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THE
EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY,
AS EXHIBITED IN
THE WRITINGS OF ITS APOLOGISTS
DOWN TO AUGUSTINE.
HULSEAN PRIZE ESSAY.
BY
W.o J. BOLTON,
PROFESSOR IN GONVILLE AND CAIUS COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.
" leioiat Gco0jv ZO'OI."-GREGORIUS NAZIANZENUS.
" Discussi, fateor, sectas Antonius omnes,
Plurima qusesivi, per singula queeque cucurri,
Sed nihil inveni melius, quam credere Christo."
PAULINUS
BOSTON:
GOULD AND LINCOLN,
59 WASHINGTON STREET.
1854.








PREFACE
TO THE
AMERICAN            EDITION.
THE work which is introduced to American readers, in
this volume, received the Hulsean prize in England in
1852. This prize has been conferred annually for many
years, and was originally established by a legacy from the
Rev. John Hulse, of Elworth, England, his will bearing
date of July 21, 1777. The will directs that certain rents
and profits (amounting now to about five hundred dollars
yearly) shall be paid to such learned and ingenious person,
in the University of Cambridge, under the degree of Master of Arts, as shall compose the best Dissertation on the
Evidences in general, or on the Prophecies or Miracles in




iv                   PREFACE.
particular, or any other particular Argument, whether the
same be direct or collateral proof of the Christian Religion,
in order to evince its truth and excellence. The subject
of the Dissertation is required to be assigned by certain authorities in the University, on the first day of each year,
and the award in favor of the successful candidate is to be
made annually on Christmas day, after which the Dissertation must be published for general circulation.
The subject proposed by the Trustees in Jan. 1852, was
"( THE EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY, AS EXHIBITED IN
TIlE WRITINGS OF ITS APOLOGISTS DOWN TO AUGUSTINE
INCLUSIVE." The Dissertation by Mr Bolton, which gained
the prize, will be found worthy of attention from American
readers, for two particular reasons, in addition to those
more cogent claims submitted by the author.
Elegant scholars in this country have discredited the
grossness of Pagan idolatry. They have revived the new
Platonic theories of the symbolic nature of Classic Mythology, and have denied that material images were objects of
worship, or that the gods of Greece and Rome were adored
as living and personal existences. The writings of the
early Apologists give conclusive testimony on this point,




PR EFAC Eo                    V
and demonstrate that poets and philosophers, no less than
the people, believed in the essential deity of the gods of
the classic Pantheon, and paid devout adoration to their
sculptured images. The apostle Paul's picture of ancient
Paganism, in the first chapter of Romans, is a sketch taken
from actual life.
The intellectual ability exhibited in these extracts from
the Fathers, will restore also, in some degree, the confidence and respect of the Christian world, which have been
rudely shaken by the publications of the Oxford Divines,
and of the Mercersberg Professors. The Fathers were
but men, of like passions with others, and the false philosophy in which many of them had been trained, and the wild
speculations in which they indulged unchecked, led them
often astray from the truth, and corrupted the simplicity
of the gospel faith and ordinances. But this volume indicates their strength, when leaning only on the Divine
Word, and reveals the noblest elements of Christian charac —
ter. It will confirm the confidence of the American
churches in the divine origin of Christianity, and in the
substantial piety of its early Apologists.








C     N T ENTS.
INTRODUCTION.
PAGE.
The subject stated - patience and candor requisite     13
Its interest, historical- eclesiastical —local...  14
Its importance, presumed from its tendency to remove prejudice, by an investigation consonant with the theory of
the Church of England - to lower the value of modern
sceptical arguments- to speak for the intelligence and
learning of the Fathers - to furnish matter apposite to
our own times - this last and most important point
proved from the ethical and permanent nature of
religion, as well as from the identity of material error in
all ages, there being at the same time no antecedent




viii                   CONTENTS.
grounds for doubting the capacity or appliances of the
Apologists; also by its being adapted to assist missionary enterprise......   15
The want of a treatise of this kind.....   24
Our sources of information -a sketch of the Apologies
necessary in passing -references to the Apologies of
the second, third, and fourth centuries...   24
Deductions respecting (1) the authors, that they were Gentiles of various countries, philosophers, and voluntary
sufferers - respecting (2) the Apologies, that they were
extorted by persecution from first to last —respecting
(3) the persons addressed, or the enemies of Christianity, that they were the Jewish zealot, the Grecian
philosopher, and the Roman ruler- respecting (4) the
arguments in question, of what they chiefly consist;
whence is obtained a natural classification or method
of arranging the work before us...43
Concluding remarks on any appearance of tautology in the
proofs - on the omission of obsolete arguments - on
the strength derived from the combination of Evidences -on the actual effect of the Apologies..   50
CHAPTER I.
THE ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.
The general nature of this argument - it is introductoryincidental — limited......           53




CONTENTS.                           ix
SECTION 1.
Analogies from nature - two cautions with regard to Analogy, viz., Analogy distinguished from illustration; Analogy restricted to its particular relations- proofs.. 56
SECTION 2.
Instinctive suggestions of the soul - character of this appeal,
mode of application- subdivision of proofs into..   67
(1.) Arguments from cause to effect...   68
(2.) Arguments from effect to cause..        75
(3.) Sentiments of natural conscience..        80
SECTION 3.
The example of heathen ideas..                  85
The present force of the argumentum ad hominem - proofs     8 7
SECTION 4.
Answers to objections - explanation - specimens             95
CHAPTER II.
THE ARGUMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.
The claim of the Fathers to the books ofthe Old Testament,
valid - the sense in which they appealed to antiquity -
the objects of this argument as directed against the




:Xbc o NT E N T S.
Jew - in the case of the Pagan, it met the charges of
novelty, and plagiarism; enhanced the value of the
Scriptures; and argued for the divinity of Christ -
only used by the Apologists in establishing the antiquity
of the Bible...                            101
CHAPTER III.
THE ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.
Its nature considered -its value under the circumstances,
as addressed to the Pagan, to the Jew, or to the
Christian himself- the account to which the Apologists
turned this argument - notice of the sibyls - the separation of the heathen and Jewish argument -reason
for this...... 125
SECTION 1.
Proofs addressed to the Gentile...    131
SECTION 2.
Proofs addressed to the Jew.     143
CHAPTER IV.
THE ARGUMENT FROM MIRACLES.
The authenticity of miracles not doubted, nor requiring
demonstration-attempts to explain them    away as




CONTENT S.                           x
effects of magic - or, to confound them with pretended
prodigies - the subject of post-apostolic miracles, considered - proofs       -...      154
CHAPTER Y.
THE ARGUMENT FROM THE REASONABLENESS OF
DOCTRINE.
The character of this argument, that of a running comparison, conscience being the judge - the usual method of
conducting the inquiry — the heathen side first, and
chiefly dwelt upon-proofs..             180
CHAPTER VI.
THE ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.
The importance attached to morals in religion - other evidence worthless without this - a difficulty occasioned by
artificial divisions —this argument distinguished from
that of the last chapter - proofs.      235




xii                    CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VII.
THE ARGUMENT FROM THE SUCCESS OF THE
GOSPEL.
The value of this argument lies in its setting forth a fulfilment of prophecy - a continuous and present miracle
-an unprecedented event, under any circumstances,
particularly under the disadvantages of the case - the
completion of the whole system of Evidences, thereby
affording comfort to the persecuted church, and extending its encouragement even to our own day- proofs. 280
Conclusion.......    293




INTRODUCTION.
THE general subject of these essays, - the setting forth
of the claims which Christianity has in the way of evidence
upon our faith and affection, - commends itself to every
man's conscience. If religion is important, whatever calls
our attention to it must be important also. But "the Evidences " do more than recommend Christianity: they are the
groundwork of the sacred building. Every appeal to the
believer or unbeliever stands upon their truth; and whether
viewed as external or internal, historical or moral, objective
or experimental, argumentative or testimonial, direct or
auxiliary; they constitute the substance on which all true
spirituality of mind rests and operates. In this respect our
religion differs from others, and enables us to invite and
welcome that rigid examination from which they all instinctively shrink. But without entering upon such a boundless
subject, we may take for granted that its nature is understood, and its value appreciated, and proceed at once to the
more specific matter in hand; the part of this grand whole
selected for our present consideration.
It consists of a particular view of the Evidences for the
truth of Christianity; a view that may fairly be called the
original view; taken not by ourselves, but by others; from
2




14                  INTRODUCTION.
a point in past ages, and in foreign lands. I may therefore
be allowed to say here, once for all, that in transporting our
thoughts, as we must needs do, to times, places, and situations,
so distant and different from our own, we shall require both
patience and candor; patience in surveying exotic and rather
extensive materials, and candor in judging of them, with
modern, perhaps preoccupied minds.
There is much, however, to make this an interesting, and
still more, an instructive matter of research. Its interest
arises from its connection with history, - not with civil
history so much, though any experimental reference to this
increasingly important study (much more the entire bearing)
must be welcome in an age of inquiry and eclecticism like
the present, - but rather from its connection with the history
of the Christian religion. Our subject is ecclesiastical in its
very nature; an essential page of Church history.  It involves a review of the first four, possibly the most important
centuries the world ever saw; and an exhibition of the
earliest combined intellectual defence of Christianity, in
which and by which the primitive converts were enabled to
give " a reason of the hope that was in them." Surely to
those of us who indulge the same hope, this period of the
Church's great and predicted' conflict; these Apologists, our
own elder brethren and fellow Gentiles, who fought and in
some measure bled for us; and these arguments, the weapons
they wielded with considerable energy and success, present
altogether a most inviting field of thoughlt.
Nor is there wanting another claim to our regard of quite
a personal kind. When the heavenly command was issued
to enlarge the borders and strengthen the stakes of the Gospel tent, it pleased God that one of the cords should be
fastened in our isle. Our rude and painted forefathers were
^ I believe all the schools of prophetical interpretation, however they
may differ on other points, coincide in finding intimations of the sufferings of the early Church in the Revelation of St. John.




INTRODUCTION.                   15
early made the recipients of the " good tidings of great joy."
For the preservation of this pleasing tradition we are mainly
indebted to the writings of the Apologists. Whilst Tacitus
was meditating his terse and cold speculations upon our climate and our pearls,* these men were delighting to tell each
other and the whole world of the mercy of God towards a
little island set amid the mists and waves of "' the Western
ocean."  They felt for us as we feel for the natives of a
Miadagascar or a Tahiti now. Their hearts throbbed with
sympathy at each assurance, brought perchance by a returning legion or home-bound vessel, of the progress of our
happiness. At length our name became quite familiar to
their pen: we seemed to furnish a standing proof of the
power and extent of the Redeemer's kingdom. It was just
because we were so remote, so barbarous, and as it were so
unlikely, that our country became a sacred land-mark: what
ultima Thule had been to the poets of antiquity, such ultima
Britannia was to the Christian Apologists. Here then is a
theme of grateful reflection for us, and for Britons at all
times: "a psalm to bring to remembrance."   Let others
attribute the prosperity of our country to geographical position, to the physical determination of a race, or to a happy
adjustment of laws; the Christian mind can only count upon
these blessings, as they were sheltered under " that righteousness which exalteth a nation," first taught us ages ago, and
marvellously preserved with us to this hour.
The usefulness of our task may be presumed from the
following suggestions among others. First, such a review is
calculated to disarm and dissipate prejudice. However much
there is of the erroneous, absurd, or obscure in the esoteric
systems of the Fathers, and whatever misuse has been made
of such imperfections by a patronizing heresy, or a sneering
scepticism, (rendering caution doubly necessary,) nothing of
* Vid. Tac. Agric. c. 12.




16                 INTRODUCTION.
the sort obtrudes on us here. From vexed questions, the sad
details of civil strife among Christians, and all the disturbing
associations that cling to internal and long-continued controversies, the present inquiry is free. We are invited to a
nobler, fairer view of the Fathers unanimously contending in
all simplicity and earnestness, and against each external foe,
"'for the faith once delivered to the saints." We have to
consider them not as preachers or catechists, but as Apologists;
not as disputants in a council, but as defendants in a court:
and though considerable blemishes undoubtedly attach to many
of them under these as well as under any other characters,
yet they will be found of such comparatively rare occurrence,
and bearing so little upon the main topics and design of the
present investigation, as scarcely to require a place in our
thoughts.
Moreover, it would seem that a resort of this cind to antiquity, is peculiarly agreeable to the temper of our Church.
Neither exalting the ancient Fathers on the one hand, as authorities coequal with the word of God, or as divine authorities at all, -a position which reason, the sacred Scriptures,
and their own works, cannot endure for a moment; - nor,
on the other hand, disparaging and rejecting them altogether
as worthless or worse, - another extreme condemned alike
by common justice and common prudence, - the Church of
England takes a more moderate and judicious course: and
having established as a fundamental article of religion, " that
Holy Scripture containeth all things necessary to salvation;
so that whatsoever is not read therein, nor may be proved
thereby, is not to be required of any man, that it should be
believed as an article of the faith, or be thought requisite or
necessary to salvation;" she can afford both to permit and
encourage the study of the patristic writings and the whole
circle of history, for evidence of facts and confirmation of
doctrines; thereby indicating to her friends that they need
fear no thorough examination of any sort, but rather boast




INTRODUCTION.                  17
with Tertullian, that " truth dreads nothing but concealment."
Under such a guidance and with all those sentiments which
become the investigation of venerable and Christian records,
I siall proceed presently to extract and furnish the arguments of the Apologists for the truth of Christianity, not
doubting that the honest, the courageous, the pious disposition they discover will speak for itself, and raise our
authors in the estimation of all impartial minds.
A further result of the discussion before us must be to deprive the modern sceptic of his claim to originality. I think
it will appear in the sequel that most of our present popular
objections to Christianity have been anticipated centuries
since. With the exception of a few sophistries and transcendentalisms, which destroy themselves, I scarcely know of
an infidel position that we do not find taken up and exploded
by such writers as Origen, Arnobius, Eusebius. Perhaps
the exposure of such a circumstance, considering what a
sharp spur notoriety is, may serve to lower the value of rash
opinions, even in the eyes of the inventor himself; or, the
bloom of freshness being lost, more certainly in the eyes of
others also.
And this idea leads us on to another somewhat akin to it.
Our subject is of value as proving collaterally the intellectual
capacity of the early Christians. For not only are adverse
and infidel objections quoted or presumed in these documents,
but they are also shrewdly and substantially answered: and
thus we find modern defenders of the faith as well as modern
objectors, have been superseded. Much that Grotius, Pascal, Fenelon, Paley, have produced on the Evidences of
Christianity will find its precedent, if not its original, in these
Christian Classics. WVhat has been said of Arnobius may
be said with more or less truth of the rest of the Apologists;
"the reader will recognize many a familiar thought, and
remark how many arguments of modern Apologists have
been anticipated here." An investigation of this sort, therefore,




18                  INTRODUCTION.
cannot but do some justice to memories of the past. But it will
do something more. This is not a mere compliment to the
pious dead: it is material to our own confidence in the common cause. The importance of establishing the right of early
Christian converts to be reckoned intelligent as well as sincere
men, is pointed out by Dr. Woodham in his preface to Tertullian's Apology.*  He shows that the learned Grotiust in
making miracles decisive evidence for the truth of Christianity,
draws his inference, not as Paley does, from the sufferings,
but rests it upon the circumstances of the early converts;
especially upon the fact that such professed philosophers,
"men of good judgment and no small learning" as most of
the Apologists were, became disciples after due examination.+
The last point I need notice in order to claim the most
serious attention of the reader, is the general applicability
of the apologetic arguments to the times in which we live.
This, the most important quality, involving as it does great
practical utility, will require a little thought. There are
many things that as they become old become obsolete, or
which when transferred from one country to another are as
useless in their new relations, as they were valuable before.
The era or the climate whose peculiarity gave them birth
being changed, their use is gone. Among these transitory
existences, the evidences of the Christian Religion are certainly not to be classed. Like the cause they support, they
belong to every age and every zone. This universality of
application arises from two things. First, from the ethical
nature of Religion itself, which being unaffected by temporal
changes and admitting neither of discovery nor development,
lends a glow of immortality, a perpetual youth to any prin* Tertul. Lib. Apol. Ed. Woodham.
t Grotius, On the Truth of Christianity, Lib. II. ~ 4.
+ That this careful examination was made may be gathered from the
scraps of autobiography, as well as from the substance of these apologies.




INTRODUCTION.                   19
ciples of reasoning that have ever been of considerable
service to its interests. And secondly, from the unalterable
character of the errors such arguments are invented to counteract. Error is as immutable as truth. Its outward couching of language or logic may vary; but its direction and
force are the same: its masks may be many, it has but one
face.*
The Chevalier Ramsay, in his Essays on Pagan Theolog3yt
has taken the trouble to trace an identity between the ancient
and modern systems of philosophy.  But without quoting
his details, we may at once adopt his conclusion: "Modern
free-thinkers have only revived the ancient errors, disguising
them under new terms. The history of former times is like
our own. The human understanding takes almost the same
forms in different ages, and loses its way in the same labyrinths."
Especially is this true of the opposition the human heart
feels to the system of Divine grace. Herein the world for
once maintains a uniform consistency. It thinks and acts
much alike everywhere, and at all times. Indeed on no
other hypothesis could we explain the fact already advanced,
that most of the old objections to Religion have their representatives still: that, for example, the difficulties noted by
Athenagoras concerning the resurrection, and by Origen concerning the evangelistic history, are just what are now going
the rounds of our workshops and lecture-rooms with all the
credit of a patent invention. But I would ask who needs
any other witness to the truth of this proposition than his
own daily observation? Surely no one can have reflected
upon the state of society (whatever its range) in which he
moves, without perceiving that our own country and day
furnish living specimens of all those classes of mind with
which St. Paul; and his successors in the Apologetic work,
* "Manabat saxo vena perennis aquse."
t Annexed to this author's Cyrus. Tenth Edition, p. 341.




20                  INTRODUCTION.
had to contend; that the Sadducee and the Cabalist, the
Epicurean and the Gnostic, have disappeared only in name.
How many of our scientific professors are but materialists;
of our theologians, but Neoplatonists; of our sentimental
poets, but worshippers of nature, and that too in this land of
light! "Little do they know," says Chalmers,* " of our men
of general literature, who have not observed the utter listlessness, if not the strong and active contempt, wherewith
many of them hear the doctrine of God's word." In fine, if
we allow with Baxter, "he that maketh not God his chief
good and ultimate end, is in heart a pagan and a vile idolater,"t who is not a party concerned? Would that this were
a mere play upon words; but there is too serious a reality in
it. It exhibits a parallelism of principles, if not of expression, underlying all periods of time.
Things being so with regard to truth and error, the adaptation and virtue of our subject follow almost as a matter of
course. The only remaining question can be as to the actual
capacity and appliances of the Fathers. This, like any
similar question of fact, can be alone solved after a careful
consideration of contemporaneous reputation -of position,
-of writings, such as these now under discussion, formerly
unanswered and since unsurpassed, - and finally of attendant
success. Meanwhile, there is this to be said. We have no
a priori reason to doubt that the Apologists were quite as
capable of using their faculties and their materials as any
later class of advocates. It is a very easy thing for gentlemen
of leisure on the banks of the Thames or the Rhone, and
at the distance of fifteen hundred years, to complain of
the style and method of controversy adopted by the early
Christians. But their criticism must needs fall short of its
mark, unless they can show that the Apologists were more
* Sermons.                     t Saints' Rest.




INTRODUCTION.                    21
incompetent than ourselves from any necessity of the case.
Until this is done the probabilities are against every partial
quotation, every perverted view, every malicious innuendo
that either ignorance or impiety can suggest. The presumption must remain, that in an intellectual exercise of this kind
the Apologists were masters of their subject.
Nay, possibly, they had an advantage over us, the advantage of practice. They were in the heat of the battle. A
multitude from every quarter of the globe, a variety from
every class of enemies, surrounded them. There was the
subtle and metaphysical Eastern, the strong-minded African,
the imaginative Greek, the practical Roman, the elder Jew;
there was Lucian classing Christianity with every kind of
fanaticism and fiaud; there was Celsus attacking it through
the sides of Judaism with all the shafts profane wit could
command; there was Porphyry, the pupil of Longinus, with
as much sophistry as learning, denying everything save the
operations of nature; and Hierocles bent, like some alchemist
at his occult art, upon imitating the gold he could not but admire:   there was the superstitious multitude, the interested
artisan, the responsible governor, the jealous emperor, each
and all to be met in their own way.
It was likewise a deadly struggle: our Apologists endured
this great fight of affliction, not in the shape of a mere paper
war, or platform controversy, the end of which is often only
to " gravel " an opponent; but for body and soul, religion and
character. It is plain that every thing dear to the man or the
Christian hung on the issue.
And once more, it was protracted. The controversy was of
no temporary nature, nor belonged to one generation alone.
* Besides the life of Apollonius, Hierocles wrote a book to prove the
Scriptures guilty of falsehood and contradiction; so punctiliously naming
everything, that Lactantius considers him to have been an apostate Christian.




22                 INTRODUCTION.
The clouds returned after the rain; and " neither sun nor stars
in many days appeared."  The whole term of persecution is
reckoned not by years but by centuries, during which time, it
may be fairly presumed, that every question was raised which
was worth an answer.
Such practice, and such experience as this practice implies,
must have necessitated the invention of sharp weapons, and
skill in handling them. We cannot but think, then, inasmuch
as there seems to be no reason why sound Christian evidence
effective in a former age, should become worthless by lapse
of time; and as neither Christianity on the one side, nor scepticism on the other, have much altered their ground of opposition since the first days of conflict; and, lastly, seeing that
the Apologists may have been as clever (at the least) as ourselves; I say, we cannot but think that their arguments demand a careful examination at our hands, and bid fair, like the
renowned sword of old that had long lain " wrapped in a cloth
behind the ephod,"* to do good service still, as well by their
own temper and weight, as by their hallowed and victorious.
associations.
The following remarks of Dr. Hundeshagen, of the University of Heidelberg, are based on the same principles, and
tend to the same practical conclusion. Bewailing the spread
of infidelity in Germany, he observes: "The first age of the
Christian Church is rightly called the Apologetic, for the
Christian religion had then to win-its right to existence by its
struggles. We of this age are in this respect carried back to
the commencement of Christianity, for the forefront of the
battle of parties relates to the very existence of the Christian
Religion. So that without doubt we are called upon to apply our Christian attainments to that same Apologetic task
which engaged the attention of the first centuries."t
1 Sam. xxi. 9.
t Studienz ud Kritiken for 1848. See Appendix to IHulsean Essay for
1849. Toinkins.




INTRODUCTION.                    23
Still less hesitancy can be felt as to the appositeness of
these arguments to the case of countries yet shrouded in
heathen darkness. Take, for example, our largest dependency,
India.  There we have a land boasting at this hour of as many
gods as swarming inhabitants; its idols under every spreading
banyan-tree, by the side of every road, by the bank of every
river: there a priesthood, crafty alike by nature and education,
who when hard pressed by the technical difficulties surrounding the subject of Polytheism, fly to the metaphysical subtleties of their schools: there a confusion of religions, a moral
Babel; superstition strangely shared between the Pundit, the
Brahmin, the Parsee; each with dogmas diverse as their
races, only united in their determination to resist whatever is
holy and true, and all publicly encouraging licentiousness and
cruelty. In a word, there we recognize the usual phases of
Paganism,- literal idolatry, -a religion with its convenient
senses, vulgar and mystic, —a philosophy as discordant, and
vices as inveterate as ever. For such symptoms, Apologetic
practice might certainly be made available with a little address, and the modern missionary furnished with hints out of
these stores of ancient and Christian learning. It is interesting to find that the gifted Henry Martynt used with effect
some of the natural arguments of the Fathers on Christian
theism, in his public addresses at Cawnpore. And thus may
others, by appeals to conscience, to nature, to universal tradition, catch the attention of hearers (dark in mind as in feature), and rouse them from their fascinating self-delusions, to
some consciousness of the light that shines all unheeded
around. On these as on common grounds, and with some
appearance of equity, and the assurance of being understood,
* Palmer, in his Development and Conscience, says that some of the arguments of the Apologists are exactly applicable to the heathen systems of
the present day. Observe his note, p. 8.
f See Life, p. 327. 8vo.




24                 INTRODUCTION.
a hearing at least might be obtained, and a door opened for
more important matters.
From these suggestions it would appear that our subject is
one of considerable practical importance. It is surprising
therefore that we have no direct treatise upon it. Yet such
is the fact. Fabricius has given little more than a list of
authors who have pleaded the cause of Christianity, from
Apostolic times to his own, and a series of the Apologetic
works of the Fathers is slowly issuing from the press; but I
am not aware of any synopsis or review on the proposition
that heads this essay. The notices of the Apologists in our
Ecclesiastical Histories must necessarily prove unsatisfactory.
By the compression of so wide a theme into a few paragraphs,
more injustice than justice is commonly, though unintentionally, done.*  Hence little is to be gleaned in that direction.
I have, however, to acknowledge my obligations to the bishop
of Lincoln's illustrations from the treatises of Justin, Tertullian, and Clemens, than which nothing can be more fair or
complete; as also to Dr. Woodham's valuable Introduction to
Tertullian's Apologeticus, already consulted; and to the first
chapter of Palmer, On the Doctrine of.Development and
Conscience; as being the best, indeed the only, notices I have
met with on the special point of the Apologetic arguments.
I now pass on to consider more definitely our sources of information. They consist of the Apologies and Apologetic
works of the early Fathers.  And, I think, we cannot do
better for a thorough understanding of what lies before us,
than devote a few minutes in glancing at the general history
of these works, and the circumstances under which they were
produced. It is scarcely possible to judge of the force and
propriety of what an author advances, unless we know something of his situation.
* Neander's Church Iistory is almost an exception.




INTRODUCTION.                   25
In doing this, need I observe, that there will be no attempt
to do justice to such an interesting topic as the History of the
Apologies? My business is simply to extract the dates, the
order, the language, the locality, the standing and the principal works of the Apologetic Fathers, together with the special occasions that called them forth; in short, just those details which serve to throw light upon their arguments, —the
immediate subjects of our investigation.
The portion of time these writings embrace is about three
hundred years, commencing with the second century.
THE APOLOGIES OF THE SECOND CENTURY.*
QUADRATUS (Greek), of the apostolic age, and ARISTEIDES (Greek, A. D. 126) originally an Athenian philosopher, address apologies to the Emperor Hadrian during a
popular tumult.raised in Greece, probably on the plea of
Trajan's prohibition of the Heterise, which the Christian assemblies appeared to contravene. Of these, nothing but a
fragment or notice remains; as is the case also with some
other apologies presented to Marcus Aurelius by ABERCIUS
(A. D. 150), MELITO (A. D. 169), and to 3I. Antoninus by
APOLLINARIUS (A. D. 170), all Eastern bislops, a
little later. These latter pleas were drawn forth by severe
but partial persecutions in Asia Minor, instituted under cover
of informations, rather than by express edicts.
TIHE EPISTLE TO DIOGNETUS (Greek) is addressed
about this time to an inquiring heathen of rank. The style
of this " valuable remain of antiquity" is classical, and the
* I chiefly follow Spanheim's Chronological Tables.




26                   INTRODUCTION.
doctrine truly apostolical.  Its object is to explain the nature
of a religion, which induces its followers to love one another,
and to despise at once the blandishments of the world, and
the terrors of death; which honors neither the heathen gods,
nor the Jewish ceremonies; and which yet is of so recent a
date as only just to have made its appearance among men.
The writer claims to be a disciple of the apostles, and alludes
to persecutions by the Jews and Greeks.
JUSTIN MARTYR (Greek) was a Platonic philosopher,
born in Palestine.*  He traces his conversion to an aged
Christian,t whom  he met by the sea-shore, and at whose
recommendation he began to study the prophets.      Afterwards, being at Rome during the persecution under Antoninus Pius, he dedicated his First Apology (A. D. 148) to the
emperor and the young princes, Verissimus and Lucius.
About this time the infamous charges against the Christians
were set afloat, (Justin says,) by the Jews. He therefore applies himself to the defence of Religion, on the ground of the
reasonableness and morality of its precepts, as contrasted with
those of heathen systems; and also on the ground of corroborative prophecy.  His Second Apology (A. D. 164) is addressed to the senate, and pleads for the superiority of the
doctrines of Christ over those of devils; demanding protection
* Though he calls himself a Samaritan, he appears to mean no more
than that he was born in the country of Samaria; not that he was a semiJew.
t This person is fancifully supposed to be an angel, by Reeves; which
Brown likewise thinks not an unreasonable conjecture, " if the dialogue
with Trypho be true; because the meeting with such a grave and wise old
man looks altogether miraculous." Surely the difficulty vanishes when
we consider the persecutions at that time pending, and the solitude and
reserve they rendered necessary. Moreover, this venerable old gentleman,
as Justin styles him, affirms that he is in search of some of his familya strange expression, to say the least of it, in the mouth of an angel.
+ By prophets the Fathers often meant the whole Scripture. Jortin
gives instances of this.




INTRODUCTION.                  27
for his brethren on account of the innocency of their lives.
In his Oratio ad Grcecos he attacks the flagitious immoralities
ascribed by the heathen to their deities, and committed by
themselves in their religious festivals;* founding thereon an
exhortation in favor of Christianity. The treatise De  ionarchia is an argument for Monotheism, supported by numerous quotations from the ancient classics. His fragment On
the Resurrection, (thought by Otto tobelong to a lost work
against Marcion,) is an exhibition of the Christian's hope
concerning the tenet in question upon abstract grounds, the
only way of establishing what is future. In the Dialogue
with Trypho the Jew, Justin's chief aim is to prove from the
Old Testament that Jesus was the Logos and the true Messiah, by his having fulfilled in person the ancient prophecies
therein contained; and to refute the common objections urged
by the Jews against the new and rival sect. This disputation
is supposed (by Eusebius) to have taken place at Ephesus,
in one of the piazzas of the city, and in the presence of several other Jews. The Cohortatio ad Grcecos sometimes passing under our author's name (whether genuinely or not, can
be of no consequence here, since its date is unquestioned),
consists of an examination of the doctrinal formula of heathenism and Christianity, by which the writer plainly shows the
absurdities and disagreements of the one and the simplicity
and harmony of the other; and also of an investigation into
the rival claims of the two systems, to antiquity. It is probable that the fearless stand Justin took in these works had the
effect of mitigating the persecutions of his day, though they
seem to have accelerated his own martyrdom, which occurred,
according to the Chronicon Paschale, A. D. 165.
TATIAN (Greek), a pupil of Justin Martyr, an Assyrian
by birth from beyond the Tigris, and a Cynic or a Sophist by
- Smith's Dictionary of Biog., &c.




28                 INTRODUCTION.
profession, was the next defender of Christianity. He wrote
the Oratio adversus Grecos, in which he remonstrates with
the Greeks for their repugnance to the opinions of foreigners,
and points out the purer morality; the higher and more elevated views respecting the universe, God, and the divine administration generally; and the greater antiquity of the
Christian system. It is cited by Jerome as " a distinguished
work."  Tatian lapsed into heresy; this circumstance however does not affect us, as the work in question was written
before his fall, and contains none of the erroneous sentiments
of the Encratites, or the Gnostics, though some of its speculations are sufficiently fanciful and remote from the simplicity
of Christian truth. Neither the date nor place of his death
is known.
ATHENAGORAS (Greek, A. D. 178) follows. He was
born at Athens, and had been a Grecian philosopher, but now
undertook the defence of the Christians in an address dedicated to Marcus Aurelius and his son Commodus, and usually
entitled, Legatio pro Christianis. This work discusses the
respective merits of the heathen and Christian systems, laying the greatest stress on an exposure of the follies and idolatries of Paganism. It also touches by the way, upon prophecy and the antiquity of the Scriptures. We have likewise a
treatise of this Father On the Resurrection, an excellent
piece of reasoning, wherein he shows with no little ingenuity
that the presumptive arguments against the doctrine of a Resurrection are inconclusive. Of his personal history we know
but little. It is asserted by P. Sidetes that he owed his conversion to a perusal of the holy Scriptures, with a view to
ridicule them as Celsus did subsequently.
THEOPHILUS (Greek, A. D. 180) of Antioch, about this
time furnishes us with an apologetic work in three books, addressed to Autolycus, a learned heathen of his acquaintance.




INTRODUCTION.                  29
He tells us that his design is to give a chronological view o
epochs from the creation of the world down to the year in
which he writes, by which he will prove that the divine oracles in our possession are more ancient and more true than the
statements of Egyptian, Grecian, and all other historians.
The first book is an answer to what the ingenious Pagan had
maliciously and strenuously objected against the religion of
Christ.*  In the second, he proceeds to an examination of the
profane histories, in the course of which he confutes the opinions that were maintained by the Pagans, concerning their
gods, and shows the absurd contradictions of their poets and
philosophers upon this subject. He then turns to the sacred
writings, explains at large the creation of the world and'the
occurrences of succeeding ages, and demonstrates that the
history of 3Moses is the most venerable, and that from which
other writers have borrowed. In the third book he exposes
yet more the notions of the heathen, as inconsistent and contrary to humanity, to reason and to morals. He also shows
that the doctrines of the Christians are far from those horrid
crimes imputed to them; and lastly, he appends to the whole
a sort of historical chronology to confirm the truth of the Scriptures. Neander says these books display much erudition and
proof of thought. Our author confesses to his having been
originally a pagan in Lib. II. c. 78.
IHERnIIAS (Greek), a contemporary of Tatian, presents
us with a satirical piece called Irrisio Gentilizm Philosophorum, in which he has brought together a number of the
absurd and contradictory opinions of the Greeks on nature,
the world, God, the human soul,&c., proving by their discrepancies how useless and insufficient they are. He styles
himself a Christian Philosopher.
CLEMENS ALEXANDRINUS (Greek, A. D. 190) next
addresses the Gentiles in an Exhortatio. It forms the first
* Cave's Lives.




30                  INTRODUCTION.
part of his celebrated work on divine Gnosticism. He himself describes it as a treatise on morals, which he says, like
the keel of a ship, must first be laid for the edification of
faith.*  It trusts mainly to an exposure of the impurities of
Polytheism as contrasted with the spiritual nature of Christianity, and demonstrates the value of the Gospel by showing
that it effectually purifies the motives and dignifies the character. There is some reference also in his Stromata or Miscellanies, to the questions of antiquity and plagiarism. It is
tobe observed that he quotes from the address of Tatian to
the Greeks. Clemens was probably an Athenian by birth,
and had been a philosopher of the Platonic school. In the
Stromata we are informed of his having been indebted for his
education to two masters, the one a Colo-Syrian, the other
an Egyptian. HIe does not seem to have felt the attractions
of the Gospel until the age of manhood; for he classes himself among those who had left the sinful service of Palganism,
for that of simple faith in the Redeemer. This fact may account in some measure for the philosophical views he took of
profane learning as well as of Christianity, and which indeed
so entirely tinctured his mental character. For whilst it
cannot be questioned that he was pious, it must be allowed at
the same time that he was unduly prone to theory, and by no
means comprehensive or connected in his development of
Christian doctrine. An Eclectic, sometimes leaning towards
the Stoics, he was altogether more attached to philosophy
than any of the Fathers, with the exception of Origen. Of
course these reflections hardly bear upon any of his Apologetic writings. Jerome pronounces his works to be full of
learning and eloquence. His conversion is attributed to free
inquiry made under the direction of Pantxnus, once a heathen
philosopher like himself, but afterwards the president of the
Catechetical school of Alexandria.
P Paeda. cap. I




INTRODUCTION.                    31
TERTULLIAN       (Latin) was a native of Carthage, the
son of a proconsular centurion, and in early life a heathen
advocate, or rhetorician. His cession to Montanism, happening as it did in his later years, does not interfere with the few
polemical works now under review. In his Apologeticus, addressed to the chief magistrates of his province, in consequence of their unjust treatment of the Christians (under
Severus), he adduces the argument drawn from antiquity,
and the evidences of prophecy and miracles; but places the
greatest reliance for his cause upon an exhibition of the folly
and immorality of heathen worship, occasionally parrying
and even hurling back upon his assailants the reproaches of
lewdness and cruelty which they had cast at the Church. In
the two books, Ad Nationes, he pursues a like train of thought;
indeed there is frequently an identity both in words and substance. His treatises De Resurrectione Carnis, and.De Testimonio Animce, contain some fine abstract arguments from
nature, in support of Christian doctrines.  Of the former,
Milner, (no usual admirer of this author,*) allows in his
Church History that " he scarce remembers a finer observation
made by any author in favor both of the natural voice of
conscience and of the patriarchal tradition of true religion;
for both may fairly be supposed to be concerned." The tract
styled Adversus Judeeos Liber appears to have sprung out of a
public debate held between a Christian and a Jewish proselyte, at which our author was not able to deliver his opinions
freely, on account of the party clamor that prevailed. Upon
his return, therefore, from the meeting, he composed this short
piece to show how the Jew might be confuted out of his own
Scriptures.t  Tertullian is certainly the most original and
forcible of the Latin Fathers. Reeves says of him, that
while it is admitted his style is iron, it cannot be denied that
* Bishop of Lincoln's Eccles. Hist.
t See Smith's Biographical Dictionary, Art. Tertullian.




32                  INTRODUCTION.
he has forged out of it most noble weapons for the defence of
our holy religion; and Dr. Woodham remarks upon The
Apology, that its arguments are astonishingly clear, and, if
contemplated quoad homines and quoad causam, can hardly
fail to command our assent.
THE APOLOGIES OF THE THIRD CENTURY.
MINUTIUS FELIX       (Lat. circ. A. D. 230).  The Octavizs of this author purports to have originated in the following circumstance. Minutius, an advocate of the Roman bar,
and two of his legal associates (Octavius Januarius, a true
believer, being one, Caecilius Natalis, a pagan, the other) take
advantage of the holidays to visit Ostia during the heat of
the Italian summer. As they stroll along the coast, a statue
of Serapis comes into sight. Cecilius at once salutes it with
his hand. This incident leads to a discussion of the entire
subject of religion, between Octavius and his heathen friend;
Miinutius agreeing to act as umpire on the occasion. The result is the conviction of Cecilius, who charmingly concludes
the dialogue by acknowledging that there is no need for any
judicial decision, since both parties have conquered; " Octavius has conquered me, and I have conquered error."  After
the death of Octavius, the disconsolate Mlinutius recalls this
interesting and memorable conversation, and publishes it in
memoriam of his friend. The body of the book consists of a
contrast of the degradation and inconsistencies of idolatry,
with the high tone of Christian morals. The author is careful likewise to show that even the heathen allowed some of
the great truths of religion; and to defend Christians against
the usual reproaches cast upon them. Dr. Woodham says of
this dialogue: "it will be seen, on a careful perusal, that it is
occupied in clearing away any antecedent objections to the
consideration of Christianity; it shows the existence of a




INTRODUCTION.                     33
God, and offers proof of his unity; it demonstrates the folly
of the existing religion, and removes the superficial prejudice
against the new one; and its effects upon its readers must
have been to convince them    there was a God, to whom
their worship was due, that they had not known him yet, and
that to say the least there was no a priori evidence that the
teaching of the despised Christians would not supply the
knowledge." Even Gibbon admires some parts of the Octavius. Minutius, or Octavius (it matters not which speaks),
was by birth a Gentile, and a lawyer for some time before his
conversion to Christianity.  He seems to have been well
versed in the classics, and drew largely from Cicero and
Seneca, as well as from Tertullian.
HIPPOLYTUS (Greek) probably an Arabian Pastor,* is
found about this period writing a Dnemonstratio adversus
Judceos. Photius makes him a disciple of Ireneus, the bishop
of Lyons, and, like his master, a martyr.
ORIGEN (Greek) follows in point of time. He says in
his preface to the eight books against Gelsus, (A. D. 244-249,)
an Epicurean philosopher, that he writes " to vindicate Christians from foul aspersions, and because the common people
may be in danger of listening to scepticism, and turning
apostates from the faith."  It is difficult to give any general
description of this work, inasmuch as it consists of a string of
scarcely connected chapters or criticisms, closely following upon
the track of Celsus. Origen more than once complains of
this disorder, and attributes it to the blindness of his opponent's malice, confessing that the frequent repetitions of which
* Bunsen's researches have refuted the conjecture of Le Moyne, that
Hippolytus was bishop of Aden in Arabia. He was bishop of Portus,
the new harbor of Rome, on the northern bank of the Tiber, and his most
celebrated production, discovered in 1842, in a Greek library at Mount
Athos, and published at Oxford in 1851 as a work of Origen, is entitled'A Refutation of all Heresies."                 Am. Ed.




34                  INTRODUCTION.
Celsus forces him to be guilty, make him appear almost as
impertinent as himself. The first two books are levelled
principally against Jewish objections, behind which Celsus at
first conceals his own views. In the third, both the Mosaic
and Christian institutions are defended against Epicurean
assaults and ribaldry, (as in the very opening of the book,
where the Christian and the Jew are charged with contending, according to the old proverb, about the shadow of an ass,)
after which the author proceeds to resolve the confusion Celsus
endeavors to throw around the religion and character of Jesus
by comparing him with the Grecian heroes. The fourth enlarges upon the prophecies and antiquity of the Hebrews.
The fifth answers a variety of charges brought against practical Christianity. In the sixth, the marked difference between the writings of the Christians and Greeks is treated
of. In the seventh, their respective claims to the prophetic
spirit, and in the eighth, their modes of worship, are contrasted. The value of this work could scarcely be told, were
it less discursive. Origen's treatise, De Principiis, likewise
contains some material for our purpose, though it stands
doctrinally charged with Neo-Platonism, and even Arianism.
What makes the peculiar tenets, especially the freedoms of
Origen with the interpretations of Scrip ture, the more remarkable is, that he is one of the few Apologists who received a
Christian education. He was brought up at Alexandria,
where his father, Leonides, once a rhetorician, afterwards a
devout Christian, was beheaded for Christ, in a persecution
which befell the disciples in Egypt under Sept. Severus.
Origen was then a youth, but had already distinguished himself by his piety, learning, and indomitable courage. He is
said to have had Clement for a master, and to have been
elected a catechist at the early age of eighteen. He died at
Tyre A. D. 253; his health having been impaired by torture
during the Decian trials.




INTRODUCTION.                  35
CYPRIAN (Lat.) writes an apologetic letter, or rather a
formal discourse, De Gratia Dei, (A. D. 246,) which he addresses to Donatus, a young fellow disciple. The two friends
are supposed to be seated under the shade of vines, enjoying
the mild airs of autumn and an agreeable prospect, whilst
they converse on their favorite theme. Our author begins
by taking an imaginary view from an eminence, of the ways
of the world, which is found calculated to excite both pity and
gratitude in the mind of a Christian man. He then points
out particularly the vices of cities, and draws a striking parallel between the holy and happy condition of such as have
turned from Paganism, and the grossness of their former
state.
The tract Ad Demetrianum (A. D. 252) is of the same
character.  It defends Christians from the charges of the
Proconsul and other persecutors, to whom it offers in return
some home truths. Lactantius quotes from it.*  The IVanity
of Idols is dated the year after the letter to Donatus. The
title speaks for its contents. This author borrows largely
from the Octavius of Minutius Felix. Among his smaller
works are two books, Testimoniorumn adversus JTudeos, consisting of Scripture proofs of the fulfillment of prophecy. They
are noticed by Jerome and Augustine. Cyprian was an African, of heathen parentage, brought up to rhetoric, and induced
to embrace Christianity by an aged presbyter of Carthage,
A. D. 216. He suffered much in the Decian persecution, A.
D. 250, but was not martyred until the reign of Valerian, A.
D. 258. It was a custom with him to call Tertullian his
"Master," from the veneration he had for his great countryman's works.
ARNOBIUS (Lat.), likewise an African, " of which there
can be no doubt," says Cave," for his speech agreeth thereto,"
* Div. Instit. v. 4.




36                  INTRODUCTION.
has left us seven books of disputations. He was not a
Father of the Church, but a neophyte or candidate for institution, to forward which, it is said, he wrote this work.
Little is known of his personal history. That he had been
a heathen and a professor of rhetoric at Sikka, in Africa, is
certain, as also that he continued a heathen until the Diocletian
persecution, when the constancy and meekness of the Christians under their severest trials awakened his mind to a more
serious and impartial inquiry after truth. He writes now,
he says, in consequence of the calumnious charges brought
against the Christians, and the assertion that the gods have
afflicted the human family with evil on their account. The
latter point he determines principally to answer to the best
of his ability. There is a great amount of original and bold
reasoning in these books. They contain the usual vindication of Christianity and exposure of Paganism, the first two
being devoted to the one, and the remaining five to the other
topic. They appeal directly and strongly to the Christian
miracles, noticing their salutary and God-like character, their
number, their publicity, the circumstances attending their
performance, and the transmission of the power to others,
and finally, their merits as compared with the miraculous
virtues ascribed to the gods: the latter are condemned on the
grounds of their being tentative, and requiring a medium.
Arnobius is the only Apologist who does not argue directly
from antiquity. Dr. Woodham accounts him the keenest of
all the Apologists, and in some respects the most apposite to
the popular arguments of modern times. It must, however,
be confessed that his acquaintance with the Gospel scheme
and with the sacred writings, was not very profound, unless
we suppose him intent only upon setting forth what might
immediately tell upon the Pagan theology. He is called by
Vossius the Varro of the early Christians, on account both
of his extensive and his minute information; for which, in




INTRODUCTION.                  37
truth, he will be found well worthy the attention of every
philologist and theologian.
ARCHELAUS (Syr.), in his dispute with the heretic
Manes, and METHODIUS (Greek), with a fragment De
Resurrectione, written against Origenism, supply something
for our consideration. The last named author is said to have
been martyred at Chalcis, in Syria, circ. A. D. 303.*
THE APOLOGIES OF THE FOURTH CENTURY.
LACTANTIUS (Lat.), a pupil of Arnobius, at Sikka,
was born of Gentile parents, and reared in theh eathen religion. Of the mode of' his becoming a Christian we have no
account. His great work consists of seven books entitled
Divine Institutes. It is of a didactic and elaborate character;
but none the less apologetic, professing as it does to demolish
paganism, to confute philosophy, and to show the indissoluble
connection between true wisdom and Christianity. A running comparison is kept up between true wisdom and
true religion on the one side, and false wisdom and false
religion on the other. Our author argues well for the humanity of the heathen gods and the impiety and vanity of
worshipping them. "The first two books expose the Pagan
rites, and the third, the hollowness of philosophy; the fourth
contains the more apologetic portion of the treatise; and the
remainder completes the whole into such a system of Christian ethics as the writer could compose." t  There is likewise
extant an epitome of the above in one book, drawn up,
according to Jerome, by the author himself. He just refers
* Smith's Biographical Dictionary.
t Woodham's Preface to Tertullian.
3




38                 INTRODUCTION.
to the Octavius of Minutius Felix, and to the kindred works
of Theophilus,* Tertullian, and Cyprian. "This author,"
says Dr. Woodham, " presents a striking contrast to Arnobius;
the latter declining argument, acknowledging mystery, and
asserting facts; the former substituting argumentation for
everything; thus the one declines to consider the question of
the existence of evil; the other says it is necessary to the
formation of its contrary, good." Lactantius in another
work, De Ira Dei, directed against the Epicureans, furnishes
some a priori reasoning for a future state; though a few of
his positions are rash and erroneous. Also in his De OpiSicio
Dei, we find a natural argument in favor of the wisdom and
beneficence of God, deduced from the wonderful contrivances
and adaptations of means to an end, discernible in the structure of the human fiame. Lactantius has ever been esteemed
the flower of the Latin doctors, the Cicero of Christian
writers. Jerome styles him, "most learned and eloquent."
He was in favor at court, for we find him patronized by Diocletian before his conversion, and afterwards teaching the
young prince Crispus, son of Constantine, (circ. A. D. 312,)
himself living but frugally the while, as Eusebius tells us.
" The Institutes " are dedicated to the father of his royal
pupil, and by their deliberate tone mark the epoch at which
Christian influence had won its own toleration, at least in
head-quarters: the immediate occasion of their appearance
is said to have been some insulting attacks made upon religion
by Porphyry and others.
EUSEBIUS (Greek, A. D. 315-340), the ecclesiastical
historian and bishop of Caesarea, presents us with several
important works on the Evidences of Christianity. His
Preeparatio Evangelica, in fifteen books, is intended to cor
bat the leathen philosophy in the person of Porphyry, and
* Theoph. ad Autolyc. by the title of De Temporibus.




INTRODUCTION.                   39
to demonstrate its irrational character as opposed to the
reasonableness of Christianity. In it he collects various
facts and quotations from ancient authors, by which it was
supposed the mind would be better prepared for the reception
of Christian evidence. The Demonstratio Evangelica consists of twenty books, in which he refers to his former work,
and then, in continuation of his apologetic project, undertakes
to show how the prophecies contribute to the demonstration
of the truth of the Gospel. He calls the prophets " divine
historians in advance of history." This treatise appears,
from internal evidence, to have been principally meant for
the Jews. I have gathered my materials, however, as furnished by this Apologist, generally out of his Theoplcania,
or " Manifestation of Christ," (so faithfully translated from
the Syriac, by Professor Lee,) because it is at once the most
synoptic, methodical, and direct of all his works. It consists
of arguments and evidences to prove the reasonableness and
the reality of the incarnation, and dwells with much force
and feeling upon the character of Christ, his miraculous
powers, and the success of his Church. The same reasoning
occurs (sometimes verbatim) in the Life of Constantine.
Eusebius likewise published a rejoinder to the life of Apollonius Tyaneus, put forward by ]ierocles, (the Pagan governor of Alexandria and adviser of Diocletian, during a
fierce persecution in that southern district) as a rival of the
Gospels; in this work he contents himself with a simple
review of the biography. Dr. Cave says of Eusebius, " That
with incomparable learning he has out of their own writings
so baffled, the main principles of the Pagan cause, and so
strongly asserted the truth of Christianity against the pretences of both Jews and Gentiles, that the Christian world
can never be sufficiently indebted to his memory."  Of his
bias towards Arius rather than Arianism, and of the dishonesty and sycophancy with which Gibbon charges him in an
attack too fierce to be fair or effective, I need say nothing.




40                 INTRODUCTION.
Traces of these errors doubtless occur, but with regard to all
ancient and distinguished characters, we must make due
allowance for their day, and judge only upon the whole.
As far as contemporaneous testimony is of any avail, it is in
his favor: Constantine, a superior and a pagan (according
to Niebuhr up to his last illness), used to say of him that he
was worthy to be the bishop not of one city only, but almost
of the whole world.
ATHANASIUS (Greek), Archbishop of Alexandria, his
native place, next addresses the heathen in an Oratio contra
Gentes, "in order that no one should suspect belief in Christ
to be irrational, as the Greeks unjustly thought."  He shows
that the gods are nothing, or only men; and after inquiring
what sort of witness nature bears with regard to the Deity,
he confirms his deductions by pointing out the harmony
existing between the God of nature and the God of the
Bible. Cave says, that he disputes rationally and wittily in
his two books against the Gentiles. Of the former, our
author himself premises, " having succinctly though sufficiently treated of the idolatry and superstition of the Gentiles,
and of its origin in the world, and said something of the
divinity of the Word of God, and his universal power and
providence, as He by whom God the Father creates, governs
and disposes all things, he would, according to his method,
proceed to treat of the Incarnation of the Word against the
calumnies of the Jews and the derision of the Gentiles."
The parents of Athanasius were heathens, but he was providentially brought under the notice and care of Alexander the
primate of Egypt. Erasmus admires his didactic powers
and the clearness and manliness of his style.
MATERNUS (Lat. A. D. 350) succeeds. He was a
convert fiom Paganism, and being very desirous of turning




INTRODUCTION.                  41
others to the faith he had embraced, wrote a treatise De Errore Profanarum Religionum, dedicating it to the Emperors
Constantine and Constans. The object of the essay is not
so much to enlarge upon the evidences of the true faith, as
to demonstrate the falsehood of the various forms of Pagan
belief. All error is traced, step by step, to our falling away
fiom the service of the true God, and then personifying the
powers of Nature, and raising men to the rank of divinities.
Having thus shown the absurdity and evil effects of imageworship, he is rather urgent upon the authorities to extirpate
idolatry at once by the use of the sternest measures; a plain
intimation of the position and influence Christianity had by
this time attained. Maternus is said to have been of senatorial dignity.
EPHRAIM (Syrian), a Deacon of Edessa, is found disputing with the Sceptics and Jews. To the former he represents and opposes the finite capacity of human thought; to
the latter the accomplishment of prophecy. The style of his
rhythms, which were extremely popular in their time, is
flowery and antithetical, constantly reminding the reader of
their Oriental source, and thereby accounting in a measure
for many hyperbolical expressions. They are said to have
been written to counteract the effect of some poems of the
heretic Harmonius denying the Resurrection of the body.
GREGORY NAZIANZEN (Greek, A. D. 363), Archbishop of Constantinople, offers two Invectives against Julian
the apostate, with whom both he and Basil had been fellowstudents in early life. They were published just after the
death of the Prince, to describe his pernicious principles and
projects; they are, however, rather slight for our purpose.
The father of Gregory was a Pagan and a fire-worshipper,
but his mother Nonna a pattern of Christian piety.




42                  INTRODUCTION.
CHRYSOSTOM (Greek, A. D. 380-407) has some fine
comments in his Homilies upon the Evidences of Christianity,
drawn principally from its success, as likewise in his Sermons,
adversus Judaeos, in which he takes pains to illustrate the prophetical argument. Chrysostom, so called for his eloquence,
was born at Antioch. His father, an officer of the RomanoAsiatic provinces, dying early, the education of the youth
devolved upon his mother Anthusa, who was a Christian, -
another of those noble and excellent females to whom the
world and the Church are alike indebted. The exiles which
this famous preacher was subjected to, indicate both the
remaining strength of Paganism in his day, and the zeal he
exerted against it.
AUGUSTINE (Lat.), the bishop of Hippo, closes our list
of Apologists with his celebrated treatise De Civitate Dei,
(A. D. 426), and a work entitled De Doctrina Chlristiana.
The latter is directed against the Manichxans: the former
against the heathen, to meet the absurd reproach that the
gods had sent the Goths upon Rome in consequence of the
number of Christian worshippers within its walls.  The
first five books confute such of the heathen as think the gods
ought to be worshipped for the benefits they confer upon men
in this life; the next five consider the subject in regard to
a future life. The remaining twelve consist of alternate
parallel sketches of the rise, progress, and end of the earthly
and heavenly kingdoms. Neander calls the City of God an
excellent apologetical work. Our author was an African by
birth, and had formerly taught rhetoric at his native place as
well as at Carthage; he subsequently went to Milan, where
he was converted under the preaching of Ambrose, and the
instructions of Simplicius, a presbyter.
Besides the above authors, I have only occasionally quoted
an apologetic idea as it occurs in a work of the times.
- See also Retract. Lib. ii. c. 47.




INTRODUCTION.                  43
Such are the sources of information at hand, and from this
rapid glance at them we may derive a few pertinent inferences, as the most essential to our object.
First, with regard to the authors, it is observable that while
all the Apostles and some of the apostolical Fathers were
born Jews, this was not the case with the apologetic writers.
They were one and all Gentile converts, taken, as we should
say, indifferently out of every nation. It is found likewise
(as I had previously assumed) that most of them were learned men, and had been philosophers, rhetoricians, or the like,
in their original condition; and also that they suffered, some
of them, imprisonment and death, all of them, persecution
for the sake of Christ; which, according to Cyprian, is "the
touchstone of sincerity," a proof ex abundanti of the truth of
Christianity.
Secondly, with regard to the Apologies, it will be seen that
they are plainly traceable to persecution. They were ever
rather extorted than voluntary. Is it not indeed a most
striking fact in the history of the Gospel, displaying both the
short-sightedness of its enemies, and the overruling power
of God, that the very means employed to stay its progress,
so often worked out its advancement? This unexpected
result of human machinations had already taken place in
apostolic times. To the dispersion of the Apostles, at the
death of Stephen, Syria and the East owed their evangelization; and it was in consequence of an attempt upon the life
of St. Paul, that Rome and the western Gentiles enjoyed his
presence and his teaching. In like manner our Apologists
were forced to take up the pen in defence of their churches,
their characters, their lives. It has been said that the literature of early Christianity is attributable to " the increase of
scientific culture;"  but, whilst the conversions of the
learned and refined doubtlessly affected its style, they can
* Neauder.




44                  INTRODUCTION.
hardly be thought to have caused its appearance. It is
rather to the malice of men that we are indebted for the
Apologies. They were the first fruits of general persecution:
the wrath of man praising God. Nor is this reflection
the less true during those lulls in the storm occasioned by
policy or indifference. The popular intention was manifestly
the same throughout, and merely exchanged an avowed and
legal opposition for one more secret and less responsible.
Some of the apologetic treatises appeared at such comparatively quiet intervals; but I can see little essential difference
between them and the rest, save that they are more methodical
and complete, and without that excitement or vehemence
which naturally appertain to an extempore production. There
is still apparent the consciousness of a host of enemies and
the anticipation of danger. The arm of violence was occasionally weary or restrained, but it was only to make
way for the ceaseless energy of the tongue. And this
holds true even down to the end of the period to which our
review is restricted. Augustine wrote his City of God to
repel a verbal slander.*  I have not therefore deemed it
advisable to separate these writings, as is sometimes done.
They were all occasioned by persecution in some form; the
ethical and hortatory parts are only expansions of the defence;
even the retort is but another mode of repulsion.
Thirdly, with respect to the persons addressed, or in other
words, the chief enemies of the Gospel during the times in
question, we gather that they consisted of three classes, the
Jewish zealot, the Grecian philosopher, the Roman ruler.
These formed the mainsprings of resistance: these moved the
masses; at once the cause and medium of popular excitement.
Hence it is we find the Apologies only addressed to these the
upper or privileged ranks (as it were) of society, and never to
*Ambrose, his instructor, had just (cime. A. D. 384) answered a like
charge of Symmachus.




INTRODUCTION.                  45
the people. The Apologists preached to the people; they
had to write to the elevated and recondite.
The first enemy of Christianity was the Jew. " Mine own
familiar friend," said the Saviour in prophecy, "in whom I
trusted, which did eat of my bread, hath lifted up his heel
against me."*  With that fatal prescience, of which Caiaphast had given an example, the Jews foresaw in the ascendancy of the hated sect the degradation of their own. They
had therefore opposed the Gospel with their wonted determination, and the deeper they imbrued their hands in guilt,
the more insatiable and delirious became their hatred: indeed,
had their power equalled their will, Christianity would soon
have been swept from the face of the earth. But their
ability to injure was checked by the Roman government, and
about this time they had suffered the loss of their temple and
nationality. Nevertheless out of the midst of their miseries
they contended with what energy they could; and though
their sun had set in ominous clouds, though forbidden by a
penal law to set foot in their own land, though IAlia Capitolina owned an uncircumcised bishop, yet no hour seemed too
late or too dismal, and no situation too forlorn, for a people
destined to prove by their own fate, that the kingdom promised to their fathers was " not of this world." Perceiving the
decline of their civil power, they only endeavored the more
to preserve their religious influence. Every occasion was
seized for urging the powerful popular opposition which an
extended dispersion and commerce, and a general education
and acquaintance with the new system, enabled them to
wage. Not to mention the intimations in the Acts of the
Apostles, and the strong Jewish element against which the
apostolical Fathers evidently had to strive, we find the author
of the epistle to Diognetus + distinctly asserting that "the
* Psalm xli. 9.             f John xi. 51.
+ In allusion probably to the cruelties of Barchochebas.
3*




46                  INTRODUCTION.
Jews make war upon us;" Justin Martyr, that " the Jews
regard us with hatred, slaying and persecuting us;" Tertullian, that " the Jews are our enemies through envy," and
so on: add to this, that they were not content with open
hostility, but condescended to whisper the vilest slanders
against the early Church, as those of child-murder, incest,
and treason.
Upon the whole, it appears from a perusal of the primitive
Fathers that Judaism was the firstfelt enemy of Christianity.
At the same time it is equally clear that as the Jewish power
became crippled, and as Christianity began her migration,
and drew the site of the controversy westward, extricating
herself from all fear of identity with and influence from
Judaism, by placing her defence in the hands of Gentile
Apologists, this first and most implacable foe began to disappear. But it was only to bequeath his place and his spirit
to others.
In extending from Palestine to Rome, Christianity must
needs pass through Greece, there to stand the test of intellectual criticism, and the sallies of lively wit, as it had
already stood the test of inveterate bigotry; the Greek philosopher was the next foe to the Gospel. The introduction of
the subject at Athens by St. Paul furnished quite a specimen
of what was to take place on a wider scale. The gay attack
of the Epicureans and Stoics upon Christ's ambassador was
the type of others upon Christ's followers; the speech upon
Mars hill was an epitome of many an apology in after times.
To these fashionable and worldly minds, "the cross" was
both offensive and foolish. It was offensive, because of the
contrast it formed to their licentiousness: it was foolish, because it did not square with their notions of wisdom. By
the indulgence of an unrivalled imagination and taste, the
Greeks had contrived to throw a halo of glory about idolatry,
and to conceal beneath a veil of sentiment the absurdity and
grossness of hero-worship. Excessive art had petrified their




INTRODUCTION.                  47
moral life. Their sculptors had hewn the sacred but amorphous blocks of earlier ages, and transformed what were
originally perhaps, mere memorials, into elegant and all-but
breathing statues; their poets had collected and embodied
the false notions of Deity from every land, upon their own
sublime Olympus; their musicians had professed to soften the
powers of hell, and to bring back " Eurydice " almost to life;
whilst their sages had taken care to provide a reserve of
plausible theories for the satisfaction of the more shrewd
and reflective. Is it any marvel that arts so enchanting,
learning so eloquent, religion so accommodating, should be
scandalized at the cross of Christ, and at his "form of a
servant?"  Mental pride and sensual gratification were the
moving principles in the one case, humility and holiness in
the other: " The darkness comprehended not the light."
Moreover, at the date of our Apologies, Grecian philosophy
had spread itself over the world, and leavened all the moral
systems of the West. The Roman schools were but reflections of the Grecian schools.*  It was this large, combined
and intellectual body that now began to turn its attention to
the sect just emerging into notice, claiming the only wisdom
worth knowing, and challenging the rights of any rival to the
proud title of " the schools of glory." Learning, sarcasm,
prescription, were kindled into one flame. The philosophers
of every party demanded to be either satisfied or silenced by
erudition and reasoning powers at least equal to their own.
In this emergency the Apologists arose, and as at first, in a
former antagonism, St. Paul, the most effectual opponent of
the Jews, came forth from their own bosom; so now, and
doubtless with a like design of Providence, the first regular
defenders of Christianity were summoned out of the ranks
of the philosophers themselves. Hitherto it had been of the
utmost importance that the power of God should be strongly
* See Tennemann's Manual of the History of Philosophy, p. 161.




