A TEXT-BOOK
OF
H U R C H  H I S T 0:-9
BY  DR. JOHN C. L. GIESELER.
gvanslateb fxro t U)e Joitttt 3ebfsetn  6verman u b ftiont
BY SAMUEL DAVIDSON, LL.D.,
PROFESSOR OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE AND ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN THE
LANCASHIRE INDEPENDENT COLLEGE.
A NEW AMERICAN EDITION, REVISED AND EDITED
BY  HENRY  B. SMITH,
PROFESSOR IN THE UNION THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, NEW YORE.
VOL. I.  A.D. 1-726.
NEW YORK:
HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS,
PEARL STREET, FRANKLIN SQUARE,
1857.




Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year one thousand eight
hundred and fifty-five, by
HARPER & BROTHERS,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of
New York.




INTROJDUCTORY NOTE.
IN this new edition of Gieseler's Church History a thorough
revision of the translation has been made, with additional references to the English and later German works.  The alterations
are numerous, giving more exactly the sense of the original, and
correcting frequent mistranslations.
The entire history to the epoch of the Reformation will be comprised in three volumes, following the divisions of the original
German.  The subsequent history, to 1848, can probably be
embraced in two additional volumes.  At the time of Gieseler's
decease, his work was completed to the year 1648, in three volaumes, subdivided into six parts, each of which was separately
issued.  The history is to be continued under the editorial supervision of his colleague, Dr. E. R. Redepenning.  The volume
for the period from 1814 to 1848 is just published; we have taken from it, with slight abridgments, an account of Gieseler's life
and writings.  The narrative of the ecclesiastical events of this
period was written out by Gieseler himself; unlike the previous
volumies, it is an extended history, with comparatively few notes.
The intervening volume, for the period from the Peace of Westphalia, 1648 to 1814, is promised for the next year. Thus the
work will form a complete and authentic history of the Christian
Church, to A.D. 1848, composed with abundant and careful learning, especially adapted to the wants of students, and indispensable as a guide to any who would examine the original sources.
The aid it gives in the critical investigation of the original authorities is its chief merit, apart from its use as a text-book for
classes in Theological Seminaries.  It is cold, but cautious; it is
more rational than sympathetic; it has not the warmth of Neander's incomparable work, but it is more complete; it has not the




iv                 INTRODUCTORY NOTE.
vividness of IHase's delineations, but it is more full, and gives
copious extracts from the sources, such as can nowhere else be
found.
The first three volumes of the present edition correspond with
volumes one and two of the original.  The first extends to the
year 726.  The second will be from 726 to 1305; the third from
1305 to 1517. The whole period, 726 to 1517, was published by
Gieseler as his second volume, in four subdivisions,  The third
volume of the German, in two parts, will be the fourth in this
translation; and a fifth volume will probably embrace the fourth
and fifth of the original.
In the German edition, both parts of the first volume, and also
the first two divisions of the second volume (to 1305), are in their
fourth edition; the third division of the second volume has reached
a second edition; its fourth division, and the whole- of the third
volume (1517 to 1648), are still in their first edition; and the
publisher states that a new one is not to be expected, as a sufficiently large number of copies was struck off to meet the demand.
The first English translation of Gieseler's work was well executed from the third edition of the earlier volumes by Francis
Cunningham, and published in Philadelphia, in 1836, in three
volumes, extending to the Reformation.  The version published
in Clark's Library, from which this edition is in part reprinted, is
by different translators: the first and second volumes are by Dr.
Davidson; the third and fourth by Rev. J. W. Hull.  The Edinburgh edition is inconveniently arranged; the first volume breaks
off in the middle of the second period; the second, in the midst
of the third period; and the fourth, about two hundred pages short
of the Reformation.  This defect is remedied in the present edition, and a translation added of the portion needed to complete
the history to the Reformation.  This will be followed, as soon.
as practicable, by a translation of the additional volumes.
The least satisfactory portion of Dr. Gieseler's work is undoubtedly that of the first century.  It is disproportionately concise; and the bias of the author is more marked.  But here, toot
the sources for correcting his opinions are near at hand to all our
students.
NEW YOREx, Sept. 1, 1855.




THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF GIESELER,
BOTI-I the father and grandfather of Dr. Gieseler were clergymen.  His grandfather, John Arend Gieseler, born at Minden in
1726, was a pastor at Lahde, and afterward at Hartum, in the
principality of Minden.  He received his theological education at
Halle.  The family records describe him as wholly in sympathy
with the practical Christian tendencies reintroduced by Franke
and Spener, though not devoted to the peculiarities of "' pietism;"
as a true adherent of the symbols of Lutheranism; as a very
earnest, active, and orderly man, yet cheerful, and of great hilarity with the right sort of people.  These characteristics reappear
in the grandson.  The grandmother, of the family of Haccius,
shared her husband's piety and love of order.
These qualities also distinguished their son, George Christopher
Frederick Gieseler, born in 1770, who was a preacher in Petershagen, near gMinden, and afterward in XWerther, not far from Bielefeld. He was a man of a marked intellectual character.  Though
deaf from his fourteenth year, so that in the University he was
often obliged to transcribe from his neighbor's manuscript, and
though thus almost deprived in later life of social intercourse, he
yet attained the most thorough culture and self-discipline.  His
infirmity seemed to forbid his entering the clerical profession;
but, as if born for a minister, he would be that, and nothing else.
In his eleventh and twelfth years he held meetings on Sunday afternoons, in a garden-house of his father, which were attended
in large numbers from the village, and not without good results.
When only thirteen, he took for a time the place of a sick teacher
in the chapel at Holtzhausen, conducting the singing and catechetical exercise.  He, too, was educated at the University of
Halle, and taught in several private families, until he became a




Vri         THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF GIESELER.
pastor at Petershagen in 1790.  ie was devoted to his congregation, yet ever earnest in his studies. I-e published several works,
but more remain in manuscript, upon Theology, or rather Theosophy, the Revelation of John, and Education. With much that is
original, these writings contain also one-sided and erratic views.
John Charles Louis- Gieseler was born at Petershagen the
third of March, 1793, the oldest of ten children.  When. four
years old, death deprived him of the faithful and loving care of
his mother, whose maiden name was Berger, a woman of great
practical sagacity.  iHis earliest instruction was from hlis grandftlrher, who taught hiim in an easy, sportive way, to be a good
reader in his fourth year.  His father's peculiarities contributed
to the formation of that independence of character which in early
life distinguished him, and in later years came to his aid in so,
many difficult circumstances.  In his tentIh year he was, sent to
the Latin school of the Orphan-house at Halle.  Here he soon
enjoyed the counsels and care of Niemeyer, whose friendship in,
after years never deserted him. I-Ie aided him in his studies, and
after their completion promoted him- to the post of teacher in the
Orphan School.  He had hardly been a year in this position,
when, in October, 1813, he followed the call of his father-land, ben
came a volunteer in the war for Germany's freedom, and was present at the raising of the siege of Magdeburg.  After the peace in
1815, he resumed his office as teacher; two years later he received
the degree of Doctor of Philosophy: he became co-rector of the
gymnasium at Minden in the same year, and in 1818 director of the
gymnasium at Cleve. At Michaelmas, in 1819, he was appointed
"' professor ordinarus" of Theology in the newly-established Frederickl-William''s University of Bonn, having already received from
that University, on the third of April of the same year, the doctorate of divinity through Augusti's influence.
This rapid promotion he owed to his " Critical Essay upon the
Origin and earliest History of the written Gospels," published in
1818. This exposition set aside the hypothesis of one written
original Gospel as the common source of the synoptical Gospels,
and confirmed the positions laid down by Herder, Lessing, and others, which are at the basis of the whole recent criticism of the Gospels. This important work of Gieseler was; soon out of print;: yet




THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF GIESELER.           yj
he could never decide upon issuing a second edition. He shunned
that confusion of hypotheses, many of them wholly groundless,
which afterward sprung up on this subject, and also thought that
the time had not come for new and definitive results.
His thorough philological culture is proved by his treatises
published in the second volume of Rosemiiller's "'Iep2ertoriuzm,"
which helped to enrich the science of the grammar of the New
Testament, then in its infancy. His Essay upon the " Nazarenes
and the Ebionites," in Stitudlin and Tzschirner's " Archiv" (Bd.
iv. St. 2), showed his peculiar talent in disentangling confused
problems.  From this time forth he dedicated his powers almost
exclusively to his loved studies in church history. Neander's
"' Genetic ZDevelopmzent of the Gnostic Systems" was the occasion
of his penetrating review (in the "c Iallische -lit. Zeitung, 1823),
which cast much new light upon this chaos.  The next year he
commenced the publication of his "Text-book of Church History."  Vith Liicke, he also edited the " Zeitschriftfiir gebildet
Christen," four numbers being issued in the years 1823, 4.
At that time the yet youthful University of the Rhine enjoyed
a fresh and free life; Protestants and Catholics were not rent asunder; Gratz and Seber still taught without hinderance their independent exegesis and theology, assailed only by Hermes; they,
with Ritter, the Roman Catholic church historian, were in constant intercourse with Gieseler; all were of one heart and one
soul; robust powers were working peaceably together; the University was in the perfect blossom of its spring-time. In his family Gieseler was blessed in a high degree, attached with incomparable truth and devotion to his early loved and early lost wife,
Henrietta, of the Feist family in Halle. The blessing of many
children was theirs, and with these came many a care. But trusting in God, relying upon his own power of labor, untiringly acive,
most conscientious in all his work, not troubled by little ifings,
in the midst of his cares he kept his heart open to everyJoy.
For twelve and a half years he stood in this post of special influence as a teacher of church history, and enjoying tie confidence
of his colleagues, who had just committed to him the rectorship
of the University, when the Georgia Augusta called him to her
service; and certainly, in no other University could he have




viii        THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF GIESELER.
been so wholly in his place as at G6ttingen.  In its fundamental character, as the nurse of the empirical and historical sciences,
and in the manifold practical services to which it called him, it
corresponded entirely with his own bias. MIere learned investigation would not have filled up the measure of his activity. It is difficult to say which in him was predominant, his capacity for learning, or his practical sagacity and inward fitness to organize and govern; both, without doubt, went hand in hand. As he was in life,
so was he in science, clear, definite, foreseeing, conscientious; in
expression concise, at times laconic, in all things a man of one piece
-a man in every sense of the word. This was felt as soon as you
came in contact with him and put confidence in him.  The University frequently committed to him, and in times of trial almost
always to him alone, the dignity of pro-rector; with hardly an interruption, lie was a member of one or several academical courts.
His counsel must be sought upon propositions for the revisal of
the University statutes, or in making new regulations. He was a
constant member of the Library Commission.  The city corpora.
tion chose him for its speaker, an office, however, which he afterward declined. He was curator of the G6ttingen Orphan-house,
and had the administration of many other charitable foundations,
especially the scholarships. The Gdttingen Academy of Sciences,
of which he was a member, committed to him the direction of the
Wedemeyer prizes. In union with Liicke, he directed the Theological Ephora. But the Orphan-house was the special joy of his
heart. With few exceptions, he was there every day, and hence
knew exactly the disposition, conduct, and faults of each child,
had for every one friendly words and counsel, and kept the pupils in
his eye long after they had left the institution. They, in return,
were attached to him, and manifestly eager to give him pleasure;
only in a very few cases did he fail of success in his noble efforts
for the rescue of the abandoned, undertaken with so bold a faith.
He gate much time to the lodge of the Order of Free-masons,
and undoubtedly knew why he did this. In his last days he was
violently assdiled on this account, in a way which detracts as little from his go0d name as from the prosperity of the order.
The interests d his country were ever dear to his heart.  The
last volume of his church history, embracing the period from




THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF GIESELER,             ix
1814 to 1848, shows in many passages what his wishes were.
His judgment upon the revolutionary movements of 1848 runs
through the whole narrative, in which is also seen the calm hope
with which he looked to the future in the midst of the storms
that robbed so many of their self-possession.
In the affairs of the Church, as- well as of the State, he loved
to see a constant and ever judicious advance; he would not have
any of the threads severed which bind together the new and the
old.  I-ence he declared against the so-called "Constituent Synods," projected in 1848; and these, in fact, would only have done
injury, had they been, as he conceived them to be, courts sitting
in judgment upon what was henceforth to be received as the doctrines of the Church.  But such a tendency might have been
easily avoided; and when we think how much has been lost by
nearly forty years of neglect, and the difficulty of its restoration,
we can only desire that efforts for the building up of our Protestant Church should not again be undervalued; there may at least
be progress in the ecclesiastical order and arrangement of the
individual churches, so that, when there is greater clearness in
doctrine, we may find the foundations ready for the future structure.
The question whether Gieseler was a rationalist, was answered
in the negative, immediately after his death, by a Theologian
of high standing, his colleague, Dr. Dorner,; and le certainly
was never what we now  most commonly understand by that
word. From the beginning to the end of his literary career, he
held immovably to the truth of justification through faith alone,
the fundamental idea of the Protestant system, understanding by
this, the free personal reception of the divine truth and grace that
come through the mediation of Christ, and are manifested in Him.
He did not put the knowledge given by human reason above the
divine truth given us in Christ; he acknowledged him only to be
a Christian who saw in Christ the sum of all the highest truth,
never to be surpassed by any one here below.  But when, on the
other hand, any one detracted from the right and obligation of human reason to appropriate, examine, and grasp this truth, to free
* Dorner, "Abwehr der hengstenbergscher Angriffe auf Gieseler und Lucke." Gottingen, 1854.




x           "dITHE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF GIESELER.
it from the letter and receive it as spirit and truth, he became a
]bold and strong champion for this righlt, which no one ever undervalued without punishment; for reason is that light in us which
can not become darkness, without plunging the whole man into
darkness (Matth. vi. 22. 23; Luke, xi. 34. 35).  In this sense
Gieseler was a rationalist, and had in full measure the claim to be
honored with that appellation by those who so readily give it to
all who hold to clear and logical thinking, and to a wise separation between what is scientifically certain and all arbitrary fancies. HIe was ever averse to what some love to call profundity
of doctrine, to that empty speculation which is either ignorant of
or overthrows the empirical basis on which it should rest, and
which runs a tilt against all logic without respect; he laughed in
a quiet way at one and another who, without the capacity, considered themselves to be speculative theologians.  Every philosophical position had for him value only in the degree of its real certainty; it was one of his prime convictions, that in theology nothiing is now more important than tile difficult, yet not impossible
sundering of the spheres of faith and knowledge (7rric9 and yvZlf),
of that which is the object of faith, and that which is but a human
elaboration of the materials, necessarily changing with the progress
of time, and always developing itself with many a fluctuation.
His whole treatment of church history rests upon this distinction.  His sole aim was to exhibit the historical developments as
they were: he combined in one view whatever was internally connected; he made the agencies and counter-agencies apparent, and
pointed out tile aim and tendencies of events; but he held himself aloof from the construction of arbitrary schemes and divisions, and from all merely subjective judgments.  Starting from
the position to which the investigations had already advanced, he
penetrated to the problems under the guidance of previous leaders,
and had a singular gift of quickly finding the way that led to the
goal, without taking any fruitless step.  It might be said that
the intellectual traits of his Westphalian father-land-where is
ever found so much unperverted practical sense, quickly seizing
upon the right point-were his own in the highest perfection in
his scientific explorations.  To the outward form he assigned a
subordinate value, as well in his own writings as in his critical




THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF GIESELER.               xt
investigations. He was sagacious in conjecturing the right words
of original documents; many such emendations of high value are
due to him.  Perhaps, however, in the question of the genuineness
of this or that work, he allowed too little influence to its- external
form-its diction.
The plan and arrangement of his church history are not one
symmetrical whole, or, rather, a change in the original plan was
made with the second volume.  At first intended to be in. three
volumes of about the same size, the work in the second was so
extended, that it lost in some measure its original destination as
a guide in the University lectures.  The: disproportion was to be
made up by a more concise history of the period from the Peace
of Westphalia, 1648, to the year 1814.  But who laments this
enlargement of the work?  In the very form which the author
gave it, it has become the mine from which is drawn so much
learning in church hlistory; without it a mass of our later outlines
of church history would, doubtless, not have appeared, or at least
would not have offered so rich materials.
In another place will be found a designation of the more salient parts of this church history.* In the history of the ancient
church Gieseler's assiduity and preference were specially devoted
to tile Greek- Theology.  Our acquaintance with it has been materially enlarged by his Programmes upon the opinions of the
"' Alexandrian Clement and of Origen as to the Body of the Lord,"
upon the pseudepigraphic " Vision of Isaiah," upon the doctrines
of the "6 MIonophysites," as well as by his edition of the I  History of the 3Manichees" by Petrus Siculus, and of the 6" Panoply" of
Euthymius Zygadenns (Tit. 23).  In the medieval times he entered into the most thorough and successful examination of the
sources of the history of the Cathari, of the Waldenses, of the reforming parties and tendencies before the Reformation, of the cultus,
and even of many portions of political history, so far as involved
in that of the Papacy. But the crown of his labors in church history is the second division of the third volume (in the German),
which exhibits the doctrinal development in the period of the Reformation to the Peace of Westphalia. We there find in the most
* In the " Protestant. Kirchenzeiting fur das evangelische Deutschland," Jahrg. i. 1854,
No. 30.




THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF GIESELER-.
compressed expression, in many points exhausting all the sources;
rich instruction upon the mutual relations of the two great branchd
*es of the Reformation, the Swiss and the German, upon the growth
of Luther's views, upon the clerical office and the shaping of the
Protestant church government.
Gieseler also wrote upon ecclesiastical matters of immediate
interest. During the controversy of the Prussian State with the
Archbishop of Cologne, he published a work, enumerating the concessions which each party must make to re-establish permanent
peace. Hie gave these counsels under the name of Irenaeus.  He
retained the same name in another pamphlet, in which he exposed the wondrous perverseness of the times, as seen in those
who, in their zeal for so-called I" confessional truth," insisted upon
it that even their- ecclesiastical opponents should be equally zealous for their own confessions; as wheln, for example, a Lutheran maintained that Calvinists or Catholics must hold stiffly to the
distinguishing doctrines of their own communions, while he at
the same time rejected them himself as soul-destroying poison.
Under his own name he published his acute investigations upon
the "Lehnin Prophecy," whose warning words seem still to announce to Prussia impending misfortunes in the perilous position
in which that great state is now entangled.
Gieseler also took the liveliest interest in the neighboring Dutch
and French Churches.  In 1840 he introduced to the German
public a work on the " Disturbances in the Dutch Reformed
Church," whose author did not wish to be named; and in 1848,
a still larger work, the "History of the Protestant Church in
France, from 1787 to 1846."  His last literary labor was a discriminating review of the Essays of Chastel and Schmidt, to'which the French Academy of Moral Sciences awarded prizes,
upon the "Influence of Christianity on the Social State of the
Roman Empire," a subject which also involves the question of the
restorative means offered by Christianity for the social oppressions and perils of our own times.
This question was one which he examined in the most various
aspects. He was a man with a clear eye and an open heart for all
who are straitened and in distress: science did not take him away
from life, it was rather a means of his better preparation for the




THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF GIESELER.          xiii
most. various and useful practical service.  From manifold experience Gieseler had become acquainted with the life and the relations of the laboring classes, the difficulties and deprivations with
which so many are now contending, and not through their own
fault; his strong and manly sense of right made him sympathize
with all human needs, even those of the guilty. He first called
into life in Gbttingen a society for the aid of dismissed convicts;
he wrote the statutes for the large funds of the s" Von Hugo Stipends," which were under his direction as long as he lived; and
so wisely did he administer them, that they can now be completely and permanently applied to many a beneficent object.
There have probably never lived many men who have rendered
more efficient aid than he, or in a more unassuming, sympathizing, and obliging way..He possessed in a high degree the faculty of order and practical organization, and was wise in the direction of entangled affairs.
HIe seemed born to take the lead. In the critical state of the University fifteen years ago, he showed his discretion and firmness
to the full satisfaction of all who were able to understand without
prejudice the actual state of the case.  Gieseler was also willing
to rule, but, we must add, he was without any trace of lordliness; he gave his reasons, he convinced, and if at any time outvoted, he seemed to question again for a moment his own opinion,
whlich, however, he seldom changed, even when he did not refer to
it anew. He gave his counsel only when asked; he helped and
cared for many a one before they came to him.
He was a very faithful friend. He did not lightly withdraw his
confidence from any one to whom he ever gave it.
IHe never seemed proud of the numerous honors which were bestowed upon him during his life. Far from all vanity, he had a noble, manly self-respect; he felt his own worth without being distinctly conscious of it. He stood firm for the right good cause, not
troubled by the sacrifices it might cost. He took the most lively
part in the struggle for the maintenance of the Union (between the
Reformed and Lutheran Churches), and rejoiced with all his heart
in the new light that seemed to break in upon the darkness before
his departure. He felt assured that in the kingdom of the Lord new
and fair days of prosperity would come, though they be delayede




