their dogs. The Musquash is much like a Beaver for shape, but nothing near so big:........ and being killed in winter never lose their sweet smell: These skins are no bigger than a Coney-skin, yet are sold for five shillings apiece, being sent for tokens into England; one good skin will perfume a whole house full of clothes, if it be right and good. The birds both common and peculiar are thus recited: "The princely Eagle, and the soaring Hawk," Whom in their unknown ways there's none can chawk: The Humbird for some Queen's rich cage more fit, Than in the vacant wilderness to sit. The swift-winged Swallow sweeping to and fro, As swift as arrow from Tartarian bowe. When as Aurora's infant day new springs, Where the morning mounting Lark her sweet lays sings: The harmonious Thrush, swift Pigeon, Turtle-dove Who to her mate doth ever constant prove. Turkey, Pheasant, Heath-cock, Partridge rare, The Carrion-tearing Crow, and hurtful stare, The long-liv'd Raven, th' ominous Screech Owl Who tells, as old Wives say, disasters foul. The drowsie Madge, that leaves her day lov'd nest, And loves to rove, when day-birds be at rest: Th' Eel-murthering Hearn, and greedy Cormorant, That near the Creeks, in moorish Marshes haunt. The bellowing Bittern, with the long-leg'd Crane, Presaging Winters hard, and Death of Grain. The Silver Swan, that tunes her mournful breath, To sing the Dirge of her approaching death. The tattering Oldwives, and the cackling Geese, The fearful Gull that shuns the murthering Peece. The strong-wing'd Mallard, with the nimble Teal, And ill-shape't Loon who his harsh Notes doth squeal. There Widgins, Sheldrakes, and Humilitees, Snites, Doppers, Sea-Larks, in whole million flees" OGILB Y'S AMERICA. 203 Of these, the Humbird, Loon, and Humility, are not to be passed by without particular observation. The Humbird is one of the wonders of the country, being no bigger than a Hornet, yet hath all the dimensions of a Bird, as bill, and wings with quills, spider-like legs, small claws: for color, she is as glorious as the rainbow; as she flies, she makes a little humming noise like the Humble-bee, wherefore she is called a Humbird. The Loon is an ill-shaped thing like a Cormorant, but that he can neither go nor fly; he maketh a noise sometimes like Sowgelder's Horn. The Humilities or Simplicities, (as we may rather call them), are of two sorts, the biggest being as large as a green Plover, the other as big as birds we call Knots in England. Such is the simplicity of the smaller sorts of these birds, that one may drive them on a heap like so many sheep, and seeing a fit time shoot them; the living seeing the dead, settle themselves on the same place again, amongst which the fowler discharges again: these birds are to be had upon sandy brakes, at the latter end of summer before the Geese come in. No less poetical a bill of fare is brought of the Fish on the sea-coasts and in the rivers of New England, in these subsequent verses: " The King of Waters, the sea shouldering Whale, The snuffing Grampus, with the oily Seale, The storm presaging Porpus, Herring-Hog, Line-shearing Shark, the Catfish and Sea Dog, The scale-fenc'd Sturgeon, wry-mouth'd Hollibut, The flouncing Salmon, Codfish, Greedigut: Cole Haddock Hage, the Thornback and the Scate, Whose slimy outside makes him seld in date, The stately Bass, old Neptune's fleeting Post, That tides it out and in from sea to coast. Consorting Herrings, and the bonny Shad, Big-belly'd Alewives, Mackerels richly clad With rainbow colors, Frostfish and the Smelt, As good as ever Lady Gustus felt. The spotted Lamprous, Eels, the Lamperies, That seek fresh water Brooks with Argus eyes, These watery villagers, with thousands more, Do pass and repass near the verdant shore'." Kinds of Shell Fish. "The luscious Lobster, with the Crabfish raw, The brinish Oyster, Muscle, Periwigge, And Tortoise sought for by the Indian squaw, Which to the flats dance many a winter's jigge, To dive for Codes, and to dig for Clams, Whereby her lazy husband's guts she crams." 201 INDIAN WARS. INDIAN WARS. THE following account of the principal events during the wars with the Indians in New England, previous to the year 1677, is copied almost entirely from " A Narrative of the Indian Wars in New England," "by William Hubbard, A. M., minister of Ipswich." Mr. Hubbard's Narrative was published in 1677, under the supervision and approbation of an intelligent committee appointed for this purpose, by the governor and council of Massachusetts colony. " There was a nation of the Indians in the southern parts of New England, called Pequods, seated on a fair navigable river, twelve miles to the eastward of the mouth of the great and famous river of Connecticut; who (as was commonly reported about the time when New England was first planted by the English) being a more fierce, cruel, and warlike people than the rest of the Indians, came down out of the more inland parts of the continent, and by force seized upon one of the goodliest places near the sea, and became a terror to all their neighbors, on whom they had exercised several acts of inhuman cruelty; insomuch that being flushed with victories over their fellow Indians, they began to thirst after the blood of any foreigners, English or Dutch, that accidentally came amongst them, in a way of trade, or upon other accounts. In the year 1634, they treacherously and cruelly murdered Capt. Stone and Capt. Norton, who came occasionally, with a bark into the river to trade with them. Not long after, within the compass of the next year, they in like treacherous manner, slew one Mr. Oldham (formerly belonging to new Plymouth, but at that time an inhabitants of Massachusetts) at Block Island, a place not far from the mouth of their harbor, as he was fairly trading with them: besides some other such like acts of perfidious cruelty towards some of the Dutch, that had formerly been trading up Connecticut river." Murder of J. Oldham in 1636. "John Gallop, with one man more, and two boys, coming from Conn., and intending to put in at Long Island, as he came from thence, being at the mouth of the harbor was forced by a sudden change of the wind to bear up for Block Island or Fisher's Island, where, as they were sailing along, they met with a Pinace, which they found to be J. Oldham's, who had been sent to trade with the Pequods, (to make trial of the reality of INDIAN WARS. 205 their pretended friendship after the murder of Captain Stone) they hailed the vessel, but had no answer, although they saw the deck full of Indians (14 in all) and a little before that had seen a canoe go from the vessel full of Indians likewise, and goods, whereupon they suspected they had killed John Oldham, who had only two boys and two Narraganset Indians in his vessel besides himself, and the rather because they let slip, and set up sail (being two miles from the shore, the wind and tide coming off the shore of the Island whereby they drove toward the main land of Narraganset) therefore they went a head of them, and having nothing but two pieces, and two pistols, they bore up near the Indians, who stood on the deck of the vessel ready armed with guns, swords and pikes; but John Gallop, a man of stout courage, let fly among them and so galled them, that they got all down under the hatches, and then they stood off again, and returning with a good gale, they stemmed her upon the quarter, and almost overset her, which so affrightened the Indians, as six of them leaped overboard, and were drowned, yet they durst not board her, but stood off again, and fitted their anchor, so as stemming her the second time, they bored her bow through with their anchor and sticking fast to her, they made divers shot through the sides of her, and so raked her fore and aft (being but inch board) as they must needs kill or hurt some of the Indians; but seeing none of them come forth, they got loose from her, and then stood off again: then four or five more of the Indians leaped into the sea, and were likewise drowned; whereupon there being but four left in her, they boarded her; when an Indian came up and yielded; him they bound and put into the hole: then another yielded; him they also bound, but Gallop, being well acquainted with their skill to unloose one another, if they lay near together, and having no place to keep them asunder, flung him bound into the sea; then looking about they found John Oldham under an old sail, stark naked, having his lhead cleft to the brains; his hands and legs cut as if they had been cutting them off; yet warm: so they put him into the sea: b)ut could not well tell how to come at the other two Indians (who were in a little room underneath with their swords) so they took the goods which were left, and the sails, and towed the boat away, but night coming on, and the wind rising, they were forced to turn her off, and the wind carried her to the Narraganset shore, where they left her." War with the Pequots. "The English of Mass. after the peace concluded with the Pequods, sent a bark thither for trade, that trial might be made of the reality of their friendship, but they found them treacherous and false, and that no advantage was to be had by any commerce with them, insomuch as they took up a resolution never more to have to do with them; which the said Indians perceiving, 18 206 INDIAN WARS. made no account of the former peace, but took all advantage to do us mischief, not only by harboring those who had murdered Mr. J. Oldham, but surprising many of the English in the year 1636, when Connecticut river began first to be planted, divers of whom were killed (nine at one time in April, 1637) by them about Wethersfield, when the plantation there first began, so as they could not pass up and down the river without a guard, but they would be in danger of being cut off or carried away, as two maids were said to be; thirty men have been killed by them in all; those who fell into their hands alive, were cruelly tortured, after a most barbarous manner, by insulting over their prisoners in a blasphemous wise, when in their dying agonies under the extremity of their pains (their flesh being first slashed with knives, and then filled with burning embers) they called upon God and Christ with gasping groans, resigning up their souls into their hands; with which words these wretched caitifs used to mock the English afterward, when they came within their hearing and view. About the same time some agents sent over by the Lord Say and the Lord Brook, built a fort at the mouth of Connecticut river, wherein was placed one lieutenant Gardiner, and a convenient number of soldiers to secure the place, intended soon after to be planted, but all the winter following, being the end of the year 1636, they were little better than besieged by the said savages, not daring to stir out of command of the fort, but they were ready to be seized by these barbarous enemies. At one time the lieutenant himself with ten or twelve of the soldiers, marching out of the fort, with intent to pass over a neck of land, to burn the marshes; as soon as they had passed over the straight of the neck, they espied a company of Indians making towards the said isthmus, which if they could not recover, they see they must all perish; whereupon returning back with all speed, they were narrowly escaped, and were two or three of them killed notwithstanding, before they could get back into the fort, which was presently surrounded with multitudes of them; but the discharging of a piece of ordinance gave them warning to keep further from the walls. Sometimes they came with their canoes into the river in view of the soldiers within the fort, and when they apprehended themselves out of reach of their guns, they would imitate the dying groans and invocations of the poor captive English soldiers were forced with silent patience to bear, not being then in a capacity to require their insolent blasphemies. But they being by these horrible outrages justly provoked to indignation, unanimously agreed to join their forces together, to root them out of the earth, with God's assistance. The governor and council having soon after assembled the rest of the magistrates, and the ministers, to advise with them about INDIAN WARS. 207 doing justice for Oldham's death, they all agreed that it should be done with all expedition; and accordingly on the 25th of August following, 80 or 90 men were sent out under the command of Capt. Endicot of Salem, who went to the Pequod country by water, with commission to treat with the said Pequods, first offering terms of peace, if they would surrender the murderers of the English, and forbear further acts of hostility, or else fight them. The captain aforesaid coming ashore with his company, by a message sent them by an interpreter, obtained little speech with a great number of them at a distance; but after they understood what was propounded to them, first cunningly getting behind a hill, they presently ran away into the woods and swamps, where there was no pursuing of them: however, one discharging a gun among them as they were taking their flight, stayed the course of one, which was all that could be done against them at that time. Winter approaching, and no encouragement presenting further to pursue them at that time, it was resolved better to return back for the present, and wait a further season, when more forces could be gathered together to pursue the quarrel to the utmost. Miantonimo soon after sent a message to them with a letter from Mr. Williams, to signify that they had taken one of the Indians, who had broken prison, and had him safe for them, when they should send for him (as they had before sent to him for that end) and that the other had stolen away (not knowing it seems that he was their prisoner) and that according to their promise they would not entertain any of that Island, which should come to them; but they conceived it was rather in love to him whom they concealed, for he had been his servant formerly, but when they sent for those two Indians, one was sent them, but the other was said to be dead before the messenger came: but the Pequods harbored those of Block Island, and therefore justly brought the revenge of the English upon them. Amongst those soldiers that were sent under Capt. Endicot, were twenty that belonged to Saybrook fort, and were appointed to stay there, to defend the place against the Pequods. After the said captain and the rest were departed, those twenty lay wind bound in the Pequod harbor, and in the mean while went all of them ashore, with sacks to fetch some of the Pequods' corn; and having fetched each man one sack full to their boat, they returned for more, and having loaded themselves the Indians set upon them, so they laid down their corn, and gave fire upon the Indians, and the Indians shot the'r arrows against them; the place was open about the distance of a musket shot; the Indians kept the covert, save when they came forth at a time and discharged their arrows. The English put themselves in a single file, and ten only that had pieces that could reach them shot, the others 208 INDIAN WARS. stood ready to keep them from breaking in. So they continued most part of the afternoon; the English, as they supposed, killed divers of them, and hurt others; and the Indians wounded but one of the English, who was armed, all the rest being without; for they shot their arrows compass-wise, so as they could easily see and avoid them standing single, then always gathered up their arrows. At the last the Indians being weary of the sport, gave the English leave to retire to their boat. This was in Octo ber, 1636. About two days after, five men of Saybrook went up the river about four miles to fetch hay out of a meadow on the Pequod side. The grass was so high as some Pequods hiding themselves in it, set upon the English before they were aware, and took one that had hay on his back, the rest fled to their boat, one of them had five arrows in him, yet recovered. He that was taken was a goodly young man, whose name was Butterfield; whereupon the meadow was ever after called Butterfield's meadow. Icarus Icariis nomina dedit aquis. About fourteen days after, six of the soldiers were sent out of the fort to keep an house which they had set up in a corn-field, about two miles from the fort. Three of them went forth a fowling, which the lieutenant had strictly forbidden, two had pieces, and the third only a sword, when suddenly about an'hundred Indians came out of the covert and set upon them, he who had the sword brake through, and received onlytwo shot, and those not dangerous, and so escaped to the house which was not above a bow shot off, and persuaded the other two to follow, but they stayed still, till the Indians came and took them, and carried them away with their pieces. Soon after they beat down the said house, and out-houses, and hay-stacks, and within a bow shot of the fort, killed a cow, and shot divers others, which came home with arrows sticking in them." Destruction of the Pequots. "The report of the unheard of cruelties forementioned, which had been perpetrated by the Pequods filling the ears of the English throughout the country; it was agreed by the joint consent of the English throughout the three colonies to unite all their forces together for the suppressing the common enemy, early in the spring, A. D. 1637, who were also moved thereuntQ by their own necessities as well as by the earnest request of their friends at Connecticut." "The colony of Massachusetts determined to send an hundred and sixty, of whom an hundred and twenty were ordered under the conduct of Capt. Patrick of Watertown, and Capt. Trask of Salem, Capt. Stoughton of Dorchester being to command in chief; with whom was sent that holy man of God, Mr. John Wilson, (pastor of the church of Boston) the chariots and INDIAN WARS. 209 horsemen of our Israel, by whose faith and prayer, as sometimes was said of Luther, (in reference to Germany) the country was preserved, so as it was confidently believed that no enemy should break in upon a place whilst he survived, which as some have observed accordingly came to pass. The matter requiring great expedition, and it being long before the whole company could be dispatched away, Capt. Patrick with forty men were sent beforehand, to be sure to meet with those of Connecticut in case they should be in action, before the rest of our forces could get into a readiness, which accordingly come to pass; for the main business in taking the fort was over, even before the said Patrick could get thither. Capt. Underhill was sent by Mr. Vane the governor to Saybrook the winter before to strengthen the garrison there. The assaulting and surprising of this Indian fort being the most remarkable piece of service in that whole expedition; take it as it was delivered in writing by that valiant, faithful and prudent commander, Capt. Mason, chief in the action, who lived long after to reap the fruit of his labor, and enjoy the benefit of that day's service, having an inheritance given him in that part of the country, as a just reward of his faithful service on that day as well as at other times. Wequash, a Pequod by nation, but disgusted by the Sachem, proved a good guide to the English, by whose direction they were led to a fort near Mystic river, some miles nearer than Sassacous' fort, which they first intended to assault. On the second Wednesday of May, being the 10th day of that month, we set sail with ninety men of the English in one Pink, one Pinnace, and two boats, towards.the Pequods, with seventy river Indians; having somewhat a long passage to Saybrook fort, about forty of our Indians desired to go down by land on Saturday, but on Monday they went forth from the fort, and meeting seven Pequods and Nianticks they slew five outright, took one prisoner, and brought him into Saybrook fort, where he was executed by Capt. Underhill, the other escaped. On Monday we all landed at Saybrook fort, and stayed there until Tuesday; Capt. Underhill joining nineteen men with himself to us. Whereupon we sent back twenty of ours to strengthen our plantations; and so set sail on Thursday towards Narraganset, and arrived there on Friday. On Saturday myself, with Capt. Underhill, and Lieut. Sealy, with our guard marched to Canonicus by land, being about five miles distant, where we were kindly entertained after their manner. Having had party with him, we sent to Miantonimo, who would give no present answer; and so our Sabbath being on the morrow, we adjourned our meeting until Monday, at which time there assembled Miantonimo with the chiefest of them about two 18* 210 INDIAN WARS. hundred men; and being solemnly set for consultation after their manner, told them we were now going, God assisting, to revenge the wrong committed and bloodshed by their and our enemies, upon our native countrymen, not any away desiring their aid, unless they would voluntarily send, which they did exceedingly approve of. Moreover we told them that the English and they had always been friends for ought we knew, and so were we with the Indians that had not wronged Englishmen, which they acknowledged, and so made a large description of the Pequod's country, and told us they would send men with us; so we resolved there to keep our rendezvous at Canonicus his plantation on the morrow night being Tuesday; but the wind being stiff, we could not land our men until five or six of the clock in the afternoon, at which time I landed on Narraganset shore with thirty two men, and so marched to the place of rendezvous formerly appointed. Capt. Underhill and my lieutenant landed the rest, and came up to me that night. About two hours before day, came an Indian with a letter from Capt. Patrick, being then at Robert Williams's plantation with forty men, who desired us to stay for his coming and joining us, not intimating when that would be; which being considered and debated, we thought it could not be our safest course to wait for him, (though his present assist ance was much desired) for these reasons. Because the day before when we had absolutely resolved to go, the Indians plainly told us they thought we were but in jest, and also that Englishmen did talk much, but not fight; nay, they concluded that they would not go on; and besides if we should defer, we feared we should be discovered by reason of the frequent recourse between them by certain Squaws (who have mutual intercourse) whereupon we were constrained to set forward towards the Pequods, with seventy seven English." " On the Thursday, about eight of the clock in the morning, we marched thence towards Pequot, with about five hundred Indians; but through the heat of the weather, and want of provisions, some of our men fainted, and after having marched about twelve miles we came to Pawcatuck river, at a Ford where our Indians told us the Pequots did usually fish; there making an Alta, we stayed some small time; the Narragansett Indians manifesting great fear, in so much that many of them returned, although they had frequently despised us saying, that we durst not look upon a Pequot, but themselves would perform great things; though we had often told them that we came on purpose, and were resolved, God assisting, to see the Pequots, and to fight with them before we returned, though we perished. I then enquired of Onkos, (Uncas) what he thought the Indians would do 1 who said the Narragansetts would all leave us, but as for himself, he would never leave us: and so it proved; for which expression, and some other speeches of his, I shall never forget him. Indeed he was a great friend, and did great service. And after we had refreshed ourselves with our mean commons, we marched about three miles, and came to a field which had lately been planted with Indian corn: there we made another Alt, and called our council, supposing we drew near to the enemy: and being informed by the Indians that the enemy had two forts almost impregnable; but we were not at all discouraged, but rather animated, in so much that we were INDIAN WARS. 211 resolved to assault both their forts at once. But understanding that one of them was so remote that we could not come up with it before midnight, though we marched hard: whereat we were much grieved, chiefly because the greatest and bloodiest sachem there resided, whose name was Sassacous: we were then constrained, being exceedingly spent in our march with extreme heat and want of necessaries, to accept the nearest. Connecticut Militia reposing on Porter's Rocks. [Capt. Mason and his little army encamped the night previous to their attack on the Pequot fort, at a place now called Porter's Rocks, in Groton, Conn., near the head of Mystic river. The above engraving, representing these rocks, is from a drawing taken on the spot a few years since by the author of this work]. We then marching on in a silent manner, the Indians that remained fell all into the rear, who formerly kept the van, (being pressed with great fear;) we continued our march till about one hour in the night: and coming to a little swamp between two hills, we pitched our little camp; much wearied with. hard travel, keeping great silence, supposing we were very near the fort as our Indians informed us, which proved otherwise. The rocks were our pillows; yet rest was pleasant. The night proved comfortable, being clear and moonlight. We appointed our guards, and placed our sentinels at some distance; who heard the enemy singing at the fort, who continued that strain till midnight, with great exulting and rejoicing as we were afterwards informed. They seeing our pinnaces sail by them some days before, concluded we were afraid of them, and durst not come near them, the burthen of their song tending to that purpose." " In the morning, (Friday, 26th of May), we awaking and seeing it very light, supposing it had been day, and so we might have lost our opportunity, having purposed to make our assault before day, roused the men with all expedition, and briefly commended ourselves and design to God, thinking immediately to go to the assault. The Indians showed us a path, and told us that it led directly to the fort. We held 212 INDIAN WARS. on our march about two miles, wondering that we came not to the fort, and fearing we might be deluded; but seeing corn newly planted at the foot of a great hill, supposing the fort was not far off, a champion country being round about us; then making a stand, gave the word for some of the Indians to come up; at length Onkos and one Wequosh appeared. We demanded of them, Where was the fort? They answered on the top of that hill. Then we demanded, Where were the rest of the Indians? They answered behind, exceedingly afraid. We wished them to tell the rest of their fellows, that they should by no means fly, but stand at what distance they pleased, and see whether Englishmen would now fight or not. Then Captain Underhill came up, who marched in the rear; and commending ourselves to God, we divided our men, there being two entrances into the fort, intending to enter both at once-Captain Mason leading up to that on the north east side, who approached within one rod, heard a dog bark, and an Indian crying Owanux! Owanux! which is Englishmen! Englishmen! We called up our forces with all expedition, gave fire upon them through the pallizado, the Indians being in a dead, indeed their last sleep. Then we wheeling off, fell upon the main entrance, which was blocked up with bushes about breast high, over which the Captain passed, intending to make good the entrance, encouraging the rest to follow. Lieutenant Seeley endeavored to enter; but being somewhat cumbered, stepped back and pulled out the bushes and so entered, and with him about sixteen men. We had formerly concluded to destroy them by the sword and save the plunder. Whereupon Captain Mason seeing no Indians, entered a wigwam; where he was beset with many Indians, waiting all opportunities to lay hands on him, but could not prevail. At length William Haydon, espying the breach in the wigwam, supposing some English might be there, entered; but in his entrance fell over a dead Indian; but speedily recovering himself, the Indians some fled, others crept under their beds. The Captain going out of the wigwam, saw many Indians in the lane or street; he making towards them, they fled, were pursued to the end of the lane, where they were met by Edward Pattison, Thomas Barber, with some others; where seven of them were slain as they said. The Captain facing about, marched a slow pace up the lane; he came down, perceiving himself very much out of breath, and coming to the other end, near the place where he first entered, saw two soldiers standing close to the palisado, with their swords pointed to the ground; the Captain told them that we should never kill them after this manner. The Captain also said, We must burn them; and immediately stepping into the wigwam, where he had been before, brought out a fire-brand, and putting it into the mats with which they were covered, set the wigwams on fire. Lieutenant Thomas Bull and Nicholas Omsted beholding, came up; and when it was thoroughly kindled, the Indians ran as men most dreadfully amazed. And indeed such a dreadful terror did the Almighty let fall upon their spirits, that they would fly from us and run into the very flames, where many of them perished. And when the fort was thoroughly INDIAN WARS. 213 fired, command was given that all should fall off and surround the fort; which was readily attended by all, only one, Arthur Smith, being so woundec that he could not move out of the place, who was happily espied by Lieutenant Bull, and by him rescued. The fire was kindled on the north east side to the windward; which did swiftly overrun the fort, to the extreme amazement of the enemy, and great rejoicing of ourselves. Some of them climbing to the top of the palizado: others of them running into the very flames; many of them gathering to the windward, lay pelting at us with their arrows; and we repaid them with our small shot; others of the stoutest issued forth, as we did guess, to the number of forty, who perished by the sword. What I have formerly said, is according to my own knowledge, there being sufficient living testimony to every particular. But in reference to Capt. Underhill and his party's acting in this assault, I can only intimate as we are informed by some of themselves immediately after the fight, that they marched up to the entrance on the south west side; there they made some pause; a valiant, resolute gentleman, one Mr. Hedge, stepping towards the gate, saying, If we may not enter, wherefore came we here?' and immediately endeavored to enter; but was opposed by a sturdy Indian, which did impede his entrance; but the Indian being slain by himself and Sergeant Davis, Mr. Hedge entered the fort with some others; but the fort being on fire, the smoke and flames were so violent that they were constrained to desert the fort. Thus were they now at their wit's end, who not many hours before exalted themselves in their great pride, threatening and resolving the utter ruin and destruction of all the English, exulting and rejoicing with songs and dances: but God was above them, who laughed his enemies and the enemies of his people to scorn, making them as a fiery oven. Thus were the stout hearted spoiled, having slept their last sleep, and none of their men could find their hands. Thus did the Lord judge among the heathen, filling the place with dead bodies! And here we may see the just judgment of God, in sending even the very night before the assault one hundred and fifty men from the other fort, to join with them of that place, who were designed as some of themselves reported to go forth against the English, at that very instant when this heavy stroke came upon them, where they perished with their fellows. So that the mischief they intended to us, came upon their own pate. They were taken in their own snare, and we through mercy escaped. And thus in little more than one hour's space, was their impregnable fort with themselves utterly destroyed, to the number of six or seven hundred as some of themselves confessed. There were only seven taken captive, and about seven escaped. Of the English there were two slain outright, and about twenty wounded; some fainted by reason of the sharpness of the weather, it being a cool morning, and the want of such comforts and necessaries as are needful in such a case; especially our Chirurgeon was much wanting, whom we left with our barks in Narragansett Bay, who had orders to remain until the night before our intended assault. And thereupon grow Yr ay difficulties; our provision and munition near spent; we in 214 INDIAN WARS. the enemy's country, who did far exceed us in number, being much enraged, all our Indians except Onkos deserting us; our pinnaces at a great distance from us, and when they would come we were uncertain. But as we were consulting what course to take, it pleased God to discover our vessels to us before a fair gale of wind, sailing into Pequot Harbor, to our great rejoicing. We had no sooner discovered our vessels, but immediately came up the enemy from the other fort-three hundred or more as we conceived. The Captain led out a file or two of men to skirmish with them, chiefly to try what temper they were of, who put them to a stand; we being much encouraged thereat, presently prepared to march towards our vessels. Four or five of our men were so wounded that they must be carried with the arms of twenty more. We also being faint, were constrained to put four to one man, with the arms of the rest that were wounded to others; so that we had but forty men free. At length we hired several Indians, who eased us of that burthen, in carrying off our wounded men. And marching about one quarter of a mile, the enemy coming up to the place where the fort was, and beholding what was done, stamped and tore the hair from their heads; and after a little space, came mounting down the hill upon us, in a full career, as if they would overrun us: but when they came within shot, the rear faced about, giving fire upon them: some of them being shot, made the rest more wary; yet they held on running to and fro, and shooting their arrows at random. There was at the foot of the hill a small brook, where we rested and refreshed ourselves, having by that time taught them a little more manners than to disturb us. We then marched on towards Pequot Harbor, and falling upon several wigwams burnt them, the enemy still following us in the rear, which was to the windward, though to little purpose; yet some of them lay in ambush, behind rocks and trees, often shooting at us, yet through mercy touched not one of us; and as we came to any swamp or thicket, we made some shot to clear the passage. Some of them fell with our shot, and probably more might, but for want of munition; but when any of them fell, our Indians would give a great shout, and then they would take so much courage as to fetch their heads. And thus we continued until we came within two miles of Pequot Harbor; where the enemy gathered together and left us, we marching to the top of an hill adjoining the harbor, with our colors flying, having left our drum at the place of our rendezvous the night before; we seeing our vessels there riding at anchor, to our great rejoicing, and came to the water side; we sat down in quiet."-Capt. Mason's Hist. Pequot War. " This service being thus happily accomplished by these few hands that came from Connecticut; within a while after, the forces sent from the Massachusetts under the conduct of Capt. Stoughton as commander-in-chief, arrived there also, who found a great part of the work done to their hands, in the surprisal of the Pequods' fort as aforesaid, which was yet but the breaking of the nest, and unkennelling those savage wolves; for the body of them, with INDIAN WARS. 215 Sassacous the chief Sachem (whose very name was a terror to all the Narragansets) were dispersed abroad and scattered all over their country, yet so far were the rest dismayed, that they never durst make any assault upon the English, who in several parties were scattered about in pursuit of them. It was not long after Capt. Stoughton's soldiers came up before news was brought of a great number of the enemy, that were discovered by the side of a river up the country, being first trapanned by the Narragansets, under pretence of securing them, but they were truly hemmed in by them, though at a distance, yet so as they could not, or durst not stir from the place, by which means our forces of the Massachusetts had an easy conquest of some hundreds of them, who were there cooped up as in a pound; not daring to fight, nor able to fly away, and so were all taken without any opposition. The men among them to the number of 30, were turned presently into Charon's ferryboat, under the command of skipper Gallop, who dispatched them a little without the harbor; the females and children were disposed of according to the will of the conquerors, some being given to the Narragansets, and other Indians that assisted in the service. The rest of the enemy being first fired out of their strong hold, were taken and destroyed, a great number of them being seized in the places where they intended to have hid themselves, the rest fled out of their own country over Connecticut river, up towards the Dutch plantation. Our soldiers being resolved by God's assistance to make a final destruction of them, were minded to pursue them which way soever they should think to make their escape, to which end in the next place our soldiers went by water towards New Haven, whither they heard, and which in reason was most likely, they bent their course: soon after they were informed of a great number of them, that had betaken themselves to a neighboring place not far off, whither they might hope it was not likely they should be pursued; but upon search they found fifty or sixty wigwams, but without an Indian in any of them, but heard that they had passed along towards the Dutch plantation: whereupon our soldiers that were before, all embarked for Quillepiack, afterwards called New Haven, and being landed there, they had not far to march unto the place where it was most probable they should either find or hear of them; accordingly in their march they met here and there with sundry of them, whom they all slew or took prisoners, amongst whom were two Sachems, whom they presently beheaded; to a third that was either a Sachem or near akin to one, they gave his life upon condition that he should go and enquire where Sassacous was, and accordingly bring them word: this Indian, overlooking all other national or natural obligations, in consideration of his life that was received on that con 216 INDIAN WARS. dition, proved very true and faithful to those that sent him, his order was to have returned in three days, but not being able within so short a time to make a full discovery of the business, and also find a handsome way to escape, he made it eight days before he returned, in which something fell out not a little remarkable; for those he was sent to discover, suspecting at the last by his withdrawing himself, that he came for a spy, pursued after him, so he was forced to fly for his life, and getting down to the sea side he accidentally met with a canoe a little before turned adrift, by which means he paddled by some shift or other so far out of the harbor, that making a sign he was discerned by some on board one of the vessels that attended on our soldiers, by whom being taken up he made known what he had discovered. But after he was gone, Sassacous suspecting (and not without just cause) what the matter was, made his escape from the rest with 20 or 30 of his men to the Mohawks, by whom himself and they that were with him, were all murdered afterward, being hired thereunto by the Narragansets, as was confidently affirmed and believed.* The rest of the Pequods from whom Sassacous had made an escape, shifted every one for himself, leaving but three or four behind them (when a party of our soldiers according to the direction of him that was sent as a spy came upon the place) who would not or could not tell them whither their company were fled; but our soldiers ranging up and down as Providence guided them, at the last, July 13, 1637, they lighted upon a great number of them, they pursued them to a small Indian town seated by the side of an hideous swamp (in Fairfield) into which they all slipt, as well Pequods as natives of the place, before our men could make any shot upon them, having placed a sentinel to give warning, Mr. Ludlow and Capt. Mason with half a score of their men happened to discover this crew. Capt. Patrick and Capt. Trask with about an hundred of the Massachusetts forces came in upon them presently after the alarm was given; such commanders as first happened to be there gave special orders that the swamp should be surrounded (being about a mile in compass) but Lieut. Davenport belonging to Captain Trask's company, not hearing the word of command, with a dozen more of his company, in an over eager pursuit of the enemy, rushed immediately into the swamp, where they were very rudely entertained by those evening wolves that newly kenneled therein, for Lieut. Davenport was sorely wounded in the body, John Wedwood of Ipswich in the belly, and laid hold on by some of the Indians; Thomas Sherman of said Ipswich in the neck; some of their neighbors that ventured in with them were in danger of the enemy's arrows that flew very thick * Sassacous's scalp was sent down to the English.-Hubbard's Mass. Hist INDIAN WARS. 217 about them, others were in as much hazard of being swallowed by the miry boggs of the swamp, wherein they stuck so fast, that if Sargeant Riggs, of Roxbury, had not rescued two or three of them, they had fallen into the hands of the enemy; but such was the strength and courage of those that came to their rescue, that some of the Indians being slain with their swords, their friends were quickly relieved and drawn out of the mire and danger. But the Indians of the place, who had for company sake run with their guests the Pequods into the swamp, did not love their friendship so well as to be killed with them also for company sake, wherefore they began to bethink themselves that they had done no wrong to the English, and desired a parly, which was granted, and they presently understood one another by the means of Thomas Stanton, an exact interpreter then at hand. Upon which the Sachem of the place with several others and their wives and children, that liked better to live quietly in their wigwams than to be buried in the swamp, came forth and had their lives granted them. After some time of further parley with these, the interpreter was sent in to offer the like terms to the rest, but they were possessed with such a spirit of stupidity and sullenness that they resolved rather to sell their lives for what they could get there; and to that end began to let fly their arrows thick against him as intending to make his blood some part of the price of their own; but through the goodness of God toward him, his life was not to be sold on that account, he being presently fetched off By this time night drawing on, our commanders perceiving on which side of the swamp the enemies were lodged, gave orders to cut through the swamp with their swords, that they might the better hem them round in one corner which was presently done, and so they were begirt in all night, the English in the circumference plying them with shot all the time, by which means many of them were killed and buried in the mire, as they found the next day. The swamp by the forementioned device being reduced to so narrow a compass, that our soldiers standing at twelve feet distance could surround it, the enemy kept in all the night; but, a little before day break (by reason of the fog that useth to arise about that time, observed to be the darkest time of the night) twenty or thirty of the lustiest of the enemy broke through the besiegers, and escaped away into the woods, some by violence and some by. stealth cropping away, some of whom notwithstanding were killed in the pursuit; the rest were left to the mercy of the conquerors, of which many were killed in the swamp like sullen dogs, that would rather in their self-willedness and madness sit still to be shot or cut in pieces, than receive their lives for asking at the hand of those into whose power they were now fallen. Some that are yet living and worthy of credit do affirm, that in the 19 218 INDIAN WARS. morning entering into the swamp, they saw several heaps of them sitting close together, upon whom they discharged their piece, laden with ten or twelve pistol bullets at a time, putting the muzzles of their pieces under the boughs within a few yards of them; so as besides those that were found dead (near twenty it was judged) many more were killed and sunk into the mire and never were minded more by friend or foe; of those who were not so desperate or sullen as to sell their lives for nothing, but yielded in time, the male children were sent to the Bermudas, of the females some were distributed to the English towns, some were disposed of among the other Indians, to whom they were deadly enemies as well as to ourselves." War between Uncas and Miantonimoh.-After the conquest of the Pequots, the Narragansetts, the most numerous of the other Indians, either out of discontent that the whole sovereignty of the rest of the Indians was not adjudged to them, or out of envy that Uncas, the sachem of the Mohegans, had insinuated himself farther into the favor of the English than themselves, began a series of hostile acts which ended in war. The following traditionary account is from Dr. Trumbull's History of Connecticut. " Miantonimoh, without consulting the English, according to agreement, without proclaiming war, or giving Uncas the least information, raised an army of nine hundred or a thousand men, and marched against him. Uncas's spies discovered the army at some distance and gave him intelligence. He was unprepared, but rallying between four and five hundred of his bravest men, he told them they must by no means suffer Minantonimoh to come into their town; but must go and fight him on his way. Having marched three or four miles, the armies met upon a large plain. When they had advanced within fair bow shot of each other, Uncas had recourse to a stratagem, with which he had previously acquainted his warriors. He desired a parley, and both armies halted in the face of each other. Uncas, gallantly advancing in the front of his men, addressed Miantonimoh to this effect, 'You have a number of stout men with you, and so have I with me. It is a great pity that such brave warriors should be killed in a private quarrel between us only. Come like a man, as you profess to be, and let us fight it out. If you kill me, my men shall be yours; but if I kill you, your men shall be mine.' Miantonimoh replied, ' My men came to fight, and they shall fight.' Uncas falling instantly upon the ground, his men discharged a shower of arrows upon the Narragansetts; and, without a moment's interval, rushing upon them in a furious manner, with their hideous Indian yell, put them immediately to flight. The Mohegans pursued the enemy with the same fury and eagerness with which they commenced the action. The Narragansetts were driven down rocks and precipices, and chased like a doe by the huntsman. Among others Miantonimoh was exceedingly pressed. Some of Uncas's bravest men. who were most light of foot, INDIAN WARS. 219 coming up with him, twitched him back, impeding his flight, and passed him, that Uncas might take him. Uncas was a stout man, and rushing forward like a lion greedy of his prey, seized him by his shoulder. He knew Uncas, and saw that he was now in the power of the man whom he had hated, and by all means attempted to destroy; but he sat down sullen and spake not a word. Uncas gave the Indian whoop, and called up his men, who were behind, to his assistance. The victory was complete. About thirty of the Narragansetts were slain, and a much greater number wounded. Among the latter was a brother of Miantonimoh and two sons of Canonicus, a chief sachem of the Narragansett Indians. The brother of Miantonimoh was not only wounded, but armed with a coat of mail, both of which retarded his flight. Two of Miantonimoh's captains, who formerly were Uncas's men, but had treacherously deserted him, discovering his situation, took him and carried him to Uncas, expecting in this way to reconcile themselves to their sachem. But Uncas and his men slew them. Miantonimoh made no request either for himself or his men; but continued in the same sullen, speechless mood. Uncas therefore demanded of him why he would not speak. Said he, ' Had you taken me, I should have besought you for my life.' Uncas for the present, spared his life, though he would not ask it, and returned with great triumph to Moheagan, carrying the Narragansett sachem as an illustrious trophy of his victory. Uncas conducted Miantonimoh to Hartford. Here his mouth was opened, and he plead most earnestly to be left in the custody of the English, probably expecting better treatment from them than from Uncas. He was accordingly kept under guard at Hartford, till the meeting of the commissioners at Boston. After an examination of the case, the commissioners resolved, 'that as it was evident that Uncas could not be safe while Miantonimoh lived; but that either by secret treachery or open force, his life would be continually in danger, he might justly put such a false and bloodthirsty enemy to death.' They determined it should be done out of the English jurisdiction. They advised Uncas that no torture or cruelty, but ' all mercy and moderation be exercised in the manner of his execution.' Immediately upon the return of the commissioners of Connecticut and New Haven, Uncas, with a competent number of his most trusty men, was ordered to repair forthwith to Hartford. He was made acquainted with the determination of the commissioners, and receiving his prisoner, marched with him to the spot where he had been taken. At the instant they arrived on the ground, one of Uncas's men, who marched behind Miantonimoh, split his head with a hatchet, killing him at a single stroke. He was probably unacquainted with his fate, and knew not by what means he fell. Uncas cut out a large piece of his shoulder and ate it in savage triumph. He said,' It was the sweetest meat he ever eat, it made his heart strong.' The Mohegans, by the order of Uncas, buried him at the place of his execution, and erected a great heap or pillar upon his grave. This memorable event gave the place the name of Sachem's Plain 220 INDIAN WARS. PHILIP'S WAR. Murder of Sassaman, and beginning of the war.-After the death of Miantonimoh, the Narragansetts never appeared to be on friendly terms with the English; and probably by their influence, most of the Indian tribes were brought into hostility against them. Philip, the chief of the Wampanoags, the second son of Massasoit, was the most formidable Indian enemy of the English in New England. He succeeded his brother Alexander as sachem, about the year 1662; and being jealous of the growing power of the English, sided with the Narragansetts. In 1671, the English suspecting that he was plotting their destruction, sent for him to make known his causes for so doing. Philip at first denied his plotting against the English, but the proofs appearing so strong, he was so confounded, that he made a confession. He moreover with four of his counsellors, signed a submission, and an engagement of friendship, which also stipulated that he should give up all his arms among his people, into the hands of the governor of Plymouth, to be kept as long as the government should " see reason." " Yet did this treacherous and perfidious caitiff still harbour the same or more mischievous thoughts against the English than ever before, and hath been since that time plotting with all the Indians round about, to make a general insurrection against the English in all the colonies which, as some prisoners lately brought in have confessed, should have been put in execution at once, by all the Indians rising as one man, against all those plantations of English, which were next to them. The Narragansetts having promised, as was confessed, to rise with four thousand fighting men in the spring of this present year, 1676. But by the occasion hereafter to be mentioned about Sausaman, Philip was necessitated for the safety of his own life to begin his rebellion the year before, when the design was not fully ripe. Yet some are ready to think, that if his own life had not now been in jeopardy by the guilt of the murder of the aforesaid Sausaman, his heart might have failed him; when it should have come to be put in execution, as it did before in the year 1671, which made one of his Captains, of far better courage and resolution than himself, when he saw his cowardly temper and disposition, fling down his arms calling him a white-livered cur, or to that purpose, and saying that he would never own him again, or fight under him; and from that time hath turned to the English, and hath continued to this day a faithful and resolute soldier in their quarrels. That the Indians had a conspiracy amongst themselves to rise KING PHILIP OF POKONOKET. Drawn from an ancient print accomnpanying Dr. Stiles' edition of Church's historcy of Philips' War. This chieftian is represented in his robe of red cloth, and ot'uj iasignia of royalty, copied, it is supposed, from an original painting. 