48                 INTRODUCTION.
contrasted with the weakness and plainness of its instruments;
now perhaps it was as necessary to show that religion could
influence the greatest as well as commonest minds. Thus its
universal adaptation might be proved; thus the most influential
men of the day might become interested on its side; thus
after being tested by reason and learning, the most exalted
would be left without excuse. To these ends the Apologists
addressed the Greeks in elaborate and spirited discourses,
accompanied by the most touching expostulations.
The last great enemy to Christianity we have to follow out,
is the Roman ruler. It will be remembered in a former
quotation from the Epistle to Diognetus, reaching almost to
the apostolic period, that whilst the Jews and Greeks are
recognized as hostile, the Romans are not named at all. The
truth is that at first the Western government, by its destruction of the Jews, by the universal freedom of intercourse it
established throughout the civilized world, and by the general
equality of its laws, had so far unwittingly favored the spread
of the Gospel. For a long time the young Church appeared
to be rather protected than persecuted by the authorities of
this vast empire. Indifferent Gallios and ambitious Cmesars
thought a band of enthusiasts beneath their notice; and so
actually sheltered the tender plant until it had taken deep
root, and silently sent its seeds on the wings of every
wind. No doubt the earnest preachers of the Cross suffered
sufficiently, as we have already seen, but it was in a more
private way. " It took some time," says Paley,"' for the vast
machine of the Roman empire to be put in motion." At
length, however, the movement commenced; the rulers of
the earth awoke from their lethargy, and as they had the
greater power, so they inflicted the severest calamities that
had ever befallen, perhaps ever will befall, the Christian
cause. " The days of tribulation " had arrived. From the
reign of Nero to that of Constantine the Church was tried
by a series of persecutions; the way to heaven was tracked




INTRODUCTION.                  49
with blood. The grounds of this inconsistent conduct (for
the Romans tolerated every other religion) were probably,
alarm at a rival kingdom, as in the cases of Claudius,* Vespasian, and Domitian; subterfuge, as in that of Nero; the
confounding Christians with rebellious Jews, as of Titus; the
misunderstandings founded upon slanderous reports and
interested appeals from a sinking priesthood, and their dependants, as of Trajan; malignant and revengeful feelings of
apostates; the natural disposition of men to attribute their misfortunes to those they hate, and the general dislike of the human
heart to all that is gentle and pure. However explained, the
fact itself illustrates the rapid growth of the Christian religion, that it could thus have arrayed the whole world against
itself; and it is scarcely less a sign of its internal vitality and
power that it had already absorbed so much of the intellect
of society, as to be able to furnish a succession of authors of
sufficient address and courage to defend themselves and their
interests before emperors, senates, and the rulers of the whole
world.
Such were the enemies with whom the Apologists undertook to cope, and as their cause was that of Christianity
itself, their writings supply us with the materials we are in
search of, viz., the early evidences. At the same time it
appears from the nature of the case, that we could not expect
any formal defence of Christianity. The apologetic portion,
which was the original plea for writing, is formally arranged;
but the evidential portion, though the most important, was
necessarily dependent. And be it remembered, this was no
choice of the Apologists; in no other way could they have
got a chance of a hearing, or a hope of doing good. Still
everything is included, we may be sure, that they wished to
say. It remains for us, therefore, to select some system, by
way of method, on which to display these scattered thoughts
* Suet. Claud. xxv.




50                 INTRODUCTION.
and arguments; and I think such a system offers itself, as a
fourth and last deduction from the foregoing sketch.
An inspection of the brief notices therein contained of the
substance of the Apologies, will show that the Fathers chiefly
dwelt upon certain arguments and modes of proof, which may
be gathered together under seven heads, as those derived
from the antecedent probability, the antiquity, the prophetical,
and miraculous elements, the doctrines, the morals, and the
success of the Gospel. And this seems to be the most satisfactory classification that can be adopted. It is true a summary of each Apology could alone prevent the dislocation,
in a few instances, of successive arguments well drawn out,
and of considerable cumulative force; but such an arrangement would require volumes. Again, there are classifications
founded upon certain divisions of arguments, as such; or, on
some order of time, locality, antagonism, and the like; but
they all appear more or less artificial when compared with
one suggested by the subject matter of the writings themselves. Upon the whole, therefore, I think, the plan thus
suggested will be found natural; adapted to modern expectations, as well as any; comprehensive, covering the whole
ground, and so doing thorough justice to the work before us;
and yet of sufficient compactness and regularity for the limits
and unity of an essay.
Taking with us then the above hints respecting the sources
of information, and the situation of our authors, we shall be
prepared, I hope, to form a better estimate of the arguments
about to be considered, albeit they were used long since, in
foreign lands and on occasions to us directly unknown. We
shall certainly comprehend them better, even if we do not
appreciate them  more. Where I have thought any point
needs special explanation, I have attempted it in a short
opening attached to each chapter on the nature and use of
the various contents.
I have only further to say that some repetition must be




INTRODUCTION.                  51
excused in a work of this kind, where the popularity and
supposed value of an argument can scarcely be illustrated
without it. I trust, however, that what little of this kind
occurs, will be found placed in such various points of light
as not to weary the reader. It has been my endeavor, likewise, to avoid isolated passages which have but a slight
authority; and those which while they might have some
weight with Christian minds as tending to prove our point,
were not used for that purpose by the Fathers; also a few
of what may be termed apocryphal arguments that have
become more worthless than ever, in consequence of later
advances in science. And lastly, in attempting to point out
the real or relative value of any of the following evidences
whatsoever, it should be borne in mind that the Fathers
never depended upon any one separately or alone. This
needless experiment was left for modern times, and is perhaps
the result of that excessive systematizing and overstraining
the spontaneous suggestions of mind, which was introduced
or encouraged by the schoolmen. Origen says, "the faith of
Christians does not depend upon a single argument, but upon
the concurrence and conjunction of several;" and, again,
Chrysostom: "If upon the subject of religion we desire to
be fully persuaded of the truth, we must consider carefully
the whole train of things which, like a chain, is composed of
different links, bound the one to the other."
I cannot better close this introductory chapter respecting
our arguments in general, than by stating the effect they produced in their own day and generation.  It certainly adds
some importance to an attempt, to know that its object was
attained.  On this point Dr. Woodham remarks: "After all,
perhaps we have scarcely given due credit, or assigned sufficient influence, to the Christian Apologists. We know that
Christianity spread over the surface of the known world, and
that the Apologies were written to promote its diffusion; we
may not be able to trace their insensible operation, or find




52                   INTRODUCTION.
recorded instances of their power; but it is at least not improbable that the steadfast endurance of a martyr, whose blood
was the seed of the Church, might have itself resulted from
the patient and private study of such writings as these. Even
their perpetual repetition argues an experience of some previous success.*" I think we may add to this, that not only
was the cause they advocated triumphant generally, but in
the very direction in which these Apologies were aimed, viz.,
the higher classes, always the most difficult to persuade. Surely without derogating from the glory due to God alone, we
may attribute to a Nazianzen,t as an humble instrument,
some share in extorting the confession from the dying Julian:
"Thou hast conquered, oh, Galilean "  And again, it is not
to be overlooked that as soon as their work was done, as soon
as Pagan Rome was overthrown, and Christ's kingdom fairly
established throughout the world, the Apologists ceased as a
distinct class, and not before. Both these facts furnish presumptive evidence of the share their writings had in the
Gospel triumph.
* Tertull. pref. Lx. Ed. Woodham.
t Gregory relates that his brother Cnsarius also, who though a Christian was retained as court-physician by Julian, freely conversed with the
Emperor on the subject of religion, defending his cause with equal learning and skill.




CHAPTER        I.
THE ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT
PROBABILITY.
That which may be known of God is manifest in them; for God hath
showed it unto them. For the invisible things of him from the creation
of the world are clearly seen, being understood by the things that are
made, even his eternal power and Godhead; so that they are without
excuse.                                  ROMANS 1:19, 20.
UNDER this title may be collected such considerations as
were adduced by the Apologists for the specific purpose of
making Christianity appear plausible.  They consist of those
abstract ideas which serve to introduce any important subject.
That the Fathers had such a class of arguments in their
minds, however rarely arranged with system, or carried out at
much length, it would be strange to doubt. They were emphatically the philosophers of their day; many of them being
deemed, but for their religion, worthy to fill the highest chairs.
Chrysostom should succeed me," said Libanius, the heathen
rhetorician of Antioch, on his death-bed, "if the Christians
had not stolen him from us."   Even as MIoses they were
skilled in all the learning of their associates, and had almost,
as a matter of course, inherited with their mantle, the received and natural methods of discussion handed down from
Aristotle. Their writings confirm this reasonable conjecture.




a54    ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.
Not only do numerous instances of abstract argument occur
(as this chapter will exemplify), but its nature is described
and reasons are given for its introduction.
The motives that restrained our authors from a more frequent use of it, were such as control us now; it is somewhat
indirect and indefinite, and not always conclusive even to the
mind of believers. Wherefore we find Justin, " begging pardon of the sons of truth for urging an extra-scriptural argument;" Clemens Alexandrinus affirming that "he who asks
a proof of a Providence deserves condemnation;" and Origen, " doubting whether if left to himself he would interrupt
in any way that silence which Jesus maintained at his trial."
Yet as we cannot refuse it altogether in our day, so did not
the Apologists in theirs. For its nature is just such that
while its presence may not prove much, its absence might
prejudice much. It seems that in every imaginable cause
that can give rise to a question at all, the first point for consideration is, whether it lies within a certain range of reason,
within limits at least not at war with reason, however far they
may lie beyond its jurisdiction. Unless this be the case, the
whole subject is thrown up as essentially absurd, and not
worth another thought.  This preliminary examination, I
need hardly say, is not always expressed; it may be understood. Indeed it can only be because the idea is so often
mental, and almost instinctive to us in the common affairs of
life, that it is overlooked, and when applied to religion, even
unwelcome. But in important matters there should be no
room for misunderstanding.  Every witness must be summoned, every plea put in, and the whole truth, as well as
nothing but the truth, be told.
Further, with regard to the nature of this method of reasoning, it is not only introductory, but incidental. It appeals to
any testimony that may be supposed independent of the immediate question, or not constructed with the direct view of
favoring it. Its value therefore depends upon a contingency,




ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.         55
upon the coincidence without design which it exhibits. Other
evidences from argument and testimony we know were intended to convince; this had no such original purpose; and
thus, slight as it is in itself and worthless alone, it acquires
some weight from the circumstance of its being a disinterested
witness. In this way we find that not only is a subject introduced, but an air of plausibility and therefore of importance
is given to it.
In the present case a question is raised between man and
his Maker. God has issued a revelation: man will not receive it. He denies perhaps the possibility of such a thing,
to say nothing of doubts quite as significant, on the Providence and Being of God himself. The Christian Apologist
might well despair. "The law and the testimony," which are
to him and to his people an end of all controversy, will not be
listened to. A series of satisfactory evidences cannot be entertained for want of a place of entrance. It is equally plain
that some ground of discussion common to the sceptic and
ourselves must be looked for (if the discussion is to be carried
on at all) outside of the ecclesiastical pale. In this way
alone, humanly speaking, can the unbelieving mind be apprehended: and hence it is that the Word of God so often directs
and sanctions our appeal to Nature and conscience, God's
first witnesses to man, (testimonies that cannot be impugned
by an opponent, since he himself forms a part of them,) to
the end that we may indicate, if no more, how a God, a Providence, a Revelation, are at least not abstractly improbable.
" It hath always been allowed," says Butler, "to argue from
what is acknowledged to what is disputed."
Thus we see that the mode of reasoning before us includes
appeals to whatever is palpable in this life of ours, considered apart from religion.
And this leads us on to observe its proper province
and application, a point by no means to be neglected. For
whilst it is introductory and so useful, and incidental and




56     ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.
therefore effective, it is also peculiar and limited to certain
subjects. These have ever been such matters as other arguments can hardly lay hold of,- the infinite, the future, the
physical; things simply assumed or asserted in Scripture.
And it is quite interesting, as it is obvious to mark, how closely the Apologists adhered to this rule of propriety; and as
they spared no labor, so on the other hand they wasted none,
but were careful to confine each argument, and this among
the rest, to its own class of subjects.
The above reflections explain why it is we find no modern
treatise (of any pretensions) in defence of religion, without
some notice of this species of evidence, either by way of
introduction or appendage: and I think, therefore, that both
the works of the Fathers and this illustration of them, would
have wanted completeness without some notice of it also.
The Apologists dwell especially upon four points which we
proceed to consider in order, under the heads of Analogies
from Nature; Instinctive Suggestions of the Soul; The Example of Heathen Ideas; and Answers to Objections.
SECTION I.
ANALOGIES BROM NATURE.
BEFORE producing the proofs under this section, it is needful to premise two cautions with respect to Analogy. First,
to distinguish Analogy illustrative from Analogy probative.
The variety of senses in which the term before us is used,
(Mill says " no word in the language more loosely,")* and the
* Syst. of Log. Vol. ii.




ARGUMENT FROM      ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.          57
difference of opinion as to some of the identical examples I
have to produce,* seem to require an explanation of the
grounds on which their authority may be supposed to rest.
Speaking logically, "Analogy is the similarity of ratios or
relations."t There must be two ratios, and consequently four
terms or objects of comparison.   When these terms are all
different, the analogy is only illustrative; indeed, strictly
speaking, it is then a metaphor,+ proving nothing. If used
in argument at all, it for the most part assumes the proposition
which it is brought to bear upon. Its use is therefore merely
to aid the apprehension; it cannot prove, though it often suggests, the proof.
But there is another species of analogy. It is not necessary that each of the four terms should be different. If there
was such a necessity, one of the chief uses of analogy as an
engine of argument and discovery of truth, (as remarked by
Quintilian long ago,) would be destroyed.     All that is required is that there should be two distinct ratios: of what
terms those ratios consist is a matter of choice.  Frequently
the relation in which one thing stands to another being known
enables us to discover, with greater or less certainty, the relation which the same thing bears to something else which is
unknown.    Thus the moral government of mankind by the
* The bishop of Lincoln, for instance, asserts in his Ecclesiastical His.
tory of the second and third centuries: " Tertullian does not seem aware
that some of the instances he had alleged for rendering the resurrection
of the body credible are nothing to the purpose; such as the changes of
day and night, of summer and winter, &c.:" whilst we have Pearson, on
the contrary, borrowing these same instances among others, and from the
same source, under " a consideration of the things without us, and the
natural course of variation in the creature which render the resurrection
yet more highly probable."
t Whately and Ferguson, after Aristotle. So Penny Cyclopcedia, Article "Analogy."
+ "1 Metaphors are cases of analogy."- Mill.




58     ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.
Deity in this world, furnishes, as Butler has most ably shown,*
a means of conjecturing his religious government, both in
this world and in the next, independently of a Divine Revelation. St. Paul even calls a man "a fool" (epwv)t for not
perceiving the forcible witness which the processes of nature
bear to the possibility and probability of a resurrection.
It is on the strength of this probative value of Analogy
that the Apologists adduced it. They seem fully to recognize the distinction I have been pointing out. Illustrations constantly occur in their works: as when they endeavor,
for the sake of a sceptical or carnal auditory, to clear up some
of the mystery that enshrouds the generation of the Son of
God, by allusions to the torch that borrows without reducing
light; or to the solar rays descending on the earth; or to the indwelling mind, and faculty of speech in man. But such ideas
were introduced as mere metaphors, or similitudes: they are
not intended to establish, but solely to illustrate the truth.
This the frequent and free acknowledgment of their weakness and shortcoming sufficiently shows; while it is equally
obvious that sound analogical argument was always considered of weight and value towards conviction.
The other caution to be observed with regard to Analogy
is, that it should not be pressed beyond its point. " Perversions of this kind," says Archbishop Whately, " are by no
means rare."+ The similitude is extended beyond its proper
limits; and it is supposed that because the two objects are
like each other in one respect, they are like in all. As the
former mistake may be said to underrate the argumentative
value of Analogy, so this consists in overrating it, or expecting from it all the results of a case of induction or deduction.
* Butler's Analogy.     t 1 Corinth. xv. 36.
+ Also see remainder of the bishop of Lincoln's criticism, quoted above,
" If any inference is to be drawn from such physical changes, it would
rather be of an alternate dissolution and restoration of the same bodies."




ARGUMENT FROMI ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.         59
Compared with these it is confessed that our analogies only
offer a probability, a fair inference.
From the whole of the above remarks it will be gathered
that Analogy is chiefly useful in the absence of other proof,
or previous to it; and that it is at all times sufficient to
answer objections.*
The cases referred to by the Apologists relate, for the most
part, to the unity and power of God, - to the possibility of
miracles taking place, - to difficulties in the word of God, -
and to the resurrection of the body.
CLEMENS      ROMIANUS t calls the attention of his
brethren to "the resurrection. which is continually taking
place: day and night declare it to us. The night lies down,
the day arises; again, the day departs, and the night comes
on. Behold the fruits of the earth also; the sower casts
forth the seed which falls upon the ground dry and naked
and is in time dissolved; and from this dissolution the mighty
power of the Lord raises it, so that out of one seed many
arise and bring forth abundantly."
JUSTIN MARTYR ~ defends the same doctrine by showing, that it is no more incredible than the first conception and
birth of a person would appear to one who had never heard
of such a thing. "1We pretend not to say," he concludes,
" how worthy an estimate of divine power they form who
maintain that everything returns to its original state, and that
beyond this even God can do nothing: but we plainly see
that by the same reasoning they would not have conceived it
* Mill's System of Logic.
t I beg to observe that I shall quote the Fathers in the chronological
order of the Introduction. Likewise, that I generally use the divisions
into chapters, or sections of Caillau's ed. Coll. select. SS. Eccles. Patr.
Parisiis, 1829.
+ Ep. ad Cor. c. 24.           ~ Apol. I. c. 25.




60    ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.
possible for beings like themselves, or for the whole world to
haveexisted or had their origin."
Again,* he alludes to the generation of mankind, particularly to "the protoplast Adam who was made out of the
earth, as a plain instance of God's omnipotence."
ATHENAGORASt holds that those who doubt the resurrection ought not to do so unless they can show that God is
either unable or unwilling to raise up the dead, dissolved
body, reanimate the dispersed particles, and restore to life
the same men.   The want of power,+ he then contends,
cannot be supposed of God, since the generation of men
is a matter quite as wonderful as that of resuscitating their
dead bodies. In fact the power of primarily producing
something out of nothing, evinces God's sufficiency for the
renewal and resurrection of all bodies. Again, it requires
as great power to order and diversify with various forms rude
and shapeless matter, or to unite different elements into one
composition, the human frame, as to reunite the scattered
parts of it, through whatever process they may have passed.
He further adduces ~ some of the affections of sleep, as
being very analogous to a corporeal resurrection. "6 Sleep,"
he says, " has been called the brother of death, inasmuch as
many of the same things are common to the dead and to the
sleeping.  Each is a state of insensibility. If then we
call human life a continuous life, though it is full of breaks
and pauses, occasioned by sleep, neither should we scruple to
admit a life after a dissolution, though it may seem interrupted by the separation of soul and body. Nothing in a
seed appears to the eye of its future beauty or magnificence,
nor do those qualities exhibit themselves in an infant which
future years develop. Thus reason, by just deductions and
"De Res. c. 1.      t De Resurr. Mort. c. 2.
TfIb  c. 3..        f b. c. 4.




ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.          61
illustrated by similar experiments, establishes the truth of the
Resurrection."
THEOPHILUS * asks his heathen friend, "Why do you
not believe in the raising the dead? Are we not obliged to
exercise faith in all the concerns of life? The husbandman
trusts to the ground; the sailor to his bark; the sick man to
his medicine; the scholar to his tutor; why then should we
hesitate to trust God from whom we have received so many
and such excellent pledges? He it was who created you and
breathed into you the breath of life. Yet, strange to say,
you will not believe that he can recall you to life, though you
readily believe that manufactured images are gods, and that
they work wonders."
He recognizes t other pledges of the Resurrection in the
decline and return of the seasons, in the alternations of day
and night, in the growth of seeds and fruits, noticing by the
way, as an element of the analogy, that these changes all
subserve the benefit of man. He then adds, " Let us, moreover, raise our eyes above terrestrial things and look at the
continual renewal of the moon, as it waxes and wanes. Consider likewise the resurrection of yourself, perchance, sometime from a bed of sickness, brought about in a way you
understand not. Your flesh, and strength, and beauty were
lost for a time; but through the mercy and healing power of
God, you have recovered them again. As you were ignorant
how your body decayed, so you are ignorant how it was
restored. Or if you say it was owing to medicine and food,
be it so; that also was the work of God who so arranged it."+
* Ad Autol. Lib. I. c. 8.      t Ib. c. 13.
+The Stromata of Clemens Alex. contain many appeals to analogy.
One, curious rather than satisfactory, having reference to our own coun
try, occurs in the Sixth Book, Art. I.
4




62     AARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.
MINUTIUS FELIX * demands, " Who can impugn this
truth; that man who was at first made by God, can be made
by Him again?"
TERTULLIAN t in like manner wonders " why after
the mystery of our birth, we might not once more be brought
into existence by the will of the great Creator, who made us
at first out of nothing. It would be no new thing, at least;
and as we cannot explain how we were at first made, we
cannot expect to understand how we shall again be made.
Whence we see that the Resurrection can be readily conceived
of. But if any man still doubts respecting the power of
God, let him look around and behold! Nature stamped with
examples of the resurrection, is.a testimony to us. The light
dies daily and shines again; the stars fade away and reappear; the fruits of the earth are consumed and reproduced;
seeds rise not again with increase unless they are corrupted
and die; all things are preserved by dissolution, renewed by
perishing. And shall man, the lord of all this universe of
creatures which die and rise again, himself die only to perish
for ever?"
A like train of thought is observed in this author's more
direct work on the Resurrection.:
ORIGEN,~ calling attention to the writings of the prophets,
thus prepares his hearers' minds for any mysteries they may
meet with. "If some passages should appear to the unlearned to be above the reach of the human understanding, let
it not be a matter of surprise; for in the works of Providence
which fill the whole world, there are some things so abstruse
and occult that they might seem to afford a handle for doubting whether God really superintends the affairs of men."
E Octav. c. 33.           t Apol. c. 43.
+ De Res. Caon. c. 12.    ~ De Princip. Lib. Iv.!seot. 6.




ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.        63
Wherefore he argues, the divinity of the Scriptures should
not be doubted merely because of the difficulties contained in
them.
CYPRIAN,* following the footsteps of 3inutius Felix
(c. 18), points out some analogies in nature implying the
unity of God. He remarks that every association must have
a superior head, and then proceeds to illustrate this principle
by the histories of kingdoms and communities of men. It is
even found to be in accordance with the nature of ani-nals.
As human societies have their king, so bees and sheep and
oxen have their common leader. " How reasonable then for
us to suppose that the universe should have one Governor,
who, by his Almighty Word of wisdom and power, orders,
disposes, and executes whatever he wills."
ARNOBIUS,t in reply to a reproach cast upon the Christian system, in consequence of its not explaining the existence
of evil in the world, tells the heathen that their complaints
would avail more if they themselves had first cleared up
some difficulties nearer home; as, for example, whence and
what we are, whether the world was made and arranged for
us, &c. This subject is reverted to in the second book of
the Disputations (c. 24, 25); where, after showing how completely the human mind is baffled in its attempt to explore
the depths of nature and the ways of God, our author urges
upon his readers the necessity of humility and submission in
all matters connected with religion.
Again, to expose the vaunted wisdom of the Greeks, he
asks " if there is any one among them who can explain what
Socrates was unable to apprehend in his Phocdo, namely, the
origin and quality of mind; that mind which is called immortal, and by some esteemed a God. Why should it be
* De Idol. Van. c. 5.  t Adv. Gent. Lib. I. c. 4.




64    ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.
dull in sickness, weak in infancy, wild in delirium, wanting
in old age?"  " And," continues he,* addressing the heathen,
" since you are accustomed to sneer at our exercise of faith,
I beg to know if there is any affair or business of life that
does not demand faith? You trade, you marry, you sow,
you physic, you fight, in faith; and is not the very identical
use of the faculty you ridicule us for exercised by you,
whenever you pray to your gods, and as often as you rely
upon your philosophers and their writings?"
With equal address he blunts the point of an objection
against the lateness of the incarnation, intimating t that
nothing is early or late with God; that Mercury, their own
heavenly messenger, had not appeared until a certain time;
and that the seasons of the year did not return always to a
month.
METHODIUS + alludes to the power and wisdom of God
displayed in his care of the embryo in the womb, a clearing
the way for crediting the divine ability and even desire to
introduce our bodies into another state of being.
LACTANTIUS ~ points out the vanity of that philosophy
which supposes God cannot be angry, and therefore will
neither judge nor punish the wicked; whilst not only demons
but also the very heavens and the earth are trembling at his
nod, as the Milesian oracle confesses.
In defence of the unity of God, he remarks 11 that though
there is much diversity of opinion on this important point, it
ought not so to be; since reason herself teaches us the truth.
" There is one mind," he contends, " governing our body and
its many members, one commander in every army, one
* Adv. Gent. Lib. I. c. 5.  t Ib. c. 32.
f De Resur.             ~ De Ira Dei, c. 23.
1 Epitom. c. 2.




ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.        65
sovereign in every empire, one moderator in every republic;
and so in the management of this world there can be but one
Lord, who is the founder of his own kingdom and claims the
whole, and nothing less than the whole, for himself."
EUSEBIUS,* after surveying the wonders of creation,
and drawing therefrom an illustration of skilful design and
infinite power, hints at an analogy between them and the
miracles of Christ: " Who," he asks, "can be the efficient
cause of all this, but He, the justly entitled Word of God,
that worker of miracles? "
The unity t of the Creator is seen  reflected in " the one
sun that warms and enlightens us all, and in the uniformity
or harmony to be traced amidst the variety of character in
man, and of form and appearance in nature. One and the
same effectuating art is found everywhere employed upon the
one universe of manifold composition, the workmanship of
the one Word, the Maker of the world."
Speaking of the Resurrection,~ this author observes, "If
grains of wheat are not wholly subject to corruption, shall
man be? Is he not superior to seeds?"
And again, l1 he argues that as God is beneficent and just,
he will care for our bodies and souls as well as for the life of
trees, and so on.
EPHRAIIM 1 defends the divinity of the Saviour, and
insists that as we cannot comprehend the nature of our own
souls, it is in vain for us to expect to understand the generation, human or divine, of the Son of God.
* Theoph. Lib. I. c. 6-21.
t See also Dem. Evan. Lib. iv. c. 5, on this argument.
+ Theoph. Lib. I. c. 33, 34.  l b. Lib.. c. 77.
11 De Resur.            a Serm. adv. Scrutat. 1-7.




66    ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.
He then produces* the unaccountable phenomena connected
with memory and dreams as mysteries equally difficult of explanation with any in the Christian system. Indeedt he considers it harder to understand nature than Scripture; and to
analyze man's word or faculty of speech, than God's Word,
the Saviour himself.
AUGUSTINE,> having spoken of the Mosaic miracles,
warns us against those persons who deny that the invisible
God works visible miracles. He asks, "Is not the world a
miracle, yet visible and of his making?- nay, all the miracles
done in this world are less than the world itself, the heavens,
the earth, and all therein; yet God made them all, and after
a manner we cannot conceive. Man himself is a still greater
miracle; therefore God who made the heavens and the earth
scorns not still to' work miracles in heaven and earth, to draw
men's souls by such means to the worship of his invisible
essence."
In refutation of an objection raised against the Resurrection of the body and the torments of hell, he declares ~ the
omnipotence of God to be a sufficient ground for believing in
anything he has promised; wherefore he cannot see why God
may not cause the bodies of the dead to rise again, 1[ and the
damned to suffer and yet not consume, seeing he has filled
heaven, earth, air, and water, with innumerable marvels; the
world itself being a greater marvel than any it contains.
* Serm. 57.                      t Serm. 65.
+ De Civit. Dei, Lib. x. c. 12.  ~ lb. Lib. xxi c. 7.
Ii See De Catechizandis Rudibus to the same purpose.




ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.          67
SECTION II.
INSTINCTIVE SUGGESTIONS OF THE SOUL.
THE next witness independent of Revelation, and invoked
by the Apologists, is the soul of man himself.  We are supposed possessed of certain intellectual and moral instincts,
such as notions of sequence; a consciousness of Deity as
well as of a principle of evil; a sense of justice, accountability, &c. It is now generally conceded that the theory of
original impressions, as held by the ancients, is not far from
the truth. Reason and experience tell us that there are in
the nature of man faculties whose existence cannot be ac
counted for by any known action of matter.  With as little
satisfaction can they be derived from education or tradition;
for, as Tertullian observes on this very question, "such explanations still leave the matter short, and it may be asked,
Whence were they derived by the man who first used them?
The idea must have been conceived in the soul, before it was
delivered to others by the tongue or the pen."  The truth
seems to be, as a modern writer remarks,* that our understanding assents to any proposition only as it agrees with the
suggestions of reason,-those laws originally written on our
hearts. "We do not say that the mind can know (in the
common acceptation of the word) before it observes external
things, but that its capacity and tendency furnish evidence of
something having been in the mind before it was directed to
facts, just as we have had eyes before we used them properly.
Thus the mind does not simply reflect the images of things
without, but impresses a character of its own upon them."
On some such predication the force of our present argument
depends. The soul is viewed as a part of nature, God's work,
stamped with his own image of what is true; and which if it
* Small Boo.s on Great Subjects. Pickering, London.




68     ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.
could be found disengaged (though only to a degree) of its
unhappily-acquired prejudice for error, might remember and
reveal something of the will of its Maker.  With this hope
it is seized upon as at unawares, - in the crowd, - on the first
waking moment, - under the chastening hand of affliction, -
or in a primeval condition to be conceived of rather than
found, and is there and then solemnly cited as a witness.
The specimens of this kind of reasoning to be met with in
the Apologists, form themselves into three distinct subdivisions.
(1.)  Arguments from Cause to Effect.*
JUSTIN    MIARTYR.t      "If any one thinks that God
cares not for the human race, such a man must either profess that God exists not at all; or affirm that if he exists, he
delights in evil; or else that he remains insensible as a stone;
and that vice and virtue are indifferent things in the judgment of men; all which suppositions are full of impiety and
injustice."
He further+ pleads against the stoical doctrine of fatality,
that there would be on such a principle nothing laudable in
doing right. To be virtuous we must be free agents.
TATIAN.~     "It is from a contemplation of the incomprehensible, self-producing God, that we believe in the resurrection of the body, whereby all things shall be perfect and
complete. Not as the Stoics suppose, according to certain
cycles or orbits, within which we are ever being born and
then perishing again, and all to no purpose; but once only
* For the sense in which the a priori and a posteriori arguments are
here used, I refer to Whately's Rhetoric, Part I. c. ii. ~ 2.
t Apol. i..  36..t Ib. II. c. 9.
{ Orat. ad Grcec. c. 6.




ARGUtTENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.        69
for the last judgment; when neither by Minos nor Rhadamanthus shall we be judged, but by the Creator himself. I
knew not myself before I was born; I know not what will
become of my body when I die; fire, the waves, wild beasts
may devour it, but I shall still rest in the treasury of a rich
Lord, where the worthy and the worthless, yea, even the
atheist, lie concealed.  God, who alone observes my dust,
alone can recall it when he will into its pristine state."
ATHENAGOIRAS,* addressing the heathen emperors,
argues thus: " That there is one God and Maker of all things,
you may conceive in this way, and thereby have one good
reason of our faith. If there were at first two or more Gods,
they must have existed either together in one and the same
place, or each separately by himself.  They could not exist
in the same place, being of the same nature both equal and
commensurate to each other; for, if they could, then must
two commensurates of the same kind exist in one and the
same place, which cannot be.  And, on the other hand, if
these Gods existed separately, since one God is over all his
works, and governs all by his providence, (as nature indicates,)
where can the other be? Not in the world, for it is the place
of another; nor above it, for our God is also above the
world, and comprehends within himself all his works."
Wherefore our Christian philosopher concludes that" another
God has no place, that is, does not exist at all."
Replying to a technical difficulty in the way of the resurrection of the body,t raised on the supposition of shipwrecked
mariners becoming a prey to fish, or of slaves in the amphitheatre being devoured by wild animals, or even of men having been incorporated with the flesh of their fellow-men, (as
at the tragic supper of Thyestes,) Athenagoras observes, that
the propounders of such objections forget the wisdom and the
L Legal. 1ro Christianis, c. 8.  De De Res. Mort. c. 4, 5.
4*




70    ARGUMENT FROMA ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.
resources of God, who could never be perplexed in distinguishing and separating any parts of different natures. This
leads to the question how far the matter of different bodies
can and does coalesce and yet retain its own qualities. It is
not found to follow, as a matter of course, that all food taken
into the stomach nourishes or becomes a portion of the organization; and, even if it were so, it is contended that such a
circumstance need not affect in any essential way the subject
of the resurrection. Food * does not change, but only dilates
and augments the limbs; the identity of person remains the
same; nay, further, its effects are but temporary, or if they
continue through life, being of no further use to bodies raised
in glory and incorruption, they will doubtless be dispensed
with and dropped hereafter.  " Our adversaries," he affirms,
"cannot prove that one human body becomes an integralpart
of another."  He then proceeds with his argument to demonstrate that as the resurrection of the body is a work possible
to God, so it is equally an object of his will. " Fort if God
is unwilling, it must be because the thing is unjust or unbecoming his majesty. But it is evident that nothing can suffer
injury by the revival of dead bodies; neither inanimate things
nor brutes, nor our bodies themselves: and it cannot be unbecoming God's majesty to restore to life and symmetry what
he once made, much less to crown it with immortality."
Having thus shown that God can both will and do, he
passes on to confirm the truth of the resurrection positively,
by the following reasons. First, from the end and design of
the creation of the first man and all his descendants. He
argues that God must have had an end in view when he
created us; and that end was perpetual life (the basis of all
blessings), and the contemplation of his wisdom and power.
Secondly, from the nature of man, as an accountable and
religious creature. He shows that God gave this life not to
~ De Res. Mort. c. 9.            t I c. 10.




ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.         71
the soul or body separately, but to both together.  Their
intimate connection in this world; and the ways they affect
one another, the body humbling the soul, and the soul restraining the body, illustrate this. Whatever therefore is morally
true of the one is true of the other also. The soul is accountable, so is the body. Thirdly, from the justice of God,
which must be manifested in the distribution of rewards and
punishments. Having proved man to be a responsible creature, he now contends that as God is just, the righteous sentence will be laid on the true actor, which is the united soul
and body.  " For the soul alone cannot be punished for the
sins committed in conjunction with the body, just as the body
alone would not be a subject fit for law and justice.  A due
recompense of good or evil is clearly not received in this life,
where the wicked often flourish, while saints suffer.  Without a resurrection and a judgment, the practice of virtue (so
universally recognized) must be stupidity; and it would especially be impossible to punish accumulated guilt, as where a
robber or a tyrant commits a succession of murders; a single
life being no equivalent penalty for so many crimes."  From
such considerations it is argued that justice cannot exert itself
with full force in this life, and therefore demands a future
judgment, to which end a resurrection of the body will be
necessary. " In no other way can a just examination of the
actions of men take place, and it were impious to suppose that
God will not judge justly. Vices and virtues are properties
of men as mental and corporeal, and cannot be conceived
inherent in the soul separately, since God's law could not be
obeyed by the soul without the body at all."  An identity of
body will also be required. "] But a soul cannot have the same
body except it be raised; and when this comes to pass, man
will have the end suitable to which his nature was originally
framed. For we may presume that the chief end of a virtuous life and a rational nature is to be through all eternity
employed about spiritual objects, and in the contemplation
of God."




72    ARGUIMENT FROM ANTEDEDENT PROBABILITY.
THEOPHILUS* follows the steps of Athenagoras in
arguing that moral accountability implies a judgment, and a
judgment a resurrection of the flesh, " without which the soul
cannot be justly tried."  He supposes that the soul could
only suffer eternal punishments by the intervention of corpuscular matter.
MINUTIUS FELIXt inquires, with respect to the great
coflagration of the world, "what man of any sense can doubt
that all things which had a beginning may have an end; that
the heavens with all their garniture, as they began, so they
may cease to be; for certainly there is nothing so wonderful
in this, that He who made, should be able to destroy what he
has made?"
ORIGEN.+ "What can be more reasonable than the plan
our Saviour took to teach men who as a mass, partly through
the pressure of earthly cares and occupations, and partly
through a natural inclination to a vicious life, cannot apply
themselves to the study of philosophy? The love of God
therefore in sending his Son into the world, plainly appears
in accommodating things to the circumstances of human life,
that so the Gospel might be of more general advantage;
and this is none of the least powerful arguments to prove that
our blessed Redeemer had a divine commission. We hesitate not to say,~ that it is likely God would send messengers
to correct us. Of this kind were Moses and the Prophets;
but in doing good to men, Jesus far excelled all who have
ever visited this earth."
He contends,Il that the end of the world and the final judgment are both of them doctrines in harmony with the conclusions of reason.
*     A Aut.    1' Octav. c. 33.  + Cont. Cels. Lib. I. s. 1.
~ lb  Lb. L i. I. 4            l. I  s. 9.




ARGUMENT FROM3 ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.         73
Speaking, of the authority of the sacred writers, he finds it
is " founded on reason, inasmuch as their doctrines are beneficial to mankind; for surely no one will dare deny that the
spring of all utility is to believe in the great God and to regard
his pleasure in all things, who is to be our judge both of
thought and deed! What can be more rational or salutary?
And what persuasive so efficacious to this end as the assurance of God's constant inspection?"
With regard to the Resurrection, it is remarkedt that " the
qualities of bodies may be changed, so that what is sown in
corruption may be raised in incorruption.  Only admit a
Providence over matter, and a power in its Maker to endow
it with any quality, and it follows that God can renew our
bodies in a more excellent fashion if he will."
Also, " The doctrine of a future punishment" is considered+ " as useful as it is true; it has ever been handed down,
though obscurely, with the greatest profit to men."
CYPRIAN~ holds that Christians are not dependent upon
temples, like the heathen, because " any such place is too narrow to contain God."
ARNOBIUS,Il in several consecutive chapters, argues that
the soul is not essentially divine; nor, on the other hand,
brutish; but of a middle quality, as Plato likewise conceived.
The use he makes of this argument, or rather elaborate discourse, is to point out the necessity of some revelation for the
soul's guidance to immortality; and thus by implication,
the value of the Christian system, which is just such a Revelation.
He adds,T " Christ taught that the souls of men are not
of the essence of God, which is clear, or they would not be
suffering and sinning here."
* Cont. Cels.. Lib... 53.  + lb. s. 57.  + lb. Lib. In. s 79.
~ De Idol. Van. c. 6.  || Adv. Gent. Lib. II. c. 11, et seqq.
~1 lb. c. 18.




74    ARGUTMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.
He defends* the lateness of the Incarnation, on the supposition that it took place only when the depravity of men and
their inability to help themselves were fully established.
ARC IELAUS,t in his dispute with Manes, shows how
human responsibility is agreeable to reason, and implies a
future judgment.
LACTANTIUS+ remarks, that "God's mercy, which
even the Pagans claim, argues his wrath; for to allow that
God can pardon, is to prove that he can punish."
EUSEBIUS~ conceives that "it is quite proper for us to
desire some assistance from the heavenly abodes, some messenger to teach us the way of salvation; for by the soundest
argument it can be shown that nothing is so fit, as for a physician to heal the sick, for a master to condescend to his pupils,
for him who is above to be sent below; but not the reverse,
there being then no longer the same plea of necessity and use.
No reason, therefore, appears why the divine nature, which
is so beneficent and providential, should not hold converse
with us. Under the condition of natural providence it benefits our bodies day by day; much more then might it be expected in connection with a Revelation, for the sake of our
immortal souls."
It was impossible, on account of our frailty, for us to approach God; kindly therefore did he send a Mediator to unite
us to him. |
After describing~T the degradation of morals into which
the heathen had sunk, he shows from a consideration of God's
compassion, that it is likely he would manifest himself in
some remedial way to mankind; and then that the Incarnation
A Adv. Gent. Lib. iL c. 32. t Act. Disp.  5 De Ira Dei, c. 20.
Adv. Hierocl.. 6.!6 Tiheoph. Lib.. c. 5.  X Ib. Lib. I.. c. 85




ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.         75
was an apposite means of communication, as also a wise provision for satiating man's thirst after something visible.
AUGUSTINE* conceives that the mystery of redemption
is not essentially obscure, but has been revealed in a reasonable, gradual way to the world as it could bear it.
(2.) Arguments from Effect to Cause.
ATHENAGORAS.t         "How can we do otherwise than
believe in a God, when we see such convincing proofs of a
divine nature in that standing miracle -the world; in its
order and proportion, in its beauty and grandeur, in the figure and disposition of all its parts? Could we be blind to
the light, and deaf to the voice of Nature, we should be deservedly accursed and persecuted."
"The disposition+ and order of the material world speak
the praise of the Almighty architect, God, and not the praise
of mere matter. As clay is to the potter, so is all matter
subject to His will and operation. It must be confessed that
the world is beautiful, and for its size and spherical figure, and
the arrangement of all its parts, most excellent and wonderful. The ranging of the stars in the Zodiac, and the adjustment of the North Pole, are of great service to mankind.
But these are no reasons why we should worship this great
and glorious system, or any part of it; though they are reasons why we should worship their Creator.   When any
persons petition your majesties, (he writes to the emperors)
they turn not aside from you to your palace, from your persons
to your buildings.  So likewise they who dispose of the
awards at the public games are not accustomed to crown the
* De Civit. Dei, Lib. viii. c. 32.  t Legat. pro Christianis, c. 4.
Ib.c. 16.




76    ARGUIMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.
harp and neglect the musician who played upon it.  How
then can we be expected to adore as Gods, corruptible
images made by men like ourselves?"
THEOPHILUS.*       "As the soul of man cannot be seen,
but only its effects, so God is only known by his works and
providence. An earthly king is believed to exist by all his
subjects, though rarely seen by any: he is recognized by his
power, his laws, his images. And wherefore will you not
know God by his works and the effects of his power?"
MINUTIUS FELIXt shows how we differ from the
beasts that perish mainly " in having language and reason to
conduct us to the knowledge of God. For what is so clear,
whether we look above or around us, as that the divine power
inspires, supports, and governs all nature?" He refers to
" the constant vicissitudes of day and night, as well adapted
for the business and needful repose of man; to the stars which
direct the pilot and the husbandman; to that care which interposes and moderates the extremes of heat and cold, keeps the
ocean within bounds, and so charmingly diversifies the surface
of the earth with hill and dale, mountains and plains; which
has provided every animal with some means of defence; and,
above all, formed man the crowning piece of the whole."
"( Were we to go into a ho  house, he continues, " the rooms
of which were exquisitely proportioned and furnished, we
should not doubt that such a house was under the eye of a
master, and that he himself was preferable to all the contents.
And thus in this palace of a world, when we cast our eyes
upon the heavens and the earth, and behold the admirable
order and economy of things, we have as little reason to
question whether there is a Lord of the Universe, or to doubt
that he himself is more glorious than the stars, and more to
be admired than any of the works of his own hands."
* Ad Aut. Lib. i, c..  t Octav. c. 17.  + Ib. c. 18. 




ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.        77
ORIGEN.*     "If a man with any sort of religion will
acknowledge that the physician who recovers the sick is sent
from God, though he cures only bodily infirmities, how much
more must we acknowledge our Saviour to have been indeed
sent from the Father, seeing that he has recovered so many
thousands from spiritual and more fatal distempers, and has
improved the faculties of their minds and prevailed upon
them to trust to the will and care of God."
Celsust having reproached the Jews with being simple
shepherds, deceived into the doctrine of one God by the arts
of Moses, Origen takes the opportunity of asking ironically,
concerning the obscure origin of Polytheism. He begs to be
informed in what the essence of Mnemosyne, the mother of
the Muses, consisted; and of Themis who brought forth the
hours; also the substance of the naked Graces, and of that
diversity of gods worshipped by the Egyptians. The bare
mention of these things sufficing to expose them, he then demands " how such empty fictions can deserve to be compared
with that one argument, drawn from the entire harmony of
the parts of the spacious universe, in proof of the perfect
unity of God. For it is impossible in the nature of things
that a piece of such divine architecture, all the parts of which
are in such admirable agreement, and in such manifest and
constant subserviency to the advantage of the whole, should
be made by many hands."+
ARCHELAUS ~ argues against ascribing the body of man
to the creation of the evil spirit, on the ground that the natural harmony, evident between soul and body, proves them
to have had a common author.
* Cont. Cels. Lib. I. s. 9.          Ilb. s. 23.
+ Palmer, On Development and Conscience, p. 13, says, " The Fathers
employed the argument from the order and harmony of the material universe, not only to establish the existence of a God against Atheists,
but also in proof of the unity of God against thelGentiles."
Act. Disp.




78    ARGUMENT PROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.
ARNOBIUS.*' Scarce any one ever denied the existence of God; and if he did, the mute animals, had they the
use of speech, the fields, the trees, the stones, would cry out
that there is a God-their Creator."
LACTANTIUSt says, " The Creator has given man sense
and reason so that he should know him; for the possession
of this intelligence (which animals want) is alone a witness,
within ourselves, of his existbnce. Wherefore I wonder at
the folly of the Epicureans, who can see no proof of a Providence constructing and ruling the world, but attribute all
things to a fortuitous concourse of atoms; even ascribing vice
to matter."
Arguing again+ upon Epicurus' denial of a Providence, he
remarks that " the voices of all the Philosophers (with this one
exception) agree in declaring the world could not have been
made without an artificer, nor preserved without a ruler. And
this testimony is confirmed by our own senses. The disposition of the heavens and the earth so wonderfully arranged, so
beautifully adorned, and all for the use of man and other
living creatures, cannot but prove a present God."
He proposes,~ for the sake of infidels, to consider the Incarnation in the light of probable reason. His first premise is
that whoever professes to teach, ought to do himself what he
commands; his second, that no one but Christ ever delivered
wisdom by word, and also established it by example; he concludes therefore that Christ is the prince of teachers. And
again, he lays down the maxims, that a heavenly messenger
would necessarily be perfect, and yet have to assume a mortal
body; "for a teacher of virtue must partake of the same
nature with his disciples, that by conquering in his own
* Adv. Gent. Lib. I. c. 9.  t De Offc. Dei, c. 2.
+ Epitom. c. 1.       ~ Div. Instit. Lib. iv. c. 22, et seqq.




ARGULMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.        79
person, he may show that sin and error can really be overcome."  This he applies to the case of the Saviour, and thence
infers his divine mission.
EUSEBIUS* argues against the Atheists, that a house
cannot be made without contrivance and care, nor a ship
without a carpenter, nor a garment without a weaver. " By
what estrangement of intellect then," he asks, " is it, that
these men do not consider the course of the heavenly bodies,
the recurrence of the seasons, the provision of herbs and
flowers, and the senses of animal life?  How could all this
wisdom be the effect of blind chance which acts without object or rule? The Polytheists err on the other extreme, and
reduce God down to his works.  Surely the worshippers of
the elements are no better than those who gave to the palace
the praise which is rather —-due to the architect that built it.
They are like children whose admiration is expended upon
the lyre and not upon its maker or its master; or like umpires who should neglect the victor in a combat, to adorn his
spear and shield. Who ever thought of gracing the bodyt of
a philosopher or his gown with the title of wisdom, much less
the common utensils of his house, and not rather the unseen
mind within him? Thus let us wonder at and admire the
invisible God, before all his visible universe."
After repeating+ much of the above, verbatim, he adds,
"how could the elements without intelligence, or their common essence devoid of shape and figure, of life and reason,
obtain motion or loveliness? Who is it at the present moment,
working ten thousand effects of surpassing wonder, and with
an invisible influence, daily and hourly perpetuating the production of them all? No one but the omnipotent Word, the
cause of all wonders."
* Theoph. Lib. I. c. 1-4.
t Imitated apparently by Theodoret, as also other places of this author.
See Grec. Aff. Cur. Ed. Gaisf. p. 183; Prof. Lee's note in Tlzeophania.
I Orat. Const. Vit.




80    ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.
ATHANASIUS.*       "A workman is known by his works,
albeit he is not seen. They relate of Phidias the sculptor,
that his statues seemed to declare their author, though he
might be absent, by a certain proportion and harmony of
their parts. Just so by the construction of this world, the
Mighty Maker and Designer is revealed, although he is invisible to mortal eyes."  Romans i. 20, and Acts xiv. 14, are
quoted in confirmation.
An inference is likewise drawnt from the union of contrarieties into such harmony and order as we perceive in nature, that there must be some superior agency at work. The
unity of Deity is also seen reflected in every part as well as
in the whole of nature. "The universe," says our author,4
"publishes this truth openly.. For if there had been many
Gods, there had been likewise many systems which would
not have consisted together.  No ship governed by many
pilots can be kept long in a straight course. One must hold
the helm. No harp struck by several hands can send forth
perfect harmony. One musician alone is wanted. So when
there appears but one order of nature we must suppose there
is but one Maker and one Director."
(3.)  Sentiments of Natural Conscience.
TERTULLIAN ~ proposes to "leave the collation of historical testimonies (a task of great labor, but one by which
the persecutors of Christianity have been condemned out of
their own documents) to others. He prefers not to follow in
the beaten track, but to exhibit the testimony of the soul
itself to the divine and eternal matters of religion. To this
end the soul of a heathen man is summoned as a conscientious witness, to say whence and what it is. It is bidden to
* Cont. Gent. c. 35.           tlb. c. 36, 38.
t lb. c. 39.                   { De Test. Anim. c. 1.




ARVGUMET FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.        81
speak plainly and faithfully, though its depositions should go
against himself, that the man may blush at hating and ridiculing doctrines which his own breast cannot but confirm."
Our author commences* by producing the vulgar exclamations, "Oh God grant!"' If God will;" as natural testimonies to the unity of God. He asks how it is that, instead of
naming any one of the numerous deities, the objects of pagan
worship, the soul selects the word' God," if it does not thus
bear unconscious witness to the truth?  In like manner the
soul is found evincing its knowledge of the attributes of God,
his providence, his power, his goodness, by such expressions
as " God is good;" " God does good, but man is evil;" and
the valediction, "God bless thee," Tertullian wonders "who
taught the souls of the common people these truths also?"
Even some knowledge of the author of evil is discoveredt
under the execrations which men pronounce against demons.
"The very name is one of dislike and scorn. Thus we recognize our destroyer as well as our God." The acknowledgment of a future retribution is next traced: in the terms of
spontaneous language, and in our natural dread of death.
"' We say," he observes, "of the dead;' Poor man;''he is
free from care;' thus declaring at once the blessing of life
and the benefit of death: or when stung by the recollection
of some insult, we curse the dead, and pray that'the earth
may lie heavy upon him;' or that'his ashes may be tormented in the shades below;' thus confessing a judgment
to come." Again, he asks, "Why fear death, as we all do,
if there be nothing to fear hereafter? we should have no
care for the future if we had no expectation of it."  He likewise detects a hint of immortality in that " innate desire after
posthumous fame, than which there is no stronger sentiment
in the human breast."
~ De Test. Anim. c. 2.  Ib. c. 3.     l Ib. c. 4.




82    ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.
These testimonies are confessed* to be simple and trite,
but yet "not unworthy of notice, if we consider the majesty
of Nature,whence the authority of the soul is derived. Whatever we must allow to the mistress, we must assign to the
disciple: nature is the mistress; the soul is her pupil: whatever has been taught by the one has been learned by the
other; and both have received from God, who is the master
of the mistress herself. What notion the soul is able to conceive of its first and great teacher we may gather from the
soul that is within us. Its forebodings are our prophets, its
omens our auguries; and even though encompassed about by
its enemy (a heathen body) it remembers its author, his goodness and his law, its own end, and its infernal adversary.
Nor is it strange that, being given by God, it should teach
those self-same truths that God has since -renewed more
clearly to his people." " These exclamations," he adds, " were
in use long before books, or even letters, had appeared;
always excepting those of the sacred Scriptures, where indeed the ideas they express are to be found; but, as these
precede secular writings by a long period, we must needs
believe that, if the soul has taken its declarations from books,
it has taken them from ours and not from those of the heathen; and then it matters little whether this consciousness
of what is right emanates from God or from the writings of
God."
In conclusion,t he begs the unbeliever to weigh this matter well, and give credit to his own soul. " Let him observe,"
he says, " agreement of doctrine even amidst inconsistent conduct; and that, too, not in Greece or Rome alone, but in
every age and country. These are expressions belonging to
all languages and nations.' God is everywhere,' and'the
goodness of God' is everywhere;'the demon' is everywhere, and'the curse upon the demon' is everywhere;
* De Test. Anim. c. 5.               t lb. c. 6.




ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.        83
death is everywhere, and so is the consciousness of death and
the witness thereof. Each soul of its own accord proclaims
aloud these truths, which Christians are not permitted even
to whisper. Thus every soul may be called both a culprit
and a witness; a culprit as to error, a witness as to truth.
And in the day of judgment it shall stand before the bar of
God, having nothing to say to the charge,' Thou didst preach
God and didst not seek him; thou didst detest demons, and
yet didst worship them; thou didst appeal to the judgment
of God, whilst thou didst not believe in his being; thou didst
anticipate punishment in a world below, but didst take no
heed against it: thou didst savor of the name of Christ, and
yet didst persecute Christians."'
MINUTIUS FELIX.*       " The world is on our side in the
acknowledgment of one God. I hear the people when they
lift up their hands to heaven say nothing, but,'The God;''The great God;''The true God;'' If it should please
God;' these expressions of the vulgar are the voice of nature.
Even they who make Jove supreme, mistake indeed in the
name, but agree in the thing, the one notion of an Almighty
God."
ORIGEN.t "It is evident that men in general perceive
some difference between good and evil, or they would not
punish crimes, as they constantly do. Nor need it surprise
us that God should plant in the minds of men those natural
principles which the prophets, and especially Jesus, continually urged, so that every one might be without excuse."
Our author attributes+ the rapid spread of the Gospel, at
least in part, to the harmony its doctrines preserve with the
sentiments of natural conscience.  "Wherefore," he says,
"the soul, partaker of reason, reflecting upon nature, which is'* Octav. c. 18.  1' Cont. Cels. Lib. I. s. 2.  i Ib. Lib. IlI. s. 40.




84    ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.
akin to herself, now begins universally to reject those whom
she hitherto accounted gods, and conceives a sort of natural
love for the Creator."
CYPRIAN.* "Our common people in many cases acknowledge the unity of God; their souls often spontaneously reminding them of their original. Thus you may hear them speaking in the singular number,'Oh God;''God sees it;''I
commend you to God;''God will make amends,' &c. So
that the great fault of the Gentiles consists in this, that they
will not confess what they cannot but know."
ARNOBIUS.t     " Do not our thoughts seem naturally to
rest upon God when we say,' 0 God,' or call him to witness, or raise our faces to heaven? Does not a suspicion of
the truth sometimes strike you as to the unity of the great
God?"
EUSEBIUS,+ speaking of the excellent nature of man's
soul, and having observed how Anaxarchus recognized its
immortality when he said to his tormentors, " Bruise my form;
me you cannot bruise;" and having accounted for our attachment to this life, by the analogy of' a child weeping when it
leaves the womb and first comes into the light; he suggests
whether it is not " reasonable that such a perfectible mind,
being released from a corrupt body, should come forth with
the dignity and stature of angels."
He reads~ intimations of the soul's high birth in those
capacities for lofty thought; those mortifications of bodily
members, and restraints of desires; those attempts at obeying the precepts of wisdom, and hopes of deliverance from
all that is vile; those advances in the way to heaven, which
make the prospect of death and the anticipation of meeting
* De Idol. Van. c. 5.    t Adv. Gent. Lib. II. c. 2.
+ Theoph. Lib. x. c. 63.  ~ Ib. Lib. I. c. 75.




ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.         85
all who have gone before us increasingly delightful. Whence
he concludes that from the case of the soul itself, reason with
probability indicates that we shall partake of a superior, an
angelic immortality.
AUGUSTINE* shows, in contending for the existence of
good and bad angels, that even the Pagans believe in the
latter, saying, when they would speak evil of any one, " He
has a demon."
SECTION III.
THE EXAMPLE OF HEATHEN IDEAS.
IN making use of the argumentum ad hominem against the
Pagan or the Jew, the Fathers not only followed up a natural advantage that presented itself to their hand, but also the
pattern of an apostle on more than one occasion. This precedent is alleged by Clemens Alex. (Strom. Lib. I. Art. 3).
Defending his appeal to heathen philosophers, he quotes St.
Paul's reference (in Titus) to Epimenides of Crete, named
as one of the seven wise men of Greece. "'This is true,'
said the apostle. Thus you see how he allowed something
of truth to the prophett of the Greeks. Nor did he blush,
for edification and for discoursing to the conversion of others,
to use the Greek poems also. Addressing the Corinthians'on the Resurrection,' he brings forward a Greek Iambic:
* De Civit. Dei, Lib. Ix. c. 19.
t That Epimenides was more than a poet, see Clem. Alex. Strom. Lib.
vi. Art. 1, where he is described as offering or recommending sacrifices
for the purpose of preventing a Persian invasion of Greece.
5




86    AARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.,9OEipovoLv 71X  xpao9' o6tuZia icacai.'"'  Also by Origen,
who, in one of his homilies, says:   St. Paul allows the
Greeks to have held true opinions; for, in the Acts, it is
clear he uses a poetical extract from Aratus Phcenomenes, by
which he approves what the Greeks have spoken rightly."
True it is, such reasoning is adapted for defence rather
than conviction, but still it does serve to take off a strangeness sometimes attaching to a new doctrine, and introduce it
with less prejudice to its enemies. Having appealed to the
testimony of nature and of individual conscience, the only
other tribunal, at once manifest to all and apart from Revelation, is the common consent of mankind.  This forms the
ground of the present section, and differs from the last principally in being collective. It supposes that, in spite of all
the apparent discord and instability of human opinions, and
in spite of all the errors mixed up with them, there are, (it
matters not how they came) and appear always to have been,
certain prominent dogmas which resemble those of Christianity sufficiently for the purpose. The adumbration might
be faint, but there it was, ald none of the Christians' making
either. It is argued, therefore, that, if one set of opinions is
admitted, the other cannot be refused: they must be accounted
orthodox, if not divine.  " Give us now," says Justin, " but the
same degree of credit you yield to your writers, and we will
satisfy you of the Resurrection."
To make out the exact force of this method of reasoning
in a country professedly Christian, would not be in place
here; but that the ancient opponents of the faith did feel the
sharpness of this arrow feathered from their own wing, is
manifest in the attempts they made to elude it by charging
Christianity with plagiarisms from the classics, as we shall
find in the next chapter.
* Evilcommunications corrupt'good manners. 1 Cor. 15:23. Am. Ed.
So also Eusebius and Jerome. It is a question whether Menander or
Euripides is quoted here.




ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.        87
The examples of heathen ideas brought forward by the
Apologists embrace correspondences with certain points of
Christian belief; as, the being and attributes of God, - the
fall of man, - the flood, - theories of prophecy, mysteries
and mediation, - the Sonship of Christ, - his acts, -the
common duties of religion, -references to the end of the
world, the fact of a future state, &c. I need give but a few
out of a multitude of instances under this head.
JUSTIN MARTYR* observes, that Socrates, one of the
best heathen philosophers, at the suggestion of right reason,
endeavored to bring the,truth to light, and to lead men away
from the worship of devils.
He quotest Plato, declaring that Rhadamanthus and Minos will punish the wicked who shall come to them. " The
event" he adds, "of which we Christians speak is the same,
but we say it will be accomplished by Christ, and that both
our bodies and souls united will be punished with the eternal
torments, and not for a thousand years only."  He showshow the heathen credit the resurrection unwittingly, " whenever they deal in necromancy and divination, or applaud such
stories as the descent of Ulysses."
"Whilst the Sibyl~ and Hystaspes assert there is to be a
destruction of corruptible things by fire, (as the Stoics say
to be renewed again) Plato taught,ll that all things were
made by God; many of the poets, that there is also a heaven
and a hell: and Menander, that men ought not to worship
idols. And when we affirm that Christ is the Son of God,
and that he died and rose again; in what respect do we differ
from you who believe in the sons of Jove: as for example,~
Mercury, the messenger from  God, Perseus, born of a virgin, and Hercules, who burned himself to death?"
* Apol. I. c. 5.   t Ib,. 8.       + Ib. c. 4.
~ Ib. c. 27.       11 Ib. c. 2.'2    Ib. c. 30.




88    ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.
In his address* to the Roman Senate, the Pagans are
reminded that Noah is their Deucalion; and that they themselves ought to be looking beyond this life, since even Xenophon figured vice and virtue, the former full of joy and honor
here, the latter clothed in a mean vesture, to be eternally
glorious hereafter.t
He illustrates- from Homer, the common opinion among
the heathen, that all things were possible to the gods.
TATIAN.~    "Admit our doctrines at least as you do the
divinations of the Babylonians: listen to us at least as you
do to the oracular oaks."
ATHENAGORAS.[{        "Your own poets and philosophers were never charged with Atheism, though they believe in one God. Euripides confesses his doubts as to the
gods of the vulgar: yea, he owns that God can only be spiritually conceived of, and any knowledge of him arrived at
by the contemplation of his works alone. Sophocles was of
the same opinion."  Other confessionsi are cited from Philolaus, Aristotle, and the Stoics; and Plato** and Pythagoras
adduced to prove that it is not impossible for these bodies,
after a dissolution, to be formed again on the same principles they were at first made.
THEOPHILUS.tt "3Many of the poets have foretold,
being guided perhaps by some oracle, that those who do
wickedly must be punished, thus bearing witness against
themselves, and such as are like them."  He quotes to this
effect JEschylus, Pindar, Euripides, Archilochus, Dionysius,
Simonides, and Sophocles.
* Apol. I. c. 7.  t Ib. c. 11.   + De Res. c. 7.
~  rat. ad Grcec. c. 12.   [1 Legat. c. 4.  ~[ Ib. c. 6.
d* Ib. c. 36.             tt Ad Aut. Lib. 11. c. 37.