Kiv        THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF GIESELER.
Faitlful to the welfare of the Church and of his country, and
ministering with love to the necessities of others, he was also
visited with many a care in his own house.  After the death of
his first wife in the year 1831, which soon followed his transference to Gdttingen, he found compensation for a loss he ever deplored, in his second marriage with a relative of the deceased,
Amelia Villaret, whom he chose as his companion and the guardian of his children.  This marriage, too, was unusually fruitful
in children.  Care for their education was added to the necessity
of providing for his other sons and daughters, already grown up.
But to the last day of his life he had constant experience of the
truth of Him who has said to his house, Ml{y eyes shall be open
upon it both night and day.
On his dying bed he saw all his sons and daughters gathered
around him, with the exception of two, who could not come for
the distance, and took his last farewell of them, comforted by that
firm trust in God which. was the leading trait of his character.
Until that time sound in soul and body as are few, retaining a
vigorous manly form of youthful freshness even to his sixty-third
year, he sank only by slow degrees under the violence of the abdominal disease by which he was suddenly attacked.  Htis vigorous body resisted loig the pangs of the assault, till its powers
were exhausted, and a still and peaceful decease brought to its
close his active life on the eighth of July, 1854, in the earliest
Jdawn of morning. Three days later he was interred.  Both the
city and the University equally felt his loss.  The long funeral,etinue showed that a place was vacant whichl another would not
soon fill with equal power and honor.
The name of Gieseler will not be forgotten in the history of
Gdttingen, in science, or in the Church.  Whoever knew him as
he was, preserves his memory thankfully and faithfully, as a costly treasure among his dearest memories. HIe, however, separated
from us, and regretted with deep sorrow in the ranks of his fellow-champions for the dear and noble freedom and unity of our
Evangelical Church, still acts among us by his works and by his
life, and thus, like the oldest of all the witnesses for God (Heb.
xi. 4), although he is dead, he yet speaketh.




CONTENTS OF VOL, I
INTRODUCTION,
PAGE
~ 1. Definition of the Church..................................................  13
2. Definition of Ecclesiastical History-its Departments-General History of the
Christian Church.....................................................  14
3. Relation of Church History to other Historical Studies.....................  19
4. Of the Sources of Ecclesiastical History....................................  21
5. The Inquiries peculiar to Ecclesiastical History............................   23
6. Arrangement of the Materials of Ecclesiastical History-Historical Representation..................                                                     24
7. Value of the History of the Christian Church..............................  25
FIRST PERIOD.
TO THE SOLE REIGN OF CONSTANTINE, BY WHICH THE ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF THE CHURCH IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE WAS SECURED, I. E.
TILL 324.
Sources...................................................................... 27
Works.......................................................................  28
FIRST DIVISION.
TO THE TIME OF HADRIAN, 117.
INTRODUCTION.
ON THE CONDITION OF THE NATIONS, ESPECIALLY THEIR RELIGIOUS
AND MORAL CONDITION AT THE TIME OF CHRIST'S BIRTH, AND
DURING THE FIRST CENTURY.
I. CONDITION OF THE HEATHEN  NATIONS, ~ 8........................           30
~ 9. Of the Religious and Moral Character of the ancient Nations generally......  31
10. Religion and Morals of the Greeks......                      33