19* INDIAN WARS. 222 against the English, is confirmed by some of the Indians about Hadley, although the plot was not come to maturity when Philip began, the special providence of God therein overruling the contrivers: For when the beginning of the troubles first was reported from Mount I-Lope, many of the Indians were in a kind of amaze, not knowing well what to do, sometimes ready to stand for the English, as formerly they had been wont to do; sometimes inclining to strike in with Philip, (which at the last they generally did) which if it had been foreseen, much of that mischief might have been prevented that fell out in several places, more by perfidious and treacherous dealing than any other ways; the English. never imagining that after so many obliging kindnesses received from them by the Indians, besides their many engagements and protestations of friendship as formerly, they would have been so ungrateful, perfidiously false and cruel, as they have since proved. The occasion of Philip's so sudden taking up arms the last year was this-there was one John Sausaman, a very cunning and plausible Indian well skilled in the English language, and bred up in a profession of the Christian religion, employed as a schoolmaster at Natick, the Indian town, who upon some misdemeanour fled from his place to Philip, by whom he was entertained in the room and office of a Secretary, and his chief counsellor, whom he trusted with all his affairs and secret counsels: But afterwards, whether upon the sting of his own conscience, or by the frequent solicitations of Mr. Eliot, that had known him from a child and instructed him in the principles of our religion, who was often laying before him the heinous sin of his apostacy, and returning back to his old vomit, he was at last prevailed with to forsake Philip, and returned back to the christian Indians at Natick, where he was baptized, manifesting public repentance for all his former offences, and made a serious profession of the christain religion: and did apply himself to preach to the Indians, wherein he was better gifted than any other of the Indian nation, so as he was observed to conform more to the English manner than any other Indian; yet having occasion to go up with some others of his countrymen to Namasket; (now Middleborough) whether the advantage of fishing, or some such occasion, it matters not; being there not far from Philip's country, he had the occasion to be much in the company of Philip's Indians, and Philip himself; by which means he discerned by several circumstances, that the Indians were plotting anew against us; which out of faithfulness to the English, the said Sausaman informed the Governor of, adding also, that if it were known that he revealed it,,he knew they would presently kill him. There appearing so many concurrent testimonies from others, making it the more probable, that there was a certain truth in the information, some enquiry was made into the business, by examining Philip himself, and several of his Indians, who although they would own nothing, yet could not free themselves from just suspicion. Philip therefore soon after contrived the said Sausaman's death, which was strangely discovered, notwithstanding it was so cunningly effected, for they thLit 224 INDIAN WARS. murdered him met him upon the ice on a great pond; and presently after they had knocked him down, put him under the ice, yet leaving his gun and hat upon the ice, that it might be thought he fell in accidentally through the ice and was drowned: but being missed by his friends, who finding his hat and gun, they were thereby led to the place, where his body was found under the ice.-When they took him up to bury him, some of his friends, particularly one David, observed some bruises about his head, which made them suspect that he was first knocked down before he was put into the water, however they buryed him near about the place where he was found, without making any further enquiry at present: Nevertheless David his friend, reported these things to some English at Taunton (a town not far from Namasket) whlich occasioned the Governor to enquire further into the business, wisely considering that as Sausaman had told him that if it were known that he revealed any of their plots, they would murder him for his pains: wherefore, by special warrant the body of Sausaman being digged again out of his grave, it was very apparent that he had been killed and not drowned. And by a strange providence, an Indian was found, that by accident standing unseen upon a hill, had seen them murdering the said Sausaman, but durst never reveal it for fear of losing his own life likewise, until he was called to the court at Plymouth, or before the Governor where he plainly confessed what he had seen. The murderers being apprehended, were convicted by his undeniable testimony, and other remarkable circumstances, and so were all put to death, being three in number; the last of them confessed immediately before his death, that his father (one of the Counsellors and special friends of Philip) was one of the two that murdered Sausaman, himself only looking on. This was done at Plymouth Court, held in June, 1675, insomuch that Philip, apprehending the danger his own head was in next, never used any further means to clear himself from what was like to be laid to his charge, either about his plotting against the English, nor yet about Sausaman's death; but by keeping his men continually about him in arms, and gathering what strangers he could to join with him, marching up and down constantly in arms, both all the while the Court sat, as well as afterwards. The English of Plymouth, hearing of all this, yet took no further notice than only to order a military watch in all the adjacent towns, hoping that Philip, finding himself not likely to be arraigned by order of the said Court, the present cloud might blow over as some others of like nature had done before: but in conclusion, the matter proved otherwise; for Philip finding his strength daily increasing by flocking of neighbour Indians unto him, and sending over their wives and children to the Narragansetts for security (as they use to do when they intend war with any of their enemies) they immediately began to alarm the English at Swanzy (the next town to Philip's country) as it were daring the English to begin; at last their insolencies grew to such a height, that they began not only to use threatening words to the English, but also to kill their cattle and rifle their houses; whereat an Englishman was so provoked, that he let INDIAN WARS. 225 fly a gun at an Indian, but did only wound, not kill him; whereupon the Indians immediately began to kill all the English they could, so as on the 24th of June, 1675, was the alarm of war first sounded in Plymouth colony, when eight or nine of the English were slain in and about Swanzey; they first making a shot at a company of English as they returned from the assembly where they were met in a way of humiliation on that day, whereby they killed one and wounded others, and then likewise at the same time they slew two men on the highway, sent to call a surgeon; and the same day barbarously murdered six men in and about a dwelling-house in another part of the town; all which outrages were committed so suddenly, that the English had no time to make any resistance." Attack on Brookfield.-" The Governor and Council of Massachusetts were sensible of as much danger from the Nipnet Indians, as from the former; they being the inland part of the country betwixt the sea-coast and Connecticut river westward, and the towns about the Massachusetts Bay eastward, whereupon some persons that used to trade with the said Nipnets, were sent to sound them, and find how they stood affected, for which also there was the more reason, because they were always in subjection to the sachem of Mount Hope, and so were the more like to engage in the present quarrel; of which there had been sufficient proof already; when on the 14th of July, some of the Nipnet Indians next bordering on Philip's country set upon some of the Mendham,* where they killed four or five persons, which was the first mischief done upon any of the inhabitants within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, acted as was said by one Matoonas, who was father to him that had committed a murder soon after Philip's first rebellion, Anno 1671. The messenger that was sent thither, brought word back that they found the said Indians wavering: the young men very surly and insolent, the elder ones shewing some inclination to maintain the wonted peace. Soon after, July 28, 1675, Capt. Wheeler was sent to assist Capt. Hutchinson with a party of 20 horse to treat further about the peace, who going first to Quabaog, or Brookfield, (a town situate about 60 or 70 miles from Boston, in the road of Connecticut, lying about 25 miles from the said river, and not far distant from the chief seat of the Nipnet Indians), the inhabtants of the said Brookfield had been so deluded by those treacherous villains, that fearing no danger, they obtain of those Nipnets the promise of a treaty upon the 2d of August; whereupon some of the chief of the town rode along unarmed with the said Wheeler and Hutchinson, with their party of horse, until they came to the place appointed; but finding no Indians, so secure were they, that they ventured along further, to find * Mendon, a town situate northward from Mount Hope, within 36 miles of Boston 226 INDIAN WARS. the infidels at their chief town, never suspecting the least danger, but when they had rode four or five miles that way, they fell into an ambush, of two or three hundred Indians, laid in such a narrow passage, betwixt a steep hill on the one hand, and a hideous swamp on the other, that it was scarce possible for any of them to escape, eight of them being shot down upon the place (whereof three were of Brookfield) and three mortally wounded, whereof Capt. Hutchinson was one; Capt. Wheeler was also' near losing his life, whose horse was shot down under him and himself shot through the body, so that all manner of hopes to escape had been removed from him, had it not been for his son, who was (by God's good providence) near or next unto him, this son being a man of undaunted courage, (notwithatsnding his own arm was broken with a bullet), with great nimbleness and agility of body dismounted himself, and speedily mounted his father upon his own horse, himself getting upon another, whose master was killed, by which means they both escaped, and were afterwards cured. Much ado had those that were left alive to recover Brookfield, which in all probability they never had done (the common road being waylaid with Indians on every side as was afterwards known) had it not been for one well acquainted with those woods, who led them in a by-path, by which means they got thither a little before the Indians, who quickly came flocking into the town, with full intent to destroy it with fire and sword. But by special providence the inhabitants were all gathered to the principal house of the village (there being scarce 20 in the town) before the barbarous miscreants came upon them, immediately set ting fire upon all the dwelling-houses with most of the other build ings in the town, save that one into which the inhabitants were retired, which they several times attempted to burn, but were al most miraculously defeated of their purpose by the immediate hand of God. In the mount of the Lord it shall be seen. For when they had for two days assaulted that poor handful of helpless people, both night and day pouring in shot upon them incessantly with guns and also thrusting poles with fire brands, and rags dipt in brimstone, tied to the ends of them to fire the house; at last they used this devlish stratagem to fill a cart with hemp, flax and other combustible matter, and so thrusting it backward with poles spliced together a great length, after they had kindled it; but as soon as it had begun to take fire, a storm of rain unexpectedly falling, put out the fire, or else all the poor people, about 70 souls, would either have been consumed by merciless flames, or else have fallen into the hands of their cruel enemies, like wolves continually yelling and gaping for their prey." " The next night Major Willard, by accident, hearing of the danger the people were in, came with forty-eight dragoons to their re INDIAN WARS. 227 Attack on Brookjield. lief. The occasion which brought Major Willard, and Capt. Parker of Groton with forty-six more, so timely to their relief, was this; Major Willard in pursuance of his commission from the Governor and council, was upon Wednesday, August 4th, in the morning, marching out after some Indians to the westward, to secure them: just as they were setting forth, some of Marlborough, who had intelligence (by those that were going to Connecticut and fbrced to return) what distress Brookfield was in, and knowing of Major Willard's purpose to go out that morning from Lancaster, sent a post to acquaint him therewith, which, though it did not find him in the town, yet overtook him before he had gone above four or five miles from the place: whereupon, conceiving it more needful to succour Brookfield in so imminent danger, than to proceed further upon his intended design, he altered his course and marched directly thither, being about thirty miles distant when the tidings were brought him; so he arrived there that night very seasonably, about an hour after it was dark, or else in all probability they had all perished before the relief sent up from Boston could have reached them, which was not till three days after. The providence of God likewise in bringing in the said Major so safely, as well as seasonably to their relief, was very remarkable: For the Indians had subtilly contrived to cut off all relief sent before it could come at them, by laying ambushes, and placing their scouts at two or three miles distance round the town: About an hundred of them were lodged at an house not far off in the way toward Boston, to cut off any succour that might come from thence: but it is supposed they were so intense upon the project they were about for firing 228 INDIAN WARS. the house, concluding it would without fail take place, that either they did not mind their business of watching, or made such a noise for joy thereof, that they did not hear their centinels when they shot off their guns, at two miles distance. It is said that another party of the Indians let the Major and his company purposely pass by them, without any opposition, waiting for the blow to be given at their first approach near the house, purposing themselves to have fallen upon their rear, and so to have cut them all off, before the besieged understood any thing thereof. But it pleased God so to order things in providence, that no notice was taken of them by the besiegers, nor were they at all discerned by them, till they had made themselves known to their friends, and were admitted within the court of guard; when the enemy had notice thereof, they poured in their shot abundantly upon them; but they were now sheltered from the danger thereof; only it seems their horses were exposed to their fury, as many of them were maimed and killed, as were most of the cattle belonging to the inhabitants of the place soon after. After the Indians understood that succors were come in to the besieged, they fired all that they had left standing for their own shelter while they had besieged the place beforementioned, and ran all away into their own dens, in the neighbouring woods: however it was confessed by one of themselves, that the enemy had 80 of their men killed and wounded in this business." Surprisal of Capt. Beers and Lothrop.-The Indians being driven westward to Connecticut river, succeeded in stirring up the Indians in that region against the English. They were pursued by Captains Lothrop, Beers and others, and overtaken at a place called Sugar Loaf Mountain in Deerfield, where a skirmish took place in which nine or ten of the English were slain and about 26 Indians. On the 1st of Sept. the Indians burnt the most of Deerfield, and two or three days afterwards they fell up on Squakeag, (now Northfield), another new plantation higher up the river, where they killed nine or ten persons, and the rest escaped into the garrison house. "The next day, this disaster not being known, Capt. Beers, for fear of the worst, with 36 men, was sent up to the said Squakeag, with supplies both of men and provisions to secure the small garrison there, but before they came very near to the town, they were set upon by many hundreds of Indians out of the bushes by a swamp side. By this sudden surprisal Capt. Beers (who was known to fight valiantly to the very last) with about 20 of his men, were slain, the rest flying back to Hadley. Here the barbarous villains shewed their insolent rage and cruelty, more than ever before, cutting off the heads of some of the slain, and fixing them upon poles near the highway, and not only so, but one (if not more) was found with a chain hooked into his under jaw, and so hung up on the bough of a tree, (it is feared he was hung up alive), by which means they thought to daunt and INDIAN WARS. 229 discourage any that might come to their relief, and also to terrify those that should be spectators with the beholding so sad an object; insomuch that Major Treat with his company, going up two days after to fetch off the residue of the garrison, were solemnly affected with that doleful sight, which made them make the more haste to bring down the garrison, not waiting for any opportunity to take revenge upon the enemy, having but 100 with him, too few for such a purpose. Capt. Appleton going up after him, met him coming down, and would willingly have persuaded them to have turned back, to see if they could have made any spoil upon the enemy, but the greater part advised to the contrary, so that they were all forced to return with what they Attack on Capt. Beers at Bloody Brook, in Deerfield. could carry away, leaving the rest for a booty to the enemy, who shall ere long pay a sad reckoning for their robberies and cruelties, in the time appointed: But the sufferings of the English were not as yet come to their height, for after they were come to Hadley, the commander in chief taking counsel with the officers of the soldiers, ordered them that were then present to garrison the towns about; some to be at Northampton, Hatfield and Deerfield, and some to remain at Hadley, where were the head quarters of the English. But perceiving that little good was to be done upon the enemy in those parts, it was agreed that what corn was left at Deerfield, being threshed out as well as they could in those tumults, (above 3000 bushels was supposed to be there standing in stacks), should be brought to Hadley, and to wait further time to fight the enemy. It came to Capt. Lothrop's turn, or rather it was his choice with about 80 men to guard several carts laden with corn and other goods. The company under Capt. Mosely then quartering at Deerfield intended that day to pursue 20 230 INDIAN WARS. after the enemy. But upon Sept. 18, that most fatal day, the saddest that ever befel New England, as the company under Capt. Lothrop were marching along with the carts (it may be too securely) never apprehending danger so near, they were suddenly set upon, and almost all cut off, (90 killed, teamsters included), not above 7 or 8 escaping: Which great defeat came to pass by the unadvised proceedings of the Captain (who was himself slain in the first assault) although he wanted neither courage nor skill to lead his soldiers; but having taken up a wrong notion about the best way and manner of fighting with the Indians (which he was always wont to argue for) viz. that it were best to deal with the Indians in their own way, scil. by skulking behind trees, and taking their aim at single persons, which is the usual manner of the Indians fighting one with another; but herein was his great mistake, in not considering the great disadvantage a smaller company would have in dealing that way with a greater multitude: For if five have to deal with one, they may surround him, and every one take his aim at him, while he can level but at one of his enemies at a time: Which gross mistake of his, was the ruin of a choice company of young men, the very flower of the county of Essex, all culled out of the towns belonging to that county, none of which were ashamed to speak with the enemy in the gate: their dear relations at home mourning for them, like Rachel for her children, and would not be comforted, not only because they were not, but because they were so miserably lost. The like mistake was conceived to be the reason of the loss of the former persons slain with the said Lothrop, pursuing the Indians that ran away from Hadley, and of the 20 slain with Capt. Beers' men, who betook themselves at first to the trees, and at the last a few got to their horses soon after their Captain was shot down. For had he ordered his men to march in a body, as some of his fellow commanders advised, either backward or forward, in reason they had not lost a quarter of the number of them that fell that day by,the edge of the sword. For the Indians, notwithstanding their subtilty and cruelty, durst not look an Englishman in the face in the open field, nor ever yet known to kill any man with their guns, unless when they could lie in wait for him in ambush, or behind some shelter, taking aim undiscovered, so that although it was judged by those that escaped, that there were 7 or 800 Indians at least that encountered that company of 80 English, yet if they had kept together in a body, and fought marching, they might have escaped the numbers of the enemy, with little loss in comparison of what they sustained. For the valiant and successful Capt. Mosely, and his Lieutenant, coming (though too late) to their rescue, marched through and through that great body of Indians and yet came off with little or no loss in comparison of the other. And having fought all those Indians for five or six hours upon a march, lost not above two men all that while, nor received other damage except that eight or nine were wounded. This sore defeat of Capt. Lothrop and his men, was the more to be lamented, in that (falling out so soon after two other of the like INDIAN WARS. 231 nature) it so emboldened the enemy, that they durst soon after adventure upon considerable towns, though well garrisoned with soldiers, and gave them occasion of the most insolent braving the garrison at Deerfield the next day, hanging up the garments of the English in sight of the soldiers, yet on the other side of the river. However, it pleased God, who is always wont to remember his people in their low estate, to put such a restraint upon them, that when they passed very near the garrison house at Deerfield, (wherein were not left above 27 soldiers), their Captain using this stratagem, to cause his trumpet to sound as if he had another troop near by to be called together, they turned another way and made no attempt upon the house where that small number was, which if they had done with any ordinary resolution, so small a handful of men could hardly have withstood the force of so many hundreds as were then gathered together. What loss the enemy sustained by the resistance of Capt. Lothrop and his men, (who no doubt being all resolute young men, and seeing they should be forced by the hard law of the sword to forego their lives, held them at as high a rate as they could), is not certainly known. It has since been confessed by some of the Indians themselves, that they lost 96 of their men that day. Capt. Mosely's men coming suddenly upon them when they were pillaging of the dead, fell upon them with such a smart assault, that they drove them presently into a swamp, following them so close, that for seven miles together they fought them upon a march, charging them through and through." Attack on Springjfield.-" The inhabitants of Springfield were not insensible of their danger, and therefore had upon the first breaking forth of these troubles been treating with their Indians, and had received from them the firmest assurance and pledges of their faithfulness and friendship that could be imagined or desired, both by covenant, promises, and hostages given for security, so as no doubt was left in any of their minds: Yet did these faithless and ungrateful monsters plot with Philip's Indians to burn and destroy all Springfield, as they had done Brookfield before. To that end they sent cunningly and enticed away the hostages from Hartford, where they were perhaps too securely watched over, a day or two before: Then receiving about 300 of Philip's Indians into their fort, privately in the night time, so as they were neither discerned or suspected. Yea so confident were such of the inhabitants as were most conversant with the Indians at their fort, that they would not believe there was any such plot in hand, when it was strangely revealed by one Toto, an Indian at Windsor, (about 18 or 20 miles below Springfield, upon the same river), better affected to the English, and so by post tidings brought to Springfield the night before, insomuch that the Lieutenant of the town, Cooper by name, was so far from believing the stratagerm, that in the morning himself with another would venture to 232 INDIAN WARS. ride up to the fort, to see whether things were so or not. The fort was about a mile from the town; when he came within a little thereof, he met these bloody and deceitful monsters, newly issued out of their Equus Trojanus to act their intended mischief; they presently fired upon him, divers of them, and shot him in several places through the body, yet being a man of stout courage, he kept his horse till he recovered the next garrison house, his companion they shot dead upon the place; by this means giving a sad alarm to the town of their intended mischief, which was instantly fired in all places where there were no garrisons. The poor people having not an officer to lead them, being like sheep ready for the slaughter, and no doubt the whole town had been totally destroyed, but that a report of the plot being carried about over night, Major Treat came from Westfield time enough for their rescue, but wanting boats to transport his men, could not do so much as he desired. Major Pynchon coming from Hadley with Capt. Appleton and what forces they could bring along with them, 32 houses being first consumed, preserved the rest of the town from being turned to ashes, in which the over credulous inhabitants might now see (what before they would not now believe at the burning Maj. Pynchon's barns and stables a few days before, to a very great damage of the owner), the faithless and deceitful friendship among these perfidious, cruel and hellish monsters. Amongst the ruins of the said dwellings, the saddest to behold was the house of Mr. Pelatiah Clover, minister of the town, furnished with a brave library, which he had but newly brought back from a garrison wherein it had been for some time before secured, but as if the danger had been over with them, the said minister, a great student, and an hilluo librorum, being impatient for want of his books, brought them back to his great sorrow, fit for a bonfire for the proud insulting enemy. Of all the mischiefs done by the said enemy before that day, the burning of this town of Springfield did more than any other discover the said actors to be the children of the devil, full of all subtilty and malice, there having been for about forty years so good correspondence betwixt the English of that town and the neighboring Indians. But in them is made good what is said in the Psalm, That though their words were smoother than oil, yet were they drawn swords." " Swamp Fight" with the Narragansetts.-In July, 1675, the English made a friendly treaty with the Narragansett Indians. Notwithstanding this, it was discovered that they secretly aided Philip's party. This determined the English to undertake a winter expedition against them. For this object, the colony of Massachusetts furnished five hundred and twenty-seven men, Ply INDIAN WARS. 233 mouth one hundred and fifty-nine, and Connecticut three hundred: to all these were attached one hundred and fifty Mohegan Indians. Josiah Winslow, governor of Plymouth Colony, was elected their commander. "The whole number of all our forces being now come, the want of provision with the sharpness of the cold, minded them of expedition, wherefore the very next day, the whole body of the Massachusetts and Plymouth forces marched away to Pettyquamscot intending to engage the enemy upon the first opportunity that next offered itself: To which resolution those of Connecticut presently consented, as soon as they met together, which was about 5 o'clock in the afternoon: Bull's house intended for their general rendezvous, being unhappily burnt down two or three days before, there was no shelter left either for officers or private soldiers, so as they were necessitated to march on toward the enemy through the snow, in a cold stormy evening, finding no other defence all that night, save the open air, nor any other covering than a cold and moist fleece of snow. Through all these difficulties they marched from the break of the next day, December 19th, till one of the clock in the afternoon, without even fire to warm them, or respite to take any food, save what they could chew in their march. Thus having waded fourteen or fifteen miles through the country of the old Queen, or Sunke Squaw of Narraganset, they came at 1 o'clock upon the edge of the swamp where their guide assured them they would find Indians enough before night. Our forces chopping thus upon the seat of the enemy, upon the sudden, they had no time either to draw up in any order or form of battle, nor yet opportunity to consult where or how to assault. As they marched, Capt. Mosely and Capt. Davenport led the Van, Major Appleton and Capt. Oliver brought up the rear of Massachusetts forces: General Winslow with the Plymouth forces marched in the centre; those of Connecticut came up in the rear of the whole body: But the frontiers discerning Indians in the edge of the swamp, fired immediately upon them who answering our men in the same language, retired presently into the swamp, our men followed them in amain, without staying for the word of command, as if every one were ambitious who should go first, never making any stand till they came to the sides of the fort, into which the Indians that first fired upon them betook themselves. It seems that there was but one entrance into the fort, though the enemy found many ways to come out, but neither the English or their guide well knew on whi h side the entrance lay: nor was it easy to have made another; wherefore the good providence of Almighty God is the more to be acknowledged, who as he led Israel sometimes by the pillar of fire, and the cloud of his presence, a right way through the wilderness, so did he now direct our forces upon that side of the fort, where they might not only enter through not without the utmost danger and hazard. The fort was raised upon a kind of an island of 20* 234 INDIAN WARS. five or six acres of rising land in the midst of a swamp; the sides of it were made of pallisadoes, set upright, which was compassed about with an hedge of almost a rod thickness, thro' which there was no passing unless they could have fired a way through, which then they had no time to do. The place where the Indians used ordinarily to enter themselves, was upon a long tree over a place of water, where but one man could enter at a time, and which was so way-laid that they would have been cut off that had ventured there: But at one corner there was a cap made up only with a long tree, about four o01 five foot from the ground, over which men might easily pass: But they had placed a kind of a Block-house right over against the said tree, from whence they sorely galled our men that first entered, some being shot dead upon the tree, as was Capt. Davenport; so as they that first entered were forced presently to retire, and fall upon their bellies, the fury of the enemy's shot was pretty well spent, which some companies that did not discern the danger, not observing, lost sundry of their men, but at the last two companies being brought up, besides the four that first marched up, they animated one another, to make another assault, one of the commanders crying out they run, they run, which did so encourage the soldiers that they presently entered amain. After a considerable number were well entered, they presently beat the enemy out of a flanker on the left hand, which did a little shelter our men from the enemy's shot, till more came up, and so by degrees made up higher, first into the middle, and then into the upper end of the fort, till at last they made the enemy all retire from their sconses, and fortified places, leaving multitudes of their dead bodies upon the place. Connecticut soldiers marching up in the rear, being not aware of the dangerous passage over the tree, in command of the enemy's block-house, were at their first entrance many of them shot down, although they came on with as gallant resolution as any of the rest, under the conduct of their wise and valiant leader, Major Treat. The brunt of the battle, or danger that day lay most upon the commanders whose part it was to lead on their several companies in the very face of death, or else all had been lost; so as all of them with great valour and resolution of mind, as not at all afraid to die in so good a cause, bravely led on their men in that desperate assault; leaving their lives in the place as the best testimony of their valour, and of love to the cause of God and their country i No less than six brave Captains fell that day in the assault, viz. Capt. Davenport; Capt. Gardiner, Capt. Johnson, of Massachusetts, besides Lieutenant Upham, who died some months after of his wounds received at that time. Capt. Gallop also, and Capt. Sieley and Capt. Marshall were slain, of those belonging to Connecticut colony. It is usually seen that the valour of the soldiers is much wrapped up in the lives of their Commanders, yet it was found here, that the soldiers were rather engaged than discouraged by the loss of their Commanders, which made them redouble their courage, and not give back after they were entered a second time, till they had driven out their enemies: So after much --:--- ---- --- _2; ATTACK ON THE NARRAGANSETT FORT DEC. 19TH. 1675. INDIAN WARS. 237 blood and many wounds dealt on both sides, the English seeing their advantage, began to fire the wigwams, where was supposed to be many of the enemies' women and children destroyed, by the firing of at least five or six hundred of their smoaky cells. It is reported by them that first entered the Indian's fort, that our soldiers came upon them when they were ready to dress their dinner, but our sudden and unexpected assault put them beside that work, making their cook rooms too hot for them at that time, when they and their mitchin fried together: And probably some of them eat their suppers in a colder place that night: Most of their provisions as well as their huts being then consumed with fire, and those that were left alive forced to hide themselves in a cedar swamp, not far off, where they had nothing to defend them from the cold but boughs of spruce and pine trees: For after two or three hours fight, the English became masters of the place, but not judging it tenable, after they had burned all they could set fire upon, they were forced to retreat, after the day light was almost quite spent, and were necessitated to retire to their quarters, full fifteen or sixteen miles off, some say more, whither with their dead and wounded men they were forced to march, a difficulty scarce to be believed and not to be paralleled in any former age. Our victory was found afterwards to be much more considerable than at first was apprehended; for although our loss was very great not only because of the desperateness of the attempt itself (in such a season of the year, and at such a distance from our quarters, whereby many of our wounded men perished, which might otherwise have been preserved, if they had not been forced to march so many miles in a cold snowy night, before they could be dressed) yet the enemy lost so many of their principal fighting men, their provision also was by the burning of their wigwams, so much of it spoiled at the taking of their fort, and by surprizing so much of their corn about that time also; that it was the occasion of their total ruin afterwards: They being at that time driven away from their habitations, and put by from planting for the next year, as well as deprived of what they had in store for the present winter. What numbers of the enemy were slain is uncertain, it was confessed by one Postock, a great Counsellor amongst them, afterwards taken at Rhode Island, and put to death at Boston, that the Indians lost 700 fighting men that day, besides three hundred that died of their wounds, the most of them: The number of old men, women and children, that perished either by fire, or that were starved with hunger and cold, none of them could tell. There was above 80 of the English slain, and 150 wounded, that recovered afterwards. There were several circumstances in this victory very remarkable. First, The meeting with one Peter a fugitive Indian, that upon some discontent, flying from the Narragansetts, offered himself to the service of the English, and did faithfully perform what he had promised, viz. to lead them to the swamp where the Indians had seated 238 INDIAN WARS. themselves within a fort raised upon an Island of firm earth, in the midst of a swamp, whither none of the English could have piloted them without his assistance, the place being very near eighteen miles from the place where they were quartered. Secondly, Their being by a special providence directed just to a place where they found so easy entrance, which if they had missed they could never have made a way through the hedge, with which they had surrounded the pallisadoes of the fort in half a day's time. And Thirdly, If they had entered by the way left by the Indians for passage, they might have been cut off, before they could have come near their fortification. Lastly, In directing their motion to begin the assault just at the day they did, for if they had deferred but a day longer, there fell such a storm of snow the next day that they could not have passed through it in divers weeks after: And on a sudden there fell such a thaw, that melted away both ice and snow, so that if they had deferred till that time, they could have found no passage into their fortified place. All which considerations put together, make it a signal favour of God to carry them through so many difficulties to accomplish their desired end. For after they were retired to their quarters, but sixteen miles from that place, there was so great want of provision, the vessels being frozen in at the harbour about Cape Cod, that should have brought them relief, and the frost and snow set in so violently, that it was not possible for them, with all the force they could make (so many of their ablest soldiers being slain and wounded,) to have made another onset: But the goodness of Almighty God was most of all to be admired, that notwithstanding all the hardships they endured that winter, in very cold lodgings, hard marches, scarcity of provision, yet not one man was known to die by any disease or bodily distemper, save them that perished of their wounds." Burning of Lancaster and Medfield.-" About the 10th of February after, some hundreds of Indians, whether Nipnets or Nashaway men (is uncertain) belonging to him they call Sagamore Sam, and possibly some of the stoutest of the Narragansets that had escaped the winter brunt, fell upon Lancaster, a small village, of about fifty or sixty families, and did much mischief, burning most of the houses that were not garrisoned: And which is most sad and awful to consider, the house of Mr. Rowlandson, minister of said Lancaster, which was garrisoned with a competent number of the inhabitants; yet the fortification of the house being on the back side, closed up with fire wood, the Indians got so near as to fire a leanter, which burning the house immediately to the ground, all the persons therein were put to the hard choice, either to perish by the flames, or to yield themselves into the hands of those cruel savages, which last (considering that a living dog is better than a dead lion) they chose, and so were 42 persons surprised by the Indians, above twenty of the women and children INDIAN WARS. 239 they carried away captive, a rueful spectacle to behold; the rest being men, they killed in the place, or reserved for further misery: And many that were not slain in fighting, were killed in attempting to escape. The minister himself was occasionally absent, to seek help from the Governor and Council to defend that place, who returning, was entertained with the tragical news of his wife and children surprised, and being carried away by the enemy, and his house turned into ashes, yet it pleased God so to uphold his heart, comforting himself in his God as David at Ziklag, that he would always say, he believed he should see his wife and children again, which did in like manner soon come to pass within five or six months after; all save the youngest, which being wounded at the first died soon after, among the Indians. And such was the goodness of God to those poor captive women and children, that they found so much favour in the sight of their enemies, that they offered no wrong to any of their persons save what they could not help, being in many wants themselves. Neither did they offer any uncivil carriage to any of the females, nor ever attempted the chastity of any of them, eilher being restrained of God, as was Abimileck 9f old, or by some other accidental cause which withheld them from doing any wrong in that kind. The western towns above Connecticut were the chief seat of the war, and felt most of the mischief thereof, in the end of the year 1675; but the scene is now to be changed; and the other towns and villages that lie eastward, nearer Boston, must bear their part in the like tragedies: For as was said before, the Narragansets having been driven out of the country, fled through the Nipnet plantations, towards Watchuset hills, meeting with all the Indians that had harboured all winter in those woods about Nashaway, they all combined against the English, yet divided their numbers, and one half of them were observed to bend their course toward Plymouth, taking Medfield in their way, which they endeavoured to burn and spoil, February 21, 1675, as their fellows had done Lancaster ten days before. The surprisal of this Medfield, in regard of some remarkable circumstances it was attended with, is not unworthy a more particular relating as to the manner thereof: The loss of Lancaster had sufficiently awakened and alarmed the neighboring villages, all to stand upon their guard; and some had obtained garrisoned soldiers for their greater security, as was the case with them in the town of Medfield, within twenty-two miles of Boston. And at that time were lodged therein several garrison soldiers, besides the inhabitants; yet being billetted up and down in all quarters of the town, could not be gathered together till a great part of the town was set on fire and many of the inhabitants slain, which how it could be effected is strange to believe: But most of those inland 240 INDIAN WARS. plantations being overrun with young wood (the inhabitants being very apt to engross more land into their hands than they were able to subdue) as if they were seated in the midst of a heap of bushes: Their enemies took the advantage thereof, and secretly over night, conveyed themselves round about the town, some getting under the sides of their barns, and fences of their orchards, as is supposed, where they lay hid under that covert, till break of day, when they suddenly set upon sundry houses, shooting them that came first out of their doors, and then fired their houses where the inhabitants were repaired to garrisons, were fit for the purpose: Some were killed as they attempted to fly to their neighbours for shelter. Some were only wounded, and some taken alive and carried away captive: In some houses the husband running away with one child, the wife with another, of whom the one was killed, the other escaped. They began at the east end of the town, where they fired the house of one Samuel Morse, that seems to have been a signal to the rest to fall in on other parts: Most of the houses in the west, or southwest end of the town were soon burnt down: And generally when they burnt any out-houses, the cattle in them were burnt also: Two mills belonging to the town, were burnt also: A poor old man of near an hundred years old, was burnt in one of the houses that were consumed by fire. The Lieutenant of the town, Adams by name, was shot down by his door, and his wife mortally wounded by a gun fired afterwards accidentally into the house. After the burning of forty or fifty houses and barns, the Cannibals were frighted away out of the town, over a bridge that lies upon Charles River, by the shooting of a piece of ordinance two or three times: When they passed over the bridge they fired one end thereof, to hinder our men from pursuing them, they were tho't to be about five hundred, there were slain and mortally wounded seventeen or eighteen persons, besides others dangerously hurt. The loss sustained by the inhabitants amounted to above two thousand pounds. This mercy was observed in this sad providence, that never a garrison house was lost in this surprisal; nor any of the principal dwellings, so as the chiefest and best of their buildings escaped the fury of the enemy, who as they passed the bridge, left a writing behind them, expressing something to this purpose, that we had provoked them to wrath, and that they would fight with us these twenty years, (but they fell short of their expectation by nineteen) adding also, that they had nothing to lose, whereas we had houses, barns, and corn." Capt. Pierce slain. Indian stratagems.-" The Governor and Council of Plymouth perceiving by the report of these outrages committed upon the towns in Massachusetts, that they were like to be visited this spring by their old neighbors, sent out Capt. INDIAN WARS. 241 Pierce, of Situate, about the latter end of March with about fifty English and twenty of their Christian Indians, about Cape Cod, who proved none of his worst soldiers, as the sequel of this his last expedition will declare. Capt. Pierce, as is said before, being sent out to pursue the en emy, marched towards Patuxet, where he understood the Indians were many of them gathered together: He being a man of resolute courage, was willing to engage them, though upon never so great a disadvantage: Some say the Indians by counterfeiting, drilled him into a kind of ambush; possibly more of them discovered themselves after he began to engage them than he was aware of; and being got over the river in pursuit of them, where he discovered so great a number of them, he drew down towards the side of the river, hoping the better by that means to prevent their surrounding him; but that proved his overthrow which he intended as his greatest advantage: For the Indians getting over the river so galled him from thence, that he was not able to defend himself; thus assaulted on all sides, and himself not being able to travel much on foot, was thereby hindered from retiring to any better place in time, so as he saw himself constrained to fight it out at the last, which he did with most undaunted courage, and as is said, to the slaughter of an hundred and forty of his enemies, before himself and his company were cut off. It is said also, that being apprehensive of the danger he was in by the great numbers of the enemy like to overpower him with their multitude, he sent a messenger timely enough to Providence, for relief, but as Solomon saith, a faithful messenger is as snow in harvest, another is as smoak to the eyes, and vinegar to the teeth. (Whether through sloth or cowardice, is not material) this message was not delivered to them to whom it was immediately sent; by accident only some of Rehoboth understanding of the danger, after the evening exercise (it being on the Lord's day, March 26th 1676) repaired to the place, but then it was too late to bring help, unless it were to be spectators of the dead carcasses of their friends, and to perform the last office of love to them. It is worth the noting, what faithfulness and courage some of the Christian Indians, with the said Capt. Pierce, shewed in the fight: One of them, whose name was Amos, after the Captain was shot in his leg or thigh, so as he was not able to stand any longer, would not leave him, but charging his gun several times, fired stoutly upon the enemy, till he saw that there was no possibility for him to do any further good to Capt. Pierce, nor yet to save himself, if he stayed any longer; therefore he used this policy, perceiving that the enemy had all blackened their faces, he also stooping down pulled out some blacking out of a pouch he 21 242 INDIAN WARS. carried with him, discoloured his face therewith, and so making himself look as like Hobamackco, as any of his enemies, he ran amongst them a little while, and was taken for one of them, as if he had been searching for the English, until he had an opportunity to escape away among the bushes; therein imitating the cuttle fish, which when it is pursued, or in danger casteth out its body a thick humour, as black as ink, through which it passes away unseen by the pursuer. -------- Indian Cunning. It is reported of another of these Cape Indians (friends to the English of Plymouth) that being pursued by one of the enemy, he betook himself to a great rock where he sheltered himself for awhile, at last perceiving that his enemy lay ready with his gun on the other side to discharge upon him, as soon as he stirred never so little away from the place where he stood: In the issue he thought of this politic stratagem to save himself, and destroy his enemy (for as Solomon saith of old, wisdom is better than weapons of war) he took a stick, and hung his hat upon it, and then by degrees gently lifted it up, till he thought it would be seen, and so become a fit mark for the other that watched to take aim at him: The other taking it to be his head, fired a gun and shot through the hat; which our christian Indian perceiving, boldly held up his.head and discharged his own gun upon the real head, not the hat of his adversary, whereby he shot him dead upon tho place, and so had liberty to march away with the spoils of his enemy." INDIAN WARS. 243 Canonchet, the Narragansett Sachem.