ARGUMENT PROMI ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.      89
CLEMENS ALEXAN.* urges upon the Greeks, that as
they have given credit to various fables respecting the power
of music, believing that Amphion built the walls of Thebes
by the aid of his magical lyre, and that Orpheus tamed wild
beasts by the sweetness of his song; thus so long neglecting
the fair face of truth, and following after troops of raging
Bacchantes with the whole chorus of Gods inhabiting Cithxron and Helicon; so they should now raise their eyes to
the sacred mount of God, and the holy choir of prophets,
even the heavenly Sion. "There is music, not indeed ac7
cording to the measure of Terpander, but according to the
eternal measure of a new harmony, of the new name of God.
It is this name alone that has truly tamed those wild beasts,
men; that has truly of these stones raised up children unto
Abraham: so that the very dead have revived at the sound
of the voice of Him who created them at the first."
TERTULLIAN.f "Your own philosophers coincide with
ours in ascribing the creation of the world to the Logos, that
is, to the Word or Reason. Zeno called him Fate, God, the
mind of the universe: Cleanthes ascribes to him the spirit
that pervades all things." Our author further remarks that
the heathen ought not to find any difficulty in receiving the
Incarnation, since it resembles some of their own fables; nor
the Jews either, who are daily looking for a Messiah. " Besides," he adds, "the Jews and the Greeks both have their
systems of mediation, the one through Moses, the other
through Orpheus, Museus, Melampus, or Trophonius; while
you, Romans, have submitted to the oppressive superstitions
of Pompilius Numa. Surely, then, Christ may be permitted
to set forth that divinity which properly belongs to him."
He thinksf that those who believe in the transmigration
of souls into other bodies, cannot consistently deny the possi* Hort. ad Groec. c. 1.  t Apol. c. 21.  $ Ib. c. 48.




90    ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY,
bility of their being recalled into the same bodies at the
Resurrection.
ZMINUTIUS FELIX.*      "The poets plead for one Intelligence, and the philosophers agree with us in the doctrine of
one God. So that either the Christians now are philosophers,
or the philosophers of old were Christians (thus far)."
" The Stoics,t the Platonists, the Epicureans, have supposed a fiery conflagration of this world. Thus you see your
sages philosophize just as we do."  Furthert correspondence
is discovered in the testimony concerning " the burning river,
the Stygian lake, and the manifold fence of fire about it, prepared for eternal torments; and the heathen are reminded
that the most tremendous oath Jove can take, is to swear by
the boiling banks and horrid gulf of darkness. So that none
but atheists can doubt whether those are to be punished as
unjust and impious, who know not God."
ORIGEN~ quotes Heraclytus, saying, "They who pay
divine honors to inanimate creatures, do just as if they addressed and invoked the walls; an opinion," he adds, "yet
publicly held both by Greeks and barbarians." As to mysteries, he asks,J) what system of philosophy is without them?
and refers~ those of the Greeks who object to the miraculous
conception of Jesus, to their own histories. Out of these he
reminds them how Plato was said to have been born of Amphictione by a spectre, and also of the fabulous accounts of
Danae, Menalippus, Auge, and Antiope.**  He then retorts
upon Celsus, and asks how the first man was produced; and
against his probable reply, that he was made by the spermatic
virtue of the earth, contends that such a birth would be more
extraordinary than that of our Saviour.
-e Octav. c. 19.  t Ib. c. 33.   + Ib. c. 34.
~ Cont. Gels. Lib. I. s. 5.  11 Ib. s. 7.  T Ib. s. 37.
** See also Lib. v. s. 2.




ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.         91
After calling upon the heathen* to give credit to the evangelistic narratives of the dove and voice at our Lord's baptism,
as they would to their own oracles and miracles, he insists
upon the Jew, at any rate, believing them, as they believe
similar incidents in the Old Testament. The same line of
argument occurs Lib. II. sect. 53, 57, 75.
Again,t "because infidels endeavor to expose the doctrine
of Christ's resurrection to profane contempt (on account of
its wonderful character,) I shall take occasion here to mention
what Plato says of Er, the son of Armenius, who at the end
of twelve days arose from his tomb, and related several remarkable transactions that had passed to his certain knowledge
in the world of spirits; I might also mention the story (not
a little to my purpose) which Heraclytus gives of a woman
who returned to life; and many other cases which could be
produced from the history of persons who have appeared the
day after their decease."
Pythagoras and Plato are adduced" as believing in the
ascent of virtuous souls to heaven, or some place beyond the
skies, there to enjoy the society of the blessed. The latter
author appears~ to say, in his Timceus, that the earth is to
be purged by fire and water. He has something tooll not
unlike the Mosaic account of the "Fall," in the Symposio de
Cupidine, under the story of Porus, with the garden of Jove
and the allurements of Penia.
He furtherT silences Celsus, repudiating the miraculous
incidents of Sacred Writ, with the incredible reports of Plato's
third eye, with the swan and demon of Socrates, and with
the stories related by Pythagoras of himself; adding, "The
Greeks looked for such things in their divine men."
Finally,* he argues, that "if Jesus died a miserable death,
so did Socrates and Anaxarchus; and as a palliation for
* Cont. Cels. Lib. v. s. 42-44, 70.  t Cont. Cels. Lib. II. s. 16.
+ Ib. Lib. III. s. 80, 81.  ~ Ib. Lib. iv. s. 20.
I1 lb. s. 37.  t Ib. Lib. vI. s. 8.  ** Ib. Lib. vii. s. 56; vsII. s. 6.




92    ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.
Christian pertinacity in refusing to bow the knee to any but
Jesus, he instances the case of the Lacedaemonian legates,
who could not be induced, even by violence, to adore the
Persian monarch, pleading that " the law of Lycurgus was
their only Lord."
ARNOBIUS * meets the objectors to the humanity of
Christ in their own way, by hinting at a list of minor gods
among the heathen who were carried in the womb. Other
objections t to the Cross are turned aside by allusions to
" Pythagoras slain in the temple of the Muses, to Socrates
poisoned in prison, and to many others, who though famous
for their virtues, have nevertheless died the most painful
deaths; as Aquilius, Tribonius, Regulus; or to mention deities
(since we are charged with worshipping this man) Liberius
(torn in pieces by the Titans), }Esculapius, Hercules, and
Romulus himself."
On the further difficultyt arising out of the death of
Christ, notwithstanding his divine nature, our author asks
the Greeks " whether when the Sibyl was slain by robbers,
Apollo was slain in her?"
"How," he continues,~ "can you who pretend to admire
the precepts of your philosophers and teachers, blame our
Jesus for uttering the same things? You ridicule us because
we reverence and worship God, forgetting that Plato in his
Theaetetus confesses that God is the most powerful of names,
and also hints at a resurrection in the Politico; while in a
treatise,' on the immortality of the soul,' he more than hints
at the fires of Gehenna, in those rivers where the lost are
rolled along and consumed."
"If Christianityll is to be blamed for introducing new
customs," he suggests whether " our ancestors who first ex* Adv. Gent. Lib. i. c. 12.  t Ib. c. 14.  + Ib. c. 24.
~ lb. Lib. I, C. 8.              1 Ilb. c. 28.




ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.        93
changed their skins for woven fabrics, and gave up caves for
houses; or yet more to the purpose, they who introduced the
worship of Hercules into Italy long after Saturn had been
worshipped there, are not obnoxious to the same charge?"
LACTANTIUS* says, "Because the prophets have
spoken of the wrath of God, this is sufficient testimony for
us; but since some will not credit them, we will appeal to witnesses whom our opponents cannot refuse to hear, Many
great writers have handed down the opinion that God is angry
with the wicked. Among the Greeks Aristo and Apollodorus,
and among the Latins Varro and Fenestella."  He likewise
adduces the Erythrsean and other oracles to the same effect.
Passingt over the witness of the prophets once more,+ he proposes-to consider the testimony of the poets and philosophers
as to the unity of God.~ " From these witnesses," he says,
" usually invoked against us, we can prove there is but one
God. Not that these ancients had any knowledge of the
truth, but that the truth forced itself upon them, and shone so
brightly in their eyes, that they had been blind not to see it."
Of the poets,ll Orpheus, Ovid, Virgil; of the philosophers,
Plato, Aristotle, Antisthenes, Thales, Pythagoras, Anaximenes, Cleanthes, Chrysippus, Zeno, with the Roman Seneca
and Cicero; of the heathen prophets,`[ Hermes Trismegistus,
and the Sibyls, are brought in affirmation; some of them**
being further called upon to testify to the formation of the
world and to there being a spirit, the Son of the Great God,
endowed with Creative Power.
In conclusion he quotes Plato on the immortality of the
soul, and agrees with him in inferring this grand doctrine
* De Ira Dei, c. 22.          t Epitom. c. 3.
+ This is given in full in Div. Instit. Lib. I. c. 4.
~ A subject previously pursued at length in Justin Martyr's De Monarchia.
II Epitom. c. 4.     ~ Ib. c. 5.  -* Ib. c. 42, 70.
5*




94    ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.
from the constant mobility of mind; from the power it has of
grasping the past, the present, and the future; from its incorporeity; from its sense of justice and knowledge of God, by
which men are raised above the brutes; and lastly, from the
circumstance that man is the only creature that makes use of
the arts and fire, "that celestial element."
EUSEBIUS* asks, " why if the oracles of the heathen,
as stated by Porphyry, have acknowledged the propriety of
worshipping one God, Jesus alone should be called a deceiver,
because he commends the practice of this virtue to all mankind?"
"Some of the famous philosopherst also taught that the
heavens and the earth were made by God, that the soul was
immortal, and admonished men of a final judgment at which
rewards and punishments are to be distributed."
From like sources he gathersl that "there have been in
every country of the world, oracles and places of prophecy.'The care of the Almighty,' say our enemies,' has accorded
them for the use and accommodation of man;' the only
question then between us is, how to distinguish those of the
heathen from our own."
GREGORY NAZIANZEN~ tells the apostate Julian,
that whilst he despises Christian history, he admits things
equally extraordinary in Classic history.
AUGUSTINE.II     "Will any one deny miracles?   He
that does so in order to injure the authority of Scripture, may
as well say at once that the gods have no regard to men; for
they had no way of insuring their own worship but by miracles, in which the Pagan stories show how far they had the
* Theoph. Lib. v. c. 4.         t b. c. 6, 7.
+ Demonst. Evang. Lib. v. pref.  ~ Orat. IV. adv. Jul. s. 7.
1l De Civit. Dei, Lib. x. c. 18.




ARGUMENT PRO3I ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.       95
power to prove themselves more wonderful than useful. But
if the believers in Polytheism give credence to their histories
and magical (or to please them) theurgical books, why should
the Scriptures be rejected because of the miracles they recount, which are as far beyond all others, as He whom our
books teach us to adore, is above all other gods? "
"Even Porphyry," it is remarked,* " thought that God's
Providence would not leave mankind without a way of deliverance for the soul. He does not say there is no such, but
that so great and good a revelation is not yet made to us or
to him."
SECTION IV.
ANSWERS TO OBJECTIONS.t
CONSIDERING the loose style of the Fathers, and the want
of systematic arrangement in their writings, we are not surprised to meet with a quantity of material among them, which
is hard to classify, and yet which being interesting in itself,
and distinctly meant (as is evident from its interposition with
direct arguments) for the purpose of clearing away the prejudices of the ignorant or sagacious, I have not thought it
right to pass entirely by. Origen and Arnobius are particularly full of this kind of apologetic matter. We have only
room for a few specimens.
THE AUTHOR OF EPISTLE TO DIOGNETUS +
explains away the objection to the Christian religion raised
on the ground of novelty, by the sensible and perhaps correct
reason, that God would have it made fully manifest that we' De Civit. Dci, Lib. x. c. 32.  t Explanation. + Ep. ad Diog. c. 9.




96    ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.
could not save ourselves, or by our own ability attain the
kingdom of God. "This being established by the lapse of
time, he showed us a Saviour who observed those laws for
us which we could not observe."
JUSTIN MARTYR.*       It was urged against the truth of
prophecy, that a fatal necessity brought about the event; our
author explains that there is no such thing as fate. The
variety in the world, of good and bad, and the unequal conduct of the same individual at different times, cannot be consonant with such a doctrine; for in that case fate would be at
variance with itself, or else we must give up all distinction
between vice and virtue, which it would be impious as well
as absurd to suppose.
TERTULLIAN t points out how many public calamities
like those for which Christianity was reproached in his time,
had happened to the empire and city of Rome long before
the reign of Tiberius. He alludes to the flood mentioned by
Plato, to the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, and to
their later representatives, Volsinium and Pompeii.
In reply  to the insinuation, that God permits his own
people to be injured with the wicked, it is shown that trouble
is salutary and needful both as an admonition and punishment; that it does not really injure Christians, because they
have no further concern with this world than how they may
quickly depart from it; and lastly, that they rejoice in the
fulfilment of whatsoever has been divinely predicted, even
though they themselves may be temporarily involved therein.
MINUTIUS FELIX.~        Octavius defends Christians
against the implication of Ceccilius that they were plebeian,
* Apol. I. c. 54.                  f Apol. c. 40.
Ib. c. 42.                        ~ Octav. c. 16.




ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.       97
saying, "They were not a poorer or more despised people
than those who have ever made and delivered rules of wisdom to posterity. It is not the genius of the speaker, but the
truth of what he utters, that men should attend to: indeed
the plainer the discourse, the more visible is the truth it contains, being divested of all meretricious graces."
ORIGEN* rejoins to Celsus questioning the legality of
the Christian love-feasts, that truth is to be preferred to bad
laws; for as the inhabitants of a city might fairly defend
themselves against a prince who unjustly invades their
country, so Christians may warrantably violate the laws of
Satan, that great usurper, to free themselves and others from
his worse than Scythian tyranny.
Being tauntedt with the text, "the wisdom of this world
is foolishness with God," as though Christians despised learning, he answers,' By the wisdom of the world I understand
thatvain philosophy, in a comparative sense, which the Scripture does so justly, so frequently, and so severely condemn.
When a person becomes a fool in the estimation of this vain
and degenerate world, well it is with him: a most useful thing
is folly of that limited kind. For the world that ought to
have known God, has forgotten him; and he, in his infinite
wisdom, has therefore been pleased to save the world by the
preaching of a doctrine esteemed foolish."
He argues,+ that it is no fault of Christianity that the Jews
do not embrace it, from the well-known difficulty there is
in resigning bad habits rooted in our nature, or opinions
in which we have been brought up. We all feel a reluctance to quit only a familiar scene, much more to give up a
national religion. You may talk to an Egyptian till breath
fails, without inducing him to relinquish his superstitions.
The case of the Jews is yet more inveterate.
* Cont. Cels. Lib. I. s. 1.  t Ib. Lib. I. s. 12.  + Ib. s. 62.




98    ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.
He suspects* that our Saviour taught the Jews in parables
that the kingdom of God should be taken away from them on
account of their wickedness, and given to others, as a less
aggravating form of communicating such unwelcome news.
To soften Celsus' surpriset Lbecause Christ did not at once
avenge himself upon the Jews, Origen remarks that the
Greeks find "'much the same difficulty in the fact of the
Deity not punishing the insults offered him by the fatalists."
This was a sly stroke at his Epicurean antagonist.
Celsus+ wonders that Christ did not vanish from the Cross;
our author explains that such a procedure would have vitiated
the design of his mission.
Origen~ again suggests the inconvenience and confusion
which must necessarily follow from every nation having its
own gods: " What could strangers do?"
On Celsus charging Jesusll with robbing Plato of the text,
I-How hardly shall they that have riches enter into the Kingdom of Heaven," he contends, first, that the "resemblance
between the rival passages is not so considerable; Plato's
running thus,'It is impossible for a very rich man to be a
very good man;' and, secondly, that it is exceedingly improbable that the son of a poor carpenter, as Jesus was,
knowing neither the Greek nor Hebrew letters, should have
studied Plato."
I-Ie supposes~ the reason for the subversion of Judaism
was, that the Hebrews would never have been a settled people again: politically, they could not submit their theocracy
to a foreign yoke; or religiously, their ancient dispensations
to evangelical rules.
Finally," he defends the simplicity of the sacred writings,
on the score that they are meant for food and not for display;
* Cont. Cels. Lib. II. s. 5.  t lb. s. 35.  + Ib. s. 58.
~ Ib. Lib. v. s. 38.  11 Ib. Lib. VI. s. 16.
~ Ib. Lib. VIi. s. 20.          ** Ib. s. 49.




ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.        99
for all mankind, not for a few accomplished individuals. It
is remarked, however, that there is a deep meaning and beauty
in them, to be attained by reflection.
ARNOBIUS,* after having shown that Christians cannot
be accountable for calamities, since they have happened in
the earliest ages of the world, inquirest into the nature of
physical evil, and questions whether it is not the result of the
general benevolence of the Deity. He supports this opinion
from Plato.
To the reproach+ of barbarisms detected by the Greeks
and Romans, in the Sacred Writings, he replies that the object
of the Scriptures was not to amuse, but t9 edify; and moreover contends vigorously against any written law, or limitation of arbitrary forms of speech. He asks the hyper-critic
by what original propriety paries should be masculine and
sella feminine? He further produces words with two genders as ccelus and ccelum; hoc pane and hie panis; ice sanguis, hoc sanguen; which he shows to be absurd in the nature
of things. Thus he thinks the most polite of scholars commit the very solecisms which they complain of, and that too,
notwithstanding all their study and all their grammarians.
The heathen having cavilled~ that Christ's promises of the
future are not demonstrable, Arnobius allows it; but maintains upon the whole, and taking a fair view of the matter,
that it is more rational to believe in Jesus, even though his
promises should fail, than in those who can promise nothing
at all. For if Christianity should prove true, by not believing it we incur the loss of salvation, the greatest of all losses.
EUSEBIUS 11 observes, that the synchronism of the
establishment of peace throughout the world by means of
* Adv. Gent. Lib.. c. 1.  t Ib. c. 2.: -Ib. c. 22.
Ib. Lib. iI. c. 3.      1I Theoph. Lib.'iII c. 2.




100   ARGUMENT FROM ANTECEDENT PROBABILITY.
the Roman arms, with the advent of our blessed Lord, the
Prince of Peace, is a great marvel to those who reflect upon it.
He accounts* for some obscurity in the Prophets by supposing that a veil was purposely cast over certain passages,
in order to conceal the predictions concerning the ruin of the
Jews, lest that people should have destroyed even their own
writings, or attempted in some way to have prevented the
accomplishment of prophecy. "History," he says, "as it is,
gives us intimations of such attempts."
AUGUSTINEt argues that of invisible matters, such as
the creation of the world, man's creation and the like, which
no human being could possibly have witnessed, none but God
can inform us; and therefore infers that " since the prophets
profess to furnish us with a divine account, which profession
was accompanied by consistent and holy lives, we are bound
to give them credit."
* Dem. Evan. Lib. vi. przef.  t De Civit. Dei, Lib. xi. c. 3,4.




CHAPTER        II.
THE ARGUMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.
Stand ye in the ways, and see, and ask for the old paths.
JER. 6: 16.
THERE are three points to be observed in estimating the
proofs arranged under this chapter: the claim of the Fathers
to the books of the Old Testament; the sense in which they
appealed to antiquity; and the use they made of the argument.
The first need not detain us long. None can now doubt
that the Fathers laid a fair claim to the books, and so to
the authority in question.  Various sayings of our blessed
Lord and his Apostles, with the entire succession of Christianity to Judaism as a matter of fact, and the further thought
that this argument, itself so popular with the Apologists, was
never disallowed,* will render any lengthened demonstration
unnecessary. The right, even if it be not asserted in some
cases, is clearly implied in all. I shall therefore produce an
authority or two at once.  Origen asks,t "Why should we
think it strange that the Gospel is founded upon the law of
Moses, when our Saviour, addressing those who refused to
believe in him, said,' If ye believe Moses, believe me also;
* Chrysostom names both Celsus and Porphyry as witnessing to the
antiquity of our writings.-Hom. VI. ep. to Cor.
t Cont. Cels. Lib. II.




102          ARGUTMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.
for he wrote of me;' and when Mlark the Evangelist opens
his history, as if intimating to us that the Gospel is based on
the Scriptures of the Old Testament itself?"  And he elsewhere reminds us that" Celsus* thought he could not more
effectually overthrow Christianity, than by his assaults upon
the Jewish system, on which the doctrine of our Saviour is
acknowledged to be built." Again, Archelaus, bishop of
Kaskar, grounds his complaint against the Manichean heresy
upon its attempt to dissociate the two Testaments, by attributing them and the institutions they represent, to different
authors.  Lactantiust also says, "The Jews use the Old
Testament, we use the New; but still the two are not diverse,
for the New is the completion of the Old, Christ being the
common testator." Lastly, Eusebius and Augustine, as others
before them, in explaining why they adopt the books of the
Jews but refuse their ceremonies, insist that the Prophets
belong to Christians because they wrote concerning them;
"in truth, rather against the Jews and in favor of the Gentiles." Nothing can explain more clearly than these statements and reasonings do, the claims which the early Fathers
laid to the Old Testament Scriptures.
Having thus appropriated'the material to their use, and
ranged themselves in the line of spiritual Judaism, the next
step was to prove the antiquity of the common religion. And
in doing this the Fathers have exhibited that spirit of fair
and fearless discussion, which is of itself a mark of sincerity.
They have appealed (1) to profane authors, as far back as
they extend; and upon their failure, (2) to their own books,
the books of Moses.
With regard to the former of these tests, I am bound to
say that the Apologists were not the first to make use of it.
Profane history had already been cited for this purpose. The
Jews themselves were obliged to check the towering pride of
* Cont. Cels. Lib. I. s. 22.  t Div. Instit. Lib. xiv. c. 20.




ARGUMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.            103
Paganism, by references to its own memorials; and to say to
the Gentile (with better reason than Eliphaz to Job,) " With
us are the grey-headed and very aged men, much elder than
thy father." Josephus, about 100 A. D., in his two books
against Apion, had demonstrated, by the direct testimony of
general literature, the great age of the Hebrew race and
institutions.* The Fathers duly acknowledge their obligations
to the noble Jew, for his hint and for his researches. Perhaps,
however, the commencement of such a discussion at all, is
still more justly due to Christianity itself, and to that catholicism and freedom of inquiry it introduced among men. Yet,
be that as it may, the Christian Apologists have the credit of
continuing and considerably enlarging this species of evidence,
until, as one converted philosopher after another brought in
the spoils of foreign lore from the east and from the west,
and thus increased its substance, whilst the experience and
sifting of three or four centuries had fully tried its value, it
stood forth an irrefragable argument against all superstitions.
This appeal to antiquity is made on the strength of a
natural sentiment. Other things being equal, antiquity will
ever insure veneration.  It is the ground of all prescriptive right, and its influence is taken for granted in the
commonest affairs of life. But without entering upon general
questions, we can perceive a peculiar propriety in appealing
to the past on matters of a sacred nature. " With respect to
religious topics that have long occupied the attention of mankind, the novelty of an opinion is prima facie a presumption
against its truth."t The facts with which important opinions
are ushered in, must be expected to stand the test of constant
as well as severe criticism. Truth is the daughter of Time;
and the more serious the truth, the more needful and honorable will be the trial.
* Flavii Jos. contra Apoinem et Manethonem, libro duo.
t Bishop of Lincoln's Just. Martyr.




104           ARGUMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.
With such a view the Apologists seem to have been impressed. All of them, with the exception of Arnobius, make
use of this argument. That they undertook at all, long and
elaborate collations of events and dates, is enough to show
the importance they attached to their production, an importance that can only be based upon the principle above stated.
But Tertullian distinctly gives this as his ground of argument,
in the Apologeticus: "Our records," he says, "have the
greatest claim to attention by the authority of their high
antiquity. For even among yourselves (the heathen), it is as
it were a part of your religion, to pay regard to any observance according to its age." The first idea then of the Apologists under this head, was to show the superior antiquity of
their own records by an appeal to profane history.
This was well as far as it went, but it only constituted a
negative proof, and left Christianity short of its divinity. As
soon therefore as heathen literature ceases to furnish any
evidence, we find them appealing to their own literature.
They turn from comparative to positive antiquity. And so
far is this proceeding from being unfair or injurious to their
cause, it was clearly the only course they could adopt; indeed
the very necessity for it affords a strong affirmation in their
favor; it proves, if it proves nothing else, the superior
antiquity of the Mosaic traditions. But to proceed; by the
aid of this new witness our authors were led beyond the bounds
of a mere opposition or superiority to Paganism. The argument began to assume an absolute value, to exhibit a more
refined and divine quality. It could now be carried on across
the Flood and up to the very gates of Paradise. What could
be adequate to describe such sublime, yet rational details,
but the eye of God and the pen of inspiration?
The principle of this appeal appears to be equally natural
with the other. It is that as God is of one mind and all his
works are perfect, and that since the circumstances that first




ARGU31ENT FROM ANTIQUITY.              105
called forth his pity towards our fallen race, have ever continued the same in their agency and effects, we should expect,
from first to last, but one Revelation of the divine Will, but
one plan for our Redemption.    Modification, adaptation,
revival, development (in form), might be called for, but still
the system, the substance would be the same. A promise
given the moment it was needed, and completed the moment
it was fit. Under some impression of this sort, the Fathers
recognized their unity with the Mosaic and patriarchal dispensations, and hence raised to a yet higher estimate the
documents by which so venerable a unity was warranted.
But, besides expecting that a Divine Revelation would be
one and continuous,* we might also expect it, from the nature
of the case, to exhibit a clear Ipathway up to God himself,
and so prove the perfection of its golden chain. Thus, with
a divine source and an uninterrupted continuity, not merely
the superior antiquity and value of the Sacred Writings
would be attested, but even their inspiration might be inferred.
This was the legitimate end of the argument from antiquity.
How far the different Fathers came up to it, will be seen
in the sequel. Some were content with the lower and more
definite ground. Their main desire was to settle the question
of antiquity in favor of the Old Testament, and for this
purpose they were content to follow up the Sacred Chronology
out of the reach of profane hands.   So long as Homer
yielded the palm of years to David, and Cadmus to Moses,
this was enough; Abraham and Job were yet in reserve.
Others saw and went further. Theophilus says, "' It is
necessary, in a perfect history of the world, that mention be
made of all things from the beginning. Even of those things
* It is curious to notice how men of all religions and times have respected the idea of historic continuity. FGreece was content to receive
her theology from Egypt or the East; Italy from Greece; whilst, since
Christianity became established, there has been no heresy and no antichrist
that has not endeavored to tack itself on to her chariot-wheels.




106          AlRGUMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.
that happened beyond the Flood, such as the origin of the
earth and of mankind.  These subjects the prophets of the
Egyptians and Chaldoeans ought to have explained, if indeed
they spake under the influence of a pure and divine spirit,
and announced that which was true."   Even Arnobius
suggests that, "if the antiquity of authors be required, ours
is that of God himself."  Thus, that marvellous opening of
our Sacred Books: "In the beginning God created the
heavens and the earth;" and that unique genealogy, traced
with mercantile exactness, from " Adam, who was the son of
God," to Jesus himself, which they contain and certify, were
shown to be auxiliary evidences for the truth of Christianity.
And whilst the records of heathen Mythology were soon lost
amidst the clouds of Olympus, or the darkness of Egyptian
tombs, the true religion was found uniting itself (as the works
of Nature do by a different law) to the creation of all things;
and without a doubt, a fable, or a lapse, deducing its pedigree
from a Divine original.
The whole material of this chapter forms an argument of
some weight with a candid and reflective mind. It implies in
fact a superhuman knowledge of the past, and points out an
element in the Bible which is not of this world. It likewise
illustrates that love of order so apparent in all that is divine;
and the practical character of Christianity, which is ready to
abide by the lowest tests of truth.
I have in the third place to mention the account to which
the Apologists turned this argument. The claim they maintained to the Old Testament, gave them a powerful handle
against the Jew; and the appeal to profane authors acted with
equal force against the Pagan. Of the Jewish discussion
nothing need be said; it explains itself. But with regard to
heathenism, we must observe that this argument was an
answer to a double charge. Having appropriated and proved
this antiquity, the Apologist could now repel the charge of
novelty. It was constantly urged to the disparagement of the




ARGUMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.            107
Gospel that it was but of yesterday. In one sense this was
true, and therefore we find Arnobius replying, "So much the
better; its facts can be the more easily tested;" or Eusebius,
saying, " So much the greater marvel since it has already
subdued the world."  But in another sense, and as the heathen
employed it, the objection had a force which I conceive the
Apologists could only meet as they did meet it, by counteraction.  Besides, by acknowledging the principle of this
sacred prescription, they gained and took for the service of
God, all the credit which had been misapplied to idolatry.
The natural sentiment of men and the heathen's own principles, went over to the side of truth; and, may we not hope,
carried some thoughtful minds along with them?
Again, reference was made, in the last chapter, to a charge
of plagiarism, brought by the heathen against the Sacred
Scriptures. They asserted that the coincidence of opinion
between the, Christian and heathen writers was no cause of
wonder, no ground for an argumentum ad hominem, because
doubtless our prophets had borrowed from their poets and
philosophers.  The Apologists returned this charge upon
their opponents, and by a fearless appeal to historical data,
undertook to show that all the probability lay the other way,
inasmuch as our sacred witnesses extend ages further back
than any other records, monuments, or even reasonable traditions. And thus as before, the natural veneration that time
and fame had given to the sages of Greece, was seen transferring itself to the cause of Christianity.
The hypotheses of the Fathers for explaining these correspondences, were, (1) that the ancient poets had borrowed directly from the Scriptures, purposely obscuring their citations
through jealousy or fear; or (2) that they were indebted to
the assistance and suggestion of Satan through the mouth of
oracles. It was thought that our spiritual enemy might have
foreseen the advent of Christ, and endeavored to anticipate
his doctrines and confuse his actions. The first supposition,




108          ARGUMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.
though probable, is not proved. The other yet more crude,
Ls only one of the characteristic and fanciful speculations of
the day.* But those theories, whether right or wrong, form
no part of the argument before us: they are quite gratuitous
explanations. Passing them by, therefore, we find enough of
the sensible and certain, to show that the object of the Apol)gists was accomplished; the false charges were rebutted.
And in doing this a far more substantial advantage followed.
The religion defended, was necessarily and materially enhanced. As it quietly rose above the ruins of all human
systems, the question naturally suggested itself, whence this
superiority? The indirect argument that had won for it a
hearing and an unrivalled character, gave place to the more
direct argument in support of its claims to divinity: abstract
antiquity supplied it with one of the attributes of a Revelation from Heaven. And all this had been effected at the
expense, and very much by the concessions of enemies.
Truly might it be said, to borrow a fine figure of Origen on
a kindred topic, "the Israelites had spoiled the Egyptians,
and taken their ornaments for the decoration of the tabernacle."
Another use of the plea of antiquity to be gathered from
these writings has been almost anticipated. One of the distinguishing traits of the early theology, is the honor it paid
to Christ as "the Word" from everlasting. The results of
this argument were therefore in the highest degree welcome
to the Apologetic cause. They afforded the heathen an illustration of that marvellous nature which, while it appeared on
earth as " a man of sorrows," could be traced absolutely to
a period before the world was, and to an elevation only compatible with the majesty of Godhead. They were in truth an
* A singular conjecture of this kind is hazarded by one of our authors,
that the two thieves were crucified with Christ, at the instigation of the
Devil, who hoped thereby to confound the identity of the sacred person.




ARGUMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.            109
exegesis of the text, "( In the beginning was the Word, and
the Word was with God, and the Word was God."*
I cannot dismiss the entire subject without observing that
whilst the Apologists could not with any propriety have overlooked the advantages of this argument to Christianity, I do
not see that they abused it. They never depended upon it
solely, or supposed it to be more that what Warburton says
it can but be, " a thing relative."  Their maxim was not that
a doctrine was true because it was old, (rather would they
have said it was old because true,) but that it was authoritative. The age and preservation of the Scriptures, (and so
of religion,) afforded a presumption in favor of their heavenly
inspiration; an absolute title to respect and authority. And
as the Apologists did not exaggerate, so they did not misapply
this argument.  With one exception only, I believe, they
restricted its use to the single subject just named- the
antiquity of the Bible. The exception is that of Tertullian
(after a germ of Irenaeus possibly) in his controversy with
the heretics, a discussion and a principle quite apart from our
present one, but which Mosheimt has, I think unfairly, made
to tell against the whole patristic body.
JUSTIN MARTYR.t "We desire also to make it fully
apparent to you that those things only which we affirm and
have learned from Christ and the prophets are the truth, and
more ancient than anything recorded by other writers."
Defending the freedom of the will, he remarks,~ "' When
Plato said,'the fault lies with'him who chooses, but God is
blameless,' he took it from Moses, who was more ancient
than all the writers of the Greeks. And so everything the
poets and philosophers have said concerning the immortality
* John i. 1.        t Eccles. Hist. Cent. II. Part II. c. 3.
Apol.. c. 31.      ~ Ib. c. 57.
6




110           ARGUMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.
of the soul, or of punishments after death, or of the contemplation of heavenly things, they conceive and explain as
they first derived them from the prophets."
"It is not therefore* that we hold the same opinions as
others, but that all others speak in imitation of us."
Having surmisedt that evil spirits might suggest the
misinterpretation of prophecies concerning the prince Messiah
(whence Bacchus was said to have been born of Jupiter,
Perseus of a virgin, Hercules a ruler, and ZEsculapius a
healer of the sick), our author endeavors to trace many of
the heathen ceremonies to a like source; such as the offering
of libations, the sprinkling with water, the loosing the shoes
in the vestibule of a temple, and some of the mysteries of
Mithra.  "Whatever4 the philosophers and legislators of
antiquity said or thought that was at all worthy, they had
elaborated out of the Word of God. But because they knew
not everything concerning the word, that is, Christ, they have
often said and done things inconsistent with themselves." In
this way he concludes that Christ is superior to them all,
and his doctrine more sublime than all human doctrines.
Endeavoring ~ to persuade the Greeks to forego the teaching of their own sages, he adduces as one argument, the
greater antiquity of Moses and the prophets. This point he
engages to prove, "not out of our own divine histories (to
which as yet you may not assent on account of your errors,)
but even from profane historians themselves.  Thus some
professing to be of the time of Ogyges and Inachus, mention
Moses as the leader and chief of the Jewish nation. So also
Polemon in his first book of Grecian history. Again, Apion,
in his work against the Jews, as likewise in the fourth book
of his histories, relates that whilst Inachus reigned in Argos,
the Hebrews revolted from Amasis, king of Egypt, under
*Apol. i. 78.                  - lb. c. 8.
+ Apol. ii. c. 10.             ~ Exhort. ad Grac. c. 9.




ARGUMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.             111
their leader Moses. Ptolemseus, also, writing of the affairs
of the Egyptians, assents to this. Add to these testimonies
the writers on Athenian history, Hellanicus and Philochorus,
Castor and Thallus, and Alexander Polyhistor, together with
the best Jewish writers, Philo and Josephus, all of whom
commemorate Moses, the oldest and most venerable Jewish
leader.  The very title of Josephus' famous work, The
Antiquities, is something for our proposition. Then there is
Diodorus, the most celebrated of your own historical writers,
who in his first book distinctly says that he has heard from
the Egyptian priests that Moses was the first and most ancient
of legislators. Such* is the witness, oh Greeks, that you
yourselves bear to our antiquity.  But it is needful to go
a little more into detail, and inquire in what ages your
philosophers lived, that you may perceive their recent date
and the greater antiquity of our Moses."  He proceeds thus:
"Socrates was the master of Plato, Plato of Aristotle; now
these men flourished in the times of Philip and Alexander of
Macedon, contemporaries of the great Athenian orators, as
the orations of Demosthenes against Philip prove.  Wherefore it is plain, how much older Moses must be than any of
them. Moreover, there were no records kept by the Greeks
before the Olympiads, nor are there any ancient monuments
of their deeds before that time. The only history of those
early periods now extant, is that of our Moses, written in the
Hebrew character before Greek letters were invented. Your
grammarians themselves allow this when they say that
Cadmus first brought the alphabet from Phoenicia, and taught
it to the Greeks: which alone proves the lateness of your
literature; for all your poets, however ancient, your legislators,
historians, philosophers, and orators, have composed and
spoken in the Greek character."  An accountt of the Septuagint translation follows, to explain the appearance of the
* Exhort. ad Grec. e. 12.             t Ib. c. 13.




112           ARGUMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.
Old Testament in Greek, after which he presses his conclusion upon the heathen:' It seems,* therefore, that
beholding the judgment (rendered) not only by believers, but
also by those without us, you ought not to adhere so heedlessly
to the errors of your ancestors, or suppose that to be necessarily true which they have handed down. Consider the danger
of a mistake in such a momentous concern, and carefully
examine whatever has been spoken by your so-called teachers.
In such a research you will find that they were compelled by
divine providence to say much, however unwillingly, that
makes in our favor. Especially is this the case with those
who travelled into Egypt, and there profited by the religious
teaching that Moses and our ancestors left behind them."
He gathers from the history of Diodorus, &c., that Orpheus,
Homer, Solon, Pythagoras and Plato, with many others, in
this way visited Egypt, where they met with the Pentateuch;t
for it would seem "thenceforth+ they changed their incorrect
opinions concerning the Deity, and began to speak of one and
the only God;" darkly ~ it is true, but then perhaps " Plato
was deterred from expressing his full belief by the fate of his
master Socrates."  He gives 11 as his reason for mentioning
these things, the hope of drawing off the Greeks from their
confidence in " those who did not write what was original, but
what they took from Moses and the prophets,~ concealing
their theft under various figures."
"It is now time,** therefore," he adds, " that you being
persuaded by extraneous accounts, of the far greater antiquity
of Moses and the rest of the prophets above all those whom
you account wise, should depart from the fatal errors of your
predecessors, and learn what is true from ours."
* Exhort. ad Graee. c. 14.  t Ib. c. 15.  + lb. c. 19.
b. c. 20.                               11 Ib. c. 34
IT For coincident passages see Exhort, ad Greca. c. 22, 25-27, 31-33.
** lb. c. 35.




ARGUMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.             113
TATIAN.*    "It is right I should satisfy you that our
philosophy is older than any of the Grecian systems; and
let us begin by comparing Moses and Homer, each being the
oldest on his side. We shall find by this means that not only
can we date farther back than any of your schools, but than
the invention of Greek letters themselves. For the purpose
of proving this, I will not bring forward our own witnesses,
but yours; the Greeks themselves shall testify.  Indeed I
know that any other witnesses would be useless, because you
would not admit their testimony; but then it will be a greater
victory for us if we can convince you by arguments not to be
impugned, and thus fight you with your own weapons."  He
commences by allowing that the notices concerning Homer
are both many and ancient. Theagines Rhegius, who lived
in the reign of Cambyses; Stesimbrotus, Herodotus, Thasius,
Antimachus, Collophonius, Dionysius, and others, both Peripatetics and grammarians, all name him, but " all agree in
placing him after the Trojan war."  Yet even grantingt "that
Homer was contemporaneous with Agamemnon at the siege
of Troy, or, if you will, lived before the invention of letters,
it is still evident that our Moses is the more remote, preceding as well the building of Troy, as the very origin of the
Greek and Trojan races." To verify this statement, he
proposes to make use of the Chaldean, Phoenician, and
Egyptian writers. Berosus, of Babylon, is found mentioning
Nebuchodonozor's expedition against the Phoenicians and
Jews, which exactly tallies with the account of the circumstance given by our prophets, many ages after Moses. Now
this furnishes a date seventy years before the foundation of
the Persian empire.  From the Phoenician authors,4 Theodotus, H-ypsicrates and Mochus, he gathers that the following
events occurred under their kings: "the transference of
Europa, the advent of Menelaus into Egypt, and the acts of
* Orat. ad Grac. c. 21.  t lb. c. 36.  + Ib. c. 37.




114          ARGUMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.
Chiramus, who gave his own daughter in marriage to Solomon, and supplied him with every kind of wood for the construction of the temple, as is confirmed by Menander of
Pergamos.   Now the age of Chiramus was near that of
Troy; but Solomon was his contemporary; wherefore the
above-named events were of much later date than Moses."
Ptolemy* the priest, furnishes our author with Egyptian
testimony, to the effect that "the Jews went out of Egypt
under the direction of Moses, in the reign of Amosis, coeval
with Inachus.  This Apion confirms.  But the time that
elapsed from Inachus to the destruction of Troy was twenty
generations, as is seen by examining the list of the Argive
kings (which is given) down to Agamemnon, in the eighteenth
year of whose reign Troy was taken."
A parallel listt of the Attic sovereigns follows, beginning
with Ogyges (of the same age with Phoroneus, son of Inachus,
under whom the first deluge is said to have happened), and
including Acteus, who gave Attica its name, Prometheus,
Epimetheus, Atlas, and Cecrops (during this reign occur the
burning of Phaethon, and Deucalion's flood), and others
whose eras include the facts or fictions of Grecian History;
such as the landing of Danaus on the Peloponnesus; the fable
of Proserpine; the building of the Eleusinian temple; the
narrations concerning Triptolemus, Cadmus and Minos; the
Thracian and Athenian wars, &.c., down to the time of
Agamemnon again; thus establishing the general fact, that
Moses was older than the most venerable and ancient of the
Grecian heroes.
The date of Cadmus' entrance into Boeotia is next ascertained to have been many generations later than Inachus;
and lastly,+ our author is at pains to show that Moses is likewise older than any sages before the time of Homer; as
Linus (called the preceptor of Hercules, whose son Triptolemus was engaged in the Trojan war), Philammon, Thamyrides,
*Orat. ad Grece. c. 38.  1 lb. c. 39.  Jlb. c. 41.




ARGUMAENT PROM ANTIQUITY.            115
Amphion, Museus, Orpheus, Demodocus, the Sibyl, Epimenides, the Cretan who went to Sparta, and so on, the catalogue
of worthies being completed by the addition of the legislators
and sages from Minos downwards.
"And now," he concludes,* "I, Tatian, a Christian, have
composed these things; born in Syria, initiated into your
mysteries, I have turned to those I herein recommend; for
as soon as I knew God and his works, I felt a desire to
exhibit to others the result of my own examination, which
offers beyond all denial a sound reason for thus worshipping
God (as Christians do)."
ATHENAGORAS.t "It is necessary in this Apology
to show that the very names of the heathen gods are modern,
and that their statues were but of yesterday. I need scarcely
remark that some of your writers, such as Orpheus, Homer,
and Hesiod, were almost contemporaneous with your gods.
Herodotus testifiesto this when he says,' Hesiod and Homer,
I am of opinion, were not above five hundred years more
ancient than myself.' They first formed a Theogony for the
Greeks, gave names to the several divinities, distributed their
honors and occupations, and described their sex, form and other
characteristics. Pictures and images were not invented for
many years after this. The invention of drawing is due to
Saurias of Samos, who traced a horse from a shadow in the
sun; of painting, to Crato making a colored picture of a man
on a board; and of wax-images to Core, whose father relieved
in wax an outline of her lover, which she had sketched upon
the wall of her chamber, the original being still preserved in
Corinth. Dedalus and Theodorus the Milesian, long afterwards began to sculpture, and indeed of so recent a date are
the statues of the gods, that we can name the very persons
who carved them; for example, Endyus, a scholar of Daedalus,
* Orat. ad Grac. c. 42.           t Legat. c. 17.




116          ARGUMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.
made the famous statue of Diana of the Ephesians, and that
of Minerva or Athena. The Pythian Apollo is the work of
Theodorus and Telecles. The skill of Angelion and Smilis,
made the Juno of Samos; Praxiteles, the figure of Venus
the lady, in Cnidus: Phidias, that of AEsculapius in Epidaurus; in fine, there is not any celebrated statue the author of
which is not known. Now if these are the gods, how came
they to be made by men's hands? How is it they did not
exist from everlasting? How came they to be younger than
their authors?"
THEOPHILUS.* "The future punishment of the wicked
was predicted long ago, by the prophets from whom your
poets and philosophers, posterior in point of time, have borrowed in order to give authority to their opinions."
Our author subsequently shows,t that " both Jupiter and
his father Saturn were born later not only than matter, but
even than the formation of the world, and a multitude of
men."
Referring+ to the generations from Adam, he says: " They
are clearly pointed out in the sacred Scriptures, as the Holy
Ghost inspired Moses and the other prophets, so that our
writings are proved to be more ancient than any others.
Many have fancied that Apollo was the inventor of music,
or that Orpheus derived it from the singing of birds, but our
books trace this art beyond the Deluge. We have also ~ a
rational account of the first building of cities and the rise of
monarchies, with names and sketches of the races that sprang
from the three sons of Noah." A tabular view follows, of
the Assyrian kings; such as were coeval with Melchisedec,
Abimelech, &c., being pointed out.
* Ad Autol. Lib. I. c. 14.        t Ib. Lib. 11. C. 6.
I B. C. 30.                         lb. c. 31.




ARGUMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.             117
Thus* he finds that all the narratives of human transactions are but recent when compared with that of the Sacred
Writings, and urges his friend, on the strength of such a discovery, not to trust those who were so much later in date,
and who have introduced a host of false gods, born many
years after cities were built, and nations established.
Having remarked t that the enemies of Christianity reproach it for its novelty, he calls attention to the actual dates
of the systems under discussion. He shows how uncertain all
the early heathen Theogonies and philosophies are: that some
account the world unproduced, thus plunging into infinity,
whilst others who allow its creation have antedated it by
myriads of years. The reckoning of Plato, for instance, is
criticised, as found in his book De Civitate, concerning the
ages that have elapsed from the flood to the time of Daedalus. With these he confronts the well-substantiated dates of
Moses,+ whom our author (with Josephus) supposes to have
lived near a thousand years after Noah; of the building of
the temple, ~ five hundred and sixty years from the Exodus,
whilst Hiram was king of Tyre, (as furnished by Menander);
and lastly, of the foundation of Carthage, which he sets at a
hundred and forty-three years and eight months subsequent
to the building of Solomon's temple.
In like manner I1 the times of the legislators are investigated. Solon is found to synchronize with Cyrus and the
prophet Zacharias; and with reference to Lycurgus, Draco, and
Minos, Josephus' authority is produced to show that our books
are much more ancient than any of the laws of these men.
" Yea, our divine law," it is added, "was prior to the reign of
Jupiter in Crete, or to the Trojan war; and our books even
recount events that happened before the flood, relating to the
creation of the world and the formation of the first man."
* Ad Autol. Lib. Ii. c. 32.  t Ib. Lib. III. c. 16.  + Ib. c. 20.
Ib. c. 22.            lb. c. 23.
6*




118          ARGUMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.
Upon the whole, from a comparison* of the histories of the
Persian, Roman, and other dynasties, Theophilus calculates the
lapse of seven hundred aind forty-four years, from the reign of
Cyrus to the death of the emperor Aurelius Verus; or five
thousand six hundred and ninety-eight years from the beginning of the world to his own time.
CLEMENS ALEXANDRINUS,t after an exordium,
demonstrates that the Christian discipline is older than any
of the schools. He commences with an account of the rise
of the Grecian Philosophy for the purpose of exposing "its
recent date when compared with the Hebrew writings, from
which in truth it seems to have been borrowed."   He
extends the same remarks to the arts and sciences of which
the barbarians, as the Greeks designate them, were the inventors. " In this respect," he says, "the philosophers may be
called thieves and robbers, because before the coming of
Christ, they stole and appropriated to themselves, portions
of truth from the Hebrew prophets (without clearly understanding them,) which they adulterated or disfigured with
ignorant diligence."
He then passes on to a long chronological detail, tracing
the succession of poets, sages and sibyls down to the death
of Commodus, by which he manifestly proves that Moses
and the prophets lived long anterior to the period of the rise
of philosophy.
This emboldens him to try and show further, that the
Greeks derived even their strategical skill from the Jews;
and that Miltiades, in his night march against the Persians,
imitated the tactics of Moses in conducting the children of
Israel out of Egypt. By a like fanciful and unsatisfactory
process of thought, he traces the first idolatrous columns
*Ad Autol. Lib.  c 26-28.  Stom Lib. Art. 2, 3.




ARGUMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.             119
of the ancients to their hearing of the fiery and cloudy pillar,
the guide of God's people in the desert.
In the opening of the second book,* we find Clemens returning to his favorite topic, the plagiarisms of the Greeks.
He asserts that their philosophers have stolen from the Sacred Scriptures, all they have delivered respecting the divine
nature, the existence of matter, the first principle, the providence of God, the immortality of the soul, &c. These things
he supposes them to have learned by a sort of circumlocution; and hence deduces that the literature of the Greeks
can only be studied profitably in connection with the Hebrew
Scriptures, the source from which it flowed. He conceives
that the heathen may have been allowed to cull their philosophy in this way, to prepare them for the preaching of the
Gospel.
TERTULLIAN t observes that as he has shown the
antiquity of the Holy Scriptures above all profane literature
(this is done much as usual, in cap. xix.), it will readily be
conceded that they constitute the treasure, whence all real
wisdom has been extracted. And he thinks it no wonder
that the ingenuity of the philosophers has thus perverted the
Old Testament, since men sprung from them (the heretics)
have perverted the New, and cut many oblique and intricate
paths from the one only way.
He concludes that since there is no doubt about the superior antiquity of our books and of the heathen plagiarisms
from them, they ought to be believed much more than their
imitations.
MINUTIUS FELIX + conjectures that Thales drew his
notion of water being the principle of all things, out of the
Genesis of Moses; and,~ speaking of the resemblance which
* Strom. Lib. II.                    t Apol. c. 4.
+ Octav. c. 19.                      ~ lb. c. 33.




120          ARGUMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.
the heathen opinions generally bear to Christian truths, he
asserts, "the philosophers have taken their sketches from
the divine discoveries of our prophets, disguising the theft."
So did Pythagoras and Plato, especially concerning the immortality and metempsychosis of the soul. Or* " else these
doctrines must have been gleaned from the confessions of
demons."
ORIGEN t refers Celsus, who has omitted to reckon the
Jews among the ancient nations of the earth, to the Egyptian annals, where the Jews are represented as a peculiar
people; adding, " I might also adduce the Assyrian records,
which represent their nation as engaged in long and bloody
wars with the Hebrews;" upon which he asks, "why the
Jewish writers who furnish accounts to the same purpose,
should not be equally credited?  How much more,* then,
does ~Numenius the Pythagorean deserve to be preferred
before Celsus! This learned author, in his work De Bono,
speaking of those nations that hold God to be incorporeal,
has named the Jews among them, and likewise gives some
passages from the prophetical writings, giving them, however,
an allegorical sense. It is reported also on the authority of
Hermippus, that Pythagoras borrowed his philosophy from
the Jews, and taught it to the Greeks; and there is still
extant Hecatmaus' history of the Jews, wherein he so highly
commends the wisdom of that people, as to make Herennius
Philo doubt whether he was not a convert." Origen ~ thinks
it "needless to produce Egyptian, Phoenician, or Grecian
testimonies, since any one may read them by consulting Josephus' works, where is a long catalogue of authors, who confirm the truth of this matter by their concurrent testimonies."
The perusal of "Tatian's learned discourse against the
Pagans " is recommended on the same grounds, as containing
* Octav. c. 34.           f Cont. Cels. Lib. I. s. 14.
+ Ib..  es. lo.b. n.. 16.




ARGUMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.              121
an abundance of references to the ancients who have written
respecting the Jews in general, and Moses in particular.
The Epicurean Philosopher* having further charged the
Israelites with borrowing the right of circumcision from the
Egyptians, our author points out that Moses attributes its
origin to Abraham, whose great antiquity as well as identity
he proves, by citing the formularies of Egyptian magicians,
in reference to the God of Abraham.
He thinkst it strange that a man of so much reading as
Celsus professes to be, should omit to notice Moses among
his worthies, though many of the Grecian writers themselves
place him about the time of Inachus (the father of Phoroneus), whom the Egyptian and Phoenician authors declare to
k e the most ancient chief recorded in their histories.
Respecting the tower of Babel and the confusion of
tongues,+ Celsus throws out an insinuation, that the Scripture
account is but a version of the story of the Aloida. Origen
replies, that no mention is made of the sons of Aloeus prior
to the time of Homer, but that our account of these things
was written by Moses, who not only preceded Homer, but
also the invention of the Greek letters.
Phaethon's fable is disposed of in the same way, and its
writers are shown to have been as much posterior to Homer,
as Homer was to Moses. It is likewise observed ~ that the
Hebrew genealogy was never disputed for many ages.
Again,l| to Celsus' bold assertion, that the Christian doctrines concerning the Evil Spirit, are extracted from Heraclitus and Pherecydes, and that others relating to heaven, are
but expansions of Homer's " isles of the blessed," and " the
Elysian fields," or of Plato's " pure earth under a pure sky,"
Origen as boldly opposes the historical fact, that Mloses had
declared these truths long before either of the above-named
authors was born.
* Cont. Cels. Lib. I. s. 22.  t Ib. Lib. iv. s. 11.  f Ib. s. 21.
Ilb. s. 35.            1l Ib. Lib. vii. s. 28.




122           ARGUMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.
Upon the whole, he conceives' that if an opinion is beneficial, and the intention of the projector good, it can matter
little whether it arose among the Jews or the Greeks, only it
must be remembered that the former have the fairest claim
to originality because their writings are the oldest.
LACTANTIUS.t "I must say a few words about the
prophets whose testimony is now about to be used, which I
have refrained from doing in my former books. Before all
things, he who would understand the voices of the prophets,
must diligently inquire not only into the animus that prompted
them, but also into their times. This is requisite in order to
an appreciation of the fulfilment of their predictions; nor is
there any difficulty in collating these dates. It is well known
under what kings they prophesied; and many persons have
written works on the sacred chronology, commencing with
Moses who preceded the Trojan war at least seven hundred
years." Our author then gives a sketch of the judges and
kings of Israel, confirming his statements by reference to
Jewish, Greek, and Roman authorities; pointing out in passing, the eras of the several prophets down to Zacharias,
whom he calls the last, and places in the second year and
eighth month of the reign of Darius; and concludes by
stating, that the "fact of the prophets being proved more
ancient than the Greek writers, should serve to convince
those of their error, who endeavor to disparage the Sacred
Scriptures, as if they were but lately penned."
EUSEBIUS + institutes a comparison between the Hebrews and the notable men of Greece and Rome, and invokes
history to attest the superior antiquity of the schools of the
prophets, over those of the Academy, the Lyceum, or the
* Cont. Cels. Lib. vII. s. 69.  t Div. Instit. Lib. IV. c. 5.
+ Prcep. Evang.




ARGUMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.             123
Portico. He argues that the ancient Hebrews, of whatever
rank or sex, walked in the light of divine wisdom during many
centuries in which the rest of the world lay in the deepest
barbarism: that the science of the Greeks is wholly borrowed from extraneous sources; that its earliest teachers
were foreigners by birth, and that their successors with ingenious subtlety perfected the stolen knowledge; in brief, that
Plato was an Attic imitator of Moses. In comparing the
discipline and institutions of these great rival leaders, he
points out such a resemblance between them, as he thinks
could not have been the result of accident, but of a deep
and well adjusted imitation.*  He farther t shows that Pythagoras borrowed from Moses.
AUGUSTINE + traces some of Plato's ideas to his reading the prophetic books during his sojourn in Egypt, or to
the light of his own conscience. He refers to remarks on
this subject, made by Justin, Clemens, Eusebius, Ambrose,
and Lactantius; and then ~ takes up the progress of the
earthly state, through the respective epochs of Assyrian and
Egyptian history, corresponding to the times of Abraham,
Moses, &c. He next I| proposes to prove that the prophets
were more ancient than the Gentile philosophers. " In our
prophets' time," he says, (he has just run through their
works) "there were no philosophers stirring as yet. The
first being Pythagoras the Samian, who flourished at the end
of the captivity, so that all others must needs be later than
that event. Socrates, the chief of the moralists, lived after
Esdras, as chronicles record; and immediately after him
came Plato and his scholars; and if the seven sages of
Greece and the physical philosophers who succeeded Thales,
viz., Anaximander, Anaximenes, Anaxagoras, and others
* Vid. Street's Leaves of Eusebius.  t Const. Vit. c. 17.
5 De Civit. Dei, Lib. vII. c. 11.  Ib. Lib. xvII. c. 2-5. 1 Ib. c. 37.




124          ARGUMENT FROM ANTIQUITY.
who professed philosophy before Pythagoras, are added, we
shall still find that not one of these was anterior to the
prophets. For Thales, the oldest of them all, was only coeval
with Romulus, who flourished long after the stream of
prophecy had been flowing from the fountains of Israel. The
theological poets therefore alone remain to be considered, as
Orpheus, Linus, Musoeus, and others (if any) who can be
called prior to the canonical prophets. But not even they
were as ancient as our divine Moses, who taught them concerning the one true God, and whose books appear at the
head of our Scripture. Wherefore though the learning of
Greece warms the world to this day, yet it cannot be boasted
that it is as excellent as ours. We allow indeed not that the
Greeks, but that some other nations, may have had peculiar
doctrines, before the time of Moses, or it would not have
been said, for example, that he was learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, but at the same time I would have it
remembered that even the wisdom of these men was posterior in point of time to our prophet Abraham. For we find
that Isis, the reputed goddess of Egypt, taught her people
letters. But this Isis was the daughter of Inachus, king of
Argos, who reigned in the time of Abraham's grandchildren."




CHAPTER        III.
THE ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.
Who spake by the Prophets.
NICENE CREED.
WHILST it would be quite out of place here, to furnish abstract discussions on the various methods of reasoning adopted
by the Fathers, it certainly seems proper to define and occasionally explain terms, or to harmonize an ancient with a
modern sense. Such explanations, however, should be brief.
The object of prophecy is to exhibit a superhuman knowledge of the future. We have been considering in the last
chapter how far Christianity answers to an ordeal as regards
the past: we have now to apply a yet stronger test of divinity.
It has to look forward as well as backward.
An essential relation to the future is the great characteristic
of prophecy; that which distinguishes it from other knowledge
and other miracles. And this definition seems necessarily to
include the idea of an extra-human source: for what can any
but God, know of the future? " Of all knowledge this is
that which man has the greatest desire and the least ability to
attain to."* We may surmise and judge with some confidence,
but all is alike speculative; especially in regard to remote
regions of time, whose distinctness seems to decrease incalHorne's Introduction.




126           ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.
culably with the distance. " Such then being the contingency,
and our ignorance of what concurs to produce any event, we
may be sure that certain and infallible predictions are of
heaven and not of earth; and therefore by what means we
are assured of a prophecy, by the same are we assured of its
divinity."
Of the value of such an argument in any age of the Church
there can be no doubt; but it derived additional virtue from
certain circumstances of the parties we are concerned with.
I cannot illustrate this better, than by referring to a question
often mooted as to the comparative worth of the prophetical
argument. In no case can comparisons be so odious as in
sacred things; and yet they have been made. The different
evidences of religion have been arrayed one against the other,
in different ages, and in consequence of the partial views of
men. Here, prophecies have been preferred, owing to a misinterpretationt of the text, " We also have a more sure word
of prophecy;" there, miracles especially of late, have been
estimated out of all due proportion, so that the judgment of
the Apostles as well as of the Apologists, not to say the truth
of the Gospel itself, has been called in question, because of
the less exaggerated importance that was anciently attached
to them.+
But without troubling ourselves with the propriety or
merits of such a discussion at all, we hasten to make use of
an explanation to which it gives rise. The Fathers, in offering a reason for not availing themselves of the evidence of
miracles so much as they might and would have done, inform
us of two opinions of their day. First, the universal belief
in magic or demoniacal agency, by which the force of miracles
* Pearson On the Creed.
f An Exposition, says Sherlock, which all commentators reject as contradictory to the general sense of mankind on this point, and inconsistent
with other places of Scripture.
+ Paley's Evidences, Part III. c. 5.




ARGUMENT FROMB PROPHECY.             127
was weakened, and a doubt cast upon their origin. This will
be noticed more at large in the next chapter. At present we
need only observe, that in refutation of this notion, Justin
Martyr, Irenacus, and Lactantius appeal to the prophecies of
the Old Testament, showing how improbable it was that those
deeds should be performed by magic, which had been foretold,
ages before, by God himself.*  Secondly, the belief quite as
universal among the heathen, that the prophetic spirit was a
sure sign of divinity. This is the opinion to which I would
now call attention, as preparing the way for the testimony of
the prophets.,The reverence which the Gentile world have ever attached
to prophecy, is abundantly manifested in their literature and
practices. Justin Martyr, addressing the Emperor Adrian
and his sons, hesitates not to say, " I suppose your majesties
will concede that those who prophesy, are inspired by nothing
else than the divine word." And Origen tells Celsus, that
"even the Greeks confess it is a God who speaks by the
mouth of the Pythian priestess." The fact also of ten oracular sites in Greece alone, each claiming the inspiration
of a god, and proving their popularity by enormous revenues,
speaks for itself. The heathen therefore could hardly refuse
to listen to the Hebrew oracles, and, if they were shown to
be verified, even to recognize their divine source.
The case was yet stronger when this evidence was turned
towards the Jew; and I need hardly remark, that it constituted the point of the controversy with him in the first centuries, as it continues to do in our own. Here the child of
Abraham was at home; himself deeply involved and interested. He with the Pagan acknowledged the Divine source
of all prescience, but more than that, he firmly believed in
the authenticity, and bowed to the authority, of the particular afflatus in question. The whole ground was common to
* Palmer, On Development and Consc. c. 1.




12.8         ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.
the- Christian and himself; the only dispute was as to accomplishment and other matters of fact.
Another value of prophecy occasionally noted by the
Apologists, is that of its being present and growing evidence.
So Justin Martyr:" " In prophecy there is this advantage to
us over miracles, that while we have to depend on testimony
for any knowledge of the latter, the fulfilments of the former
are taking place daily under our own eyes." Eusebius has
the same idea. 
The purposes to which the Fathers turned the witness of
prophecy were, to establish the doctrine of our Saviour's divinity, and all that is dependent upon it, against either Jew
or Gentile, and at the same time to disprove the blasphemous
pretensions of other claimants. Justin says, "We are not
like those who compose fables concerning the supposititious
sons of Jupiter, asserting what they cannot prove; for how
should we believe of Him that was crucified, that he was the
first-born of the unbegotten God, and will himself one day
be the judge of all the human race, unless we found testimonies of these things, delivered before he became incarnate,
and saw also that they so came to pass? " Next, to argue
from what is a matter of fulfilled to what is a matter of unfulfilled prediction; such as the general resurrection, final
judgment, &c. Thus Theophilus:+ " Once I believed not in
the resurrection of the body, but now I believe, after having
more attentively considered these things in connection with
the accomplishment of prophecy." Lastly, to confirm and
console themselves in the truth.
There is one subject under this argument demanding a particular notice here. Some of the Apologists (Lactantius especially) appeal not only to the oracles of the Old and New
Testament, but also occasionally to the sibyls and other legendary authorities. Neander considers it a sound and healthy
* Apol. i. c. 37.  t Theoph. Bk. iv. s. 1.  $ Ad Autol. Lib. I. c. 14.




ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.              129
feeling that induced this assumption of a prophetic spirit in
Paganism as well as in Judaism, and this appeal to it, after
the manner of St. Paul at Athens, when he appealed to the
sentiments of the poets concerning the unknown God. He
laments, however, that, owing to the want of critical skill
among the early Christian writers, they should have been
imposed upon by spurious and interpolated matter, which
presented itself in the search after ancient testimonies; such
as " the writings passing under the name of that mythic person of antiquity, the Grecian Hermes, or the Egyptian Thoth;
also under the name of the Persian Hystaspes, and of the
sibyls."  These general statements need a little qualification.
That some of the Fathers were actually deceived by the
theory of demons possessing the power and abetting the
practice of oracular deception, no careful reader of their
works can doubt; but that as a body they were so deceived,
or attributed to Paganism any reality of prophetical power,
can never be shown. In fact, Neander himself subsequently
says, "it is far more probable to suppose that they revolted
a priori at the very hypothesis of anything like prophetical
power having existed among the heathen:"* wherefore we
have Theophilus telling Autolychus that "the prophets of
the Egyptians and Chaldeans furnish us with no evidences
of truth."
Nor, on the other hand, is there any sort of proof, that
disbelieving this profane delusion, the Apologists yet employed
it for the purpose of intentional deceit. They took what they
found at its reputed valuation. Finding that such ideas influenced the minds of their heathen auditory, they used them
as an argumentum ad hominem: but while they did this, they
did not attempt to conceal their own convictions. Hear Origen, for example; after quoting a response of the oracle to
Laius, he says, " By the way, I shall here take it for granted
* Neander's Church History.




130          ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.
that the oracle was true, since I think I may make the supposition without the least prejudice to the subject in hand."*
One reason for this partial concession may be surmised,
viz., that our Apologists feared to disturb the accepted rules
for the admission of evidence, lest in denying the authenticity
of pagan authorities, they should excite an equivalent prejudice against their own.
But after all, the apologetic allusions of this kind are but
rare, and these rather appendages than anything else. With
this explanation, and considering that the materials referred
to, are of still less interest now, I am sure I shall be pardoned
for omitting them in the substance of my proofs.
The only subdivision it has been thought advisable to make
in this chapter, is that between the portions of evidence from
prophecy, which are addressed to the Gentile and Jew, at
least as nearly as it could be done. The purpose of this, is,
to exhibit the different methods of pressing the argument
upon the attention of these respective parties; and so to account for some matter which otherwise might appear elementary or superfluous. Thus we find the Gentile alone presented
with a glance at the Old Testament history; because with
him, it was the part of an Apologist's business to show the
probable authenticity, &c., of the prophetical books; or with
an account of the Septuagint translation, to prove that the
prophecies were delivered before the events they predicted, a
premise the Jew would readily allow; or with a reference to
any profane authority a Pagan might value: whilst towards
the Jew, there is too often manifested a kind of bitter spirit,
that cannot be justified at all, but which would appear yet
more inappropriate than it is, if supposed to be indulged in
towards the heathen. This separation will serve likewise to
show that the preponderance of matter, and so of weight, attached to the evidence of prophecy over that of miracles, is
* Origen, Cont. Cel. Lib. ii. c. 20.




ARGUMENT FROlM PROPHECY.            131
not so great (with regard to the Pagan controversy at least)
as has been supposed.
The extracts I have to offer, will be found to embrace,
first, predictions concerning the Messiah, the time of his advent, the place and manner of his birth, his miracles, life,
death, resurrection, &c.; and secondly, those uttered by himself with regard to the destruction of Jerusalem, the final
spread of the Gospel, &c.
I beg to suggest whether our authors, when they occasionally omit to point out the accomplishment of a prophecy, do
not take it for granted, as being sufficiently notorious.
SECTION I.
ARGUMENT FRO3 PROPHECY ADDRESSED TO THE GENTILE.
JUSTIN MARTYR.* "Our teacher, the Son and Apostle
of God the Father, even Jesus Christ, from whom also we
have obtained the name of Christians. has forewarned us of
these persecutions. Wherefore we cleave steadfastly to all
things which were taught of him, since whatsoever he before
declared should happen, hath indeed been fulfilled. For this
is the work of God only, to declare events before they happen, and manifestly to bring them to pass even as they were
predicted."
"There weret among the Jews certain men, prophets of
God, by whom the prophetic Spirit proclaimed future events
before they came to pass. And the kings who were over the
Jews in those days, possessed and preserved with great care
the predictions of these men, as they were first delivered in
Apol. x. c. 14.                      t Ib. c. 38.




132           ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.
books composed by the prophets themselves, in the Hebrew
tongue. These were translated by order of Ptolemy into
Greek, and this being done, the books have remained with
the Egyptians to this day, and are also to be met with in the
hands of the Jews in every place. Now* in these books of
the prophets we find it predicted, that Jesus our Christ should
come, should be born of a virgin, and be made man; that he
should heal every disease, and all manner of sickness, and
raise the dead; that he should be enviously treated and not
be known; that he should be crucified and die, and rise again
and ascend into heaven; that he should be the Son of God,
and so be called; that some should be sent by him to preach
these things to every nation of mankind, and that men of the
Gentiles should especially believe on him. Some of these
prophecies respecting him were delivered five thousand years
before his appearance, some three thousand, some two, and
some one, and some eight hundred years; for in the course
of successive generations different prophets succeeded one
another." Our authort then enters into details, quoting and
applying particular predictions. He shows how that of Jacob,
"A prince shall not fail from Judah, nor a ruler from between his feet, until he shall come for whom it is reserved,"
was completed "by the Romans having possession of Judea
ever since Christ came, who has also become actually the expectation of the Gentiles, some out of all nations looking to
him."  He quotesf and points out the fulfilment of the predictions, of the star by Balaam; of the virgin mother by
Isaiah;~ of the place of nativity by Micah,|l and of the
circumstances attending the crucifixion by David, T contained
in the texts, " they pierced my hands and my feet, and cast lots
for my vesture."  " That these things were accomplished,"
says he, "you may learn from the records of what took
Apol. i. c. 39.  t Ib. c. 40.  + Ib. c. 42.  ~ lb. c. 43.
II Ib. c. 44.  IT b. c. 45.




ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.              133
place under Pontius Pilate."  Other predictions* then follow
from Isaiah and the Psalms, chiefly relating to the unbelief
and malice of the Jews, to the progress of the Gospel, and to
the general amelioration of the state of mankind. In confirmation of the last point, he adds, "Wherefore we who
formerly killed one another, now refuse not only to fight our
enemies, but are ready to meet death with cheerfulness, confessing Christ rather than lie and deceive those who persecute us."
He recognizest in the agreement of Herod, Pilate and the
chief priests, at the trial of Jesus, the application of the verse,
" The kings of the earth stood up, and the rulers were gathered together against the Lord, and against his anointed."
" That Jerusalem- is laid waste," he reminds the heathen,
"' according to prediction, ye have good proof, for ye yourselves have forbidden any Jew to dwell therein, denouncing
the punishment of death, against those who shall disobey."
The rejection~ of the Jew and the calling of the Gentile,
are seen to be completed in the evil entreating of Jesus by
the former, and in the joyful trust placed in Him by the latter,
together with their renunciation of idols. The resultlj is, he
thinks, that "what has now been so fully seen, is sufficient to
cause a reasonable belief and persuasion in those that love
the truth, and are not vainglorious nor governed by their
passions;.whereas they who teach the mythology of the poets,
offer no proof to their disciples."  The same idea, to show
the rational grounds of Christian faith, and the want of evidence in Paganism, occurs elsewhereT.
THEOPHILUS.*"       "When therefore those things that
were predicted happen, they demonstrate the truth to me, and
I am no longer incredulous, but believe, complying with God.
Apol. i. c. 47.  t Ib. c. 51.  + lb. c. 62.  B Ib. c. 63.
1 Ib. c. 70.  T c. 68.     ** Ad Autol. Lib. I. c. 14.
7




134          ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.
Believe thou also, lest thou hast to believe when stung with
eternal torments."
Our author* contrasts the uncertain and fallacious inspiration of the heathen poets, with the manner and effects of that
which filled the prophets of God. He observes first, that the
latter were holy and just men, and, as it were, worthier of
such an honorable distinction; in the next place, the wars,
the famines, the pestilences they predicted, did not occur once
or twice only, but at various times among the Hebrews.
Thirdly, they always spoke in harmony with one another;
and in the last place, "their revelations related to all times;
some to things done before they lived, or during their life, and
some to what has happened in our own times, or will happen
hereafter."
Commentingt on the Biblical account of the Fall, he asks,
" Is it not right to consider those sorrows which women suffer in parturition, and their subsequent joy, together with the
condemnation and degradation of the serpent, as evident fulfilments of God's threatenings, so that by this argument the
truth of what we said is confirmed? "
CLEMENS ALEXANDRINUS,4 in describing the true
Gnostic, says incidentally, " one of the evidences for the divinity of our Saviour is the prophecy that preceded his appearance:" and, speaking of the prophets, he alludes to those
among the heathen who pretended to the spirit of prophecy,
remarking that the latter foretold future events either from
observation and probable conjecture, as physicians and fortune-tellers judge by the countenance, or from the instruction
of demons when under the influence of some inhalation or
drug; but that the former foretold events by the power and
influence of the Spirit of God.
* Ad Autol. Lib. II. c. 9.  t Ib. c. 23.  t Strom. Lib. II.




ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.              135
TERTULLIAN* shows how the accomplishment of
prophecy in the Holy Scriptures, proves them to be of divine
authority; " and thus," says he, "their majesty and authority
can be established, as well as their antiquity. The grounds
of this proof are obvious in the history of all periods; whatever is now done, was foretold; earthquakes, floods, wars,
famines, pestilences, changes in the social order of men, monsters, prodigies, all have been predicted by God. While we
suffer calamities, we read of them, and when we recognize
the objects of prophecy, the Scripture that predicts them is
proved. The daily fulfilment of prophecy is surely a full
proof of Revelation, and hence we have a well-grounded belief of things yet to come to pass. There aret the Jews, dispersed and vagabond, wandering like exiles from their native
soil throughout the whole world, without either man or God
for their King, and not permitted even as strangers to set foot
upon their own land. Now all the sacred Scriptures with one
voice foretold that such would be their condition, and that in
the last days, God would gather together a more faithful people for himself."
ORIGEN.      "We hesitate not to say that it implies a
knowledge more than human, to have taught as Christ did,
with the utmost confidence, that his doctrine would be opposed, but never overcome,`speaking thus to his disciples: " Ye
shall be brought before kings and councils for my name's
sake, for a testimony to them and to the Gentiles:" and
again, "in my name shall you cast out devils."  Now if such
things as these had been accidentally pronounced, they might
have taken place without exciting much wonder; but when
we find that they were uttered with authority and distinctness, and then came to pass with the greatest exactness, it is
clear that God alone caused the whole of this doctrine of
* Apol. c. 20.   t Ib. c. 21.  + De Princip. Lib. iv. s. 2.




136           ARGUMJENT FROM PROPHECY.
salvation to be delivered. Our author then proceeds-* to quote
the prophecy of Jacob (Gen. xlix.), and insists, upon the
authority of history, that since the time of Christ, there has
been no king of the Jews, but that all their affairs have lain
in disorder; whilst the destruction of their temple, their
priesthood, and their sacrifices, has served to exemplify
another prediction (Hosea iii. 4). It is further observed, that
the Jews to this day anticipate a Messiah in consequence of
the promise through Jacob; and it is considered marvellous
that they should not perceive its due accomplishment already,
together with those relating to their own punishment and dispersion, and the calling of the Gentiles; the last being clearly
established, in the multitudes of people, who believe in God
through Christ.
It appearst that in the third book of his work, Celsus had
thrown aside his Jewish disguise, and assumed the more
natural character of an Epicurean sophist. Origen, following
the track of his adversary, commences the third book with a
particular reference to heathen objections. In reply to a profane jest, he endeavors to prove that the religion he professes
is something more than a shadow. For this purpose he takes
up the prophets one by one, and points out how they indicate
the exact place and time of our Saviour's birth, the signs and
wonders he performed, and notify his death and rising again,
and the universal extension of his Gospel. He asks why the
prophets should have thought these cogitations of theirs
worthy of record, and how they happened to have been preserved with such care, especially by a people who frequently
discriminated true and false prophets; adding,* that it is not
only by the prophets that the incarnation is to be proved, but
also by the Gospels and Epistles which have been carefully
handed down to us.
* De Princip. Lib. iv. s. 3.  t Cont. Cels. Lib. iI. s. 1, 2.
+ Ib. s. 15.




ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.               137
Again,* "the testimony of the great God and his holy
messengers, as well before as after the advent of Jesus, ought
to satisfy men; for that he was announced, the Jews themselves are witnesses, who were awaiting the Messiah just at
the time he came, and indeed were divided into two parties
in consequence. The Christianst only go a little farther
than the Jews, and believe that he who was to come, is
come."
He remarks,+ in demonstrating the genuineness of the
prophets, that "passages out of them" are to be found in the
works of Numenius the Pythagorean, (together with a notice
of Mloses in connection with Jannes and Jambres,) as also in
other books; see, for example,~ " the dispute of Papiscus and
Jason,"lH in which the Christian has clearly shown, from the
Jewish Scriptures, that the prophecies appertain to Jesus,
though his adversary strenuously contradicts him and well
sustains his own cause.
Finally,~' It is an essential mark of Divinity to foretell
future events, so that the reason of the prediction should exceed human ability, and the event decide whether its author
really has the Spirit (of God). But** Jesus is the only
person whose appearance and influence throughout the world,
as the Son of God, have been matters of prediction. Simon
Miagus; though once called the Great, has no followers now.
Dositheanus, who claimed to be the Son of God, has scarce
thirty of his sect left; and the like may be said of Judas
Galileus and Theudas (Acts v. 35-37)!   We have    not
therefore to choose between sons of God, as Celsus insinuates."
* Cont. Cels. Lib. III. s. 28.  f Ib. Lib. IV. 4. s. 2.  + Ib. s. 51.
Ib.s. 52.
I| This work is also quoted by Jerome (Lardner ii. p. 310). It is
ascribed to Aristo of Pella, in Hadrian's reign.
~T Cont. Cels. Lib. vi. s. 10.  * Ib. s. 11.




138           ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.
LACTANTIUS* proves that the passion and death of
Christ were foretold by the prophets, quoting Isaiah 1. 5, 6,
on the sufferings and silence of our Lord; Psalms xxxv. and
lxix. on the cruelty of the Jews, particularly in offering the
vinegar; and Moses, in Deut. xxviii. 65, and Numb. xxiii.
19; with Zech. xii. 10, and Amos viii. 9, 10, on the Jewish
troubles, &c. "Nor," says he, "were these things spoken
in vain; for in no long time after (the death of Jesus), the
Emperor Vespasian made war upon the Jews, and having
devastated their land, and subdued Jerusalem by famine, he
completely overturned it, and led some of its inhabitants away
captive, while he interdicted the rest from ever setting foot
again on their native soil. These things were done by God,
on account of that cross of Christ, as Solomon had testified
in his dedication of the temple."  (2 Chron. vii. 21, 22.)
He thent proceeds to illustrate the fulfilment of Psalm xvi.
9, 10, and of Hosea vi. 2, and xiii. 14, from the evangelistic
account of the resurrection of Christ. Illustrative of the
ascension, Daniel vii. 13, and Psalm cx. 1, are quoted; and
of the disinheriting the Jews, &c. Jer. xii. 8; Malachi i. 11;
Isaiah xlii. 6, 7, and lxvi. 18.
The inference is,+ "When all these things were predicted
by the unanimous voice of the prophets, it can no longer be
doubted but that all hope, and life, and salvation, are to be
found alone in the religion of our God."
Our author~ explains the opening of the Scriptures to the
disciples on their way to Emmaus, as meaning the revelation
of those prophecies which had not before been perceived,
announcing the passion itself; and which he thinks, as part
of a Testament, could not be known until the death of the
testator.
* Epit. c. 46.          t lb. c. 47.    Ilb. c. 73.
~ Div. Inst. Lib. rv. c. 30.




ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.               139
EUSEBIUS* asks, l" Who of those that taught in ancient
times became known, established, and declared by the
announcement of prophets many ages ago? Who declared in
writing, the place, the time, and manner of his birth; the
power, the words, the deeds of his life?  Observe, likewise,t
the execution of vengeance upon the Jews - their temple and
their sacred institutions being destroyed in consequence of
their wickedness. This Christ had foretold, as also the establishment of his own church. On the one hand,+ hear him
saying,'your house is left unto you desolate,''nor shall
stone remain upon stone in this place, that shall not be thrown
down;' and on the other,' upon this rock will I build my
Church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.'
Notice ~ particularly his foretelling the disciples that he would
make those who had been fishermen, teachers of all nations;
and that they should come before kings and governors, and be
punished, and undergo grievous torments. Let any one, II therefore, who will take up the true faith, together with the proof
of the revelation of our Saviour's divinity, judge from the fact
that he openly foretold the spreading of his doctrine throughout the world, as also that he himself would accomplish it;
and then, on such a foundation as this, let him place faith in
the other promises (of Christ)."
In the parablest of the husbandman and of the marriage
feast, are recognized the announcements of the rejection of
the Jews; Matt. xxiii. 37, and Luke xiii. 34, being cited on
the destruction of Jerusalem. "And just as the prediction
was," our author adds, "so are the results.  The whole
temple and the beautiful buildings within its precincts, remain
desolate from that time to this, whilst its inhabitants wander
about in lands not their own, without a prince and without a
nationality."  He points** out how various minutiae connected
* Theoph. Lib. in. c. 2.5.  t lb. c. 26.  + lb. c. 27.  ~ lb. c. 28.
I| lb. c. 41.        t Lib. Iv. c. 3-15.  ** Ilb. c. 19.




140           ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.
with the siege of Jerusalem, hinted at in Luke xix. 41, &c.,
xxii. 20, &c., were literally fulfilled. This is done on the
authority of Josephus, himself a Jew, who mentions " the distresses and straits, the famine and flight of the people, in
his sixth book; and we ourselves know how truly they are
scattered still, and their city, newly called Elia, supplied with
inhabitants from foreign places."
It is next* shown, that according to prediction, the Gentiles
were to be first moved by Jewish teaching, which is found
realized in the fact, that beginning with James, there were
fifteen Jewish bishops of Jerusalem, who had been the means
of establishing a Church of many thousands of Gentiles, as
well as of their own countrymen, at the time of the desolation
in the reign of Hadrian: Peter also, it is remarked in this
connection, was a Jew.
Our author thent dwells with astonishment upon the words
"For my sake," Matth. x. 18. His comment runs, "It was
not enough that Christ should know and forewarn of persecution, but he would also name the very cause; and in truth
it was so, for not on account of any evil practice, nor for any
other reason, but as he had previously testified, every affliction should befall them'for his sake.'  The Christians suffered only for confessing the name of Christ.  Never did
any teacher previously determine such specialities as these.*
And all these proofs of the divine manifestation of our Saviour, are also demonstrative that both his doctrine and deeds
were divine."~
The emperor Constantine is introducedl saying, that "the
coming of Christ was predicted by the prophets, to be the
overthrow  of idols and of idolatrous cities.  Assyria and
* Theoph. Lib. iv. c. 24.  Ilb. Lib. IIl. c. 26.  +Ib. c. 37.
Several prophecies on the Advent, apostolic labors, fall of Jerusalem,
&c., will be seen in Origen's Philocala, c. 1, Ed. Spencer, and in Denm.
Ev. Vide Prof. Lee's note.
I| Constant. Orat. c. 16.




ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.              141
Egypt were full of such places; in which even human sacrifices were offered up to images of brass and clay. Wherefore these nations have received a recompense worthy so foul
a worship. Memphis and Babylon, it was declared, should
be wasted, and I myself have been an eye-witness of their
ruin."
GREGORY NAZIANZEN* states, that out of hatred to
the Christians,-Julian had permitted the Jews to attempt the
rebuilding of the temple; but that they were prevented from
carrying it on, by miraculous interference. This was all in
fulfilment of prophecy.
CHRYSOSTOMIt observes that the establishment of the
Gospel, was not a matter of chance, but of clear prophecy;
and in order that the predictions might not be suspected, we
receive them through the Jews themselves who crucified
Christ, so that it is from the testimony of our enemies taken
from the books they themselves preserve, that we draw this
truth.
AUGUSTINE,+ in his progress of the heavenly state,
comes down to the eras of the prophets. He first alludes to
the temporal promises to the Jews, literally fulfilled in the
land of Canaan, and then passes on~ to the times of Samuel
and Eli, noticing the various predictions, with their accomplishments, which distinguished each period. Advancing yet
farther, he takes the predictions relating to the Messiah;
showsll that the promises to David were not fulfilled in Solomon, but in Jesus; and points out~f the prophecies in Psalms
xxxix., xlix., 1., li., the tropes and figures** in Psalm xli. concerning Christ and his Church, with referencestt to his priest* Orat. adv. Jul. c. 3, 4.  t On the Divinity of Christ.
$ De Civit. Dei, Lib. xvII. c. 1.  ~ Ib. c..  Ib. c. 12.
If Ib. c. 16.             -** Ib. c. 17.  t  Ib. c. 18.
7*




142            ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.
hood in Psalm  ex., and to his passion in Psalm  xxii. Our
Lord's resurrection is found* plainly set forth in Psalms iii.,
xvi., xli., lxviii.; and the obstinate infidelity of the Jews, in
Psalm lxix. Having descended tot the prophets at the period
of the decline of the Assyrian empire, he traces the predictions of the Gospel, in Hosea and Amos; of Christ and his
people,+ in Isaiah liii. 1-12, and liv. 1-5; others concerning the world's salvation by Christ,~ as furnished by
Micah iv. 1-3, by Jonah ii. 1, by Joel ii. 28, 29, by Obadiah, Nahum, Habakkuk; and what Jeremiah, Zephaniah,
Daniel, Ezekiel, Haggai, Zecharial and Malachi have foretold of Christ, of the calling of the Gentiles, and of the
permanency of the Church. lie says,ll that whilst the Jews
refuse to credit our Scriptures, their own are being fulfilled
on themselves. " The leaves of the sibylsf may be doubtful,
but here we have books preserved by our very enemies the
Jews, and that too, it would seem, against their own wills; and
dispersed as far as the Church of God extends, even to the
remote corners of the earth, just as the Psalm (lix. 10, 11)
which they themselves read, foretells."-And in this appears
one reason for the dispersion of the ancient people of God,
that they might be a witness coextensive with the Gospel,
concerning their own prophets, who prophesy of Christ.
In the 20th book of the City of God, Augustine makes
use of the prophets, whose veracity he has thus established,
to prove a day of judgment and a future state.
* De Civit. Dei, Lib. xvII. c. 19.  t lb. Lib. xvIIi. c. 28.' Ib. c. 29.  ~ lb. c. 30-35.   11 Ib. c. 46.
9 Augustine had referred in the twenty-third chapter of this book, to
the oracle of Sibylla Erythrea, concerning Christ, citing Lactantius'
previous allusion to the same.




ARGUMENT PROMI PROPHECY.             143
SECTION II.
ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY ADDRESSED TO THE JEW.
JUSTIN MARTYR' commences his dialogue with Trypho,
by premising, "that from those things which Jesus foretold
were to happen to them that should believe and confess him
to be the Christ, we are sure that he did know what would
come to pass after his departure out of the world; for instance,
the sufferings of Christians,"&c. It is thent remarked that
Psalm xc. cannot be interpreted of Hezekiah, nor Psalm
lxxii. of Solomon: it is also proved, that Christ was called
the Lord of Hosts, and ought to be worshipped, according to
David. Our author next1 shows how the types of the law
prefigured Christ alone; how John was his forerunner,~ in
fulfilment of the prophecies of Isaiah xxxix. and xl.; how
he was bornjl of the tribe of Judah, after the promise of
Jacob (Gen. xlix.); and how he entered Jerusalem~ in
humble triumph according to Zechariah. He then** observes,
that there are more persons in the Godhead than the Father,
is evident fromtt Abraham's communion with the angel called
the Lord; from Jacob's visions; and from++ Moses' wonderful
interview at the bush, even upon the Jews' own showing;
also~~ that the Wisdom or Logos must be a person, even he
who was recognized in the creation of man. This person, or
God, is proved in conclusion to have been promised in the
flesh by the prophets, and particularly to be born of a virgin,
which thing was accomplished in our Christ alone.
Our authorllll reminds Trypho, that the very cross which
is such a stumbling-block to him on account of the curse
* Dial. cum Tryph. s. 33-35.  t Ib. s. 36-38.  + Ib. s. 40.
Ib. s. 50.              1 lb. s. 52.     Ib. s.  3.,** Ib. s. 56.           tt b. s. 58.    ++lb. s. 59.
~ Ib. s. 61.             11Ib. s. 89.




144           ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.
attached to it, alone proves that Jesus is the Christ, cursed for
us, because crucified for us. He finds hints of the Cross in
the Old Testament, as the spreading of Moses' hands, the
brazen serpent, &c.
The several incidents* connected with the death and burial
of Jesus, are brought into view, as matter of prophecy in
Psalm xxii., and as realizations in the Gospels; thus, the
piercing the hands and the feet, the withdrawal of God's
countenance, the parting of the raiment, the resurrection;
the last being also foreshadowedt in the history of Jonah.
Lastly, the conversion of the Gentiles,* quoted from Micah,
is shown to be in part accomplished already, in the spread of
Christianity; and a consideration of the whole subject,~
should warn the Jews " not to speak evil of Him who was
crucified for them, nor to laugh at His stripes by which all
may be healed, as we have been healed. For it would be
well for you, if you would assent to the Scriptures and receive the circumcision of the hardness of your heart; not
that which you have such an opinion of and fondness for,
which was given for a sign, and not for a work of righteousness, as the Scriptures evidently declare."
TERTULLIAN first shows)l how God promised to Abraham that in his seed should all the families of the earth be
blessed; and that he should be the father of two nations, the
Jews and the Gentiles. He next~ explains the true nature
of the sabbath, of circumcision,`* of sacrifices and offerings;
and pointstt out where the prophets foretold that the old law
would cease in favor of a new law, at the coming of Christ
and His kingdom. This latter point++ our author thinks is
" clearly seen accomplished in the extension of Christianity
among the Moors, the Spaniards, the Gauls, the Britons, the
Dial. cum Tryph. s. 97-99.  t Ib. s. 107.  + Ib. s. 109, 110, 130.
b. s. 137.  11 Adv. Jud. s. 1.  lb. s. 3, 4.  * Ib.s. 5.
tt  b. s. 6.  +  I. s. 7.




ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.              145
Samaritans, the Germans, and Scythians, with other nations,
isles and provincesr too numerous to name."
Then* follow the predictions of the birth and passion of
our Lord, and of the destruction of Jerusalem, takent from
Daniel ix. (the weeks are applied historically;) from Isaiah
xii.; Zech. xiv. 14, (the magi); and Psalm lxxi. &c., all of
which have received their confirmation in the Gospel.
On the subject- of our Lord's sufferings and death, he adduces Isaiah lviii. 1, and xxxv. 5; Deut. xxi. 23; and Psalms
xxiv., lxviii., and xxi.
In Ezekiel he discerns ~ the fate of the Jew, and 11 in
Psalm ii. 7, and Isaiah xlix. 6, the calling and healing of the
nations; and finally,~F discriminates the two advents, one in
humility and the other in glory, as foretold by the prophets.
HIPPOLYTUS,"* addressing the Jews, bids them lend
their ear; "YYou often boast," says he, "in that you have
condemned Jesus of Nazareth, and because you gave him
vinegar and gall to drink. Let us consider whether this is
-a just boast, or whether that little drop of vinegar and gall
has not brought upon you the most terrible denunciations and
calamities."  To establishft this, he cites David, " who predicted the true Christ, and sang praises to our God through
the Holy Spirit. This man clearly announced all those things
that were done by the Jews at the passion of Christ, when
he humbled himself and took upon him the form of his servant, Adam. In one of the Psalms, Christ is heard, as though
in our stead, invoking his heavenly Father thus:'The waters
have come in unto my soul; I sink in the mire.... For thy
sake I have endured hatred (that is, the cross)... therefore
thou wilt not suffer my body to see corruption,' (that is, in
the sepulchre.)  And again, complaining of the desert.ivn of
his disciples:'I looked for some to comfort, and found
* Adv..  s. 8..  t lb. s. 9.  +lb...10.  ~ Ib. s. 11.
I Ib. s. 12.     IT Ib. s. 14.  ** Ib. s. 1.  tt Ib. s.  3.




146          ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.
none.' But mark what follows, O Jew:'They gave me
gall and vinegar to drink!' Now these indignities he has
suffered at your hands, as you yourselves confess and boast.
Hear then what a price the Holy Spirit declares shall be paid
for that drop of vinegar:' Let their table become a snare
unto them, and a retribution.' (Ps. lxix. 22;) and what does
that mean? Manifestly the miseries with which the Jews
are now overwhelmed, when according to the same prophet,'Christ would speak to them in his anger, and vex them in
his fury.'" (Ps. ii. 5.)
ORIGEN* incidentally alludes to a discussion he once
held with some Jewish Rabbis, before a large and learned
company. He begged to know of his opponents on what
grounds they believed their Moses to have written his history
(seeing that it is called an illusion by the Egyptians), whilst
they disbelieve our Jesus who wrote nothing himself, but was
testified of by sincere disciples. A still further resemblance
between the two cases under dispute is seen in that the authority of both leaders is supported by a respectable and immense
body of followers. "Now Christians," he continued, "do
not repudiate Moses, but tend to confirm him: if therefore
you want a justification of our conduct in trusting the blessed
Saviour, do you first assign some reasons for believing in
Moses, who came into the world many ages before the Incarnation of Jesus, (and therefore may be called a more indistinct character,) and then it will be time for us to acquaint
you with the rational grounds on which our faith is built."
The Rabbis having nothing to say to this, he proceeded to
prove that Jesus is the Messiah, from their own law and
prophets, observing by the way, that " though it may seem
strange, the same argument proves Moses and the prophets
themselves, to be inspired persons."
* Cont. Cels. Lib. I. s. 45.




ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.              147
Our author* charges Celsus, while he personates the Jew,
with " purposely or ignorantly overlooking one of the most
cogent arguments that can be brought in favor of our blessed
Lord, namely, his being foretold by the Jewish prophets, by
Moses, and even by some who lived before him."  "I suppose," he adds, " he knew that he could return no reasonable
answer to a proposition in which the Jews, as well as the
greatest heretics, agree with us. For my own part, I firmly
believe that the person, of whom there are so many predictions in the Sacred Writings of the Jews, is the Son of God."
He shows that these predictions apply to no one else. " Fort
all and each of them must tally with the history of the individual to whom they are applied." By means of this rules
of interpretation, he gets rid of various imposters or false
Messiahs, who are proposed by Celsus as answering the
expectations of the Jewish people. It is found, for example,
that none of them were born in Bethlehem; whilst that Jesus
was born there is notorious, since the cave is still shown, and
it was confessed by the chief priests and teachers, in reply to
Herod's inquiry.
Next,~ he touches upon the yet older prediction of Jacob
(Gen. xlix. 10). "Now any one who reads this ancient
promise, cannot but wonder how Jacob could foreknow that
the rulers of the nation should come of a particular tribe, as
also that they should fail at a certain period."  Yet both
these events have exactly taken place; the Jews have
derived their very name from the tribe of Judah; and that
" the desire of nations " is come, the vast number of persons
who flock to him abundantly proves, making good the words
of the prophet, "They shall feed in the ways, and their
pasture shall be in all high places." I must add because of
* Cont. Cels. Lib. I. s. 49.  t lb. s. 60.  + Ib. s. 51.
~ Ib. s. 53.




148           ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.
Celsus' reproaches, that the prophets foretold Christ's sufferings, and the reasons why he underwent them, and that they
would conduce to the advantage of all mankind. The references here, are Isaiah lii. 13-15; liii. 1, 2.
Speaking* of the 53d chapter of Isaiah he relates, that in
another disputation with the Jews, one of them asserted that
these prophecies are to be referred to their whole body,
whose dispersion and other calamities were means to gain
proselytes to their religion. In answer to this, Origin says
he quoted the passages, " He hath borne our griefs and carried
our sorrows," and "by his stripes we are healed," to show
that such a sense could not be entertained, for they evidently
refer to persons cured of spiritual diseases; adding, " but
what most perplexed them was that expression,' For the
transgression of my people was he smitten,' which must be
understood of some single person, and not of the whole
nation."
Our author statest that the Saviour's foreknowledge- of
the reception his doctrine would meet with, was a divine proof
of its future happy effect; and this he explains afterwards
to be the more remarkable, because the events were so unlikely, and because hostile governors and kings have been
made to bring them about against their will.  Wherefore he
can see no stronger evidence for the truth of any doctrine.
~ Of the rejection of the Jews, he says, " we see the
prophecies (relating to this subject) remarkably fulfilled in
our own age; for the modern Jews-, not rightly understanding the Scriptures, abound in extravagant fancies, while
Christians are led into the spiritual knowledge of the truth,
which can alone enlighten and elevate the mind; and do not
live after the manner of the Jews, as members of an earthly
republic, but like worthy and honorable citizens of that
* Cont. Cels. s. 55.       t Ib. s. 62.
+ See also Horm. on Matth. ix. 37.  ~ Cont. Cels. Lib. 11. s. 5.




ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.              149
heavenly Jerusalem, of which the pompous worship and
external grandeur of Judaism is but a very imperfect emblem.
It is, moreover,* a matter of fact that since the incarnation of
our blessed Lord, the Jews have been left by God, so that
the beauty and glory of their religion is entirely effaced, and
there is no sign of the divine power among them, except in
the way of severe judgments: they are at this day the most
miserable people on the face of the earth; for what nation is
there beside, that is banished from their metropolis, and denied the liberty of serving God on their native soil? In
truth their calamities are only surpassed by their wickedness
in torturing that blessed Being who came to save them from
sin and hell."
CYPRIANt shows that the rejection by the Jews of the
offers of grace, was foretold by their own prophets, and illustratedfin the saying of St. John, " He came unto his own, and
his own received him not."
He alludes to the destruction of Jerusalem, and the dispersion of the Jews, as predicted by Christ; to the abolition~
of carnal circumcision in favor of a spiritual dispensation;
to the cessationl[ of the law of Moses; to the New Law~T
that was all along intended, and to that Messiah who was to
promulgate it (recognized as Christ by Matthew in these
words," This is my beloved Son"); and to Christ"* taking the
place of the temple, on which Mark xiv. 58 is quoted; and,
finally,tt to the promise of Moses, that a prophet like unto
himself should arise, which the Saviour is found appropriating
to himself, in John v. 46, " Moses wrote of me."
The prophecies+i concerning the divine nature of the
Messiah, are seen completed in Christ, and hinted at by St.
John xvii. 3-5, and in Coloss. i. 15-18.
* Cont. Cels. Lib. II. s. 8.  t Adv. Juzd. Lib. I. c. 3.  + Ib. c. 6.
l Ib. c. 8.  11 Ib. c. 9.   f Ib. c. 10.  l* Ib. c. 15.
ft Ib. c. 18. ++ Ib. Lib. I. c. 1.




150           ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.
He points out* how correlative are many of the expressions
of the New Testament with those of the Old, respecting the
Messiah; for instance,t that he was to come of the seed of
David, plainly agreeable to Luke i. 30; be born+ at Bethlehem, confirmed in Matth. ii. 2; in a humble character,~ noted
in Philipp. ii. 6-11; that he II whom the Jews should kill was
to be a just person, recognized in Matth. xxvii. 3, 4; that
he~ was to be called the sheep and the lamb, literally accomplished in the words, "Behold the Lamb of God;"** that he
was to be calledtt a stone, referred to by St. Peter; that the
Jews were to crucify him, which they notoriously did;+ that
there should be darkness at mid-day when Christ suffered,
as Amos (viii. 9, 10) and Jeremiah (xv. 9) had foretold, to
which agrees the event related by the holy Evangelist, who
tells us that from the sixth to the ninth hour, there was darkness over all the land; and, to conclude, that the Christ~~ was
not to continue under the dominion of death, but that at his
resurrection he should receive all power from his Father,
in fulfilment of which Jesus said and proved after he was
risen,6 "All power is given unto me in heaven and in earth."
EUSEBIUS,Ill having treated of the divinity and humanity
of the Christ of God, and of his connection with man as the
Logos, in the 3d and 4th books, now cites some prophecies,
which he selects as being perfectly unambiguous.  They
relate to the advent of Christ and to the calling of the Gentiles. The Psalms,~T~  the first of Kings, and Micah are
adduced for this purpose, and their consideration, as well as*"
the extent of their accomplishment, is left to the meditation
of the reader. Other passages ta are then brought forward
* Adv. Jud. Lib. H. c. 6.  t Ib. c. 11.  + lb. c. 12.  ~ Ib. c. 13.
Ib.. 14.  Ib. c. 14.        Ib. c..  b  16.  tt Ib. c. 20.
++ Ib. c. 23.   ~ Ib. c. 24-26.  11[1 Dem. Evan. Lib. vi.
T~~ Ib. s. 12.  *a lb. s. 13.    ta lb. s. 14-20.




ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.             151
from Habakkuk, Zechariah, Baruch, and Isaiah,* of a more
general cast, which he supposes to be partly fulfilling now,
and certainly to be consummated in the glories of heaven.
After this,t he narrows the circle of prophetical evidence,
and endeavors to concentrate the attention of his hearers on
a few facts, such as the sign of Ahaz, describing the manner
of the Messiah's birth; Micah's testimony, as to the locality;
and that of the prophet Nathan in 2 Chronicles, and of Jeremiah, Isaiah, and Jacob, as to the tribe and family. These
predictions are collated with the Gospels, and found confirmed
in the history of Jesus.
He devotes himself,+ in the next place, to expounding the
times of Messiah's appearance, hinted at by Jacob and
David. These predictions give rise to an elaborate historical
investigation, in the course of which appeals are made to the
Evangelists, and to the works of Josephus, for proof of their
exact fulfilment.  Micah, Zechariah, and Isaiah furnish
additional materials, "relating to the Messianic epoch. A
further correspondence ~ is traced between the Old and New
Testaments, in'regard to certain circumstances of the Saviour's
life; Balaam's announcement of the Star, is recognized as
completed in Matth. ii. 1; Christ's going down into Egypt
(Matth. ii. 14), is found referred to by Isaiah (xix. 1);
Hosea x. 1, on the return of the holy family, appears to be
directly cited by Matth. ii. 15; the preaching of John in the
desert (Isaiah xl. 3) is confirmed in Luke iii. 1; a foreshadow
of the temptation is seen in Psalm xci. 13, and of the walking
on the sea, in Job ix. 8; Galilee, so frequently referred to in
the Gospels, is evidently predesignated in Isaiah ix. 1; the
same prophet having many allusions to the Christian
miracles, see ch. viii. 16, xxxii. 1, lxi. 2, &c.; and the entry
into Jerusalem, mentioned by Zech. ix. 9, is traced in Matth.
* Dem. Evan. Lib. VI. s. 25.         t Ib. Lib. vir.
$ Ib. Lib. viii.                     ~ Ib. Lib. ix.




152           ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.
xxi. 2, with the acclamations of the children on the same
occasion, directly illustrating the Psalms.
Finally* he notices the prophecies concerning Christ's
passion. The traitor Judas is discovered, in Psalms xli. 9,
liii. 12-21, cix., and his thirty pieces of silver in Zech. xi.
13; the eclipse of the sun, in Amos viii. 7, and Zech. xiv. 5,
and many of the circumstances of the crucifixion seriatim, in
Psalm xx. These prophecies are all aptly confirmed out of
the Gospels, and in conclusion our author " calls upon every
person to obey the command of Christ, and' search the
Scriptures' for himself, concerning these matters."
EPHRAIMt (on a Palm Sunday) after a rapid survey of
various prophecies relating to Christ's triumphal entry into
Jerusalem, calls upon his congregation to examine the Scriptures of the prophets, and see if these things have not been
fulfilled. He quotes Jacob's promise, and asks the Jew
whether there is a sceptre in Judah, or an interpreter between
his feet?  He entreats all to observe the present commemoration of Christ on the colt, and the scattered condition
of Israel among all nations. How truly has the stone which
the builders refused become the head of the corner!
CHRYSOSTOMt first insists that the Jews are not to be
honored any more, and that their synagogue is scarcely to be
preferred before the theatre; while their company ought to
be avoided so long as they rail against Christ. He thinks
that in place of venerating them on account of their having
the Scriptures, we should on that very account be afraid of
them.
He produces the prophecies of our Lord concerning the
ruin of the temple, pointing out how they have been fulfilled;'which," says he, "is a proof that he is risen from the
dead, and now lives in heaven."
* Demn. Evan. Lib. x.  t Adv. Jud. s. 16. + Orat. adv. Jud. s. 1.




ARGUMENT FROM PROPHECY.              153
Next'* he instances the promise made by Christ to the
woman with the alabaster box of ointment. " There have
been," he argues, "queens and noble women, whose names,
however they may have blessed their people and country, have
long since perished; but here is an abject woman in the presence of a few witnesses, in a common house; and yet neither
the humbleness of the person, nor the paucity of the witnesses,
nor the obscurity of the place, has prevented the memory of
this action from being handed down to posterity. Is not this
the work of God? "
With respect to the destruction of Jerusalem,t he remarks,
that though so many years have now elapsed, the temple has
never been rebuilt. He relates j the vain attempt under the
direction of Julian; observing, that ~ if these Jews did not
believe this, the very stones of the ruins will cry out against
them.
In conclusion, l he applies the different allusions in Isaiah,
touching Christ's life and death, and the typical qualifications
of the high-priesthood in Leviticus, to the atoning sacrifice on
Calvary.
JACOBUS NISIBENUS (Syriacus) in his 18th Oration
(it is against the Jews), refutes the assertion that the synagogue, &c. will ever be restored, by appeals to the prophets.
* Orat. adv. Jud. s. 2.  t Ib. s. 3.    + lb. a. 7.
~  b. s. 10.             [ Orat. 6.




CHAPTER IV.
THE ARGUMENT FROM MIRACLES.
" Certum est quia impossibile."
TERTULLIAN.
IN commencing this chapter, it should at once be stated,
that the reader must not expect to find the Apologists offering any regular proof of the reality of the Christian miracles,
or of the authenticity of the writings that narrate them.
This strange task has fallen to the lot of modern apologists;
and has been called for by our doubting critics, who under
every disadvantage, have thought fit to question facts, which
a Tiberius, a Celsus, a Porphyry,* a Julian, a Hierocles,t
a Symmachus did not deny. The heathen were only asked
to receive our books, as they received any other credentials;
that is, for their intrinsic worth as historical or rational matter. Up to this mark, it seems the constant endeavor of the
Christian writers to keep their opponents; and, though there
is a large amount of scattered reference to contemporaneous
and foreign testimony,- to Josephus, to the acts of Pilate, to
every monument and roll of antiquity, by Justin, or Tatian,
or Theophilus; and to the necessities of the case, by all the
apologists, - it had evidently not yet entered into the minds
*Chrys. HIom. vi.         t Lact. Div. Instit. v. 3.




ARGUMENT FROM MIRACLES.              155
of either Christian or Pagan, Jew or Gentile, at the only
proper time, seriously to doubt the reality of such a body of
facts as Christianity presented. The historical testimony to
the miracles was considered on all hands sufficient and conclusive. Any set attempt therefore to confirm it would have
been worse than superfluous; it would have introduced suspicion into the very grounds of the controversy. It was
enough for Cyril of Alexandria, in his refutation of Julian,
to find his adversary allowing, however he might try to disparage, " the healing of the lame and blind," as the deeds of
Jesus, together with references to "exorcising demoniacs,
and walking on the sea."
While then demanding so much credit for the facts of
Christianity, our authors did not, humanly speaking, expect
more. They knew that however a historical faith might
come of evidence and good sense, a belief in spiritualities,
in the inspiration of words and divinity of deeds, could only
come of the Holy Spirit's teaching; and for this upon their
unenlightened hearers, they had rather to pray, than to contend. In short, the great signa of Scripture were allowed
by the one party, to have taken place; and by the other,
were thought sufficient as matters of fact, (with other evidences) to support the truth of religion, and to do all that
man can do, towards convincing the understanding.
But there were other questions peculiar to that day, and
which grew out of the existing state of things. One of
these has been already alluded to, in the opening of the last
chapter; that of the Pagans endeavoring to evade the force
of the Christian miracles, by explaining them away as the
effects of magic. This is the reason given by some of the
Fathers themselves, for not insisting more upon this species
of evidence. It was the prevalent opinion of early times,
that a miracle, though ever a proof of power, is not necessarily a proof of Divine power. It might emanate from
below, as well as from above. This notion, Origen attributes




156           ARGUMENT FROM MIRACLES.
to the Jews, conceiving that it grew out of the collision
between Moses and the magicians of Egypt. The tendency
of the present age has decidedly set in against any theory
of the sort, and all parties agree in allowing that a miracle,
if it can be proved authentic, is one of the strongest evidences any cause can possess. But the apologists had to meet
the difficulty; and this they did, not by relinquishing so
valuable a proof, but by associating it with other criteria,
especially with morality. If then it be found that they have
said less upon this topic than we could have wished, we may
be sure that what they have afforded, has been well guarded
and sifted, and comes down to us with more than the usual
value of tradition.
Another peculiar form of opposition the Fathers had to
grapple with, was the attempt to confuse the Christian miracles with the prodigies of marvellous men.  Numerous
examples of this occur, and were always carefully answered.
Pythagoras was thus put forward by Porphyry, and Jamblichus and Apuleius, by others; but the most considerable
effort of the kind was made by Hierocles, who had the boldness to compare the miraculous accounts of-Jesus and the
apostles, with a life of Apollonius Tyaneus, written a
hundred years after his death, and full of the most ridiculous
inventions.  Eusebius replies to this indirect attack of
Ilierocles, and considers it quite sufficient to expose the
various incidents related by the original biographer Philostratus, as in strange contrast with the want of authority, and
even of pretence of the hero himself during his lifetime.
He allows the substance of the history, but disputes the
extraordinary parts. It is a curious circumstance noticed
by Mr. J. II. Newman, that the only case in the entire document, which would fall under the modern denomination of
miracles (the raising of a dead youth), is explained away by
the philosopher's own friend, on the ground of natural
causes.*
* Essay on the Life of Apollonius.




ARGUMENT FROM MIRACLES.                157
There is one more particular to be noticed, ere we enter
upon the proofs of this chapter, on account of the references
made to it by the Apologists; viz., the subject of post-apostolic miracles. Gibbon having taken an argument against
all miracles from the silence of ecclesiastical history respecting their cessation, the bishop of Lincoln replies, that a
gradual withdrawal would account for the uncertainty which
has prevailed respecting the period of their cessation; while
the alleged silence is as reasonably referred,  not to the
insensibility of Christians to so important an event, but to
the combined operation of prejudice and policy; of prejudice
that made them reluctant to believe, and of policy that made
them reluctant to acknowledge their own loss."*    On the
appeals and expressions of confidence, used by the Fathers
with respect to miraculous powers having extended to their
own day, the bishop further explains "that the narrations
of such occurrences being couched in general terms, and
rarely going so far as to instance any particular case, must
needs be open to question." These reflections are as judicious, as they are warranted by the state of the case. The
positive assertions of patristic miracles may be met and cancelled by assertions as positive on the other side, and, what
is still more significant, by arguments built upon them.
What, for example, can be more explicit than Augustine's
statement in his work De Doctrina Christiana,t and repeated
in his short discourse, De Utilitate Credendi; "since the
establishment of the Church, God does not wish to perpetuate
miracles even to our day, lest the mind should put its trust
* I find a remark of. Origen (Cont. Cels. Lib. vII. s. 8,) analogically in
favor of the gradual withdrawal theory of Dr. Kaye. Speaking of the
inspiration of the prophets, he says, " signs of the Holy Spirit were
shown at the preaching and after the Ascension of Jesus, but have
gradually departed since; and if any traces are now to be found, it is
among Christians."
tc. 25.
8




158            ARGUMENT FROMI MIRACLES.
in visible signs, or grow cold at the sight of common marvels?"   In the latter work, after reciting the miracles of
Jesus, it is asked, "Why say you, do not those things take
place now? Because they would not move except they were
wonderful, and if they were usual they would cease to be
wonderful."* Again, we have Chrysostom, urging the superior value of morality over the extraordinary gift of working
miracles, in these terms: " Wherefore that this gift of grace
is no longer bestowed on men, can neither be to our prejudice, nor will it afford us an excuse when we shall be called
upon to render an account of our actions;" and, " We should
not indeed require, in an equal degree, the assistance of the
word, if we possessed the power of working miracles. But
now that no vestige of that power remains, and enemies
press us on all sides, we must defend ourselves with the
weapons of the word."t
Moreover, from   a consideration of all the works of the
primitive Fathers, it would seem   a much greater miracle
than any claimed for their age, how they have all so contrived to leave us bare of those particularities, even of one
(if it be true they witnessed any), which are required alike by
the common expectations of mankind, and by the example
* The qualification of this in Retract. B. I. c. 14, 5, "this I said,
because not so great miracles nor all take place now, not because there
are none wrought now," cannot, I think, with fairness, be said to include
or affect any of the species of miracles he had previously enumerated;
and among them are "healing the sick," and " curing the lame I " But
really, after the above unmistakable and sensible remarks, one is disposed to question the genuineness, as well as the authenticity of a list of
miracles, passing under this Father's name, and appended to his City of
God. Take, for instance, the 10th. A virgin is dispossessed of the devil
by anointing herself with oil mixed with the tears of the priest who
prayed for her: and if the rest are examined, it will appear that Augustine was present at only one, and that, the healing of a fistula in the
course of the night.
tNeander's Life of Chrysostom, pp. 64, 71.




ARGUMENT FROM MIRACLES.               159
of the Scriptures, and which they themselves never neglected
in other matters.
Granting, however, that the Apologists must mean something, by their positive appeals and assertions respecting the
subject in dispute; and also that they were upright men, of
which there can be still less doubt, a further explanation
offers itself, and one, it appears to me, of a satisfactory
nature. It is that they did not mean miracles in our strict
sense of the term.   This is evinced by their calling and
accounting the establishment of Christianity, or the moral
change in individuals, miracles, interchangeably with miracles proper. And yet more to our purpose is, what cannot
have escaped the notice of any student of ancient theology,
viz., that almost every instance of the miracles in question,
implies a demoniacalpossession. Now this is rather an equivocal expression.  It had in our Lord's time, doubtless, a
distinct and express meaning, but by the time of Chrysostom,
it is to be met with in a wider signification. This writer, in
an epistle to Stagirius, a youth who had fallen into a nervous
malady, addresses him as one " possessed by the devil;" and
yet there is no allusion to any power of relief extant; but
the Christian hope of comforting and extinguishing "his
great grief," is entertained and supported by such advice
alone, as a discipline of holy thought and Scripture examples.
Cyprian also, in his epistle to Donatus, confesses that "the
whole transaction (of exorcism) passes indeed invisibly, and
the wounds we give the evil spirits, are not apparent, only
their effect is manifest,"" &c. We gather the same idea
from  "the Constitutions."  They allow that the cure of
demoniacs was a work of time, and that it did not always
succeed.  In Const. vIII. 7, the patients are seen being
instructed in the faith, but not receiving the communion
unless near death, which leads Jortin to ask, "Is it not
- Ad Donat. cap. 4.




160           ARGUMENT FROM MIRACLES.
probable that the ancient Christians accounted mad, and
melancholy, and epileptic persons to be possessed, at least for
the most part, which would greatly increase the number of
demoniacs? "'
Another hint may be thrown out here, in explanation of
these references to post-apostolic miracles.  The Fathers
copied one from another. A case just in point occurs, where
Cyprian borrows from Minutius Felix, almost verbatim, the
following words:t  "Even the worshippers themselves (of
the demons) may hear them (on the occasion of an exorcism) confessing whence they came and whither they are
going. Either they depart immediately, or gradually quit
their hold, in proportion either to the faith of the patient, or
to the measure of grace conferred on the manager of the
cure."  Again, as there can be little doubt that Cyprian has
drawn this, together with other passages, from the Octavius
of Minutius Felix, so Mr. Holden traces some of the Octavius to the Apologeticus of Tertullian; + and thus with other
writers,~ and in other cases, it may be that language which
properly belongs to an eye-witness, has been transcribed and
handed down from nearly apostolic times.
I cannot do better in closing this digression, than refer to
the bishop of Lincoln's summary and judgment upon the
case.  His opinion, after a careful view of the subject in
every light, is, that " the power of working miracles was not
extended beyond the disciples, upon whom the Apostles had
laid their hands."Il
* Jortin's Remarks, Vol. I. p. 161.
t Compare Cypr. Van. of Idols with Min. Fel. Octav. c. 27, or p. 164 of
the present dissertation.
+ See IHolden's Pref. to Minutius Felix.
~ Euseb. after Athenag. (compare pp. 75 and 79 of this work), also Irenaeus, verbatim from Justin's Apol. (see Iren. Lib. ii. c. 56, and Lib. II.
c. 2), whilst Justin's Apol. itself is said to have been in imitation of one
of Aristeides not extant, are instances of a general kind.
I1 Jortin, likewise, "would not engage for the truth of any miracle after
A.D. 107." So also Le Clere and Moyle.




ARGUMENT FROM MIRACLES.             161
It is refreshing in turning to the main body of this argument, -the Scripture miracles, -to know that such a collateral, doubtful matter as that we have just glanced at,
is but occasionally or slightly appealed to; and that even
such casual expressions as do occur, admit of some psychological explanation, or only (if they must be taken in full
literal force) serve to set off to greater advantage, the
splendid and positive miracles of our Lord and his immediate
disciples.
QUADRATUS.*       "The works of our Saviour were
always conspicuous, for they were real; both the healed and
those that were raised from the dead were seen not only when
they were healed or raised, but for a long time afterwards;
not only whilst he dwelt on this earth, but also after his
departure, and for a good while after it; insomuch as that
some of them have reached to our own times."
JUSTIN MARTYRt says, " Christ healed those who
from their birth were blind, and deaf, and lame, causing by
his word, even one to leap, another to hear, and a third to
see; and having raised the dead also, and made them live
again, he by his works excited attention and induced the men
of that age to know him; some of whom, however, seeing
these things done, said that they were magical appearances,
and dared to call him a magician and a deceiver of the
people."
Or,+. addressing the heathen: " Hear also in what manner
it was predicted that our Christ should heal all kinds of
diseases, and raise the dead (Isai. xxxv. 5, 6;) and that he
did these things, ye may learn from the records of what was
done under Pontius Pilate."
* Euseb. list. Lib. iv. c. 3. t Dial. cua Tryph. s. 69.  +Apol. I. c. 63.




162            ARGUMIENT FROM MIRACLES.
In proof that Christ came to save us from the devil,
allusion", is made to the wonderful influence which his name
has over the demons, " so that many vexed in this way in the
whole world, and in your own city, have been relieved by
Christians in the name of Jesus Christ crucified."
Lastly,' arguing for the power of God to restore the body,
he says: "It is evident that if Christ on earth cured all
diseases, and made the body whole and perfect, how much
more will he, in the general resurrection, raise it complete and
perfect.'
ATHENAGORAS.+         "To confirm the assertion that the
images of the gods are divine things, we are told of the
miracles performed by them. Let this matter be thoroughly
investigated."  He then~ supposes that " if the accounts of
these supernatural deeds be true, they must be ascribed to
evil spirits, making use of the statues."  He explains 1[ that
by evil spirits he means fallen angels, who delight in tempting men to idolatry. But he would "rather[ take these said
effects not to be real, but the results of some senseless reveries
of the mind concerning certain opinions; which occasion men
to form of themselves, ideas partly of things existing, and
partly of things imaginary; these wild emotions of the mind
producing idolatrous imaginations, especially if the soul be
pliable and devoid of the true knowledge of God."
THEOPHILUS.'n       "Our Scriptures teach us with one
consent, that God made all things from nothing by means of
his Word. And his spirit likewise it was, that descended
into the prophets, and enabled them to describe the creation
of the world."  Expounding the 3Mosaic account of the origin
of things,tt he notices the dignity of the description; and
A Apol. i. c. 6.  f De Resur. s. 1.   + Legat. c. 18.
~ c. 23.          [ Ib. c. 24.        1 Ib. c. 27.
"&Ad Ad,tol, Lib. II. c. 10.        Jt, lb. c. 12.




ARGUMENT FROM MIRACLES.             163
declares that though men had a thousand tongues they could
not explain any more, and that when they attempt it, they
only weaken the truth by the addition of insipid trifles.
He tells* the Pagans that they will credit the stories of
Hercules, living after he was consumed by fire, and of 2Esculapius, after he had been scathed by lightning; it is only
those things which are said to have been done by God,
they will not believe; yea, though he should show them the
dead raised to life, they would not believe it.
IRENIEUSt intimates that our Saviour's miracles were
admitted for facts not only by Christians, but by others also;
adding, " But if they shall say that'the Lord performed his
miracles by an illusory appearance, we can resort to prophecies." 
CLEMENS ALEXANDRINUS.~            "Our Saviour has
adopted various ways of exhibiting himself to men; he spake
out of the bush, because men needed signs and wonders, and
by the pillar "of fire and cloud. Afterwards, for that the
human body is more noble than a column or a bush, he spake
by the prophets; and lastly, because some might not even
believe them, he humbled himself to be born of a woman;
the merciful God, the Word, communed openly with men, in
order that he might save the human race, and shame them
out of infidelity."
Again,l among the evidences for the divinity of Christ,
he places the " testimonies that accompanied his visible generation, and the powers that were announced and openly displayed by him after the resurrection."
* Ad Autol. Lib. i. c. 13.          t Lib. II. c. 57.
+ Speaking of heretics he says " their signs were not beneficial to mankind, nor wrought in the name of Jesus." Lib. II. c. 56.
~ Hortat. c. 1.                   1 Strom. Lib. Ii.




164           ARGUMENT FROM MIRACLES.
TERTULLIAN* advances as an incidental proof of the
reality of Christ's miracles, the fact of Tiberius the Emperor
proposing some commemoration of him, founded on the intelligence received from Palestine; and though thwarted by the
senate in his project of a statue, yet persisting in it; also of
his threatening those with punishment who should accuse the
Christians.
Speakingt of the Jews denying the divinity of the Saviour
in consequence of his humble appearance, our author remarks:
"It naturally followed that they should regard him as a
- magician: they had no other alternative when they witnessed
his preternatural powers, how he cast out devils by a word,
gave sight to the blind, cleansed lepers, restored the palsied,
raised the dead to life, ruled the elements, and walked upon
the sea." "At his crucifixion," he continues, "he voluntarily
gave up the ghost, while at the same moment the mid-day
was deprived of the light of the sun. Some who were ignorant that this also was predicted concerning Christ, thought,
doubtless, that it was a natural eclipse; and when they could
not account for it (the moon being full,) they denied the fact,
although it is related in their own annals."
In giving an account of the.resurrection and ascension of
Christ, he remarks that "Pilate sent a full account of all
these transactions to Tiberius Caesar; whilst the disciples
confirmed the truth of all they had seen with their sufferings
and blood."
He next+ appeals to the power of Christians over those
possessed of the devil, as a matter of fact and a proof of the
truth of Christianity. He proposes that "any one who is
confessedly under the influence of a demoniacal possession
should be brought before the tribunal, and if the spirit when
commanded by a Christian shall not truly confess himself to
be a demon, then let the blood of that impudent Christian
* 4pol.. 5.        t lb. c. 21.       + lb. c. 23.




ARGUMENT PROlM MIRACLES.            165
be shed upon the spot."  "What" he exclaims, "can be
more impartial than such a mode of proof, where there is no
room for suspicion, and no effect of magic, as your own eyes
and ears can testify?"
MINUTIUS FELIX.*       " Most of you know very well
that the demons are forced to confess all things of themselves
as often as we command them by our simple word, and expel
them from the bodies they possess; for Saturn, Serapis, and
Jupiter, or whatever other demons you worship, are not able
to endure the pain, but proclaim their true nature even in the
presence of those adoring them. When we adjure them by
the name of the true God, the wretches, sore against their
will, fall into horrible shiverings, and either spring forthwith
from the bodies they inhabit, or vanish by degrees according
to the faith of the patient, or the grace of the physician."
ORIGEN,t having considered the nature of the Son of
God, claims as " one of the greatest proofs of his divinity,
and one of the strongest motives to our admiration and love,
his having laid aside the preeminent majesty of that nature,
and become man, conversing with us; and that even in his
humility he was not without witnesses of his divine nature.
The grace diffused into his lips was a testimony of the Father
concerning him; the signs, wonders, and various miraculous
powers which followed him, were all confirmations of his dignity. Prophets were his forerunners, and the messengers of
his advent, before he appeared in the body; and after his
ascension to heaven, there were in like manner holy Apostles,
replete with the power of his own dignity, and whom, though
but publicans and fishermen, unskilled and unlearned, he
caused to circumvent the whole earth, that out of every race
he might collect a people, believing in his name. But-' of all
* Octav. c. 27.       t De Princip. Lib. II. c. 6, sect. 1.
+ Ib. sect. 11.
8.




166           ARGUMENT FRO3M MIRACLES.
the miracles and mighty things relating to Him, that which
most taxes the admiration of the human mind, as far as its
weakness will permit, is to conceive how that power of the
divine majesty, that Word of the Father, that wisdom of
God, by whom all things, visible and invisible, were created,
could have dwelt within the limits of the man who appeared
in Jud&ea."' If we consider," says he, " the journeys of the Apostles
to publish the Gospel through the whole world, the affair
will appear greater than human, and indeed to have been
undertaken at the command, and carried through by the
power of God alone. If we weigh well the strange agreement of men to hear a new and foreign doctrine, how they
flocked to the Apostles, not to ensnare them any more, but to
learn what they should do to be saved, none can doubt but
that these Apostles performed miracles, and that God gave
testimony to their discourses by signs and wonders and various powers."
In answert to an imputation that the powers possessed by
Christians, were owing to demoniacal agency, our author
asserts that they are not due to any kind of enchantment,
but to the use of the name of Jesus, with a becoming disposition of mind and a most lively faith. Yea, the name of
Jesus has exerted such influence over demons, that sometimes
it has proved effectual though pronounced by a wicked person,1
as Jesus himself foretold in his day.
Again, Celsus having accused Jesus of working miracles
by the help of magic, Origen replies; that though we cannot
tell in what way the Saviour performed his miracles, we know
that his followers only wrought them by repeating his name.
" It is seldom ~ that any one person is celebrated for a combination of many things at once; but our Saviour was very
remarkable for the best sort of wisdom, for authority, for
miracles, and for other innumerable excellences."
* De Princip. Lib. iv. s. 5.  t Cont. Cels. Lib. T. s. 6.
I.. Acts xix. 13, et seqq.     o Cont. Cels. Lib. I. s. 27.




ARGUMENT FROM MIRACLES.             167
"The effect* of Christ's doctrine, far from depending on
the assistance of learned men, was owing to that divine and
miraculous power that accompanied the Apostles in their
sacred ministrations;" for, as he says elsewhere, "if t the
ministry of Jesus and his Apostles had not been accompanied
by miracles, they would never have been able to prevail with
their hearers to forsake the religion in which they were
born, and take up with a new and persecuted one." 
He furthers begs to ask the Greeks, " whether they can
show that either Perseus, Inachus, or Minos did any extraordinary service to the world, or performed any exploit to
induce future ages to believe the truth of those fables which
represent them as having a divine origin? Or which of their
fabulous actions can be compared to what our Saviour did;
unless they would have us believe their stories rather than
our own, of the truth and importance of which we have all
the evidence we can reasonably desire?"
Celsus has acknowledged~ the reality of some of the
miracles, such as the healing of diseases, the raising the dead
to life, and feeding the multitude; but chooses to compare
them with the performances of the Egyptian magi. Origen
points out an essential difference between the two cases.
"One," he says, "is a vain show of calling back departed
souls, or representing to the deluded sight a table spread with
imaginary dainties; the other as real as it was public. The
design of the first is not to reform morals, for such amusements have not the slightest tendency to beget in persons a
true sense of God, or to regulate their actions, and prepare
them for the great day of judgment; whilst the design of
Jesus is just to do all this, and to affect mankind with a sense
of the will of God." In connection with this contrast, he
hints at the immoral lives of magicians and necromancers
generally, and then at the bright example of unaffected virtue
* Cont. Cels. Lib. I. s. 62.            t Ib. s. 46.
+ Ib. s. 67                              ~ Ib.. 68.




168           ARGrXJENT FROM MIRACLES.
and piety which Jesus gave us all in his own personal conduct; and concludes by giving it as his opinion, that " genuine
miracles must be connected with morality, and have for their
chief end the converting of those who see them, to a sincere
and sacred regard for the honor of God and the interests of
the Redeemer."
"Our blessed Saviour* abundantly discovered that his
power was nothing less than that of God, by the frequent and
incontestable miracles which he wrought even in presence
of the Jews; and which they did not deny, but tried to evade
on the plea that they were done by the aid of the devil, as
Celsus now ascribes them to magic. But our Saviour refuted
this absurd conceit, by showing that the kingdom of Satan
was thus suffering a most violent shock, as evidently appears
to those who read the Gospels with any share of judgment."
Again:t " Is it any wonder at all that he who in the whole
course of his life, did so many actions which nothing short of
a divine power could have possibly enabled him to perform;
who wrought in attestation of his doctrine, miracles so surprising and open before his implacable foes, that Celsus himself has not the face to deny their reality; - is it, I say, any
wonder that such a person should have something extraordinary about his death?"
In replyt to the challenge, " what did Jesus ever do that
was truly great and worthy of a God," Origen refers to the
Evangelistic account of the earthquake, the rending of the
rocks, the opening of the tombs, the rent veil; and the darkness
of the sun at noonday. Touching the last phenomenon,
" which happened while the Sun of Righteousness was suffering a darker eclipse," he affirms that "it is well known to have
taken place in the reign of Tiberius; and also that the earth
trembled when the God of Nature groaned, we have the
* Cont. Cels. Lib. Ii. s. 9.  t Ib. s. 16.  t Ib. s. 33.




ARGUMENT FROM MIRACLES.             169
concurrent testimony of Phlegon, if I mistake not, in the
13th Book of his Chronicle."  The dream of Pilate's wife,
and the confession of the centurion at the cross, are not overlooked.
He says* the Jews are to be condemned, " because they
refuse to believe the miracles of Christ, which, though so evidently stamped with divine authority, they assign to Beelzebub, the prince of devils;" and presently asks, "what excited
the rage of the chief priests and elders and scribes, but
the consideration of the vast numbers of people who followed
Jesus, charmed with the sweetness and heavenly expressions
that dropped from his lips, and convinced by the miracles
that he wrought."
Next,t he obtains a hiogly probable argument against the
hypothesis of miracles having been done by legerdemain, or
of the evangelists having forged the accounts they give of
some raised from the dead, from the idea that had they practised the invention of falsehoods and delusions, they would
have supplied more frequent instances of that striking nature,
and also of the resurrection of such as had been dead for a
longer period, than we meet with in the Gospels.
It is added, " the disciples performed more miracles than
Jesus did, according to his promise (John xiv. 12.)  For the
eyes of the spiritually blind were frequently opened by them,
the ears of those who were once deaf to all the awakening
precepts of religion were unstopped, and many spiritually
lame were cured by the Gospel, so that they leap as the
hart; they could immediately tread on serpents and scorpions,
and were effectually fortified against vice from within, and
the malicious attempts of demons from without: events,
which Jesus foretold some distance of time before their fulfilment.
* Cont. Cels. Lib. I. s. 38.    f Ib. s. 48.




170           ARGUMENT FROM MIRACLES.
He shows* that false miracles are indications of true ones;
that the miraculous resurrectiont of Christ is not to be compared with the Greek fables of heroes; concluding upon the
whole, that "the glorious miraclesf of the Gospels were realities, and that Jesus was raised from the dead by the immediate power of the Godhead.   His resurrection is all in
harmony with the prophecies and miracles, indeed crowns
and completes the whole."
An argument is drawn~ from the old dispensation.  "The
Jews would have renounced their religion long ago, unless
they had had especial signs of God's favor. The firmness
of this people in adhering to their institutions during their
captivities and dispersions, is a testimony in favor of the
truth of their histories. So in like manner,I| Christianity is
not indebted either for its origin or progress to human influence, but to God, who has manifested himself by means of
various miracles, founding his religion thereon."
He points~T to the destruction of Jerusalem forty-two years
after the crucifixion of Christ, as a circumstance implying
something sacred about his person, connected as that place
was with his history.
Finally,* he asks " how, if Jesus had been a mere phantom since his resurrection, he could have enabled his followers
to perform such great marvels, to convert souls, and to induce
men to govern their actions according to the will of God, their
judge? How could a spectre chase demons, or work miracles,
pervade the entire world, and attract to himself by his own
divinity whosoever wishes to be virtuous?"
CYPRIAN.tt "Wherefore when Jesus, according to what
the prophets had foretold, cast out devils by the word of his
power, cured the sick of the palsy, cleansed the lepers,
* Cont. Cels. Lib. II. s. 49.  t Ib. s. 56.  + lb. s. 62.   Ib. Lib. In.
il Ib. s. 14.  ~ Ib. Lib. IV. s. 22.  ** Ib. Lib. vii. s. 35.
tt De Idol. Van. c. 7.




ARGUMENT FROM MIRACLES.              171
restored the sight of the blind, caused the lame to walk, raised
the dead to life again, compelled the powers of nature to
minister to him, and the winds and waves to obey him, the
Jews were surprised at the mighty works he wrought among
them; and though the humility of his flesh represented him
only a common man, yet the power of his miracles made them
think him a dealer in magical arts. He also appeared to his
disciples after the resurrection just in the form and manner
wherein he had conversed with them, and their senses proved
the reality of his appearance."
ARNOBIUS* answers those who ask if we can prove that
Christ is God, by holding up " the variety of his powers, as
the greatest proof; which things," he says, "they themselves
dare not convict of falsity." But " it may be replied, he was
a magician, and did all his works by secret arts stolen from
Egypt." In contending with this objection, our author " begs
to know whoever in former ages did a thousandth part of
what Christ did, and that too, as is worthy of notice, without
any observance of sacred rites, sacrifices or seasons, but all
by the power of his own name?" Yet this is what Jesus did,
and it is consistent with the character of the true God. There
was nothing hurtful in any of his deeds; but he gave his salutary assistance to man when it was needed, with all the
marks of a munificent power. But,t you say, " Ie was a
mortal and one of us."  Was he a mortal and one of us, at
whose voice sicknesses and diseases fled away? whose presence the race of demons, hid in the bodies of men, could not
endure? who caused the lame to run, and those borne on the
necks of others to carry home their own beds? Whose light
touch stayed the issue of blood, restored the withered hand,
a 7 ogavedn eyes evto those born blind, so that they might
see the light of heaven? who healed hundreds vexed with
* Adv. Gent. Lib. I. c. 15.            t Ib. c. 16.




172          ARGUMENT FROMI MIRACLES.
divers diseases? who calmed the sea, walked on the waves,
and raised those who were dead and buried? Was he one of
us, who after he had delivered the precepts of a true religion
to his followers, has suddenly filled the whole world; so that
what and who he is, is manifest by the unveiled greatness of
his name? Was he one of us, who when his body had been
laid in the tomb, raised himself, in the sight of men? whose
name since, has silenced oracles, destroyed the business of
augurs, and caused the spells of arrogant magicians to be of
no avail? Which things indeed were done by Jesus, not to
exhibit himself with vain ostentation, but that hardened and
incredulous man might know that what he promised was not
false, and perceive from the beneficence of his works that he
is the true God."
Our author further observes that the fact of Christ's overcoming difficulties like dumbness and blindness, which the
heathen conceived to be indissoluble bonds of fate, was a
proof clearer than the sun, that he was more powerful than
their idea of necessity.
He insists* strongly upon the circumstance, that Jesus
wrought his miracles without the intervention of any instrument. " Christ was known," he says, "to have healed by
the application of his hand, and the sound of his voice; whilst
the gods are said to have used the medium of medicine or
food; which is no great thing to do, seeing that physicians
perform such cures every day. But is it not degrading and
indecorous for a God to be unable to heal without the help of
some material means?"  Again he tests the miracles of
Christ, in order to show that they were not tentative, and
asks his readers, " How many thousands do you wish to be
shown of your sick and afflicted, consumed by diseases, who
have received no cure though they visit all the temples in
turn, prostrate themselves before the very faces of the gods,
* Adv. Gent. Lib. I. c. 17.




ARGUMENT FROM MIRACLES.               173
sweep the threshold with kisses, and fatigue.Esculapius, the
restorer of health, forsooth! with their prayers, so long as
life remains?  How many of these unfortunate creatures
have grown old in their malady, and become worse instead of
better, for their days and nights spent in appeals for mercy!
What then does it profit to show us one and another cured by
chance, when no one comes to the help of the multitudes,
and every temple is full of poor and miserable beings?
Christ,* on the other hand, relieved the evil and the good;
none were repulsed by him: this is worthy of a God and a
Iing. Was he not kind and gentle, easy of access, familiar
in his address, pitiful towards any who were oppressed by
grief or any bodily evils? and did he not with singular benignity restore and heal them; even permitting others also to
heal in his name; so that what the gods could not effect with
all their appliances, was continually done by the command of
rude and simple Christians?"
He showst how much more reason the Christian has for
reposing faith in Christ, than the heathen have in their philosophers, " because we follow those most magnificent works,
those extraordinary exhibitions of power, which Jesus displayed in a variety of miracles; by which any one ought to
be brought to the necessity of believing that those things
were not done by a man, but by divine and inscrutable assistance. But what can your philosophers exhibit," says he,
" that it becomes you to trust to them, rather than to Christ?
It is useless to produce their beautiful compositions and
treatises on Music or Numbers; such matters are nothing to
the present purpose; he is not to be accounted the good
author who speaks well, but he who fulfils his pledges and
assures us by divine works."
ARCHELAUS$ assures the heretic Manes that he could
not turn Christians from their faith, though he were to do
* Adv. Gent. Lib. I. c. 18 —24.  lb. Lib. i c. 6.  i Act. Disp.




174          ARGUMENT FROMI MIRACLES.
signs and wonders, raise the dead, or even summon the image
of St. Paul: and the reason given is, that his life is not that
of a virtuous man. He is nevertheless challenged to say
what miracles he has performed. "Has he raised the dead,
stanched blood, opened the eyes of the blind, &c.?"
LACTANTIUS* having spoken of the birth of Christ,
next proceeds to discuss the power and works of his life.
"The Jews seeing his miracles," he says, "supposed they
were done by magic, forgetting that everything he did had
been foretold by their own prophets. He forthwith healed
the sick, and those that had been long languishing, by the
power of his words, and without the use of any instrumentality, he recovered the weak, raised up those who were
bowed down, gave eyes to the blind, tongues to the dumb,
ears to the deaf, cleansed the lepers, restored to a right mind
those in whom demons had dwelt, and recalled the dead and
buried to light and life. Five thousand men he satisfied with
five loaves and two fishes, walked on the sea, stilled the
tempestuous wind; all which wonders had been long predicted
by the prophets. Indeed it was on account of the popularity
which these miracles gained him, that the chief priests were
filled with envy and rage, and at length condemned him, as
if he had been an unjust man."
Finally, it is observed that the Jews charged Jesus with
"healing on the sabbath;" and also that at the crucifixion,
" there was an earthquake and a great darkness, just as Jesus
gave up the ghost."
EUSEBIUS.t     "Who ever allowed others, even such as
are pure and sincere and arrived at the knowledge of God,
to cast out evil spirits from persons by calling upon him?
Every one+ may hear the words and deeds of Jesus; how he
* Epit. c. 45.   t Theoph. Lib. In. c. 14.  Ilb. c. 40.




ARGUMENT FROM MIRACLES.             175
taught publicly and healed every sort of disease and infirmity;
and how ready he was to good works; and how those things
which eye hath not seen nor ear heard, he delivered in mighty
deeds, and caused his disciples to approach the very summit
of excellence with God, and made them wise through the
power which cannot be described: how he healed those
whose souls were corrupted by every sort of sin, rebuked
others, instructed all, calmed the storm, and fed thousands
with a few loaves. To whom does this not appear astonishing? and does it not likewise challenge inquiry with regard
to his invisible power?"
The Chiliarch's son healed* is adduced as a proof of the
effect of Christ's word.
" If it be saidt he was a magician and deceiver, how came
he to be taught without a teacher or a book? Observe his
knowledge, his wisdom, his miraculous works: surely the
matter is divine, and such as exceeds all human endeavors!
Besides, had he received his learning from the Egyptians or
any one else, how is it that his teachers were not known as
well as he? their praise proclaimed like his? And moreover
what eye-witnesses of miracles have ever so sealed the truth
of their testimony by the trial of fire and sword, as the disciples
of the Saviour have done; who indeed suffered all things for
the sake of what they had seen, and submitted to every
species of torment, still declaring to the last that he was the
Son of God?"
Againt he asks, "' How could he be a magician who neither
used libations nor enchantments of any kind, nor was in
league with demons, as he proved by destroying them; and
yet ~ all our writers have attested with one mouth, his cleansing of lepers, his casting out devils, his raising the dead, his
restoring the sight, and many other instances of cure?"
* Theoph. Lib. iv. c. 2.  t Ib. Lib. v. c. 15, 16.  1b. c. 18.
~ Ib. c. 27.




176          ARGUMENT FROM MIRACLES.
" Indeed,* how could he have attached to himself so many,
both of Jews and Gentiles, unless he had made use of miracles, and astonishing deeds, and of doctrines till then
unknown? The book of Acts fully goes to show how he,
the Christ of God, did, by means of these wondrous works
which he performed, reduce many of all classes to his power.
Nor couldt his disciples have undertaken their enterprise at
all without divine aid; but in attestation of his resurrection,
not by mere words without proofs, but by power and deeds,
did they persuade and show forth the works of the living
God; for+ the multitudes, that witnessed them, must have
thought it impossible for those acts to have been brought
about by men, though they might not all have acknowledged
the truth. This ~ it was, then, and nothing else, that explains
how the disciples of the Saviour gained credit from those who
had from the first heard them; and how they came to persuade both barbarians and Greeks, to think of Christ as the
Word of God, and set up in the midst of the cities and villages, houses appropriated to the doctrine and worship of the
Supreme God."
Our authorij in following out a comparison which Hierocles had instituted between Jesus and Apollonius Tyaneus,
says he will not allude to the Christian evidence of ancient
prophecy, nor to the mighty results of the Saviour's teaching
throughout the world, nor to the sufferings of his disciples
in testimony of the truth, nor to the excellence of Christ's
personal character, nor to the fact that he alone of all men
being opposed in every way, has nevertheless prevailed;
these things speak for themselves; but he will proceed to
weigh well the incidents in the history of Apollonius as furnished by his friends, by which means, he thinks, " the
authors will be shown to have indulged more in imagination
T Theoph. Lib. v. c. 45.  t Ib. c. 49.  + Ib. c. 51.  ~ b. c. 52.
|I Cont. Hieroc. c. 4.




ARGUMENT FROM MIRACLES.              177
than in truth." He begins* by allowing that Apollonius was
a philosopher, but nothing more: he does not seem to have
been bad enough for a magician; but he denies altogether
that he had any divine communication of power. Laying
out of the question,t the mere rumors that a Protean spectre
begot him, and that a thunderbolt and a chorus of swans
announced his birth, as well as of his understanding the languages of animals,+ &c., as monstrous and equally inconsistent with reason and the character of Apollonius, he runs
over the biography and finds it laden with more absurd tales
than even the writers of ancient fiction pretended to.  He
takes occasion by the way, of reminding Hierocles that these
stories sound yet more strange, when put forward by those
who charge Christians with credulity. He cites, for instance,
from Apollonius' Eastern journey, the detection of an
Empusa,~ who was seducing a youth into marriage; his
meeting among the Brachmansll with a female, the lower
part of whose body was white, the rest black; and with
dragons having flames on their heads; also, on his return
from India to Greece, his declaring men's thoughts, and holding discourse with the absent Emperor Titus; and, finally,i
his making a satyr drunk. By such ridiculous stories as
these, our author thinks that Philostratus does the Pythagorean philosopher no justice, making him out to be a base
man, besides flatly contradicting himself, and showing that as
a biographer he is not to be compared with our Evangelists.
If, says he in conclusion, some of these narrations were true,
we should attribute them to the assistance afforded by demons.
But he contends they never were true: they are essentially
fabulous, because they are useless and absurd, and make out
of a harmless philosopher, a most wicked magician. Books+*
of this kind, therefore, are pronounced deserving of abhorrence
and contempt.
* Cont. Hieroc. c. 5.  t Ib. c. 8.  + Ib. c. 10.  lIb. c. 13.
11 Ib. c. 18.      ~ lIb. c. 34.  *  Ib. c. 48.




1.78          ARGUMENT FROMI MIRACLES.
CHRYSOSTOM* observes t that the Apostles did not
introduce or spread the Gospel by force of arms or wealth,
but their words, simple in themselves, were sustained by miracles. "In proclaiming a crucified Redeemer, they produced
miraculous effects, and so subjugated all the earth. Was
there ever anything more wonderful than to see a poor fisherman, a publican, a tent-maker, raising the dead by a simple
command, casting out devils, confounding philosophers and
orators, overcoming princes and kings, and conquering barbarian, Greek, and all other nations by their laws t  How
could the Apostles have undertaken to convert the whole
world unless they had received some guaranty from heaven,
some indubitable marks of the divine aid? and how could
they have persuaded men to receive their doctrine, without
miracles? That they did persuade them, as certainly is the
case, is alone a proof of divine power. For it would have
been a still greater marvel to have produced such an effect
without any cause, that is, without a single miracle. What
could have induced these men to expose themselves to so
many dangers, if they had not been convinced of the resurrection of Jesus Christ? and how could they have expected
to succeed in their enterprise, if it had not been true that
Christ was raised from the dead? Is it not evident to the
most short-sighted, that if they had not been filled with a
strong and celestial influence, and if they had not had certain proofs of the truth of the resurrection, they would
never have thought or conceived of, much less carried out
such a design?"
AUGUSTINE ~ argues that a true religion must be
founded upon miracles; and that it is our plain duty to
choose and follow those doctrines which lead us to adore one
* See IHomily on 1 Ep. to. to Cor.   On the Divinity of Chist.
+ Tabl. des Peres, Vol. II. p. 41.  ~ De vera Relig. c. 25.




ARGUMENT FROAM MIRACLES.            179
God, and not many, and that worship which is rendered certain by a series of visible miracles, credited in past ages and
handed down to us. He adduces* the miracles of Jesus, as
being more than unusual events (against the Manichsean heretics who set up reason in the place of faith:) "' the sick were
healed, the lepers cleansed, strength restored to the lame,
sight to the blind, hearing to the deaf, water was turned into
wine, multitudes fed with little means, seas traversed, the
dead raised;" and then concludes, "that thus a vast number
of believers having been gathered together, and afterwards
spread abroad, the authority necessary to cure men of evil
habits, and enforce new morals, was obtained and applied."
* De 7tilit, Cred.




CHAPTER V.
THE ARGUMENT FROM THE REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.
Quare oportet, in ea re maxime, in qua vitae ratio versatur, sibi quemque
considere, suoque judicio ac propriis sensibus niti ad investigandam, et
perpendendam veritatem; quam credentem alienis erroribus decipi, tanquam ipsum rationis expertem. Dedit omnibus Deus pro virili portione
sapientiam; ut et inaudita investigare possent, et audita perpendere....... Quare cum  sapere, id est, veritatem quserere, omnibus sit innatum; sapientiam sibi adimunt, qui sine ullo judicio inventa majorum
probant, et ab aliis pecudum more ducuntur.* t
LACTANTIUS.
THIS argument chiefly consists of a comparison between
the heathen and Christian systems of doctrine.       In urging
it, as well as that of the next chapter (on Morality,) the
question may be asked, What authority or standard the Apologists used?   Who was the judge of the respective merits?
With what sense or hope could they charge the heathen to
* Inst. Div. Lib. II. c. 7.
t It is the duty of every man to form independent opinions, especially
in relation to the general conduct of life; to rely upon his own judgment
and reason in investigating and weighing truth; for whoever blindly
accepts the errors of others, confesses himself destitute of reason. God
has given wisdom to all as the heritage of manhood, that new opinions
may be scrutinized, and old opinions be sifted. And as wisdom, or the
searching for truth is natural to all, they deny their own intelligence,
who accept without scrutiny, the discoveries of their ancestors, and follow
leaders like sheep.                                   Am. Ed.




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.           181
renounce the one and adopt the other, as the more rational
system, the purer rule of life? We answer, The heathen
themselves were the judges, even in their own cause. Conscience was to be the balance, reason the umpire for every
man. Not that these faculties of ours were considered less
prone to evil in their way, than our wills; but it was thought,
there was enough light left amid all the darkness, to compare
things by, to distinguish, quo virtus, quo ferat error, though
not to rectify or save. And to these faculties the Fathers
appealed all the more confidently, because of the example of
the Holy Scriptures, the first and best of Apologies. There
we discover the use of certain terms without any definitions;
a common understanding being presumed, between God and
man, between man and man, as to their meaning, and as to
the value of rational or irrational deductions, and of moral
or immoral qualities. They suppose, for instance, that piety,
humanity, justice, and their opposites need no explanation;
that Pilate's question, "What is truth?" was indeed a fruitless one: all men will agree as to the general sense of such
terms. "The ideas in fact which they represent, had words
to express them for many ages antecedent to the introduction
of Christianity into the world: the realities must therefore have
preexisted also; and not only existed, but been admired (or
despised.)  The Scriptures recognize the competency of man
to estimate the right and the wrong, the lovely and the
unlovely in character* (Rom. i.)"  In like manner our Apologists refer to this tribunal in the breast of each man; to
those principles of feeling and action, by virtue of which, he
knows, however little he may practise, what is just and right.
" If there be a willingness," says Justin, "to hear the reason
of this thing, it will be shown that we have not been in error,
&c." They hoped that men might be brought in thoughtful
hours, notwithstanding the distraction caused by a false
Chalmers's Disoourses, Vol. I. p. 3.
9




182              ARGUMENT FROM THE
education, to render homage to truth; and that so, under
God,* by discovering the follies of Polytheism, the absurdities of heathen philosophy, and the immoralities of idol
worship, their understanding if not their heart might be
affected.  "Although difficult," continues the author just
quoted, "we are persuaded it is not impossible that a plain
representation of the truth should be sufficient to dissipate
error."
From this point the Apologists advanced a step farther,
and proceeded to show that there is another religion which
omits all the absurdities, supplies all the deficiencies, and far
surpasses all the excellences of Paganism. The benevolence
of Christianity did not propose to take away what it could
not replace, or wound where it could not heal. It was an
infinitely blessed exchange! A contrast, they thought, would
deduce and illustrate this." t
I have endeavored, but in vain, to arrange the matter of
this chapter under minor heads, without doing injustice to
the continual comparison, or connection of ideas in each
author's mind. It is a, consolation, therefore, to think that
though less condensed than it might be,} the method of a
simple chronological succession which I shall give, is more
characteristic, and will perhaps be, under the circumstances,
more interesting. At the same time it may assist the reader
to have an idea of the plan usually adopted by the Fathers,
in arguing upon doctrine.
They commonly began with the heathen side of the question. This they separated into several views of theology, as
* The author of the Epistle to Diognetus, tells his Pagan friend, that
" he must not expect to be taught the mystery of true religion by any
man but by God only." And so other Fathers.
t Palmer, c. 1, Of Development and Consc. includes the contrast
between Christianity and false Religion, as one of the Apologetic evidences, p. 10.
+ As it is, these chapters are the essence of many volumes.




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.           183
taken by different classes of men. There were the gods of
the poets: these they proved to be human and wicked;
human, by their births, their sexes, their relationships, their
numbers, their various adaptations to localities and times,
which are mere earthly distinctions, their passions, their
calamities, and their deaths;* and wicked, by their adulteries,
their cruelties, discords, and the bad effect of their example
upon the minds of their devotees. "But these were feignecd
pictures of the poets," said some, "invented only to please
the populace."  The gods of the philosophers were therefore
next discussed. Under this division, were investigated the
different materialist and physico-theological theories of the
ancients, which honored the works of God with a worship
and glory due only to the Creator. Thus the heavenly
bodies, fruits, animals, the world's elements, the world itself,
animated nature, mind, were each and all exalted into the
place of God. These opinions are proved vain, by their want
of spirituality and dignity, and by the great contrariety of
views they engendered. Then came the images or gods of
the people. The poets might be jealous of another art
beside their own, the philosophers might despise all the arts
together; but the people wanted something visible and tangible. Here they found it. The Apologists attacked idolatry, on the score of images being mere matter, fabricated
by men, subject to purchase, liable to insult, damage, and
decay, and utterly unable to help themselves, much less
others. Once more, the gods of the magicians, whether
demons, or auspices, or oracles, were condemned alike for
their impurities, their extravagances, their fallacies, and their
general worthlessness.
Many of these false and idle notions of Deity were attributed by the Fathers, to the deceptions of the evil spirit,
* The Apologists make good use of Cicero's candor, in his volume De
Nart. Deor.




184              ARCGUMENT FRO3I THE
ever bent on turning men's minds firom the contemplation of
the true God, and inserting himself or his ministers in his
place.
Having exposed the fabulous origin and the degrading
profligacy of the heathen mythology, the Apologists turned
to the true religion, and with all these vanities, contrasted
the God, the Teacher, the prophets, and the writings of
Christianity: the one God, holy, just, invisible, and incomprehensible to finite reason, without passions, parts, or variableness; the one Word and Saviour, active, wise, powerful,
pure, gentle, beneficial; and the harmonious, because filled
with the one Spirit, calm yet energetic, eloquent yet simple,
poor yet useful prophets, and their books. Thus the day
was made to succeed the night, and to gain additional lustre
by contrast with the shades it had chased away. This matter of precedence* was often intentional on the part of our
authors, and the reason for it is given. For instance, Athanasius takes care " first to rebut the ignorance of unbelievers,
in order that the truth may shine of itself; "' and Lactantius holds that "the first step towards the temple of truth,
is to understand the false religion; the second, to know the
trae God; the third, to follow his messenger Jesus.""
It might also be expected that the preponderance, as well
as the precedence of matter, would belong to the heathen
side.  The one system  was something of the heathen's
acquaintance: they could undertake its discussion. The
other was altogether strange and hard of carnal comprehension. The one was intricate and multiform, as error always
is, and could not be exposed in a volume; the other was
simple and quietly operative, almost expressible in a sentence.
* Eusebius however reverses this order, upon the ground of our theology being the most ancient and popular now. But the truth was, the
tables had just been turned. Hellenism was almost out of fashion.
t Con. Gent. c. 1.             ~ De Ira Dei, c. 2.




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.            185
Mloreover, there were the Scriptures themselves at hand, (to
the consultation of which the Fathers ever pressed their
opponents,) and the constant contemporaneous expositions of
the ministers of the Church.
Such appears to have been the train of thought by which
this argument was approached, and the mode of its application, though its course varies more or less (within these
limits,) according to the nature of each particular treatise.
Taken as a mass, it forms one of the most striking kinds of
proof* in favor of Christianity, and none the less perhaps,
because its edges are somewhat indefinite.
THE AUTHOR OF THE EPISTLE TO DIOGNETUSt asks his heathen friend to consider the substance and
forms of the gods; "whether one is not made of the stone
you tread upon, and another of the same brass that is used
for vases; one of wood, worthless because it decays, another
of silver, so precious as to require protection from thieves;
this of rusting iron, that of fragile pottery, out of which at
the same time the commonest utensils are manufactured?
And are they not all liable to corruption, the end of all
material things?  Might they not have been as well made
into anything else, and could they not even now be converted
to other uses? Yet these are the gods you worship and
invoke, until almost as senseless as they are you become!
Wherefore Christians are hateful to you, becouse they do not
account them gods, but ridicule and despise them."
Ile likewise+ denounces the Jews for adhering to their
superstitions.
With these " vain ceremonies " he contrasts the marvellous
wisdom  displayed in the Incarnation and Atonement of
* Compare Grotius On the Truth of Christianity, Book Iv. with the substance of this chapter.
tEp. ad Diog. c. 2.    + Ib. 3-4.      lb. c. 7.




186             ARGUMENT FROM THE
Christ.  "It is no human system," he says,* "that we so
carefully follow.  God himself has placed his heavenly
truth, his holy word with men, that it may become firmly
established in their hearts. He sent it not by a man, nor yet
by an angel, but by his Son, even the Creator of all things;
not in terror, but in love and mercy; to call them, not to
condemn them. Though the son of a King, yea, though
God himself, he became a -servant. Surely such a transaction as this is not after the manner of men; it is the power of
God, the sign of his presence. IHow vaint and trifling, compared with ours, were the ideas of the philosophers respecting God! Some thought he was fire, because fire benefited
them, or water, or the other elements ordained by him. All
such notions are lies and impostures, for we cannot see God
except by faith."  Finally he shakes the Jewish dependence
upon sacrifices, by a beautiful eulogium on the Atonement.' God himself," he exclaims, "bare our sins; He gave
his only Son as the price of our redemption. He gave
him in whom was no sin, for the sinful; the just for the
unjust; the incorruptible for the corruptible; the immortal
for the mortal.  Oh! sweet exchange! oh! inscrutable
device! oh! mercy beyond hope! that the iniquity of many
should be put away by the righteousness of one."
JUSTIN IMARTYR         "We do not imagine," he says
to the emperor, " that God has a bodily shape, as some pretend. Why should I repeat to you who know so well, in
what way the fabricators of images treat their materials,
cutting, polishing, melting, hammering them, frequently out
of the meanest utensils, merely changing their form, fashioning them -anew, and giving them the names of gods? In our
opinion this is not only unreasonable, but offers great dishonor to God, when He who possesses a glory and form which
Ep. ad Diog. c. 7.  t Ib. c. 8.  + Apo. I. c. 9.




REASONABLENESS OP DOCTRINE.           187
cannot be expressed, is thus named after corruptible things,
and such as need care for their preservation." He then*
hints at the confused and melancholy contrast in which
Jupiter and his sons stand to Jesus. " How many sons your
approved writers attribute to Jove! such as Mercury, teacher
of men; JEsculapius the physician, struck by lightning;
Bacchus, torn in pieces; Hercules, who burned himself to
escape torments; Castor and Pollux, children of Leda; Perseus, the son of Danae; and Bellerophon, carried off by
Pegasus; to say nothing of Ariadne and her comipany, whom,
with your emperors, you exalt to the stars of heaven. But
I need not relate their various actions, you know them all by
heart; but this much I will say, that the documents relating
to them, tend to corrupt and pervert the mind of any reader
or hearer. We, on the other hand, have been taught that
they only are worthy of immortality and a place in heaven,
who have lived holy and virtuous lives here.
"Some of the nations," he continues,t " worship trees,
and rivers, mice, cats and crocodiles, or other brute beasts,
according to the country they inhabit; and, what is still
more astonishing, they account every foreigner impious, who
will not worship what in his own land are not regarded as
gods, but as animals or victims. Others again, offer libations and the fat of beasts to the dead. How absurd is this!
and yet they reproach us for not doing the same, and for not
presenting senseless images with garlands and sacrifices.
But+ we out of every nation, who formerly adored Bacchus
the son of Semele, and Apollo the son of Latona (whose
infamous abominations it is a shame even to mention,)
together with Proserpine and Venus (inflamed with passion
for Adonis,) do now, for the sake of Jesus Christ, despise all
these mysteries, and though threatened with death, dedicate
ourselves to the true God who is unbegotten and without
Apol. I. c.29.     f Ib. c. 32.    + Ib. c. 33.




188              ARGUMENT PROM THE
passions, of whom we believe not as you do of Jupiter, that
under the influence of base desire he followed Antiope or
Ganymede, and was released from bonds by Briareus. Nay,
we sincerely pity those who can credit such fables, and feel
persuaded that evil spirits must be the authors of them."
The Oratio ad Grcecos opens* with a protest against idolatrous worship. "Think not, oh Greeks," says Justin, "that
I have withdrawn from your ceremonies without reason or
reflection. The truth is, I found nothing in them that is
holy or worthy of God. The works of your poets are monuments of frenzy and lust." Instances of heroes are then
cited to show that they did not deserve their honorable titles.
The great Agamemnon is found sacrificing his own daughter,
and disturbing all Greece to recover Helen, while he himself
is led captive by Chryseis. Achilles slays Hector, and yet
is compelled to serve Polyxena, and is overcome by a dead
Amazon. "I contend not," exclaims our author, "for such
virtue as this. Homer is nothing more than a rhapsodist,
and the beginning and end of the Iliad is a woman." Referringt to the trifling and immoral theogony of Hesiod, he says:' Read to Jove, ye Greeks, your laws against such as strike
a parent, and the punishment inflicted for adultery. Teach
Minerva and Diana the duties of wives, and Bacchus those
of husbands. How unfeminine is it for a goddess to appear
in arms; how unseemly for a hero to wear female attire, and
with cymbals and flowers, to celebrate the orgies among a
troop of women!"  The bad examples which the gods set
the young are next noticed. " How," he expostulates,+ "can
you, a father, be angry with your son for plotting against
your life, or defiling your marriage-bed? He only imitates
Jove! How can you punish him, and yet reverence your
God for the same thing? Can you, a husband, blame your
wife because she lives an abandoned life, while you yourself
* Orat. ad Gre ac. 1. 1 t. b. c. 2.  + Ib. c. 4.




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.           189
frequent the temple of Venus? These specimens are taken
from your own literature; they are not invented charges of
ours... Come then, rather, and be partakers of incomparable wisdom, be instructed by a virtuous king. He and his
heroes* (the apostles) did not slaughter people; our chief is
the divine Word, who rules us, delighting not in strength of
body, but in purity of mind only, and in good actions."
Addressing the Jew,t he argues: " Those who were under
the law, were under the curse, because they could not or did
not perform all things contained therein; and is it not still
more evident that all the Gentiles who worshipped idols, corrupted youths, and committed every kind of wickedness, were
under a curse? If therefore it pleased the Creator of all
things that his Christ should take upon him the curse of all
mankind, and you reject and despise him, will not his blood
be justly required at your hands, who have put him to death,
for no vicarious reason, but in the murderous malice of your
hearts?"
The author of the Admonition to the Greeks proposes+ to
discuss the subject of true religion, by "inquiring about the
masters of the respective systems, taking into account both
who and what they were, and when they flourished, in order
that those who formerly indulged a false faith, may be freed
from their error, and that we for our parts, may clearly prove
ourselves to be followers of our ancestors, according to godliness." Who then,~ he demands, were the masters of the
Grecian religion, and what did they teach? He first draws
attention to the poetical theogonies, and finds that "Homer,
called the prince of poets, deduces the Deity from water."
He then hints at the quarrels, the unbridled lusts, the perjuries of the gods; at the indignities which some of them suffer
at the hands of mortals (as Venus and Mars wounded by
Diomede;) all of which is confirmed by Hesiod: "so that
* Orat. ad Grcec. c. 5.       t Dial. curm Tryph.
+ Cohort. ad Grce. c. 1.      ~ Ib. c. 2.
9*




190             ARGUEENT FROM THE
if you are to believe your own famous writers who have furnished divine genealogies and histories, you must either
admit your gods to have really been such characters, or deny
that they were gods at all. But* if you refuse to abide by
your poets, because they have invented fictions, then, I ask
again, who were the masters of your religion? Tell us from
whom did your poets obtain the ideas they have thus embellished; for they must have learned them from some one?
Do you say the philosophers? Yes, to these, as to a fortified
wall, you are wont to fly, when any objection is made to the
descriptions of the poets."  He then commences "with the
elder philosophers," and endeavors to show that their notions
"are equally ridiculous." Thales the IMilesian, the head of the
physical school, asserted that all things were made from
water, and into water are resolved. Anaximander considered
space to be the principle of all things; but Anaximenes
(also of MIiletus) found it in air; whilst Anaxagoras, the Clazomenian, placed it in the symmetry of homogeneous elements. Again, Archelaus of Athens supposed it to reside
in boundless air, and its variations of temperature. Such
was the sect of Thales. Another brancht of philosophy
sprang from Pythagoras. It indulged more in abstractions,
and called number the principle of things, or its proportions
and harmonies. But Epicurus, not content with anything so
indefinite and intangible, sought it in corporeal matter, perceived by reason; while Empedocles fancied that it was
better explained as the four elements, with the double ruling
force of attraction and repulsion. Thus you see in what an
unsettled state of opinion were the very doctors of your
religion. How then can it be safe for those who would be
saved, to sit at the feet of men who cannot agree among
themselves?  "But perchance you will yet say, you have
not received your instruction from the ancient, but from the
* Cohort. ad Graec. c. 3.            t Ib. c. 4.




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.           191
more modern philosophers, as Plato and Aristotle, men celebrated both for wisdom and virtue. Well, but we shall find
upon examination, that neither do these agree together.
Plato* affirms the three principles of the universe to be God,
matter, and form; Aristotle, only God and matter. Again,
whereas Plato teaches that the supreme God and ideas live
in the first sphere of the highest heaven, Aristotle ranges,
not ideas, but other deities after the supreme God. Moreover, it is plain to any one studying the writings of these
men, that they are not consistent with themselves. Plato at
one time talks of three principles, at another of four, having
added the soul of the universe, which is supposed to personate all things. Now he speaks of matter as created; then
as uncreated: now, of form as self-originating and self-subsistent; and presently as the motion of the mind. So that
your sages do not appear to harmonize either with one
another or with themselves; and if this be the case with
regard to mundane matters and objects so apparent, how
much more must it be when the subjects are spiritual and
invisible?"  In proof of this diversity of opinion, various
hypotheses on the nature of the soul are produced, which
would make it fire, air, wind, an exhalation, a stellar influence, a numeral endowed with the power of motion, or
generative water. "'Wherefore,"t he infers, "since you
find so little truth is to be learned from your teachers, nay
that, on the contrary, they display their ignorance by mutual
disagreements, it seems to me that we should all turn together
to our ancestors, our masters, who were both older and wiser
than yours; who have taught nothing according to their own
fancies, and who have never disagreed or attempted to overthrow one another's statements, but have without prejudice
handed down what they learned from God himself. The
fact is, that neither by nature nor art, can the human mind
* Cohort. ad Grcec. c. 6.            t lb. c. 8.




192             ARGUMENT FROM THE
attain to the knowledge of divine things. For such lofty
flights of thought it was needful that the gift of God should
descend into the breasts of holy men, not exciting in them a
care for the artifices of language, or sentiments of strife and
envy; but purifying and using them, being just men, like
some instruments of music, to reveal to others the certainty
of heavenly doctrines. In this way alone can we account
for the constant harmony and consistency of our prophets,
although they delivered their doctrine in various places and
at different periods of time."
TATIAN.*     "We (Christians) distinguish God from
what he has created, and only admire his works as they are
proofs of his skill and power. I cannot bring myself to
adore an object like the sun or moon made by him on purpose to serve us. It would be like worshipping my own
slave: still less can I dare to deify wood and stone, mere
substances, pervaded by an inferior kind of spirit, if by any
at all."
Speakingt of the Grecian gods, he calls them "demons,
who first tempted men to believe in fate, and suggested the
collocation of animals in the Zodiac, the origin of brute
worship."  "Consider," he continues,+ addressing the Greeks,
"that these demons, who you say determine your destinies,
can be transformed at your own pleasure. Rhea becomes a
tree; Jupiter a dragon, for the sake of Proserpine; and a
bull is translated to the skies, whilst you are slaying its fellow on the earth."  Iow~ can we approve of an administration which boasts of such governors? How could we be so
self-deceived as to believe in fate? It was our own choice
that ruined us. We made ourselves servants, who were
free; we are sold under sin. No evil is of God; we have
- Orat. ad Graec. c. 4.            t lb. c. 9.
+lb. c. 10.                        T1. c. 11.




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.           193
brought it upon ourselves. This is our doctrine.*  We have
thoroughly investigated the stratagems of your furious
demons: they are degrading, and easily seen through; but
the doctrines of Christianity are too sublime for a wicked
world to understand."  He beseechest them " to give up the
dogmas of fatality, and the worship of demons, which only
pretend to heal the ills of men, while they seduce them by
means of the arts of life. Whence Justin has truly called
them robbers."
Again, he says: "We are not so foolish as you who publish fables concerning God incarnate. Compare your fictions
with our narrations before you reproach us. You relate that
Apollo fed the curved-footed oxen of Thessaly out of gratitude
to Admetus; that Prometheus was chained to Caucasus for
having benefited mankind; and that Jupiter, being jealous,
withdrew sleep from men, in hopes that they would perish.
Surely if you admit such tales as these, you cannot but approve of ours, especially when you find them to be in no
respect foolish or trifling.  Do you not see also that in such
accounts you admit the humanity of your gods?  Nor does
any allegorical interpretation help your cause. One of two
things is true: either these gods and their shameful conduct
go together; or else, with their names transferred to natural
objects, they are no gods at all; for the worship of the
elements is too idle to think of."
ATHENAGORAS,~ in. meeting a charge of Atheism,
reminds the Athenians that formerly, with some color of
justice, they condemned Diagoras for this crime, because he
not only divulged the Orphbean and Eleusinian mysteries, but
took the statue of Hercules, and burned it to boil his rapeseed; yea, he utterly denied the existence of a Divine Being.
* Orat. ad Greec. c. 12.  t Ib. c. 18.  + lb. c. 21.
~ Legat. c. 4.




194         -    ARGUMENT FROM' THE
"But we only distinguish God from everything material, and
believe him to be self-existent and eternal. Far be from us
then the great impiety of Atheism. The poets* and philosophers vainly endeavored to search out to perfection, that God
who is inaccessible to all the attempts of natural reason.
They deservedly failed, because they sought not from God
himself, but from their own imaginations, the knowledge of
spirit and matter, form, and the world. But we have the
prophets for vouchers of our faith; men who spake as they
were moved by the Holy Ghost, concerning God and the
things of God. They teacht us that there is one invisible
Being, not subject to passions, not circumscribed by space,
incapable of divisibility, only to be comprehended by the
mind; as one endued with inconceivable glory, beauty, power,
and majesty; by whom all things were made through his
Word, were disposed into harmony, and are so continually
maintained. We believe too in the Son of God, though we
hold not the same views concerning his generation as your absurd mythologists have, who make their gods as wicked and
insane as themselves.  We hold that the Son of God is the
Wisdom and Word of God, to whom all matter was subject by
formation. We believe likewise in that Holy Spirit who speaks
by the Prophets, proceeds from God, and returns to God, as a
beam of light passes from the sun, and is reflected back
again. Who then cannot wonder to hear us charged with
Atheism, though we declare there is God the Father, and God
the Son, and the Holy Ghost, and acknowledge their power
in unity and distinction?+ But~ with respect to your gods,
they are allowed not to have been from eternity, but were
every one of them born as we are. Orpheus, who first invented
names for them, and gave us their genealogies and lives, is
* Legat. c. 7.                         t Ib. c. 10.
+ Dr. Waterland quotes this confession. Serm. 8, Camb. 1720.
~ Legat. c. 18.




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.           195
supposed to have delivered the most correct accounts, and
from him Homer drew largely. He makes ocean or water
the fountain from whence all the gods sprang. How then*
can these gods live forever, seeing they are no way selfexistent, but originated? Or wherein can they be thought
superior to matter, who derive their nature from the first
material, called water? There are other theories as to the
origin of the gods, quite as unstable, and which indeed are
only worth a thought as they prove the disagreements of your
theology."  He then t passes to( "the forms and figures so
monstrously and unwarrantably bestowed upon the Deity.
Heracles is a writhing serpent: the Titans have a hundred
hands: Jupiter's daughter by Rhea or Ceres, has four eyes,
a bird's beak, and horns on her head," &c. Again he calls
attention to the crimes of these divinities. " Saturn mutilates
his father, and hurls him headlong from his chariot; he in his
turn is put in chains by his sons, and driven out of heaven.
This worthy son then makes war with the Titans for his
empire, tries to ravish his mother Rhea, and has a son Dionysius by his own daughter, Persephone. Who can conceive
that forms and crimes like these are compatible with the idea
of gods?  Moreover} we find Juno in a rage, Jupiter in
sorrow, and unable to save his son Sarpedon; Venus wounded
in her body and in her heart; Vulcan lame; Mars pierced
and baffled, though the god of war, and finally caught in the
act of adultery! These are your gods! ~ But it may be
said,'this is a dress the poets have given to theology. There
is a philosophical explanation of these matters.' Well, then,
let us view the subject in the best light that can be put upon
it; and as Empedocles says,' let Jupiter be fire, Juno the
air, Pluto the earth, and Neptune the sea.' But these are
the elements of the world, and not gods. They are all material, which God is not; they are all variable, but God is
* Legat. c. 19.  t Ib. c. 20.  + Ib. c. 21.  ~ Ib. c. 22.




196              ARGUtMENT FROM THE
unchangeable: * the worship offered to them is strangely cruel,
whilst the true God is beneficent."  Our authort therefore
will not accept of the physical theory of the gods, but proceeds to identify them with departed heroes by means of their
names. He finds, " Herodotus, in the epistle of Alexander
to his mother, assuring us that the priests of Heliopolis,
Memphis, and Thebes, knew and confessed their gods to be
but men. Orus, son of Osiris, (by the Greeks called Apollo,)
they acknowledged to have been the last king that reigned
after he had destroyed Typho. By Osiris is meant Bacchus
in the Greek. Thus the last, and therefore all the preceding
kings of Egypt, were men, from whom are derived the names
of the gods among the Greeks.   Their queens also were
deified. Hermes Trismegistus and many others agree that
the gods have not been from eternity, but hadreigned on the
earth; and the Egyptians themselves confirm this, by informingus that the temples are their tombs. Apollodorus says
thus much in his book concerning the gods; and Herodotus
adds that their passions or deaths were mysteries, which for
decency's sake, he declines to explain. Indeed not only is
the place where Osiris was buried, exhibited, but also his
mummy. It was on this account, doubtless, that the Greek
poets never scrupled to impute anything human to the gods.
Pindar and HIesiod are quoted in attestation.  But," he
continues, "the Divine nature must be above the want or
desire of anything, nor can it die."
Moreover these deities of the Pagans were not only human,
they were wicked, illiterate, covetous, &c.: " Castor and
Pollux and crazy Ino with her son Palnemon, for example;
also Semiramis, a blood-thirsty and lustful woman, who is
worshipped in Syria." Some have been adored for strength
of body, as Hercules and: Perseus; some for their actions, as
iEsculapius; and many princes through love or fear, have
* Legat. c. 26.                        t lb. c. 28.




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.                197
been treated with divine honors., So Antinous not long ago
by favoring one of the emperors, obtained among his subjects
the esteem of a god. And observe this extract from Callimachus:
" The Cretes are always liars; * they presume to show the
tomb of Jove; but great Jove lives."
Dost thou, Callimachus, believe his birth and doubt his
death? Dost thou think to conceal the truth by talking thus
to the ignorant?  Canst thou look on the cave, and acknowledge him to be born of Rhea, and view his urn, and yet question his decease?    Art thou ignorant that the only God
without beginning of existence, is the Eternal One?  Either
then all the accounts of the poets and philosophers are false,
and therefore the worship of the gods vain; or if the narrations of their births, amours, murders, robberies, mutilations,
and judicial deaths are true, then are they evidently deceased,
they must have died, because they were born, &c.     I have
thus proved at least, that we (Christians) are not Atheists,
but believe the Creator of all things, and the Word, to be
God.
* Warburton, in his Divine Legation (p. 182, Vol. I.), gives" the Cretans
on the authority of Diodorus Siculus, as an exception to the general rule
observed by other nations, of keeping their mysteries secret. The
great secret of the earth-born nature of the gods, they proclaimed to all
the world by showing and boasting of the tomb of Jove himself, the
Father of gods and men." It was this that so exasperated the other
Grecians against them, and gave birth to the proverb, " The Cretans are
always liars." This opinion seems to have been commonly held by the
Fathers. They quote two heathen poets in affirmation. (1.) Epimenides
the Cretan prophet, (alluded to by St. Paul in his epistle to Titus) who
lived circ. B. c. 650. His work (probably upon oracles) is lost. It is
quoted by Clemens Alex. Strom. Lib. I. Art. 3. (2.) Callimachus, a later
poet, said to have filled the post of librarian to Ptolemy. His versus (the
one before us) occurs in a hymn of Jove still extant. (Vid. Schol. on
these lines, and "proverbium in Chiliad." Erasm.)  Other references to
Callimachus, by the Apologists, will be found in Tatian, c. 27; Clem. Alex.
Hottat. c. 2; Theoph. ad Autol. c. 10; Origen, Contr. Cels. Lib. III. s. 43.




198             ARGUMENT FROM THE
THEOPHILUS* being asked to exhibit his God, replies
that he has no form, nor beginning, because he is unbegotten;
and that he is immutable as he is immortal.  Het moreover
refers the inquirer to the works of Nature. "And + thus,"
says he," I show you my God, the Lord of all, who alone
stretched forth the heavens, and established the earth; who
opened the deeps of the sea, and set a bound to its waves;
whose spirit enlivens all things, without which the universe
would cease to exist. Your faculty of speech, your very
breath is from Him, of whom you are ignorant, because of
the darkness and hardness of your heart. -But there is a
remedy for this disease: the Word, the Wisdom of God,
heals and revives: if you understand this truth, my friend,
and live purely and justly, you can see God —having faith
coupled with fear in your heart, you will perceive him here,
and being made immortal in heaven, you will see him who is
immortal, hereafter.
" But~ as to your gods, who and what were they? Their
names are but those of dead men! Their characters yet
more despicable!  Was not Saturn the devourer of his
children? Are not Jupiter's adulteries described by Homer?
Did not one of his sons, Hercules, burn himself to death?
Was not another, Bacchus, a drunkard and a madman?
Behold! Apollo a fugitive for fear of Achilles; and though a
god, ignorant of the death of his beloved Hyacinthus! Venus
wounded! Mars, the destroyer of men! We even meet
with traces of blood flowing from the gods! I do not assert
these things myself, but on the authority of your own historians and poets. And why 11 should I enumerate the variety
of creatures worshipped by the Egyptians, reptiles, birds,
cattle, wild beasts, fish, besides washing vessels, and even
obscene sounds; and though the Greeks may not have debased
Ad Autol. Lib. I. c. 3, 4.  t Ib. c. 6.  + Ib. c. 7.
Ib. c.9. 91 lb. c. 10.




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.           199
themselves quite so low, yet we see them adoring stones and
blocks, and other material things, images, as we have just
said, of dead men."  He farther observes of these images,
that they are mere human productions, ascribing the Olympian Jove at Pisa, and the Minerva in Arce at Athens, to the
well known sculptor Phidias. Passing on, he reckons at
least eight Jupiters belonging to different countries, and having
different origins; and reminds Autolychus that "he who
is called the son of Saturn was once a king of Crete, where
his sepulchre is pointed out to this day."  He thinks* that he
would rather worship the emperor than the images of dead
men, but concludes that " God is the only true object of
adoration," as is found confirmed by a careful investigation
of the prophetic Scriptures; t a safe way of avoiding eternal
punishment, and of obtaining eternal blessings.
Having thus" dispelled these illusions of the arts, and asked
ironically how it is that Mount Ida is so deserted now, and
whither Jupiter Olympus can be gone, ou r author~ next turns
to the philosophers. He quotes "the Stoics denying a God
altogether, or at least his providence, and the followers of
Epicurus and Chrysippus, of the same opinion: others asserting that the world was made by chance, or not created at all,
but self-existent; or, that God is merely another name for
the consciousness of every individual, or the spirit pervading
all things. Plato, however, and his disciples confess that God
is not produced, but is the Creator himself; yet, at the same
time, they inconsistently hold that matter is also unproduced."
He then exposesjl the discordances and follies of the heathen
writers generally. He points out the differences between
Homer's explanation of the origin of the gods and of the
world, and the theories of the philosophers; also between
both of these and Hesiod; and~[ concludes therefore that " all
* Ad Autol. Lib. i. c. 11.  t Ib. c. 14.  f lb. II. c. 1-3.
~  b. c. c. 4           11i Ib. c. 6.  ff Ib. c. 8.




200              ARGUTMET FROM THE
the historians, poets, and philosophers of the Greeks, only
sport with those who give them credit, whether they exhibit
the gods in their true characters, as drunken, lascivious,
murderous men, or endeavor to explain them away by psyclological and physical theories."  He attributes much of the
dreadful delusions of the poets, to their having sought their
inspiration, and attributed their gifts to the profane Mfuses.
With such false prophets* he now compares the true
prophets, and begs his hearers to consider the variety, the
beauty, and the force to be found in their writings. "As
rivers and fountains nourish the sea," says he, " so has the
law of God and the prophets preserved the world by a continual supply of gentleness, pity, justice and obedience, that
else had failed long since on account of the great wickedness
in it; and as there are fruitful and salubrious isles in the sea,
and many ports affording a shelter to the tempest-tossed or
shipwrecked mariner, so God has set his churches in a world
ebbing and flowing with sin, in order that those who desire
salvation, may fly thither and learn to avoid his anger and
just judgment."
In contrastingt Plato's story of Deucalion'sI flood, with
the Mosaic account of the deluge, our author shrewdly
observes, that the latter " explains how such a dreadful visitation came to befall the earth, with all its particulars."
HERMIAS.~      " Some of the philosophers assert that the
soul is fire, as Democritus; some, air, as the Stoics; some,
motion, as Heraclitus: an exhalation or emission from the
stars furnished with motion, as Pythagoras; some, generative
water, as Hippon; or harmony, as Dimarchus; or blood, as
Critias; or breath, or unity, &c.  Behold the variety of
* Ad Autol. Lib. ii. c. 14.       t lb. Lib. III. c. 18.
+ Theophilus fancifully derives the name " Deucalion," from Noah's
mission of " calling "man " to God."
~ Irrisio. c. 1.




REASONABLENESS OF DIOCTRINE.          201
opinion entertained by the sophists, each of them pretending
to the truth.  Again,* one calls pleasure the chief good;
another calls it an evil; and a third places it between the
two extremes. Some assert the immortality, some the mortality of the soul. Some reduce it to a bestial level, or dissolve it into separate bodies, or give it a migratory circuit of
three thousand years. What else is this but fiction or madness, or both together? Andt being at such a loss with
regard to their own nature, is it any marvel that they should
fall short when they begin to investigate the nature of God?
Nevertheless they have had the boldness, not to say stupidity,
to attempt it. They who know nothing about themselves,
freely discuss God. They who are ignorant of the construction of their own bodies, undertake the fruitless task of
explaining that of the world. Butt at the very outset they
oppose one another. Anaxagoras differs from Melissus;
Parmenides and Anaximenes from Empedocles; ~ Protagoras
from Thales and Anaximander; andjl Archelaus from Plato
and Aristotle. Even those who are more ancient yet, as
Pherecydes (who said that the gods were only natural principles,) and others, exhibited the like rivalry. Leucippus,
Democritus, and Heraclitus,~f all think differently from Epicurus and his followers, whilst'* Pythagoras concludes that
the beginning of all things is unity, from whose figures and
numbers the elements were made, thus dissenting from all.
These thingstt I have related, that the contrariety of philosophical opinions may be made manifest, and the endlessness
and inutility of their theories exposed."
CLEMENS ALEXANDRINUS"t examines the origin
of the Pagan orgies, and discovers that "they are founded
on profane and dangerous fables, the inventions of atheistical
* Irrisio. c. 2.  tl I c b. c. 3  I   c.. + Ib. c.. Ib. c. 5.  b. c. 6.
~ Ib. c. 7.  * Ib. c. 8. tt Ib. c. 10.  ++ Hort. ad Gent. c. 1, 2.




202              ARGUMENT FROM THE
men; for by right," it is added, " are they called ungodly
who venerate a little boy torn from the Titans, a wailing
woman, and even parts of the human frame! They know
not God, whosoever worship that which is not God, but
commit a double crime. Atheism and superstition are the
extremes of ignorance.  Originally," he continues, " there
was free intercourse between earth and heaven, which has
been interrupted by man's seeking his present happiness in
the earth alone, and prostrating himself according to seven
species of idolatry. He has deified (1) the heavenly bodies,
as the Phrygians and Indians, who adore the moon; (2) the
fruits of the earth which the Athenians honor in the person
of Ceres, and the Thebans in Bacchus; (3) or, urged by a
consciousness of guilt, they ascribe divinity to punishments
and calamities, whence the furies of the dramatists; (4) or,
to the passions and affections; so the philosophers treat hope,
fear, love, joy, &c., even as Eumenides of old built an altar to
impudence; (5) or, to the incidents of life; thus fate, justice,
&c., came to be esteemed goddesses by the Athenians; (6) or,
they have accepted the twelve gods of Hesiod; (7) or, the
common benefactors of the race, who, (in place of that God
from whom all good comes,) were feigned to be his servants,
like Bacchus, Hercules, and.ZEsculapius." Our author, taking
the last explanation as the most satisfatory, now goes on to
show that the common gods of Greece were men by their
actions, their numbers, and their names. He reminds the
Pagans that their own writers mention three Jupiters, five
Minervas, as many Apollos, and Mercuries and Vulcans ad
libitum. He then glances at the native countries of the
deities, their occupations, their sepulchres, each attesting their
earth-born and mortal nature. Mars is confessed by some to
have been a Spartan, by others a Thracian chief, and the
poet himself makes him change sides in war, and presently
puts him in chains for thirteen months. Vulcan is hurled
out of heaven by Jupiter, falls on Lemnos, and being lamed




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.           203
in his feet, works a forge with his hands.  But besides a
smith, the gods have a doctor among them, a certain JEsculapius, whose humanity, however, is betrayed by his avariciousness. Hercules was accounted a mortal man by Homer,
and the Muses are styled by Alcander, the daughters of Jove
and Mnemosyne. Then follows a review of the vices and
misfortunes of the deities. Their marriages, their childbirths,
their adulteries, their intemperance, their wounds and servitude, their laughter and quarrels over the festive cup, are all
brought into requisition as witnesses against their divine
essence. Nor can the minister of God here refrain himself
from a practical remonstrance. "These are the gods whom
your wives, your children, worship; obnoxious to all the
passions and sufferings of men; goddesses revealing their
charms to a shepherd judge; wounded; in tears: gods struck
in the stomach, losing blood, feeding on human flesh, not
knowing the while that it was their own children. Behold
your gods, and they that worship them will be like them.
Better would it be, like the Egyptians to follow dumb animals from city to city and street to street, than to have such
immoral gods as these."
He next comments* upon another class of gods, the demons,
who are described as impure, gluttonous, and cruel, deceiving
men by means of oracles and statues, and delighting in and
abetting the bloody contests of the world. 
Thist leads him to consider the subject of images or symbols of idolatry. He shows that first of all, men began by
worhipping senseless things; the Scythians, a scimitar; the
Persians, a river. The first figure of Diana was a mere block
of wood, and that of Juno, a hewn trunk. Afterwards statues
began to be shaped into human figures. It is well known
that the statue of Juno at Athens was cut by the chisel of
Hort. ad Gent. c. 3.                    t lb. c. 4.