--" The first week in April, 1676, Canonchet, their chief Sachem, having with this people been driven out of his own country, by the sword of the English, the winter before, breathed still nothing but rage and cruelty against them, bearing himself upon his great numbers: Yet as appeared in the issue, himself and they that escaped with him were not much preserved from the present calamity that befel the rest in their fort, as reserved to another and more ignominious death. For the whole body of the Indians to the westward, xtusting under the shadow of that aspiring bramble; he took a kind of care of them upon himself: Wherefore foreseeing so many hundreds could not well subsist without planting, he propounded it in his council, that all the west plantations upon Connecticut River, taken from the English, should this last summer be planted with Indian corn; which was indeed in itself a very prudent consideration: To that end he resolved to venture himself with but thirty men (the rest declining it) to fetch seed corn from Seaconk, the next town to Mount Hope, leaving a body of men, not fewer than fifteen hundred to follow him or meet him about Seaconk the week after. The adventure brought him into a snare, from whence he could not escape: For Capt. George Denison of Stonington, and Capt. Avery, of New London, having raised forty-seven English, the most part volunteers, with eighty Indians, twenty of which were Narragansets, belonging to Ninigret, commanded by one called Catapazet, the rest Pequods, under Cassasinamon, and Mohegans under Oneco, son of Uncas, being now abroad on their third expedition, which they began March 27th, 1676, and ended on the 10th of April following: They met with a stout Indian of the enemy's whom they presently slew, and two old squaws, that confessed Nanunttenoo, alias Canonchet (those chief Sachems usually changing their names at every great dance, and by that name of Nanunttenoo was he then known was not far off) which welcome news put new life into the wearied soldiers, that had traveled hard many days, and met with no booty till now; especially when it was confirmed by intelligence the same instant, brought in by their scouts, that they met with new tracks, which brought them in view of some called Blackstones river, in one of which the said Sachem was at that moment diverting himself with the recital of Capt. Pierce's slaughter, surprised by his men a few days before, but the alarm of the English at that time heard by himself, put by that discourse, appalled by the suddenness thereof, as if he had been informed by secret item from Heaven, that now his own turn was come, so as having but 7 men about him, he sent up two of them to the top of the hill, to see what the matter was, but they affrighted with the near approach of the English, at tt th time with great speed mounting over a fair chain 244 INDIAN WARS. pagna on the other side of the hill, ran by, as if they wanted time to tell what they saw; presently he sent a third, who did the like; then sending two more on the same errand, one of these last endowed with more courage, or a better sense of his duty, informed him in great haste that all the English army was upon him; whereupon having no time to consult, and but little to attempt an escape, and no means to defend himself; he began to dodge with his pursuers; running round the hill on the contrary side; but as he was running so hastily by, Catapazet, with twenty of his followers, and a few of the English, lightest of foot, guessed by the swiftness of his motion, that he fled as if an enemy, which made them immediately take the chace after him, as for their lives; he that was the swifter pursuer put him so hard to it that he cast off first his blanket then his silver laced coat (given him at Boston, as a pledge of their friendship, upon the renewal of his league in October before) and belt of peag, which made Catapazet conclude it was the right bird, which made them pursue as eagerly as the other fled; so as they forced him to take to the water, through which as he over hastingly plunged, his foot slipping upon a stone, it made him fall into the water so deep that it wet his gun, upon which accident he confessed soon after, that his heart and bowels turned within him, so as he became like a rotten stick; void of strength insomuch as one Monopoide, a Pequod swiftest of foot, laid hold of him within thirty rods of the river side, without his making any resistance; though he was a very proper man, of goodly stature, and great courage of mind, as well as strength of body; one of the first English that came up with him, was Robert Stanton, a young man that scarce had reached the 22d year of his age, yet adventuring to ask him a question or two, to whom this manly Sachem looking with a little neglect upon his youthful face, replied in broken English, you much child, no understand matters of war: let your brother or your chief come, him will I answer, and was as good as his word; acting herein, as if by a Pathegorean metempsychosis, some old Roman ghost had pos sessed the body of this western Pagan; and like Attilius Regulas, he would not accept of his own life, when it was tendered him, upon that (in his account) low condition of compliance with the English, refusing to send an old Counsellor of his to make any motion that way, saying he knew the Indians would not yield; but more probably he was not willing they should, choosing rather to sacrifice his own, and his people's lives, to his private humour of revenge, than timely to provide for his own and their safety, by entertaining the counsels of a peace, so necessary for the general good of all: He continuing in the same obstinate resolution, was soon after carried to Stonington, where he was shot to denth by some of his own quality, sc. the young Sachem of the Mohegans. INDIAN WARS. 245 and two of the Pequods of like quality. This was the confusion of a damned wretch, that had often opened his mouth to blaspheme the name of the living God, and those.that make a profession thereof. He was told at large of his breach of faith, and how he boasted he would not deliver up a Wampanoog, or the paring of a Wampanoog's nail, that he would burn the English in their houses; to which he replied, others were as forward for the war as himself: and that he desired to hear no more thereof. And when he was told his sentence was to die, he said, he liked it well, that he should die before his heart was soft, or had spoken any thing unworthy of himself. He told the English before they put him to death, that the killing him would not end the war; but it was a considerable step thereunto, nor did it live much longer after his death, at least not in those parts; for after Sudbury fight, when the sun of their hopes was at its highest; April the 18th following, it visibly declined, till it set in a night of obscure and utter darkness upon them all, as is to be feared." Surprisal of Groton. " The surprisal of Groton was after this manner: On March 2d, the Indians came in the night and rifled eight or nine houses, and carried away some cattle and alarmed the town. On March 9th, about ten in the morning, a parcel of Indians having two days lurked in the town, and taken possession of three out houses, and feasted themselves with corn, divers swine and poultry, (which they there seized) lay in ambush for two carts, which went from their garrison to fetch in some hay, attended with four men, two of which espying the enemy, made a difficult escape, the other two were set upon, and one of them slain, stript naked, his body mangled, and dragged into the highway, and laid on his back in a most shameful manner: the other taken captive, and afterwards sentenced to death; but the enemy not concurring in the manner of it, execution was deferred, and he by the providence of God escaped by a bold attempt the night before he was designed to have been slaughtered, and fled to the garrison at Lancaster, the cattle in both towns wounded, and five of them slain. March 13th was the day when the enemy came in a full body, by their own account four hundred, and thought by the inhabitants to be not many less. The town was at this time, (having been put into a fright by the sad catastrophe of Lancaster, the next bordering town) gathered into five garrisons, four of which were so near together, as to be able to command from one to the other between which were the cattle belonging to those families, driven into pastures, which afterwards proved their preservation; tne other was near a mile distant from the rest. This morning the Indians (having in the night placed tnern21* 246 INDIAN WARS. selves in several parts of the town) made their onset; which began near the four garrisons, for a body of them having placed themselves in ambuscado, behind a hill, near one of the garrisons two of them made discovery of themselves, as if they had stood upon discovery. At this time divers of the people, not suspecting any such matter (for the day before many had been upon discovery many miles, and found no signs of an enemy being so near) were attending their occasions, some foddering their cattle, some milking their cows, of whom the enemy might easily have made a seizure, but God prevented: they having another design in hand, as soon after appeared. These two Indians were at length espyed, and the alarm given; whereupon the most of the men in the next garrison, and some also in the second (which was about eight or nine poles distant) drew out and went to surprise those two Indians, who kept their station till our men reached the brow of the hill, then arose in the ambush and discharged a volley upon them, which caused a disorderly retreat or rather a rout, in which one was slain, and three others wounded. Meanwhile another ambush had risen, and come upon the back side of the garrison so deserted of men, and pulled down the pallisadoes. The soldiery in this rout, retreated not to their own, but passed by to the next garrison, the women and children meanwhile exposed to hazard, but by the goodness of God made a safe escape to the other fortified house, without any harm, leaving their substance to the enemy, who made a prey of it, and spent the residue of the day in removing the corn and household stuff, (in which loss five families were impoverished) and firing upon the other garrison; here also they took some cattle. No sooner was the signal given by the first volley of shot, but immediately in several parts of the town at once, did the smoke arise, they firing the houses. In the afternoon they used a stratagem not unlike the other, to have surprised the single garrison, but God prevented. An old Indian passed along the street with a black sheep on his back, with a slow pace, as one decripid; they made several shot at him, at which several issued out to have taken him alive, but the watchman seasonably espying an ambush, behind the house, gave the signal, whereby they were prevented. The night following the enemy lodged in the town, some of them in the garrison they had surprised, but the body of them in an adjacent valley where they made themselves merry after their savage manner. The next morning they gave two or three vollies at Capt. Parker's garrison, and so marched off, fearing as was thought, that supply might be near at hand. This assault of theirs was managed with their wonted subtlety and barbarous cruelty; for thev stript the body of him whom they had slain in the first onset, and then cutting off his head, INDIAN WARS. 247 fixed it upon a pole, looking towards his own land. The corpse of the man slain the week before, they dug up out of his grave, they cut off his head and one leg, and set them upon poles, and stript off his winding sheet. An infant which they found dead, in the house first surprised, they cut in pieces, which afterward they cast to the swine. There were about forty dwelling houses burnt at that time, besides other buildings. This desolation was followed with the breaking up the town, and scattering of the inhabitants, and removal of the candlestick after it had been there seated above twelve years. Concerning the surprising of Groton, March 13, there was not any thing much more material than what is already mentioned, save only the insolency of John Monoco, or one eyed John, the chief captain of the Indians in that design; who having by a sudden surprisal early in the morning, seized upon a garrison house in one end of the town, continued to it, plundering what was there ready at hand, all that day; and at night did very familiarly in appearance, call out to Capt. Parker, that was lodged in another garrison house, and entertained a great deal of discourse with him, whom he called his old neighbor; dilating upon the cause of the war, and putting an end to it by a friendly peace; yet oft mixing bitter sarcasms, with several blasphemous scoffs and taunts, at their praying and worshipping God in the meeting house, which he deridingly said he had burnt. Among other things which he boastingly uttered that night, he said he burnt Medfield, (though it be not known whether he was there personally present or not) Lancaster, and that now he would burn that town of Groton, and the next time he would burn Chelmsford, Concord, Watertown, Cambridge, Charlestown, Roxbury, Boston, adding at last in their dialect, what me will, me do. Not much.unlike the proud Assyrian (if his power had been equal to his pride) sometimes threatened against Jerusalem, but was by the remarkable providence of God, so confounded within a few months after, that he was bereft of his four hundred and four score (of which he now boasted) and only with a few more bragadocios like himself, Sagamore Sam, old Jethro, and the Sagamore of Quabaog, were taken by the English, and was seen (not long before the writing of this) marching towards the gallows (through Boston streets, which he threatened to burn at his pleasure) with a halter about his neck, with which he was hanged at the town's end, Sept. 26th, in this present year, 1776." Capt. Wadsworth slain. " The Indians having burnt the deserted houses at Marlborough, April 17th, the next day they set upon Sudbury with all their might (hoping 'tis probable) to cdo there as they had done at the towns next beyond it. They did at the first prevail so far as to consume several houses and barns, 248 INDIAN WARS. and kill several persons, ten or twelve of the English, that came from Concord to assist their neighbors at Sudbury, a town distant five miles from them, at the first hearing of the alarm, who una wares were surprised near a garrison, in hopes of getting somc advantage upon a small party of the enemy that presented them selves in a meadow; a great number of the Indians that lay un seen in the bushes, suddenly rose up, and intercepting the passage to the garrison house, killed and took them all. But our sorrows and losses that day are not yet come to then height; for in the same day, that resolute, stout-hearted soldier, Capt. Wadsworth (who not long before, with not above forty men, rescued Lancaster, when it was in danger to have been all lost at once) being sent from Boston with fifty soldiers to relieve Marlborough, having marched twenty five miles and then understanding the enemy was gone through the woods toward Sudbury. This wearied company, before ever they had taken any considerable rest, marched immediately back toward Sudbury (that lies ten miles nearer Boston) and being come within a mile of the town, they espied a party of Indians not far from them, about an hundred, not more-as they conceived, these they might easily deal with; who retiring back a while, drew Capt. Wadsworth and his company above a mile into the woods, when on a sudden a great body of the enemy appeared, about five hundred as was thought, who compassing them around, forced them to the top of an hill, where they made very stout resistance a considerable while; but the night drawing on, and some of the company beginning to scatter from the rest, their fellows were forced to follow them, so as the enemy taking the chace, pursued them on every side, as they made too hasty a retreat, by which accident, being so much overpowered by the enemy's numbers, they were most of them lost. The Captain himself, with one Capt. Brocklebank (a choice spirited man, much lamented by the town of Rowley to which he belonged) and some others that fell into his company as he marched along, scarce twenty escaping in all; so as another Captain and his fifty men perished at that time, as brave soldiers as any ever employed in the present service. Thus as in former attempts of like nature too much courage and eagerness in pursuit of the enemy, hath added another fatal blow to this poor country. The same day another party of the English coming from Brookfield, whither they were sent as a convoy with provisions for the garrison were in danger likewise of falling in the hands of the same Indians, yet riding upon a good speed, and keeping their guns always ready presented against them they met, 'they never durst fire at them; only three or four having unadvisedly first dislc arged their guns against the enemy, and falling too much in the INDIAN WARS. 249 rear of their company, were cut off and lost. It is reported by some that afterwards escaped, how they cruelly tortured five or six of the English that night. Yet whatever their success was this day, it was observed by some (at that time their prisoners, and since released) that they seemed very pensive after they came to their quarters, shewing no such signs of rejoicing as they usually were wont to do in like cases; whether for the loss of some of their own company in that day's enterprise (said to be an hundred and twenty) or whether it was the Devil in whom they trusted, that deceived them, and to whom they made their address the day before, by sundry conjurations of their powaws? Or whether it were by any dread that the Almighty sent upon their execrable blasphemies, which it is said they used in torturing of some of their poor captives (bidding Jesus come and deliver them out of their hands from death, if he could) we leave as uncertain though some have so reported, yet sure it is that after this day they never prospered in any attempt they made against the English, but were continually scattered and broken, till they were in a manner all consumed." Fall Fight (at Turner's Falls.)-" The great company of the enemy that stayed on that side of the country, and about Watchuset hills, when the rest went towards Plymouth, though they had been disappointed in their planting by the death of Canonchet, were loth to lose the advantage of the fishing season then coming in; wherefore, having seated themselves near the upper falls of Connecticut river, not far from Deerfield, and perceiving that the English forces were now drawn off from the lower towns of Hadley and Northampton, now and then took advantages to plunder them of their cattle, and not fearing any assault from our soldiers, grew a little secure, while they were upon their fishing design, insomuch that a couple of English lads lately taken captive by the enemy, and making their escape, acquainted their friends at home how secure they lay in those places, which so animated the inhabitants of Hadley, Hatfield and Northampton, that they being willing to be revenged for the loss of their cattle, besides other preceding mischiefs, took up a resolution with what strength they could raise among themselves (partly out of garrison soldiers and partly of the inhabitants) to make an assault upon them, which if it had been done with a little more deliberation, waiting for the coming of supplies, expected from Hartford, might have proved a fatal business to all the said Indians; yet was the victory obtained more considerable than at first was apprehended; for not having much above an hundred and fifty fighting men in their company, they marched above twenty miles silently in the dead of night, May 18th, and came upon the said Indians a little before break of day, whom they found almost in a dead sleep, without any scouts abroad, or watching about their wigwams at home; for in the evening they had made themselves merry with new milk and roast beef, having lately 250 INDIAN WARS. driven away many of their milk cows, as an English woman confessed that was made to milk them. When they came near the Indians' rendezvous, they alighted off their horses, and tied them to some young trees at a quarter of a mile distance, so marching up, they fired briskly into their wigwams, killing many upon the place, and frighting others with the sudden alarm of their guns, and made them run into the river, where the swiftness of the stream carrying them down a steep fall, they perished in the waters, some getting into canoes (small boats made of the bark of birch trees) which proved to them a Charon's boat, being sunk, or overset by the shooting of our men, delivered them into the like danger of the waters, giving them thereby a passport into the other world: Others of them creeping for shelter under the banks of the great river, were espied by our men and killed with their swords: Capt. Holyoke killing five, young and old, with his own hands, from under a bank. When the Indians were first awaked with the thunder of their guns, they cried out Mohawks, Mohawks, as if their own native enemies had been upon them; but the dawning of the light soon notified their error, though it could not prevent the danger. Such as came back spake sparingly of the number slain; some say they could not in reason be less than two or three hundred of them that must necessarily perish in the midst of so many instruments of destruction managed against them with such disadvantages to themselves. Some of their prisoners afterwards owned that they lost above 300 in that camisado, some whereof were principal men Sachems, and some of their best fighting men that were left, which made the victory more considerable than else it would have been; nor did they seem ever to have recovered themselves after this defeat, but their ruin immediately followed upon it. Yet such was the awful hand of Providence in the close of this victory, mixing much bitter with the sweet, that it might well be called a costly victory to the conquerors, that so no flesh should glory in itself. The Indians that lay scattered on both sides of the river, after they recovered themselves and discovered the small number of them that assailed them, turned head upon the English, who in their retreat were a little disordered for want of the help of the eldest Captain that was so enfeebled by sickness before he set out, that he was no way able for want of bodily strength (not any way defective for want of skill or courage) to assist or direct in making the retreat: For some of the enemy fell upon the guards that kept the horses, others pursued them in the rear, so as our men sustained very much damage as they retired, missing after their returns thirty-eight of their men; and if Capt. Holyoke had not played the man at a more than ordinary rate, sometimes in the front sometimes in the flank and rear, at a fatal business to the assailants. The said Captain Holyoke's horse was shot down under him, and himself ready to be assaulted by many of the Indians, just coining upon him, but discharging his pistols upon one or two of them, whom he presently dispatched, and a friend coming to his rescue, he was saved, and so carried off the soldiers with INDIAN WARS. 251 out any further loss. It is confidently reported by some that were there present at this engagement, that one told above an hundred Indians left dead upon the place; and another affirmed that he told near an hundred and forty swimming down the falls, none of which were observed to get alive to the shore save one. The' loss that befel our men in the retreat was occasioned principally by the bodily weakness of Capt. Turner, unable to manage his charge any longer, yet some say they wanted powder, which forced them to retire as fast as they could by Capt. Turner's order. It is also said by one present at the fight, that seven or eight in the rear of the English, through haste, missed their way, it being a cloudy dark morning, and were never heard of again; and without doubt fell into the Indians' hands, and it is feared some of them were tortured." Deatlh of Philip.--" About this time several parties of English within Plymouth jurisdiction, were willing to have a hand in so good a matter as catching of Philip would be, who perceiving that he was now going down the wind, were willing to hasten his fall. Amongst others, a small party went out of Bridgewater, July 31st, upon a discovery, and by providence were directed to fall upon a company of Indians where Philip was; they came up with them, and killed some of his particular friends: Philip himself was nekt to his uncle that was shot down, and had the soldier that had his choice which to shoot at, known which had been the right bird, he might as well have taken him as his uncle; but, 'tis said that he had not long cut off his hair that he might not be known: The party that did this exploit were few in number, and therefore not being able to keep together close in the rear, that cunning fox escaped away through bushes undiscerned in the rear of the English: That which was most remarkable in this design, was that trembling fear appeared to be upon the Indians at this time, insomuch that one of them having a gun in his hand, well loaded, yet was not able to fire it off, but suffered an English soldier to come close up to his breast, and so shot him down, the other not being able to make any resistance; nor were any of the English hurt at that time. The like terror was seen in others at that time; for within two days after, Capt. Church, the terror of the Indians in Plymouth colony, marching in pursuit of Philip with about 30 Englishmen and 20 reconciled Indians, took 23 of the enemy, and the next day following them by their tracks, fell upon their head-quarters, and killed and took about 130 of them, losing only one man. Philip, like a savage wild beast, having been hunted by the English forces through the woods above an hundred miles backward and forward, at last was driven to his own den upon Mount Hope, where he retired with a few of his best friends into a swamp, which proved but a prison to keep him fast till the mes 252 INDIAN WARS. sengers of death came by divine permission to execute vengeance upon him, which was thus accomplished. Such had been his inveterate malice and wickedness against the English, that despairing of mercy from them, he could not bear that any thing should be suggested to him about a peace, insomuch that he caused one of his confederates to be killed for propounding an expedient of peace; which so provoked some of his company, not altogether so desperate as himself, that one of them'fled to Rhode Island, whither the brave Captain Church was newly retired to recruit his men for a little time, being much tired with hard marches all that week, informing them that Philip was fled to a swamp in Mount Hope, whither he would undertake to lead them that would pursue him. This was welcome niews, and the best cordial for such martial spirits; whereupon he immediately, with a small company of men, part English and part Indians, began another march, which shall prove fatal to Philip, and end that controversy between the English and him: For coming very early to the side of the swamp, his soldiers began to surround it, and (whether the devil appeared to him in a dream that night as he did unto Saul, foreboding his tragical end, it matters not) as he was endeavoring to make his escape out of a swamp, he was shot through the heart by an Indian- of his own nation, as it is said, that had all this while preserved a neutrality until this time, but now had the casting vote in his power, by which he determined the quarrel that had been so long in suspense. In him is fulfilled what was said in the prophet, Wo to thee that spoilest, and thou wast not spoiled, and dealest treacherously, and they dealt not treacherously with thee; when thou shalt cease to spoil thou shalt be spoiled, and when thou shalt make an end to deal treacherously, they shall deal treacherously with thee. With Philip at this time fell five of his trustiest followers, of whom one was said to be the son of his chief captain, that had shot the first gun at the English the year before. This was done the 12th day of August, 1676, a remarkable testimony of divine favor to the colony of Plymouth, who had for the former successes, appointed the 17th day of August following, to be kept as a day of solemn Thanksgiving to Almighty God. Capture of Annawan. " The next that was seized was one Annawan, a very subtle, politic fellow, and one of Philip's chief counsellors; he had about twelve men, and as many women and children in his company, who were discovered by their shooting at the English horses, and cattle; some of whom being taken, they made known the rest. Church at that time had but five Englishmen and twenty Indians. The place where this Annawan had betaken himself, was a ledge of rocks inaccessible but at one place, which by a few hands INDIAN WALRS. C'apture oJ Annawan. might easily have been defended against a great number of assailants. But Capt. Church by direction got up to their wigwams before they were aware of it; and presently told Annawan that he came to sup with him; whereupon Annawan (who had fallen flat upon the earth, expecting to have his head cut off) looked up and cried taubut, in their language, thank you, as one being much affected with the generosity of our English Captain; they found some of the English beef boiling in the kettles. After supper he had much discourse with the said Annawan, they lay down to sleep together in the wigwam; Capt. Church laying one of his legs upon Annawan, and the other upon his son, that he might have notice if any of them should offer to stir. After midnight Annawan rose up, and Capt. Church was presently awake, and intended to watch after his prisoner. He thought at first he might have gone forth upon some necessary occasion; but not long after he returned again, having fetched out of a swamp hard by, two horns of powder, and a large belt of peag, supposed to be Philip's belt, all which he delivered to Captain Church, in a way of thankful acknowledgment of his courtesy. Amongst other discourses that passed between them concerning the occasion of the war, and carrying it on, the Indian would fain have excused Philip, and laid the blame upon the praying Indians (as they are distinguished from others by that character) and others of the younger sort of his followers, who coming with their several tales (which he likened to sticks laid on a heap) till by a multitude of them a great fire came to be kindled. They make much use of parabolical expressions: for so said Solomon, where no wood is there the fire goeth out; so where there is no tale-bearer, the strife ceaseth, Prov. 26, 20. But Philip 22 254 INDIAN WARS. had had large and long experience of the gentleness and kindness of the English, both to himself and to his people, so as unless he had borne an evil and malicious mind against the English, he would never have hearkened to those stories, contrary to his faithful promises and allegiance. The said Annawan confessed also that he did believe by all those late occurrences that there was a great God that overruled all; and that he had found that whatever he had done to any of those, whether Indians or English, the same was brought upon himself in after time. He confessed also that he had put to death several of the English which they had taken alive, ten in one day, and could not deny but that some of them had been tortured, and now he could not but see the justice of the great God upon himself, with many other things of a like nature. But whatever his confessions of this nature were, being forced from him by the power of conscience, after he was delivered up to authority, he was put to death, as he justly had deserved." Conclusion of Philip's War. After the death of Philip, the Indians generally submitted to the English; or fled, and incor porated themselves with distant and strange nations. In this short but destructive war about six hundred persons, composing the flower of the strength of New England fell in battle, or were murdered by the enemy; twelve or thirteen towns were entirely destroyed; and about six hundred buildings, chiefly dwelling houses, were burnt. About every eleventh family had been burned out, and every eleventh soldier had perished. Within twenty days after Philip kindled the war at the southward, the flame broke out in the most northeasterly part of the country, at the distance of 200 miles; and in the year 1675 and 1676, most of the plantations in the province of Maine, with those on the river Piscataqua, partook in the general calamity. After the death of Philip, the Massachusetts forces, which were then at liberty to turn their arms in that quarter, surprised about 400 of the Eastern Indians at Cochecho (Sept. 6, 1676) and took them prisoners. One half of them being found accessory to the late rebellion, seven or eight, who were known to have killed any Englishmen, were condemned and hanged; the rest were sold in foreign parts for slaves. These were called strange Indians, who had fled from the southward, and taken refuge among the Penacooks. This stroke humbled the Indians in the east, although the war continued until the spring of 1678."-Holmnes' Annals. INDIAN WARS. 255 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. FOR more than half a century previous to the treaty of Paris in 1763, the English colonies, particularly those of New England and New York were often harrassed by frequent wars with the French and Indians. The French settled in Canada as early as 1608, and explored the country bordering on the lakes. They were the first discoverers of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, and claimed the territory westward of the Alleghany mountains. In order to strengthen their claims and possessions they attempted to establish a chain of forts from Canada to Florida, back of the English settlements. They also used much art, to gain over the various tribes to their interests, in which they were generally successful. The Indians instigated, and sometimes accompanied by the French, came down upon the English, destroyed their settlements, and murdered or carried away captive the inhabitants. These and other injuries were soon succeeded by open war. Destruction of Schenectady. The war during the reign of William and Mary, in England, commonly called " King William's War," commenced in 1690 and continued about seven years. In the depth of winter, Count Frontenac, governor of Canada, fitted out three expeditions against the colonies-one against New York, a second against New Hampshire, and a third against the province of Maine. The following relating of the destruction of Schenectady is extracted from the account given in Mr. Drake's " Book of the Indians" (Book 1.) " After two and twenty days' march, the enemy fell in with Schenectady, February 8. There were about 200 French, and perhaps 50 Caughnewaga Mohawks, and they at first intended to have surprised Albany; but their march had been so long and tedious, occasioned by the deepness of the snow and coldness of the weather, that, instead of attempting any thing offensive, they had nearly decided to surrender themselves to the first English they should meet, such was their distressed situation, in a camp of snow, but a few miles from the devoted settlement. The Indians, however, saved them from the disgrace. They had sent out a small scout from their party, who entered Schenectady without even exciting suspicion of their errand. When they had staid as long as the nature of their business required, they withdrew to their fellows. Seeing that Schenectady offered such an easy prey, it put new courage into the French, and they came upon it as above related. The bloody tragedy commenced between 11 and 12 o'clock, on Saturday night; and, that every house might be surprised at nearly the 256 FRENCI AND same time, the enemy divided themselves into parties of six or seven men each. Although the town was empaled, no one thought it necessary to close the gates, even at night, presuming the severity of the season was a sufficient security; hence the first news of the approach of the enemy was at every door of every house, which doors were broken as soon as the profound slumbers of those they were intended to guard. The same inhuman barbarities now followed, that were afterwards perpetrated upon the wretched inhabitants of Montreal. 'No tongue,' said Colonel Schuyler, ' can express the cruelties that were committed.' Sixty three houses, and the church, were immediately in a blaze. Enciente women, in their expiring agonies, saw their infants cast into the flames, being first delivered by the knife of the midnight assassin! Sixty three persons were put to death, and twenty seven were carried into captivity. Destruction of Schenectady. A few persons fled towards Albany, with no other covering but their night-clothes; the horror of whose condition was greatly enhanced by a great fall of snow; 25 of whom lost their limbs from the severity of the frost. With these poor fugitives came the intelligence to Albany, and that place was in dismal confusion, having, as usual upon such occasions, supposed the enemy to have been seven times more numerous than they really were. About noon, the next day, the enemy set off from Schenectady, taking all the plunder they could carry with them, among which were forty of the best horses. The rest, with all the cattle and other domestic animals, lay slaughtered in the streets. One of the most considerable men of Schenectady, at this time, was Captain Alexander Glen. He lived on the opposite side of the INDIAN WARS. 257 river, and was suffered to escape, because he had delivered many French prisoners from torture and slavery, who had been taken by the Indians in the former wars. They had passed his house in the night, and, during the massacre, he had taken the alarm, and in the morning he was found ready to defend himself. Before leaving the village, a French officer summoned him to a council, upon the shore of the river, with the tender of personal safety. He at length adventured down, and had the great satisfaction of having all his captured friends and relatives delivered to him; and the enemy departed, keeping good their promise that no injury should be done him." The following additional particulars respecting this event are drawn from the account given by Charlevoix, a learned French lesuit, distinguished for his travels and authentic historical works. " This party marched out before they had determined against what part of the English frontier they would carry their arms, though some part of New York was understood. Count Frontenac had left that to the two commanders. After they had marched five or six days. they called a council to determine upon what place they would, attempt. In this council, it was debated, on the part of the French, that Albany would be the smallest place they ought to undertake; but the Indians would not agree to it. They contended that, with their small force, an attack upon Albany would be attended with extreme hazard. The French being strenuous, the debate grew warm, and an Indian chief asked them 'how long it was since they had so much courage.' To this severe rebuke it was answered, that, if by some past actions they had discovered cowardice, they should see that now they would retrieve their character; they would take Albany or die in the attempt. The Indians, however, would not consent, and the council broke up without agreeing upon any thing but to proceed on. They continued their march until they came to a place where their path divided into two; one of which led to Albany, and the other to Schenectady: here Mantet gave up his design upon Albany, and they marched on harmoniously for the former village. The weather was very severe, and for the nine following days the little army suffered incredible hardships. The men were often obliged to wade through water up to their knees, breaking its ice at every step. At 4 o'clock in the morning, the beginning of February, they arrived within two leagues of Schenectady. Here they halted, and the Great Agnier, chief of the Iroquois of the Falls of St. Louis, made a speech to them. He exhorted every one to forget the hardships they had endured, in the hope of avenging the wrongs they had for a long time suffered from the perfidious English, who were the authors of them; and in the close added, that they could not doubt of the assistance of Heaven against the enemies of God, in a cause so just. HIardly had they taken up their line of march, when they met 40 Indian women, who gave them all the necessary information for approaching the place in safety. A Canadian, named Giguzere, was de22* 258 FRENCH AND tached immediately with nine Indians upon discovery, who acquitted himself to the entire satisfaction of his officers. He reconnoitred Schenectady at his leisure, and then rejoined his comrades. It had been determined by the party to put off the attack one day longer; but on the arrival of the scout under Giguiere, it was resolved to proceed without delay. Schenectady was then in form like that of a long square, and entered by two gates, one at each end. One opened towards Albany. the other upon the great road leading into the back country, and which was now possessed by the French and Indians. Mantet and St. Helene charged at the second gate, which the Indian women before mentioned had assured them was always open, and they found it so..D'Iberville and Repentigni passed to the left, in order to enter by the other gate, but, after losing some time in vainly endeavoring to find it, were obliged to return and enter with their comrades. The gate was not only open but unguarded, and the whole party entered without being discovered. Dividing themselves into several parties, they waylaid every portal, and then the war-whoop was raised. Mantet formed and attacked a garrison, where the only resistance of any account was made. The gate of it was soon forced, and all of the English fell by the sword, and the garrison was burned. Montigni was wounded, in forcing a house, in his arm and body by two blows of a halberd, which put him hors du combat; but St. Helene being come to his assistance, the house was taken, and the wounds of Montigni revenged by the death of all who had shut themselves up in it. Nothing was now to be seen but massacre and pillage in every place. At the end of about two hours, the chiefs, believing it due to their safety, posted bodies of guards at all the avenues, to prevent surprise, and the rest of the night was spent in refreshing themselves. Mantet had given orders that the minister of the place should be spared, whom he had intended for his own prisoner; but he was found among the promiscuous dead, and no one knew when he was killed, and all his papers were burned. After the place was destroyed, the chiefs ordered all the casks of intoxicating liquors to be staved, to prevent their men from getting drunk. They next set all the houses on fire, excepting that of a widow, into which Montigni had been carried, and another belonging to Major Coudre: they were in number about 40, all well built and furnished; no booty but that which could be easily transported was saved. The lives of about 60 persons were spared; chiefly women, children, and old men, who had escaped the fury of the onset, and 30 Indians who happened to be then in the place. The lives of the Indians were spared that they might carry the news of what had happened to their countrymen, whom they were requested to inform, that it was not against them that they intended any harm, but to the English only, whom they had now despoiled of property to the amount of four hundred thousand pounds."-Drake's Book of Indians-Book 1. INDIAN WARS. 259 Attack at Dover-Death of Major Waldron.-The capture of [ndiaiib at Cochecho in Sept. 1676, (see page 254) took place at the house of Maj. Waldron, with whom they had a short time previously made peace. The Indians considered this as a breach of faith, and were determined on revenge whenever a favorable time should arrive. The lands from Penobscot to Nova Scotia having been ceded to the French, the Baron de St. Castine, who had for many years resided on them, carried on a large trade with the Indians, with whom he became intimately connected by marriage. In 1688, Castine's house and fort was baselyplundered by Governor Andross, who went thither in a frigate. Castine in revenge excited and assisted the Indians against the English, and war soon followed. " In that part of the town of Dover which lies about the first falls in the river Cochecho, were five garrisoned houses; three on the north side, viz. Waldron's Otis' and Heard's; and two on the south side, viz. Peter Coffin's and his son's. These houses were surrounded with timber-walls, the gates of which, as well as the house doors, were secured with bolts and bars. The neighboring families retired to these houses by night; but by an unaccountable negligence, no watch was kept. The Indians who were daily passing through the town visiting and trading with the inhabitants, as usual in time of peace, viewed their situation with an attentive eye. Some hints of a mischievous design had been given out by their squaws; but in such dark and ambiguous terms that no one could comprehend their meaning. Some of the people were uneasy; but Waldron who, from a long course of experience, was intimately acquainted with the Indians, and on other occasions had been ready enough to suspect them, was now so thoroughly secure, that when some of the people hinted their fears to him, he merrily bade them to go and plant their pumpkins, saying that he would tell them when the Indians would break out. The very evening before the mischief was done, being told by a young man that the town was full of Indians and the people were much concerned; he answered that he knew the Indians very well and there was no danger. The plan which the Indians had preconcerted was, that two squaws should go to each of the garrisoned houses in the evening, and ask leave to lodge by the fire; that in the night when the people were asleep they should open the doors and gates, and give the signal by a whistle; upon which the strange Indians, who were to be within hearing, should rush in, and take their long meditated revenge. This plan being ripe for execution, on the evening of Thursday the twenty seventh of June, two squaws applied to each of the garrisons for lodging, as they frequently did in time of peace. They were admitted into all but the younger Coffin's, and the people, at their request, shewed them how to open the doors, in case they should have occasion to go out in the night. Mesandowit, one of their chiefs, went to Waldron's garrisonI^ and was kindly entertained, as he had often been before. The 260 FRENCH AND squaws told the major, that a number of Indians were coming to trade with him the next day, and Mesandowit while at supper, with his usual familiarity, -said, ' Brother Waldron, what would you do if the strange Indians should come?' The major carelessly answered, that he could assemble an hundred men, by lifting up his finger. In this unsuspecting confidence the family retired to rest. When all was quiet, the gates were opened and the signal given. The Indians entered, set a guard at the door, and rushed into the major's apartment, which was an inner room. Awakened by the noise. he jumped out of bed, and though now advanced in life to the age of eighty years, he retained so much vigor as to drive them with his sword through two or three doors; but as he was returning for his other arms, they came behind him, stunned him with a hatchet, drew him into his hall, and seating him in an elbow chair on a long table insultingly asked him, 'Who shall judge Indians now?' They then obliged the people in the house to get them some victuals; and when they had done eating, they cut the major across the breast and belly with knives, each one with a stroke, saying, 'I cross out my account.' They then cut off his nose and ears, forcing them into his mouth; and when spent with the loss of blood, he was falling down from the table, one of them held his own sword under him, which put an end to his misery. They also killed his son-in-law Abraham Lee; but took his daughter Lee with several others, and having pillaged the house, left it on fire. Otis's garrison, which was next to the major's, met with the same fate; he was killed, with several others, and his wife and child were captivated. Heard's was saved by the barking of a dog just as the Indians were entering: Elder Wentworth, who was awakened by the noise pushed them out, and falling on his back, set his feet against the gate and held it till he had alarmed the people; two balls were fired through it but both missed him. Coffin's house was surprised, but as the Indians had no particular enmity to him, they spared his life, and the lives of his family, and contented themselves with pillaging the house. Finding a bag of money, they made him throw it by handfuls on the floor, while they amused themselves in scrambling for it. They then went to the house of his son who would not admit the squaws in the evening, and summoned him to surrender, promising him quarter. He declined their offer and determined to defend his house, till they brought out his father and threatened to kill him before his eyes. Filial affection then overcame his resolution, and he surrendered. They put both families together into a deserted house, intending to reserve them for prisoners; but while the Indians were busy in plundering they all escaped. Twenty three people were killed in this surprisal, and twenty nine were captivated; five or six houses, with the mills, were burned; and so expeditious were the Indians in the execution of their plot, that before the people could be collected from the other parts of the town to oppose them, they fled with their prisoners and booty. As they passed by Heard's garrison in their retreat, they fired upon it; but the people being prepared and resolved to defend it, and the enemy being in INDIAN WARS. 261 haste, it was preserved. The preservation of its owner was more remarkable. Elizabeth Heard, with her three sons and a daughter, and some others, were returning in the night from Portsmouth. They passed up the river in their boat unperceived by the Indians, who were then in possession of the houses; but suspecting danger by the noise which they heard, after they had landed they betook themselves to Waldron's garrison, where they saw lights, which they imagined were set up for direction to those who might be seeking a refuge. They Knocked and begged earnestly for admission; but no answer being given, a young man of the company climbed up the wall, and saw, to his inexpressible surprise, an Indian standing in the door of the house, with his gun. The woman was so overcome with the fright that she was unable to fly; but begged her children to shift for themselves; and they with heavy hearts left her. When she had a little recovered she crawled into some bushes, and lay there till day-light. She then perceived an Indian coming toward her with a pistol in his hand; he looked at her and went away: returning, he looked at her again; and she asked him what he would have; he made no answer, but ran yelling to the house, and she saw him no more. She kept her place till the house was burned, and the Indians were gone; and then returning home, found her own house safe. Her preservation in these dangerous circumstances was more remarkable, if (as it is supposed) it was an instance of justice and gratitude in the Indians. For at the time when the four or five hundred were seized in 1676, a young Indian escaped and took refuge in her house, where she concealed him; in return for which kindness he promised her that he would never kill her, nor any of her family in any future war, and that he would use his influence with the other Indians to the same purpose. This Indian was one of the party who surprised the place, and she was well known to the most of them.-Belknap's History of New Hampshire. Surprisal of York, in Maine.