204              ARGUMENT FROM THE
Euclides.  Philochorus says that Telesius executed the
sculpture of Neptune and Amphitrites, nine cubits high,
which the inhabitants of Tenos adore. Demetrius in the
second of the Argolics states that the figure of Juno Tirynthia was made of a pear-tree, by an Argive: the statue of
MIorychus Bacchus was cut out of Phellensian stone by Simon
the son of Eupalamus, as we gather from a letter of Polemon:
and to conclude, who does not know that the great demon of
the Egyptians, Serapis, whom all countries honor with a
peculiar reverence, was constructed by men's hands? The
history of this statue is supplied, as well as of the temple
containing it; our author observing upon the dishonor cast
by Cambyses and Darius upon this and other Egyptian gods,
that though not done from any proper motive, it certainly
proves their inherent weakness. A like inference is drawn
from their having " suffered from fire and earthquakes, which
seem to regard an image no more than a pebble on the seashore." Another fact going to prove the worthlessness of
statues, appears on the authority of Posidippus, who tells
us that Praxiteles carved the Venus of Cnidus, as like as
possible to Cratina his own mistress; so that in reality the
mistress of Praxiteles is worshipped: and also that at one
time all the painters expressed the form of Phryne, the Thespian courtesan, in their pictures of Venus; whilst the sculptors were copying Alcibiades in their Mercuries.  "Judge
ye," he exclaims, " whether it is right to adore base harlots,
and effeminate men; but, being dead yourselves, you worship
the dead! Truly these things are called images or shadows
with some propriety! Yonder figure is fair Parian marble,
and not Neptune; beautiful ivory, and not Olympian Jove!
MIatter requires art to turn it to account; the true God needs
nothing. Will you then be more senseless than apes, and
worship representations of wood, or gold, or ivory, a mighty
medley introduced into the world by sculptors and painters? "




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.           205
Lastly,* he detects the philosophers "making a god out of
nature and the elements of the world; or, if it be allowed
that any of them saw the truth at all, it was only as in a
dream."  Each of the philosophical systems, with their principal opinions, is then reviewed, and the conclusion arrived
at, that " though the philosophers have not worshipped stocks
and stones like the Greeks, nor the ibis and ichneumon like
the Egyptians, yet they have fallen into other errors, equally
grievous and fatal." Elemental worship is traced back to the
Persians, on the authority of Berosus.
"And thus,"t reflects our author, "amidst all this crowd
of demons and deities, images and fables, man lies like one
in a nightmare. It is the Christian alone who looks above
material things, to God. How differentl are the sacred books
from which he derives instruction! They stand as the foundation of all true worship. They will be found upon examination, free from obscurity and mere outward ornament;
evidently intended to withdraw us from vice, to teach men to
despise the various misfortunes of this life, to subdue their
passions, and to seek salvation."  He therefore exhorts every
one~ to be "both a participator and a follower of the one
God,'crying, Abba, Father."' "If you truly desirell to
seek God, you may become a partaker of the atonement,
which pleases him, and be encircled not with garlands, but
with leaves of temperance. Jesus saith,'I am the door:'
this is the reasonable gate which is opened by the key of
faith. Explore then no longer the impious adyta of your
temples, nor the mouths of deep and wondrous caves, the
Thresprotian cauldron or the Cirrhean tripod, or the knotted
tree among the sands of the desert.  By the side of the
decaying trunk, leave also these worn-out fables: the Castalian fountain is silent; the wave of Colophon is dried up:
* Hort. ad Gent. c. 5.  Ilb. c. 6.      + lb. c. 8.
Ib. c. 9.             i! lb. c. 2.




206             ARGUMENT FROM THE
the oracles are deserted, (greedy ventriloquists that they were,
performing their divinations for wheat and barley;) the
palmistry of the Etruscans, and the secret arts of Egyptian
jugglers deceive no more."
TERTULIAN* is led, in his defence of the Christians, to
prove that the gods of the Gentiles are no gods.  On this
point he refers his opponents to their own works of antiquity,
from which alone they derive any knowledge of their deities.
"These," he says, "are found to bear testimony to the
humanity of the gods, by naming the cities where they were
born or died, and the countries in which they had left traces
of their achievements." Owing to the great number of the gods,
he is obliged to make a compendious summary.t  He gives
us an account of Saturn, Bacchus, Ceres, Minerva; and
wonders why the Pagans did not deify Socrates and some
other really worthy characters. He observes* that " Seneca
has severely inveighed against these divinities; and ~ that
the heathen themselves continually treat them with irreverence, by neglecting some out of such numbers; by buying
and selling the Lares; by converting them to the basest purposes, when battered and worn; by letting out the revenues
of the temples to the highest bidder, so that the more popular the divinity, the higher it is taxed; and by admitting the
lowest and vilest characters into the circle of gods."
He next II glances at the weaknesses and calamities of the
heathen deities; how they fought in pairs like gladiators, for
Trojans or Greeks; how they were wounded, imprisoned,
released, in sorrow, in disgrace. "( Which of the poets," he
asks, "does not calumniate them?  One sets Apollo to
keep sheep; another hires out Neptune to build a wall;
Pindar declares AEsculapius was deservedly scathed for his
Apool. c. 10.       lb. c. 11.        +  b. c. 12.. Ib.  13. 13.       Ib. c. 14.




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.           207
avarice in exercising the art of medicine to a bad purpose;
whilst the writers of tragedy and comedy alike, take for their
subjects the crimes or the miseries of the deities. Nor are
the philosophers behindhand in this respect. Out of pure
contempt, they would swear by an oak, a goat, a dog; Diogenes turned Hercules into ridicule; and the Roman Cynic
Varro introduces three hundred Joves without heads."
From the stageabuses,* our author selects those of Diana
being flogged, the reading of Jupiter's will after his decease,
and the three half-starved Herculeses! Of some of these
things he mournfully reverts to his having been an eye-witness:
"We have joined in the laugh at the cruel entertainments
with which you beguiled the mid-day, when Mercury went
about with a red-hot caduceus to ascertain whether the bodies
were really dead! We have seen also Pluto dragging off the
corpses of the gladiators, with a hammer in his hand."
In passing,t he rebuts the charge made against the Christians, of worshipping an ass's head, which he attributes to
"Tacitus (his loquacity and falsehood ill agreeing with his
name") by stating that neither among Jews nor Christians,
have any images been allowed; and makes it return upon his
accusers, by showing that they worship the beast entire.
Again, he+ illustrates the inability of the gods to help their
worshippers. He observes that, "even while MI. Aurelius
lay dead, the high priest of Cybele was offering vows and
drinking impure blood for his safety, and that too for seven
days after his decease; that Jupiter allowed his own kingdom of Crete to be subdued by the Romans; and Juno, her
beloved Carthage, to be. desolated." As to their dates, he
finds that "Rome reigned before the circuit of her Capitol
with all its gods, was erected; and to look further back yet,
the ancient monarchies of Babylon, Media, Egypt, and
* Apol. c. 15.       Ilb. c. 16.       + b. c. 25.




208              ARGUMENT FROM THE
Assyria were established, long before the Pagan priests and
virgins, and even gods were heard of."
In contrast* with all this, a simple sketch of Christian
doctrine is set forth, to show that the object of our worship is
one God, the Creator; Christt is introduced as God, and his
nature, incarnation, and death dwelt upon; and the written
word referred to, as " indited by holy men, who have lived
at various intervals from the beginning,+ under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit."
MINUTIUS FELIX,~ with the intention of exposing
the vulgar belief concerning the Divine Nature, remarks:
" Our forefathers credited every monster and prodigy, Scylla
with all her bodies, and Chime'ra with all her shapes, the
many-headed monster hydra reviving from its fruitful wounds,
and centaurs, half man and half horse; in short, fame could
not be better at lying than they were at believing. What do
you think of the metamorphoses of men into beasts, and trees,
and flowers? And this credulity extended to the very gods
they worshipped. From venerating their kings and desiring
their effigies after death, they grew to treat these memorials
with adoration, and now every country has its founder, or
hero, or queen, or inventor, for a god. Thisij the Stoics
confess. Euhemerus explains how men were deified for their
courage or wit. He furnishes us with their nativities and
their tombs, in every province. Proditus mentions that travellers who imported useful products, were esteemed gods by
their countrymen; and Perseus the philosopher adds, that
fruits often went by the names of tbeir discoverers." " The
vain and wicked mysteries " are next handled. " It is deplorable to see how the Egyptian Ceres, with a serpent for a
girdle and lighted torches in her hands, searches pensively
for her ravished Proserpine; or how, in the rites of Jove, a
* Apol. c. 17.       j lb. c. 21.          C lb. c. 18.
Octav. c. 20.       I1Lb. c. 21.




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.           209
goat is introduced for a nurse, and to drown th6 cries of the
boy (stolen from his father, lest he should be devoured,) the
Corybantes play on cymbals; while those of Dindymene
Cybele, practised among the Gauls, are too shameful to
rehearse. Besides, what figures do you make of your gods?
There is Apollo, though so old, without a beard; and yet
smooth Apollo's son, JEsculapius, with a very respectable one;
there is green-eyed Neptune, blue-eyed Minerva, goggle-eyed
Juno; Mercury with wings to his feet; Pan hoofed; Saturn
in fetters; and Janus with two faces as if he walked backwards. There is Diana the huntress, under the title of Trivia,
branching out into three heads, and hands innumerable;
Jove, with or without a beard, horned as Ammon, armed with
thunder as Capitolinus, or as Latialis, smeared with gore;
Erigone, who died by a halter to live a virgin in the skies;
Castor and Pollux, who live and die by turns; ZEssculapius,
who was struck by lightning to rise up a god; and I-ercules,
who was scoured from his human dross in the IEtean flame,
and turned into a divinity. These strange stories* the poets
have embellished, still more to prejudice the truth; on which
account Plato, to his eternal honor, banished Homer with all
his laurels from his imaginary commonwealth. For he is the
first poet that introduces the gods to men, with jest and raillery.
I-e sets them quarrelling, wounds Venus, enchains Mars; he
sings of Jove's escape by the help of Briareus, and how,
when the mighty god could not deliver his son Sarpedon,
he wept showers of blood. He tells likewise of Venus'
enchanted girdle to draw the god from his mistresses, and
make him a kinder husband to Juno. Sometimes Hercules
is a hostler, Apollo a cow-herd, and Neptune, Laomedon's
mason, cheated of his wages. There we have the thunder
of Jove, and the arms of 2Eneas forged on the same anvil
(as if the heavens and the thunder and lightning were not in
* Octav. c. 22.




210              ARGUMENT FROM THIE
being, before Jove was born in Crete;) the adultery of Mars
and Venus; the lewdness of Jupiter with Ganymede, all of
which were invented for the gods, to authorize men in their
wickedness."  The history of Saturn, and his flight from
Crete to Italy, by which he is proved to be a man, completes
the research; and " having thus," says our author,* "proved
the fathers to be mortal, it must needs be that none can
doubt the humanity of the children."
Of the practice of turning men and emperors into gods,
the folly is plainly seen, " inasmuch as none of them wish to
die and be deified, but would rather by far remain here."
Imagest are yet more absurd. "  an makes and dedicates
his gods of wood, stone, and brass! Why, the very mice, the
swallows, the kites, know better than that; they tread on
them, and sit on them; the spiders crawl over their faces, and
use the sacred heads for blocks on which to spin their webs.
You yourselves wipe, and scrape, and clean them, and yet
fear what you make and are compelled to protect. Moreover,
the temples in which they are erected, become the resorts of
wickedness. In some processions, the most noted adulteress
is dressed up, and the high priest sacrifices with his own
blood, or practises the greatest obscenities. Where: are
there more sins contracted for, more assignations made, more
adulteries concerted, than by the priests in the temples, and
at the very altars-? "
Lastly,~ the deceptions of the auguries must be exposed.
"' Regulus was taken prisoner notwithstanding all his observation of the auspices; while Caius Caesar sailed to Africa,
in spite of them, and gained an easy victory.  Amphiaraus
pretended to prognosticate his own fate, but did not know
that his own wife would betray him for a necklace; blind
Tiresias could foresee things to come, but nothing present;
in the case of Pyrrhus, the poet Ennius helped out the Pythia
* Octav. c. 23.  -f Ib. c. 24,  + lb. c. 25.   Ib. c. 26.




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.           211
with an answer; and, to conclude, how wise it was in the
oracles to leave off riddling, just as men began to be incredulous "
ORIGEN* asks Celsus, why it is he can discover the profoundest mysteries " in those strange and senseless accidents,
which, according to the most admired poets and historians
have befallen his gods and goddesses, making them out to be
polluted with crimes, contending with their parents, and doing
many shameful things of a like nature; whilst Moses, who
says nothing derogatory to the character of God, angel, or
man, is treated as an impostor." He continues,t " I would
openly challenge any one to set author against author. I
would say, Pray sir, produce the poems of Linus, Musaeus,
and Orpheus, and the history of Pherecydes, and compare
them with the laws that Moses gave to the Hebrews. Examine which have had the greatest and best influence over
the minds of men. Impartially consider how few of your
writers have had any effect upon the common people; whereas
the works of Moses are fit for all classes, both learned and
illiterate.  I do not see what public service your books
render; but the books we boast of, have persuaded Jews
as well as other nations, to believe that the laws they contain
were given by God himself." He applies this argument to
Christianity, by showing that Moses was as far inferior to our
Lord, as he was superior to the wisest of the philosophers or
poets.
"St. John tells us+ in his Gospel, of the majesty with
which the Saviour uttered the divine and important truths
that formed the subject-matter of his teaching, and of the
authority with which he engaged the affections and attention
of his audiences."
Cont.  els. C ib. I. s. 17.  t lb. s. 18.  X Ib. Lib. II. S. 73,




212              ARGUMENT FROM TIHE
"Only show me* what Bacchus and Hercules have done.
Whom have they made better by their discourses and examples, that they deserve to be called gods? Let us unfold the
many histories written about them, and see whether they
themselves were free from intemperance, injustice, folly and
cowardice. If none of these vices are discovered in them,
then may Celsus compare them with Jesus.    Jesust was
never charged with any sin, even by his enemies; every ones
acknowledged the wisdom of his doctrine."
Our author ~ also alludes to the brutal nature of the Egyptian deities; to the dissolute lives 11 of those of the Greeks,
as well as to the vain stories~ of their heroes; to the temple
of Antinous,** a minion of the emperor Hadrian; and to
the tombft of Jove in Crete; as proofs of the essential carnality and absence of divine marks in the heathen systems.
He then++ proceeds to illustrate out of the holy Scriptures,
the Christian doctrine of the immutability of God, quoting
the texts, "but thou art the same," and "I change not."
With these he compares the Epicurean rationale, which
deduces the gods out of atoms, and dissolves them again at
pleasure; likewise the god of the Stoics, who is corporeal, or
at best mental, evidently a vain endeavor to form a natural
notion of Deity, as of something incorruptible, uncreated,
and indivisible.
The genealogies ~~ of the Pagan Divinities, as furnished
by Hesiod, are contrasted with those of the Jews; also [1I1 the
respective accounts of the creation, upon which the observation is repeated~I that " the simplicity of the Scriptures and
their accommodation to the multitude (qualities quite overlooked by the philosophers) speak much in favor of Christianity. On the other hand, what can be more suspicious than
* Cont. Cels. Lib. rII. s. 42.  t Ib. s. 23.  + lb. s. 33.
Ib. 5. 17.  11 Ib. s. 22.  ~ lb. s. 31-33.  * Ib. s 6.
tt lb. s. 43.     ++ Ib. Lib. iv. s. 14.   ~ lb. s. 36.
11 Ib, s. 38.     ~~  Ib. s. 60.




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.           213
the fact that, on account of their obscurity,* as well as their
licentiousness, Plato felt compelled to banish Homer,t and
the authors of poems like his, from his Republic?"
Origen,+ continuing his contrast, points out, that while the
heathen have used birds' entrails, &c. to obtain an imaginary
insight into futurity, the true God uses not animals for such
a solemn purpose, nor even common men, but selects the
holiest and purest souls, whom he fills with his own Spirit,
and renders prophetic. Wherefore Moses commands, " There
shall be neither augur nor soothsayer among you; but a
prophet will the Lord your God raise up unto you from your
brethren, like unto me."
Again, he asserts ~ that "not only are the works of the
prophets more ancient than those of Homer and Plato, but
also more worthy of God who inspired them. They are
greatly to be admired for loftiness of thought; and those
persons are not wise who through idleness read them not;
or, for a better understanding of them, never ask, as Jesus
commanded, that God would give them wisdom, and open the
closed door of their minds." As instances of the superior
sublimity of the Scriptures, to the epistles and sentences of
Plato, he quotes Psalm xvii. 12; Exodus xx. 21; xxiv. 2;
Psalm ciii. 6; Isaiah's description of the seraphim, Is. vi. 12;
and Ezekiel's vision of the cherubim, Ezek. i. 5.
The respective claims to the prophetical spirit are next I
considered.  "If the Delphic oracle was truly divine, he
ought to use his knowledge of the future in attracting men to
a change of life, to the cure of the soul, and to the improvement of morals. But nothing of this sort is recorded of him
in history. He prefers what contributes to his own advantage, rather than to the furtherance of honor and truth. The
like may be said of the other oracles.T  On the contrary,**
* Cont. Cels. Lib. iv. s. 36.  t Ib. s. 50.  + Ib. s. 95.
Ib. Lib. vi. s. 7.       1 Ib. Lib. vII. S. 5.
~T In Lib. viI. s. 46, an instance is furnished of the Pythia being bribed.
*  Cont, Cels. Lib. vIr. s. 7
1 0()




214              ARGUMENT FROM TIIE
the Jewish prophets, whether wise before, or enlightened by
the reception of the gift of God, all followed a life rarely
imitated, a life of constant exposure to danger and death.
They were not in favor with the men of their day. It was to
such persons the divine oracles were committed; and even
our reason teaches us that their dispositions were such as
became true prophets; by the side of which, the character
of a Crates, or a Diogenes, is mere child's play."  He particularly alludes to " their reprehension of sinners, to Isaiah's
austerities, to Daniel's abstinence; these are they who had
the honor of prophesying concerning Jesus, and it is no
wonder that we, possessing them, make nothing of the heathen
oracles, falsely called prophetic. We cannot help admiring
the constancy and upright lives, so worthy of the Divine
Spirit, which these Jewish teachers displayed, and who, for
every reason except that which moved the predictions of
demons, foretold future events."
Finally,* our author contends that the Christian system is
to be preferred to that of the poets, for the clearness of its
doctrines, and to the Jewish superstitions, for the catholicity
of its spirit.  "It is agreeable to reason," he says, "that
God should leave none ignorant or unacquainted with his
will, from any want of capacity. The Gospel therefore which
instructs unlettered men, women, and even slaves in doctrines
they can understand, and in morals which elevate them, must
be divine. The Greek philosopherst may have said, and
their priests have done some good things (though often only
to gain esteem for apparent sanctity), but here is something
much more influential, a perfect system of virtue. How can
the precepts of 2Esculapius, Orpheus, Anaxagoras or Epictetus be compared with those of Jesus, whose words are
accompanied with a divine power, and though so simple, convert the world? "
* Cont. Cels. Lib. vI. s. 41.          t Ib. s. 49.




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.           215
CYPRIAN* grieves that "vice should come recommended
to the heathen with such an appearance of authority as the
example of the gods.  Venus is represented as a harlot,
Mars as an adulterer, and the famous Jupiter descends upon
the stage and enters upon his amours with all the insignia of
Godhead about him. At one time his divinity is cloaked in
the feathers of a swan; again he is pleased to let himself
down in a golden shower, or his eagles are employed to pander
to his lusts. Now let me put the question whether any man
is likely to be a spectator of such scenes, and yet preserve
the purity of his thoughts, and the chastity of his life, untainted? People are ever found imitators of the gods they
worship; and thus the most enormous sins are consecrated
into acts of devotion."
" There is evidencet enough that they were really no gods,
whom the vulgar honored. They were but ancient kings or
persons of eminence, to whom after death religious honors
were paid in memory of their greatness.  Temples were
raised over their ashes, and statues were made to represent
their living bodies, while sacrifices and holidays were appointed to comfort the survivors, and to immortalize the dead
in the minds of posterity."  He gives particular cases of this
transition from the natural to the superstitious, in which he
closely follows Minutius Felix, only adding that "the Moors
avowedly and openly adore their kings, nor attempt to cover
the practice." He then t points out how the heathen religions vary with soil, climate, and language, all disagreeing in
their objects and modes of worship. He questions whether
according to the popular separation of the deities into sexes,
the progeny by this time ought not to be innumerable; and
wonders why none are born in his own day. " But, perhaps,
some are being born now, which would account for certain
late Roman divinities, as the goddess Cloaca, the gods assigned
* Ad Donat. c. 5.  t De Idol. Van. c. 1.  + Ib. c. 2.




216              ARGUMENT FROM THE
to various passions, fear, pallor, the goddess of fever, also
Acca and Flora, infamous women; while even doors, hinges,
thresholds, and all ascents, as well as orphans, have now
each their proper patron."
He comments upon the folly of lEneas in caring about
those domestic gods, which could not preserve him from exile;
and upon the indecency of modern times, " wherein Venus is
more exposed than she was even by Homer, when he represented her as wounded by a mortal arm."
He gives* Scripture proofs, first that idols are nothing; and
that the maker must be worthier than his manufacture; and
secondly, that the Lord God is the only fit object of adoration.
ARNOBIUS,t in reply to a charge of atheism, asks if it
is atheism to worship the Maker of all things, to call upon
him, and in the midst of every trouble to embrace him with
the affections of the heart!  " Is this why your gods are so
severe against us, and why you yourselves strip us of our
goods, banish us from our country, torture us, burn us, cast
us to the wild beasts? are men who will do these things, and
gods who are supposed to encourage them, worthy of the
names they bear? and who or what are we to be thus treated?
Nothing more nor less than Christians, under the teaching of
Christ. This is the gravamen of the charge, and this is the
proposed end of our duties. Before him we all bow according
to custom, and present him with our prayers. Butf do you
affirm, you have also a supreme god, Jupiter?' It is true,
but he has a father, a mother, brothers, and cousins. lie
was himself but lately borne in the womb; how then can he
be God? At any rate, you see that our religions so far
harmonize, that it must be unjust in you to persecute us, and
it is manifest by this inconsistency of yours, that you know
not God."
* Tract. ad Fortun.  t Adv. Gent. c. 7.  t Ib. c. 11.




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.           217
" We acknowledge* that Christ was one of us, as to his
human condition and physical infirmities; indeed it is this
great condescension of his, and the benefits accruing from it,
that make him worthy to be accounted a God. You honor
Bacchus because he discovered the use of wine; Ceres, of
bread; ZEsculapius, of medical herbs; Minerva, of oil;
Triptolemus, of the plough; and Hercules, for his subjugation of robbers and wild beasts.  With what additional
honor then should He be treated who drew us from fatal errors
to the light of truth! who raised us from serving figures of
vile clay even to heaven itself, and introduced our prayers to
the Lord of all! Ought we not to account this Christ a
God? A short time since, and I myself (alas! what blindness!) was venerating images fresh from the anvil and furnace;
gods wrought out of iron, or carved in ivory; logs of wood,
crowned with flowers. But now I see no virtue in anointed
stones, but only in my anointed Teacher: I pray no more to
senseless trunks, but only to the true God: I treat such things
with the utmost contempt, while I adore and magnify the
Divine name."
He therefore implorest the heathen, " no longer to keep
themselves from Christ, who when on earth healed all that
came to him; for he was the sublime God sent to be a
Deliverer."
"' What can'induce you," he+ further complains, " to reproach
and hate Him who was never charged with any crime? Your
tyrants and kings may desecrate the temples of the gods, lay
waste entire states, and slaughter the inhabitants; yet you
admire and applaud them, you raise them to the skies, and
preserve their deeds in your libraries. Oh! unreasonable,
ungrateful age! If a physician had come from some regions
unknown, bringing such a medicine as would heal your bodies
of every disease and sickness, would you not all run to him
Adv. Gent. c. 13.  t lb. Lib. I. c. 19.  + lb. c. 25.




218             ARGUMIENT FROM THE
and honor him?  Well, Christ has appeared the announcer
of the greatest good, pertaining to the salvation of the soul 
Adopt his doctrines, rather than the hallucinations of your
poets."
Pursuing* the contrast, he begs the Gentiles to consider
" whether Christ has overrun the world with hostile legions,
claiming his royal authority.  Has he avariciously collected
all the wealth of nations?  Has he indulged himself in
pleasure, idleness, or arrogance? Rather,t did he not introduce a religion than which there can be nothing more true,
more practical, more just, more salutary?  It is to know the
great God, and to supplicate him, the fountain of all power
and goodness."
Some excellent chapters occur here, showing that the philosophers were vain and presumptuous, in trying to explain
the nature of God, the origin of evil, moral and physical, &c.;
and that ignorance on such subjects as these is no crime, but
only makes it more evidently the duty of man to submit his
reason to the word of God.
To exposer the absurdity of idolatry, allusion is made to
the number of gods inhabiting Olympus.  He tells~ the
Pagan that out of a thousand, or rather five thousand, he
must neglect some; that the supposition of deities having
sex is an unworthy notion, as indeed the furnishing them
with a corporeal nature at all; and thatll if it be said, these
forms, whether human or animal, are but the assumptions of
poetry, the insult to divinity seems only the greater.
He refers[ to the usual disagreements of the oracles and
theologians respecting the gods, asking, " how any one is to
tell which is the right god, amidst such a confusion;" and
then'* to the sad example they set to the people; where he
observes that all the miseries of men have arisen from the
* Adv. Gent. Lib. In. c. 1.  t b. e. 2.. Lib.. 3.
lb. c. 5.  l| Ib. c. 8.  Ib. Lib. Iv. c. 8.  * Ib.c. 11-16.




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.           219
indulgence of their private gratifications, in which the gods
have set them the example. They are therefore the more
hurtful on account of their exaltation; and the first duty,*
both of the government and all who have any respect for Deity
at all, is to destroy the books and pull down the theatres
which encourage such licentious fables regarding it. This,
he submits, would be doing something better than giving
Christian writings to the flames, and razing churches to the
ground; churches in which the great God is worshipped, and
we pray for peace and pardon for magistrates, for armies, for
kings, for slaves, for enemies; wherein nothing is heard but
what tends to make men gentle, chaste, affable, and united in
the closest brotherhood.
Touching upont image-worship, he thus addresses idolaters: "You laugh at the Persians for adoring a river, and
at the Scythians with their scimitar for a god; but it is equally
ridiculous to mould and then supplicate little figures of men.
How absurd to worship the work of your own hands! Look
inside of your images, and observe the hollow spaces; can
you conceive that the gods abide within such plaster and pottery? Consider moreover how these figures have to be kept
under lock and key, lest they should suffer detriment." He
gives,: for an illustration of their helplessness, the story of
Antiochus (Cyricenus) carryilhg off a golden Jove, fifteen
cubits high, and substituting one of wood in its place. " Now,"
says he, " if the gods are really so nigh as to inhabit these
statues, in what business or care was Jupiter entangled that
he could not avenge this personal insult? Their weakness
and their misfortunes make them objects of contempt."
" Come then,~ to sum up, let us compare notes, and see
whether you or we think most worthily concerning heavenly
things. First, you profess that the gods whom you believe.Adv. Gent. Lib. Iv. c. 17, 18.  Jlb. Lib. vi. c. 5.
+ lb. c. 1.                     l Ib. Lib. vIr. c. 18.




220             ARGU3IENT FROM THE
to exist in the nature of things, and whose images you- place
in every temple, were born and produced after the manner
of men. We, on the contrary, even allowing that they exist
and have their right names, assert that as gods they cannot
be produced; it would be impious to suppose such a thing.
Secondly, you give them sex; but we deny that the celestial powers are distinguished in this way, since it is a mark
of an earthly nature, for the continuation of the species.
Thirdly, you conceive of your gods after the likeness of men;
we reckon that God has no corporeal form or feature, that
we can understand. Fourthly, you furnish them with symbols, like any workman; we laugh at such an idea, holding
that arts, which are merely means of subsistence, are not
necessary in heaven. Fifthly, you relate their discords, and
wars, their thirst for blood, their indulgence in the basest
passions, their performance of all the functions of mortality;
we esteem these things opposed to the nature of God. You*
think to honor heaven with offerings of wine and frankincense; we think it monstrous to suppose that God can be
dignified by smoke, or appeased by drops of wine, holding
rather that opinions worthy of his name, are the best gifts,
the truest sacrifices. Again, you are wont to charm your
gods with the tinkling of brass and the sound of pipes; with
horse-races, and other spectacles; we consider it wicked even
to imagine that God takes delight in what a wise man ridicules and despises, as sports invented to humor the people.
"' When, therefore, there is such a diversity of sentiment
between us, you ought not to claim the monopoly of piety, or
undertake to punish us, until the whole matter has been
weighed in the scales of reason and conscience."
LACTANTIUS,t after stating the Christian doctrine concerning the eternity, the immortality, and the impassiveness
* Adv. G. Geit. Lib. II.. 60.  t Epitomn.. 7.




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.           221
of the divine nature, begins an examination of the heathen
notions of deity, and shows that the actions of the gods,
according to the poets and historians, plainly prove their
humanity. Thus Hercules* basely born, and addicted to the
vices of his father, is conquered by a woman; murders his
wife and his own children; is afflicted with ulcers; and,
impatient of grief, constructs a funeral pile for himself.
Other fablest are cited of Apollo, Mars, Castor and Pollux,
Bacchus, &c.; after which the attention is directed to their
crimes. He insists that Jove's lusts, even though feigned by
poets, must mean something. The story of Danae may stand
for the effect of gold on virtue; the iron shower, for darts and
weapons of war; the eagle, for a legion; and Europa's bull,
for a ship. But these metaphors do not get rid of the wickedness, nor do they explain the generations and connections
of the deities.
Jupiter++ is next proved to have been a mortal man, on the
authority of Euhemerus; also his father Saturn (called
Chronos because he was full of years, as Cicero says,) and
his grandfather Coelus (Ops according to the Stoics,) to have
been some wealthy and powerful chiefs. He gives~ it as
Cicero's opinion, that men were deified for their virtues, or
for the benefits they did to their fellow-creatures.  This
appears in a volume written to console himself on the occasion of his daughter's death; which testimony should be the
more respected, in that the author was not only an augural
priest, but a reverer of the gods, notwithstanding this persuasion.
Lactantiusll then shows that divinity cannot be distinguished by sex, or misfortune; "for which reason," says he,
"the Stoics endeavored to explain away the names and
offices of the gods, by references to natural things. Do you
not see,T- asks Cicero, that reason falsifies the old women's
Epitom. c. 8.     t Ib. c. 10.     + Ib. c. 13.
~lb. c. 15.        1 Ib. c. 16.      Ib. c. 17.




222                ARGIUIENT FROM TI-IE
fables of the gods, their shapes, their ages, their vestures,
their ornaments, their generations, their alliances, all traced
after the manner, of human infirmity?"
Image-worship our author traces to Prometheus (called
the son of Japeth, uncle of Jupiter) and to the sculptors
generally.
Elemental worship,*    and superstitions connected with
magict and oracles, are then discussed; and lead to a consideration of the origin of evil, which he ascribes to a wicked
power created by God, abusing his free-will, and deceiving
mankind in Paradise.+
Calling his hearers now from the false to the true doctrine,~
our author introduces them to Christ as the divine Logos,
explaining out of the prophets, his double nature of God and
man.   He observesl/ that one reason why the sacred Scriptures have obtained such credit is, because the prophets have
spoken in simple and natural language.
EUSEBIUS.I       "They who follow    many gods are like
children, and commit a grievous mistake, when they deify
the constituent parts of the universe, and virtually divide the
world into many;** as if we should say the eyes of a man, or
* Epitom. c. 26.                         t Ib. c. 27.
+ I omit here, as elsewhere, an allusion to the strange theory of a
second fall of the angels, so commonly held in the early church, and to
be traced through the Jews to a misinterpretation of Genesis vi. 2. It is
not true, however, as has been asserted, that all the Fathers give credit
to this legend. Many of them never mention it, whilst Augustine (De
Civit. Dei, Lib. xv. c. 23. s. 2.) distinctly says on the above passage,
"Men they were, without doubt; the sons of Seth, who married the
daughters of Cain." He shows, in support of this exposition, that "the
sons of God were called' angels,' and John the Baptist also; " and that
"Aquila, the best Jewish expositor, calls the persons in question the
Sons of God, and not angels."
~ Epitom. c. 42.          1 Div. Instit. Lib. v. c. 1.
~ Theoph. Lib. I. c. 26.  ** See Demonst. Evacn. Lib. iv. c. 5.




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.            223
his ears, or his hands, were the man. Still worse* is it to
imagine that this entire world is God, not consideringt that
the divine nature cannot consist of parts, or of the qualities
of matter."
Pursuing his exposure of the philosophers, our author
shows how "the evil demons blinded men and turned them
to the worship of the heavenly bodies; of the elements under
the names of Neptune, Vulcan, Jupiter, Juno, and the like;
or of fruits of the earth, under the titles of Ceres, Proserpine, Bacchus; even the faculty of thought in man, they
called Minerva, and of speech Mercury; while the memory
and the muses+ were not neglected. Descending yet lower,
men made themselves gods out of their very passions, and
the grosser members of their bodies. They had their Cupid,
Priapus, their Venus, &c.; and when men were once transformed into gods, every species of irrational animal soon
followed, with noxious reptiles. Trees were cut down, rocks
hewn, metals run into the shapes of men, women and brutes.
To these figures the appellations of gods were given, and to
them and to the devils inhabiting them, sacrifices were offered.
Thus~ the Egyptians, the Phoenicians, and the Greeks obtained
their gods from the elements, fruits, their own passions,
mortal men, and demons to complete the list. And then,1I as
the natural result of all irreligion, they fell under the error
of fatalism, neglecting virtue as well as God.
"Andud while the masses of the people were thus bewildered and corrupted, the philosophers, with all their pride of
learning, were equally at a loss. Some accounted indivisible
atoms the origin of all things; some** found rest to be the
supreme good; these limited Providence within the moon's
orbit; those banished it from the world altogether. Aristotle
* Theoph. Lib. I. c. 27.        tlb. Lib. Ii. c. 3.
+ Theodoret more at length, Gr. Aff. Cur. Serrm.
S Theoph. Lib. I. c. 13.  11 Ib. c. 16.  ~ Ib. c. 19.  ** lb. c. 20.




224              ARGUMENT FROM THE
determined the extreme good to be neither virtue nor philosophy, unless attended by wealth and rank. Some affirmed
the soul was immortal or only a quality, like color to the
body; others taught that God was a body, or fire, or sensible
earth; infamous doctrines! Plato* alone of all the Greeks,
came nearer to the truth, and held what was right concerning
the First Cause and the Logos. Yett even he, though he
knew God, honored him not as God; he dared not confess
him before men, but, with the inhabitants of Athens, conducted himself as no philosopher at all, going down to the
Pirxus, to pray to the goddess, and to complete the feast of
Bendis.  How inconsistent+ this, in one who had driven
Homer and Hesiod out of his republic!~ The Peripatetics
and the Stoics,ll whatever may have been their private
views, also submitted through fear to the law which commanded the worship of the gods.    Butd  why should I
exhibit sages, arranging themselves in ranks, separating one
from another, and all contending together with their rival
opinions, until, as one of the poets sings,'Behold the abundance of the uproar thickened,
Of the destroying, and of the destroyed;' *4
or with Plato himself, it might be said,'The conflict between
them might be assimilated to that of the giants, because of
the contention they had one with another about matter?'
Aristotle opposed Plato,tt others opposed Aristotle. The
sceptics put forward Pyrrho, and ridiculed everybody; the
only thing in which they all agreed, was that which they all
ought to have opposed, the multiplicity of gods." This is
attributed to their dependence upon human teaching.
"The oracles++ were equally fallacious; nor could those of
Delphos, Lebadia, Colophon, or AMiletus, lead men to the
* Theoph. Lib. I. c. 24.  t Ib. c. 26.  i   Ib. c. 41.
Theodoret. Gr. Affect. Czrat. Serm. I. p. 486, seq. Tom. Iv.
{I Theoplh. Lib. I. c. 43.  T Ib. c. 47. -'   Iliad, Lib. Iv. 1.451.
tt Theoph. Lib. i. c. 49.  + Ib. c. 50.




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.           225
truth. The philosophers, together with the very refuse of
society, attended the oracular rites. But what did they consult these diviners about? About things advantageous to
philosophy? No one can say this. But with respect to the
common commodities of life, the discovery of a slave or a
missing ship, the purchase of an estate, or the choice of a
wife. Thus philosophers, kings, and people, had themselves,
through an estrangement of the intellect, learned to place
the divine essence in material bodies and crafty demons; and
to these they sacrificed their own children, which is against
nature,* and strangers,t which is against the rights of hospitality." He introduces other cases of cruelty in the Pagan
services, arguing that the "tree is known by its fruits."
In contrasts with all this, Eusebius has occasionally
dropped a reflection, to show  "how needful then was a
Divine Saviour, to turn men back to the original simplicity
of worship handed down through the Hebrews,~ who were
considered worthy to receive the revelation of the Word of
God, of prophecy, and of the doctrines of righteousness;"
and he nowll draws attention more directly to the character
of Christ, indicating how completely he realizes all that
could be required in a Saviour.  He excels men and gods
too. Let any existing philosopher come forward and say
what god or hero has at any period delivered the doctrine of
eternal life, and of the kingdom of heaven to mankind, as
our Saviour has done. Who has caused innumerable multitudes to be instructed in his own doctrines and wisdom, and
has persuaded them to follow after the life which is heavenly,
and to despise that which is temporal, and to hope for
mansions in the skies reserved for the souls that love
God?"
* Prcep. Evan. Lib. I. c. 4.  t Theophl. Lib. I. c. 53, 54.
+ lb. c. 19.  1 Ib. Lib. II. c. 42.  l| Ib. Lib. iii. c. 33.




226              ARGUMENT FROM THE
He farther* asks, in answer to the charge of Jesus being
a deceiver: "Was there ever a man heard of, who as a
magiciant and deceiver, was also a teacher of meekness,
chastity, and every other virtue? He would not allow that
men should indulge even an impure desire. He taught his
disciples to give rather than to receive, to follow peace and
retirement, and commanded men to honor truth above all
things.  Surely every one must confess that he was the
Word of God in truth, and the teacher of righteousness. He
raised our minds to God and denounced idolatry, taught the
worthlessness of sacrifices, and admonished men of the day
of judgment.+ Such then being the instructions contained
in the doctrinal ordinances of our Saviour, there is no room
for imagining him to have been a deceiver. He was~ a doer
and preacher of righteousness, and was himself an example
to his hearers."
ATHANASIUS 11 opens his discourse with tracing the
origin of idolatry to the temptation of the serpent in Eden, who
turned men off from the contemplation of God, to a desire
after earthly things. The Greeks, he says,T affirmed that
evil was self-existent; they erred indeed in one of two ways,
by robbing the Creator of one of his peculiar attributes, or by
making him the author of evil. He himself * prefers with
the Scriptures, to lay the blame on man,tt " who having once
departed from God, fell lower and lower, and having commenced with the deification of the heavenly bodies, at length
descended to crawl on the earth like a worm, and worship
the very brutes.  Others ventured to number their chiefs
among the gods, either on account of the benefits done by
them, or through fear of their tyranny. This+t ancient practice is often mentioned in history."
* Theoph. Lib. v. c. 2.   t Dem. Evan. Lib. IIl. c. 3.
Theoph. Lib. v. c. 7.  l~ b. c. 19.  11 Con. Gent. c. 1.
1. Ib. c. 6. bc... c. 8,9.        -  b. c..  l   c 10.




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.          -227
From the humanity he passes to the immorality of the
gods, which appears to have been " such as even men are
not allowed to commit with impunity, by the common law of
Rome."
He then glances* at their infirmities, their contentions, and,
above all, their attempts to stir up the evil passions of men's
minds.
Images are the next theme. He is astonished at any one's
adoring wood and stone, that he has just purchased of the
artificer, with money and thanks.  Still more surprise is
manifested, that the artist himself can supplicate the work of
his own hands, and salute as a god, what he has lately been
hammering and cutting.    "The people ought rather to
esteem the sculptor the worthier, of the two, of divine honor.
For the material does not cause the art, but the art adorns
and immortalizes the material. And thist indeed is the way,
some say, the gods were made out of men, because of their
merit, or the benefits they conferred on their fellow-creatures.
Jove, it has been supposed, was the inventor of the plastic
art, Neptune of navigation, Vulcan of the forge, Minerva of
the loom, Apollo of music, Diana of hunting, and Juno of
dress. By this confession,+ the idolatrous gods were but
men, whilst their crimes prove them to have been not only
men, but base men."
He perceives ~ an additional proof of the vanity of idols,
in the care and protection they require; in their need of renovation through age, or of repair after a storm, or the act of
some mischievous animal. If cast down, they must be set
up again by rhands not their own, and at all times have to be
enclosed in shrines and temples.
And again,[l in their variety, and the differences of national
sentiment with regard to them. The Phoenicians know not
* Con. Gent. c. 12.   t Ib. c. 18.     + lb. c. 16.
Ib. c. 21.            \ Ib. c. 23.




228              ARGUMENT FROM THE
the gods of the Egyptians, nor the Scythians those of the
Persians; in short, there are as many gods as there are
countries, states,'villages. The Crocodile is adored here, and
dreaded there. The Lion is worshipped in one place, and
hunted in another. A fish that is honored in some parts, is
eaten in others. All this difference of opinion arises from
the contempt of the one God.  "Since& then," he argues,
"neither the heavenly bodies, nor any other part of created
Nature; nor images of stone or gold or any material; nor
the gods of the poets, nor the heroes of antiquity are to be
accounted gods; and since the worship of such is the greatest impiety, and tends to evil and not to good; come, let us,
having refuted the error, enter upon the way of truth, and
contemplate the Creator of the World, the Word of the
Father, that we Gentiles may know the Father also, for the
way of truth leads to him."
Our author concludesT by pointing out that the superiority
of man over the beasts, lies chiefly in reason and the immortality of the soul; in his capacity for meditating on eternal
things, and looking forward to the future; all which is alone
duly recognized in the Christian system of doctrines.
MATERNUS+ shows that the worship of the elements
is founded upon a notion of their beneficial effects.  "Thus
the Egyptians pretend to explain their absurd mysteries by
making out Osiris to be the seed of fruit, Isis the earth, and
Typhon generating heat; but then why need they have added
the story of the incest, so that men, naturally sinful, should
be tempted yet more, by an evil example? "
He asks ~ also, "how it has come to pass that obsequies
and funeral rites are usually connected with the mysteries of
the heathen.  Surely this is a mixture of earthly and celes* Con. Gent. c. 29.                t lb. c. 31, 32,
t De Err. Prof. Relig. c. 1.       ~ lb. c. 7.




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.            229
tial things; of darkness and light; of the regrets of men, with
the honors of Divinity."
After reckoning* the Persians and other Orientals as worshippers of the Sun, he imagines that luminary addressing
an assemblage of its idolaters and reproving them for their
folly. He suggests by the way, that if fire is worthy of
regard for its usefulness, it should have had cooks instead of
Vestal virgins for its attendants.
The idolatrous ceremoniest of Adonis, Venus, Jupiter and
the Corybantes, are lastly brought under review.  By the
latter it seems that parricide was taught.  "In truth," he
adds, "the bad example which these stories offer to the
public, is one of the worst features about them. A palliation is thus set up for giving and receiving the wages of
lewdness; the gold of Jove is seen in the bosoms of corrupt
women; wicked traitors are allowed to betray a father and a
kingdom to an ungrateful son; and all the laws of hospitality,
friendship, and religion are publicly abused."
GREGORY NAZIANZENt asserts that the fables of
the Gentiles are not to be compared to the mysteries of the
Christians.
PAULINUS~ says antithetically, in his poem,   "When
God had formed man, man dared to form God.    The Platonistsll have sought in vain to define the nature of the soul.
The CynicsT act ridiculously and ungraciously towards God,
in refusing the gifts his hand bestows upon them. But what
shall I say of the different religions, the temples, the gods
and goddesses? In the Capitol you may see a god, or his
wife, or his sister, which ever you please." This leads him**
to notice the immoralities of the gods, and finallytt to point
out the light and peace that have dawned in the person of; De Err. Prof. Relig. c. 8.  t Ib. c. 9-13.  + Orat. ad Jul. 1. 30
Ib. 1. 29.  11 Ib. 1. 35.  ~ Ib. 1. 44.  ** Ib. 1. 62.  ft lb. 1.137.
11




280              ARGUMENT FROM THE
Christ, who has "regained what Adam lost. Christ the
Word creates and arranges all things, becomes incarnate, and
offers pardon to all "
AUGUSTINE* proves the inherent weakness of the
heathen deities by historical facts.  "2Eneas saw Priam slain
before the altar he fled to, and the gods of the Romans have
not been able to save them in the late sack of the city (by
the Goths.")
He affirmst that "the gods never troubled themselves
about the lives or manners of those states that worshipped
them, but contrariwise, led the way to all kinds of abominable
deeds. Let any one who denies this, show us where any
worthy lessons of the gods were ever rehearsed, and whether
their worshippers were ever wont to hear of such matters as
we discourse of continually in our churches, erected for this
purpose in all places where the religion of Christ is diffused.
The truth is," the instructions of the philosophers were weak
and useless for want of authority, and because ~ of the bad
examples of the gods, which are enough to vitiate anything.
How could the gods be justly offended with the adultery of
Paris, since they did the same thing so frequently and freely?
How hate in Paris what they saw in Venus? It was Varro's
opinion that it was politic for some men to feign themselves
begotten of the gods. By this at least he acknowledges that
they may be false; and what a broad road is here opened for
chicanery!"
In the ninth chapter of his fourth book, our author has
shown that according to the Pagan theologians, all the universe is full of Jove. "But now Juno is added in the air,
Neptune in the sea, Pluto in the earth, and that there may
be no lack of them, Neptune must have Salacia, and Pluto,
Proserpine, for wives! But the world and its elements being
* DP Civit. Dei, Lib. i. c. 2.    t lb. Lib. uI. c. 6.
o. C..                           ~ lb. Lib. I. 3




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.           231
thus more than complete, where is Minerva's share?'She
is related by the poets to have issued from Jove's brain.'
Why then was she not made mistress of heaven, seeing she
sits above Jove?'Because it is not proper to exalt the
child above the parent.' Wherefore then was not this principle observed between Saturn and Jupiter?' Because Saturn
was conquered.' Did they fight then?'Oh! this is only a
fable: Saturn, meaning length of time, the king of all gods,
is said to be born of time, that is, in time.' But how is this?
Terra is also called the mother of the gods, though Juno is
Jove's wife, sister, and mother also; and the same earth is
styled both Ceres and Vesta; and then Vesta is called Venus,
though the one was a virgin and the other an adulteress! Do
you grieve to hear these things from our lips? then why do
you applaud them on the stage? But* let us suppose there is
only one Jupiter (to omit the odious catalogue of his transmutations), as Virgil says in the 4th Georgic; let him be
Jupiter in the sky, Juno in the air, Neptune in the sea, &c... Numeria for teaching children to count 20, Camoena
for singing, and Fortuna barbata for our chin's sake, let him
be all these and more; or, as those hold who make him the
soul of the world, let all these be but his parts and virtues: I
ask, why not take a shorter course, and adore but one God?
Thus only can he be completely worshipped. For if the
stars are parts of him, some must be neglected; and will
they not be incensed, that while they shine above disregarded,
filthy Priapus stands below in great request and credit?"
He nextt calls attention to the impious consequence of the
theory that the world is the body of God, " since in that case
a man treads a part of God under his feet, and every creature he kills is a portion of Deity. Or,+ if only animated
life is of the divine essence, then when a child is beaten, can
it be supposed that a portion of God's essence is beaten?
*De Civt. Dei, Lib. iv. c. 11.  t 1b. c. 12.  f lb. c. 13.




232              ARGUMENT FROM THE
and will God be angry with man (a part of himself) for not
worshipping him?"
Ie remarks,* casually, that the Romans, quite in character
with their turbulent disposition, would not allow the temple
of the goddess Rest, within the city walls, nor any public
honors to be paid to her. "How differently does our Jesus
speak to us, saying:' Come unto me, all ye that labor and
are heavy laden, and I will give you rest."' And presently
again,t our author is found gladly " turning from the midst
of all this confusion in which the city of this world seems to
lie, to the city of God, alone kept unmoved."  "Just so
long," says he, " as the Jews worshipped the true God, so
long were they happy and prosperous.  They never called
on the heathen gods to help them; yet they grew and flourished, and that too, notwithstanding the opposition of their
enemies. They prayed to no nymphs when the rock was
cleft in the wilderness, and the water flowed out; to no Mars
when they fought and conquered; they had corn and oxen,
honey and apples, without Legetia, Babona, Melona, or
Pomona. In fine, whatever the Romans begged from   so
many false gods, they received of the one true God, in a far
happier measure."
He now+: returns to the heathen deities and casts doubts
upon their existence, by quoting the acknowledgments of
Varro,~ and the criticisms of Seneca. The more abstruse
physiological doctrine,l which attempts to cover the falsehoods of Polytheism by natural expositions (commended by
Varro,) our author thinks an equally unfortunate theory; for
the obscenities and cruel sacrifices cannot be thus resolved,
while it is plain thatT[ all the honor the naturalists refer to
the world's parts and qualities, ought to be rather referred
to God. Christianity,** he observes, is the only power that
was ever able to explain and chase away the abominable
* De Civit. Dei, Lib. Iv. c. 16.  t Ib. c. 34.  + Ib. Lib. VI. c. 4.
l b. c. 10.  11 Ib. Lib. vIr. c. 6.  ~ Ib. c. 29.  ** Ib. Lib. viII.




REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.            233
tyranny of the gods over men. It was Christ who routed
the gods."*
He next considers the philosophers more particularly, and
though he allows that some of their later doctrines were
worthy of praise, he proves by the general diversity of
opinion they manifest as to the nature of God and the origin
of things, that their authors knew nothing of the truth, but
were, at the best, and Socrates included, mere idolaters.
But whilstt among this world's philosophers, there was
such a diversity in trying to attain the one point, happiness,
" our canonical authors do not either contradict one another
or themselves; whence it is, that so many nations believe
that God spoke in them and by them. Our prophets are not
numerous, but their concord is wonderful. In the multitude
of philosophical writings, scarcely two can be found to agree.
The Epicureans in the gardens, opposed the Peripatetics in
the schools, and they in their turn the Stoics in the porch.:
The philosophers could never teach the people aught else but
confusion. Their city might well be called Babel.  How
different the city and king of the true Israel!"
He thinks~ that one of the principal marks of falsity about
Paganism, is the insincerity of its wise men, who, while they
held their own sceptical opinions concerning the nature of
the gods, nevertheless frequented the public sacrifices and
the temples of the gods, with the rest of the people. Thisll
is even true of Socrates; and those who succeeded him,
were too much alarmed at his fate, to be so bold as he, in
mocking superstition.
To conclude,[ he warns his brethren against pleasure,
ambition, and curiosity, against the Manichmans (or rational* Reminding us of Milton's fine hymn on the Nativity.
t De Civit. Dei, Lib. xvIII. c. 41.
+ It is observed elsewhere that Varro allows 288 sects to the single subject of the perfection of goodness.
~ De Vera Relig. c. 1.   II Ib. c. 2.     ~ lb. c. 55.




234         REASONABLENESS OF DOCTRINE.
ists,) against the wickedness of the Pagans in adoring
demons, the elements of the world, the stars and planets, or
spirit, whether it be of men, however excellent, or of angels.
To draw us from all these delusive hopes Christ came, was
incarnate, and has taught us that men ought to adore only
that which all intellectual and rational beings adore. We
are to honor angels by loving, not by serving them. He
refers to the case of the angel in the Revelation, xix. 10,
forbidding St. John to worship him, and saying, that he
himself adores the only Sovereign Lord, of whom both are
equally subjects. We are also taught to respect men,* says
Augustine, but only according to the command, "Render
unto Caesar the things that are Cmsar's." He acknowledges
the holy Trinity to be the object of his adoration.
*In allusion to the practice of swearing by the genius of the emperors; the primitive Christians accounting all genii, demons.




CHAPTER        VI.
THE ARGUMENT FROM1 SUPERIOR MORALITY.
" Talk they of morals? 0 thou bleeding Love i
Thou maker of new morals to mankind!
The grand morality is love of thee."
YOUNG.
THE subject of this chapter is intimately connected with the
one which we have just been considering. Here we see the
legitimate result - the good fruit of the good tree. It is the
glory of Christianity to have done what all other religions
have failed to do, viz., to make people better and happier.
Not that the heathen systems overlooked morals, or did not
consider them as necessary in religion, and to be highly
recommended. Far otherwise: there are indications enough
amidst the thousand inconsistencies of men, to prove that
they have ever had an excusing or else an accusing conscience, which has compelled them, at least outwardly, to
recognize the propriety of moral maxims and virtuous conduct. But the authority, "the power "was wanting. Their
theory, like that of Archimedes by which he could poise the
world, was good enough, but where was a fulcrum to be
found? The Religion of Christ came to effect what the
sign of Nature, the voice of Philosophy, the law of Moses
were too weak to do. The mission of God's own Son was
doubly executive; to save men from sin, both as regards its




236     ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.
penalty and pollution; " to bear our sins in his own body on
the tree," and "to redeem unto himself a peculiar people,
zealous of good works." He did not come to introduce
morality, the world had never been without a sense of it;
nor altogether, as Paley remarks, to teach it, that also had
been more or less conscientiously done in every age; but to
cause it to be carried out; to change a faded notion into
a lively practice; to supply sufficient motives and sanctions;
in fine, to exert a powerfrom above, without which the dead
could not live, or the blind see. Hence Christianity is as
much distinguished by its actual morals, as by its peculiar
doctrines.  It furnishes the only example of a Religion,
giving all the glory to God, and producing a hearty and
complete morality in man.
It must therefore redound to the credit of the early Christians, that they exemplified this holy end of religion in their
lives, and insisted upon it in their writings. Indeed, it may
be asked, how could they have succeeded in overcoming, as
they did, the prejudices of a sinful world, had not this been
the case?  Dr. Hey supposes that, "even miracles could
never have gained the assent of mankind, if the internal
evidence of the Gospel plainly contradicted the external, or
if the precepts it promulgated were evidently unworthy the
Deity, and productive of the misery of human nature:"
while Origen affirms much the same thing of prophecy,
which he thinks is not necessarily to be accounted a divine
gift, unless accompanied by morality. And again, without
morals how could-we account for the unmitigated persecutions endured by the early Church? It was, as some of our
authors observe, as if all other religions were bent upon
destroying this. To what can such a unanimity of opposition be attributed so reasonably, as to its demanding a
purity of life, which the rest most certainly neglected?
But the best proof of the morality of the early Christians,
and of the immense importance they attached to it, lies




AREGUMENFT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.        237
principally in the writings before us; and it is truly delightful to find that no argument was so much and so feelingly
urged by the Apologists. Lactantius is but an echo of the
rest when he says, "Nulla alia religio est vera, nisi qume
virtute ac justitia constat." Hereby do they prove their connection with patriarchs, and prophets, and apostles in the
clearest manner; hereby they prove their acquaintance in a
practical way with that Holy Word, whose province it is to
" enlighten the eyes," and " cleanse the heart;" hereby they
prove their religion to be from Heaven; for behold the
heavenly graces in their heart and on their tongues, and
throughout their lives!*
It will scarcely be thought strange, if in some of these
arbitrary divisions of so united a subject as the Christian
Religion, the proofs occasionally run one into another. Such
an excuse is particularly needed with regard to the contents
of this and the preceding chapter. I have said that the two
classes of subjects are intimately connected; the consequence
is, that some of our materials might be said to belong to both
of them. It has been my aim, however, to distinguish them
as much as possible, into ideas intended to include the relations of God to man, or (strictly speaking) theology; and the
relations of man to God and to his fellow-man, or morals:
the one being an appeal to reason or judgment, looking
objectively; the other an appeal to conscience, looking subjectively: that regarding opinions more; this, actions. Where
the object of an Apologist seems to have been the combined
one, it can matter little into which of these divisions it falls.
Whether, for instance, the Philosophers and Evangelists are
exhibited as teachers, and so associated with doctrine; or as
* Palmer sums up the evidences of the Apostles and Christian Fathers
as derived, first, from prophecies; second, from miracles; and third,
from thepurity and excellence of the Christian doctrines, as compared
with those of other religions.-On Develop. and Conse. c. 2, p. 21.
11*




238      ARGUMENT FROM    SUPERIOR MORALITY.
exemplars, and so ranked with the rules of life they professed.
But the reader must judge for himself.
With regard to any summary of the method adopted by
the Fathers in pressing this argument home, I have only to
repeat, that it generally consists of a comparison between
the systems of ethics under discussion, a knowledge of the
difference between right and wrong being taken for granted.*
The unity and definiteness of the subject of morality seem
to leave room for no further explanation.t
AUTHOR OF EPISTLE TO DIOGNETUS,. while
he charges the heathen with having become as wicked as
their gods, says of the Christians: "' They may not perhaps
be distinguished from other men by earthly abode, by
language, or by custom; their home is any region, however
barbarous or remote; for they are but strangers and foreigners here: but, with this conformity to the various usages of
the countries they inhabit, as to dress, food, and external
matters, they exhibit a peculiar morality, wonderful and
striking to all. They obey the existing laws, and triumph
over them by their conduct."
Exhorting~ his correspondent, he says: "If you really
desire this faith, and accept it, then first will you know God,
and with what joy will you be filled! How will'you love
him, who so long before loved you! And if you love him,
you will then be an imitator of his goodness; forll neither is
life without knowledge, nor knowledge safe without a true
life. They must be planted near together, like the trees of
Paradise."
* The epistle to the Romans opens much in the same way.
t Not a little of the substance of Paley's main argument, drawn from
the voluntary sufferings of the original witnesses, will be found under
this head.
+ Ep. ad Diog. c. 2.    ~ Ib. c. 10.     lb. c. 12.




ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.        239
JUSTIN    MARTYR.*     "Many assume the name and
garb of philosophers, who act not at all in conformity with
their profession. You [the emperors] well know that men
holding dissentient opinions and doctrines among the ancients,
are styled by the common name of philosophers. But some
of these taught atheism, and some immorality, without your
prohibition. Nay, you propose prizes and honors to such as
shall eloquently illustrate the disgraceful lives of your gods.t
Now we confess indeed that we are unbelievers in these pretended gods, but not in the most true God, the Father of
righteousness and temperance and all other virtues, in whom
is no mixture of evil: Him we worship and adore, with the
Son and the Prophetic Spirit, knowing them in reason and
in truth; and to every one who wishes to learn, we freely
deliver our opinions, even as we have been taught."'"When questioned] as to our profession of Christianity,
how easy would it be for us to deny it, and escape; but we
choose not to live by falsehood, desiring to attain a purer
and eternal life, where no evil can assault us."
" Neither~ do we honor with numerous sacrifices and garlands those whom men have invested with a bodily shape,
and placed in temples, and denominated gods. You well
know that these images are senseless and dead; and also the
impure lives of the artisans who make them, so that they
even corrupt the women assisting them in their works. Oh!
astonishing blindness that men thus impure, should be said
to form and change the fashion of gods for the purpose of
worship; and that such men should be placed as guards of
the temples where they are erected, not considering that
it is impious to imagine or say that men are the keepers of
gods."
" Well are firmly persuaded that God requires not from
men material offerings, seeing he hath given us all things;
Apoli.. c. 4.     t Ib. c. 6.      +Ib. c. 8.
l b. c. 9.! rl.c. lO.




240      ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.
those persons only are accepted of him who imitate the perfections of his holy nature, chastity, justice, humanity, and
whatever virtues belong to God, to whom no name can be
ascribed. To exist at the beginning was not in our power,
but to obey what is conformable to his will, making our
choice by means of the rational faculties with which he has
endowed us; thus he persuades us and leads us to faith."
"We confess* that we are Christians, though we know
that the punishment of death awaits us."
He arguest that truth is to be honored before established
practices, and that "as all avoid the inheritance of poverty
or disease or disgrace from their parents, so will every wise
person reject that which right reason commands him to
refuse."
"We have learned,"+ he says in answer to a charge of
impiety for not sacrificing, "that the only honor which is
worthy of God, is not to consume with fire what he has given
us for our nourishment, but to use it ourselves, and to distribute among those who have need; and that our thankfulness to him is best expressed by the solemn offering of prayers
and hymns."..
"We who~ once delighted in fornication, now embrace
chastity only; we who once used magical arts, have consecrated ourselves to the good and unbegotten God; we who
loved above all things the gain of money and possessions,
now bring all that we have into one common stock, and give
a part to those in need; we who hated and killed one another,
and permitted not the people of other nations, on account of
their different customs, to live with us under the same roof;
now, since the appearing of Christ, live at the same table,
and pray for our enemies, and endeavor to persuade those
who unjustly hate us, that they also living after the excellent
institutions of Christ, may have good hope with us, to obtain
the same blessings from God the Lord of all."
* Aplol. L c. 11.  t lb. c. 13.  +f  b. c. 16.  l Ib. c. 17.




ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.         241
He then* expatiates upon the purity of mind, and the universal kindnesst that Jesus himself inculcated, reminding
his royal judges, how " Christians avoid swearing, are careful to pay tribute,+ and custom, and keep the peace~ above
all men; which thingsll Jesus Christ has taught for the
reformation of manners, and the improvement of the human
race."
With this conduct,e he compares "c the injustice and impiety
of the heathen nations in exposing their infants, in the corruption of the youth of both sexes, in the prostitution of
wives, and in the shocking offerings made to her who is called
the mother of the gods."
In replying* to the allegation that Christians voluntarily
sought death, he says: " First, it is false, for they account
suicide contrary to the plain will of God; and secondly, the
reason why they do not fear death is, that they are guilty of
no evil, and consider it better to die, than to live by denying
the truth."
The effect producedft on a heathen mind by the constancy
of Christians under the severest trials, is well described by
Justin, from his own experience before conversion.  " I
saw," says he, "it could not be that they lived in pleasure."
" Our circumcision,"  he proceeds, addressing the Jewj "is
not made with iron like yours, but with sharp stones (that is,
the preaching of the apostles of Him who was the chief
corner-stone, cut out without hands) from the worshipping of
idols, and from all iniquity; our hearts are circumcised from
sin." " I affirm ~~ that the prayers and thanksgivings which
are offered up by worthy persons are the only offerings perfect
and acceptable to God."
The author of the Corhortatio ad Grcecoslll condemns the
public festivals and games, "' where every indulgence in vice
* Apol. I. c. 18.  t lb. c. 20.  + Ib. c. 23.  ~ Ib. c. 12.
1 Ib. c. 31.    T Ib. c. 36.  * Ib. Ii. c. 4.  Ft Ib. c.12.
t+ Dial. cum Tryph. c. 14.  ~ Ilb. c. 17.  11 Cohort. ad Grac. c. 4.




242      ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.
is allowed; flutes excite you in the frenzied dance, and
unguents and flowers cover your heads. Thus you banish
modesty, temperance and peace." These accompaniments*
of an idolatrous system, he contrasts with the power of the,
Word of God, penetrating the soul.  "Oh! soothing music
to the troubled heart; Oh! refuge from woe; Oh! doctrine
that quenches the passions of the mind; which does not,
perhaps, make men poets, or philosophers, or orators; but in
truth renders mortals immortal, makes gods of men, and
translates them to heights above Olympus! Come then, be
instructed; be what I am, since I was what you are. These
things have captivated me, both by the divinity of the
teaching, and the efficacy of the word. Just as the skilful
charmer draws from its hole, and then puts to flight the
dreaded serpent, so the divine Word expels from the depths
of the soul the most fearful passions, and above all, lust, by
which every evil is generated, hatred, envy, strife, emulations,
anger, and such like; when these are expelled, the soul
becomes calm and serene; and being freed from the pollutions
that surround it, returns to its native place, to him who
made it."
TATIAN.t     "TWhat sort of character have your most
preeminent men borne? Diogenes, who boasted of his abstemiousness, out of a tub, died of intemperately devouring shellfish; Aristippus was a thankless spendthrift; and Aristotle
taught that none could be happy unless they were wealthy,
comely, strong, and of noble birth. Then there was H-eraclitus. + who arrogantly said, "' I have investigated myself;"
and Zeno, with his absurd cycles; and the rash Empedocles,
whom the fire of MEtna confuted.  Wherefore let not a
solemn conclave of philosophers, who are not true philosophers, carry you away against your better judgment; for
* Cohort. ad Grce. c. 5.  t Orat. ad Grcc. c. 2.   Ib. c. 3.