*-" The Popish Indians, after long silence and repose in their inaccessible kennels, which made our frontier towns a little remit their tired vigilance, did, January 25, 1691, set upon the town of York, where the inhabitants were in their unguarded houses here and there scattered, quiet and secure. Upon the firing of a gun by the Indians, which was their signal, the inhabitants looked out but unto their amazement, found their houses to be invested with horrid salvages who immediately killed many of those unprovided inhabitants, and more they took prisoners. This body of Indians, consisting of divers hundreds, then sent in their summons to some of the garrisoned houses; and those garrisons, whereof some had no more than two or three men * This account, with that of the escape of the Dustan family, is copied from Mather's Magnalia, published soon after this period. This work, though abounding with many singularities and much unnecessary matter, has probably rescued many interesting facts from final oblivion. 262 FRENCH AND in them, yet being so well manned, as to reply, that they would spend their blood unto the last drop, e'er they would surrender, these cowardly miscreants had not mettle enough to meddle with them. So they retired into their howling thickets, having first murdered about fifty, and captivated near an hundred of that unhappy people. In this calamity great was the share that fell to the family of Mr. S. Dummer, the pastor of the little flock thus preyed upon; those bloodhounds, being set on by some Romish missionaries, had long been wishing, that they might embrue their hands in the blood of some New-English Minister; and in this action they had their diabolical satisfaction. Our Dummer, the minister of York, was one of whom for his exemplary holiness, humbleness, modesty, industry and fidelity, the world was not worthy. He was a gentleman well-descended, well-tempered, well-educated; and now short of sixty years of age. He might have taken for his coat of arms the same that the holy martyr Hooper prophetically did, a lamb in a flaming bush, with rays from heaven shining on it. He had been solicited with many temptations to leave his place, when the clouds grew thick and black in the Indian hostilities, and were like to break upon it; but he chose rather with a paternal affection to stay amongst those who had been so many of them converted and edified by his ministry, and he spent very much of his own patrimony to subsist among them, when their distresses made them unable to support him as they otherwise would have done. In a word, he was oni: that might by way of eminency be called, a good man. This good man was just going to take horse at his own door, upon a journey in the service of God, when the tygres that were making their depredations upon the sheep of York seized upon this their shepherd; and they shot him so, that they left him dead among the tribe of Abel on the ground. Thus was he as Ambrose in his elegant oration, de obitu fratris, expresses it, non nobis ereptus, sed periculis. His wife they carried into captivity, where through sorrows and hardships among those dragons of the desert, she also quickly died; and his church, as many of them as were in that captivity, endured this, among other anguishes, that on the next Lord's day, one of those tawnies chose to exhibit himself unto them, [a devil as an angel of light!] in the clothes whereof they had stript the dead body of this their father. Many were the tears that were dropt throughout New England on this occasion; and these among the rest; for tho' we do not as tradition tells us, the Antediluvians did use to do by the blood of Abel, yet we cannot but mournfully sing of the blood of such an Abel." Attack at Wells, (Maine).--" On the 25th of January, 1692, Captain Converse was lodged in Storer's garrison at Wells with but fifteen men; and there came into Wells two sloops, with a INDIAN WARS. 263 Shallop, which had aboard supplies of ammunition for the soldiers, and contribution for the needy. The cattle this day came frighted and bleeding out of the woods, which was a more certain omen of Indians a coming than all the prodigies that Livy reports of the sacrificed oxen. Converse immediately issued out his commands unto all quarters, but especially to the sloops just then arrived. The sloops were commanded by Samuel Storer, and James Gouge, and Gouge's being two miles up the river, he wisely brought her down undiscovered unto Storer's, by the advantage of a mist then prevailing. A careful night they had on't! The next morning before day-light, one John Diamond, a stranger that came in the shallop on a visit, came to Capt. Converse's garrison, where the watch invited him in; but he chose rather to go aboard the sloops, which were little more than a gun-shot off; and, alas, the enemy issuing out from their lurking-places, immediately seized him, and haled him away by the hair of the head, (in spite of all the attempts used by the garrison to recover him) for an horrible story to be told by and by concerning him. The general of the enemies army was Monsieur Burniff; and one Monsieur Labrocree was a principal commander; (the enemy said, he was Lieutenant General); there were also divers other Frenchmen of quality, accompanied with Modockawando, and Moxus, and Egeremet, and Warumbo, and several more Indian Sagamores; the army made up in all about five hundred men, or fierce thinsgs in the shape of men, all to encounter fifteen men in one little garrison, and about fifteen more men, [worthily called such!] in a couple of open sloops. Diamond having informed them how it was in all points, (only that for fifteen, by a mistake he said thirty), they fell to dividing the persons and plunder, and agreeing that such an English Captain should be slave to such a one, and such a gentleman in the town should serve such a one, and his wife be a maid of honor to such or such a Squaw proposed, and Mr. Wheelright (instead of being a worthy counsellor of the province, which he now is!) was to be the servant of such a Netop; and the sloops, with their stores, to be so and so parted among them. There wanted but one thing to consummate the whole matter, even the chief thing of all, which I suppose they had not thought of; that was, for heaven to deliver all this prize into their hands: but, aliter statutum est in caolo! A man habited like a gentleman made a speech to them in English, exhorting them to courage, and assuring them, that if they would courageously fall upon the English, all was their own. The speech being ended, they fell to the work, and with an horrid shout and shot, made their assault upon the feeble garrison; but the English answered with a brisk volley, and sent such a leaden shower 264 FRENCH AND among them, that they retired from the garrison to spend the storm of their fury upon the sloops. You must know, that Wells' harbor is rather a creek than a river, for it is very narrow, and at low water in many places dry; nevertheless, where the vessels ride it is deep enough, and so far off the bank, that there is from thence no leaping aboad. But our sloops were sorely incommoded by a turn of the creek, where the enemy could lie out of danger so near them as to throw mud aboard with their hands. The enemy was also privileged with a great heap of plank lying on the bank, and with an hay stock, which they strengthened with the posts and rails; and from all these places, they poured in their vengeance upon the poor sloops, while they so placed smaller parties of their salvages, as to make it impossible for any of the garrisons to afford them any relief. Lying thus within a dozen yards of the sloops, they did with their fire arrows, divers times desperately set the sloops on fire. but the brave defendants, with a swab at the end of a rope tied unto a pole, and so dipt into the water, happily put the fire out. In brief, the sloops gave the enemy so brave a repulse, that at night they retreated; when they renewed their assault, finding that their fortitude would not assure the success of the assault unto them, they had recourse unto their policy. First, an Indian comes on with a slab for a shield before him; when a shot from one of the sloops pierced the slab, which fell down instead of a tomb-stone with the dead Indian under it: on which, as little a fellow as he was, I know not whether some will not reckon it proper to inscribe the epitaph which the Italians use to bestow upon their dead Popes: when the dog is dead, all his malice is dead with him. Their next stratagem was this: they brought out of the woods a kind of a cart, which they trimmed and rigged, and fitted up into a thing that might be called, a chariot: whereupon they built a platform, shot-proof in the front, and placed many men upon the platform. Such an engine they understood how to shape, without having read (I suppose) the description of the Pluteus in Vegetius! this chariot they pushed on towards the sloops, till they were got, it may be, within fifteen yards of them; when lo one of their wheels, to their admiration, sunk into the ground. A Frenchman stepping to heave the wheel with an helpful shoulder, Storer shot him down; another stepping to the wheel, Storer with a well-placed shot, sent him after his mate, so the rest thought it was best to let it stand as it was. The enemy kept gauling the sloop from their several batteries, and calling them to surrender, with many fine promises to make them happy, which ours answered with a just laughter, that had. now and then a mortiferous bullet at the end of it. The tide rising, the chariot overset, so that the men behind it lay open to the sloops, which INDIAN WARS. 265 Attack of the French and Indians at Wells. immediately dispensed an horrible slaughter among them; and they that could get away, got as fast, and as far off as they could. In the night the enemy had much discourse with the sloops; they enquired, who were their commanders? and the English gave an answer, which in some other cases and places would have been too true, that they had a great many commanders: but the Indians replied you lie, you have none but Converse, and we will have him too before morning! They also knowing that the magazine was in the garrison, lay under an hill-side, pelting at that by times; but Captain Converse once in the night, sent out three or four of his men into a field of wheat for a shot, if they could get one. There seeing a black heap lying together, ours all at once let fly upon them a shot, that slew several of them that were thus caught in the corn, and made the rest glad that they found themselves able to run for it. Captain Converse was this while in much distress about a scout of six men which he had sent forth to Newichawannick the morning before the arrival of the enemy, ordering them to return the day following. The scout returned into the very mouth of the enemy that lay before the garrison; but the corporal having his wits about him, called out aloud, (as if he had seen Captain Converse making a sally forth upon them) Captain, wheel about your men round the hill, and we shall catch them; there are but a few rogues of them! upon which the Indians imagining that Captain Converse had been at their heels, betook themselves to their heels; and our folks got safe into another garrison 23 266 FRENCH AND On the Lord's day morning there was for a while a deep silence among the assailants; but at length getting into a body, they marched with great formality towards the garrison, where the Captain ordered his handful of men to lie snug, and not to make a shot, until every shot might be likely to do some execution. While they thus beheld a formidable crew of dragons, coming with open mouth upon them to swallow them up at a mouthful, one of the soldiers began to speak of surrendering; upon which the Captain vehemently protested, that he would lay the man dead who should so much as mutter that base word any more! and so they heard no more on it: but the valiant Storer was put upon the like protestation, to keep them in good fighting trim aboard the sloops also. The enemy now approaching very near, gave three shouts that made the earth ring again; and crying out in English, fire, and fall on brave boys! The whole body drawn into three ranks, fired at once. Captain Converse immediately ran into the several flankers, and made their best guns fire at such a rate, that several of the enemy fell, and the rest of them disappeared almost as nimbly as if there had been so many spectres: particularly a parcel of 1hem got into a small deserted house; which having but a board wall to it, the Captain sent in after them those bullets of twelve to the pound, that made the house too hot for them that could get out of it. The women in the garrison on this occasion took up the Amazonian stroke, and not only brought ammunition to the men, but also with a manly resolution fired several times upon the enemy. The enemy finding that things would not yet go to their minds at the garrison, drew off to try their skill upon the sloops, which lay still abreast in the creek, lashed 'fast one to another. They built a great fire-work about eighteen or twenty foot square, and filled it up with com bustible matter, which they fired; and then they set it in the way for the tide now to float it up unto the sloops, which had now nothing but an horrible death before them. Nevertheless their de mands of both the garrison and the sloops to yield themselves, were answered no otherwise than with death upon many of them, spit from the guns of the besieged. Having towed their fire-work as far as they durst, they committed it unto the tide; but the distressed Christians that had this deadly fire swimming along upon the water towards them, committed it unto God: and God looked from heaven upon them in this prodigious article of their distress. These poor men cried, and the Lord heard them and saved them out of their troubles. The wind, unto their astonishment, immediately turned about, and with a fresh gale drove the macbin ashore on the other side, and split it so, that the water being let in upon it, the fire went out. So the godly men that saw God from heaven thus fighting for them, cried out with an astonishing joy, INDIAN WARS. 267 if it had not been the Lord, who was on our side, they had swallowed us up quick; blessed be the Lord who hath not given us a prey to their teeth; our soul is escaped as a bird out of the snare of the fowlers! The enemy were now in a pitiful pickle with toiling and moiling in the mud, and blackened with it, if mud. could add blackness to such miscreants; and their ammunition was pretty well exhausted; so that now they began to draw off in all parts, and with rafts get over the river; some whereof breaking, there did not a few cool their late heat by falling into it. But first they made all the spoil they could upon the cattle about the town; and giving one shot more at the sloops, they killed the only man of ours that was killed aboard them. Then after about half an hours consultation, they sent a flag of truce to the garrison, advising them with much flattery to surrender; but the Captain sent them word, that he wanted for nothing but for men to come and fight him. The Indian replied unto Captain Converse, being you are so stout, why don't you come and fight in the open field like a man, and not fight in a garrison like a squaw? The Captain rejoined, what a fool are you? do you think thirty men a match for five hundred? No, (says the Captain, counting, as well he might, each of his fifteen men to be as good as two!) come with your thirty men upon the plain and I will meet you with my thirty as soon as you will. Upon this the Indian answered, nay, we own English fashion is all one fool: you kill me, me kill you! no, better lye somewhere and shoot a man, and he no see! that the best soldier! Then they fell to coaxing the Captain with as many fine words as the Fox in the fable had for the allurement of his prey unto him; and urged mightily, that ensign Hill, who stood with the flag of truce, might stand a little nearer their army. The Captain for a good reason to be presently discerned, would not allow that: whereupon they fell to threatning and raging, like so many defeated devils, using these words, damn ye, we'll cut you as small as tobacco before tomorrow morning. The Captain bid 'em to make haste, for he wanted work: so the Indian throwing his flag on the ground, ran away, and ensign Hill nimbly stripping his flag ran into the valley; but the salvages presently fired from an ambushment behind an hill, near the place where they had urged for a parley. And now for poor John Diamond! the enemy retreating (which opportunity the sloops took to burn down the dangerous hay-stock) into the plain, out of gun-shot they fell to torturing their captive John Diamond after a manner very diabolical. They stripped him, they scalped him alive, and after a castration, the finished that article in the punishment of traitors upon him; they slit him with knives between his fingers and his toes; they made cruel gashes in the most fleshy parts of his body, and stuck the gashes 269 FRENCH AND with fire-brands which were afterwards found sticking in the wounds. Thus they butchered one poor Englishman with all the fury that they would have spent upon them all; and performed an exploit for five hundred furies to brag of at their coming home. Ghastly to express! what was it then to suffer? They returned then unto the garrison, and kept firing at it now and then till near ten a clock at night; when they all marched off, leaving behind them some of their dead; whereof one was monsieur Labocree, who had about his neck a pouch with about a dozen reliques ingeniously made up, and a printed paper of indulgencies, and several other implements; and no doubt, thought himself as good safety as if he had all the spells of Lapland about him: but it seems none of the amulets about his neck would save him from a mortal shot in the head. Thus in forty-eight hours was finished an action as worthy to be related, as perhaps any that occurs in our story. And it was not long before the valiant Gouge, who bore his part in this action, did another that was not much inferior to it, when he suddenly recovered from the French a valuable prey, which they had newly taken upon our coast." Escape of the Dustan family.-" On March 15, 1697, the salvages made a descent upon the skirts of Haverhill, murdering and captivating about thirty nine persons, and burning about half a dozen houses. In this broil, one Hannah Dustan having lain in about a week, attended with her nurse, Mary Neff, a body of terrible Indians drew near unto the house where she lay, with designs to carry on their bloody devastations. Her husband hastened from his employments abroad unto the relief of his distressed family; and first bidding seven of his eight children (which were from two to seventeen years of age) to get away as fast as they could unto some garrison in the town, he went in to inform his wife of the horrible distress come upon them. E'er she could get up, the fierce Indians were got so near, that utterly despairing to do her any service, he ran out after his children; resolving that on the horse which he had with him, he would ride away with that which he should in this extremity find his affections to pitch most upon, and leave the rest unto the care of the divine providence. He overtook his children about forty rods from his door; but then such was the agony of his parental affections, that he found it impossible for him to distinguish any one of them from the rest; wherefore he took up a courageous resolution to live and die with them all. A party of Indians came up with him; and now though they fired at him, and he fired at them, yet he manfully kept at the rear of his little army of unarmed children, while they marched off with the pace of a child of five years old; until, by the singular providence of God, he arrived safe with them all unto a place of safety about a mile or two from his house. But his house must in the mean time have more dismal tragedies acted at it. The nurse trying to escape with the new born infant, fell into the hands of the formidable salvages; and those INDIAN WARS. 269 Escape of the Dustan family. furious tawnies coming into the house, bid poor Dustan to rise immediately. Full of astonishment she did so; and sitting down in the chimney with an heart full of most fearful expectation, she saw the raging dragons rifle all that they could carry away, and set the house on fire. About nineteen or twenty Indians now led these away, with about half a score other English captives; but e'er they had gone many steps, they dash'd out the brains of the infant against a tree; and several of the other captives, as they began to tire in the sad journey, were soon sent unto their long home; the salvages would presently bury their hatchets in their brains, and leave their carcases on the ground for birds and beasts to feed upon. However, Dustan (with her nurse) notwithstanding her present condition, travelled that night about a dozen miles, and then kept up with their new masters in a long travel of an hundred and fifty miles, more or less, within a few days ensuing, without any sensible damage in their health, from the hardships of their travel, their lodging, their diet, and their many other difficulties. These two poor women were now in the hands of those whose tender mercies are cruelties; but the good God, who hath all hearts in his own hands, heard the sighs of these prisoners, and gave them to find unexpected favor from the master who hath laid claim unto them. That Indian family consisted of twelve persons; two stout men, three women, and seven children, and for the shame of many an English family, that has the character of prayerless upon it, I must now publish what these poor women assure me. 'Tis this, in obeEience to the instructions which the French have given them, they would have prayers in their family no less than thrice every day; in 23 * 270 FRENCH AND the morning, at noon, and in the evening; nor would they ordinarily let their children eat or sleep, without first saying their prayers. Indeed these idolaters were like the rest of their whiter brethren persecutors, and would not endure that these poor women should retire to their English prayers, if they could hinder them. Nevertheless, the poor women had nothing but fervent prayers to make their lives comfortable or tolerable; and by being daily sent out upon business, they had opportunities together and asunder, to do like another Hannah, in pouring out their souls before the Lord. Nor did their praying friends among ourselves forbear to pour out supplications for them. Now they could not observe it without some wonder, that their Indian master sometimes when he saw them dejected, would say unto them, What need you trouble yourself? If your God will have you delivered, you shall be so! And it seems our God would have it so to be. This Indian family was now travelling with these two captive women, (and an English youth taken from Worcester a year and a half before,) unto a rendezvouz of salvages, which they call a town some where beyond Penacook; and they still told these poor women, that when they came to this town they must be stript, and scourg'd, and run the gantlet through the whole army of Indians. They said this was the fashion when the captives first came to a town; and they derided some of the faint hearted English, which they said, fainted and swoon'd away under the torments of this discipline. But on April 30, while they were yet, it may be, about an hundred and fifty miles from the Indian town, a little before break of day, when the whole crew was in a dead sleep, (reader, see if it proves not so!) one of these women took up a resolution to intimate the action of Jael upon Siseria, and being where she had not her own life secured by any law unto her, she thought she was not forbidden by any law to take away the life of the murderers, by whom her child had been butchered. She heartened the nurse and the youth to assist her in this enterprise; and all furnishing themselves with hatchets for the purpose, they struck such home blows upon the heads of their sleeping oppressors, that e'er they could any of them struggle into any effectual resistance, at the feet of these poor prisoners, they bowed, theyfell, they lay down: at their feet theybowed, they fell; where they bowed, there they fell down dead. Only one squaw escaped sorely wounded from them in the dark; and one boy, whom they reserved asleep, intending to bring him away with them, suddenly waked, and scuttled away from this desolation. But cutting off the scalps of the ten wretches, they came off, and received fifty pounds from the General Assembly of the province, as a recompense of their action; besides which they received many presents of congratulation from their more private friends; but none gave them a greater taste of bounty than Colonel Nicholson, the Governor of Maryland, who hearing of their action, sent them a very generous token of his favour." INDIAN WARS. 271 Deerfield burnt. Captivity of Rev. Mr. Williams and Family.*-" The storm that threatened Deerfield was now approaching. In the evening of the twenty-ninth of February, 1704,t major Hertel de Rouville with two hundred French and one hundred and forty-two Indians, aided by two of his brothers, after a tedious march of between two and three hundred miles, through deep snow, arrived at an elevated pine forestt bordering Deerfield meadow, about two miles north of the village, where they lay concealed until after midnight. Finding all quiet, and the snow covered with a crust sufficient to support the men, Rouville deposited his snow shoes and packs at the foot of the elevation, and crossing Deerfield river, began his march through an open meadow a little before day light. As the march upon the crust produced a rustling noise, which it was apprehended might alarm the sentinels in the fort, he ordered frequent halts, in which the whole lay still for a few moments, and then rising, they dashed on with rapidity. The noise thus alternately ceasing, it was supposed would be attributed by the sentinels, to the irregularity of the wind; but the precaution was unnecessary, for the guard within the fort had improvidently retired to rest about the time the enemy commenced their march through the meadow. Arriving at the northwest quarter of the fort, where the snow in many places was drifted nearly to the top of the palisades, the enemy entered the place, and found all in a profound sleep. Parties detached in different directions assaulted the houses, broke the doors, and dragged the astonished people from their beds. Where resistance was attempted, the tomahawk or musket ended the strife. A few were so fortunate as to escape by flight to the adjacent woods; but the greatest part were killed or made prisoners.' " Early in the assault about twenty Indians attacked the house of the Rev. John Williams, who awaking from a sound sleep, instantly leaped from his bed, ran towards the door and found a party entering. Calling to awaken a couple of soldiers in his chamber, he seized a pistol from his bed tester, and presenting it to the breast of the foremost Indian, attempted to shoot him, but it missed fire. He was instantly seized, bound, and thus kept near an hour without his clothes. Two of his young children were dragged to the door and murdered, and his negro woman suffered the same fate. Mrs. Williams who had lain in but a few weeks previously, and five children were also seized, and the house rifled with unrelenting barbarity. While the Indians were thus employed, captain Stoddard, a lodger in the house, seizing his cloak, leaped from a chamber window, escaped across * These accounts are copied from Hoyt's Indian Wars. t By New Style, March 12, 1704 T Now called Petty's Plain 272 FRENCH AND Deerfield river, and availing himself of his cloak, which he tore into shreds and wrapped about his feet, arrived at Hatfield nearly exhausted. The house of Captain John Sheldon was attacked, but as the door at which the Indians attempted to enter was firmly bolted they found it difficult to penetrate. They then perforated it with their tomahawks, and thrusting through a musket, fired and killed the captain's wife, as she was rising from her bed in an adjoining room. The Captain's son and wife awakened by the assualt, leaped from a chamber window at the east end of the house, by which the latter strained her ancle, and was seized by the Indians, but the husband escaped into the woods and reached Hatfield. After gaining possession of the house, which was one of the largest in the place, the enemy reserved it as a depot for the prisoners, as they were collected from other parts of the village. Another dwelling-house situated about fifty yards southwest of Sheldon's, though repeatedly attacked, and various means adopted to set it on fire, was saved from the grasp of the enemy, by seven armed men and a few women, by whom it was occupied. While the brave defenders were pouring their fire upon the assailants from the windows and loop holes, the no less brave women were busily employed in casting balls for future supply. Unable to carry the house, or intimidate the defenders to a surrender, by all their threats and stratagems, the enemy gave up their efforts, and cautiously endeavored to keep out of the range of the shot. But notwithstanding their precautions, several were singled out and shot down by the marksmen in the house. While devastation and ruin were in operation in the main fort, a palisaded house, situated about sixty rods southerly, was furiously attacked, and gallantly defended by a small party of the inhabitants, and the assailants were at length compelled to draw off. But they received several fatal shots from the house during their stay in the place. Having collected the prisoners, plundered and set fire to the buildings, Rouville left the place sun about an hour high, and retraced his march through the meadow to his packs and snow shoes, where the prisoners were deprived of their shoes, and furnished with Indian mockasins, to enable them to travel with more facility. While the enemy were preparing for the march, a party of the inhabitants, who had escaped, returned to the conflagrated village, and joined by the men who had defended the two houses, and a few people who had hurried on from Hatfield, pressed into the meadow in pursuit of the enemy, and a sharp skirmish ensued; but being at length nearly encircled by a superior force, they were compelled to retire, with the loss of nine of their party. The pursuit, though highly honorable to the bravery of the pursuers, exposed the captives to imminent danger. During the fight, the English maintained their ground with great resolution and at one crisis, Rouville, apprehending a defeat, sent orders for the captives to be tomahawked; but fortu INDIAN WARS. 273 nately the messenger was killed, before he delivered his orders. Preparations were however made, by the Indians guarding the prisoners, to put them to death in case of the defeat of the party in the meadow, and several were bound for the diabolical purpose; on the retreat of the English, Rouville countermanded his order and saved the captives. Ancient Sheldon House at Deerfield. The whole number made prisoners, amounted to one hundred and twelve, including three Frenchmen residing in the village; and the slain, including those who fell in the skirmish in the meadow, numbered forty-seven; the whole loss of the enemy, was about the same number. Excepting the meeting house and Sheldon's, which was the last fired, and saved by the English who assembled immediately after the enemy left the place; all within the fort were reduced to ashes. That which was so bravely defended by the seven men, accidentally took fire, and was consumed while they were engaged in the meadow. Sheldon's house, now owned by Col. Elihu Hoyt, is still standing near the brick meeting house, in the centre of the village; exhibiting the perforation made in the door with the tomahawks, as well as those of balls in the interior; that which killed Mrs. Sheldon is still to be seen. Soon after the termination of the action in the meadow, Rouville commenced his march for Canada. Most gloomy were the prospects of the captives; many were women, then under circumstances requiring the most tender treatment; some young children whose feeble frames could not sustain the fatigues of a day; others, infants who were to be carried in the arms of their parents, left on the snow, or knocked on the head with the tomahawk; and several of the adult males were badly wounded. Under these melancholy forebodings, others not less appalling presented. The distance to Canada was not much short of three hundred miles, through a country wild and wastethe ground deeply covered with snow-the weather cold and inclement, and what appeared impossible to surmount, provisions were to 274 FRENCH AND be procured on the route. At the commencement of the march, the murder of an infant, was a prelude to the cruelties that were to be expected from the blood thirsty Indians. The first day's march was necessarily slow and difficult, and but little progress was made. The Indians, probably from a desire to preserve the young, to dispose of in Canada, or to retain for their own service, rather than from tenderness, assisted the parents by carrying the infants and young children upon their backs. At night Rouville encamped in the meadow, in what is now Greenfield, not exceeding four miles from Deerfield village, where by clearing away the snow, spreading boughs, and constructing slight cabins of brush, the prisoners were as comfortably lodged as circumstances would admit. To prevent escapes, the most athletic were bound, and secured according to the Indian mode, and this was practised at the subsequent night camps. Notwithstanding this precaution, Joseph Alexander, one of the prisoners, had the good fortune to escape. To deter other attempts, Mr. Williams, who was considered as the head of the captives, was informed that in case of another escape, the remainder should suffer death by fire. In the course of the night, some of the Indians became intoxicated with spirits they had plundered at Deerfield, and fell upon Mr. William's negro and murdered him. The second day's march was equally slow, and Mr. Williams was permitted, for a short time, to assist his distressed wife in travelling, who now began to be exhausted; but he was torn from her and placed at the head of the column, leaving her to struggle along unassisted. At the upper part of Greenfield meadow it became necessary to pass Green river, a small stream then open, in performing which, Mrs. Williams plunged under water, but recovering herself, she with difficulty reached the shore and continued her route. An abrupt hill was now to be surmounted, and Mr. Williams, who had gained the summit, intreated his master, (for so the Indian who captured him was called,) for leave to return and help forward his distressed wife, but was barbarously refused and she was left to struggle with difficulties beyond her power. Her ferocious master, finding her a burthen, sunk his hatchet in her head, and left her dead at the foot of the hill.* Rouville encamped the second night in the northerly part of the present town of Bernardston; a young woman and infant were dispatched in the course of this day's march. At this camp a consultation was held by the Indians on killing and taking the scalp of Mr. Williams; but his master unwilling to part with so valuable a prize, interfered and saved him from the hatchet. The next day the captives were more equally distributed for convenience of marching, and several exchanged masters. The fourth day brought the army to Connecticut river, about thirty miles above Deerfield, probably in the up* Her body was soon after taken up by a party from Deerfield, and interred in the public burying ground in that town, where her grave stone, with those of her husband, Mr. Williams, are to be seen. She was the only daughter of Rev. Eleazer Mather, first pastor of the church in Northampton, by his wife Esther, the daughter of Rev. John Warham, who came from England, 1630. INDIAN WARS. 275O per part of Brattleborough. Here light sledges were constructed, for the conveyance of the children, wounded, and baggage, and the march which was now on the ice, became more rapid; one female was this day relieved from her sufferings by a stroke of the hatchet. The march on Connecticut river continued several days without any extraordinary incident, excepting now and then murdering an exhausted captive and fleeing off the scalp. On the first Sunday, the captives were permitted to halt and rest themselves, and Mr. Williams delivered a discourse from these words;' The Lord is righteous, for I have rebelled against his commandments: Hear I pray you, all people and behold my sorrow: My virgins and young men are gone into captivity.' Lam. i. 18.* At the mouth of White river, Rouville divided his force into several parties and they took different routes to the St. Lawrence. One which Mr. Williams accompanied, ascended the former river, and passing the highlands, struck Winooski, or Onion, then called French river, and proceeding down that stream to lake Champlain, continued the march on the lake to Missisque bay, near which they joined a party of Indians, on a hunting excursion. Proceeding to the Sorrel, they built canoes and passed down to Chamblee, where they found a French fort, and a small garrison. Their route was then continued to the village of Sorrel, where some of the captives had already arrived. Mr. Williams was thence conveyed down the St. Lawrence, to the Indian village of St. Francis, and sometime after, to Quebec; and after a short residence at that place, sent to Montreal, where he was humanely treated by Governor Vaudreuil. Another party ascended the Connecticut, and halted sometime at Coos meadows, where provisions being exhausted they barely escaped starvation, by collecting wild game; and two of the captives, David Hoit and Jacob Hix, actually famished. Some of Mr. William's children accompanied this party, and after much delay, and great suffering, they arrived at various Indian lodges on the St. Lawrence. In a few instances the captives were purchased of the Indians, by the French inhabitants; but the greatest proportion were retained by the Indians, at their lodges in various parts of the country. Of the one hundred and twelve taken at Deerfield, about seventeen were killed, or died on the march, and the sufferings of all were severe in the extreme. During his captivity, Mr. Williams was permitted to visit various places on the St. Lawrence, and in his interviews with the French jesuits, he found them zealously attached to the Roman Catholic religion, to which they spared no pains to convert him, as well as the other captives; and in some instances they inflicted punishments for noncompliance with their ceremonies. But they found him as zealously attached to his own religion, and through his influence most of the captives continued firm in the protestant persuasion. Whether the * This sermon is said to have been delivered at the mouth of William's river, in Rockingham, Vermont; from which circumstance the river received its name. 276 FRENCH AND zeal of the jesuits proceeded from tenderness for the souls of the un. fortunate heretics, or from a desire to retain them in the country, is a little doubtful. But through the steady and firm perseverance of Mr. Williams, whose alarms at a few unimportant ceremonies, imperiously enforced, and which he might under different circumstances have considered of little or no importance, the whole of his children, excepting one daughter then about ten years of age, were at length redeemed from the Indians, and not long after two were sent home to New England. In 1706, a flag ship was sent to Quebec by Goverpor Dudley, by which fifty-seven of the captives were obtained and conveyed to Boston, among whom was Mr. Williams and his remaining Children, with the exception of his daughter Eunice, who notwithstanding all the exertions of hef father to obtain her redemption, was left among the Indians, and adopting their manners and customs, married a savage, by whom she had several children. Sometime after the war, she, with her husband, visited her relations at Deerfield, dressed in the Indian costume; and though every persuasive was tried to induce her to abandon the Indians, and to remain among her connections, all proved ineffectual; she returned to Canada and there ended her days, a true savage. At various times since, several of her descendants have visited Deerfield, and other towns in New England, claiming relationship with the descendants of the Rev. Mr. Williams, and have been hospitably received. Recently one of the great grandsons of Mrs. Williams, under the name of Eleazer Williams, has been educated by his friends in New England, and is now employed as a missionary to the Indians at Green bay, on lake Michigan."-Hoyt's Indian Wars. Attack on Haverhill.-" In the year 1708, this unfortunate town was again attacked by a body of French and Indians, sent by the Marquis de Vaudreuil, Governor of Canada, to attack Portsmouth. This company is supposed to have consisted at first of more than four hundred men; but, being wasted by sickness and desertion, they were afraid to attempt that town. A design was then formed to attack Dover, and after that Exeter: but, being diverted from this intention, they turned their course to Haverhill. These men were commanded by Monsieur Perriere de Chaillons, and Monsieur Hertel de Rouville, the Gallic savage, who a little before had destroyed Deerfield. They expected to have been joined by the Indians of Maine and New Hampshire. For a reason, which does not appear, these people declined taking any part in the enterprise. Those, who remained of the army, one half of which was composed of savages, proceeded, according to the orders of the Governour, to accomplish the object of their expedition; or in other words, to burn private dwellings, and to butcher defenceless women and children. Intelligence of this expedition had reached Boston: and guards had been sent to this, and other towns, exposed to the common INDIAN WARS. 277 danger. The guards at Haverhill were, however, so posted, that the enemy passed them without being discovered; and on the 29th of August, attacked, burnt, and plundered a considerable part of the town. Most of the adult male inhabitants, within the town were killed: among whom was the Rev. Benjamin Rolfe, the Clergyman; and Capt. Wainright, the Commander of the Militia. It is worthy of remembrance, that a maid servant of Mr. Rolfe escaped from her bed, with two of his daughters, to the cellar; and, covering each of them with a large tub, effectually concealed them from their enemies. The guards, assembling from their scattered posts, pursued the invaders; and, coming up with them just as they were entering the forests, fought them about an hour; when they retreated into the forest, leaving two of their officers, and seven of their men on the field. Had the advantage been pursued, the party might, not improbably, have been cut off."-Dwight's Travels. The two following occurrences during this attack appear to be well authenticated. "Two Indians attacked the house of Mr. Swan, which stood in the field now called White's lot, nearly opposite to the house of Capt. Emerson. Swan and his wife saw them approaching, and determined, if possible, to save their own lives, and the lives of their children, from the knives of the ruthless butchers. They immediately placed themselves against the door, which was so narrow that two could scarcely enter abreast. The Indians rushed against it, but finding that it could not be easily opened, they commenced their operations more systematically. One of them placed his back to the door, so that he could make his whole strength bear upon it, while the other pushed against him. The strength of the besiegers was greater than than that of the besieged, and Mr. Swan, being rather a timid man, said our venerable narrator, almost despaired of saving himself and family, and told his wife that he thought it would be better to let them in. But this resolute and courageous woman had no such idea. The Indians had now succeeded in partly opening the door, and one ot them was crowding himself in, while the other was pushing lustily after. The heroic wife' saw there was no time for parleying-she seized her spit, which was nearly three feet in length, and a deadly weapon in the hands of a woman, as it proved, and. collecting all the strength she possessed, drove it through the body of the foremost. This was too warm a reception for the besiegers-it was resistance from a source and with a weapon they little expected; and, surely, who else would ever think ot spitting a man? The two Indians, thus repulsed, immediately retreated, and did not molest them again. Thus, by the fortitude and heroic courage of a wife and mother, this family was probably saved from a bloody grave. One of the parties set fire to the back side of the meeting-house, a new and, for that period, an elegant building. These transactions were all performed about the same time; but they were not permitted to continue their work of murder and conflagration long, before they became panic-struck. Mr. Davis, an intrepid man, went behind Mr. Rolfe's barn, which stood near the house, struck it violently with a large club, called on men by name, gave the word of command, as though he were ordering an attack, and shouted with a loud voice, " Come on! come on! we will have them!" The party in Mr. Rolfe's house, supposing that a large body of the English had come upon them, began the cry of " The English are come!" and, after attempting to fire the house, precipitately left it. About this time Major Turner arrived with a company of soldiers, and the whole body of the enemy then commenced a rapid retreat, taking with them a number of prisoners. The retreat commenced about the rising of the sun. Meantime Mr. Davis ran to the meeting-house, and with the aid of a few others succeeded in extinguishing the devouring element; but it was mostly owing to his exertions that the house was saved." 24 278 FRENCH AND Expedition against Quebec, in 1711.-In 1710, Gen. Nicholson with a fleet of thirty-six ships of war, and transports, with an army arrived at Port Royal in Nova Scotia of which he made an easy conquest. Animated with this success Gen. Nicholson went to England, and obtained a fleet and troops in order to effect the conquest of Canada. "In a little more than a month, from the arrival of the fleet, the new levies and provisions, for that and the army, were ready. Upon the 30th of July, 1711, the whole armament sailed from Boston for Canada. It consisted of fifteen men of war, twelve directly from England, and three which had before been stationed in America; forty transports, six store ships, and a fine train of artillery with all kinds of warlike stores. The land army on board consisted of five regiments from England and Flanders, and two regiments raised in Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire; amounting in the whole to nearly seven thousand men. The fleet was commanded by Sir Hovenden Walker; and the army by Brigadier Hill, brother to Mrs. Masham, then the Queen's favorite. The land force was about equal to that which, under General Wolf, afterward reduced Quebec, though at that time it was not half so strong, as when it was reduced by that famous general. Upon the same day, on which the fleet sailed from Boston, General Nicholson began his journey for Albany, where, a few days after, he appeared at the head of four thousand men, from the colonies of Connecticut, New York, and New Jersey. The troops from Connecticut were commanded by Colonel William Whiting, who was an experienced officer, and had commanded them the last year, at Port Royal. The New York and New Jersey troops were commanded by Colonels Schuyler and Ingoldsby. Connecticut, besides victualling its own troops, furnished New York with two hundred fat cattle and six hundred sheep. Thus, in about five weeks, the colonies had raised two considerable armies and furnished them with provisions. More than this could not have been expected. Admiral Walker arrived in the mouth of St. Lawrence, on the 14th of August. That he might not lose the company of the transports, as was pretended, he put into the bay of Gaspee, on the 18th, where he continued until the 20th of the month. On the 22d, two days after he sailed from the bay, the fleet appeared to be in the most hazardous circumstances. It was without soundings, without sight of land; the sky was darkened with a thick fog, and the wind high at east south east. In this situation the ships brought to, with their heads to the southward. This was done with an expectation that the wind would drive them into the midst of the channel. But instead of this, about midnight, the seamen discovered that they were driven upon the north shore among rocks and islands, upon the verge of a total shipwreck. Eight or nine of the British transports were cast away, on board of which were about seventeen hundred officers and soldiers. Nearly a thousand men were lost. The admiral and INDIAN WARS. 279 general were in the most imminent danger, and saved themselves by anchoring. Such was the violence of the storm that they lost severa.l anchors. Upon this disaster, the admiral bore away for Spanish river bay; but the wind shifting to the east it was eight days before all the transports arrived. In the same time, as the wind was, they might have easily arrived at Quebec. It was there determined, by a council of land and naval officers, that as they had but ten weeks provision, and could not expect a supply from New England, to make no further attempt. The admiral sailed directly for England, and arrived at Portsmouth on the 9th of October. Here the fleet suffered another surprising calamity. The Edgar, a 70 gun ship, blew up, having on board four hundred men, besides many persons who were just come on board to visit their friends. As the cause of this event was wholly unknown, jealous minds were not without suggestions, that even this, as well as the other disaster, was the effect of horrid design. The admiral and English officers, to exculpate themselves, laid the blame wholly upon the colonies, that they were delayed so long for provision and the raising of the provincials, and that they had such unskillful pilots. The admiral declared, that it was the advice of the pilots that the fleet should come to in the manner it did, but the pilots, from New England, declared, upon oath, that they gave no such advice. If any such was given it must have been by the French pilots on board, either through mistake or upon design. Charlevoix represents, that the French pilots warned the admiral of his danger, but that he did not sufficiently regard them. General Nicholson had not advanced far before he received intelligence of the loss sustained by the fleet, and the army soon after returned. The Marquis De Vaudreuil, governor of Canada, received intelligence of the arrival of the fleet from England, and of the preparations making in the colonies for the invasion of Canada, and had omitted nothing in his power to put it into a state of defence. No sooner was he apprized of so many ships wrecked and so many bodies with red coats driven on shore, and that the river was clear of ships, than he ordered the whole strength of Canada towards Montreal and lake Champlain. At Champlain he formed a camp of three thousand men to oppose General Nicholson. Had the general crossed the lake it might have been difficult for him to have returned in safety."-Dr. Trumbull. Capture of Louisburg.-" After the peace of Utrecht, the French, as a security to their navigation and fishery, built the town of Louisbourg, on the island of Cape Breton; and fortified it with a rampart of stone, from thirty to thirty-six feet high, and a ditch eighty feet wide. There were six bastions and three batteries, containing embrasures for one hundred and forty-eight cannon, and six mortars. On an island at the entrance of the harbour was planted a battery of thirty cannon, carrying twentyeight pounds shot; and at the bottom of the harbour, directly opposite to the entrance, was the grand or royal battery of twenty 280 FRENCH AND 2 miles eight cannon, forty-two pounders, and two eighteen pounders The entrance of the town, on the land side, was at the west gate, over a draw bridge, near which was a circular battery, mounting sixteen guns of twenty-four pounds shot. These works had been twenty-five years in building; and, though not finished, had cost the crown of France not less than thirty millions of livres. The place was deemed so strong and impregnable, as to be called the Dunkirk of America. In peace, it was a safe retreat for the ships of France, bound homeward for the East and West Indies. In war, it gave French privateers the greatest advantage for ru ining the fishery of the northern English colonies, and interrupt ing their entire trade. It endangered, besides, the loss of Nova Scotia, which would cause an instant increase of six or eight thousand enemies. The reduction of this place was, for these reasons, an object of the highest importance to New England. Under these impressions, governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, had written to the British ministry in the autumn of the last year, soliciting assistance for the preservation of Nova Scotia, and the acquisition of Cape Breton. Early in January, (1745), before he received any answer or orders from England, he requested the members of the general court, that they would lay themselves under an oath of secresy, to receive from him a proposal of very great importance. They readily took the oath; and he communicated to them the plan, which he had formed, of attacking Louisbourg. The proposal was at first rejected; but it was finally carried by a majority of one voice. Circular letters were immediately dispatched to all the colonies, as far as Pennsylvania,* re* All excused themselves from any share in the adventure, excepting Connecticut, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island. The assembly of Pennsylvania, though it could not be prevailed on to take part in an enterprise, which appeared desperate; yet, on receiving information that Louisbourg was taken, and that supplies were wanted, voted ~4000 in provisions for the refreshment and support of the brave troops, which had achieved the action. Franklin Pennsylv. 94. Univ. Hist. xli. 33. INDIAN WARS. 281 questing their assistance, and an embargo on their ports. Forces were promptly raised; and William Pepperrell, esquire, of Kitte ry, was appointed commander of the expedition. This officer on board the Shirley Snow, captain Rouse, with the transports under her convoy, sailed from Nantasket on the twenty fourth of March, and arrived at Canso on the fourth of April. Here the troops, joined by those of New Hampshire and Connecticut, amounting collectively to upwards of four thousand, were detained three weeks, waiting for the ice, which environed the island of Cape Breton, to be dissolved. At length commodore Warren, agreeably to orders from England, arrived at Canso in the Superbe of sixty guns, with three other ships of forty guns each; and, after a consultation with the general, proceeded to cruise before Louisburg. The general soon after sailed with the whole fleet; and on the thirtieth of April, coming to anchor at Chapeaurouge Bay, landed his troops. The next object was, to invest the city. Lieutenant colonel Vaughan conducted the first column through the woods within sight of Louisbourg, and saluted the city with three cheers. At the head of a detachment, chiefly of the New Hampshire troops, he marched in the night to the north east part of the harbour, where they burned the ware houses, containing the naval stores, and staved a large quantity of wine and brandy. The smoke of this fire, driven by the wind into the grand battery, so terrified the French, that they abandoned it; and, spiking up the guns, retired to the city. The next morning Vaughan took possession of the deserted battery, which he bravely defended. With extreme labour and difficulty cannon were drawn, for fourteen nights successively, from the landing place through a morass to the camp.* The cannon, left by the enemy, were drilled, and turned with good effect on the city, within which almost every shot lodged, while several fell into the roof of the citadel. On the seventh of May, a summons was sent in to the commanding officer at Louisbourg, who refused to surrender the place. The siege was therefore still pressed with activity and vigilance by commodore Warren and his ships, and with vigorous perseverance by the land forces. The joint efforts of both were at length, by the blessing of Heaven, crowned with success. It was a circumstance favourable to the assailants, that the garrison at Louisbourg had been so mutinous before the siege, that the officers could not trust the men to make a sortie, lest they should desert. The capture of a French sixty four gun ship, richly laden with military stores, and having on board five hundred and sixty men, destined for the relief of the garrison, threw the ene* The men, with straps over their shoulders, and sinking to their knees in mud, performed the service, which horses or oxen, on such ground, could not have done 24* 282 FRENCH AND my into perturbation. A battery, erected on the high cliff at the light house, greatly annoyed their island battery. Preparations were evidently making for a general assault. Discouraged by these adverse events and menacing appearances, Duchambon, the French commander, determined to surrender; and, on the sixteenth of June, articles of capitulation were signed. After the surrender of the city, the French flag was kept flying on the ramparts; and several rich prizes were thus decoyed. Two East Indiamen and one South Sea ship, estimated at six hundred thousand pounds sterling, were taken by the squadron at the mouth of the harbour. This expedition was one of the most remarkable events in the history of North America. It was hazardous in the attempt, but successful in the execution. 'It displayed the enterprising spirit of New England; and, though it enabled Britain to purchase a peace, yet it excited her envy and jealousy against the colonies, by whose exertions it was acquired * The news of this important victory flew through the continent. Considerate and pious persons remarked, with mingled gratitude and admiration, the coincidence of numerous circumstances and events, on which the success of the undertaking essentially depended. While the enterprise, patriotism, and firmness of the colonists were justly extolled, for projecting and executing a great design, attended with hardships and danger never before paralleled in America; it was perceived, that there was also no small degree of temerity in the attempt, and that the propitious agency of divine Providence throughout the whole was singularly manifest. Holmes' A nnals. Expedition against Norridgewock-Death of Ralle.-Tlie Abenaquis or Eastern Indians, being situated between the French and English colonies, were often engaged in warfare against the English settlements. They appear to have been very much offended against the English on account of their extending their settlements, &c. on the lands at the eastward. Their jealousies and discontents were heightened by Father * Coll. Hist. Soc. i. 4-60; where there is an authentic account of the expedition from original papers. Hutchinson, ii. ch. iv. Douglass, i. 336. Belknap N. Hamp. ii. 193-224. Adams N. Eng. 208. Solicitations were made for a parlia inentary reimbursement, which, after much difficulty and delay, was obtained. In 1749, the money, granted by parliament for that purpose, arrived at Boston, and was conveyed to the treasury office. The sum was ~183,649, 2s. 7d. 1-2. It consisted of 215 chests (3000 pieces of eight, at a medium, in each chest) of milled pieces of eight, and 100 casks of coined copper. There were 17 cart and truck loads of the silver, and about 10 truck loads of copper. Coll. Hist. Soc. i. 53-58. Brit. Emp. i. 377. Pemberton MS. Chron. The instructions, given by governor Shirley to lieutenant general Pepperrell, for this expedition, are published in Coll. Hist. Soc. i. 1-11. The plan for the reduction of a regularly constructed fortress "was drawn by a lawyer, to be executed by a merchant, at the head of a body of husbandmen and mechanics." INDIAN WARS. 283 Ralle, or Rasle, a French Jesuit, who resided at Norridgewock, and held a close correspondence with the governor of Canada. Such injuries had been done to the English settlers, that, so early as 1720, many of them removed. " Discouraged with the ineffectual attempts to intercept the enemy, by scouting parties marching on the back of the frontiers, another expedition was resolved upon, to surprise them at their head quarters, or principal village, Norridgewock. Four companies, consisting in the whole of two hundred and eight men, under the command of Captains Harman, Moulton, and Bourne, were ordered up the river Kennebeck for that purpose. Three Mohawks were engaged to go out on the expedition. The troops left Richmond fort, on the Kennebeck river, the 19th of August; the 20th, they arrived at Taconick, where they left their whale boats, under a guard of forty men, out of the two hundred and eight. On the 21st, they commenced their march, by land, for Norridgewock. The same evening they discovered and fired on two women, the wife and daughter of the famous and well known warrior Bomazeen. His daughter was killed, and his wife was made prisoner. By her they obtained a full account of the state of Norridgewock. On the 23d, a little after noon, they came near the village. As it was supposed that part of the Indians might be in their corn fields which were at some distance from the village, it was judged best to divide the army. Captain Harman, who was commander in chief, took eighty-four men and marched to the corn fields, and Captain Moulton, with the same number, marched directly to the village. This, about three of the clock, opened suddenly upon, them. There was not an Indian to be seen; they were all in their wigwams. The English were ordered to advance as softly as possible, and to keep a profound silence. At length'an Indian came out from one of the wigwams, and looking round, discovered the English close upon him. He gave the war whoop, and ran in for his gun. The whole village took the alarm, and about sixty warriors ran to meet the English, while the old men, women and children fled for their lives. Moulton, instead of suffering his men to fire at random through the wigwams, charged them, on pain of death, not to fire a gun till they had received the fite of the Indians. He judged they would fire in a panick and overshoot them. So it happened; not a man was hurt. The English discharged in their turn and made great slaughter. The English kept their ranks; the Indians fired a second time, and fled towards the river. Some jumped into their canoes, but as their paddles had been left in the wigwams, they made their escape but slowly; others jumped into the river and swam; some of the tallest were able to ford it. Some of the English furnished themselves with paddles, and took to the canoes which the Indians had left; others waded into the river, and so pressed upon them, that they were soon driven from all their canoes and from the river. They were shot in the water, and on the opposite shore, as they were making their escape into the 284 FRENCH AND woods. It was imagined by the English, that not more than fifty of the whole village made their escape. Having put the enemy to flight, the English returned to the village, where they found the jesuit Ralle, firing on a number of our men, who had not been in pursuit of the enemy. He had in the wigwam an English boy, about fourteen years of age, who had been taken about six months before. This boy he had shot through the thigh, and afterwards stabbed in the body; but by the care of surgeons, he recovered.* Moulton had given orders not to kill the jesuit, but as by his firing from the wigwam, one of the English had been wounded, one Lieutenant Jaques broke open the door and shot him through the head. Jaques excused himself to his commanding officer, alledging that Ralle was loading his gun when he entered the wigwam, and declared that he would neither give nor take quarter. Moulton allowed that some answer was given which provoked Jaques, but he doubted whether it was the same which was reported. He ever expressed his disapprobation of the action. Mog, a famous Indian chief and warrior, was found shut up in another wigwam, from which he fired and killed one of the three Mohawks. This so enraged his brother, that he broke down the door and shot him dead. The English, in their rage, followed and killed his wife and two helpless children. Harman and his party, who went to the corn fields, did not come up till nearly night, when the action was over. The whole army lodged in the wigwams that night, under a-guard of forty men. The next morning they counted twenty-seven dead bodies, and they had one woman and three children prisoners. Among the dead were Bomazeen, Mog, Job, Carabeset, Wissememet, and Bomazeen's sonin-law, all noted warriors. As the troops were anxious for their men and whale boats, they marched early for Taconick. Christian, one of the Mohawks, was sent back, or went of his own accord, after they had begun their march, and set fire to the wigwams and to the church, and then rejoined the company. On the 27th, they returned to the fort at Richmond. This was a heavy blow to the enemy: more than one half of their fighting men were killed or wounded, and most of their principal warriors." t * Governor Hutchinson says, " I find this act of cruelty in the account given by Harman upon oath."-Hist. vol. II. p. 312. t " Upon this memorable event in our early annals, Father Charlevoix should be heard. There were not, says he, at the time the attack was made, above fifty warriors at Neridgewok; these seized their arms, and run in disorder, not to defend the place against an enemy, who was already in it, but to favor the flight of the women, the old men and the children, and to give them time to gain the side of the river, which was not yet in possession of the English. Father RASLE, warned by the clamors and tumult, and the danger in which he found his proselytes, ran to present himself to the assailants, hoping to draw all their fury upon him, that thereby he might prove the salvation of his flock. His hope was vain; for hardly had he discovered himself when the English raised a great shout, which was followed by a shower of shot, by which he fell dead near to the cross which he had erected in the centre of the village: seven Indians who attended him, and who endeavored to shield INDIAN WARS. 2S5 Lovells Expedition.-" The government of Massachusetts, to promote enterprize and encourage volunteers, raised the premium for Indian scalps and prisoners to an hundred pounds for each. This induced one John Lovell to raise a company of volunteers on purpose to hunt the Indians, and bring in their scalps. On his first scout he got one scalp and one prisoner, which he brought into Boston on the 5th of January, 1725. He took them more than forty miles above the lake of Winnepesiaukee. On a second enterprize, he discovered ten Indians round a fire, all asleep. He ordered part of his company to fire on them as they lay, and the other part to fire on them as they rose. Three were killed by the first fire, and the other seven as they rose. On the 3d of March the ten scalps were brought to Boston. Animated by these repeated successes, he made a third attempt, with a company of thirty-three men. On the 8th of May, they discovered an Indian on a point of land which joined to a great pond or lake. They were suspicious that he was set there to draw them into a snare, and that there might be many Indians at no great distance. They therefore laid down their packs, that they might be prepared for action. They then marched nearly two miles round the pond, to kill or take the Indian whom they had discovered. At length, when the English came within gun shot, he fired and wounded Lovell and one of his men with large shot. He was immediately shot and scalped. In the mean time, a party of about eighty Indians seized the packs of the English, and, at a place convenient for their purpose, waited for their return. When they returned, the enemy rose with the Indian yell, fired and ran upon them with their hatchets, in great fury. Lovell, to secure his rear, retreated to the pond, and the English, though their number was so unequal, continued the action five or six hours, until night. Captain Lovell, his lieutenant, Farwell, and Ensign Robbins, were mortally wounded early in the action, and five more were afterwards killed. Sixteen escaped unhurt, and returned, but they were obliged to leave eight of their wounded companions in the woods, without provisions and without a surgeon. One of them was Mr. Fry, their chaplain, of Andover, who had behaved with great bravery, had killed and scalped one Indian in the heat of the action, but finally perished for want of relief. Two of the him with their own bodies, fell dead at his side. Thus died this charitable pastor, giving his life for his sheep, after thirty-seven years of painful labors. Although the English shot near 2000 muskets, they killed but 30 and wounded 40. They spared not the church, which, after they had indignantly profaned its sacred vases, and the adorable body of Jesus Christ, they set on fire. They then retired with precipitation,* having been seized with a sudden panic. The Indians returned immediately into the village; and their first care, while the women sought plants and herbs proper to heal the wounded, was to shed tears upon the body of their holy missionary. They found him pierced with a thousand shot, his scalp taken off, his skull fractured with hatchets, his mouth and eyes filled with dirt, the bones of his legs broken, and all his members mutilated in a hundred different ways."Drake's Book of the Indians. * They encamped the following night in the Indian wigwams, under a guard of only 40 men.Hutchinson, ii. 312. 286 FRENCH AND eight afterwards got into the English settlements. Fifteen in the whole were lost, and eighteen saved. This unfortunate affair discouraged all scalping parties for the future. From this time the war languished, and nothing material was transacted. The English and Indians were both weary of it, and wished for peace. After the death of Ralle, the Indians were at liberty to follow their own inclinations. The Penobscots began war with the greatest reluctance, and were now considered as most inclined to peace. To discover their feelings, an Indian hostage was suffered to go home near the close of the winter of 1724, with a captive, on their parole. They came back to the fort at St. Georges on the 6th of February, accompanied with two others of the tribe. They related, that at a meeting of the Penobscots, it was agreed to make proposals of peace. One of the Indians, who was a sachem, was sent back with the other Indian, to bring a deputation of several other chiefs, for the purpose of concluding a peace. In consequence of these measures, some time in June, preliminaries of peace were settled, and a cessation of arms was agreed upon. Soon after, four delegates came to Boston and signed a treaty of peace."-Dr. Trumbull's Hist Con. D'Anville's Expedition.-In 1746, while the colonies of New England were projecting new enterprises against the French, intelligence of danger arrived, which threw the whole country into the utmost consternation. " A very large fleet from France, under the command of Duke D'Anville, had arrived at Nova Scotia. It consisted of about forty ships of war, beside transports, and brought over between three and four thousand regular troops, with veteran officers, and all kinds of military stores; the most powerful armament that had ever been sent into North America. The object of this great armament was supposed to be, to recover Louisbourg; to take Annapolis; to break up the settlements on the eastern coast of Massachusetts; and to distress, if not attempt to conquer, the whole country of New England.* The troops, destined for Canada, had now sufficient employment at home; and the militia was collected to join them. The old forts on the sea-coast were repaired; new forts were erected; and military guards appointed. The country was kept in a state of anxiety and fear six weeks; when it was relieved by intelligence of the disabled state of the enemy. The French fleet had sustained much damage by storms, and great loss by shipwrecks. An expected junction of M. Conflans, with three ships of the line and a frigate from Hispaniola, had failed. A pestilential fever prevailed among the French troops. Intercepted letters, opened * The real orders of D'Anville were, to retake and dismantle Louisbourg; to take and garrison Annapolis; to destroy Boston; to range along the coasts of North America; and, in conclusion, to visit the British sugar islands. His original armnament is referred to in the text INDIAN WARS. 287 in a council of war, raising expectation of the speedy arrival of an English fleet, caused a division among the officers. Under the pressure of these adverse occurrences, D'Anville was either seized with an apoplectic fit, or took a poisonous draught, and suddenly expired. D'Estournelle, who succeeded him in the command of the fleet, proposed in a council of officers to abandon the expedition, and return to France. The rejection of his proposal caused such extreme agitation, as to bring on a fever, which threw him into a delirium, and he fell on his sword. The French, thus disconcerted in their plan, resolved to make an attempt on Annapolis; but, having sailed from Chebucto, they were overtaken by a violent tempest off Cape Sable, and what ships escaped destruction returned singly to France.* A more remarkable instance of preservation seldom occurs. Had the project of the enemy succeeded, it is impossible to determine to what extent the American colonies would have been distressed or desolated. When man is made the instrument of averting public calamity, the divine agency ought still to be acknowledged; but this was averted without human power. If philosophers would ascribe this extraordinary event to blind chance, or fatal necessity, Christians will surely ascribe it to the operation of that BEING, who, in ancient time, caused 'the stars, in their courses, to fight against Sisera.' "-Holmes' Annals. Conquest of Nova Scotia.-" The command of the expedition against Nova Scotia was given to Lieutenant Colonel Monkton, a British officer of respected military talents. The troops, destined for this service, were almost entirely drawn from Massachusetts, and amounted to about three thousand men. The New England forces were commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Winslow of Marshfield, a major general of the militia, and an officer of geat respectability and influence. The troops embarked at Boston on the 20th May, 1755, and arrived on the 25th at Annapolis Royal; whence, on the first of June, they sailed, in a fleet of forty-one vessels, to Chignecto. After being joined by about three hundred regulars with a small train of artillery, they marched for the French fort Beausejour. At the river Mussaguash, on the west side of which the French claimed, they found a block house, with some small cannon and swivels, and a breast * Hutchinson, ii. ch. iv. The French, from the day in which they left France in June to the day in which they left Chebucto, buried 2400 men, 1100 of whom died at Chebucto. One third of the Indians, who visited the French cantonments, died. The disease subsided there, without becoming epidemic. On this occasion, the assembly of Massachusetts gave the governor unlimited power to strengthe the works at Castle William, and do whatever he should think necessary for the immediate defence of the harbour of Boston; and such additional works were made to the Castle, as rendered it, for its extent, the most considerable fortress by sea in the English colonies. 288 FRENCH AND work, with troops judiciously posted to oppose their progress; but, after a conflict of about an hour, they effected a passage, with the loss of one man only, the French burning their blockhouse and village. They now encamped about two miles from fort Beausejour; and Lieutenant Colonel Winslow, with three hundred men, having dislodged a party of the enemy from an eminence, advanced within six hundred yards of the fort. The entrenchments were opened, and, on the sixteenth, the enemy surrendered. The garrison was allowed to march out with the honours of war, and to be transported with their effects to Louisbourg, at the expense of the king of Great Britain, on condition of not bearing arms for six months. The name of fort Beausejour was now changed to Cumberland. The fort at Gaspareau necessarily surrendered next; and was allowed the same terms as the former. The French force in Nova Scotia being subdued, a difficult question occurred, what ought to be done with the inhabitants. These amounted to about seven thousand, and were of a mild, frugal, industrious and pious character. But, though they had chosen to be denominated neutrals, they had furnished the French and Indians with intelligence, quarters, provisions, and aid in annoying the government of the province; and three hundred of them were actually found in arms at fort Beausejour. An offer was made to such of them as had not been openly in arms, to be allowed to continue in possession of their land, if they would take the oath of allegiance without any qualification; but they unanimously refused it. On the whole, after the lieutenant governor of Nova Scotia and his council had consulted with Admirals Boscawen and Mostyn on the necessary measures to be adopted toward them, it was determined to disperse them among the British colonies. This measure was principally effected by the New England forces, whose commander, uniting humanity with firmness, was eminently qualified for the difficult and ungrateful service. In this entire expedition, the English had but twenty men killed, and about the same number wounded.* Battle of Lake George.t-" This battle was fought at the head of Lake George, September 8th, 1755, between the provincial troops under the command of Major General, afterwards Sir * At Grand Pr6, where Colonel Winslow had the immediate command, there were made prisoners 483 men and 337 women, heads of families, 527 of their sons and 576 of their daughters, amounting in all to 1923 souls. To prevent the resettlement ot those who escaped, the country was laid waste. In the district of Minas only, there were destroyed 255 houses, 276 barns, 155 outhouses, 11 mills, and 1 church. One thousand of the proscribed and wretched Acadians were transported to Massachusetts, where many of them embarked for France. t Dwight's Travels, 3d vol. Dr. Dwight visited the battle grounds, and derived much of his information from eye witnesses of the action. The loss of the French was estimated at eight hundred, that of the English but two hundred. INDIAN WARS. 289 William Johnson, aided by a body of Indians, led by the celebrated Hendrick; and a body of French, Canadians, and Indians, commanded by Monsieur le Baron de Dieskau. This nobleman arrived from France, in company with Monsieur de Vaudreuil, Governour General of Canada, and brought with him from Brest, 3000 regular troops, destined to act under his command against the British colonies. Of these six hundred were taken, with the Lys and Alcide men of war, by Admiral Boscawen. A thousand were left at Louisburgh. The remainder were landed at Quebec. The Baron was instructed to reduce Oswego; a fortification on the south side of Lake Ontario, and on the eastern side of the river Oswego, or Onondaga. This fortress was of consideiable importance, from its position in the country of the Iroquois; and enabled the English in a great measure to exclude the French from any very dangerous communication with that people. In obedience to these instructions he proceeded directly to Montreal; and having despatched seven hundred men up the river St. Lawrence, made preparations to follow them. Before his departure, however, intelligence reached that city, that a considerable army was assembling at the head of Lake St. Sacrament, now Lake George, with an intention to reduce fort Frederic, since called Crown Point, and perhaps to invade Canada. At a council, convened upon this news, Baron Dieskau was vehemently solicited, and with no small difficulty prevailed upon, to direct his course up Lake Champlain. At Fort Frederic he waited some time for the arrival of the English army; but finding no prospect of their approach, determined to go and seek them. Accordingly, he embarked with 2000 men in batteaux, and landed at the head of South-bay, in the township of Skeensborough, now /Vhitehall; about sixteen or eighteen miles from Sandy-hill, and in the route which he took, about twenty-eight or thirty from the head of Lake George. An English prisoner, taken by his scouts, informed him, that Fort Edward, then called Fort Lyman, (from Major Genernl Lyman, under whose direction this fortress had been erected the preceding summer,) was defenceless; and that the army of General Johnson was in the same state; being without fortifications, and without cannon. Upon this information Dieskau determined immediately to attack the fort. As soon as he formed his determination, he explained to his troops the advantages of the proposed measure, which was certainly worthy of his military character. Had the design succeeded; and in the infant state of the works, it would in all probability have been successful; the army under Johnson would have been cut off from all supplies; and must either have marched immediately back, and fought the enemy, then formidable by success, as well as numbeis, and skill, furnished with cannon and other supplies 25 290 FRENCH AND from the fort, and choosing his own ground for action; or thev must have surrendered at discretion. The great body of his troops, however, consisting of Canadians and Indians, were illfitted to comprehend a measure of this magnitude; and as little disposed to venture upon its execution. Either they had been informed, or they suspected, that the fort was defended by cannon: objects of peculiar dread to both these classes of men. In spite of the exhortations of their commander, they absolutely refused to advance against the fort; but professed their readiness, at the same time, to attack the army under Johnson, entirely destitute, as the Baron had told them, and. as he himself believed, of both cannon and works. In vain did he attempt to overcome their reluctance. There was, therefore, no alternative left, but either to attack Johnson, or to retrace his course to South bay. Without hesitation he marched his army towards the head of Lake George. Gen. Johnson's first intimation of the approach of his enemy had been given by a scout, who discovered the French army on their march from South bay towards Fort Edward. Upon the receipt of this intelligence he dispatched several messengers, to advertise Col. Blanchard, who commanded that fortress, of his danger. On the night of Sunday, September 7, at 12 o'clock, information was brought, that the enemy had advanced four miles on the road from Fort Edward to Lake George; or half way between the village of Sandy-Hill and Glen's falls. A council of war was held early in the morning, at which it was resolved to send a party to meet them. The number of men, determined upon at first, was mentioned by the General to Hendrick; and his opinion was asked. He replied, 'If they are to fight, they are too few. If they are to be killed, they are too many.' The number was accordingly increased. Gen. Johnson also proposed to divide them into three parties. Hendrick took three sticks, and, putting them together, said to him, ' Put these together, and you can't break them. Take them one by one, and you will break them easily.' The hint succeeded, and Hendrick's sticks saved the party, and probably the whole army, from destruction. The party detached consisted of twelve hundred, and were commanded by Col. Ephraim Williams, whose character has been already given in these Letters; a brave and skillful officer, greatly beloved by the soldiery, and greatly respected by the country at large. Lieut. Col. Whiting, of New-Haven, was second in command, and brought up the rear. Col. Williams met the enemy at Rocky brook, four miles from Lake George. Dieskau had been informed of his approach by his scouts, and arranged his men in the best possible order to receive them, extending his line on both sides of the road in the form of a half-moon. Johnson did not begin to raise his breast-work until after Williams had marched; nor, as a manuscript account of this transaction, now before me, declares, until after the rencounter between Williams and the enemy had begun. INDIAN WARS. 291 Wilhliams marched his men directly into the hollow of the halfmoon This will be explained by the fact, that the whole country was a deep forest. When the enemy saw them completely within his power, he opened a fire of musketry on the front, and on both flanks, of the English at the same moment. The English fell in heaps; and at the head of them their gallant commander. Hendrick also was mortally wounded, fighting with invincible courage in the front of his people. He was shot in the back: a fact which filled him with disdain and anguish; as he thought, that he should be believed to have fled from the enemy. The truth was; the horns of the half-moon were so far advanced, that they in a great measure inclosed the van of the English, and fired upon them from the rear. From this fire Hendrick received the wound which terminated his life. Upon the death of Col. Williams, Lieut. Col. Whiting succeeded to the command of the detachment. He was an officer of great merit, and had gained much applause at the reduction of Louisburgh; and, in consequence of his gallant conduct at that siege, had been made a Captain in the regular British service. Whiting, seeing the danger of his men, immediately ordered a retreat; and conducted it so judiciously, that he saved the great body of them from destruction, in circumstances of extreme peril; in which their own confusion and alarm, and the situation of the ground, threatened their extermination no less than the superior numbers of the enemy. The noise of the first fire was heard at Lake George. Efforts began then to be made in earnest by the General for the defence of the camp: and a party of three hundred men were despatched under Lieut. Col. Cole, to support the retreating corps. A few stragglers, both English and Indians, came into the camp, and announced, what had indeed been already sufficiently evident from the approaching sound of the musketry, that the French army was superiour in numbers and strength to Col. Williams' corps, and was driving them towards the camp. Some time after ' the whole party that escaped,' says Gen. Johnson, ' came in in large bodies:' a decisive proof of the skill, and coolness, with which Lieut. Col. Whiting conducted this retreat. These men also arranged themselves in their proper places; and took their share in the engagement, which followed. About half after eleven o'clock the enemy appeared in sight; marching up the road in the best order towards the centre of the English. When they came to the bottom of an open valley, directly in front of the elevation, on which Fort George was afterwards built, and on which the centre of the English army was posted; Dieskau halted his men about fifteen minutes, at the distance of little more than one hundred and fifty yards from the breast-work. I have never seen a reason, assigned for this measure. I think I can assign one The Indians were sent out on the right flank, and a part of the Canadians on the left, intending to come in upon the rear of the English, while the main body attacked them in front. The ground was remarkably favourable to this design; being swampy, thickly forested, and, therefore, perfectly fitted to conceal the approach of these parties. 292 FRENCH AND The Indians, however, were soon discovered by Lieut. Col. Pomeroy, who immediately mentioned the fact to the General; and, observing to him, that these people were extremely afraid of cannon, requested that one or two pieces might be pointed against them. They were then near the ground on which Fort William Henry was afterwards built. The General approved of the proposal. A shell was instantly thrown among them from a howitzer; and some field pieces showered upon them a quantity of grape shot. The Indians fled. The Baron, in the mean time, led up his main body to attack the centre. They began the engagemeet by firing regularly in platoons; but at so great a distance, that they did very little execution. This circumstance was favourable to the English; and soon recovering from the panic, into which they had been thrown by the preceding events of the day, they fought with great spirit and firmness. Gen. Johnson, at the commencement of the battle, received a flesh wound in his thigh: and the ball lodged in it. He bled freely, but was able to walk away from the army to his tent. General Lyman then took the command, and continued in it during the action. This gentleman, who seemed to have no passions, except those, which are involved in the word humanity, immediately stationed himself in the front of the breast-work; and there, amid the thickest danger, issued his orders, during five hours, to every part of the army, as occasion demanded, with a serenity, which many covet, and some boast, but very few acquire. The main body of the French kept their ground, and preserved their order, for a considerable time: but the artillery, under the command of Captain Eyre, a brave English officer, who performed his part with much skill and reputation, played upon them with such success; and the fire from the musketry was so warm, and well-directed; that their ranks were soon thinned, and their efforts slackened, sufficiently to show, that they despaired of success in this quarter. They then made another effort against the right of the English, stationed between the road and the site of fort William Henry, and composed of Ruggles' regiment, Williams', now commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Pomeroy, and Titcomb's. Here a warm fire was kept up on both sides about an hour; but on the part of the enemy was unavailing. At four o'clock, the English, and the Indians who fought with them, leaped over their breast-work, and charged the enemy. They fled, and were vigorously pursued for a short distance. A considerable number were slain in the pursuit. The wounded, and a very few others, were made prisoners. Among these was Dieskau. He was found by a soldier, resting on a stump, with hardly an attendant. As he was feeling for his watch, in order to give it to the soldier, the man, suspecting that he was searching for a pistol, discharged the contents of his musket through his hips. He was carried into the camp in a blanket by eight men, with the greatest care and tenderness, but evidently in extreme distress." '( Hendrick had lived to this day with singular honour, and died, fighting with a spirit not to be excelled. He was at this time from INDIAN WARS. 293 sixty to sixty-five years of age. His head was covered with white locks; and what is uncommon among Indians, he was corpulent Immediately before Col. Williams began his march, he mounted a stage, and harangued his people. He had a strong masculine voice; and, it was thought, might be distinctly heard at the distance of half a mile: a fact, which, to my own view, has diffused a new degree of probability over Homer's representations of the effects produced by the speeches and shouts of his heroes. Lieut. Col. Pomeroy, who was present, and heard this effusion of Indian eloquence, told me, that, although he did not understand a word of the language, yet such was the animation of Hendrick, the fire of his eye, the force of his gesture, the strength of his emphasis, the apparent propriety of the inflections of his voice, and the natural appearance of his whole manner, that himself was more deeply affected with this speech, than with any other which he had ever heard. In the Pennsylvania Gazette, Sept. 25, 1755, he is styled 'the famous Hendrick, a renowned Indian warriour among the Mohawks:' and it is said, that his son, being told that his father was killed, giving the usual Indian groan upon such occasions, and suddenly putting his hand on his left breast, swore that his father was still alive in that place, and that there stood his son. Baron Dieskau was conveyed from Albany to New-York, and from thence to England; where soon after he died. He was an excellent officer; possessed very honourable feelings; and was adorned with highly polished manners. I know of but one stain upon his character. Before his engagement with Col. Williams' corps, he gave orders to his troops neither to give nor take quarter. As there was nothing, either in the nature of his enterprize, or in his circumstances, to justify this rigour; it is to be accounted one of those specimens of barbarity, which, it must be acknowledged, too frequently disgrace the human character. The remainder of the campaign was idled away by Gen. Johnson in doing nothing. A person who has examined the French works at Crown Point, will perceive that he might easily have possessed himself of this fortress, had he made the attempt; as it is entirely commanded by rising grounds in the neighbourhood. Instead of this, the French, immediately after their panic was over, erected a fortification at Ticonderoga; fifteen miles higher up Lake Champlain; and fixed themselves so much farther within the boundaries of the British possessions." Plans of Fort Frederick at Crown Point, and Fort William Henry.-Fort Frederick was built by the French in 1731. This fortress (now in ruins) was a star work being in the form of a pentagon, with bastions at the angles, and surrounded by a ditch walled in with stone. This post secured the command of Lake Champlain, and guarded the passage into Canada. It was through this lake by the route of Crown Point, that the parties of French and Indians made their bloody incursions upon the 25* 294 FRENCH AND frontiers of New England and -' ^ i" ~ N. York. "In the secret chambers of this very fort," says Dr. Dwight, "dug, as became such designs, beneath the ground, copies of the vaults of abbeys cI and castles, in their native counS ^ Itry; caverns, to which treachSery and murder slunk from the eye of day; those plots were - 5 contrived, which were to terort Freeri. inate in the destruction of Fort Frederick. families, and villages, throughout New York and New England. Here the price was fixed, which was to be paid for the scalps of these unoffending people. Here the scout was formed; the path of murder marked out; the future butchery realized in anticipation; and the captive tortured in prescience, before the day of his actual doom. Here, worst of all, were displayed long rows of scalps; white in one place with the venerable locks of age, and glistening in another with the ringlets of childhood and of youth; received and surveyed with smiles of self-gratulation, and rewarded with the promised and ungrudged boon." T -- Fort William Henry.-Plan of Fort William Henry. References.- A, Store-house. B, Barracks. C, Guard-house. D, Store-house. E, Dungeon. F, Magazine. G, Bridges. H, The Gate. I, Magazine. The Fort was built of timber and earth, 29 feet high, 25 thick and part of it 32; it mounted 14 cannon, 33 and 18 pounders. Capture of Fort William Henry.-During the absence of the principal part of the British forces, the Marquis de Montcalm ad INDIAN WARS. 295 vanced from Canada and laid siege to Fort William Henry, at the south point of Lake George, August 3d, 1756. ' Having drawn together all his forces from Crown Point, Ticonderoga, and the adjacent posts, with a greater number of Indians than the French had ever employed on any other occasion, he passed the lake and regularly invested the fort. The whole army consisted of nearly eight thousand men. The garrison consisted of about three thousand, and the fortifications were said to be good. At fort Edward, scarcely fourteen miles distant, lay General Webb, with four thousand troops. The regular troops at the two posts, were probably more than equal to the regular force of the enemy. A considerable proportion of their army consisted of Canadians and Indians. Yet, in about six days, was this important post delivered up into the hands of the enemy. All the vessels, boats, and batteaux, which, at so much expense and labor, had been for two years preparing, fell into the power of the enemy. Though General Webb had timely notice of the approach of the enemy, yet he never sent to alarm the country, and bring on the militia. He never reinforced the garrison, nor made a single motion for its relief. So far was he from this, that he sent a letter to Colonel Monroe, who commanded the fort, advising him to give it up to the enemy. Montcalm intercepted the letter, and sent it into the fort to the colonel. He had acted the part of a soldier and made a brave defence; but having burst a number of his cannon, expended a considerable part of his ammunition, and perceiving that he was to have no relief from General Webb, he capitulated on terms honorable for himself and the garrison. It was, to march out with arms, baggage, and one piece of cannon, in nonor to Colonel Monroe, for the brave defence he had made. The troops were not to serve against the most christian king under eighteen months, unless exchanged for an equal number of French prisoners. The French and Indians paid no regard to the articles of capitulation, but falling on the English, stripped them of their baggage and few remaining effects; and the Indians, in the English service, were dragged from the ranks, tomahawked and scalped. Men and women had their throats cut, their bodies ripped open, and their bowels, with insult, thrown in their faces. Infants and children were barbarously taken by the heels, and their brains dashed out against stones and trees. The Indians pursued the English nearly half the way to fort Edward, where the greatest number of them arrived in a most forlorn condition. It seems astonishing, that between two and three thousand troops, with arms in their hands, should, contrary to the most express stipulations, suffer these intolerable insults. When it was too late, General Webb alarmed the country, and put the colonies to great expense in sending on large detachments of the militia for 296 FRENCH AND the defence of the northern frontier. The sudden capture of the fort, the massacre made by the enemy's Indians, and suspicions of General Webb's treachery, and an apprehension that Gen. Montcalm would force his way to Albany, put the country into a state of great alarm and consternation." Abercrombie's Defeat before Ticonderoga.-" As the reduction of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, was a favorite object with the northern colonies, they made early and great exertions for carrying it into effectual execution. Besides the assistance which they gave to the reduction of Louisburg, they furnished about ten thousand troops for the northern expedition. These, in conjunction with between six and seven thousand regular troops, had by the beginning of July, got into lake George more than a thousand boats and batteaux, a fine train of artillery, provisions, and every thing necessary for an attack on the fortresses of the enemy. On the 5th of July, the army, consisting of fifteen thousand three hundred and ninety effective men, embarked in nine hundred batteaux, and one hundred and thirty five whale boats, for Ticonderoga. Besides, there were a number of rafts, on which cannon were mounted, to cover the landing of the troops. Early the next morning, they landed at the north end of lake George, without opposition. The army formed in four columns, and began their march for Ticonderoga. But as the woods were thick, and the guides unskillful, the troops were bewildered, and the columns falling in one upon another, were entirely broken. In this confusion, Lord Howe, advancing at the head of the right centre column, fell in with the advanced guard of the enemy, consisting of a battalion of regulars and a few Indians, who had deserted their advanced camp near the lake, and were precipitately fleeing from our troops; but had lost their way, and were bewildered in the same manner as they were. The enemy discharged, and killed Lord Howe the first fire. The suddenness of the attack, the terribleness of the Indian yell, and the fall of Lord Howe, threw the regulars, who composed the centre columns, into a general panic and confusion; but the provincials, who flanked them, and were more acquainted with their mode of fighting, stood their ground and soon defeated them. The loss of the enemy, was about three hundred killed, and one hundred and forty-eight taken. The loss of the English was inconsiderable as to numbers, but in worth and consequences, it was great. The loss of that gallant officer, Lord Howe, was irreparable. From the day of his arrival in America, he had conformed himself, and made his regiment to conform, to that kind of service which the country required. He was the first to endure hunger and fatigue, to encounter danger, and to sacrifice all personal considerations to the public service. While he was rigid in discipline, by his affability, condescending and INDIAN WARS. 297 easy manners, he conciliated affection, and commanded universal esteem. Indeed, he was considered very much as the idol and life of the army. The loss of such a man, at such a time, cannot be estimated. To this, the provincials attributed the defeat and unhappy consequences which followed. As the troops for two nights had slept little, were greatly fatigued, and needed refreshment, the General ordered them to return to the landing place, where they arrived at eight in the morning. Colonel Bradstreet was soon after detached with a strong corps, to take possession of the saw mill, about two miles from Ticonderoga, which the enemy had abandoned. Towards the close of the day, the whole army marched to the mill. The Gen. having received information, that the garrison at Ticonderoga consis'ted of about six thousand men, and that a reinforcement of three thousand more was daily expected, determined to lose no time in attacking their lines. He ordered his engineer to reconnoitre the ground and intrenchments of the enemy. It seems that he had not so approached and examined them as to obtain any proper idea of them. He made a favorable report of their weakness, and of the facility of forcing them without cannon. On this groundless report, a rash and fatal resolution was taken, to attack the lines without bringing up the artillery. The army advanced to the charge with the greatest intrepidity, and for more than four hours with incredible obstinacy maintained the attack. But the works where the principal attack was made were eight or nine feet high, and impregnable even by field pieces; and for nearly an hundred yards from the breast work, trees were felled so thick, and so wrought together with their limbs pointing outward, that it rendered the approach of the troops in a great measure impossible. In this dreadful situation, under the fire of about three thousand of the enemy, these gallant troops were kept, without the least prospect of success, until nearly two thousand were killed and wounded.* They were then called off. To this rash and precipitate attack succeeded a retreat equally unadvised and precipitate. By the evening of the next day the army had retreated to their former encampment at the south end of lake George. Nothing could have been more contrary to the opinions, or more mortifying to the feelings of the provincials, than this whole affair. They viewed the attack upon the lines without the artillery as the height of madness. Besides, it was made under every disadvantage to the assailants. The enemy's lines were of great extent, nearly three quarters * Of the regulars were killed 464; of the provincials 87: in the whole 548. Of the regulars were wounded 1117; of the provincials 239: in the whole 1356. There were missing 29 regulars and 8 provincials. The whole loss in killed, wounded and missing was 1941. General Abercrombie's return. 