ARGUMENT FRO3M SUPERIOR MORALITY.        243
they dispute among themselves, and say whatever comes
uppermost. But they have other faults of a worse complexion.  They hate one another; they contend fiercely
together with their rival dogmas; and choose the chief
places under the influence of the most insufferable pride, not
serving others, but being themselves waited upon."
" We,* on the other hand, are peaceable and orderly. The
king demands tribute, we pay it; the governor orders us to
obey him, we acknowledge our obligations. Man is to be
respected as man, God as God. It is only when required to
deny God, that we disobey and would rather die, than prove
false or ungrateful to him. We desiret neither power, nor
wealth; lewdness we abhor.  We trade not for gain, to
gratify avarice; we fight not for a crown, to gratify ambition;
we despise death, we are above disease and sorrow; if I am
a slave, I endure servitude; if free, I glory not in my birth;
I see the same sun shining upon all; the same end happening
to all, whatever their station in life may be; nay, I perceive
that the rich have many temptations which the poor and the
moderate know not of. Ah  why do you watch for fate, to
satisfy your avarice? Why, so often seeking, are you as often
befooled? Befool the world in return, by rejecting its mad
schemes; live to God by knowing him, and casting aside
these ancient and inveterate errors."
" The soul+ dies not if it be instructed in the knowledge of
God. The Holy Spirit is not in all men. He only resides
in those that live justly; who by embracing him entirely, have
even thereby been enabled to announce future events; and
all those who obey wisdom atttract to them this cognate
Spirit, while they who are disobedient, seem rather to fight
with God than to worship him.  And such~ are you, ye
Greeks, polished indeed in language, but in thought foolish.
You have served many lords instead of one, and honored
* Orat. ad Grec. c. 4.  t lb. c. 10.  + lb. c. 13.  Ilb. c. 14.




244      ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.
devils as if they were all-powerful, being thereby deceived
into the greatest wickedness."
He next* notices the divination of presaging trees, and
the flights of birds, which he tells the heathen, " are mere
slaves to their desires. Whosoever makes you eager after
anything takes care to prophesy accordingly, and he that
excites seditions or wars, the same also predicts a sure
victory."
" Andi what is your discipline and your worship? Who
must not condemn your solemn rites, your public sports, performed at the public cost, and only tending to spur men on to
shameful deeds?"
"' I have often seen, and as often marvelled at and despised
the actor in his different characters, now melting away in
luxurious effeminacy, now rolling his eyes like a madman;
one moment a Venus, the next an Apollo, and in a third an
accuser of all the gods, criticising their actions, their murders,
their adulteries; a very master and teacher of wantonness.
Yet this man will be applauded by the multitude; but by me,
he is rejected for his impiety and his lasciviousness.  How
is it that such things captivate you, and that you insult those
who think differently from them? Is it anything very wonderful or worthy that such men do? They utter base things
through their nose; they throw themselves into indecent
postures; and though your sons and your daughters are
among the spectators, exhibit the whole art of adultery, and
publish deeds of wickedness which should be left at least
under cover of the night.  I have seen the gladiators 
encouraged by the presidents and umpires of the games, not
to any illustrious action, but to contention and blows.  He
who was the best striker was to be crowned; and what is the
result of such popular spectacles?  The idle and the poor
sell themselves to be butchered. The rich man can purchase
* Orat. ad Grcec. c. 19.  t Ib. c. 22.  + Ib. c. 23.




ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.        245
as many assassins as he pleases; some support whole bands;
and when these ruffians go forth to mortal combat, you act as
judges, and are only grieved when they do not slay one
another. You kill animals, that you may feast upon their
bodies; but you buy men, that you may feast your eyes and
your mind with human flesh and gore. A robber commits a
murder for gain, but you for pleasure."
" How* can I admire the fury-stricken Alemmeon of your
poet Euripides? Does he not slay his mother? How spend
my time like another Aristoxenus upon a Theban Antigenides?
We yield to you such worthless themes."
And observet the conduct of your sages; they bare one
shoulder, they cut off their hair, they cultivate beards, they
neglect their nails, and declare they need no one's assistance
or sympathy; and yet whilst they are speaking, Proteus-like,
they show their need of a mistress for their wallet, of a tailor
for their robe, of a carpenter for their staff, of a cook for
their belly; and then, as if to establish their independence
beyond all dispute, abuse you roundly if you do not give
them a penny. Their philosophy is only an art of getting
money: they care nothing about wisdom or God."
"Whilst+ you think you know God, you perceive not what
he does in you; gaping at the clouds, you fall into the ditch.
Your books are like labyrinths, and as treacherous as the
daughters of Danaus: your actions are specious, but irrational: you are one thing in public, another in private. How
inconsistent~ you are! You charge those who follow the
word of God with eating human flesh, forgetting that you
yourselves serve up Pelops as a banquet for the gods, in
spite of Neptune's love for him; and make Saturn devour his
own sons, and Jupiter his pregnant Metys.  You punished
Diagoras for revealing your mysteries, and yet you cite his
book against us. You preserve the opinions of Apion con* Orat. ad Grcec. c. 22.  t Ib. c. 25.  +Ib. c. 26.  ~ Ib. c. 27.




246      ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.
cerning the Egyptian gods, while you would exterminate us
for saying the same things, as if we were the most impious of
mankind. The sepulchre of Olympian Jove is shown to you;
though some of you say that the Cretans lie. Your writings
are a war of words, not an illustration of the truth. Nor are
your rules of life any better: there are as many codes of
morals, as there are kingdoms in the world.  Among the
Persians, a man may marry his mother; while the Greeks
do not permit such incest: but on the other hand the corruption of youths is condemned by the barbarians, and yet
allowed by the Romans."
" For myself,"* says Tatian, " when I had gone the round
of these things, and had been moreover initiated into the
mysteries of every religion, and perceived the wickedness of
the worship of all the gods, I wondered where I could find
the truth; and after much research I fell in with some foreign
writings, more ancient, when compared with the age of any
Grecian works, and more divine when compared with their
errors. In the perusal of these Scriptures, I could not help
giving credence to them, on account of their style, which is as
devoid of arrogance as it is of artifice, although the subjects
treated are of vast importance.  The whole creation is
explained in language simple and easy to be understood.
They are full of knowledge of the future, and of most excellent precepts, and above all, distinctly teach the unity of the
Creator. Theset I found to be divine doctrines, able to liberate me from the thraldom  of many gods: and now being
instructed, and initiated anew, how different is the result! I
would now fain be like a child, despoiled of all my pride and
folly!"
Touching upont the Christian discipline, he says: " The
poor as well as the rich may learn at our schools, and that
gratuitously; for whatever proceeds from God is too valuable
* Orat. ad Grac. c. 29.  tlb. c. 30.   flb. c. 32.




ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.          247
to be purchased with money. All who are willing to hear,
we admit; young and old, women as well as men: we respect
age and sex; but lasciviousness is far from us: in this we
lie not, God being our witness. We do not select our catechumens by their countenances or address; all we want is
fortitude of mind, which we believe can exist in weak and
infirm bodies: but in your schools of philosophy you are
either invidious in making distinctions, or careless about
character."  Wherefore* "I think it is manifest that our
institutions tend to promote temperance and chastity; yours,
sin and madness. For while you blame us for trifling among
a set of women and children, see what trifles are most popular with you. Your fine arts are a mockery, and the images
of your gods are in higher estimation than the gods they
represent. Praxilla who uttered nothing of any value in her
songs, and Sappho, that shameless woman, who immortalized
her own passions, are honored in brass by Lysippus. On the
contrary, among us all are pure, and we can boast of virgins
more chaste than your Delphian prophetess."
Having further exposed the loose characters of their
heroines, he urges the heathent to " forsake everything of
this kind, and seek that which is more honorable and wise,
and instead of hating Christian institutions; to hate the
infamous inventions of a Philanis or an Elephantis."i
ATHENAGORAS,~ after an exposition of divine doctrine,
calls attention to morals, and quoting the injunction of Christ,
"love your enemies," thus proceeds: "seeing I make my
apology before emperors who are philosophers, let me charge
any of the sophists who pretend to instruct and reform their
readers, to show such a mild disposition of soul, a heart so
* Orat. ad Grcec. c. 33.            t Ib. c. 34.
+ Philetnis was a courtesan; Elephantis a poetess who wrote immodest
verses. Vid. Martial, 12 Ep. 43.
~ Legat. c. Ic. 11.




248     ARGUIMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.
free from rancor and malice, as to return even to their enemies love for hatred, blessing for cursing, and prayer for persecution. Do they not ever act the contrary part? Do not
they persecute in a revengeful manner those that injure them?
Do they not teach the art of logic, rather than a rule of life?
But among us you meet with unlettered men, common
mechanics and even women, who though in words they may
not be able to defend or serve our religion, yet adorn it by a
bright example. They study not the refinements of language,
but the practice of virtue: in short, they love their neighbors,
that is, all men, as themselves."
" These* are a few arguments by which you may judge
betwixt us and our adversaries. But the truth is that most
of them are persons of the greatest stupidity, being neither
philosophers nor theologians: they know not themselves the
difference between a God and a cloud; and yet they accuse
us, only because we do not believe those to be gods whom the
generality of states and cities fondly trust in."
"' Be pleased,t great sirs, to weigh well each branch of the
charges brought against us. And first as to our not offering
sacrifices. Surely the great Father and Creator of the universe needs neither blood nor sweet incense, seeing that he
is perfection itself. The best sacrifice we can give him, must
be to study to know him. This is our'reasonable service,'
and this he requires. Again,+ as to our not praying to statues,
or not honoring such gods as the cities and countries about us
do, it were wiser for those who charge us with Atheism, to
agree among themselves which gods are to be worshipped;
for the day would end ere I had reckoned all the variety of
their deities. Look only at the Egyptians: how absurd is it
to see them in their temples, beating their breasts, and lamenting their idols as deceased, and then immediately worshipping
them as alive and as gods. But really nothing can be thought
* Legat. c. 12.      t Ib. c. 13.      + Ib. c. 14.




ARGUMENT- FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.        249
strange of a people that deify brute beasts, and when they
die, bury them in sacred ground, shave themselves for them,
and order public fasts. If then we are atheistical, because
we differ from the Egyptians, so is the whole world, for no
other nations adore such gods as these. Buts suppose our
opponents were agreed in a uniformity of worship; shall we
fall down and worship dead images; and statues? If God and
matter were the same thing, then indeed were we impious in
not worshipping wood and stone, gold and silver; but we
have learned to distinguish between what is uncreated and
what is created."
"Our accuserst further charge us with feasting on human
flesh, and with incest.  This is not the first time vice has
vilified virtue. Pythagoras with 300 more was burned;
Democritus was starved out of Ephesus; Heraclitus, the
Abderite, accused of madness; and Socrates put to death by
the Athenians. But as the virtues of these men were not
lessened by the false opinions of the vulgar, so neither is the
integrity of our lives blemished by the slanders of our
enemies; before God we are still innocent. And * how unlikely it is that we who consider ourselves responsible, not
only for our actions, but for our thoughts to an Omnipresent
and Omniscient God, should be guilty of such crimes? Had
we no hopes beyond the present life, it might be; but we
look for a happy eternal life hereafter; a life with God, which
truth we affirm even at the stake and in the flames. But is
it any wonder our accusers should charge us with such crimes
when they do not hesitate to impute them to their own gods,
and to call their lusts mysteries? If they were in good
earnest, and really vexed at incest and concubinage, what
would they not say of Jove, or (if this is a lie of Orpheus)
how would they not abominate his historian?"
e Legat. c. 15.     f Ib. c. 31.       4 Ib. c. 32.




250      ARGUMIENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.
"But our Lord and Master gave us an exact and heartsearching divine law; so that" having a good hope of eternal
life, we despise all present sensual enjoyments."
Lastly,t he defends the Christians against the imputation
of eating human flesh, by an indirect argument (since the
heathen would not investigate for themselves), observing that,
"not even a slave had ever witnessed or confessed under
torture, such a thing of their feasts.  Besides," he adds,
" consider our general character for humanity: the spectacles,+
the theatres, the games, the gladiatorial combats, the fights
with wild beasts are hateful to us. We consider them steps
to murder. And who that is persuaded of the future resurrection of the body, would make himself a sepulchre of other
bodies, which are to be raised? Those who do not believe
in this great doctrine may commit such a crime with impunity,
and may eat the flesh of animals gloated with human victims,
but not so Christians.  Thus ~ I have shown to your majesties that we are religious towards God, inoffensive towards
men, and pure in our own souls. Moreover, who can put in
a fairer claim to your royal favor than they who continually
pray for your life and prosperity? "
THEOPHILUS,1I speaking of the knowledge of the true
God, remarks that as a mirror must be bright, so must the
soul of man be pure.  "Tell me then, whether you are an
* Legat. c. 33.                           t lb. c. 35.
+ The subject of amphitheatrical shows, in which either men or animals
are destroyed for the public amusement, often occupied the pen and tongue
of the Apologists. They were viewed as essentially cruel and demoralizing spectacles. What a reflection does this fact cast upon the silent
encouragement given to such exhibitions in Spain, by those who profess
to belong to a church, once, and essentially humane. " On the 4th of
July last (being Sunday) the Catholic monarch, Queen Isabella, with her
family and whole court, attended a bull-fight at Madrid." Vid. "Times,"
of that date, 1852.
~ Legat. c. 37.                    Ad Az At. Lib. I. c. 2.




ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.         251
adulterer, a fornicator, a thief, contumelious, an evil-speaker,
passionate, envious, proud, a striker, covetous, disobedient
to parents, a vendor of your own children?  God does not
appear to such as do these things, nor will he until they have
cleansed themselves from every defilement."
"By the command* of God we are taught to abstain from
the wicked worship of images, and of the elements; from
adultery, murder, and the like; in short, from doing to
another what we should not wish another to do to us."
c' It is worthy of observation,i that all the prophets have
spoken consistently with themselves, and harmoniously with
one another; a strong proof that they were inspired by on/e
and the same spirit. They also were all vexed in their inmost
hearts, and bewailed the sins of the human race."  These
assertions are maintained by numerous references.
He says,+ " it is the duty of a historian to affirm only what
he has seen with his own eyes, or accurately learned from
the testimony of others."  By this rule he judges the profane
writers, and finds that whilst the poets have done nothing but
seek their own glory, the tragedians and comedians, the
historians and philosophers, have only uttered wicked and
useless sentiments.  " None~ of them either perceived the
truth themselves, or excited others to it; their works prove
that their glory was but folly and ignorance. Moreover, to
say nothing of their disputes and mistakes in doctrines and
physics, did not your moralists actually recommend all sorts
of uncleanness to be practised, and introduce crimes that
are to be abhorred? And |I these precepts, together with the
inveterate traditions and evil examples of your gods, have so
reacted upon you, that you charge us Christians with the
very crimes your writers have invented and feigned." He
instances Plato's sanction~ of a community of wives in his
Republic, and to the permission of incest by Solon and
Epicurus.
* AdAut. Lib. II. c. 34.  t lb. c. 35.  + lb. Lib. i. c. 2.
~ Ib. c. 3.         /I Ib. c. 4.   [ Ib. c. 6.




252      ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.
CLEMENS ALEXANDRINUS,* addressing the Gentiles, contrasts their domestic lasciviousness with the holiness
of Christians in private life. He says, in reference to the
indecency of heathen pictures,' We are compelled to prohibit altogether the exercise of this deceitful art."  Instead
of bending to images, he calls upon his hearers to " remember
what the philosophers themselves have said, viz., that'man
was made erect, for the better contemplation of the heavens.'
Not indeed to adore the sun, but the Maker of the sun; he
who thus truly worships God will be led where no temptation
of devils can deceive him."
In answert to the question how far it is reasonable in men
to overturn the customs of their ancestors, our author urges
upon the heathen to give up at least their old habits of
intemperance, and other vices; that as they have followed
death, they should now seek life. " No shame," he adds,
"nor loss shall deter us from serving you. Openly, like
moral gladiators, we strip ourselves for the sake of truth,
and lawfully contend, the holy Word being our judge, the
Lord of hosts our helper, and immortality our reward. The
best praise that can be offered to God is an immortal man
instructed in righteousness, and who has the oracles of truth
engraven on his heart."
On the saying} of Zeno that the sight of one Indian martyr
burning in the flames, would be conclusive proof of his
sincerity, Clemens remarks that (" Christianity could furnish
numerous instances of men who have been not only burned,
but tortured and beheaded, and even of women who have
shed their blood for Christ."~
* Hortat. ad Gent. c. 4.  t Ib. c. 10.    + Strom.
~ Cumulative evidence of this kind is greatly in favor of Christianity.
There are some inferences which thus become important, though still
comparative, arguments.




ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.         253
TERTULLIAN.*       "It is said that the numbers who are
persuaded to embrace Christianity is no proof that the religion is good in itself; for how many are prone to evil!
Doubtless; yet not even they dare to defend evil as good.
Evil doers are anxious for concealment, and when detected,
tremble; when accused, deny; when condemned, grieve;
and attribute the sins arising from an evil heart, either to fate,
or to the stars. For they would not have that which they
acknowledge to be evil, to belong to themselves. But how
different is the conduct of a Christian. No one is ashamed,
no one is sorry, except that he was not a Christian long
before. If he is pointed out, he glories in the charge; if
accused, he makes his defence; if questioned, he confesses
even of his own accord; and when condemned returns thanks.
What kind of evil then is this, which has none of the natural
attributes of evil, fear, shame, subterfuge, repentance, sorrow?
What kind of evil is this, in which the culprit delights; in
which accusation is the completion of his wishes; and punishment, his happiness?"
" In describing t persons, whom before their professions of
Christianity they had known to be given up to licentiousness
and immorality, our enemies use terms which are those really
of approbation;,and thus in the blindness of their hatred
bear testimony to the excellence of what they condemn.
They say of a female for instance,' How wanton, how gay she
used to be!' of a man,' What a libertine, what a profligate
he was;''now they are both become Christians;' thus+ our
name is coupled with reformation."
Again, he argues that "the very fact of Christians being
persecuted by such monsters as Nero and Domitian, is a partproof that our principles are eminently good."
IIe then proceeds to rebut the charges usually brought
forward to the disparagement of Christian morality, very
A4pol.c..           Ib. c. 3.          Ib.c. 5.
12




254     ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.
much after Athenagoras' manner, but with a freer use of
irony and retort, adding, that " the claim of Christ's divinity
is founded upon this, that by knowledge of him a man is
formed anew to everything."
He next* proposes to state the real mode of worship among
Christians. " We look up," says he, "with hands extended
because they are innocent; with head uncovered, because we
have nothing to be ashamed of; and pray without a prompter,
because we pray from the heart. We pray for blessings on
the emperor and people, in faith. Thus we offer to God the
rich and more excellent sacrifice, which he himself has
ordained, prayer out of a clean heart, and an innocent mind,
and a sanctified spirit. I offer not a grain of frankincense,
which is sold for a farthing; nor the tears of an Arabian
tree; nor a few drops of wine; nor the blood of a cast-away
ox, that would be glad to die; nor after all other abominations,
a defiled conscience, so that it is a wonder when the most
reprobate priests are appointed to examine your victims, why
the inquiry is made into the heart of the sacrifices, rather
than into the hearts of the sacrificers."
Aftert showing that Christians are bound to love their
enemies, and to be loyal to those in authority, and that their
service to God is seated in the heart, he condemns the public
festivals of the heathen as scenes of excess. His testimony
is that " they are only an excuse for licentiousness, and occasions of luxury; tables and couches are placed in the streets;
the whole city is turned into one tavern; and the troops are
permitted to perpetrate any act of violence and outrage;
while even the senate and the court take advantage of the
general license."
He reminds the heathent that it is only a God-like sense of
duty which keeps Christians in submission to the government.  "If we wished to avenge ourselves of our persecutors," says he, " think you that we should lack numbers or
* Apol. c. 30.        Ib. c. 35.       + Ib. c. 37.




ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.         255
forces? If such a multitude as we are should suddenly
remove to some remote extremity of the earth, the loss of
so many of your citizens would overwhelm the empire with
shame; you would be dismayed at the solitude in which you
found yourselves, and all things would wear the awful stillness
of a dead world. But* Christians do not leave their field of
duty; nor are they idle in it, as their enemies allege. They
are no dwellers in woods, or exiles from ordinary life; and
though temperate, they reject none of the gifts of God; they
unite with their fellow citizens in navigation, in war, in
husbandry, and in trade; and give the benefits of their arts
and labor to the state, with the rest of mankind."
Het acknowledges, however, that "some parties among
the heathen may have reason to complain of the little support
they receive from Christians; such as the vile panderers to
every kind of lust, murderers, poisoners, fortune-tellers,
soothsayers, and astrologers. But to be fruitless to such as
these is surely a great gain!  And even if you really did
sustain any loss by us, it is counterbalanced by our prayers,
aud by your having nothing to fear from us."
He concludes" by explaining the principle of Christian
morality.  "It is a religion which governs the thoughts as
well as the actions, and presents to its followers the rewards
of eternal happiness or misery.  Epicurus taught men to
despise pain and torture, because it was of short duration;
whereas we who are to give an account to an omniscient God,
and who know that he will inflict eternal punishment, are
justly considered the only persons who uphold innocency
of conduct, as well on the ground of the extent of God's
knowledge, as of the difficulty of escape, and the greatness
of the punishment, which will be not only of long but of
eternal duration."
* Apo. c. 42.       f lb. c. 43.  +       lb. c. 45.




256      ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.
MINUTIUS FELIX.        " We were once as you are now;
we were equally confident with you that the Christians
worshipped monsters, devoured infants, and committed incest,
without ever considering that these charges were never
proved, and that no man, however tempted or tried, was ever
found to reveal such atrocities. We ourselves heretofore,
when engaged at the bar in defence of the really sacrilegious
and incestuous, and even of parricides, were prejudiced
enough to think it just for Christians not to be heard upon
their indictment; nay, sometimes we have shown ourselves
more savage in our pity than in our rage, by torturing confessors in order to save them, hoping that they would be
induced to deny their religion. What an abuse of torture
was this! And if the pain proved too great for some infirm
Christian, and he renounced his faith, we immediately
acquitted him; as if by renouncing his Christian name, he
cleared himself of every charge.
"The calumniest you cast upon a chaste and modest
people are such that we should think them incredible, did not
you convince us to the contrary by your practice."  These
remarks lead to a description of heathen vices, which, as
usual, are attributed in a great measure to the licentious
example of the gods.
"It is our endeavor, on the other hand," he says,t concluding this part of his subject, "to be as modest in our
minds as in our countenances. Our meals are always decent
and sober; and we are equally quiet and inoffensive in the
more public assemblies. Christians are faithful adherents to
their holy profession, and call themselves brethren because
they are children of the same God, and partakers of the
same grace and hope. But as for you, you have no such
lovely characteristics to discern one another by.  Mutual
*      Octav. c. 28.  t Ib. c 29.       + b. c. 31.




ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.         257
hatred is the most distinguishing mark about you, nor do
you ever call a man brother, but when you design to
assassinate him."
He admits* and defends the absence of temples, statues,
&c. among Christians, asking: "' What image can represent
God? what building contain him? Is it not more becoming
to dedicate the mind for a temple, and to consecrate our hearts
into altars? Shall I bring such sacrifices and oblations to
my God, as he has made for my use, and thus turn his
bounteous presents back upon his own hands? He who
studies innocence, is at his devotions; he who does justly,
offers sacrifice; to abstain from injuring another, is to please
God; and to save a man, is to slay the noblest victim. Behold
the Christian sacrifices! the Christian rites! Among us the
best worshipper is the most upright man!"
He instances the case of the Jews,t as furnished either by
the sacred penmen, or by Josephus, to show that " purity and
innocency of life are well pleasing to God, and that sin and
obstinacy are the ruin of any people."
Expostulating + yet again with the heathen, he tells them,
"You prohibit adultery by law, and practise it in secret; you
punish wickedness only in the overt act; we look upon it as
criminal even in thought. You dread the inspection of
others; we stand in awe of nothing but our own consciences,
as becomes Christians. And lastly your prisons are overflowing with criminals; but they are all heathens; not a
Christian is there, unless he be an apostate."
I How~ fair a spectacle in the sight of God is a Christian
entering the lists with affliction, and with noble firmness
combating menaces and tortures, or with a disdainful smile
marching to death through the clamors of the people, and
the insults of the executioners; when he bravely maintains
his liberty against kings and princes, and submits to God
* Octav. c. 32.  t Ibo c. 33.  + Ib. c. 34.  Ib. c. 36,




258      ARGUMENT FROM. SUPERIOR MORALITY.
alone, whose servant he is; when like a conqueror he triumphs
over the judge that condemns him! for he certainly is victotorious, who obtains what he fights for. He fights under the
eye of God, and is crowned with length of days. You have
exalted some of your Stoical sufferers to the skies; such as
Scovola, who having missed his aim in an attempt to kill
the king, voluntarily burned the mistaking hand. Yet how
many among us have suffered not only the hand, but the
whole body to be consumed without a complaint, when their
deliverance was in their own power! But why should I
compare our elders with your Mutius, or Aquilius, or Regulus,
when our very children, our sons and daughters, inspired
with patience, despise your racks and wild beasts, and all
other instruments of cruelty? Surely nothing but the strongest reasons could persuade people to suffer at this rate; and
nothing else but Almighty power could support them under
their sufferings."
Once* more, respecting various ethical questions of the
day: " We touch not your food, not because it is essentially
worse than any other; but lest you should conclude that we
serve those demons to whom it has been offered in sacrifice;
or that we are ashamed of our religion. We are not afraid
of flowers: we gather the lily and rose in spring-time; we
strow them upon our couches, and wear them on our bosoms;
but pardon us for not placing them as chaplets on our
heads, for it is our way to take in the scent of an agreeable
flower with our noses, and not with our hair. Nor do we
crown the dead with garlands; for if they are happy, they
feel no want; and if miserable, they are beyond the refreshment of flowers."
Finally, he says, " Let Socrates, the Athenian scoffer, shut
himself up in his avowed ignorance; let Archelaus and Carneades, and Pyrrho, and all the race of Sceptics doubt on;
Octav. c. 37.




ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.         259
let Simonides procrastinate forever; we despise all the
haughty tribe of philosophers, whom we know to be mere
dogmatizers, and corrupters of the truth, and always eloquent
against the vices they practise; we wear not our wisdom in
our beards, but in our minds; we talk not great things, but
live them."
ORIGEN.      " When false witness was brought against
our blessed Saviour, he held his peace, and when he was
accused returned no answer, being fully persuaded that the
tenor of his life and conversation among the Jews was the
best apology that could possibly be made in his behalf. He
knew, both by experience and of his infinite wisdom, that he
could not repel their charges by any verbal defence. The
spotless Jesust was scarcely ever free from unjust accusations, so long as the perverse dispositions of men whose minds
were corrupt, and lives vicious, remained the same as they
have been in all ages of the world. And even now he preserves the same silence, and makes no other answer than the
unblemished lives of his sincere followers; they are his most
cheerful and successful advocates, and have so loud a voice
that they drown the clamors of the most zealous and bigoted
adversaries."
" I think 1 I may safely say that a physician cannot recover
his patients without the blessing of Almighty God upon the
methods he prescribes; and if any one can cure the more
fatal distempers of the soul; can suddenly and in a great
degree dispossess those rooted and dangerous vices, which
have long maintained dominion there; can deliver it from its
former natural intemperance, injustice, irreverence, and as a
proof of skill can instance hundreds of persons whose morals
he has been happily instrumental in forming, - I presume'you
will not say that this can be done without some unusual
* Cont. Cels. Lib. I. Preef. Sect. 1.  t Ib. sect. 2.
+ Ib. s. 26.




260      ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.
interposition of Providence." In further application of this
argument to Christianity, it is shown, "how just and eminent
the commendation of the Saviour appears, if we compare
the course of life which his followers once ignorantly led,
with the nature of their subsequent conduct, wherein they
became illustrious examples of the contrary virtues. Thus
it will be seen," he proceeds, " that Jesus attempted what was
vastly beyond the sphere of mere human ability, and that the
event also remarkably answered his design.  And* it is a
matter of surprise, that if our Lord's disciples had not been
eye-witnesses of the truth of his resurrection, and had seen
nothing but what was common or contemptible in his person,
they should not be afraid to follow him in his sufferings, to
encounter the greatest hardships and dangers, and to leave
their native land in order to publish the doctrines which
their crucified and blessed Lord had taught them. For I
believe that no unprejudiced person who examines these
matters will say that they would ever have undergone the
fatigues of itinerant preaching, if they had not been fully
persuaded of the obligation that lay upon them, both from
reason and gratitude, not only to conform their own manners
to the holy precepts of the Christian religion, but also to do
what they could to bring others under the same holy and
happy bonds; when as things were at the time, they were
sure to incur the displeasure of a heathen world, zealous for
its ancient laws and customs, and for the pompous ceremonial
of its religious worship." Our authort supports his assertion
of the change of character which the apostles underwent, by
quoting from Clement, to the effect that the apostles had been
wicked to the last degree; also from Luke v. 8; and 1 Tim.
v. 15; likewise the case of St. Paul, which Celsus had
skipped, and adds, (" Christ chose these men for the sake of
the contrast of their former and after lives.  So Socrates
* Cont. Cels. Lib. I. s. 27.  t Ib. s. 63.  + Ib. s. 64.




ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR- MORALITY.        261
took Phaedon; and so Polemon, the successor of Xenocrates,
had once led an extravagant life.  But these are the only
cases I know of among the Greeks, of a change of morals;
whilst in the schools of Christ, besides the apostles, we see
daily a great number of persons who become virtuous and
pious, and join in a blessed chorus, acknowledging with the
deepest shame the many false and almost fatal steps which
they took." And again,* he remarks, "there might have
been some ground for the comparison that Celsus makes
between Jesus and certain wandering magicians, if there had
appeared in the latter the slightest tendency to beget in
persons a true fear of God, and so to regulate their actions
in prospect of a day of judgment. But they attempt nothing
of the sort.  Yea, they themselves are guilty of the most
grievous crimes; whereas the Saviour would have his hearers
to be convinced by the native beauty of religion, and the holy
lives of its teachers, rather than by even the miracles they
wrought."
Speakingt of the expressions made use of by the apostles,
he says incidentally, L' I might challenge my adversary to
cite any words of our blessed Saviour that were vain, or
indicate the least pride or ostentation.  How can He be
accused of pride who was so meek and lowly of heart, and
who deigned to wash his disciples' feet, becoming a servant?
Let Celsus' Jew+ make it appear, if he can, that Jesus was
ever guilty of the least impiety; and let him name any one
who ever gave such useful precepts to the world, or so
thoroughly reformed the morals of mankind."
"The integrity~ of the evangelists is made clear from a
consideration of the dreadful calamities, to which they knew
their religion would expose them; for we cannot conceive
that the followers of our blessed Redeemer would embrace
the most painful deaths with undaunted courage and constancy,
* Cont. Gels. Lib. I. s. 68.      t Ib. Lib. I. s. 7.
Ib. s. 8.                         ~ Ib. s. 10.
12'




262      ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.
had they been the scandalous inventors of the history they
transmitted to posterity. But on the other hand, we must
suppose them to have been men fully persuaded in their own
minds, of the truth and importance of what they published
to the world; since their observation and experience taught
them, that scorn and infamy were the attendants, and persecution and death the almost certain results of professing the
name of Jesus."
Moreover* it is observed, that if the disciples had not
been men of the greatest candor, but had designed to impose
upon our credulity by false narratives, they would certainly
have seen the policy of omitting Peter's denial of his Lord,
whose cause he had so resolutely promised to maintain; nor
would they have mentioned the offence which some of the
disciples took at the mean condition our Saviour thought fit
to assume. Indeed, had not these things, which seem to
represent the followers of our blessed Lord to a disadvantage,
been set down by the evangelists in the Scriptures, how
could any infidel have taken occasion to reproach Christians
with them?  In a like strain,t he continues, "how easily
might the evangelists have omitted that expression of Jesus
in his agony,'If it be possible, let this cup pass from me;'
upon which Celsus had raised the charge of weakness against
our Lord! It is plain that either they were men of integrity,
and uttered nothing but what they believed to be true; or
else, their Gospels are full of trifling fictions of their own,
and consequently they could not be persuaded that our
Saviour was God." The latter supposition our author has
already shown to be groundless, by adducing their voluntary
sufferings. He now- calls on us again to admire the integrity
of the evangelists, in noting all the insults our Lord received
at his trial; and at the same time to be filled with sacred awe
at the amazing condescension of Jesus in sealing his doctrine
Xi Cont. Cels. Lib. Ir. s. 15.  f Ib. s. 27.  + lb. s. 34.




ARGUMENT FRO3M SUPERIOR MORALITY.        263
with his blood; adding, as a proof of divine patience, that
" his conduct after the sentence of condemnation was passed
upon him, in not uttering the least complaint or word, seems
worthy of the greatest hero in the world."
He then* defies the Epicurean to " name a vice that ever
stained the life or obscured the fair character of Jesus,
remarking,t that had he not assumed our nature, we should
want the brightest example of submission to the will of God
which mortal man ever gave."
Of the Apostles he sayst once more; " their unparalleled
sufferings bore testimony to the truth of Christ's doctrines,
for they were the only persons whose bare religion ever
brought them into trouble."
Celsus~ having reproached the disciples with leaving their
Master, when exposed to danger, Origen observes, that " his
opponent only notices the failings, but not the repentance and
subsequent zeal of the Apostles, wherein they surpassed all
that is related in ancient history concerning the constancy
of any of the Grecian heroes."''Well shall continue," he presently observes, "our endeavors to convince the ignorant heathen; for I am sure if
we lead persons aside, it is a very happy seducement, since
the eternal welfare of their better part is honestly aimed at,
and effectually consulted by us, who are honored sometimes
with being instruments in the hands of Almighty God to
reclaim them. By the grace of God they are prevailed
upon to leave their former intemperance, or at least to make
some slow and imperfect advances towards virtue. They
give up their unjust dealings; they renounce their superstition and folly, and are at least conducted into the highway
of justice, wisdom, and courage; as appears, when they
resign their cowardly and sordid tempers and offer up their
lives for their most holy religion."
VY..... Cont. Cels. Lib. n. s. 41,  t lb. s. 42.  + Ib. s. 45..
lb. s, 46,             1T. s. s79.




264      ARGUMENT FROM    SUPERIOR MORALITY.
A charge* of sedition is met by showing that Christians
keep the gentle laws of Christ, whereby they are taught not
to avenge themselves, even when it lies in their power. "We
are taught," he says,t "neither in peace to live carelessly,
nor to despond in adversity."
He asks+ Celsus how he can believe Herodotus and Pindar to be infallible, and yet not give the least credit to men
who are ready to die for their religion: or again, how he can
prefer those useless prodigies which are related of Aristoeus,
to those things related of Jesus, and which are so conducive
to good morals and true piety towards God. We,~ on the
contrary, give credit to the writers of the Gospels, because
of the piety and candor which shine forth in them, allowing
of no suspicion of collusion or deceit. Add to this the simplicity of their style, which renders the power of God more
manifest than it would have been in the use of a studied
eloquence, and all the apparatus of Grecian rhetoric.
"I am surell that if Celsus had read the epistles of St.
Paul with attention, he would have admired them as containing great thoughts in common terms;T not to mention all that
is so well written in the Gospels, and parables of Christ."
Our author** concedes for the sake of argument that.Escu]apius cured men, and that the oracle of Apollo prophesied,
but he contends that "neither the art of curing nor the prophetical gift is. essentially and alone, a proof of divine
power."  He affirms that the good and bad alike may heal
and predict. "Some physicians and some patients are altogether immoral, and some of the Delphic responses have
been quite inconsistent with reason."  Examples follow;
whence it is inferred that "since the gifts above-named
exhibit nothing inherently divine, why should their patrons
be venerated as gods, however skilled they might have
been? "  He is arguing here for the obligation of morality.
* Cont. Cels. Lib. ni. s. 8.  t Ib. s. 15.  + Ib. s. 27.
~ lb. g. 39.  11 lb. s. 20.  6 Ib. s. 21.  ** lb.. 26.




ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.         265
"But* God who sent Jesus to destroy the works of the
devil, caused the Gospel to have most extensive influence in
changing and correcting the morals of men, so that the
Churches of his people, being governed by new laws, should
be very different from the assemblies of the heathen. The
conduct of the masses in crowded cities is notorious for injustice and intemperance; but if the people of God, as taught
by Christ, are compared with those among whom they dwell,
they will appear like lights in the world; yea, the very
weakest in our Churches shall excel all those who frequent
the Pagan temples."  He instances the Church of Athens,
"11in which love and good order reign, whilst the political
assemblies in that city are always involved in trouble and
confusion." A like remark is extended to the Church at
Corinth; and upon the whole he suggests, that if a contrast
were instituted between the officers of, state, and those of our
religion, it would decidedly turn out in favor of the latter.
Thist happy condition of things is attributed to the divine
teaching of Christ.
Of the more reasonable worship of believers, and their
not having temples or statues, he says,+ "these things are
the appliances of demons; and Jesus has called us away from
whatsoever merely affects the senses, to a true worship of
God, even by pure morals and prayers."
Celsus~ has likened the meetings of Christians to those
for the public amusement of the citizens; Origen explains
that they are very different in their occupations and objects.
"We kindle a spirit of piety towards God, and of imitation
of his virtues, by reading and expounding: we 11 especially
inform the minds of those who desire to hear about Christ;
and when these persons seem sufficiently determined to live
uprightly, we admit them into our congregations; but if any
* Cont. Cels. Lib, IIl. s. 29.  t lb. s. 31.  + Ib. s. 31.
Ib. s. 50.             11 Ib. s. 51.




266     ARGUM2ENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.
cannot renounce the pleasures of the world, they are prohibited."
Celsus* objecting that Christians acknowledge themselves
sinners, our author admits the charge, and quotes Rom. vii.
9, to prove that we are born of a sinful nature; but adds,
" far be it from us to teach that the unjust will be received
by God, however guilty they may feel themselves to be,
unless they condemn their past lives, and walk circumspectly
for the future."
He callst attention to the fact that "even Plato did
nothing to advance his hearers in sincere piety, whilst on the
other hand those who study the sacred Scriptures in good
earnest, and in whom the light burns, fed by that good oil
with which the wise virgins are said to have filled their
lamps, are replete with a certain divine ardor, by the very
simplicity of their style. Jesus" himself taught us humility;
he came not to be ministered unto, but to minister. Plato
only described this virtue; and the Cynics' vows of poverty
were a mere pretence: such men were not happy.~   But
Christians,l| according to the command of Jesus, spend their
whole lives in the study of the Scriptures."
"The Chaldeans introduced~ the wicked art of magic;
the Egyptians worshipped animals; the Persians permitted
incest; the Indians devour each other; but the Jews never
committed any of these crimes."
He enlarges** with much force upon the utility of our
prophetic communications; and contraststt this quality witl
the impurity of position and imputation, and with the
extravagant wildness of manner and matter attributed to the
Pythia.
He observes once more: "The sweetness of temper and
the firmness which Jesus manifested under his sufferings are
* Cont. Cels. Lib. inI. s. 62.  t lb. Lib. vi. s. 5.  + lb. s. 15.
Ib. s. 28.            1I Ib. s. 36.   T Ib. s. 80.
*+ Ib. Lib. vii. s. 55.  tt Ib. s. 4.




ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.         267
without a parallel;" and* also " that his words are of more
vital power than Plato's."
Insistingt upon true morality, he recommends us, "for
the comprehension of what idolatrous objects truly are, to
consider the characters and actions of those who worship
them; and how constantly they are invoked for purposes of
revenge and lust."
Lastly,+ reverting to the charge of having no external
ceremonies like the Pagans, Origen replies: " Celsus does
not reflect that with us the mind of every just man is an
altar, from which truly and spiritually sweet incense ascends,
even prayers offered from a pure conscience." In place of
statues, Origen would substitute virtue, justice, temperance,
fortitude, wisdom, and examples of piety; and as to temples,
" we are unwilling," says he, " to build mere inanimate walls;
our bodies are the temples of God."  Speaking~ of the
Festa of the heathen, he remarks: "A true feast," as was
said by one of the wise Greeks,l( "is nothing more than to
do your duty;" adding, in reference to the Sabbath, the days
of Preparation, and the Pentecost, "to a pure Christian
every day is a Sabbath; he is always preparing himself to
live justly and chastely; he celebrates the Pascha who
believes that Christ was slain for us; and whoever can say,'We are risen with Christ,' keeps the Pentecost.  Consider,~ then, whether if our Christian feasts were compared
with those of the heathen, they would not prove to be more
holy, being free from everything like intemperance and
uncleanness."
CYPRIAN*     inveighs against the enormities and sensuality practised by the heathen in private, and against the
venality, perjury and injusticett of their courts of law. " The
* Cont. Cels. Lib. vIi. s. 61.  J lb. s. 69.  + lb. Lib. vII. s. 17.
l b. s. 21.    h1 Thucydides.     ~ Cont. Cels. s. 23.
** Ad Donat. c. 8.  ttIb. c. 9.




268      ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.
excesses* of ambition, the vanity of worldly wealth, and
power," he says, "are pursuits which yield both pain and
pleasure." It is inferred,t therefore, that " piety is the only
way to happiness. A man who has raised himself above the
world, will not eagerly expect nor importunately seek anything from it. Oh! what a blessed state of repose and safety!
How solid is the security derived from I-eaven! What a
felicity it is to be disengaged from the entanglements of this
perplexing scene; to be purified from the dross of this sinful
world; and to be fitted for immortality, notwithstanding all
the attempts of our great adversary to seduce and corrupt
us! Nor is there need of cost or labor to attain this highest
dignity and happiness of human nature. It is the free gift
of God, and is easily obtained. His heavenly grace flows
into the soul, as the sun of its own accord enlightens the dark
places of the earth; as an overflowing fountain offers its
waters to any who will use them; as the refreshing dews
descend unasked upon the thirsty meadows." In conclusion,
our author recommends to his friend, diligence in prayer, and
in the perusal of God's word. " Sometimes," he reminds
him, "you must speak to God, and sometimes he must speak
to you. Let him instruct you by his precepts and inform
you by his counsel. Let humility and righteousness adorn
you, who are the temple of the Holy Ghost, as becomes the
dignity of such a guest. This is a portion no one can
impoverish: these are ornaments which neither time nor
accident can injure."
" He observes,+ that gibbets, racks, &c., are tests of sincerity, and such sure witnesses of the truth, that no man will
go through them in support of a falsehood." Applying this
rule, he shows how " Christ the Son of God, whom we believe
to have been sent to give life to the world, has not only the
acknowledgment of our lips, but the testimony of our suffer* Ad Donat. c. 10.  t Ib. c. 13.  + De Idol. Van. c. 7.




ARGUMENT FROMS SUPERIOR MORALITY.        269
ings for the sake of his truth; for this is the sum of the
Christian's hope, that if he is a follower of Christ here, he
shall be a partaker with him in his kingdom and glory."
He touches in his bold expostulation with Demetrian,*
upon the wicked lives of the heathen, and their malice in
trying to hinder Christians from worshipping the true God,
as a more probable cause of the famine and plague of the
year A. D. 253, than the spread of Christianity which had
been alleged.
ARNOBIUSt allows that "if Christians were really the
cause of the earth wandering from its laws, of the gods being
driven away, and such a host of evils being introduced into
the earth, as is laid to their charge, they deserve to be hated."
But he casts back the accusation upon the heathen themselves, telling them that those are rather guilty of this crime,
who while they profess to be worshippers of Deity, are given
up to deep-rooted superstitions.
Alluding   + to the exercises of Christian worship, he argues
"not that Christ needs our prayers; the benefit is ours; and
this is agreeable to reason. They help us by heavenly contemplations, to purge ourselves from all crime. And ~ yet
for this reasonable service we are accounted foolish and
brutish. But, I pray you, are your Lares or Fauns, your
Fates, your Genii, your Pausi or Bellones, worshipped for a
better reason? Are these not, to say the least of them, mere
servants of our God? and do you then hold that he is to be
rewarded with honors who serves the slave, but he with a
cross who serves the master?"
Again,ll he acknowledges that the philosophers were wise
and erudite, but declares that they knew nothing of religion,
and never agreed together.
X Ad Demetr. c. 5, 6, 7.  + Adv. Gent. c. 1.  + Ib. c. 7.
Ib. c. 8.            11 Ib. Lib. II. c. 5.




270     ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.
He contends* that " God neither needs nor requires sacrifices. Is no honor to be paid to the gods then?t some one is
ready to exclaim. Not in this way, I reply, with meats and
drinks which they care not for, or wine, or incense, flowers,
or music. All these things" imply a depraved taste, and
arise from forgetting what God really is, and what truly
pleases him."
LACTANTIUS,~ in showing that the prophets announced
one God, confirms their testimony by appealing to their liarmony, their candor, their active correction of human
depravity, and their sufferings.
Passingl[ on to the subject of images, he asserts that
"true religion is inconsistent with representative figures, on
the ground that they are of an earthly nature, and can have
nothing heavenly in them, as their name indicates."
He turns now'T to the consideration of "false wisdom
(false religion having been discussed) which the philosophers
professed as a rule of life. Aristippus** thought it lay in
bodily pleasure; but he was condemned by both philosophers
and people, inasmuch as he seemed thus to lower men to the
condition of sheep. The chief good of Hieronymus, was
not to be in pain; of Diodorus, to abstain from grief; and of
Zeno, to live consistently with nature. Epicurus affirmed
that it was ease; Dinomachus and Callipho approved only
of honorable enjoyment; the Peripatetics made it up of a
good state of mind, body, and fortune; the Stoics more
rationally rested it in virtue; and Eryllus, the disciple of
Pyrrho, in knowledge. But weft think the highest wisdom
is to know God, not nature; not to follow science or honor,
riches or poverty, pain or pleasure; but to do justly, as our
sacred writings teach. We abjure++ the opinions of Epicurus
*Adv. Gent. Lib. vII. c. 1.  fIb. c. 7.  +Ib. c. 17.
{ Divin. Instit. Lib. II. c. 4.  11 Ib. c. 19.  ~T Epitomn. c. 30.
* Ilb. c. 33.           ft Ib. c. 34.  ++ lb. c. 37.




ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.         271
and Pythagoras; that there is no Providence, and that our
souls migrate into the bodies of animals; as also* those of
Socrates, who though accounted the wisest of men, confessed
that he knew nothing, and fully to establish his ignorance
swore by a goose, and devoted a cock to JEsculapius;t
together with even the more refined sentiments of Plato
(called by Tully, the god of philosophers;) for he erred in
holding all things in common, even wives and children; or
those of Zeno, the head of the Stoics, who accounted pity
but a disease of the mind.  Manyl other strange things
might be said of these sages to illustrate their folly; but it is
enough to know that they were teachers of a justice which
they did not understand, and of a virtue which they did not
practise. Since then there appears to be no human wisdom,
let us follow that which is divine, and return thanks to God
who has given it to us; and congratulate ourselves upon
receiving from a heavenly benefactor what the greatest minds
sought for so many ages, but were unable to discover."
On the other side, in illustration of the moral effect of
Christianity, he exclaims,~ " Produce me a man addicted
to anger, to evil-speaking, to any unruly and disorderly behavior; I will only apply to him a few words out of the
book of God; and by the charm of them, he shall become
as meek and tame as a lamb. Give me an avaricious, covetous person; I will restore him to you open-handed, and
open-hearted. Let me see a man impatient of pain, and
afraid of death, and I will presently make him perfectly fearless of dangers and torture. Show me an adulterer, or a
lascivious person, and he shall return to you continent, chaste,
and sober. Let a man much given to cruelty and bloodshed
adopt the Christian faith, and all his rage will be turned to
clemency and mildness; in short, let the most unjust, the
most thoughtless and grievous sinner fall under the influences
* Epitom. c. 37. t Ib. c. 38. f Ib. c. 40.  ~ Div. Instit. Lib. II. c. 26.




272      ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.
of the Gospel, and you shall soon observe him a lover of
equity, innocent, and prudent in his whole behavior. For
all his wickedness shall be washed away in a single laver.
Such is the force of divine wisdom, that when it is poured
into a man, it can drive out folly, the origin of every crime,
at once by one impulse; and to effect this, there is no need
of money, or books, or study.  None need be afraid of
coming to us; we do not sell our water, we do not bestow
our sun at a price. The overflowing fountain of God is open
to all, and this celestial light rises upon every one who has
eyes. Which of your philosophers was ever willing or able
to make such an offer as this? Though they spent their
lives in the study of philosophy, they could never make
either themselves or any one else better. Their wisdom, at
the most, only served to hide, not to destroy vice. But a
few precepts of our God so change and entirely renew a
man, that you would not know him to be the same person."
Of such a faith " the most excruciating tortures* have
never done more than draw a recantation from a few Christians, and even they have returned to us with prayers and
tears."
In a word, "Justicet is what God desires, and this is the
true sacrifice, this is the true worship. To keep the law of
God is more pleasing to him than victims; he is better served
by piety than with the blood of beasts."+
"Your spectacles~ tend to corrupt the mind, and are to be
avoided by all those who respect their own peace and happiness. We renounce all noxious pleasures, lest we should
be seduced by their fatal fascination, and so fall into the
snares of death."
EUSEBIUS.I[ "The heathen have assimilated themselves to their deities, and become worse and worse; in* ~;o;:t~.c. 54.    t Ib. c. 58.      + Ib. c. 65.
~ Ib. c;63.          11 Theoph. Lib. II. c. 14.




ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.          273
dulging in every excess of crime, and even in crimes against
nature.* They who placed their minds under irrational fate,
neglected God and virtue."
He urgest " that no religion ever appointed laws so pure
and just for the whole world, as are promulgated by the
Christians. So merciful$ are they that they have already
induced the Scythians and Persians and other people to give
up their brutal sins, caused the abolition of human sacrifices,~
and persuaded men everywhere to become holy. II Whoever,"
he asks,~[ " before induced women and children as well as
men, voluntarily to suffer want, to sleep on the ground, to be
obedient and chaste, and to prefer the food of the soul to that
of the body?  Whoever*    taught barbarous men, women,
and children, with a multitude of slaves, to despise death, to
be persuaded of the immortality of their souls, and of their
responsibility to God; so that they must be just and temperate, having suffered,tt though they knew it beforehand,
arming their souls with righteousness as with adamant? How
does this surpass all description of miracles; especially when
we consider that the enthusiasm was continued from generation to generation!"
Againt$ he observes, " I need not proceed with the sacred
history; those who saw the occurrences of the Gospel, will
be the witnesses best qualified for the purpose of setting
forth the truth; those, I mean, who from having seen the
acts themselves, did, both by their blood and persons, attest
their faith in him, and by his aid filled the whole creation
with the righteousness which they preached."
Defending Christians against the imputation of using
magic, he contends,~~ " no one has ever been found, during
all this time, a magician and at the same time a disciple of
* Cicero allows as much, De Nat. Deor. I. 16. Lee's note, Tfheophania.
t Theoph. Lib. iii. c. 6.  + Ib. c. 7.  ~ lb. c. 16.  jIIb. c. 21.
T Ib. c. 22.         ** Ib. o. 23.        ft Ib. c. 30.
++ lb. c. 63.        ~ lb. Lib. v. c. 9.




274      ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.
the Saviour; although princes and governors have made the
most careful inquiries by means of torture into these matters.
Look also at the Acts of the Apostles, where the burning of
the magical books is described."
" And such," he argues, " were the disciples; so pure, so
noble, so abundant in love; they allowed nothing impure to
be concealed near them; but, on the contrary, boasted of
their change from vice to virtue. Since then the disciples
were so, must not the master have first been much more
excellent?"
"The Greekst may have a Democritus,+ who left his
place for the sake of philosophy, or a Crates,~ who distributed his possessions amongst his fellow-citizens; but we have
our tens of thousands of such, as any can testify.  How
many barbarians and Greeks have been raised     by the
doctrines of the Saviour above all the errors of Polytheism;
and, unlike Plato, who was afraid to speak of God before
men, have formed themselves into assemblies among all
nations, men and women, children and slaves, townsmen and
villagers!"
He noticesfl the extraordinary unanimity of the evangelists;
and their sincerity, as shown by their suffering bonds, torments,
and death in attestation of the fact that they saw Christ give
sight to a blind man; a thing which no one had ever heard
of before.  He refers toT the candor of St. Matthew in
stating his former disreputable manner of life, which the
other evangelists have not mentioned; and also** his humility in including himself among the sinners, and reckoning
himself tt second to his fellow-apostle, whilst the rest of the
evangelists reverse the order of the names. Of St. John++
* Theoph. Lib. v. c. 13.             t lb. c. 14..+ Cicero Tusc. Quest. Lib. v. c. 39.  ~ Diog. Laert. Lib. vi. Serm. 85.
1I Theoph. Lib. v. c. 27, 28.  1T Ib. c. 37.  ** lb. c. 38.
tt Estius and Dr. Hammond have noticed this instance of Peter's humility; see Prof. Lee's note. Theophania.
-+ lb. c. 39.




ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.          275
he observes, that he does not so much as name himself, or
call himself an apostle; and on St. Mark's Gospel,* that
" Peter who employed this evangelist to note down his declarations concerning the life of our Saviour, omits to mention
any testimony in favor of himself; t such as the word of
Christ,' Thou art Peter, on this rock will I build my church.'
St. Mark, he supposes, did not record this, because Peter did
not notice it in his teaching; but his denial of Christ he
preached to all men, and caused it to be recorded against
himself. Must we not then confess that these men were
distinguished by an evident love of truth? and if so, how
could they be deceivers?  Their characters were guileless,
as their words indicate; andl if their self-abasing accounts
are credited by infidels, why must not also their glorious testimonies in other respects be credited also? "
After ~ describing the cruelties connected with idol-worship,
and the fallacies of oracles, our author sums up true religion
by defining it to be " the reception of God through the dispensation of our Saviour into a soul free from passion, and a
life agreeable to his will."
"We declarell further, that the honors and worship paid to
these (heathen) deities, are accompanied by acts of wantonness and profligacy."
"' Christians,T like noble martyrs in the cause of true godliness, have resolved to welcome death in preference to life.
They have mocked at fire, the sword, the cross; at exposure
to wild beasts; at drowning in the sea; at the cutting off and
searing of their limbs; at the digging out of their eyes; at
mutilations of the body; at famine; at labor in the mines;
at captivity: nay, all these sufferings they counted better than
* Theop. Lib. v. c. 40.
t Estius and Dr. Hammond have noticed this instance of Peter's humility; see Prof. Lee's note. Theophania.
+ Theoph. Lib. v. c. 43.       ~ Preap. Evan. Lib. I. c. 4.
1I Const. Orat. c. 4.          ~ Euseb. Orat. c. 7.




276      ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.
any earthly good or pleasure, for the love they bore to their
Heavenly King. Even women evinced a constancy of spirit
not inferior to men, and boldly sustained every variety of
suffering."
ATHANASIUS,* having noticed the diversity of opinions
among the Pagans, and the cruelty of their worship, turns to
their immoralities, and mentions that the Phoenician women
formerly prostituted themselves in the temples, consecrating
their gains to the gods. He quotes Romans i. 26, as illustrated by this circumstance.
MATERNUSt condemns the heathen rites, on account of
the licentious conduct they engender. He says, "the mysteries of the Gallic priests consist of base and impious acts;
and the Assyrians and Africans in their worshp of Venus,
confess and publish their evil deeds, denying that they are
men, and decorating themselves in female dress. But we
know that it is only by faith and penitence, we can ever hope
to regain that which was lost through the vile persuasion of
the devil."
And again;: " the crowd of wicked heathen have collected
all the seeds of impiety from their own gods, and thus confirmed their innate depravity, by a show of authority and of
divine example."
EPHRAIM.~,"The glorious One humbled himself to all
similitudes. He taught and did all that he taught, that he
might be a mirror to his hearers. He exemplified his own
teaching; he made the path of duty as clear as his doctrines;
he lowered himself | to our comprehension, so great was his
humility.
* Cont. Gent. c. 26.  t De Err. Prof. Relig. c. 3.  t Ib. c. 13.
~ Ad Scrut. Serm. 30.  Ib. 31.




ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.          277
"The truth is set as a mirror; he whose eye is clear, sees
the image of truth therein.
"The Scriptures are agreed; men are divided. This strife
has originated in an abuse of free-will. The Scripturet has
sealed to us, that'the just in faith, findeth life.' God has
fixed the truth like a glorious root, and works, like fruit, he
has hung upon faith."
GREGORY NAZIANZENt affirms that " the sentiments
of the philosophers were various and discordant; having followed human theories and left the guidance of God, they
erred and drew other men into error."
He observes~ that " Christians are holier in a time of persecution than in a time of peace;" and "Julian," he
exclaims,l] "may insanely forbid them to study letters;
they care not; they despise outward eloquence; as they
sacrifice their bodies with its pleasures, so they yield up their
mind with its amenities."    -
Our author~[ charges the generals whom Julian admires,
with " serving their own ambition; and the philosophers,*'
with various weaknesses and follies. Nor does he find that
the poetical fablestt have induced good morals, chiefly++
because of the bad example set by the gods. On the other
hand,~~ the Christian religion teaches charity; forbids covetousness and perjury; commandsl[ll us to bless our enemies,
to overcome insolence with kindness, and only to be anxious
after virtue."
AUGUSTINE,[~f speaking of the vices of the Romans,
alludes to suicide as being prevalent and approved. In his
judgment it evinces no magnanimity of soul. Cato*" killed
himself because he was unable to bear Casar's victory;
* Ad Scrut. Serm. 67.  t Ib. 68, 80.  + Orat. adv. Jul. 4, c. 44.
Ib. c. 32.  l| Orat. 5.  1 lb. c. 71.  *  lb. c. 72.  ft lb. c. 117.
+  JIb. c. 120.      ~ Ib. c. 123.      l[.l b. c. 124.
~~De Civit. Dei, Lib. I, c. 21.         *aIb. c. 22.
18




278      ARlGUIMENT FRONI SUPERIOR MORALITY.
wherefore Job far excelled him in patient endurance; and
Christians in general surpass Regulus, in that very virtue by
which he excelled most. He did not destroy himself: Christians follow his example, but from a better motive; they aim
only at eternal mansions.
Our author    next reproaches those who complain of
Christianity, with desiring nothing but to live in sensual
pleasure. He reminds them that Scipio Nasica foretold the
calamities that would naturally result from ambition and corruption; and how, when the Senate proposed to build a
theatre in Rome, he endeavored to persuade his countrymen
not to let the luxury of the Greeks creep into their cities.
Augustinet farther reminds the Romans, that it was at the
command of the gods that stage-plays were introduced, in
order to assuage a pestilence; adding that they are only
scenes of licentiousness and vanity.
He remarks/ that the worshippers of the Pagan gods
never received any moral instructions from them; but
practised all manner of uncleanness in their services. "We
ourselves," says he, " in our youth, once went to view these
spectacles, these religious mockeries; there we saw the
devotees raging violently; we heard the pipers, and took
delight in the vulgar sports they acted before the gods and
goddesses, even before Berecynthia the celestial virgin,
mother of all the gods; and that too in the sight and hearing
of a multitude of both sexes. But ~ in our assemblies there
is nothing of this sort; the precepts of the true God are
taught, his miracles related, his gifts acknowledged, and his
blessing invoked."
He showsll that "the ambition allowed and recommended
by profane philosophy, is only for a temporal reward. How
much better that which has heaven in prospect, the eternal
city. The citizens of this world prefer for their gods wicked
-De CivU. Dei, Lib. r. c. 29.  fib. c. 31.  +fb. Lib. II. c. 4.
~I..2.                   lb.c.  b. Lib. v. 13 —20,




ARGUMENT FROM SUPERIOR MORALITY.         279
and proud spirits, but the godly and holy submit themselves
to the God of gods, and love rather to worship, than to be
worshipped.
Two sorts of affection* have given rise to the earthly and
heavenly states: self-love in contempt of God, to the one;
love of God and contempt of self, to the other: that seeks
the glory of men, this the glory of God; that boasts of ambitious conquerors led by the lust of power, this of serving one
another in charity. The philosophers of the earthly city
follow the desires of the body or mind, living according to
the flesh, and with the people serving the creature more than
Creator: but in the heavenly city, there is no wisdom of
man, but only the piety that serves the true God, and anticipates the society of saints and angels.
Aftert declining to discuss with the Epicurean, who
despises all morality, our author says: " True religion cannot
be found amidst the confusion of Pagan philosophers, the
impurity of heretics, or the blindness of Jews; rather- and
only, are its foundations laid in that sacred history and
prophecy which reveal the method of God's providence in the
course of time for the salvation of men; and by believing
which, and also having the heart purified, we recognize the
offices of the Holy Trinity. Therefore~ it is that we put
away far from us the wicked folly of plays and poets, and
employ ourselves in the study of the Sacred Volume, nourishing with its celestial viands our souls, fainting from
hunger and tormented by the thirst of a vain curiosity. The
beauty and the order of the world is to us the most magnificent theatre."
* De Civit. Dei, Lib. xiv. c. 28.  t De Vera Relig. c. 6.
+ Ib. c. 7.                   Ib. c. 51.