298 FRENCH AND of a mile. On the right of the common path towards south bay, and Cespecially on the north, they were weak and of little consideration. In both these quarters they might have been approached under the cover of a thick wood. The army was sufficiently numerous to have attacked the lines in their whole extent once, or at least in a very great part of them, and to have drawn their attention to various parts of their lines. But, unhappily, the attack was made upon a small part of them where they were far the strongest, and most inaccessible: As no attacks or feints were made on other parts, the enemy were left to pour their whole fire on a small spot, while the whole army could not approach it. Besides, the general never approached the field, where his presence was indispensably necessary; but remained at the mill, where he could see nothing of the action, nor know any thing only by information at a distance of two miles. By reason of this, the troops for hours after they should have been called off, were pushed on to inevitable slaughter."--Dr. Trumbull. Capture of Quebec.-The year 1759 was distinguished by the success of the British arms; the fortifications of Ticonderoga, Crown Point and Niagara were taken in quick succession from the French. "While these operations were carried on in the vicinity of Upper Canada, Gen. Wolfe was prosecuting the grand enterprise for the reduction of Quebec. Having embarked about eight thousand men at Louisbourg, under convoy of admirals Saunders and Holmes, he safely landed them toward the end of June, a few leagues below the city of Quebec, on the Isle of Orleans, lying in the St. Lawrence. From this position he had a distinct view of the difficulties and dangers of the projected enterprise. Quebec is chiefly built on a steep rock on the northern bank of the St. Lawrence; and, beside its natural strength, is defended by the river St. Charles, which, passing by it on the east, empties into the St. Lawrence immediately below the town, and places it in a kind of peninsula. In the St. Charles, whose channel is rough, and whose borders are intersected with ravines, there were several armed vessels and floating batteries; and a strong boom was drawn across its mouth. On its eastern bank a formidable French army, strongly entrenched, extended its encampment to the river Montmorency, having its rear covered by an almost impenetrable wood; and at the head of this army was the intrepid Montcalm. To attempt a siege of the town, in such circumstances, seemed repugnant to all the maxims of war; but, resolved to do whatever was practicable for the reduction of the place, Wolfe took possession of Point Levi, on the southern bank of the St. Lawrence, and there erected batteries against it. These batteries, though they destroyed many houses, made but little impression on the works, which were too strong, and too remote, to be essentially affected; INDIAN WARS. 299 jralZIS their elevation, at the same time, placing them beyond the reach of the fleet. The British general, convinced of the impossibility of reducing the place, unless he could erect batteries on the north side of the St. Lawrence, soon decided on more daring measures. The northern shore of the St. Lawrence, to a considerable distance above Quebec, is so bold and rocky, as to render a landing, in the face of an enemy, impracticable. If an attempt were made below the town, the river Montmorency passed, and the French driven from their entrenchments; the St. Charles would present a new, and perhaps insuperable barrier. With every obstacle fully in view, Wolfe, heroically observing, that 'a victorious army finds no difficulties,' resolved to pass the Montmorency, and bring Montcalm to an engagement. In pursuance of this resolution, thirteen companies of English grenadiers, and part of the second battalion of royal Americans, were landed at the mouth of that river, while two divisions, under generals Townshend and Murray, prepared to cross it higher up. Wolfe's plan was, to attack first a redoubt, close to the water's edge, apparefntly beyond reach of the fire from the enemy's entrenchments, in the belief that the French, by attempting to support that fortification, would put it in his power to bring on a general engagement; or, if they should submit to the loss of the redoubt, that he could afterward examine their situation with coolness, and advantageously regulate his future operations. On the approach of the British troops, the redoubt was evacuated; and the general, observing some confusion in the French camp, changed his original plan, and determined not to delay an attack. Orders were immediately dispatched to the generals Townshend and Murray, to keep their divisions in readiness for fording the river; and the grenadiers and royal Americans were directed to form on the beach, until they could be properly sustained. These troops, not 300 FRENCH AND waiting for support, rushed impetuously toward the enemy's intrenchments; but they were received with so strong and steady a fire from the French musquetry, that they were instantly thrown into disorder, and obliged to seek shelter at the redoubt, which the enemy had abandoned. Detained here awhile by a dreadful thunder storm, they were still within reach of a severe fire from the French; and many gallant officers, exposing their persons in attempting to form the troops, were killed. The plan of attack being effectually disconcerted, the English general gave orders for repassing the river, and returning to the Isle of Orleans. This premature attempt on the enemy was attended with the loss of near five hundred men. Assured of the impracticability of approaching Quebec on the side of the Montmorency, while Montcalm chose to maintain his station, Wolfe detached general Murray with twelve hundred men in transports, to co-operate with admiral Holmes above the town, in endeavouring to destroy the French shipping, and to distract the enemy by descents on the bank of the river. After two unsuccessful attempts to land on the northern shore, Murray, by a sudden descent at Chambaud, burned a valuable magazine, filled with clothing, arms, ammunition, and provisions; but the French ships were secured in such a manner, as not to be approached either by the fleet or army. On his return to the British camp, he brought the consolatory intelligence, received from his prisoners, that Niagara was taken; that Ticonderoga and Crown Point were abandoned; and that general Amherst was making preparations to attack the enemy at Isle Aux Noix. This intelligence, though in itself grateful, furnished no prospect of immediate assistance. It even confirmed the certainty of failure on the part of general Amherst in seasonably executing the plan of co-operation, concerted between the two armies; a failure to which all the embarrassments of Wolfe are attributed. Nothing however could shake the resolution of this valiant commander, or induce him to abandon the enterprise. In a council of his principal officers, called on this critical occasion, it was resolved, that all the future operations should be above the town. The camp at the Isle of Orleans was accordingly abandoned; and the whole army having embarked on board the fleet, a part of it was landed at Point Levi, and a part higher up the river. Montcalm, apprehending from this movement, that the invaders might make a distant descent, and come on the back of the city of Quebec, detached M. de Bougainville with fifteen hundred men, to watch their motions, and prevent their landing. Although Wolfe was at this time confined by sickness; the three English brigadier generals projected and laid before him a daring plan for getting possession of the heights back of Quebec, where it was but slightly fortified. They proposed to land the INDIAN WARS. 30! Gen. James Wolfe. troops in the night under the heights of Abraham, a small distance above the city, and to gain the ascent by morning. This attempt would obviously be attended with extreme difficulty and hazard. The stream was rapid, the shore shelving, the proposed and only landing place so narrow, as easily to be missed in the dark, and the steep so great, as not to be ascended by day but with difficulty, even though there were no opposition. Wolfe did not fail to approve a plan, that was altogether congenial to his own adventurous spirit. He was soon able to prosecute it in person; and it was effected with equal judgment and vigor. The admiral, having moved up the river, several leagues above the place fixed on for the landing, made signs of an intention to debark the troops at different places. During the night, a strong detachment was put on board the flat bottomed boats, which fell silently down with the tide to the intended place of debarkation; and about an hour before day break a landing was effected. Wolfe was one of the first men who leaped on shore. The Highlanders and light infantry, commanded by colonel Howe, led the way up the dangerous precipice, which was ascended by the aid of the rugged 26 FRENCH AND projection of the rocks, and the branches of trees and plants, growing on the cliffs. The rest of the troops, emulating their example, followed up the narrow pass; and by break of day (September 13th) the whole army reached the summit. Montcalm, when informed that the English had gained the heights of Abraham, which in a manner commanded Quebec, could not at first credit the intelligence. Believing the ascent of an army by such a rugged and abrupt precipice impracticable, he concluded it was merely a feint, made by a small detachment, to induce him to abandon his present position. When convinced of his mistake, he perceived that a battle could no longer be prudently avoided, and instantly prepared for it. Leaving his camp at Montmorency, he crossed the river St. Charles with the intention of attacking the English army. No sooner did Wolfe observe this movement, than he began to form his order of battle. His troops consisted of six battalions, and the Louisbourg grenadiers The right wingwas commanded by general Monckton; and the left by general Murray. The right flank was covered by the Louisbourg grenadiers; and the rear and left, by Howe's light infantry. The form, in which the French advanced, indicating an intention to outflank the left of the English army Gen. Townshend was sent with the battalions of Amherst, and the two battallions of royal Americans, to that part of the line; and they were formed en potence, so as to present a double front to the enemy. The body of reserve consisted of one regiment, drawn up in eight divisions, with large intervals. The dispositions, made by the French general, were not less masterly. The right and left wings were composed about equally of European and colonial troops. The center consisted of a column, formed of two battalions of regulars. Fifteen hundred Indians and Canadians, excellent marksmen, advancing in front, screened by surrounding thickets, began the battle. Their irregular fire proved fatal to many British officers; but it was soon silenced by the steady fire of the English. About nine in the morning, the main body of the French advanced briskly to the charge; and the action soon became general. Montcalm having taken post on the left of the French army, and Wolfe on the right of the English, the two generals met each other, where the battle was most severe. The English troops reserved their fire until the French had advanced within forty yards of their line; and then, by a general discharge, made terrible havoc among their ranks. The fire of the English was vigorously maintained, and the enemy every where yielded to it. General Wolfe, who, exposed in the front of his battalions, had been wounded in the wrist, betraying no symptom of pain, wrapped a handkerchief round his arm, and continued to encourage his men. Soon after, he received a shot in the groin; but, concealing the wound, he INDIAN WARS. 303 Death of Gen. Wolfe, at Quebec. was pressing on at the head of his grenadiers with fixed bayonets, when a third ball pierced his breast. The army, not disconcerted by his fall, continued the action under Monckton, on whom the command now devolved, but who, receiving a ball through his body, soon yielded the command to general Townshend. Montcalm, fighting in front of his battalions, received a mortal wound about the same time; and general Senezergus, the second in command, also fell. The British grenadiers pressed on with their bayonets. General Murray, briskly advancing with the troops under his direction, broke the center of the French army. The Highlanders, drawing their broadswords, completed the confusion of the enemy; and, falling on them with resistless fury, drove them, with great slaughter, partly into Quebec, and partly over the St. Charles. The other divisions of the army behaved with equal gallantry. M. de Bougainville with a body of two thousand fresh troops appeared in the rear of the victorious army; but the main body of the French army was already so much broken and dispersed, that he did not hazard a second attack. The victory was decisive. About one thousand of the enemy were made prisoners, and nearly an equal number fell in the battle and the pursuit; the remainder retired first to Point au Tremble, and 304 COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. afterward to Trois Rivieres and Montreal. The loss of the English, both of killed and wounded, was less than six hundred men. General Townshend proceeded to fortify his camp, and to make the necessary preparations for the siege of Quebec; but, five days after the victory, the city surrendered to the English fleet and army. By the articles of capitulation, the inhabitants were, during the war, to be protected in the free exercise of their religion; and their future destination was left to be decided at a general peace. The capital of New France, thus reduced under the dominion of Great Britain. was garrisoned by about five thousand men under the command of general Murray; and the British fleet sailed out of the St. Lawrence. Quebec contained, at the time of its capitulation, about ten thousand souls. The prisoners were embarked in transports, the day after the capitulation, for France. General James Wolfe, who expired in the arms of victory, was only thirty three years of age. He possessed those military talents, which, with the advantage of years and opportunity of action,' to moderate his ardour, expand his faculties, and give to his intuitive perception and scientific knowledge the correctness of judgment perfected by experience,' would have 'placed him on a level with the most celebrated generals of any age or nation.' After he had received his mortal wound, it was with reluctance that he suffered himself to be conveyed into the rear. Leaning on the shoulder of a lieutenant, who kneeled down to support him, he was seized with the agonies of death; but, hearing the words 'they run,' he exclaimed, 'Who run?' ' The French,' replied his supporter. 'Then I die happy,' said the general, and expired. A death more glorious, says Belsham, is no where to be found in the annals of history. Montcalm was every way worthy to be a competitor of Wolfe. He had the truest military genius of any officer, whom the French had ever employed in America. After he had received his mortal wound, he was carried into the city; and when informed, that it was mortal, his reply was, 'I am glad of it.' On being told, that he could survive but a few hours, ' So much the better,' he replied, ' I shall not then live to see the surrender of Quebec."' COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. Foundation of the government of Plymouth Colony.-The Plymouth settlers on their arrival at Cape Cod, not finding themselves within their patent, concluded it necessary to establish a governmentfor themselves. They accordingly formed themselves into a body politic by a 'solemn contract' of which the following is a copy, with the name of the signers. PLYMOUTH COLONY. 305 "In the name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwritten, the loyal sub. jects of our dread sovereign Lord King James, by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France and Ireland, king, defender of the faith, &c., having undertaken, for the glory of God and advancement of the christian faith and honor of our king and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia, do by these presents, solemnly and mutually, in the presence of God and of one another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a civil body politic, for our better ordering and preservation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; and by virtue hereof do enact, constitute, and frame such just and equal laws and ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general good of the colony, unto which we promise all due subjection and obedience. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names, at Cape Cod, the 11th day of November, in the year of the reign of our sovereign Lord King James of England, France and Ireland, the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fiftyfourth, Anno Domini 1620." This compact was subscribed in the following order by Mr. John Carver, Edward Tilly, Degory Priest, Mr. William Bradford, John Tilly, Thomas Williams, Mr. Edward Winslow, Francis Cook, Gilbert Winslow-, Mr. William Brewster, Thomas Rogers, Edward Margeson, Mr. Isaac Allerton, Thomas Tinker, Peter Brown, Capt. Miles Standish, John Ridgale, Richard Britterige, John Alden, Edward Fuller, George Soule, Mr. Samuel Fuller, John Turner, Richard Clarke, Mr. Christopher Martin, Francis Eaton, Richard Gardiner, Mr. William Mullins, James Chilton, John Allerton, Mr. William White, John Crackston, Thomas English, Mr. Richard Warren, John Billington, Edward Dotey, John Howland, Moses Fletcher, Edward Leister. Mr. Stephen Hopkins, John Goodman, Extracts from the early Records of Plymouth Colony.-" January 1627--It was now enacted by public consent of the freemen of this society of New Plymouth, that if now or hereafter any were elected to the office of Governor, and would not stand to the election, nor hold and execute the office for his year, that then he be amerced in twenty pounds sterling fine; and in case refused to be paid upon the lawful demand of the ensuing Governor, then to be levied out of the goods or chattles of the said person so refusing. It was further ordered and decreed that if any were elected to the office of councell and refused to hold the place, that then he be amerced in ten pounds sterling fine, and in case refused to be paid to be forthwith levied. It was further decreed and enacted that in case one and the same person should be elected governor a second year, having held the place the foregoing year it should be lawful for him to refuse without any amercement. And the company to proceed to a new election except they can prevail with him by entreaty. July 1, 1633. That the person in whose house any were found, or suffered to drincke drunck, be left to the arbitrary fine and punishment of the Governor and Councell according to the nature and circumstances of the same. That none be suffered to retale wine or strong water, or suffer the same to be druncke in their houses, except it be at some inne or vict23 * 306 COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. nalling house, and there only to strangers at their first coming, not exceeding the value of two pence a person; and that no beer be sold in any such place to exceed two pence the Winchester quart." " 1636. That none be allowed to be house keepers or build any cottages till such time as they be allowed and approved by the governor and councill. That none be allowed to marry, that are under the covert of parents, but by their consent and approbacion. But in case consent cannot be had, then it shall be with the consent of the Governor or some assistant to whom the persons are known, whose care it shall be to see the marriage be fitt before it be allowed by him. And after approbation be three severall times published before the solemnising of it. Or else in places where there is no such meetings, that contracts or agreements of marriage may be published, that then it shall be lawful to publish them by a writing thereof made and set upon the usual publicke place for the space of fifteen days, provided that the writing be under some majestrats hand or by his order." " 1638.-Whereas divers persons unfit for marriage, both in regard of their yeong yeares, as also in regard of their weake estate, some practiseing the inveagleing of men's daughters and maids under gardians, contrary to their parents and gardians likeing, and of mayde servants, without leave and likeing of their masters: It is therefore enacted by the Court, that if any shall make any motion of marriage to any man's daughter or mayde servant, not having first obtained leave and consent of the parents or master so to doe, shall be punished either by fine or corporall punishment, or both, at the discretions of the bench, and according to the nature of the offence. It is also enacted, that if a motion of marriage be duly made to the master, and through any sinister end or covetous desire, he will not consent thereunto, then the cause to be made known unto the magistrates, and they to set down such order therein as upon examination of the case shall appear to be most equall on both sides. It is enacted by the court that according to the former acts of this court concerning labourers wages, that a labourer shall have 12d a day and his dyett, or 18d a day without dyett, and not above throught the Govern't." " 1640.-That if any persons take tobacco whilst they are empannelled upon a jurie, to forfeit five shillings for every default, except they have given up their verdict, or are not to give yt until the next day or dep't, the court by consent. 1641.-It is enacted that every township within this government, do carry a competent number of peeces fixed and compleate with powder, shott, and swords, every Lord's day, to the meetings-one of a house from the first of September to the middle of November, except their-be some just and lawfull impedyment. 1642.-That all Smyths within the government be compelled to amend and repaire all defective armes, brought unto them, speedily, and to take corn for their pay at reasonable rates; and the Smyth refusing, to answer it at his p'll. COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. 307 It is enacted by the court, that all milners within this Govern't shall provide and keepe weights and scales in their millnes to weigh mens corne withall." " 1646.-It is enacted by the court, that none do keepe victualling or an ordinary or draw Wyne by retayle, within this Government, but such as are allowed by the generall court, and that if any victualler or ordinary keeper do either drink drunck himself, or suffer any person to be druncken in his house, they shall pay five shillings a peece, and if the victualler or ordinary keeper do suffer any townsmen to stay drinking in his house above an hour at one tyme, the victualler or ordinary keeper shall pay for every such default XIId and by drunckennesse is understood, a person that either lisp or faulters in his speech by reason of much drink, or that staggers in his going, or that vomitts by reason of excessive drinking, or cannot follow his calling. The person or persons that shall be found guilty in these or any of them, shall for the first default pay five shillings, and for the second default tenn shillings to the colonies use, and for the third tyme he shall be found faulty, to be bound to the good behaviour. And if he or they cannot or will not pay the fine or fines, then to be sett in the stocks, &c. Whereas there is great abuse in taking of tobacco in very uncivil manner in the streets and dangerously in outhouses, as Barnes, stalls about haystacks, come stacks and other such places, it is therefore enacted by this courte, that if any person or persons shall be founde or seene hereafter taking Tobacco publickly in the open streets of any Towne, (unless it be soldiers in time of their trayninge) or in and about Barnes, Stoules, hay stacks, come stacks, hay yeards, or other such places or outhouses, that every such person or person so offendinge, shall forfeit and pay to the Townes use, for the first default Xlld, for the second IIs, and soe for every such default afterwards IIs, and it shall be lawful and by this act warrantable for the constable of every township, without further warrant, upon sight or information thereof, to distrane his or their goods for it as doe refuse to pay it upon his demand, and to be accomptable to the treasurer of what he receives yearly at the Eleccon Corte." "1657.-It is ordered by the court, that in case any shall bring in any Quaker, Rantor or other notorious heritiques, either by land or water into any p'te of this government, shall forthwith upon order from any one magistrate, returne them to the place from whence they came, or clear the gov'ment of them on the penaltie of paying a fine of twenty shillynges for every weeke that they shall stay in the Government after warninge." " 1662.-The court proposeth it as a thing they judge would be very commendable and beneficiall to the townes where God's providence shall cast any whales, if they should agree to sett apart some p'te of every such fish or oyle for the incouragement of an able and godly minister amongst them. 1665.-Whereas complaint is made unto the court of great abuse in sundry townes of this jurisdiction, by p'sons their behaving them 308 PLYMOUTH COLONY selves, prophanely, by being without dores att the meeting house on the Lord's daies, in time of exercise, and there misdemeaning themselves by jesting, sleeping, or the like; it is enacted by the court, and hereby ordered, that the constables of each township of this jurisdiction, shall in their respective townes, take speciall notice of such p'sons and to admonish them, and if notwithstanding they shall p'sist on in such practices, thatt hee shall sett them in the stockes, and in case this will not reclaim them, that they returne theire names to the court. 1669.-It is enacted by the court, that all such lycenced ordinaries shall not suffer prophane singing, daunceing, or revelling in theire houses, on the penaltie of ten shillings for every default, and that all ordinary keepers be ordered to keep good beer in their houses to sell by retaile, and that some one in every towne bee appointed to see that the beer they sell be suitable to the prise they sell it for. Whereas great inconvenience hath arisen by single p'sons in this collonie being for themselves, and not betaking themselves to live in well governed families, it is enacted by the court, that henceforth noe single p'sons be suffered to live of himself or in any family, but as the Celect men of the towne shall approve of, and if any p'son or p'sons shall refuse or neglect to attend such order as shall be given them by the Celect men, that such p'son or p'sons shall be summoned to the court to be proceeded with as the matter shall require." " It is ordered, that whosoever of the Freemen, do not appear at Election in person or by proxy, he shall be for such neglect, amerced to the treasury ten shillings. If any Freeman of this corporation shall be discovered to be notoriously vitious or scandalous, as common lyars, Drunkards, Swearers, Apostates from the fundamentals of Religion or the like, or doth manifestly appear to be disaffected to this government, upon legal conviction of all or any of these, it shall be in the power of the general court to disfranchise him if they see cause, from the priviledge of a Freeman." " It is ordered, that whosoever is Licenced to keep a public house of entertainment, shall be well provided of Bedding to entertain strangers and travellers, and shall also have convenient pasturing for Horses, and hay and provinder for their entertainment in the Winter, and shall not be without good beer; and if any ordinary keeper do frequently fail in any or all of these, upon complaint, he shall lose his License. It is further enacted, that no in-keeper or ordinary in this government, shall sell Beer for more than two pence the ale quart, upon penalty of three shillings and four pence for every such offence; nor shall any Vintner or Tavern, gain more than eight pence upon the quart in any Wine or strong Waters that they retail, more than it cost them by the butte or caske as they bought it, on penalty of twenty shillings forfeiture for such offence duly proved. And it is further enacted, that no single person, labourer or other, shall be dieted in any Inne or Ordinary in the town to which he belongeth. COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. 309 And it shall and may be lawful for any man to seize any Liquor, cyder or Wine, found in the custody of an Indian or Indians, and have it for his pains, provided he bring the said Indian or Indians before a magistrate, or the selectmen of the town, to be further examined about it. Whereas divers unruly persons, servants and others in several places of this colony, meet together to walk about in the night, to drink, revel or pilfer; the same tending to the corrupting and debauching of ihe youth; and many offend and prejudice the peaceable inhabitants of the several towns; for prevention whereof, It is ordered by this court and the authority thereof, that all persons walking in the fields or streets after nine or ten o'clock at night, unless known peaceable and orderly inhabitants, shall be liable to be examined by the selectmen, constable or watch of the town: or if complained on by any other person of the town, and if they cannot give a satisfactory reason for their so doing, he or they shall be had before some magistrate or other person authorized, who upon the hearing of the case, it appear they have been rude or unreasonably drinking, revelling, gaming, sporting or any ways disturbing, or if it be servants or children, and it be without their Parents or Masters leave, they shall for the first offence be admonished, or pay five shillings to the country, or sit in the stocks an hour; and if transgress a second time, to pay ten shillings, or be whipt with ten lashes, and so from time to time as often as they transgress." Extracts from the Early Records of Connecticut.--1636. Feb. " It is ordered that noe young man that is not married nor hath any servant, and be no public Officer, shall keep house by himself without consent of the towne where he lives first had, under paine of 20s. per week. It is ordered that noe master of a family shall give habitation or entertainment to any young man to sojourn in his family but by the allowance of the inhabitants of the said towne where he dwells, under like penalty of 20s. p'r week, these two last orders to take effect the first of April next." May, 1637. " It is ordered that there shall be an offensive war against Pequotts, and that there shall be ninety men levied out of the three plantations, Hartford, Weathersfield and Windsor, viz. out of Hartford forty two men, Windsor thirty, Weathersfield eighteen under the command of captain Jo'n. Mason, and in case of death or sickness under the command of Robert Seely, Lieut. and the eldest Sergeant or military officer surviving, if both these miscarry. It is ordered that Hartford shall find 14 armour in this design, Windsor six. It is ordered that there shall be one good hogshead of beer for the captain and minister, and sick men, and if there be only three or four gallons of strong water, two gallons of sacke. It is ordered that Windsor shall provide sixty bushels of come, Hartford eighty-four bushels, Weathersfield thirty six bushels of this, 31.0 CONNECTICUT COLONY. each plantation to bake in biskett the one half, if by any means they can, the rest in ground meale, Weathersfield seven bushels to be allowed upon accompt. Hartford is to provide three firkins of suet, two firkins of butter with that at the Rivers mouth, four bushels of oat meale, two bushels of pease, five hundred of fish, two bushels of salt. Weathersfield one bushel of Indian beans, Windsor fifty pieces of pork, 301bs. rice, and four cheeses. It is ordered that every souldier shall carry with him 11b. of powder, 4lbs. of shott, 20 bulletts, one barrell of powder from the rivers mouth, and a light gun if they can. It is ordered that Mr. Pynchions shallop shall be taken, to be employed in this design." Nov. 1637. " It is ordered that every common soldier that went in the late design against the enemy the Pequotts, shall have Is. 3d. per day for their service, at six days to the week; the seargeant 2s. p'r. day the Lieutenant 20s. p'r. week, and the Captain 40s. p'r. week-Any man that was publicly employed in the said service and diet themselves, shall have 2s. per day, and that the said payment shall be for a month although in strictness there was but three weeks and three days due, such as did return from the Forts and never went into the service to be allowed but for 12 days. It is ordered that the pay in the second design shall be the same as the former, and the time a month as abovesaid." Hartford, Feb. 1637. "Whereas upon serious consideration we conceived that the Plantation in this River will be in some want of Indian come and in the same consideration we conceive every man may be at liberty to trade with the Indians upon the River, where the supply of corn in all likelyhood is to be had to furnish their necessities, the market of corn among the Indians may be greatly advanced to the prejudice of these plantations, we therefore think meet and do so order that no man in this River, nor agawam shall go to the River among the Indians or home at their houses to trade for corn, or make any contract or bargain among them for corn either privately or publicly upon the pain of 5s. for every bushell that he or they shall trade or contract for-This order to endure untill the next general court and untill there will be a settled order in the thing." March, 1637. " It is ordered that Captn. Mason shall be a publick military officer of the plantations of Connecticut, and shall train the military men thereof, in each plantation, according to the days appointed, and shall have ~40 pr. annum, to be paid out of the treasury quarterly, the pay to begin from the day of the date hereof. This order to stand in force for a year, and untill the general court make another order to the contrary. It is also ordered, that Captn. Mason shall train the military men thereof in every plantation ten days in every year, (so as it be not in June or July,) giving a few weeks warning before hand, and whosoever is allowed a soldier, and fail to come at the time appointed by the said publick officer, to pay for his default 3s 4d for that time, COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. 311 and if it be usual, for the second offence 5s. and if not amended, then the said delinquent is to be bound to answer it at the next court. Item.-It is ordered, that all the sons shall bear arms, that are above the age of sixteen years, unless they do tender a sufficient excuse to court, and the court allow the same." " 1640. Notwithstanding the late order concerning the Excess of apparel, yet divers Persons of severall Ranks are obsearved still to exceede therein. It is therefore Ordered, that the Constables of every towne within there Libertyes shall observe and take notice of any particular Person or Persons, within thier several Lymits, and all such as they judge to exceed thier condition and Rank therein, they shall present and warn to appear at the particular Court, as also the said Constables are to present to the said Court all such persons as sell their commodities at excessive rates; and the said Court hath power to censure any disorders in the particular before mentioned. 1641. For as much as the Court having lately declared their apprehensions to the Country concerning the excess in wages amongst all sorts of artificers and workmen, and hoping thereby, men would have been a Law unto themselves, but finding little reformation thereon. The said Court hath therefore ordered, that sufficient able Carpenters, plowrights, wheelrights, masons, Joyners, Smithes, and coopers, shall not take above 20 pence for a day's work from the 10th of March to the 10th of October, and not above 18 pence a day for the other part of the yere, and to work ten hours in the day in the summer tyme, besides that which is spent in eating or sleeping, and six hours in the winter. Also, mowers for the time of mowing, shall not take above 20 pence for a day's work. 1641. It is ordered that all artificers or handicraftsmen and chief Labourers, shall not take above is 6d a day for the first halfe year, and not above 14d for the other part of the yeare; and if said worke is lett or taken by the great or parcell by any workmen, Labourers or artificers, it shall be valued by the proportion afores'd. Also, Sawyers, shall not take above 4s 2d for slit work, nor above 3s 6d for boards by the 100. It is also ordered, that four of the better sort of oxen or horses with the tacklin, shall not be valued at above 4s 6d the day from March to October." " 1642. It is Ordered that there shall be a guard of forty men to come compleat in their arms to the meeting every Sabbath, and Lecture Day, in every towne within these Lyberties upon the River. 1642. It is Ordered, that there shall be 90 Coats provided within these plantations within ten days basted with cotton wool, and made defensive against Indian arrows." " 1643. It is Ordered that every Town upon the* River shall provide one man in each town to doe execution, uppon De linquents by Whipping or other correction as they shall be thereunto cauled, by order from the Magistrates." 1647. "If Mr. Whiting with any others shall make tryall and * Whipper on Conn't. River. 312 CONNECTICUT COLONY. prosecute a desyne for the taking of Whale within these libertyes, and if uppon tryall within the terme of two yeares, they shall like to goe on, noe others shall be sufferred to interrupt them for the tearme of seven yeares. May 18, 1648. Whereas David Provost, and other Dutchmen (as the Court is informed,) have sould powder and shotte to severall Indians, against the expresse lawes both of the Inglishe, and Dutch, it is now ordered, that if uppon examination of Witnesses, the said default shall fully appeare, the penalty of the laws of this Commonwealth, shall be laid uppon such as shall be found guilty of such transgression, the which if such delinquents shall not subject unto, they shall be shipped for Ingland, and sent to the Parliament." " 1650. Fforasmuch as the open contempt of Gods word and Messengers thereof, is the disolating sinne of civill states and churches, and that the preaching of the word, by those whom God doth send, is the chief ordinary means ordained by God, for the converting, edifying and saving the soules of the Elect through the presence and power of the Holy Ghost therevnto promised, and that the Ministry of the word is set vp by God, in his Churches, for these holy ends, and according to the respect or contempt of the same, and of those whome God hath set aparte for his own worke and imployment, the weale or woe of all Christian States is much furthered and promoated. It is therefore ordred and decreed: That if any Christian (so called) within this Jurisdiction, shall contemptuously behave himselfe towards the word preached or the messengers thereof, called to dispence the same in any Congregation when he doth faithfully execute his service and office therein, according to the will and word of God, either by interrupting him in his preaching, or by charging him falsely with an error w'ch he hath not thought in the open face of the church, or like a sonne of Korah, cast vpon his true doctrine, or himself any reproach, to the dishonor of the Lord Jesus, who hath sent him, and to the dispaagement of that his holy ordinance, and making Gods wayes contemptible and ridiculous, that every such person or persons, (whatsoever censure the Church may passe,) shall for the first scandall bee convented and reproved openly by the Magistrates at some Lecture, and bound to their good behavoour. And if a second time thy breake forth into the like contemptuous carriages, they shall either pay five pounds to the publique Treasure or stand two houres openly vpon a block or stoole four foott high vppon a Lecture day, with a paper fixd on his Breast, written with capitalle letters, AN OPEN AND OBSTINATE CONTEMNER OF GODS HOLY ORDINANCES, that others may feare and bee ashamed of breaking out into the like wickness." April, 1654. " It is also ordered, that, whatsoever Barbados liqvors commonly called Rum, Kill-Divell, or the like, shall be landed in any place of this Jurisdiction, or any parte thereof, sould or drawne, in any vessell lying in any harbour or Roade in this commonwealth, after the publication of this order, shall bee all forfeited and confiscated to this Commonwealth; and it shall be lawfull for COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. 313 any person within this Jurisdiction, to make seazory thereof, two third parts to belong to the publiqve Treasury and the other to the party seazing. And it is also further ordered, that every Ankor of liqvor that is landed in any place within this Jurisdiction, shall pay to the public Treasury ten shillings, and every butt of Wine, forty shillings, or Hogshead of Wine, Twenty Shillings, or qvarter Cask, Ten Shillings, whether they are full or noe. This order repealed, March 11th -." "May, 1660. This Court doth order, that noe man or woman, within this Coll. who hath a wife or husband in forraigne parts, shal live here above two years, vpon penalty of 40s. pr. month, vpon every such offender, and any that haue bene aboue 3 years already, not to remaine within this Col. aboue one yeare longer, vpon the same penalty, except they haue liberty from ye Gen. Court." May, 1662. "This Court orders, that the Bible that was sent to goodwife Williams, be by Serg't John Not, delivered to goodwife Harrison, who engageth to this Court to give vnto ye children of ye said Williams a Bushel of Wheat a piece, as they shal come out of their time; and John Not doth engage to give each of ye children 2 shillings a piece, as they come out of their time, to buy them Bibles, and John Not hath hereby power granted him, as is ordered, to dispose of ye rest of ye books to ye children of the said Williams." May, 1676. " Whereas excess in apparel amongst us is unbecoming a wilderness condition and the profession of the gospell, whereby the riseing Generation is in danger to be corrupted, which practices are testifyed against in God's holy word, it is therefore ordered by this Court and authority thereof, that what person soever shall wear Gold or Silver Lace, or Gold or Silver Buttons, Silk Ribbons, or other costly superfluous trimings, or any bone Lace above three shillings p'r yard, or Silk Scarfes, the List makers of the respective Townes are hereby required to assesse such persons so offending, (or their Husbands, parents, or masters under whose government they are) in the list of Estates at one hundred and fifty pound Estate; and they to pay their Rates according to that proportion, as such men use to pay, to whom such apparell alowed as suitable to their Rank, provided this law shall not extend to any magistrate, or a like publique officer of this Colony, their wives or children, whoe are left to their discretion in wearing of apparell, or any setled military commission officer, or such whose quality and Estate have been above the ordinary degree, though now decayed. It is further ordered that all such persons as shall for the future make, or weave, or buy any apparell exceeding the quality and condition of their persons and Estates, or that is apparently beyond the necessary end of apparell for covering or comeliness, either of these to be Judged by the Grand Jury and County Court where such presentments are made, shall forfeit for every such offence ten shillings; and if any Taylor shall fashion any garment for any child or servant contrary to the mind of the Parent or Master of such a child or servant, he shall forfeit for every such offence ten shillings. 27 314 CONNECTICUT COLONY. In 1642, the capital laws of Connecticut were nearly completed and put on record. The several passages on which they were founded, were particularly noticed in the statute. They were twelve in number; two more were added at a subsequent period. The following is a copy of these laws, excepting four which relate to unchastity. CAPITALL LAWES. 1. If any man after legall conviction, shall have or worship any other God but the Lord God, hee shall be put to death. Deut. 13. 6. -17. 2.-Exodus 22. 20. 2. If any man or woman bee a Witch, that is, hath or consulteth with a familliar spirritt, they shall be put to death. Exodus 22. 18.Levit. 20. 27.-Deut. 18. 10, 11. 3. If any person shall blaspheme the name of God the ffather, Sonne or holy Ghost, with direct, express, presumptuous or highhanded blasphemy, or shall curse in the like manner, hee shall bee put to death. Lev. 24. 15, 16. 4. If any person shall committ any willfull murther, which is manslaughter committed uppon malice, hatred or cruelty, not in a man's necessary and just defence, nor by mere casualty against his will, hee shall be put to death. Exodus 21. 12, 13, 15.-Numb. 35. 30, 31. 5. If any person shall slay another through guile, either by poisonings or other such Devellish practice, hee shall bee put to death.-- Exo. 21. 14. 10. If any man stealeth a man or mankinde, hee shall bee put to death. Exodus 21. 16. 11. If any man rise up by false wittness, wittingly and of purpose to take away any man's life, hee shall bee put to death. Deut. 19. 16, 18, 19. 12. If any man shall conspire or attempt any invasion, insurrection or rebellion against the Commonwealth, hee shall beo put to death. 13. If any Childe or Children above sixteene years old and of sufficient understanding, shall Curse or smite their natural father or mother, hee or they shall bee put to death; unless it can bee sufficiently testified that the parents have beene very unchristianly negligent in the education of such children, or so provoke them by extreme and cruell correction that they have beene forced thereunto to preserve themselves from death, maiming. Exo. 21. 17.-Levit. 20.-Ex. 21. 15. 14. If any man have a stubborne and rebellious sonne of sufficient yeares and understanding, viz. Sixteene years of age, which will not obey the voice of his father or the voice of his mother, and that when they have chastened him will not hearken unto them; then may his ffather and mother, being his natural parents, lay hold on him and bring him to the Magistrates assembled in Courte, and testifie unto them, that theire sonne is stubborne and rebellious and will not obey theire voice and Chastisement, but lives in sundry notorious Crimes such a sonne shall bee put to death. Deut. 21. 20, 21." OF NEW YORK. 315 ANCIENT LAWS OF NEW YORK. The following laws are extracted from those established by the Duke of York for the government of New York, in the year 1664. This code (called the " Duke's Laws") was compiled under the direction of Nicolls, the first English Governor. It continued in force till the period of the Revolution in England, and ceased to have effect in 1691, when the General Assembly of the Province began to exercise a new legislative power under the sovereignty of King William. Capital Laws.-" 1. If any person within this Government shall by direct exprest, impious or presumptuous ways, deny the true God and his Attributes, he shall be put to death. 2. If any person shall Commit any wilful and premeditated Murder, he shall be put to Death. 3. If any person Slayeth another with Sword or Dagger who hath no weapon to defend himself; he shall be put to Death. 4. If any person forcibly Stealeth or carrieth away any mankind; He shall be put to death. 5. If any person shall bear false witness maliciously and on purpose to take away a man's life, Ile shall be put to Death. 6. If any man shall Traitorously deny his Majestyes right and titles to his Crownes and Dominions, or shall raise armies to resist his Authority, He shall be put to Death. 7. If any-man shall treacherously conspire or Publiquely, attempt to invade or Surprise any Town or Towns, Fort or Forts, within this Government, He shall be put to Death. 8. If any Child or Children, above sixteen years of age, and of Sufficient understanding, shall smite their Natural Father or Mother, unless thereunto provoked and forct for their selfe preservation from Death or Mayming, at the Complaint of the said Father and Mother, and not otherwise, they being Sufficient witnesses thereof, that Child or those Children so offending shall be put to Death. Bond Slavery.-No Christian shall be kept in Bondslavery villenage or Captivity, Except Such who shall be Judged thereunto by Authority, or such as willingly have sould, or shall sell themselves, In which Case a Record of such Servitude shall be entered in the Court of Sessions held for that Jurisdiction where Such Matters shall Inhabit, provided that nothing in the Law Contained shall be to the prejudice of Master or Dame who have or shall by any Indenture or Covenant take Apprentices for Terme of Years, or other Servants for Term of years or Life. Church.-Whereas the publique Worship of God is much discredited for want of painful and able Ministers to Instruct the people in the true Religion and for want of Convenient places Capable to re 316 ANCIENT LAWS ceive any Number or Assembly of people in a decent manner for Celebrating Gods holy Ordinances. These ensueing Lawes are to be observed in every parish (Viz.) 1. That in each Parish within this Government a church be built in the most Convenient part thereof, Capable to receive and accommodate two Hundred Persons. 2. To prevent Scandalous and Ignorant pretenders to the Ministry from intruding themselves as Teachers; No Minister shall be Admitted to Officiate, within the Government but such as shall produce Testimonials to the Governour, that he hath Received Ordination either from some Protestant Bishop, or Minister within some part of his Majesties Dominions or the Dominions of any foreign Prince of the Reformed Religion, upon which Testimony the Governour shall induce the said Minister into the parish that shall make presentation of him, as duely Elected by the Major part of the Inhabitants householders. 3. That the Minister of every Parish shall Preach constantly every Sunday, and shall also pray for the Kinge, Queene, Duke of Yorke, and the Royall family. And every person affronting or disturbing any Congregation on the Lords Day and on such publique days of fast and Thanksgiving as are appointed to be observed. After the presentments thereof by the Churchwardens to the Sessions and due Conviction thereof he shall be punished by fine or Imprisonment according to the merrit and Nature of the offence, And every Minister shall also Publiquely Administer the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper once every Year at the least in his Parish Church not denying the private benefit thereof to Persons that for want of health shall require the same in their houses, under the penalty of Loss of preferment unless the Minister be restrained in point of Conscience. Fasting Days and Days of Thanks givin To be observed.-Whereas by an Act of Parliament the fifth Day of November is annually to be observed for the Great deliverance from the Gunpowder Treason, And whereas by one other Act of Parliament The thirtyeth Day of January is annually to be observed with Fasting and Prayer in all his Majesties Dominions to shew a hearty and Serious Repentance and Detestation of that Barbarous Murther Commited upon the Person of our late King Charles the first, thereby to divert Gods heavy Judgment from falling upon the whole Nation, as also by another Act of Parliament we are enjoyned thankfully to acknowledge the providence of God upon the Nine and Twentyeth Day of May for his Majesti(s Birth and Resturation to the Throne of his Royall Ancestors whereby Peace and unity is Established in all his Majesties Dominions, Every Minister within his Severall Parish is enjoyned to pray and Preach on these days and all other Persons are also enjoyned to abstain from their Ordinary Laboure and Calling According to the true intent of both the said Acts. Every Person Licenced to keep an Ordinary shall always be provided of strong and wholsome Beer, of four bushels of malt, at the least to a Hoggshead which he shall not Sell at above two pence the OF NEW YORK. 317 quart under the penalty of twenty Shillings, for the first Offence, forty shillings for the Second, and loss of his Licence, It is permitted to any to Sell Beer out of Doores at a peny the Ale quart or under. No Licenced Person shall suffer any to Drink excessively or at unseasonable hours after Nine of the Clock at night in or about any their houses upon penalty of two shillings six pence for every Offence if Complaint and proofe be made thereof. All Injuryes done to the Indians of what nature whatsoever; shall upon their Complaint and proofe thereof in any Court have speedy redress gratis, against any Christian in as full and Ample manner, (with reasonable allowance for damage) as if the Case had been betwixt Christian and Christian. No Indian whatsoever shall at any time be Suffered to Powaw or performe outward worship to the Devil in any Towne within this Government. Lying and False News.-Every Person of age of discretion which shall be reputed of fourteen years or upwards, who shall wittingly and willingly forge or Publish fals newes whereof no Certain Auther nor Authentique Letter out of any part of Europe can be produced, whereby the minds of People are frequently disquieted or exasperated in relation to publique Affairs, or particular Persons injuried in their good names and Credits by such Common deceites and abuses Upon due proofe made by Sufficient witnesses before the Governour or any Court of Sessions the Person so Offending in ordinary Cases shall for the first offence be fined ten shillings, for the second offence twenty shillings and for the third offence forty Shillings and if the party be unable to pay the same he shall be Sett in the Stocks so longe, or publiquely whipt with so many stripes as the Governor or any Court of Sessions shall think fitt not exceeding forty stripes; or four houres Sitting in the Stocks, and for the fourth offence he shall be bound to his good behaviour, paying Cost or Service to the Informer and witnesses, such as shall be judged reasonable sattisfaction, But in Cases of high nature and publique Concernes, the fine or punishment shall be increast according to the discretion of the Governor and Council onely. If any Masters or Dames shall Tyrannically and Cruelly abuse their Servants, upon Complaint made by the Servant to the Constable and Overseers, they shall take Speedy redress therein, by Admonishing the Master or Dame not to provoke their Servants, And upon the Servants Second Complaint, of the like usage It shall be Lawful for the Constable and Overseers to proteect and Sustaine such Servants in their Houses till due Order be taken for their Reliefe in the ensuing Sessions Provided that due Notice thereof be Speedily given to Such Masters or Dames, and the Cause why such Servants are Protected and Sustained, and in Case any Master or Dame by such Tyranny and Cruelty, and not casually, shall smite out the Eye or Tooth of any such man or maid Servant, or shall otherwise Maim or disfigure them such Servants after due proof made shall be sett free 27* 318 ANCIENT LAWS from their Service, And have a further allowance and recompence as the Court of Sessions shall judge meet. But in Case any Servant or Servants shall causelessly Complain against their Master or Dame If they cannot make proofe of a just occation for such Complaints such Servants shall by the Justices of the Court of Sessions be enjoyned to serve three Months time extraordinary (Gratis) for every such vndue Complaint. All Servants who have served Diligently; and faithfully to the benifit of their Masters or Dames five or Seaven yeares, shall not be Sent empty away, and if any have proved unfaithful or negligent in their Service, notwithstanding the good usage of their Masters, They shall not be dismist, till they have made satisfaction according to the Judgment of the Constable and Overseers of the parish where they dwell. No man Elected into any Military Office, shall refuse to accept thereof, or discharge his trust therein under the penalty of five pounds whereof one half to be paid to the Governour and the other halfe to him that is chosen in his place, and accepts thereof. No man shall be Compeld to bear Armes or wage war by sea or Land, without the bounds and limits of this Government, But from Defensive warrs noe man shall be exempted. At a sessions held at the City of Nev York, Oct. 6, 1694, in the 6th year of William and Mary, present the Mayor, Recorder, Aldermen, and assistants of the Common Council. For the better preservation of the Lords day, no servile work to be done, or any goods bought or sold on the Lords day, under the penalty of ten shillings the first offence, and double for every subsequent offence. The Doors of Publick Houses, to be kept shut, no company to be entertained in them, or any sort of Liquor sold in time of Divine service; Strangers, Travellers, or such as lodge in such Houses excepted; also no person to drink excessively, or be drunk, the penalty 10s. for every offence. No Negro or Indian servants to meet together, above the number of four, on the Lords Day, or any other day, within the City liberties; nor any slave to go around with Gun, Sword, Club, or any weapon, under penalty of ten lashes at the publick whipping post, or to be redeemed by his master or owner, at six shillings per head. One of the Constables in the five wards on the south side the fresh Water, by turns to walk the streets of the city, in time of Divine Service, to see these laws observed, and to have power to enter into all publick Houses to put the same in execution. The Constable to make enquiry after all strangers, and give in their names to the Mayor, or in his absence to the eldest Alderman, no keeper of publick house &c, to entertain or lodge any suspected person, or men or women of evil fame, both these heads under penalty of 10s. for each offence. No person to keep shop or sell any goods by retail or exercise any COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. 319 handy-craft trade, but such as are Freemen of the City, under penalty of 5s. every offence. All Jesuits, Seminary Priests, Missionaries, or other Ecclesiastical person, made or ordained by any power or Jurisdiction derived or pretended from the Pope, or see of Rome, residing or being within the Province, to depart the same, on or before the first of Nov. 1700. If any such continue, remain, or come into the Province, after the said first of November, he shall be deemed an Incendiary, a disturber of the publick peace, an Enemy to the true Christian Religion, and shall suffer perpetual imprisonment. If any such person, being actually committed, shall break Prison and escape, he shall be guilty of Felony, and if retaken shall die as a Felon. Persons receiving, harbouring, succouring, or concealing any such person, and knowing him to be such, shall forfeit the sum of 200 pounds, half to the King, for and towards the support of the Government, and the other half to the prosecutor, shall be set in the Pillory three days, and find sureties for their behaviour, at the discretion of the court. Any Justice of peace may cause any person suspected to be of the Romish Clergy to be apprehended, and if he find cause, may commit him or them, in order to a trial. Any person, without warrant, may seize, apprehend, and bring before a Magistrate, any person suspected of the crimes above, and the Governor, with the Council, may suitably reward such person as they think fit." Andross' attempt against Saybrook Fort.-In 1674, at the conclusion of the war with the Dutch, the Duke of York, in order to remove all controversy respecting his property in America, took out a new patent from the King and commissioned Major Edmund Andross to be governor of his territories in America. By virtue of the Duke's patent, Andross claimed the land on the west side of the Connecticut, in prejudice of the Connecticut Charter which was granted in 1662. "In 1675, it was discovered that Major Andross was about to make a hostile invasion of the colony, and to demand a surrender of its most important posts to the government of the Duke of York. Detachments from the militia were therefore sent, with the utmost expedition, to New London and Saybrook. Captain Thomas Bull, of Hartford, commanded the party sent to Saybrook. About the 8th or 9th of July, the people of that town were surprised by the appearance of Major Andross, with an armed force, in the sound, making directly for the fort. They had received no intelligence of the affair, nor instructions from the governor and council how to conduct themselves upon such an emergency. They were, at first, undetermined whether to make any resistance 320 COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. or not; but they did not hesitate long. As the danger approached and their surprise abated, the martial spirit began to enkindle; the fort was manned, and the militia of the town drawn out for its defence. At this critical juncture, Captain Bull with his company arrived, and the most vigorous exertions were made for the defence of the fort and town. On the 11th, Major Andross with several armed sloops drew up before the fort, hoisted the king's flag on board, and demanded a surrender of the fortress and town. Captain Bull raised his majesty's colours in the fort and arranged his men in the best manner. They appeared with a good countenance, determined and eager for action. The major did not like to fire on the king's colours, and perceiving, that should he attempt to reduce the town by force, it would be a bloody affair, judged it expedient not to fire upon the troops. He nevertheless lay all that day, and part of the next, off against the fort. The critical state of the colony had occasioned the meeting of the assembly, at Hartford, on the 9th of July. They immediately proceeded to draw up a declaration, or protest, against the major, in the words following: Whereas we are informed that Major Edmund Andross is come with some considerable force into this his majesty's colony of Connecticut, which might be construed to be in pursuance of his letter to us, to invade or intrude upon the same, or upon some part of our charter limits and privileges, and so to molest his majesty's good subjects, in this juncture, when the heathen rage against the English, and by fire and sword have destroyed many of his majesty's good subjects, our neighbours of Plimouth colony, and still are carrying their heads about the country as trophies of their good success; and yet are proceeding further in their cruql designs against the English; in faithfulness to our royal sovereign, and in obedience to his majesty's commands, in his gracious charter to this colony, we can do no less than publicly declare and protest against the said Major Edmund Andross, and these his illegal proceedings, as also against all his aiders and abettors, as disturbers of the peace of his majesty's good subjects in this colony; and that his and their actions, in this juncture, tend to the encouragement of the heathen to proceed in the effusion of christian blood, which may be very like to be the consequence of his actions, and which we shall unavoidably lay at his door, and use our utmost power and endeavour, (expecting therein the assistance of almighty God,) to defend the good people of this colony from the said Major Andross his attempts; not doubting but his majesty will countenance and approve our just proceedings therein, they being according to the commission we have received from his majesty, in his gracious charter to this colony; by which power and trust so committed unto us, we do again forewarn and advise the said Major Andross and all his aiders and abettors to forbear and desist such forenamed unjust and unwarrantable practices, as they expect to answer the same, with all such just damages and costs as may arise or accrue thereby. And we do further, in his majesty's name, require and command all the good people, his majesty's subjects, of this colony of Connecticut, under our present government, utterly to refuse to attend, countenance or obey the said Major Edmund Andross, or any under him, in any order, instruction, or command, diverse from or contrary to the laws and orders of this colony here established, by virtue of his majesty's gracious charter, granted to this colony of Connecticut, as they will answer the contrary at their peril. GOD SAVE THiE KiNG This was voted unanimously. COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. 321 Interview between Capt. Bull and Maj. Andross. It was sent, by an express, to Saybrook, with instructions to Captain Bull to propose to Major Andross the reference of the affair in dispute to commissioners, to meet in any place in this colony which he should choose. Early in the morning of the 12th of July, the major desired, that he might have admittance on shore, and an interview with the ministers and chief officers. He probably imagined, that if he could read the duke's patent and his own commission it would make an impression upon the people, and that he should gain that by art, which he could not by force of arms. He was allowed to come on shore with his suit. Meanwhile, the express arrived with the protest and instructions from the assembly. Capt. Bull and his officers, with the officers and gentlemen of the town, met the major, at his landing, and acquainted him that they had, at that instant, received instructions to tender him a treaty, and to refer the whole matter in controversy to commissioners, capable of determining it according to law and justice. The major rejected the proposal, and forthwith commanded, in his majesty's name, that the duke's patent, and the commission which he had received from his royal highness, should be read. Captain Bull commanded him, in his majesty's name, to forbear reading. When his clerk attempted to persist in reading, the captain repeated his command with such energy of voice and meaning in his countenance as convinced the major it was not safe to proceed. The captain then acquainted him, that he had an address from the assembly to him, and read the protest. Governor Andross, pleased with his bold and soldier 322 COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. like appearance, said 'What's your name?' IIe replied, 'My name is Bull, Sir.' 'Bull,' said the governor, 'it is a pity that your horns are not tipped with silver.' Finding that he could make no impression upon the officers or people, and that the legislature of the colony were determined to defend themselves, in the possession of their chartered rights, he gave up his design of seizing the fort. He represented the protest as a slender affair, and an ill requital of his kindness. He said, however, he should do no more. The militia of the town guarded him to his boat, and going on board he soon sailed for Long Island. " The general assembly considered this as a great abuse and insult to the colony, and, upon receiving an account of the major's conduct, came to the following resolution: " This court orders, that this declaration shall forthwith be sent forth to the several plantations, sealed with the seal of the colony, and signed by the secretary, to be there published. " Forasmuch as the good people of his majesty's colony of Connecticut have met with much trouble and molestation from Maj. Edmund Andross his challenge and attempts to surprise the main part of said colony, which they have so rightfully obtained, so long possessed, and defended against all invasions of Dutch and Indians, to the great grievance of his majesty's good subjects in their settlements, and to despoil the happy government, by charter from his majesty granted to themselves, and under which they have enjoyed many halcyon days of peace and tranquillity,....... Hereupon, for the prevention of misrepresentations into England, by the said Maj. Andross against us, for our refusal, and withstanding his attempts, made with hostile appearances to surprise us at Saybrook, while we were approaching towards a savage Indian enemy that had committed much outrage and murder, by fire and sword, upon our neighbours about Plimouth; this court have desired the honorable John Winthrop and James Richards, Esquires, or either of them, (intending a voyage to England upon their own occasions,) to take with them the narrative and copies of all the transactions betwixt us, and to give a right understanding for clearing our innocence, and better securing our enjoyments as occasion shall offer."-Trumbull'b History of Conn [Fac simile of Andross' signature.] Andross, the Tyrant of New England.-" In the year 1684, it was decided in the high Court of Chancery, that Massachusetts had forfeited her charter, and that henceforth her government should be placed in the hands of the King. This event was brought about chiefly by the instrumentality of Edmund Andross. This man had been sent over as a kind of spy on the colonies; he made it his business to collect charges against the colonies, and return to England and excite the jealousy of the British government. In this manner, the way was prepared for annulling the colonial charters. In December, 1686, Andross arrived at Boston, being commissioned by King James, as Governor General, and COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. 323 Vice Admiral over New England, New York, and the Jersies. Like all tyrants, Sir Edmund began his administration with professions of high regard for the public welfare. In a few months, however, the prospect was changed. The press was restrained, liberty of conscience infringed, and exhorbitant taxes were levied. The charters being vacated, it was pretended all titles to land were destroyed; farmers, therefore, who had cultivated their soil for half a century, were obliged to take new patents, giving large fees, or writs of intrusion were brought, and their lands sold to others. To prevent petitions or consultations, town meetings were prohibited, excepting once in a year for the choice of town officers. Lest cries of oppression should reach the throne, he forbade any to leave the country without permission from the government. In 1689, King James having abdicated the throne, William, Prince of Orange, and Mary, daughter of James, were proclaimed in February. A report of the landing of William in England, reached Boston, but before the news of the entire revolution in the British government arrived, a most daring one was effected in New England. The Colonists had borne the impositions of Andross' government about three years. Their patience was now exhaused." "A rumor, that a massacre was intended in Boston bythe Governor's Guards, was sufficient to kindle their resentment into rage.* On the morning of the 18th of April the town was in arms, and the people poured in from the country to the assistance of the capital. Andross and his associates, about fifty in number, were seized and confined. The old magistrates were restored, and the next month the joyful news of the revolution in England reached this country, and quieted all apprehension of the consequences of what had been done. After having been kept at the castle till February following, Andross was sent to England for trial. Preservation of the Connecticut Charter.-Sir Edmund Andross, soon after his arrival at Boston in 1686, wrote to the colony of Connecticut to resign their charter, but without success. "The * This rumor might have been the moreeasily credited, on account of the military orders given out on the reception of a copy of the Prince of Orange's Declaration. " A proclamation was issued, charging all officers and people to be in readiness to hinder the landing of any forces which the Prince of Orange might send into those parts of the world." Captain George, of the Rose frigate, was first seized and imprisoned; and, some hours after, Sir Edmund Andross was taken in his fort. No less than 1500 men surrounded the fort on Fort Hill, which surrendered. The next day, the governor was confined in the fort under strong guards. On that day also, the castle, on Castle Island, was summoned, and surrendered. Chalmers, i. 469, 470. Captain George was obliged to give leave to go on board his ship, and bring the sails on shore. The troops, which collected around Fort Hill, pointed the guns of the South battery toward the fort on the summit, and thus brought the governor's garrison to submission Holmes' Annals. 324 COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. Assembly," says Dr. Trumbull, "met as usual, in October, and the government continued according to charter, until the last of the month. About this time, Sir Edmund with his suite, and more than sixty regular troops, came to Hartford when the assembly were sitting, and demanded the charter, and declared the government under it to be dissolved. The assembly were extremely reluctant and slow with respect to any resolve to surrender the charter, or with respect to any motion to bring it forth. The tradition is, that Governor Treat strongly represented the great expense and hardships of the colonists in planting the country; the blood and treasure which they had expended in defending it, both against the savages and foreigners; to what hardships and dangers he himself had been exposed for that purpose; and that it was like giving up his life, now to surrender the patent and privileges so dearly bought and so long enjoyed. The important affair was debated and kept in suspense until the evening, when the charter was brought and laid upon the table where the assembly were sitting. By this time great numbers of people were assembled, and men sufficiently bold to enterprise whatever might be necessary or expedient. The lights were instantly extinguished, and one Captain Wadsworth, of Hartford, in the most silent and secret manner carried off the charter, and secreted it in a large hollow tree, fronting the house of Hon. Samuel Wyllis, then one of the magistrates of the colony. The people appeared all peaceable and orderly. The candles were officiously relighted, but the patent was gone, and no discovery could be made of it, or the person who carried it away. Sir Edmund assumed the government, and the records of the colony were closed in the following words: ' At a General Court at Hartford, Oct. 31st, 1687, his excellency Sir Edmund Andross, knight, and captain general and governor of his Majesty's territories and dominions in New England, by order of his Majesty James II. King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, the 31st of October, 1687, took into his hands the government of the Colony of Connecticut, it being by his Majesty annexed to Massachusetts, and other Colonies under his Excellency's government. FINIS.' " The Regicides.-Soon after the restoration of monarchy in England, many of the Judges who had condemned King Charles I. to death were apprehended. Thirty were condemned, and ten were executed as traitors; two of them, Colonels Goffe and Whalley, made their escape to New-England, and arrived at Boston, July 1660. They were gentlemen of worth, and were much esteemed by the colonists for their unfeigned piety. Their manners and appearance were dignified, commanding universal respect. COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. 325 Whalley had been a Lieutenant General, and Goffe, a Major General in Cromwell's army. An order for their apprehension, from Charles II. reached New-England soon after their arrival. The King's commissioners, eager to execute this order, compelled the Judges to resort to the woods and caves, and other hiding places; and they would undoubtedly have been taken had not the colonists secretly aided and assisted them in their concealments. Sometimes they found a refuge in a cave on a mountain near NewHaven, and at others in cellars of the houses of their friends, and once they were secreted under the Neck bridge in New-Haven while their pursuers crossed the bridge on horseback. Judges' Cave, near New Haven, Con. While in New-Haven they owed their lives to the intrepidity of Mr. Davenport, the minister of the place, who when the pursuers arrived, preached to the people from this text, ' Take council, execute judgment, make thy shadow as the night in the midst of the noon day, hide the outcasts, betray not him that wandereth. Let my outcasts dwell'with thee Moab, be thou a covert to them from the face of the spoiler.' Large rewards were offered for their apprehension, or for any information which might lead to it. Mr. Davenport was threatened, for it was known that he had harbored them. Upon hearing that he was in danger they offered to deliver themselves up, and actually gave notice to the deputy governor, of the place of their concealment; but Davenport had not preached in vain, and the magistrate took no other notice than to ade6 them not to betray themselves." " On the 13thW October, 1664, they left New Haven, and arrived at Hadley the'latter part of the same month. During their abode at Hadley famous Indian war, called " King Philip's War," took placer The pious congregation of Hadley were ob28 526 COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. Gen. Goffe repulsing the Indians. serving a Fast on the occasion of this war; and being at public worship in the meeting house, Sept. 1st, 1675, were suddenly surrounded by a body of Indians. It was customary in the frontier towns, and even at New Haven, in these Indian wars, for a select number of the congregation to go armed to public worship. It was so at Hadley at this time. The people immediately took to their arms, but were thrown into great confusion. Had Hadley been taken, the discovery of the Judges would have been unavoidable. Suddenly, and in the midst of the people there appeared a man of very venerable aspect, and different from the inhabitants in his apparel, who took the command, arranged and ordered them in the best military manner. Under his direction, they repelled and routed the enemy, and thereby saved the town. He immediately vanished, and the inhabitants could account for the phenomenon in no other way, but by considering that person as an angel sent of God upon that special occasion for their deliverance; and for some time after, said and believed, that they had been saved by an angel. Nor did they know otherwise, till fifteen or twenty years after, when at length it became known at Hadley that the two Judges had been secreted there. The angel was Goffe, for Whalley was superannuated in 1675. The last account of Goffe is from a letter dated ' Ebenezer, (the name they gave their several places of abode,) April 2, 1669.' Whalley had been dead some time before. The tradition at Hadley is, that they were buried in the minister's cellar, and it is generally COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. 327 supposed that their bodies were afterwards secretly conveyed to New Haven, and placed near Dixwell's." " Colonel John Dixwell came from Hadley to New Haven before the year 1662, and was known here by the name of James Davids. During the seventeen years or more in which he lived in New Haven, nothing extraordinary occurred concerning him. From 1674, to 1685, the church had no settled minister with whom he might associate. The Rev. Nicholas Street, the minister at his first coming here, soon died. For above eleven years, the church was destitute of a pastor, and supplied by occasional and temporary preaching only, until Mr. Pierpont's settlement in 1685. With him the Colonel entered immediately into an open and unreserved communication; but this was only for the short space of three or four of the last years of his exile. During this short time, however, there was the greatest intimacy between them, which appears to have been concealed even from the minister's wife. For tradition says, that Madam Pierpont observing their remarkable intimacy, and wondering at it, used to ask him what he saw in that old gentleman, who was so fond of leading an obscure, unnoticed life, that they should be so intimate and take such pleasure in being together, for Mr. Dixwell's house being situated on the east corner of College and Grove streets, and Mr. Pierpont's near the corner of Elm and Temple streets, and their house lots being contiguous and cornering upon one another, they had beaten a path in walking across their lots to meet and converse together at the fence. In answer to his wife's question, Mr. Pierpont remarked; that the old gentleman was a very learned man, and understood more about religion, and all other subjects than any other person in the place, and that if she knew the value of him, she would not wonder at their intimacy." " Colonel Dixwell carried on no secular business, but employed his time in reading and walking into the neighboring groves and woods adjacent to his house. Mr. Pierpont had a large library, from which, as well as from his own collection, he could be supplied with a variety of books. He often spent his evenings at Mr. Pierpont's, and when they were by themselves, retired to his study, where they indulged themselves with great familiarity and humor, had free and unrestrained conversation, upon all matters whether of religion or politics. But when in company, Mr. Pierpont behaved towards Colonel D, with caution and reserve. The Colonel spent much of his retirement in reading history, and as a token of his friendship for Mr. Pierpont, he, in his last will, presented him with Raleigh's History of the World. After a pilgrimage of twenty nine years in exile from his native country, and banishment into oblivion from the world, of which seventeen years at least, probably more, were spent in New Haven by the name of James Davids, Esqr., Colonel Dixwell died in this place. 328 COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. IIe and all the other Judges lived and died in the firm expectation of a revolution in England. This had actually taken place the November before his death, but the news not having arrived, he died ignorant of it, about a month before the seizure of Sir Edmund Andross at Boston. At his death, he discovered his true character to the people, and owned the name of John Dixwell, but requested that no monument should be erected at his grave, giving an account of his person, name, and character, alledging as a reason, "lest his enemies might dishonor his ashes"-requesting that only a plain stone might be set up at his grave inscribed with his initials, J. D. Esq., with his age and time of his death. Accordingly a plain rough stone was erected at his grave, close by the grave of Governor Eaton and Governor Jones, charged with an inscription as at first put up and engraved by his friends. Whilst residing at New Haven, he was twice married, and at his death, he left a wife and two children. His will was afterwards exhibited, approved and recorded in the Probate office. President Stiles, in his History of the Judges, says, " So late as the last French war, 1760, some British officers passing through New Haven, and hearing of Dixwell's grave, visited it, and declared with rancorous and malicious vengeance, that if the British ministry knew it, they would even then cause their bodies to be dug up and vilified. Often have we heard the crown officers aspersing and vilifying them; and some, so late as 1775, visited and treated the graves with marks of indignity too indecent to be mentioned." It was especially so, during Queen Anne's time, and even that of the Hanoverian family, there has been no time in which this grave has not been threatened by numerous sycophantic crown dependents, with indignity and ministerial vengeance." Surrender of New Amsterdam to the English.-In 1664, Charles II. of England not wishing the Dutch to exercise authority in the midst of his colonies, determined to subject them to his will; for this purpose he made a grant to his brother, the Duke of York and Albany of all the territory claimed by the Dutch. Col. Richard Nicholls with several others were commissioned to take possession in the king's name, and to exercise jurisdiction. Col. Nicholls with four ships and an armed force arrived at Boston. Demanding and receiving assistance from Massachusetts and Connecticut, he about the 30th of August arrived in New York bay. " One of the ships entered the bay of the North River, several days before the rest; and as soon as they were all come up, Stuyvesant sent a letter dated 11 of August, at Fort Anil, directed to the commanders of the English frigates, by John Declyer, one of the chief council, the Rev. John Megapolensis, minister, Paul Lunder Vander Grilft, major, and Mr. Samuel Megapolensis, doctor in physic, with the utmost civility, to desire the reason of their approach, and continuing in the harbour of Nai;arlij, without giving notice to the Dutch, which (he writes) they ought to have done. COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. 329 Colonel Nicolls answered the next day with a summons. To the honourable the governour, and chief council at the Manhattans. ' Right worthy sirs, 'I received a letter by some worthy persons intrusted by you, bearing date the 9 of August, desiring to know the intent of the approach of the English frigates; in return of which, I think it fit to let you know, that his majesty of Great Britain, whose right and title to these parts of America, is unquestionable, well knowing how much it derogates from his crown and dignity, to suffer any foreigners, how near soever they be allied, to usurp a dominion, and without his majesty's royal consent, to inherit in these, or any other of his majesty's territories, hath commanded me, in his name, to require a surrender of all such forts, towns, or places of strength, which are now possessed by the Dutch, under your commands; and in his majesty's name, I do demand the town, situate on the island, commonly known by the name of Manhattoes, with all the forts thereunto belonging, to be rendered unto his majesty's obedience and protection, into my hands. I am further commanded to assure you, and every respective inhabitant of the Dutch nation, that his majesty being tender of the effusion of Christian blood, doth by these presents, confirm and secure to every man his estate, life, and liberty, who shall readily submit to his government. And all those who shall oppose his majesty's gracious intention, must expect all the miseries of a war, which they bring upon themselves. I shall expect your answer by these gentlemen, Colonel George Carteret, one of his majesty's commissioners in America; Captain Robert Needham, Captain Edward Groves, and Mr. Thomas Delavall, whom you will entertain with such civility as is due to them, and yourselves, and yours shall receive the same, from, " Dated on board his majesty's Worthy Sirs, ship, the Guyny, riding be- Your very humble servant, fore Nyach, the o of Aug. Richard Nicolls.' 1664. Mr. Stuyvesant promised an answer to the summons the next morning, and in the mean time convened the council and burgomasters. The Dutch governour was a good soldier, and had lost a leg in the service of the States. He would willingly have made a defence; and refused a sight of the summons, both to the inhabitants and burgomasters, lest the easy terms offered, might induce them to capitulate. The latter, however, insisted upon a copy, that they might communicate it to the late magistrates and principal burghers. They called together the inhabitants at the stadt house, and acquainted them with the governour's refusal. Governour Winthrop, at the same time, wrote to the director and his council, strongly recommending a surrender. On the 22d of August, the burgomasters came again into council, and desired to know the contents of the English message from Governour Winthrop, which Stuyvesant still refused. They continued their importunity; and he, in a fit of anger, tore it to pieces: upon which, they protested against the act and all its consequences." Determined upon a defence of the country, Stuyvesant wrote a long letter giving an historical account of the Dutch claims, and ended by saying "as touching the threats in your conclusion we have nothing to answer, only that we fear nothing, but what God (who is as just as merciful) shall lay upon us; all things being in his gracious disposal, and we may as well be preserved by him, with small forces, as by a great army, which makes us to wish you all happiness and prosperity, and recommend you to his protection." " While the Dutch governour and council were contending with the burgomasters and people in the city, the English commissioners pub28* 330 COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. lished a proclamation* in the country, encouraging the inhabitants to submit, and promising them the king's protection and all the privileges of subjects; and as soon as they discovered by Stuyvesant's letter, that he was averse to the surrender, officers were sent to beat up) for volunteers in Middleborough, Ulissen, Jamaica, and Hempsted. A warrant was also issued to Hugh Hide, who commanded the squadron, to prosecute the reduction of the fort; and an English ship then trading here, was pressed into the service. These preparations induced Stuyvesant to write another letter, on the 25th of August, old style, wherein, though he declares that he would stand the storm, yet to prevent the spilling of blood, he had sent John De Decker, counsellor of state, Cornelius Van Ruyven, secretary and receiver, Cornelius Steenwick, major, and James Cousseau, sherilff, to consult, if possible, an accommodation. Nicolls, who knew the disposition of the people, answered immediately from Gravesend, that he would treat about nothing but a surrender. The Dutch governour, the next day, agreed to a treaty and surrender, on condition the English and Dutch limits in America were settled by the crown and the States General. The English deputies were Sir Robert Carr, George Carteret, John Winthrop, governour of Connecticut, Samuel Wyllys, one of the assistants or council of that colony, aud Thomas Clarke, and John Pynchon, commissioners from the general court of the Massachusetts' bay, who but a little before, brought an aid from that province. What these persons agreed upon, Nicolls promised to ratify. At eight o'clock in the morning, of the 27th of August, 1664, the commissioners, on both sides, met at the governour's farm, and there signed the articles of capitulation." These articles, twenty-three in number, were highly favorable to the inhabitants; Stuyvesant, however, refused to ratify them, till two days after they were signed by the commissioners. "The town of New-Amsterdam, upon the reduction of the island Manhattans, took the name of New-York. It consisted of several small streets, laid out in the year 1656, and was not inconsiderable for the number of its houses and inhabitants. The easy terms of the * It was in these words: " Forasmuch as his majesty hath sent us by commission under the great seal of England, amongst other things, to expel, or to reduce to his majesty's obedience, all such foreigners, as without his majesty's leave and consent, have seated themselves amongst any of his dominions in America, to the prejudice of his majesty's subjects, and diminution of his royal dignity; we his said majesty's commissioners, do declare and promise, that whosoever, of what nation soever, wiJl. upon knowledge of this proclamation, acknowledge and testify themselves, to submit to this his majesty's government, as his good subjects, shall be protected in his majesty's laws and justice, and peaceably enjoy whatsoever God's blessing, and their own honest industry, have furnished them with; and all other privileges, with his majesty's English subjects. We have caused this to be published, that we might prevent all inconveniences to others, if it were possible; however, to clear ourselves from the charge of all those miseries, that may any way befal such as live here, and will [notJ acknowledge his majesty for their sovereign, whom God preserve." COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. 331 capitulation, promised their peaceable subjection to the new governmente; and hence we find, that in two days after the surrender, the Boston aid was dismissed with the thanks of the commissioners to the general court. Hudson's and South River were, however, still to be reduced. Sir Robert Carr commanded the expedition on Delaware, and Carteret was commissioned to subdue the Dutch at Fort Orange. The garrison capitulated on the 24th of September, and he called it Albany, in honor of the Duke. While Carteret was here, Gov. Stuyvesant. he had an interview with the Indians of the Five Nations, and entered into a league of friendship with them, which remarkably continues to this day. Sir Robert Carr was equally successful on South River, for he compelled both the Dutch and Swedes to capitulate and deliver up their garrisons the first of October, 1664; and that was the day in which the whole New-Netherlands became subject to the English crown. Very few of the inhabitants thought proper to remove out of the country. Governour Stuyvesant himself, held his estate, and died here. His remains were interred in a chapel, which he had erected on his own farm, at a small distance from the city, now possessed by his grandson, Gerardus Stuyvesant, a man of probity, who has been elected into the magistracy, above thirty years successively. Justice obliges me to declare, that for loyalty to the present reigning family, and a pure attachment to the protestant religion, the descendants of the Dutch planters are perhaps exceeded by none of his majesty's subjects." The foregoing cut is copied from a lithographic engraving of 332 COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. " Governor Stuyvesant, the last of the Dutch Rulers," in Wat. son's Sketches of Olden Times in New York. He was governor of New York seventeen years-from 1647 to 1664. At his death, his remains were placed in the family vault, once constructed within the walls of the second built Reformed Dutch church, which he had built at his personal expense on his own farm. The place where this church was built is now occupied by the present church of St. Mark. The original monumental stone in memory of Gov. Stuyvesant is to be seen on the outside wall of this latter church, inscribed as follows: " In this vault, lied buried PETRUS STUYVESANT, late Captain General and Commander in chief of Amsterdam in New Netherland, now called New York, and the Dutch West India Islands. Died in August, A. D. 1682, aged eighty years." Negro Plot in New York.-The following, giving an account of the extraordinary excitement against the unfortunate African slaves in New York, is copied from Smith's History, (the Continuation,) published in Albany in 1814. "A robbery, which had been committed at the house of Robert Hogg, a merchant in New-York, on the 28th of February, 1740-1, seemed to have led to the discovery of a plot, which was afterwards called the negro plot. One Mary Burton, an indented servant to John Hughson, (a man of infamous character, and to whose house slaves were in the practice of resorting to drink and gamble, and of secreting the goods they had stolen,) was the instrument, in the hands of the magistrates, for the detection and punishment of the offenders. On the 18th of March after the robbery, a fire broke out in the roof of his majesty's house at Fort George, near the chapel, consuming the house, the chapel, and some other buildings adjacent. Most of the publick records in the secretary's office, over the fort gate, were fortunately rescued from the flames. A week after, another fire broke out at the house belonging to a Captain Warren, near the long bridge, at the southwest end of the city. Both these fires were, at first, supposed to be accidental. But about a week after the last fire, another broke out at the store house of a Mr. Van Zandt, towards the east end of the town. Three days after, a fourth alarm was given, and it was found that some hay was on fire in a cow stable near the house of a Mr. Quick, or a Mr. Vergereau. The fire was soon suppressed. The people, in returning from that fire, were alarmed by a fifth cry, at the house of one Ben Thompson, next door west of a Captain Sarly's house. It appeared that fire had been placed between two beds, in the loft of a kitchen, where a negro usually slept. The next morning coals were discovered under a hay stack, near the coach house and stables of Joseph Murray, esq. in Broadway. All these circumstances having occurred in quick succession, the people were induced to believe that some designing persons intended to destroy the city by fire. What strengthened this belief, was, a seventh alarm of fire the next day, at the house of a Sergeant Burns, opposite the fort garden, an eighth alarm occasioned by a fire breaking out the COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. 333 same day, in the roof of a Mr. Hilton's house, near the fly market; and again, the same afternoon, and within a few hours after, a ninth fire occurring, at Colonel Philipse's store house. This strange coin cidence of events, leaves indeed little room for doubt, that some one or more of the fires occurred through design. It was soon rumoured that the negroes were the perpetrators. One Quacko, a negro, belonging to a Mr. Walter, was said to have made use of some mysterious language and threats, indicating his knowledge of a plot. A proclamation was issued, offering rewards for the discovery of the offenders. Quacko, and several other negroes were apprehended and closely interrogated, but without effect. The supreme court, at its April term, strictly enjoined the grand jury to make diligent enquiries as to the late robberies and fires within the city. Mary Burton, who had been apprehended as a witness, relative to the robbery at Mr. Hogg's, gave the grand jury reason to believe that she was also privy to the design to set fire to the city. After some difficulty, she made a disclosure, which, in all probability, was greatly exaggerated, though some of its parts might have been true. She stated that meetings of negroes were held at her master's [Hughson.] That their plan was to burn the fort and city. That one Caesar, [a black] was to be governour, and Hughson, her master, king! That they were to destroy the whites. That she had known seven or eight guns, and some swords, in her master's house! That the meetings at her master's house, consisted of twenty or thirty negroes at a time! Upon this evidence, warrants were issued, and many negroes committed to prison. One Arthur Price, a servant, charged with stealing goods, belonging to the lieutenant governour, likewise became informer. Being in prison himself, and having access to the negroes there committed, he received, or pretended to have received, much information from them. He was afterwards employed by the magistrates, to hold private conferences with the negroes in prison, and to use persuasion and other means to gain confessions from them. In this business he was peculiarly expert, and received the most unqualified approbation of the magistrates. Yet many of his stories are of such a chivalrous and romantic description as to excite suspicion of their truth. But every thing he related was implicitly believed. The more extravagant the tale, the more readily was it received and credited. A white woman, who was a common prostitute, and familiar even with negroes, of the name of Margaret or Peggy Salinburgh, alias Kerry, alias Sorubiero, likewise declared she could make great discoveries. The magistrates eagerly hastened to take her examination, and the consequence was, that fresh warrants were issued for the apprehension of many other negroes, not before implicated. Informers were now rapidly increasing. Arthur Price, while in prison, was making great discoveries. Operating on the fears and hopes of the negroes, many declared themselves accomplices. The magistrates were unceasingly engaged. The grand jury were daily presenting bills of indictment against the parties accused. To be inculpated by Mary Burton, Arthur Price, or Peggy Salingburgho 334 COLONIAL ANTIQUITIES. was sufficient to authorize the indictment and conviction of any person. It is to be regretted that on proof of such suspicious characters. so many lives were placed in the hands of the executioner. Not that we dispute the fact that some of the fires were designedly set, but that we mean to be understood as doubting the extent and nature of the plot ascribed to the negroes. It is evident that Mary Burton was wholly unworthy of credit. Independent of the absurdity and improbability of many of her stories, she had, on the 22d April, in her first examination and disclosure under oath, declared, ' that she never saw any white person in company when they talked of burning the town, but her master, her mistress and Peggy;' yet, on the 25th of June following, she deposed that one John Ury, a Catholick priest, (a white person) was often at her master's, and ' that when he came to Hughson's, he (Ury) always went up stairs in the company of Hughson, his wife, and daughter, and Peggy, with whom the negroes used to be, at the same time, consulting about the plot;' and that ' the negroes talked in the presence of the said Ury about setting fire to the houses, and killing the white people.' She afterwards, on the 14th July following, declared, on oath, that one Corry, a dancing master, (also a white person) used to come to Hughson's, and talk with the negroes about the plot. Yet on evidence of this kind, Ury, who had previously been committed under the act against jesuits and popish priests, was indicted, tried, convicted and executed. At the place of execution, he solemnly denied the charge, and called on God to witness its falsity. But Ury was a Catholick, and the publick prejudice was so strong, that it required very little more to ensure his condemnation. Had not Ury been obnoxious, on account of his religion, the accusation against him would perhaps never have been made, or, if made, would have been little regarded. Mary Burton received the hundred pounds which had been promised as a reward for discovering the persons concerned in setting fire to the city. We shall now dismiss this article, after giving the number who were accused, tried, and suffered on this occasion, with some remarks, which grow out of this subject. One hundred and fifty-four negroes were committed to prison, of whom fourteen were burnt at the stake, eighteen hanged, seventyone transported, and the rest pardoned, or discharged for want of proof. Twenty white persons were committed, of whom two only, John Hughson and John Ury, were executed. At this time, the city of New-York contained a population of about twelve thousand souls, of whom one sixth were slaves. If a plot, in fact, existed for the destruction of the city and the massacre of its inhabitants; and if that plot was conducted by Ury, it certainly betrayed greater imbecility of intellect, and want of caution and arrangement, together with less union of action, than could have been expected from one who was evidently, if we believe his own account, a man of classical education, and profound erudition. It is worthy of remark, that Corry, the dancing master, accused by Mary Burton, was discharged for want of proof! It seems that Mary's testimony began, at length, RELIGIOUS HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES. 335 to be doubted. Indeed, it well might; for had the prosecutions continued much longer, she would, more than probable, have accused a great portion of the white citizens of New-York, as being concerned in this plot. Daniel Horsmanden, esq. published, at the time, a history of this conspiracy, and laboured hard to prove its existence and and extent. But it is evident that that hostility to Catholicism, which the British government so industriously inculcated, tinctured his mind, and gave it a bias unfriendly to the fair developement of truth, or to the full and impartial examination of facts and circumstances. The negroes were without defence. All the counsel in the city were arrayed against them, and volunteered their services on behalf of the crown, on the trial of those unfortunate slaves. The want of education, and utter ignorance of those infatuated wretches easily made them the victims of craft and imposition. The hopes of life, and the promise of pardon, influenced some of them to make confessions. Yet falsehood was so ingeniously, and artfully blended with truth, that it was not an easy task to separate the one from the other. It must, however, be admitted, that many circumstances aided the opinion that the plot, in fact, existed, and if the people were mistaken in this, it was an errour into which they might naturally fall at the moment of confusion and distress, and under the attending circumstances. A day of publick thanksgiving for the deliverance of his majesty's subjects, from the alledged conspiracy, was appointed by the lieutenant governour, and was devoutly and reverently observed by the inhabitants." RELIGIOUS HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES. The articles of Religious Faith and Discipline held by the first planters of New England are stated by Dr. Dwight in the following manner: 1. "That the Scriptures only contain the true Religion; and that nothing, which is not contained in them,'is obligatory upon the conscience; 2. That every man has the right of judging for himself; of trying doctrines by them; and of worshiping according to his apprehensions of their meaning; 3. That the Doctrinal Articles of the Reformed Churches of England, Scotland, Ireland, France, the Palatinate, Geneva, Switzerland, and the United Provinces, are agreeable to the Holy Oracles; 4. That the pious members of all these Churches were to be admitted to their communion; 5. That no particular Church ought to consist of more members than can conveniently watch over one another, and usually meet, and worship in one congregation. 