CHAPTER VII.
THE ARGUMENT FROM THE SUCCESS OF THE
GOSPEL.
" Come then, and added to thy many crowns,
Receive yet one as radiant as the rest,
Due to thy last and most effectual work,
Thy word fulfilled, the conquest of a world!"
COWPER, Task, B. vi.
THE last specific kind of argument to be noticed as
advanced by the Apologists, is that of success. The attainment of its object seems, in truth, to be only the natural
consequence of any divine operation. It must needs go on
-overcoming evil, and perfecting good: but in this case there
were two considerations tending to make success eminently
satisfactory; first, that it had been foretold, and secondly,
that it was unprecedented.
In the one view, the Gospel was seen leaguing itself with
the entire system of venerable and venerated prophecies;
and in the other, with the series of Mosaic and Christian
miracles, itself as great as any: a continuous miracle, offering the advantage of personal evidence, and like the angel of
Manoah "doing wondrously" in the very presence of the
humblest Christian. Such success was found to be unprecedented under arny circumstances. The religions of different




SUCCESS OF THE GOSPEL.             281
countries, including even the Jewish, had scarcely extended
beyond their native and original boundaries; and if so, they
had either laid no claim to universality, or existed either by
compromise or by crime. Still less had any approach been
made to such success, under the actual circumstances of the
case. Here was a criterion by which to judge of the superiority of Christianity not only over every other religion, but
over any philosophical, political, or ambitious excursion that
the world might have witnessed.
The circumstances of the case especially dwelt upon by
the Apologists were, the incredibly short time the Gospel
took to accomplish its end; the extent of the conquest, being
nothing less than the known world; against an opposition the
most [unanimous, violent and persevering that can well be
imagined; and all this, achieved by means apparently insignificant and inadequate. Particular allusion is made to the
means being moral, in opposition to the effects of fraud, eloquence or physical power.
Here then was just the complement which Christianity
seemed to need, not indeed for its own sake, but for that
of its followers. By the time this proof began to ripen, the
persecuted Church required all the assistance and all the
encouragement and comfort that could be vouchsafed to her:
and who can say what a support it was to the exile in the
mines, and to the martyr on the rack, to know that his
sufferings but served to further the rapid advancement of
Christ's kingdom, and to fulfil Christ's predictions?
The whole attainment was too wonderful to be human;
and we may reflect, in conclusion, that if this argument
availed to prove and edify in the times of the Fathers of the
Church, how much more should it prove and edify now.
Wherefore, this argument seems especially in place as a final
chapter; its influence extending and even increasing to our
own days. Fifteen centuries have rolled away, only to leave




282             ARGUMIENT FROIM THE
us additional assurances of the divinity of the Gospel in its
peaceful and continued success, when compared with the
violent extension of Mahommedanism, the fraudulent spread
of Popery, and the various clamorous but temporary triumphs
of fanaticism or infidelity.
JUSTIN   MARTYR.*      "Why should we mention an
innumerable multitude of those who have been converted from
a life of incontinence, and learned these [Christ's] precepts?
Fromt Jerusalem twelve men went forth to the world; they
were unlearned, not knowing how to speak; but by the power
of God, they preached to every nation, that they were sent
by Christ to teach the Word of God to all the world."
" We havet witnessed the desolation of Judaea, and have
seen such men as we ourselves, men out of every nation,
persuaded by the preaching of the Apostles, and renouncing
their previous manner of life, so that Christians more numerous and true, have been made from the Gentiles than
from the Jews or Samaritans."
"With us ~ information may be obtained upon these
[religious] points from those who have not received even the
rudiments of learning; who although unlearned and speaking a strange language, have wisdom and faith in their hearts,
so as to make it evident that these things were not done by
human wisdom, but by the power of God."
" By how much the morell we are afflicted with torments,
by so much the more does the number of the faithful and true
worshippers of God increase through the name of Jesus."
Our author mentions this in connection with the fulfilment of
prophecy concerning the Gentiles.  To the same intent[[
he reminds the Jew that " there are some countries in which
none of his nation ever dwelt; but there is not so much as
* Apol. I. c.. 18. b.. 49.         + lb. c. 68.
~ lb. c. 78.    I| Dial. cumr Tryph. c. 10.  1 b. c. 17.




SUCCESS OF THE GOSPEL.             283
one nation of men, whether Greek or barbarian, Scythian or
Arabian, amongst whom   prayers and thanksgivings are
not offered up to the Father through the name of Jesus
crucified."
THEOPHILUS* notes as a matter of astonishment that
the Hebrew prophets who uttered such divine truths were
illiterate and unskilled men, often being mere shepherds or
husbandmen.
CLEMENS      ALEXANDRINUSt ascribes the rapid
success of the Gospel to the superintending providence of
God. " The divine power shining upon the earth has with a
celerity not to be surpassed, and the widest benevolence,
filled the earth with the seeds of salvation. Without his care
so great a work in so short a time could never have been accomplished. Our Lord, who was despised because of his
outward condition, is now adored as the expiator, the Saviour,
the gentle one, the Divine Word manifested as truly God,
equalled to the Lord of all, proving whence he was, and who
he was, and what he taught and did."
TERTULLIAN. "Somef among you are changed from
what they were, and are become Christians, as soon as they
learn what our religion really is. They begin to hate what
they were, to profess the opinions they hated, and to swell
our numbers. Our enemies exclaim that the whole state is
overrun with us; they lament it as a great calamity that
Christians are found in the country, in the cities, in the
islands; that persons of both sexes, and of all ages, and
stations, and dignities, come over to that name; but yet not
even this fact is sufficient to rouse their minds to imagine
there is any latent good in Christianity."
* Ad Autol. Lib. ii. c. 35.  t Hortat. c. 12.  Apol. c. 1.




284              ARGUMENT FROM THE
" Among* yourselves many have given exhortations to the
patient endurance of pain and death, as Cicero in his Tusculan disputations, or as Seneca, Diogenes, Pyrrho, and
Callimachus; yet none of this verbal advice ever gained so
many followers as the Christians have obtained by the instructions which their actions have delivered."
He farther speakst of Christians as forming " almost the
majority in every state," and declares that "if the cruel laws
against the Christians were enforced, Carthage would be
desolated."
In describing+ the diffusion of Christianity throughout the
world, he enumerates the countries whither the Gospel had
already extended, and includes "all the extremities of
Spain, and the different nations of Gaul, and parts of Britain
inaccessible to the Romans, but subject to Christ."
MINUTIUS FELIX.~         "The daily increase of vast
numbers is so far from being a disparagement to our religion,
that it is a testimony in its favor; for Christians are faithful
adherents to their holy profession, and are continually augmented by heathen converts."
ORIGEN,Jl as a preliminary to his proofs of the canonical
inspiration, mentions that, "no legislator or teacher among
the Greeks or barbarians ever begat in nations who followed
after them, such a surprising adherence to his own laws as
loses did; and although philosophers, with some appearance of truth, published what seemed reasonable and plausible, they never could succeed in persuading a multitude of
people of different nations, as the apostles had done. The
fact is," he explains, "these legislators and teachers, however much   they desired to disseminate their principles
* Apol. c. 50.  f Ad Scap. c. 2. c. 5.  + Adv. Jud. c. 7.
~ Octav. c. 31.           [1 De Princip. Lib. iv. s. 1.




SUCCESS Or THE GOSPEL.               285
throughout the earth, soon found it impossible, and prudently
forebore. But now all Greece and all the circle of the earth
contains numbers, who having forsaken the laws and customs
of their ancestors, observe the Mosaic law and the discipline
of Jesus Christ, and that too in'spite of the hatred of idolaters, and at the greatest risk of their own lives."
Our author is led* by these reflections to notice other
remarkable circumstances connected with the spread of
Christianity; "that in so short a time and with so many
snares laid for them, the Christians, though continually put
to death and despoiled of their property, (their indigence
therefore showing that success could not have arisen from
any power in the teachers themselves) have propagated the
Gospel throughout the world."
" What necessityt is there to produce other prophecies of
Christ, whilst there is that song inscribed'pro dilecto,'
wherein his tongue is said to be'the tongue of a ready writer,
and his form  more lovely than the sons of men, because
grace is diffused from his lips?' For this refers to Christ
having in so brief a period filled the whole earth with his
doctrine, and the true worship of grace. In his days too,
righteousness and abundance of peace have appeared, which
shall doubtless endure to the consummation, when' he shall
rule from sea to sea, and from the river to the ends of the
earth.'"
" Nor should the divinity+ of the Scriptures be doubted on
account of their simplicity, because the weakness of our
understanding cannot enter always into the secret splendor
of ideas, concealed in humble and abject speech; for'our
treasure is hid in earthen vessels, that the excellency of the
power may be of God, and not of us.' 2 Cor. iv. 7. If the
usual methods of demonstration had been adopted to convert
the human race, the cause might have been misunderstood 
* De Princip. Lib. iv. s. 2.  t Ib. s. 5.   Ib. s. 6.
13*




286             ARPGUtENT FROM THE
but now it is clear to any one using his eyes, that our influence with the multitude was not placed in persuasive words
of man's wisdom, but in the exhibition of spirit and power.
It is this heavenly wisdom alone that can reveal to us the
mystery hid from the beginning, but now manifested in the
writings of the prophets, and in the advent of the Lord."
A comparison having been instituted' between the risks
and sufferings of Christians and the calamities to which
Socrates, Pythagoras, and other philosophers were exposed,
our author remarks that "the Athenians did not persecute
for any length of time, as the Romans have done with regard
to us, though after all without succeeding in their object."
To Celsus objectingt that Christ was but the head of an
upstart sect, called Christians, Origen proceeds to show the
unfairness of such a depreciating expression. "I answer,"
says he, "that a doctrine so lately introduced as ours, should
meet with such wonderful success that in almost every part
of the habitable world, a great number, both of Greeks and
barbarians, learned and unlearned persons, should readily
and triumphantly forsake the religion in which they were
born and bred, and to which they were preengaged, by many
strong and almost indissoluble ties, and on a sudden discover
such an extraordinary zeal for a new religion as to be willing
to sacrifice their reputation, and their fortune, and even their
lives for the profession of it, which can hardly be said of any
other doctrine, though it have all external advantages to
recommend it; I say, things being thus, we must be strangely
blinded by the force of prejudice, if we do not observe a
more than ordinary appearance of the providence of God in
this sudden, uncommon, and most blessed change.  For+when everything looked unfavorably on so daring an undertaking, and threatened that the Gospel should be confined to
a very narrow compass; when the Roman emperors in their
* Cont. Cels. Lib, I.. 4.  f Ib. s. 26.  f Ib. s. 27.




SUCCESS OP THE GOSPEL.             28'
successive reigns, the governors of provinces, and generals
of armies, the magistrates of particular cities, the soldiery
and the common people, - in a word, when all persons that
were in authority or had any influence or interest, declared
open war against the Christian religion; even then, under
all these great outward disadvantages, it bore the sacred and
undeniable marks of a divine original, applied itself to the
conversion of the most wicked men, forced its way in spite
of the united malice and vigorous efforts of earth and hell,
gained ground against the stoutest opposition, and being
superior to all its enemies, who were neither few nor contemptible, exerted a marvellous power over the minds of men,
and turned all Greece and a great part of the barbarian
states into trophies of honor, to the memory of its God-like
founder. Nor did he [Jesus] act like a tyrant, who by the
help of a prevailing party takes occasion to violate the known
laws of the land in which he lives; nor like a robber, who
comes with armed bands; nor like a wealthy man, who by
the help of bribes, induces others to come over to his interests, whether by right or by wrong, and whose proceedings
manifestly deserve our censure; but like one, who came to
teach an ignorant and degenerate world what views they
ought to entertain of God, and how they might regulate their
conduct so as to maintain an humble and familiar correspondence with the majesty of I-eaven. As to Themistocles
and others who gained an unusual reputation, and did great
services to their native country, this must be said to draw a
shade over their greatest glory, that everything seemed to
smile on their just and honorable attempts, and as it were to
pave the way to victory. How different the path the Saviour
trod to the cross; the most awful tragedy that ever was
enacted!1
Having* remarked that the base origin of the apostles,
often carped at by Celsus, is a proof of the power of God in
COnt  (Cels, Lib. I. s. 67,




288             ARGUMENT FROM THE
using them as instruments, Origen proceeds:' We say and
know that the divine power of our blessed Saviour has been
happily seen and felt through all the habitable world, wherever churches are founded, consisting of persons reclaimed
from the most glaring vices. And the name of Jesus at this
very day composes the ruffled minds of men, dispossesses
demons, and works a gentle and amiable temper in all those
who make profession of Christianity from a higher end than
worldly interest, and who sincerely believe what it teaches
concerning God, Christ, and a future judgment."
He says farther,* "I defy- Celsus and all the world to
prove that a doctrine introduced by one who reclaimed so
many persons from every scandalous vice, effectually engaging
them to enter upon a virtuous course of life, deserves to be
vilified with the title'the plague of the world."'
To another cavil, raised on the groundt that Christ did
not immediately produce an effect upon the mass of society,
our author replies: " We can prove that he did; for when he
came into the world, justice seemed to regain her native seat,
the neighing of war-horses, the clangor of trumpets, the flash
of arms, the piercing groans of the sick and wounded, were
heard no more; but a wonderful calm succeeded the late
confusions." This, he considers, was arranged in the providence of God to prepare the way for the success of the
Gospel, by subjecting the entire world to the Roman
empire, so that the Apostles might not be hindered in carlying out their orders, " Go, teach all nations."  "How,"
he inquires, " could this have been practicable, if the people
of different countries had lived under princes of their own,
without any mutual intercourse, instead of under the single
jurisdiction of an Augustus, who is well known to have
encouraged commerce and prevented war?"
"I cannot conceive,"+ he continues, " how our Saviour, if
he was only a man, as Celsus supposes, could have been so
* Cont. Cels. Lib. IT. s. 29.  t Ib. s. 30.  +Ib. s. 79.




SUCCESS OF THE GOSPEL.             289
weak as to imagine that his doctrine would obtain the desired
success, and that he should surmount all difficulties and
dangers, and prove in the end superior to the united force of
the people, the senate, the Emperors of Rome, as well as all
foreign potentates. If we do not allow that he had a divine'
as well as a human nature, how can we account for his
making so many and such remarkable converts on a sudden,
and when the disadvantages were so great under which he
labored? Had they all been educated men whom he dealt
with, I confess the wonder would somewhat abate; but the
greater part by far were destitute of reason, and little better
than brutes in a human state, and, what is worse, were
slaves to their unruly passions, and on that account more
difficult to reclaim; so that we must needs resolve this matter
into its being the power and wisdom of God, let the unbelieving Jew and the learned Greek gnash their teeth as they
please, and produce what they can to the contrary."'He again* applies this argument by contrasting the paucity
of 2Esculapius' followers with the abundance of those who
confess Jesus.  This affluence and popularity, he affirms,
would never have taken place, had not some wonderful benefit been derived from this faith. Amongst the disciples of
Christianity, he enumerates " many who were delivered from
weary burdens, from alienation and distraction of mind, and
from infirmities which AEsculapius was never able to heal."
"' It is nott to be wondered at that the discourses of philosophers, so aptly and ornately composed, had some weight in
the correction of a few vicious persons; but when we see
that the teaching which Celsus calls spiritless and mean, was
endowed with all the efficacy of enchantment, so that multitudes are recalled from vice to virtue, and exhibit such constancy that for the sake of their religion they despise death,
do we not well to wonder and ascribe it to a supernatural
- Cont. Cels. Lib. II. s. 21.         t lb. s. 68.




290              ARGUMENT FROMI THE
cause?  The success of the first preachers of the Gospel
was not due to any force of Attic eloquence, but to a power
of persuasion given them by the Spirit of God. Hence it is
they prevailed so promptly everywhere; yea, that the words
of God spoken by them, changed those whom nature and
custom had led captive in sin, and corrected and converted
to its own will those whom neither man nor law could tame."
" Let any one* show in what other than the Christian way,
not merely one here and there, but a great number, can be
recalled to a better life; that so we may judge by comparison
which is the doctrine that tends most to virtue."
Our authort farther observes that though, as Celsus says,
"the style of the Greeks is more studied than that of the
Scripture writers, yet that the latter, besides having purposely
written in plain and familiar language, for the sake of the
mass of the people, have their words accompanied by a
certain power from  God, producing effects such as the
dogmas of the schools never attained. On this account it is
that the disciples of Jesus, though rude and unskilled in philosophy, are to be met with in every kingdom of the earth,
and that instead of single auditors, as the sophists had,
Christian teachers have captivated whole nations to their
doctrines and morals."
Finally,+ he argues under this head, that " it is an evidence of divine interference that the Jewish republic, city,
temple, and sacrifices should cease, just as they could no
longer answer their purpose; and that when a new doctrine
is issued for the benefit, not of a single nation, but of all
people, the counsels of men cannot prevail against it; but
the more kings and governors and people persecute its followers, the more their numbers increase and their cause
strengthens."
* Cont. Cels. Lib. iv. s. 53.  t I6. Lib. vi. s. 2.  - Ib. Lib. vii. s. 26.




SUCCESS OF THE GOSPEL.             291
CYPRIAN* offers a fine illustration of the power of the
Gospel over the individual man, in the train of thought that
had led to his own conversion and baptism the year before.
lie remarks how impossible at first it seemed that he could
ever leave those rooted and habitual customs, which time and
circumstances had riveted to the very frame of his being.
" Whenever was it known," he would ask himself, " that a
man becomes a learner of frugality, who has been a liver in
luxury and riot? How rarely that any one becomes content
with plain apparel, who has been used to sparkle in gold,
jewels and embroidery!"  How then could his ambition, his
intemperance, his pride and anger, his covetousness and
cruelty, be restrained and laid aside? Such were his soliloquies; "for," says he,  "I was deeply entangled   and
ensnared in the errors of my former life, which I deemed it
impossible ever to disengage myself from. Thus I seconded
the evil propensities of my nature, and by choice added
strength to them by indulgence and despair. But when the
Spirit of God had descended upon me, things appeared easy
which before looked difficult and discouraging.  I distinguished thenceforth that earthly principle which being born
of the flesh exposed me to sin, and that new principle which
I had derived from the Spirit of God, and which had entirely
devoted me and bound me to his service."  This new naturet
he ascribes to the power of God's grace, a fountain ever
flowing, whose waters of life no determinate channel restrains,
being received into our hearts by faith; " Whence," he adds,
" we having qualified ourselves for the reception of it by proper
preparations of prayer and all holy dispositions, derive the
power of expelling the deadly poison of sin, and cleansing
the stains contracted through its pollution, of composing dissension, and of making the violent and intractable tame and
civilized."
X Ad Donat. c. 3.                       t Ib. c. 4.




292              ARGUMENT FROM THE
ARNOBIUS* offers in proof of the divinity of Christ,
that his religion has overcome all decrees, and dissolved the
silly and fatal superstitions of the Gentiles.  " The human
race," he contends, "' is so naturally incredulous, that unless
the affair is as clear as the sun itself, it will never be received
extensively in the world." He adds to this that the early
propagation of Christianity incurred such a gratuitous hatred
and execration, as can only be endured and explained on the
supposition of sincerity in its promoters.  " Why is it, if as
you say [he is addressing an imaginary objector,] the history
of our affairs is false, that in so short a time the whole world
is full of this religion? Who can unite into one, nations
separated by winds and climate, so that they give themselves
to God, and set no value on their own comfort and lives?"
" Are you not," he exclaims again+ in a like strain, " struck
with the fact that already throughout all lands in so brief a
period of time, this wonderful name has been spread, so that
there is now nopeople, however barbarous or cruel, that has
not turned in love-to Christ and assumed a tranquil state of
mind? Orators of the greatest genius, grammarians, counsellors and physicians, and even professors of philosophy, seek
our instructions and despise their own! And although punishments are inflicted, and threatening edicts published, the
people seem to be more excited by the stimulus of prohibition,
and apply themselves to the study of our faith. Could there
be so many conversions in the face of such opposition unless
the affair was divine? "
Once more~ he calls attention to " that power which, originating in Christ and his Apostles, has spread itself throughout the whole world, subduing the passions of men, and
causing nations dissimilar in their manners to run together in
one mind and one faith. For it is well known what is done
* Adv. Gent. Lib. I. c. 15.          f Ib. c.'.
+Ib. Lib. ii. c. 3.                   lb. c. 7.




SUCCESS OF THE GOSPEL.             293
in India, in Persia, in Arabia, in Syria, in Egypt, in Asia
Minor, in Greece, and in every isle and province lit by the
sun; and lastly at regal Ronie itself, where men, though
interested in the arts and ancient superstitions of Numa,
delayed not to leave the religion of their forefathers, and to
unite themselves to the truth."
LACTANTIUS* suggests in proof of the truth of the
Christian religion, that "it both understands the cunning
nature of demons, and subdues them by its spiritual arms.
With what terror it fills them, any one may know who would
see how they fled, when adjured by Christ, out of the bodies
in which they dwelt. How is it," he asks, " that they only
flee at the name of the true God? "
EUSEBIUS.t     " The things foretold by the prophets in
the Hebrew tongue long since, are in our own time being
witnessed in operation, and fulfilled; and if you desire any
other proofs of the excellences of the truth, showing that it
is not of a mortal nature, but is really the Word of God, and
that the power of God in the Saviour has been revealed not by
words only, but by deeds, attend now. What king,+ philosopher, lawgiver, or prophet, ever effected so much that he
should be preached throughout the whole earth; and who
bade his disciples go and testify of him and suffer for his
sake, and with the Word brought the deed to pass?  What
prince,~ what armies ever, in spite of the constant opposition
of all, went and prospered everywhere? Wholl ever before
had a people after his own name, not in a corner of the world,
but among all barbarians and Greeks alike; andT by the
doctrines which he taught (being well confirmed by deeds)
turned men, yea, even the Egyptians, from idolatry;** and
drove out demons, so that the fountain of Castalia became
* Div. Instit. Lib. iv. c. 27.  t Theoph. Lib. III. c. 3.  + Ib. c. 4.
Ib. c. 8.  1 Ib. e. 9.  Ib. c.. 10. Ib..13.




294              ARGUMENT FROM THE
silent, with that of Colophon; the Pythian divinations ceased,
the Clarian, the Nemean, and likewise those of Delphos,
Miletus, and Lebadia, so much boasted of in ancient times?
And where now are Amphilochus and Mopsus, Amphiaraus
and JEsculapius, or the image of Ammon that was in the
desert of Lybia? These* are clear and irresistible proofs,
confirming the divine power of the Saviour, who is therefore
living and operative." Our author brings this argument to
bear upon his own time more particularly, by designating the
churches rebuilt by Constantine under the very eyes of their
destroyers, some of whom had themselves been converted
meanwhile to the new doctrine.  He continually revertst
with surprise to the wide diffusion of Christianity, and to its
overcoming every opposition; " for enemies," he observes,+
"have not ceased to contend with it from first to last.  Yet,~
nevertheless, places of instruction are everywhere established,
and congregations are gathered from among all, ascribing in
songs of victory, honor to the life-giving Word of God.
Egyptians,ll Scythians, Italians, MIoors, Persians, and Hindoos, all and at once, have become wise through the knowledge of God."
" If any one will considers what numbers of Christians
and churches, with vast congregations, are said to exist in
the East; and how many there are of men and women
desiring to come over to holiness in Persia and India, and in
like manner in the western parts of the world; that t hroughout the whole of Spain, and Gaul, and the country of the
Moors and Africans, in the islands of the ocean, and in
Britain, men subscribe to Christ; -if, I say, one will consider
these things, he will understand what is the power of that
prophetic word which declared,' many shall come from the
east and the west, and shall sit down with Abraham, Isaac
and Jacob, in the kingdom of heaven.'  And" this too has
* Theoph. Lib. iII. c. 17.  t lb. c. 34.  + lb. c. 37.  ~ lb. c. 76.
I Ib. e. 79.      Ib. Lib. iv. c. 4.    *-  Ib. c. 6.




SUCCESS OF THE GOSPEL,             295
been effected by means of poor and illiterate men; for had
Christ brought it about by means of the intellectual, the
wise, the rich, the illustrious, we might have supposed the
matter to have been human; but he made use of no such
disciples; on the contrary, they were poor and despised, men
ignorant in speech, Scythians in language, and in character
humble and mean. Thus by divine power, fishers became
preachers."
In allusion* to the conversion of Constantine, our author
says: " Now no more, as in former times, are the babblings
of impious men heard in the palace, but priests and pious
men worship together, and celebrate the divine Majesty.
The Gospel of glad tidings connects the human race with its
Almighty King, and the nations of the four quarters of the
world are instructed at the same moment in his precepts."
ATHANASIUS t pities " the blindness of the heathen in
not seeing that the works of Him who was lifted up on the
cross have filled the whole earth, proving that he is the God
and Saviour of all men. To refuse to believe in Christ,
because of the scandal of his temporary humiliation, is as if
any one should deny that the world is lit by the sun, because
it was obscured by a cloud."
GREGORY NAZIANZEN ~ observes, that the multitude of Christians is greatly to be wondered at.
CHRYSOSTOM ~ shows how much more effect Christ
has produced than the philosophers, or Apollonius, and asks
what impostor ever had so many churches.  He proposes to
prove the power of Christ, and therefore his divinity, from
the establishment and extent of his Church.  He contends
that it is not the work of a mere man to establish in so short
* Euseb. Orat. c. 10.       t Cont. Gentes, c. 1.
f Orat. 4 adv. Jul. c. 73.  ~ Doctr. des Pares, Vol. II. p. 1.




296              ARGUMENT FROM THE
a time, and in so depraved an age, such a religion over the
whole earth as can deliver men from many errors and evils.
But what he conceives to be " the most inexplicable part of
the affair is, that Christ has accomplished this without arms,
money, or soldiers, but simply by the instrumentality of
eleven poor humble peasants, who have been enabled to persuade a multitude of men to change their opinions, not only
as to things present, but as to things to come. The laws of
countries have been abrogated, the most ancient customs
abolished, the most inveterate habits uprooted, for the purpose
of introducing entirely opposite usages and institutions. Men
have been led to resign their evil inclinations in favor of a
life the most difficult to follow, and from which they were by
nature the farthest removed.  Jesus Christ withdraws us
from sensual pleasures, to mortification; from the love of
riches, to that of poverty; from luxury, to temperance;
from envy, to charity; from the broad and easy road, to a
strict and narrow way. Moreover, this success has been
attained in the face of a universal opposition. Christ himself
finished his life by the most ignominious of deaths, and his
followers have furnished a host of martyrs." The facts of
Christ's crucifixion, and the subsequent spread of the Gospel, are contrasted as matters which can neither be denied, nor
explained away. "' Multitudes of men, converted from being
ravening wolves, to the gentleness of lambs, and who speak
of immortality, of the resurrection, and of the ineffable
blessedness of another life, far better than ever the Pagan
philosophers did, attest the marvellous power actuating them;
and this influence is by no means confined to any particular
place or city, but has penetrated solitudes, deserts, villages,
islands, ports, and the very vessels that traverse the sea.
Nor is it attached to any particular rank; kings have submitted their diadem to the faith of the Crucified One, as well
as all classes of their subjects. The event also has shown
that it was no transitory authority, which was gained by the




SUCCESS OF THE GOSPEL.             297
Apostles; for even at the present day, notwithstanding the
violence and tortures, prejudice and depravity of their enemies, the Gospel continues in full force; whilst the mightiest
kings and princes have often lived to see their own laws
abrogated."
AUGUSTINE * argues that' the resurrection of the
body was once considered incredible; but now the whole
world believes that Christ's body was taken up into heaven.
Strange that men, ignorant of all arts, without rhetoric, logic,
or grammar, plain fishermen, should be sent by Christ into
the sea of this world, only with nets of faith; and still more,
that they should draw such innumerable sorts of fishes, and
among them many philosophers." He considers this to be as
antecedently incredible as the resurrection of the body, and
yet both are found predicted by Christ.
After showingt how unequal the most sublime maxims of
philosophy were to persuade the people, and that it is better
to have God in the heart than Plato in the mouth, our author
remarks that "these and greater truths have been propagated over the earth by the Gospel of Jesus Christ: which
wonderful conversion proves him to have had an authority
more than human." He then speaks of the multitudes who
have turned to Christ in the islands, in the deserts, in solitudes, having abandoned the wealth and honors of the world,
in the cities, in the towns, in the country, so that at this day
almost all men, everywhere declare, with one voice, that they
have their hearts lifted up unto the Lord.
Our investigation is thus brought to a close, and leaves little
more to be said but by way of recapitulation or reflection.
In the course of this Essay it has been my endeavor to
suggest what were the evidences adduced by the Apologists
in defence of Christianity; to explain the circumstances,` De Civ. aei, Lib. x. c.     -.   xxel.  c. c.




298             ARGUMENT FROM THE
sense and design, with which they were urged; and to illustrate and prove the whole by sufficient, direct citation.
The result, it must be granted, is to establish both the
reputation and claims of the foregoing arguments. They are
found to be the inventions of wise and good men who have
long since gone their way, like Daniel escaped from the lion's
den and the fiery furnace, "to stand in their lot at the end of
days:" as such, they are to be revered for the sake of their
authors' characters.  They are found to be the identical
addresses which, under God, helped to allay the most furious
moral tempest that mankind was ever in; and, after the
manner of the Saviour's words on the sea of Galilee, hushed
the winds and the waves into a great calm: as such, they are
to be studied for the influence they once exerted in the world.
They are found to be methods of conviction at once scriptural
and philosophical, original and thorough, even (as it may be
said of them) to the satisfying of the subject, not by exhausting its materials, but by indicating and occupying its
limits: as such, they are to be prized in each succeeding age,
for their own intrinsic and enduring worth. Lastly, and just
on these accounts, they are found, though the fruits of
bygone discussions, to be as unquestionable as ever: as such,
they are capable of being advantageously employed by ourselves; an advantage to us above all others, and without
which, it is presumed, the present thesis would never have
been appointed for our consideration; but of which I feel
sure, it has proved itself possessed in an eminent degree.
What other or more weighty considerations than these can be
desired to establish the value of any human opinion? And
hence arises the reciprocal obligation we are under with regard
to them:
" Quisquis magna dedit, voluit sibi magna rependi."*
* Whoever has conferred great favors, wishes equal favors in return.
4Am. Ed,




SUCCESS OF THE GOSPEL.             299
It would seem as if we can scarcely do our duty, with regard
to the sacred cause which these pleas were intended to promote, and of which every professing Christian may still be
called the modern apologist, in face of the array of sceptical
and mythical error, of the superstition, of the folly, of the
licentiousness that almost distinguish our age, without casting
back an occasional glance over the whole field of controversy.
True we have not to encounter the ancient opposition in precise terms.  Centuries have rolled away: the immediate
conflict has become a matter of history; the weapons, the
mode of warfare, the foe, are in some respects changed. But
it is equally true, as we have before observed, that this change
is a limited one: specific, but not generical; " a man's foes are
those of his own household" still; the weapon, though
varied in shape, must yet be of metal; in other words, our
difficulties are but new cases of old objections; our enemies
but fresh classes of the ancient schools of infidelity and
heresy; our appeals but the arguments revived, of these
time-worn apologies. Surely then it will be both wise and
prudent in us, to mark at least the general plan pursued by
these our predecessors in the moral suasion of mankind. I
can only notice some of the most prominent features of this
plan.
Observe, that the earliest defenders of Christianity were
willing to test the truth of their cause in any and every
accredited way; by argument or abstract reasoning, more
plausible than the speculations of philosophy; by testimony
or external evidence, more trustworthy than theOtraditions of
other systems; and by experience or subjective proof, more
efficient, ample, and durable than that of any human influence
whatsoever; in short, that they placed Christianity upon a
truly rational, a truly historical, a truly moral foundation.
Such a religion, they justly concluded, was unique, must be
true, must be divine.




300             ARGUMlIENT FROM THE
A system that could thus levy tribute upon the whole world
of mind and matter, from metaphysics down to modern facts,
seemed to speak with an authority which neither scribes nor
philosophers had ever thought of assuming.  Our authors,
therefore, inflamed with Christian zeal, and as men who felt
themselves debtors in many ways both to the Greeks and
barbarians, to the wise and unwise, did not feel themselves
authorized in withholding anything out of this variety and
plenitude, that was at all likely to attract the attention of their
fellow men to the momentous concerns of the soul. A star
had led the magi to Bethlehem; other providential tokens
might conduct, though by indirect ways, to equally blessed
results.
But observe again, that as the Apologists took care to
collect, so they also were mindful to combine these various
arguments. They had arranged all the spokes of the wheel
pointing to a common centre, they now bound them together
with a tire. Union, in the case of the evidences, they conceived to be strength and symmetry, adaptation and use. No
doubt they occasionally applied themselves, in the heat of
their spirit, to some particular train of reasoning, called forth
by the stress of the times, just as an experienced pilot inclines
the bow of his ship to meet some threatening wave; but, as
the same pilot, when the storm is over, returns to his true
course, so are they seen, while allowing the variation, preserving the rule of combination. Indeed, to such an extent
was this habit of presenting the whole forefront at once to
the enemy carried out, that with a few exceptions, it would
be impossible to distinguish the Apologists one from another
by any peculiar mode of ratiocination; and perhaps nothing
they did went further towards convincing the world of the
divine character of Christianity, than their perpetual exhibition of its comprehensiveness, completeness and perfection.
Observe, moreover, with reference to the practice of our
authors, the one object to which they turned these united




SUCCESS OF THE GOSPEL.             301
appliances, viz., the exaltation of the risen Saviour. Like
the great apostle, into whose labors they had entered, and
whose spirit they had imbibed, they preached not themselves,
but Christ Jesus the Lord; and were servants to others for
his sake. One object, one motive made them more than
content to sink their own will and renown in their Master's,
and their own happiness in that of their fellow-creatures.
To these ends they welcomed even the stake, the rack, the
mine. What an impassable gulf does a principle like this
place between the Christian and the heathen philosopher;
between the self-seeking of the latter, and the self-dedication
of the former! Granting that they were both moral (which,
however, is not the case), here is a further difference in kind,
as well as in degree. To compare them, is to bring the cold
and inanimate statue into competition with the warm and
active hero it represents, the true messenger of God doing
more than an angel's work, "the highest style of man!"
And how can so miraculous a contrast (for it is nothing less)
be explained in the case of a uniform series, like that which
the Apologists present, but on the supposition of the renewing of the natural mind by the Holy Spirit's power, even as
the subjects of it themselves declared, one and all? Would
that such an influential object were always ours, and that we
who call ourselves Christians in these peaceful but ensnaring
days, bore more constantly in mind the responsibilities
incurred, together with the dignity assumed, by reason simply
of our name and profession!
Once more, it is a point not to be overlooked in the general
plan of apologetical defence, that the anti-nicene Fathers of
the Church occupied true Protestant ground. They clearly
show the practicability, and at the same time the propriety,
of proving the truth of Christianity independently, and without the aid of any tradition or unwritten word. "' The means
of becoming acquainted with the will of God, according to
the Fathers, are Scripture and reason: the latter subordinate
14




302            SUCCESS OF THE GOSPEL.
to the former."' It is, probably, the obvious inference from
this matter of fact, that has led some of the Romanists, as
Perrone, Wiseman, Cardinal de la Luzerne, with others,t to
confess that they rely in the first instance for proof of the
authority of the Church on Scripture, considered merely as
a human document, and sustained by human testimony; and
then employ the authority of the true Church, to determine
its interpretation, and to establish its inspiration; but this,
while it acknowledges the dilemma they are in, only transfers
the difficulty from one horn to another. It was a case of not
arguing at all before: it is as clearly a case of arguing in a
circle now.
These are but a few hints respecting the scheme of the
Apologists; others equally important have, no doubt, suggested themselves to the reader's mind, which he can prosecute
more at leisure.
The author has only farther to hope, in committing his
humble attempt to the public, that with such a directory as is
thus placed in their hands, some may be induced to renew
their interest in the evidences for the truth of Christianity;
and that all the people of God who may honor its pages with
a perusal, may feel constrained by the whole survey, to unite
and encourage one another in language which David himself
meant to be figurative and prophetic: "Walk about Zion, go
round about her; tell the towers thereof. Mark ye well her
bulwarks, consider her palaces; that ye may tell it to the
generation following. For this God is our God for ever and
ever; He will be our guide even unto death."
* Tennemann's Man. of Phil. p. 212.
t Palmer On Develop. and Consc. c. 2, p. 33.




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IM P R0TANT WORK.
KITTO'S POPULAR CYCLOPJIDIA OF BIBLICAL LITERA,
TURE. Condensed from the larger work. By the Author, JOHN KITTO, D..D., Author
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Daniel Shlarp, D. D., late Pastor of Third Baptist Church, Boston.
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J. B. Waterbury, D. D., Pastor of Bowdoin Street Church, (Congregational,) Boston.
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invention yields such a willing homage to the logical element. - Harper's fonthlly Aiscellany.
With warm and glowing language, Dr. Williams exhibits and enforces the truth; every page radiant
with " thoughts that burn," leave their indelible impression upon the mind. - NJ. Y. Corn. Adv.
The strength and compactness of argurentation, the correctness and beauty of style, and the importance of the animating idea of the discourses, are worthy of the high reputation of Dr. Williams,
and place them among the most finished homiletic productions of the day..-.N...Evangelist.
Dr. Williams has no superior among American divines in profound and exact learning, and brilliancy of style. He seems familiar with the literature of the world, and lays his vast resources under
contribution to illustrate and adorn every theme which he investigates. We wish the volume could
be placed in every religious family in the country. - Phil. Ch. Chronicle.
LECTURES ON THE LORD'S PRAYER. Third ed. 32mo, cl., 85c.
We observe the writer's characteristic fulness and richness of language, felicity and beauty of illustration, justness of discrimination and thought. - Watchmnan and Reflector.
Dr. Williams is one of the most interesting and accomplished writers in this country, We welcome
this volume as a valuable contribution to our religious-literature - Ch. Witness.!
In reading, we resolved to mark the passages which we most admired, but soon found that we should
be obliged to mark nearly all of them. - Ch. Secretary.
It bears in every page the mark of an elegant writer and an accomplished scholar, an acute reasoner
and a cogent moralist. Some passages are so decidedly eloquent that we instinctivelyfind ourselves
looking round as if upon an audience, and ready to join them with audible applause - C. Inquirer.
We are constantly reminded, in reading his eloquent pages, of the old English writers, whose vigorous thought, and gorgeous imagery, and varied learning, have made their writings an inexhaustible
mine for the scholars of the present day. - Ch. Observer.
Their breadth of view, strength of logic, and stirring eloquence place them among the very best homiletical efforts of the age. Every page is full of suggestion as well as eloquence. - Ch. Parlor Mlag
MISCELLANIES.           New, improved edition. (Price reduced.)         12mo, 1,25,
C~ This work, which has been heretofore published in octavo form at 1,75 per copy, is published by
the present proprietors in one handsome 12mo volume, at the low price of 1,25.
A volume which is absolutely necessary to the completeness of a library.- V. Y. YWeekly Review.
Dr. Williams is a profound scholar and a brilliant writer. -. Y. Evangelist.
I-Ie often rises to the sphere of a glowing and impressive eloquence, because no other form of language can do justice to his thoughts and emotions. So, too, the exuberance of literary illustration,
with which he clothes the driest speculative discussions, is not brought in for the sake of effect, but as
the natural expression of a mind teeming with the " spoils of time'' and the treasures of study in almost every department of learning. -- I. Y. Tibune.
From the pen of one of the most able and accomplished authors of the age. -- Bap. rMemorial.
We are glad to see this volume. We wish such men abounded in every sect. - Ch. Register.
One of the richest volumes that has been given to the public for many years. - N. Y. Bap. Beg.
The author's mind is cast in no common mould. A delightful volume. - Mleth, Prot.  Bb




THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE.
BY THE REV. JOHN HARRIS, D. D,
THE PRE-ADAMITE EARTH: Contributions to Theological Science,
New and revised edition. 12mo, cloth, 85 cts.
It opens new trains of thought; puts one in a new position to survey the wonders of God's works,
and compels Natural Science to bear her testimony in support of Divine Truth. - Phil. Ch. Observer.
If we do not greatly mistake, this-long looked for volume will create and sustain a deep impression
in the more intellectual circles of the religious world.- London Evan. gMag.
The man who finds his element among great thoughts, and is not afraid to push into the remoter
regions of abstract truth, be he philosopher or theologian, or both, will read it over and over, and will
find his intellect strengthened, as if from being in contact with a new creation. - Albany Argus.
DR. HARRIS states in a lucid, succinct, and often highly eloquent manner, all the leading facts of geology, and their beautiful harmony with the teachings of Scripture. As a work of paleontology in its
relation to Scripture, it will be one of the most complete and popular extant. - N... Evangelist.
He is a sound logician and lucid reasoner, getting nearer to the groundwork of a subject generally
supposed to have uncertain data, than any other writer within our knowledge. - N. Y. Corn. Adv.
We have never seen the natural sciences, particularly geology, made to give so decided and unimpeachable testimony to revealed truth. The wonders of God's works, which he has here grouped together, convey a most magnificent, and even overpowering idea of the Great Creator. We wish that
we could devote a week, uninterruptedly, to its perusal and re-perusal. - Ch. lirror.
Written in the glowing and eloquent style which has won for him a universal fame, and will secure
a wide circle of readers. -, Y. Recorder.
The elements of things, the laws of organic nature, and those especially that lie at the foundation
of the divine relations to man. are dwelt upon in a masterly manner. - Watchman and Reflector.
A work of theological science, not to be passed over with a glance. It applies principles or laws to the
successive stages of the Pre-Adamite Earth; to the historical development of man; the family; nation;
Son of God; church; the Bible revelation, and the future prospects of humanity. - Transcript.
MAN     PRIMEVAL; Or, the Constitution and Primitive Condition of the
Human Being. A Contribution to Theological Science. With a fine Portrait of the
Author. 12mo, cloth, 1,25.
*T* This is the second volume of a series of works on Theological Science. The first has been received with much favor; the present is a continuation of the principles which were seen holding
their way through the successive kingdoms of primeval nature, and are here resumed and exhibited in
their next higher application to individual man.
His copious and beautiful illustrations of the successive laws of the Divine Manifestation, have
yielded us inexpressible delight. - London Eclectic Review.
The distribution and arrangement of thought in this volume are such as to afford ample scope for
the author's remarkable powers of analysis and illustration. In a very masterly way does our author
grapple with almost every difficult and perplexing subject which comes within the range of his proposed inquiry into the constitution and condition of Man Primeval. - Londons Evangelical Maag.
Reverently recognizing the Bible as the fountain and exponent of trut/h, he is as independent and
fearless as he is original and forcible; and he adds to these qualities consummate skill in argument
and elegance of diction. —. Y. Commercial.
DR. HARRIS, though a young man, has placed himself in the very front rank of scientific writers,
and his essays attract the attention of the most erudite scholars of the age. -V. Y. Ch. Observer.
It surpasses its predecessors in interest. To students of mental and moral science, it will be a valuable contribution, and will assuredly secure their attention. -- Phil. Ch. Chron.
It is eminently philosophical, and at the same time glowing and eloquent. It cannot fail to have a
wide circle of readers, or repay richly the hours which are given to its pages. - N. 1. Recorder.
The work before us manifests much learning and metaphysical acumen. - Pluritan Recorder.
THE     FAMILY: Its Constitution, Probation, and History.                  Being   the
third volume of the Series. In Preparation,                                   Cc




THE PREACHER AND THE KING;
OR, BOURDALOUE IN THE COURT OF LOUIS XIV.
Being an Account of that distinguished Era.            Translated from    the French
of L. BUNGENER.       Paris, fourteenth edition. With an Introduction, by the REV.
GEORGE POTTS, D. D., New York. 12mo, cloth, 1,25.
It combines substantial history with the highest charm of romance; the most rigid philosophical eriticism with a thorough analysis of human character and faithful representation of the spirit and manners of the age to which it relates. WVe regard the book as a valuable contribution to the cause not
merely of general literature, but especially of pulpit eloquence. Its attractions are so various that
it can hardly fail to find readers of almost every description. - Puritan Recorder.
A very delightful book. It is full of interest, and equally replete with sound thought and profitable
sentiment.- -N. Y. Commercial.
It is a volume at once curious, instructive, and fascinating. The interviews of Bourdaloue, and
Claude, and those of Bossuet, Fenelon, and others, are remarkably attractive, and of finished taste.
Other high personages of France are brought in to figure in the narrative, while rhetorical rules are
exemplified in a manner altogether new. Its extensive sale in France is evidence enough of its extraordinary merit and its peculiarly attractive qualities. - Ch. Advocate.
It is full of life and animation, and conveys a graphic idea of the state of morals and religion in the
Augustan age of French literature. -- V. Y. Recorder.
This book will attract by its novelty, and prove particularly engaging to those interested in the pulpit eloquence of an age characterized by the flagrant wickedness of Louis XIV. The author has exhibited singular skill in weaving into his narrative sketches of the remarkable men who flourished at
that period, with original and striking remarks on the subject of preaching. - Presbyterian.
Its historical and biographical portions are valuable; its comments excellent, and its effect pure and
benignant. A work which we recommend to all, as possessing rare interest.- Buffalo.iorns. Exp.
A book of rare interest, not only for the singular ability with which it is written, but for the graphic
account which it gives of the state of pulpit eloquence during the celebrated era of which it treats.
It is perhaps the best biography extant of the distinguished and eloquent preacher, who above all others most pleased the king; while it also furnishes many interesting particulars in the lives of his professional contemporaries. We content ourself with warmly commending it. - Savannah Journal.
The author is a minister of the Reformed Church. In the forms of narrative and conversations, he
portrays the features and character of that remarkable age, and illustrates the claims and duties of the
sacred office, and the important ends to be secured by the eloquence of the pulpit. - Phil. Ch. Obs.
A book which unfolds to us the private conversation, the interior life and habits of study of such
men as Claude, Bossuet, Bourdaloue, Massillon, and Bridaine, cannot but be a precious gift to the
American church and ministers. It is a book full of historical facts of great value, sparkling with gems
of thought, polished scholarship, and genuine piety.- Gin. Ch. Advocate.
This volume presents a phase of French life with which we have never met in any other work. The
author is a minister of the Reformed Church in Paris, where his work has been received with unexampled popularity, having already gone through fourteen editions. The writer has studied not only
thedivinity and general literature of the age of Louis XIV., but also the memories of that period, until
he is able to reproduce a life-like picture of society at the Court of the Grand Monarch. - Alb. Trans.
A work which we recommend to all, as possessing rare interest. - Buffalo Ev. Express.
In form it is descriptive and dramatic, presenting the reader with animated conversations between
some of the most famous preachers and philosophers of the Augustan age of France. The work will
be read with interest by all intelligent men; but it will be of especial service to the ministry, who cannot affird to be ignorant of the facts and suggestions of this instructive volume. -.7 Y. Ch. Intel.
The work is very fascinating, and the lesson under its spangled robe is of the gravest moment to
every pulpit and every age. - Ch. Intelligencer.
THE PRIEST AND THE HUGUENOT; or Persecution in the Age
of Louis XV. Part I., A Sermon at Court; Part II., A Sermon in the City; Part III.,
A Sermon in the Desert. Translated from the French of L. BUNGENER, author of
" The Preacher and the King."    2 vols. 12mo, cloth.  y J. new Work.
0- This is truly a masterly production, full of interest, and may be set down as one of the greatest
Protestant works of the age.                                                   Ff




UNIVERSITY SERMONS.
SERMONS Delivered in the Chapel of Brown University. By the REY.
FRANCIS WAYLAND, D. D. Third thousand. 12nmo, cloth, 1,00.
P. DR. WAYLAncD has here discussed most of the prominent doctrines of the Bible in his usual
clear and masterly style, viz.: Theoretical Atheism; Practical Atheism; Moral Character of Man;
Love to God; Fall of Man; Justification by Works impossible; Preparation for the Advent of the
Messiah; Work of the Messiah; Justification by Faith; The Fall of Peter; The Church of Christ;
The Unity of the Church; The Duty of Obedience to the Civil Magistrate; also, the Recent Revolutions in Europe.
The discourses contained in this handsome volume are characterized by all that richness of thought
and elegance of language for which their talented author is celebrated. The volume is worthy of the
pen of the distinguished divine from whom it emanates. - DR. BAIRD'S Christian Union.
Few sermons contain so much carefully arranged thought as these. The thorough logician is apparent throughout the volume, and there is a classic purity in the diction, unsurpassed by any writer,
and equalled by few. - N. Y. Commercial.
The author has long been before the public as one of our most popular writers in various departments of science and morals. His style is easy and fluent, and rich in illustration. - Evan. Review.
No thinking man can open to any portion of it without finding his attention strongly arrested, and
feeling inclined to yield his assent to those self-evincing statements which appear on every page. As
a writer, Dr. Wayland is distinguished by simplicity, strength, and comprehensiveness. He addresses
himself directly to the intellect more than to the imagination, to the conscience more than to the passions. - Watchman and Reflector.
Just issued, a noble volume of noble sermons, from the distinguished President of Brown University. These discourses are fine specimens of his discriminating power of thought, and purity and
vigor of style. - Zion's Herald.
DR. WAYLAND'S name and fame will cause any thing from his pen to be eagerly sought for; and
those who take up this volume with the high expectations induced by his previous works, will not be
disappointed. The discourses are rich in evangelical truth, profound thought, and beautiful diction;
worthy at once of the theologian, the philosopher, and the rhetorician. - Albany Argus.
This volume adds to Dr. Wayland's fame as a writer. This is commendation enough to bestow
upon any book. - Puritan Recorder.
DR. WAYLAND is one of the prominent Christian philosophers and literary men of our country.
His style is elegant and polished, and his views evangelical. - Watchman, Cincinnati.
His style is peculiarly adapted to arrest the attention, and his familiar illustrations serve to make
plain the most abstruse principles, as well as to enstamp them upon one's memory. It is, in fact,
scarcely possible to forget a discourse which we read from Wayland, and we have ever found his
works to be highly suggestive. We think no minister's library complete without it. - Dover Star.
We must call the attention of our readers again to this attractive volume of sermons. They come
from one who has attained a national reputation, and embody the views matured by the careful study
of many years upon the most important topics in theology. -.Phil. Ch. Chronicle,
It would be spending time to little purpose to attempt a eulogy on a work emanating from such a
source. - N. Baptist Register.
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST. By ERNEST SARTORIUS,
D. D., General Superintendent and Consistorial Director at Konigsberg, Prussia. Translated from the German, by the REV. OAKMAN S. STEARNS, A.. M. 18mo, cloth, 42 cts.
A work of much ability, and presenting the argument in a style that will be new to most American
readers. It will deservedly attract attention.- N. I. Observer.
DR. SARTORIUS is one of the most eminent and evangelical theologians in Germany. The worli
will be found, both from the important subjects discussed and the earnestness, beauty, and vivacity of
its style, to possess the qualities which recommend it to the Christian public. - lich. Ch. Herald.
A little volume on a great subject, and evidently the production of a great mind. The style and
train of thought prove this.- Southern Literary Gazette.
Whether we consider the importance of the subjects discussed, or the perspicuous exhibition of truth
In the volume before us, the chaste and elegant style used, or the devout spirit of the author, we cannot but desire that the work may meet with an extensive circulation. - Christian Index.
Gg




A WREATH AROUND THE CROSS;
Or Scripture Truths Illustrated.       By the REV. A. MORTON BROWN, D. D.
With a Recommendatory Preface, by JOHN ANGELL JAMEIS. With beautiful Frontispiece. 16mo, cloth, 60 cts.
ei  This is avery interesting and valuable book, and should be in every house in the land. Its great
excellence is, it magnifies the cross of Christ. It presents the following interesting subjects: "The
Cross needed; The Way to the Cross; The Cross set up; The sufferings of the Cross Mediation by
the Cross; Life from the Cross; Faith in the Cross; Submission to the Cross; Glorying in the Cross;
The Cross and the Crown." No better book can be put into the hands of " inquirers after truth."
This is a beautiful volume, defending and illustrating the precious truths which cluster around the
atonement. These truths are set forth in a lively and popular style. - Phil. Ch. Chronicle.
May it find its way into every Christian family, and be read by every member. - Ch. Secretary.
The theme is the centre of all evangelical religion, both doctrinal and experimental. It is the excellence of this work, that it keeps so constantly in view this grand instrument of salvation, that it
might have been entitled a "walk," as well as a " wreath," around the Cross. - leligiotts Ieerald.
" Christ, and Him crucified," is presented in a new, striking, and matter-of-fact light. The style is
simple, without being puerile, and the reasoning is of that truthful, persuasive kind that' comes from
the heart, and reaches the heart." We wish this Christian classic a wide circulation, hoping that
many, under its direction and influence, may be found "looking unto Jesus." — V. Y. Observer.
A highly-approved work, issued in elegant style. The author presents the most important doctrines of our holy religion, in a form not only intelligible, but in attractive lights, adapted to allure the
eye of faith, and hope, and love. to the glorious objects revealed in the gospel. - Phil. Ch. Observer.
PHILOSOPHY OF THE PLAN OF SALVATION: A Book for th&
Times. Byan AMERICAN CITIZEN. An Introductory Essay, by CALVIN E. STOWE,
D. D. 12no, cloth, 63 cts,
*.* This is one of the best books in the English language. The work has been translated into several different languages in Europe. It has been republished by the London Tract Society, and also
adopted as one of the volumes of " Ward's Library of Standard Divinity," edited by Drs. John Harris, J. Pye Smith, and others. A capital book to circulate among young men.
One of the most original and valuable works of recent publication. - N. Y. Christian Itelligenlcer.
A useful book, written with great spirit and point. - Phil. Presbyterian.
In many respects, this is a remarkable book. -N. Y. Observer.
We have expressed our decided opinion as to the exalted merits of this transatlantic essay on the
truth of the Gospel. We think it is more likely to lodge an impression in the human conscience, in
favor of the divine authority of Christianity, than any work of the modern press, as it seeks an avenue
to the human heart somewhat different from the ordinary mode of approaching it. -London Meth. iag.
It is logical, both in its arrangement and in its reasonings. It is the work of a clear and vigorous
thinker. It proposes to solve these two questions, - Is Christianity trlse? and, What is true Christianity? Few volumes have issued from the American press that bear the stamp of originality and
profound thought so deeply imprinted on every page.- Puritan l ec.
This is really an original book. Every sentence is pregnant with thought, and every idea conduces to the main demonstration. The various paragraphs are bound together as closely as the successive steps of a mathematical argument. At the sanme time, neither abstruseness vails the method,
nor subtilty polishes away the power of the reasonings employed. Its conclusions come home with
certainty to the business and bosom " of every man. The book is the work of a reclaimed sceptic. - Edcinburgh United Secession A1agazine.
Though written with great simplicity, it is evidently the production of a master mind. There is a
force of argument and a power of conviction almost resistless. - London Evangelical Magazine.
The book before us is one of singular merit. As a piece of clear, vigorous, consecutive thinking,
we scarcely know its superior. We would not hesitate to place it side by side with Butler's Analogy,
merely as a specimen of close and unanswerable reasoning, while it is far superior with regard to the
evangelical view which it gives of the plan of salvation. - ECdinburgh Free Church Afagazine.
" The president of Knox College, Illinois," says, "I have just taken the senior class through the
Philosophy of the Plan of Salvation. It is decidedly the bestvirndication of the Old Testament Scriptures against the assaults of infidelity, and one of the most useful class books which I have ever met."
A Welsh minister, in Michigan, brought a copy from Wales. It has been translated into Welsh, and
is circulated broadcast over the hills, through the hamlets, and in the mines of his native land.
Ii




CHRISTIANS DAILY TREASURY.
A RELIGIOUS EXERCISE FOR EVERY DAY IN THE YEAR.
By E. TEMPLE, author of the "Domestic Altar."                A  new   and improved
edition. 12mo, cloth, $1,00.
a- A work for every Christian. No one should be without it. It is indeed a "Treasury" of
good things.
If any book of modern date has fallen in our own way that deserves a second and a third commendation, it is this. We wish most heartily that this volume were the daily companion of every
disciple of Christ, in the land. " Temple" is calm, logical, Scriptural, devout, full of light, if not
" without any darkness at all." Could not other copies be obtained, we would not part with our own
for ten times the cost of it. - Congregationalist.
The outlines or materials for reflection and meditation. They are designed for the Christian in his
daily walk with God. -- Puritan Recorder.
It should be found on the table of every Christian and receive his daily attention.- Ch. Times.
It differs materially from any thing that we have met with. The author has a most happy talent at conveying much important truth in a few words. It is altogether an admirable work,worthy
to be read by every Christian who deserves to be quickened and sanctified by divine truth, and worthy to be studied by every minister who aims at simplicity and perspicuity in the construction of
his sermons. - DR. SPRAG UE, Albany A.das.
A useful evangelical volume, designed to assist Christians in the work of daily meditation on the
divine word. -- Christian Herald.
A grand work for the centre table of every Christian, or for the most private place, where they hold
communion with the Invisible. - Albany Ch. Spectator.
It is one of the best of the kind that we have ever examined. It is a treasury of evangelical truth
forcibly expressed, in a manner well adapted to awaken thought. — Phil. Ch. Observer.
This work might appropriately be called a guide to meditation. The plan strikes us as a very happy
one. Many do not know how to meditate. A careful use of this volume, will do very much to form
habits of profitable meditation on Scripture. - Phil. Ch. Chronicle.
Were these "Exercises " less animated and life like, we might almost call them skeletons; but
skeletons have not flesh and blood, as the reader finds these to have. We prefer them to any thing
of the kind we have before seen. They are especially adapted for daily reading; and designed to
furnish themes for profitable meditation. - Dover Star.
This is a precious compendium of pious reflections, upon happily-selected Scriptures. It is very
superior to the numerous works of this character already published, and will afford alike pleasure
and profit in the study of the minister, and in the closet of the private Christian. - American Pulpit.
We give it our most decided recommendation. It differs from the generality of works of a somewhat similar style, in that they consist of reflections, while this more particularly forms the outlines
or materials for reflection and meditation. We feel confident these outlines will be found highly acceptable to the Christian in his daily walk with God. -Baltimore Lutheran Observer.
There is no volume on the same general plan, and having the same aim as this, can compare with it,
for its suggestive properties and comprehensiveness. - Ch. 3irror.
It breathes the spirit of the gospel, It is eminently suggestive and practical. The Christian who
shall daily appropriate its treasures, will, at the end of the year, find himself greatly enriched. It deserves a place in every Christian's library. - N. Y. Recorder.
This excellent treasury furnishes rich, practical, and devotional instruction. It is well to feed daily
on such spiritual food. -. Y. Observer.
This work is a treasure, indeed, to any one who will study its daily lessons.- Ch. Index.
THE IMITATION OF CHRIST. By THOMAS A KEMPIS. Introductory Essay, by T. CHALMERS, D. D. New and improved edition. Edited by the
REV. HOWARD MALCOM, D.D. 18mo, cloth, 38 cts.,* "* This work has, for three hundred years, been esteemed one of the best practical books in existence, and has gone through a vast number of editions, not only in the original Latin, but in every
language of Europe. Dr. Payson, in conversing with a young minister once said, " If you have
not seen " Thomnas aempis," Ibeg you to procure it. For spirituality and weanedness from the worldIknow of nothing equal to it."
That the benefit of this admirable work may be enjoyed by all, the translation of Payne, which
best agrees with the original, has been revised and adapted to general use, by Dr. Malcomn. mlIni




MIALL'S WORKS.
FOOTSTEPS OF OUR FOREFATHERS; what they Suffered and
what they Sought. Describing Localities and portraying Personages and Events con.
spicuous in the Struggles for Religious Liberty. By JAMES G. MIALL, author of" Momorials of Early Christianity," etc. Containing thirty-six fine Illustrations.  12mo, 1,00.
An exceedingly entertaining work. It is full of strong points. The reader soon catches the fire and
zeal of those sterling men whom we have so long admired, and ere he is aware becomes so deeply enlisted in their cause that he finds it difficult to lay aside the book till finished. - Ch. Parlor ifayg.
A book to stir one's spirit to activity and self-sacrifice in the work of God. It portrays the character, the deeds, the sufferings, and the success of those heroic non-conformists who stood up for the
truth against tyranny. It is a book worthy of a large sale. - Zion's Hlerald.
A work absorbingly interesting, and very instructive. -Western Lit. Alagazine.
The title of this book attracted our attention; its contents have held us fast to its pages to the very
close. Its story is of principles and sufferings with which every American who prizes his birthright,
and would know how it has been secured, should be familiar. It embraces graphic sketches of localities and scenes, of personages and events, illustrative of the grand struggle for religious liberty. It is
fascinating in style, and reliable for substance. It is full of antiquarian lore, and abounds in charming local descriptions. Most earnestly do we recommend it. - Watcimclan and Reflector.
The events narrated and scenes described by the author give us interesting and impressive views
of the great sacrifices made by the noble sufferers for the priceless boon of spiritual freedom, which
American citizens claim as their birthright. - Ch. Observer.
This volume is devoted to biographical notices of those noble minds who made the grand discoveries of civil and religious liberty in England, and who counted not their lives dear, so that the Bible
and the freedom of conscience should descend upon their chil(ren's children. The anecdotes of these
men and their times are full of interest, and are drawn from the most authentic sources. - Yat. Intel.
This is a most captivating book, and one that the reader is compelled to finish if he once begins it.
We really wish that every family in our land could have a copy. It has kept us perfectly enchained
from beginning to end. — ivewuort Observer.
MEMORIALS OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY; Presenting, in a graphic,
compact, and popular Form, Memorable Events of Early Ecclesiastical History, etc. By
JAMES G    MIALL, author of " Footsteps of our Forefathers," etc.     With numerous
elegant Illustrations. 12ino, cloth, 1,00,
w- This, like the "Footsteps of our Forefathers," will be found a work of uncommon interest.
We thank Mr. Miall for this volume, which our publishers have reprinted in quite handsome style.
There are plain truths plainly told in this volume about ancient Christianity and the practices of the
Christians of ante-Nicene times which we could wish churchmen would lay to heart and profit by. -
Episcopal Register.
It is well written, mnore interesting than a romance, and yet full of instruction and warning for the
present generation. - Hartford Times.
A work of no ordinary value as a faithful exponent of early church history, and we can most cheerfully commend it to all. Every Sabbath school should be supplied with copies of it.- Ch. Secretary.
Mr. Miall is a Congregational minister in England, and a popular writer of unusual power. IHe
has the power of graphic delineation, and has given us pictures of early Christianity which have the
charm of life and reality. We regard the volume as one of unusual interest and value, and our readers are assured that its glowing pages will excite their admiration. - jV. Y. Recorder.
This is an extremely interesting work, embodying classic and ecclesiastic lore, and calculated to do
much good by bringing the church of to-day into closer acquaintanceship and sympathy with the
church of the early past. - Congregationalist.
A very successful attempt to popularize the history of the church during the first three centuries.
The results of extended research are offered to the general reader in a style of uncomamon interest.
The mass of readers know far too little on church history. — Watchman and Reflector.
We have in this volume, embodied in a lucid and attractive form, some of the most important facts
of early ecclesiastical history, in illustration of the original purity and power of Christian faith. It
is a work of labor, and labor very successfully applied.- Pluritan Recorder.
A volume of thrilling interest. It takes the reader through a very important period of secular and
ecclesiastical history. We are glad to see this work. It aennot fail of doing good. — WesternLit,
Mfesesenlger.                                                                    Yy