336 RELIGIOUS HISTORY. 6. That every such Church is to consist of those only, who appear to believe in Christ and to obey him; 7. That any competent number of such persons have a right to embody themselves in a church, for their mutual edification; 8. That this ought to be done by an express covenant. 9. That when embodied, they have a right to choose all their officers; 10. That these officers are Pastors or Teaching Elders, Ruling Elders and Deacons; 11. That Pastors are to oversee, rule, teach, and administer the Sacraments; and that they are to be maintained; 12. That the Ruling Elders are not temporary, but permanent officers; who are to aid the pastor in overseeing, and ruling; 13. That the Pastors and Ruling Elders constitute the Presbytery; which should be found in every particular Church; 14. That the Deacons are the Treasurers, and Almoners, of the Church; and are also to administer at the sacramental table; 15. That these officers can only rule and administer, with the consent of the brethren; 16. That no church, or church officers have any power over any other church, or church officers; but all are equal in their rights, and independent in the enjoyment of them; 17. That Baptism is a seal of the covenant of grace; and should only be administered to visible believers, together with their unadult children; and that, without the sign of the cross, or any other invented ceremony; 18. That the Lord's Supper should be received, as it was at first, in the table posture; 19. That excommunication should be wholly spiritual, and not involve any temporal penalties; 20. That the Lord's day was to be strictly observed throughout; and that fasts and thanksgivings are to be observed, as the state of providence requires. Difficulties with Roger WVilliams.-Roger Williams, a Puritan minister, the founder of Rhode Island, came over to New England in 1631,and settled at Salem, as an assistant to the Rev. Mr.Skelton. His settlement was opposed by the magistrates, because he refused to join with the church at Boston, because they would not make a public declaration of their repentance for holding communion with the Church of England, while in their native country. In consequence of this opposition Mr. Williams removed to Plymouth and became the assistant of Mr. Smith in the ministry at that place. After remaining here about two years, upon the invitation of the people at Salem, he returned there as the successor of Mr. Skelton. Mr. Williams' tenets rerfaining unchanged, lie was still opposed by the magistrates, and was at length banished from the colony. The following extracts from Winthrop's AND ANTIQUITIES. 337 Journal, give an authentic account of the proceedings against Mr. Williams. " 1634, Nov. 27. The Court was informed, that Mr. Williams, of Salem, had broken his promise to us, in teaching publicly against the King's patent, and our great sin in claiming right thereby to this country, &c. and for usual terming the churches of England antichristian. We granted summons to him for his appearance at the next Court." " 1635, Mo. 2, 30.* The Governor and Assistants sent for Mr. Williams. The occasion was, for that he had taught publicly, that a magistrate ought not to tender an oath to an unregenerate man, for that we thereby have communion with a wicked man in the worship of God and cause him to take the name of God in vain. He was heard before all the ministers, and very clearly confuted. Mr. Endicott was at first of the same opinion, but he gave place to the truth. " 1635, Mo. 5, 8. At the General Court, Mr. Williams, of Salem, was summoned and did appear. It was laid to his charge, that being under question before the magistracy and churches for divers dangerous opinions, viz: 1. That the magistrate ought not to punish the breach of the first table, otherwise than in such cases as did disturb the civil peace; 2. that he ought not to tender an oath to an unregenerate man; 3. that a man ought not to pray with such, though wife, child, &c.; 4. that a man ought not to give thanks after the sacrament, nor after meat, &c.;tJ and that the other churches were about to write to the church of Salem to admonish him of these errors; notwithstanding, the church had since called him to [the] office of teacher. Much debate was about these things. The said opinions were adjudged by all, magistrates and ministers, (who were desired to be * That is April 30. Winthrop adopted, a few months before, this mode of denoting time. It seems to have arisen from a desire to avoid the Roman nomenclature, as heathenish. Perhaps an aversion to the Romish Church had a share in producing the change. The custom continued for more than fifty years, when it was gradually abandoned, except by the Friends, or Quakers, and Hutchinson thinks, that the popular prejudice against them hastened the decline of the custom. The months were called 1st, 2d, &c. beginning with March, and the days of the week were designated in the same way. t It is worthy of remark, here, that while Winthrop states this charge as a general proposition, Hubbard (207) and Morton (153) assert, that Mr. Williams refused to "pray or give thanks at meals with his own wife or any of his family." This was probably an inference from Mr. Williams' abstract doctrine. Several of the charges against him might be thus traced to the disposition to draw inferences. A curious instance is given by Cotton Mather, (Magnalia, b. vii. ch. ii. ~ 6.) Mr. Williams, he says, "complained in open Court, that he was wronged by a slanderous report, as if he held it unlawful for a father to call upon his child to eat his meat. Mr. Hooker, then present, being moved to speak something, replied, " Why, you will say as much again, if you stand to your own principles, or be driven to say nothing at all." Mr. Williams expressing his confidence that he should never say it, Mr. Hooker proceeded: "If it be unlawful to call an unregenerate person to pray, since it is an action of God's worship, then it is unlawful for your unregenerate child to pray for a blessing upon his own meat. If it be unlawful for him to pray for a blessing upon his meat, it is unlawful for him to eat it, for it is sanctified by prayer, and without prayer unsanctified. (1 Tim. iv. 4, 5.) If it be unlawful for him to eat it, it is unlawful for you to call upon him to eat it, for it is unlawful for you to call upon him to sin." 29 338 RELIGIOUS HISTORY present) to be erroneous and very dangerous, and that the calling of him to office, at that time, was judged a great contempt of authority. So, in fine, time was given to him and the church of Salem to consider of these things till the next General Court, and then either to give satisfaction to the Court, or else to expect the sentence; it being professedly declared by the ministers (at the request of the Court to give their advice) that he who should obstinately maintain such opin ions (whereby a church might run into heresy, apostacy, or tyrany and yet the civil magistrate could not intermeddle)were to be removed, and that the other churches ought to request the magistrates so to do." " At this General Court, Mr. Williams, the teacher of Salem, was again convented, and all the ministers in the Bay being desired to be present, he was charged with the said two letters, that to the churches, complaining of the magistrates for injustice, extreme oppression, &c. and the other to his own church, to persuade them to renounce communion with all the churches in the Bay, as full of antichristian pollution, &c. He justified both these letters, and maintained all his opinions; and, being offered further confidence or disputation, and a month's respite, he chose to dispute presently. So Mr. Hooker was chosen to dispute with him, but could not reduce him from any of his errors. So, the next morning, the Court sentenced him to depart out of our jurisdiction within six weeks, all the ministers, save one, approving the sentence; and his own church had him under question also for the same cause; and he, at his return home, refused communion with his own church, who openly disclaimed his errors, and wrote an humble submission to the magistrates, acknowledging their fault in joining with Mr. Williams in that letter to the churches against them," &c. The sentence was in these terms: " Whereas Mr. Roger Williams, one of the elders of the church of Salem, hath broached and divulged divers new and dangerous opinions, against the authority of magistrates; as also writ letters of defamation, both of the magistrates and churches here, and that before any conviction, and yet maintaineth the same without any retractation; it is therefore ordered, that the said Mr. Williams shall depart out of this jurisdiction within six weeks now next ensuing, which, if he neglect to perform, it shall be lawful for the Governor and two of the magistrates to send him to some place out of this jurisdiction, not to return any more without license from the court." " 11 mo. January. The Governor and Assistants met at Boston to consider about Mr. Williams, for that they were credibly informed, that, notwithstanding the injunction laid upon him (upon the liberty granted him to stay till the spring,) not to go about to draw others to his opinions, he did use to entertain company in his house, and to preach to them, even of such points as he had been censured for; and it was agreed to send him into England by a ship then ready to depart. The reason was, because he had drawn above twenty persons to his opinion, and they were intended to erect a plantation about the Nar AND ANTIQUITIES. 339 raganset Bay, from whence the infection would easily spread into these churches, (the people being many of them much taken with the apprehension of his godliness.) Whereupon a warrant was sent to him, to come presently to Boston to be shipped, &c. He returned answer (and divers of Salem came with it,) that he could not come without hazard of his life, &c. Whereupon a pinnace was sent with commission to Capt. Underhill, &c. to apprehend him, and carry him aboard the ship, (which then rode at Nantasket;) but, when they came at his house, they found he had been gone three days before; but whither they could not learn. " He had so far prevailed at Salem, as many there, (especially of devout women) did embrace his opinions, and separated from the churches, for this cause, that some of their members, going into England, did hear the ministers there, and when they came home the churches here held communion with them." Ann Hutchinson, her opinions, 4c.-Mrs. Hutchinson, the wife of one of the most respectable New England planters, came over to Boston in 1636. She was treated with respect and much noticed by Mr. Cotton and other principal persons, particularly by Mr. Vane, the Governor. Being a woman of superior abilities, she set up religious meetings of her own, where she repeated the sermons which were delivered on the Lord's day before, adding her remarks and expositions. Her lectures, which made much noise, were attended by 60 or 80 of the principal women. Countenanced and encouraged for a time by Mr. Cotton and Mr. Vane, she advanced doctrines and opinions which involved the colony in disputes and contentions, which seemed to threaten ruin both to the church and state. Mr. Wheelwright, her brother in law, a minister of learning and piety, was firmly attached to her, and suffered with her on account of his tenets. The progress of her sentiments occasioned the Synod of 1637. Mrs. Hutchinson was finally banished to Rhode Island, and from thence, in 1642, after her husband's death, she removed into the Dutch country beyond New Haven, and the next year she and all her family, consisting of sixteen persons, were killed by the Indians, excepting one daughter whom they carried into captivity.-The following extracts from Winthrop's Journal, will serve to show the proceedings against her, and the opinions which she advanced. 1637, mo. 10. " The court also sent for Mrs. Hutchinson, and charged her with divers matters, as her keeping two public lectures every week in her house, whereto 60 or 80 persons did usually resort, and for reproaching most of the ministers, viz. all except Mr. Cotton, for not preaching a covenant of free grace, and that they had not the seal of the spirit, nor were able ministers of the new testament, which were clearly proved against her tho' she thought to shift it off, and after many speeches to and fro, at last she was so full as she could not 340 RELIGIOUS HISTORY contain, but vented her revelations, amongst which this was one, that she had it revealed to her that she should come into New England, and should here be presented, and that God would ruin us and our posterity and the whole state for the same. So the court proceeded and banished her; but because it was winter they committed her to a private house where she was well provided, and her own friends and the elders permitted to go to her, but none else. mo. 10. "1Upon occasion of the censures of the court upon Mrs. Hutchinson and others, divers other foul errors were discovered which had been secretly carried by way of inquiry, but after were maintained by Mrs. Hutchinson and others, and so many of Boston were tainted with them, as Mr. Cotton finding how he had been abused, and made (as himself said) their stalking horse (for they pretended to hold nothing but what Mr. Cotton held and himself did think the same) did spend most of his time both publicly and privately, to discover these errors, and to reduce such as were gone astray. And also the magistrates calling together such of the elders as were near, did spend two days in consulting with them about the way to help the growing evils. Some of the secret opinions were these, That there is no inherent righteousness in a child of God-That neither absolute nor conditional praises belong to a christian-That we are not bound to the law not as a rule &c.-That the sabbath is but as other days-That the soul is mortal 'till it be united to Christ, and then it is annihilated, and the body also, and a new given by Christ-That there is no resurrection of the body. 1638. mo. 1, 22. Mrs. Hutchinson appeared again. She had been licensed by the court, in regard she had given hope of her repentance, to be at Mr. Cotton's house, that both he and Mr. Davenport might have the more opportunity to deal with her, and the articles being again read to her, and her answer required, she delivered it in writing, wherein she made a retraction of near all, but with such explanations and circumstances as gave no satisfaction to the church, so as she was required to speak further to them. After she was excommunicated, her spirit which seemed before to be somewhat dejected, revived again, and she gloried in her sufferings, saying that it was the greatest happiness next to Christ, that ever befel her. Indeed it was a happy day to the church of Christ here, and to many poor souls who had been seduced by her who by what they heard and saw that day, were, thro' the grace of God, brought off quite from her errors, and settled again in the truth. At this time the good providence of God so disposed, divers of the congregation (being the chief men of the party, her husband being one) were gone to Naragansett to seek out a new place for plantation, and taking liking of one in Plymouth patent, they went thither to have it granted them, but the magistrates there knowing their spirit, gave them a denial, but consented they might buy of the Indians an island in the Naragansett Bay. After two or three days the Governor sent a warrant to Mrs. Hutchinson to depart this jurisdiction before the last of this month, accord AND ANTIQUITIES. 341 ing to the order of court, and for that end set her at liberty from her former constraint, so as she was not to go forth of her own house 'till her departure; and upon the 28th, she went by water to her farm at the Mount, where she was to take water with Mr. Wheelwright's wife and family to go to Piscat: but she changed her mind and went by land to Providence and so to the Island in the Narragansett Bay, which her husband and the rest of that sect had purchased of the Indians and prepared with all speed to remove unto. For the court had ordered that except they were gone with their families by such a time, they should be summoned to the General Court. 1641. Mrs. Hutchinson and those of Aquiday island broached new heresies every year. Divers of them turned professed anabaptists, and would not wear any arms, and denied all magistracy among christians, and maintained that there were no churches since those founded by the apostles and evangelists, nor could any be, nor any pastors ordained, nor seals administered but by such, and that the church was to want these all the time she continued in the wilderness, as yet she was. Her son Francis and her son in law Mr. Collins (who was driven from Barbadoes where he had preached a time and done some good, but so soon as he came to her was infected with her heresies) came to Boston and were there sent for to come before the Governor and council, but they refused to come except they were brought, so the officer led him, and being come (there were divers of the elders present) he was charged with a letter he had written to some in our jurisdiction, wherein he charged all our churches and ministers to be antichristian, and many other reproachful speeches, terming our king, king of Babylon, and sought to possess the people's hearts with evil thoughts of our government and of our churches &c. He acknowledged the letter, and maintained what he had written, yet sought to evade the confessing there was a true magistracy in the world and that christians must be subject to it. He maintained also that there were no gentile churches (as he termed them) since the apostles times, and that none now could ordain ministers &c. Francis Hutchinson did agree with him in some of these, but not resolutely in all; but he had reviled the church of Boston (being then a member of it) calling her a strumpet. They were both committed to prison; and it fell out that one Stoddard, being then one of the constables of Boston, was required to take Francis Hutchinson into his custody 'till the afternoon, and said withal to the Governor, sir, I came to observe what you did, that if you should proceed with a brother otherwise than you ought, I might deal with you in a church way. For this insolent behaviour he was committed, but being dealt with by the elders and others, he came to see his error, which was that he did conceive that the magistrate ought not to deal with a member of the church before the church had proceeded with him. So the next Lord's day in the open assembly, he did freely and very affectionately confess his error and his contempt oi authority, and being bound to appear at the next court he did the like there to the satisfaction of all; yet for example's sake he was fined 20s. which, tho' some of the magistrates would have had it much less, 29* 342 RELIGIOUS HISTORY or rather remitted, seeing his clear repentance and satisfaction in public left no poison or danger in his example, nor had the commonwealth or any person sustained danger by it. At the same court Mr. Collins was fined ~100 and Francis Hutchinson ~50 and to remain in prison 'till they gave security for it. We assessed the fines the higher, partly that by occasion thereof they might be the longer kept in from doing harm (for they were kept close prisoners) and also because that family had put the country to so much charge in the synod and other occasions to the value of ~500 at least: but after, because the winter drew on, and the prison was inconvenient, we abated them to ~40 and ~20 but they seemed not willing to pay any thing. They refused to come to the church assemblies except they were led, and so they came duly. At last we took their own bonds for their fine, and so dismissed them. Other troubles arose in the island by reason of one Ni: Eason, a tanner, a man very bold, tho' ignorant, he using to teach at Newport where Mr. Coddington their Governor lived, maintained that man hath no power or will in himself, but as he is acted by God, and that seeing God filled all things, nothing could be or move but by him, and so he must needs be the author of sin &c. and that a christian is united to the essence of God. Being shewed what blasphemous consequences would follow hereupon, they professed to abhor the consequences, but still defended the propositions, which discovered their ignorance, not apprehending how God could make a creature as it were in himself, and yet no part of his essence, as we see by familiar instances. The light is in the air, and in every part of it, yet it is not air, but a distinct thing from it. There joined with Ni: Eason, Mr. Coddington, Mr. Coggeshall and some others, but their minister Mr. Clark and Mr. Lenthall and Mr. Harding and some others dissented and publicly opposed, whereby it grew to such heat of contention, that it made a schism among them. Difficulties with Gorton.-Samuel Gorton, the first settler of Warwick, R. I. came to this country in 1636, and in a few years occasioned a good deal of disturbance by the religious principles which he advanced. Leaving Boston, he went to Plymouth, and disturbing the church there, hlie was whipped and required to find sureties for his good behavior, which not being able to do, he was driven, it is said, to Rhode Island. At Newport he was also whipped for his contempt of the civil authority. From this place he went to Providence, where Roger Williams, with his usual humanity, although he disliked his principles and practice, gave him a shelter. Gorton afterwards purchased some lands of the Indians, and having made some encroachments, complaints were entered against him in the court of Massachusetts. Being required to answer for his conduct, by the court, he treated their summons with contempt. In May, 1643, Capt. Cook, with about 40 soldiers, were sent against Gorton and his associates, who were taken prisoners and carried to Boston. He was sentenced to imprison AND ANTIQUITIES. 343 ment and hard labor; for which banishment was afterwards substituted. In 1644 Gorton went to England and obtained an order from Parliament, securing to him the peaceable possession of his lands. He died after the year 1676 at an advanced age. The following, relative to Gorton, is from Winthrop's Journal: 1643, 8 m. 13. " The next Lord's day in the forenoon the prisoners would not come to the meeting, so as the magistrate determined they should be compelled. They agreed to come, so as they might have liberty after sermon to speak if they had occasion. The magistrates answer was, that they did leave the ordering of things in the church to the elders, but there was no doubt but they might have leave to speak so as they spake the words of truth and sobriety. So in the afternoon they came and were placed in the fourth seat right before the elders. Mr. Cotton (in his ordinary text) taught them out of Acts 19. of Demetrius pleading for Diana's silver shrines or temples &c. After sermon Gorton desired leave to speak, which being granted, he repeated the points of Mr. Cotton's sermon, and coming to that of the silver shrines, he said that in the church there was nothing now but Christ, so that all our ordinances, ministers, sacraments &c. were but men's inventions for shew and pomp and no other than those silver shrines of Diana. He said also that if Christ lived eternally, then he died eternally; and it appeared both by his letters and examinations that he held that Christ was incarnate in Adam, and that he was that image of God wherein Adam was created, and that the chief work and merit was in that his incarnation in that he became such a thing, so mean &c. and that his being born after of the Virgin Mary and suffering &c. was but a manifestation of his sufferings &c. in Adam. Likewise in his letters he condemned and reviled magistracy calling it an idol, alledging that a man might as well be a slave to his belly as to his own species: yet being examined he would acknowledge magistracy to be an ordinance of God in the world as marriage was, viz. no other magistracy but what was natural, as the father over his wife and children, and an hereditary prince over his subjects." " After this they were brought before the court severally to be examined (divers of the elders being desired to be present) and because they had said they could give a good interpretation of all they had written, they were examined upon the particular passages, but the interpretation they gave being contradictory to their expressions, they were demanded then if they would retract those expressions, but that they refused, and said still that they should then deny the truth." " One of the elders had been in the prison with them, and had conferred with them about their opinions, and they expressed their agreement with him in every point, so as he intended to move for favor for them, but when he heard their answer upon their examination, he found how he had been deluded by them, for they excel the jesuits in the act of equivocation, and regard not how false they speak to all other men's apprehensions, so they keep to the rules of their own meaning. Gorton maintained that the image of God wherein Adam 344 RELIGIOUS HISTORY was created was Christ, and so the loss of that image was the death of Christ, and the restoring of it in generation was Christ's resurrection, and so the death of him that was born of the Virgin Mary was but a manifestation of the former. In their letters &c. they condemned all ordinances in the church, calling baptism an abomination, and the Lord's supper the juice of a poor silly grape turned into the blood of Christ by the skill of our magicians &c. yet upon examination they would say they did allow them to be the ordinances of Christ; but their meaning was that they were to continue no longer than the infancy of the church lasted (and but to novices then) for after the revelation was written they were to cease, for there is no mention of them, say they, in that book. They were all illiterate men, the ablest of them could not write true English, no not common words, yet they would take upon them the interpretation of the most difficult places of scripture, and wrest them any way to serve their own turns: as to give one instance for many. Mr. Cotton pressing them with that in Acts 10. ' Who can forbid water why these should not be baptized-so he commanded them to be baptized' they interpret thus. Who can deny but these have been baptized, seeing they have received the Holy Ghost &c. so he allowed them to have been baptized. This shift they were put to that they might maintain their former opinion, That such as have been baptized with the Holy Ghost need not the outward baptism. The court and the elders spent near a whole day in discovery of Gorton's deep mysteries which he had boasted of in his letters, and to bring him to conviction, but all was in vain. Much pains was also taken with the rest, but to as little effect. They would acknowledge no error or fault in their writings, and yet would seem sometimes to consent with us in the truth. After all these examinations the court began to consult about their sentence. The judgment of the elders also had been demanded about their blasphemous speeches and opinions, what punishment was due by the word of God. Their answer was first in writing, that if they should maintain them as expressed in their writings, their offence deserved death by the law of God. The same some of them declared after in open court. But before the court would proceed to determine of their sentence, they agreed first upon their charge, and then calling them all publicly they declared to them what they had to charge them without of their letter and speeches. Their charge was this, viz. They were charged to be blasphemous enemies of the true religion of our Lord Jesus Christ, and of all his holy ordinances, and likewise of all civil government among his people, and particularly within this jurisdiction. Then they were demanded whether they did acknowledge this charge to be just, and did submit to it, or what expectations they had against it. They answered they did not acknowledge it to be just, but they took no particular exceptions to it, but fell into some caviling speeches, so they were returned to prison again. Being in prison they behaved insolently towards their keeper, and spake evil of the magistrates-Whereupon some of the magistrates AND ANTIQUITIES. 345 were very earnest to have irons presently put upon them. Others thought it better to forbear all such severity 'till their sentence were passed. This latter opinion prevailed. After divers means had been used both in public and private to reclaim them, and all proving fruitless, the court proceeded to consider of their sentence: in which the court was much divided. All the magistrates, save three, were of opinion that Gorton ought to die, but the greatest number of the deputies dissenting, that vote did not pass. In the end all agreed upon this sentence-for seven of them, viz. that they should be dispersed into seven several towns, and there kept to work for their living, and wear irons upon one leg, and not to depart the limits of the town, nor by word or writing maintain any of their blasphemous or wicked errors upon pain of death, only the exception for speech with any of the elders, or any other licensed by any magistrate to confer with them; this censure to continue during the pleasure of the court." " The court finding that Gorton and his company did harm in the towns where they were confined, and not knowing what to do with them, at length agreed to set them at liberty, and gave them 14 days to depart out of our jurisdiction in all parts, and no more to come into it upon pain of death. This censure was thought too light and favorable, but we knew not how in justice we could inflict any punishment upon them, the sentence of the court being already passed &c." Account of the Quakers, their Persecutions, Jc.*-" In the year 1656 began what has been generally and not improperly called the persecution of the Quakers. Two years before, an order had been made that every inhabitant who had in their custody any of the books of John Reeves and Lodowick Muggleton,' who pretend to be the two last witnesses and prophets of Jesus Christ,' which books were said to be full of blasphemies, should bring or send them in to the next magistrate within one month on pain of ten pounds for each book remaining in any person's hands after that time, but no person appeared openly professing the opinions of the quakers until July, 1656, when Mary Fisher and Ann Austin arrived from Barbados. A few weeks after arrived in the ship Speedwell of London, Robert Lock, master, nine more of these itinerants, whose names ' after the flesh,' the language they used to the officers sent to make enquiry, were William Brend, Thomas Thurston, Christopher Holder, John Copeland, Richard Smith, Mary Prince, Dorothy Waugh, Sarah Gibbons, and Mary Witherhead. On the 8th of September they were brought before the court of assistants and being examined and each of them questioned how they could make it appear that God sent them, after a pause they answered that they had the same call which Abraham had to go out of his country; to other questions they gave rude and contemptuous answers, which is the reason assigned for committing them to prison. A great number of their books which they had brought over with intent to scatter them about the country were seized and reserved for * This account is copied from Gov.-Hutchinson's "History of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay." It is believed to be the most authentic and unprejudiced account to be found, which was written at that period. 346 RELIGIOUS HISTORY the fire. Soon after this, as the governor was going from the publick worship on the Lord's day to his own house, several gentlemen accompanying him, Mary Prince called to him from a window of the prison, railing at and reviling him, saying Woe unto thee, thou art an oppressor; and denouncing the judgments of God upon him. Not content with this, she wrote a letter to the governor and magistrates filled with opprobrious stuff. The governor sent for her twice from the prison to his house and took much pains to persuade her to desist from such extravagancies. Two of the ministers were present, and with much moderation and tenderness endeavoured to convince her of her errors, to which she returned the grossest railings, reproaching them as hirelings, deceivers of the people, Baal's priests, the seed of the serpent, of the brood of Ishmael and the like. The court passed sentence of banishment against them all, and required the master of the ship in which they came, to become bound with sureties to the value of five hundred pounds to carry them all away, and caused them to be committed to prison until the ship should be ready to sail. At this time there was no special provision by law for the punishment of quakers; they came within a colony law against hereticks in general. At the next sessions of the general court, the 14th of October following, an act passed laying a penalty of one hundred pounds upon the master of any vessel who should bring a known quaker into any part of the colony, and requiring him to give security to carry them back again, that the quaker should be immediately sent to the house of correction and whipped twenty stripes, and afterwards kept to hard labor until transportation. They also laid a penalty of five pounds for importing and the like for dispersing quakers books, and severe penalties for defending their heretical opinions. And the next year an additional law was made by which all persons were subjected to the penalty of forty shillings for every hour's entertainment given to any known quaker, and any quaker after the first conviction if a man, was to lose one ear, and the second time the other, a woman, each time to be severely whipped, and the third time man or woman to have their tongues bored through with a red hot iron, and every quaker, who should become such in the colony, were subjected to the like punishments. In May 1658 a penalty of ten shillings was laid on every person present at a quaker's meeting, and five pounds upon every one speaking at such meeting. Notwithstanding all this severity, the number of quakers, as might well have been expected, increasing rather than diminishing, in October following a further law was made for punishing with death all quakers who should return into the jurisdiction after banishment. That some provision was necessary against these people so far as they were disturbers of civil peace and order, every one will allow, but such sanguinary laws against particular doctrines or tenets in religion are not to be defended. The most that can be said for our ancestors is that they tried gentler means at first, which they found utterly ineffectual, and that they followed the example of the authorities in most other states and in most ages of the world, who with the like absurdity have AND ANTIQUITIES. 347 supposed every person could and ought to think as they did, and with the like cruelty have punished such as appeared to differ from them. We may add that it was with reluctance that these unnatural laws were carried into execution, as we shall see by a further account of proceedings. Nicholas Upshall was apprehended in October 1656, fined twenty pounds and banished for reproaching the magistrates and speaking against the law made against quakers, and returning in 1659 was imprisoned. At the same court William Robinson, Marmaduke Stephenson, Mary Dyer and Nicholas Davis were brought to trial. The first gave no particular account of himself. Stephenson had made a publick disturbance in the congregation at Boston the 15th of June before. He acknowledged himself to be one of those the world called quakers, and declared that in the year 1656 at Shipton in Yorkshire as he was at plough he saw nothing but heard an audible voice saying, 'I have ordained thee to be a prophet to the nations,' &c. Dyer declared that she came from Rhode Island to visit the quakers, that she was of their religion which she affirmed was the truth, and that the light within her was the rule, &c. Davis came from Barnstable, he came into court with his hat on, confessed he had forsaken the ordinances and resorted to the quakers. The jury found' that they were all quakers.' Robinson was whipped 20 stripes for abusing the court, and they were all banished on pain of death. Patience Scott, a girl of about eleven years of age, came I suppose from Providence, her friends lived there, and professing herself to be one of those whom the world in scorn calls quakers was committed to prison, and afterwards brought to court. The record stands thus. ' The court duly considering the malice of Satan and his instruments by all means and ways to propagate error and disturb the truth, and bring in confusion among us, that Satan is put to his shifts to make use of such a child not being of the years of discretion, nor understanding the principles of religion, judge meet so far as to slight her as a quaker as only to admonish and instruct her according to her capacity and so discharge her, Capt. Hutchinson undertaking to send her home.' Strange that such a child should be imprisoned! it would have been horrible if there had been any further severity. Robinson, Stephenson and Dyer at the next general court were brought upon trial, and 'for their rebellion, sedition, and presumptuous obtruding themselves after banishment upon pain of death,' were sentenced to die; the two first were executed the 27th of October. Dyer, upon the petition of William Dyer her son, was reprieved on condition that she departed the jurisdiction in 48 hours and if she returned to suffer the sentence. She was carried to the gallows and stood with a rope about her neck until the others were executed. She was so infatuated as afterwards to return and was executed June 1st, 1660. The court thought it advisable to publish a vindication of their proceedings; they urge the example of England in the provision made against jesuits, which might have some weight against a charge brought from thence, but in every other part of their vindication, as may well be supposed from the nature of the thing, there is but the 348 RELIGIOUS HISTORY bare shadow of reason. Christopher Holder who had found the way into the jurisdiction again, was at this court banished upon pain of death. At the same court seven or eight persons were fined, some as high as ten pounds, for entertaining quakers, and Edward Wharton for piloting them from one place to another was ordered to be whipped twenty stripes and bound to his good behavior. Divers others were then brought upon trial ' for adhering to the cursed sect of quakers not disowning themselves to be such, refusing to give civil respect, leaving their families and relations and running from place to place vagabonds like,' and Daniel Gold was sentenced to be whipped thirty stripes, Robert Harper fifteen, and they with Alice Courland, Mary Scott and Hope Clifton banished upon pain of death, William Kingsmill whipped fifteen stripes, Margaret Smith, Mary Trask and Provided Southwick ten stripes each, and Hannah Phelps admonished. The compassion of the people was moved and many resorted to the prison by day and night, and upon a representation of the keeper a constant watch was kept round the prison to keep people off. Joseph Nicholson and Jane his wife were also tried and found quakers, as also Wendlock Christopherson, who declared in court that the scripture is not the word of God, and Mary Standley, and all sentenced to banishment, &c. as was soon after Benjamin Bellflower, but John Chamberlain though he came with his hat on yet refusing directly to answer, the jury found him, ' much inclining to the cursed opinions of the quakers,' and he escaped with an admonition. Nicholson and his wife returned and were apprehended, but upon their petition had liberty with several others then in prison to go for England. Christopherson returned also and was sentenced to die. It is said he desired the court to consider what they had gained by their cruel proceedings. 'For the last man (says he) that was put to death here are five come in his room, and if you have power to take my life from me God can raise up the same principle of life in ten of his servants and send them among you in my room that you may have torment upon torment.' He was ordered to be executed the fifth day sevennight after the 14th of March 1660, afterwards reprieved till the 13th of June, but he was set at liberty upon his request to the court and went out of the jurisdiction. Bellflower afterwards in court renounced his opinions, as also William King (Kingsmill I suppose) the only instances upon record. Chamberlain was afterwards apprehended again and found a quaker and committed to close prison, but no further sentence appears. In September, 1660, William Ledea was tried and convicted of being a quaker and sentenced to banishment, &c. but returning and being apprehended, the general court gave him liberty notwithstanding to go to England with Nicholson and others, but he refused to leave the country and was brought upon trial for returning into the jurisdiction after sentence of banishment, acknowledged himself to be the person but denied their authority, and told the court that ' with the spirit they called the devil he worshipped God, and their ministers were deluders and they themselves murderers.' He was told that he AND ANTIQUITIES. 349 might have his life and be at liberty if he would. He answered I am willing to die, I speak the truth. The court took great pains to persuade him to leave the country but to no purpose. The jury brought him in guilty and he was sentenced to die and suffered accordingly March 14th, 1660. Mary Wright of Oyster-bay was tried at the court in September 1660. She said she came to do the will of the Lord and to warn them to lay by their carnal weapons and laws against the people of God, told the court they thirsted for blood. The court asked her what she would have them do, she said 'repent of your bloodshed and cruelty and shedding the blood of the innocent William Robinson, Marmaduke Stephenson, and Mary Dyer.' She said her tears were her meat many days and nights before she gave up herself to this work of the Lord, but added that if she had her liberty she would be gone quickly. Being found a quaker she was banished. Edward Wharton who had been whipped before, was now indicted for being a quaker, convicted and sentenced to imprisonment and afterwards to banishment. Judah Brown and Peter Pierson stood mute. They were sentenced to be whipped at the cart's tail in Boston, Roxbury and Dedham. John Smith of Salem for making disturbance at the ordination of Mr. Higginson, crying out ' What you are going about to set up our God is pulling down,' was committed to prison by order of court. Philip Verin was also tried and imprisoned, Josias Southwick, first banished and returning, whipped at the cart's tail, and John Burstowe bound to his good behavior. These are all who were tried by the court of assistants or by the general court. Some at Salem, Hampton, Newbury and other places, for disorderly behavior, putting people in terror, coming into the congregations and calling to the minister in the time of publick worship, declaring their preaching, &c. to be an abomination to the Lord, and other breaches of the peace, were ordered to be whipped by the authority of the county courts or particular magistrates. At Boston one George Wilson, and at Cambridge Elizabeth Horton went crying through the streets that the Lord was coming with fire and sword to plead with them. Thomas Newhouse went into the meeting-house at Boston with a couple of glass bottles and broke them before the congregation, and threatened ' Thus will the Lord break you in pieces.' Another time M. Brewster came in with her face smeared and as black as a coal. Deborah Wilson went through the streets of Salem naked as she came into the world,* for which she was well whipped. For these and such like disturbances they might be deemed proper subjects either of a mad-house or house of correction, and it is to be lamented that any greater severities were * One of the sect apologizing for this behavior said, " If the Lord did stir up any of his daughters to be a sign of the nakedness of others, he believed it to be a great cross to a modest woman's spirit, but the Lord must be obeyed." Another quoted the command in Isaiah, cap. 20.--R. Williams. One Faubord of Grindleton carried his enthusiasm still higher, and was sacrificing his son in imitation of Abraham, but the neighbours hearing the lad cry, broke open the house and happily prevented it. 30 350 RELIGIOUS HISTORY made use of. After all that may be said against these measures, it evidently appears that they proceeded not from personal hatred and malice against such disordered persons, nor from any private sinister views, as is generally the case with unjust punishments inflicted min times of party rage and discord, whether civil or religious, but merely from a false zeal and an erroneous judgment. In support of their proceedings they brought several texts of the old testament. 'Come out of her my people,' &c. 'If thy brother entice thee to serve other gods thou shalt surely put him to death,' and ' for speaking lies in the name of the Lord his father shall thrust him through when he prophecieth,' and the example of Solomon who first laid. Shimei under restraint and then for his breach put him to death, as also many passages of the new testament requiring subjection to magistrates, &c. and thus from a zeal to defend the holy religion they professed, they went into measures directly opposite to its true spirit and the great design of publishing it to the world. That I may finish what relates to the quakers it must be further observed that their friends in England solicited and at length obtained an order from the King Sept. 9th, 1661, requiring that a stop should be put to all capital or corporal punishment of those of his subjects called quakers, and that such as were obnoxious to be sent to England." Cotton Mather in his " Magnalia" gives a circumstantial account of many things relative to the Quakers. Although some of his narratives are to be received with some grains of allowance; yet it is believed that whatever he states as a matter of fact, is substantially correct. The following is extracted from the Magnalia: "Although Quakerism has been by the new turn, that such ingenious men as Mr. Penn have given to it become quite a new thing; yet the old Foxian Quakerism, which then visited New England, was the grossest collection of blasphemies and confusions that ever was heard of. They stiled those blind beasts and liars, who should say that the scriptures reveal God; and affirmed it, the greatest error in the world, and the ground of all errors, to say, the scriptures are a rule for Christians. They said, that the scripture does not tell people of a Trinity, nor three persons in God, but that those three persons are brought in by the Pope. They held, that justification by that righteousness, which Christ fulfilled in his own person without us, is a doctrine of devils. They held, that they that believe in Christ are not miserable sinners, nor do those things they ought not to do. They said, if the bodies of men rise again, then there is a pre-eminence in the bodies of men above the bodies of beasts, which is to give Solomon the lie. They said, they are like to be deceived who are expecting that Christ's second coming will be personal. They said, those things called ordinances, as baptism, bread and wine, rose from the Pope's invention. They said, as for that called, the Lord's day, people do not understand what they say; every day is the Lord's ay. And for prayer itself, they said all must cease from their own words, and from their own time, and learn to be silent, until the Spirit AND ANTIQUITIES. 351 give them utterance. They said-But it would be endless to enumerate their heresies; what we have already enumerated is enough to astonish us; in all of which I solemnly protest unto the reader, that I have not wronged them at all, but kept close to their own printed words. Reader, thou canst not behold these heresies, without the exclamation ordinarily used by the blessed Polycarp, when he heard any such matters uttered; "good God, unto what times hast thou reserved me!" There are many grounds of hope, that the days of prevailing Quakerism will be but threescore years and ten; and if by reason of mens weakness they be fourscore years, yet the strength of it will then be wasted, it will soon be cut off and fly away. And among those grounds, I cannot but reckon the alterations which the sect of Quakers do experience, not only in the points of their faith, but also in that odd symptom of quaking, which by its using to arrest the bodies of their converts, gave denomination to them; for as one of their own expresses it, The mighty motions of the bodies of the Friends are now ceased, and Friends are still cool and quiet; the shaking and quaking of Friends bodies were to purge out sin; but the stillness being come, the mind is brought into a capacity to discern the voice of the Lord." " Reader, I can foretell what usage I shall find among the Quakers for this chapter of our church history; for a worthy man that writes of them has observed, for pride, and hypocrisie, and hellish reviling against the painful ministers of Christ, I know, no people can match them. Yea, prepare, friend Mather, to be assaulted with such language as Fisher the Quaker, in his pamphlets, does bestow upon such men as Dr. Owen; thou fiery fighter and green-headed trumpeter; thou hedghog and grinning dog; thou bastard that tumbled out of the mouth of the Babilonish bawd; thou mole; thou tinker; thou lizzard; thou bell of no metal, but the tone of a kettle; thou wheelbarrow; thou whirlpool; thou whirlegig. O thou firebrand; thou adder and scorpion; thou louse; thou cow-dung; thou moon-calf; thou ragged tatterdemallion; thou Judas; thou livest in philosophy, and logick which are of the devil." Westminster Assembly of Divines,