xvi                                     CONTENTS.
PAGE
~ 11. Religion and Morals of the Romans to the Time of Augustus...............  34
12. Religious Tolerance of the Romans......................................  35
13. Relation of Philosophy to the popular Religion........36...  36
14. Revolution in the Mode of religious thinking under the Emperors...........    40
II. CONrDITION OF THE JEWISH  PEOPLE.
~ 15. In Palestine.......................................  44
16. Sentiments of the Heathen Nations toward Judaism.......................               47
17. Condition of the Jews out of Palestine....................................  49
18. Samaritans............................................................  53
19. Relation of the Times to Christianity in its Growth.......................  57
FIRST CHAPTER.
THE LIFE OF JESUS.
~ 20. Chronological Data relative to the Life of Jesus..........................  59
21. Early History of Jesus..................................................  62
22. John the Baptist............................................   63
23. Public Ministry and Doctrines of Jesus..................................  64
24. Alleged contemporary Notices of Jesus not in the New Testament...........  68
SECOND CHAPTER.
APOSTOLIC AGE TO THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM.
~ 25. Early History of the Community of Christians till the Time of Paul's Conversion...............................................................  72
26. Paul..............................................................                    76
27. History of the other Apostles and their immediate Disciples................  80
28. Reception of Christianity among Jews and Heathen..................  83
29. Internal Development of Christianity....................................   85
30. Constitution of Churches................................................  90
31. Time of the Jewish Troubles............................................  95
THIRD CHAPTER.
AGE OF JOHN. FROM 70-117.
~ 32. Fate of the Jewish Christians in Palestine................................  98
33. External Fortunes of the Christians in the other Provinces of the Roman
Empire.............................................................. 101
34. Arrangements of the Churches........................................... 104
35. Apostolic Fathers....................................................... 108
36. Development of Doctrines during this Period.............................  111




CONTENTS.                                        xvii
SECOND DIVISION.
FROM HADRIAN TO SEPTIMUS SEVERUS. FROM 117-193.
INTRODUCTION.
PAGE
~ 37. Condition of Heathenisml................................................ 114
38. Fate of the Jews...............1..................
FIRST CHAPTER.
EXTERNAL FORTUNES OF CHRISTIANITY.
~ 39. Its Diffusion........................................................... 11
40. Opposition to Christianity by Writers.....................................  118
1l. Popular Disposition in the Roman Empire toward Christianity............. 119
42. Persecutions of Christianity....................... 125
SECOND CHAPTER.
HERETICS.
~ 43. Jewish Christians................................................... 128
44. Gnostics.................................................... 129
45. (Continuation.)  1. Alexandrian Ginostics-Basilides —Yalentiinus-Ophites
-Carpocrates..................................................... 133
46. (Continuation.)  2. Syrian Gnlostics-Saterninus-Barclesarnes-Tatian.....  137
47. (Continuation.)  3. lMarcion and his School........................ 138
48. MIontanists and Alogi.............................................. 140
THIRD CHAPTER.
INTERNAL HIISTORY OF THIE CATHOLIC CIUsICIr, ~ 49................ 144
~ 50. Apologies for Christianity against Heathens and JeA.-s..................... 145.  51. Controversy with I-Ieretics - Catholic  Church - Canon of the New Testament................................................................  148,9 52. Development of Doctrines-Supposititious Writings........................       15
53,. Ecclesiastical Life...................................................... 159
VOL. I.-1




x-viii                                CONTENTS.
THIRD DIVISION.
FROM SEPTIMUS SEVERUS TO THE SOLE DOMINION OF CONSTANTINE.
FROM  193-324.
INTRODUCTION.
PAGE
~ 54. Condition of Heathenism............................................... 171
FIRST CHAPTER.
EXTERNAL FORTUNES OF CHRISTIANITY.
~ 55. Disposition of the Heathen toward it..................................... 174,. 56. Conduct of the Emperors toward the Christians....................... 176
57. Spread of the Church.....................1...................... 187
SECOND CHAPTER.
HERETICS.
~ 58. Elcesaitism of the Clementines.......................................... 188
59. Struggle in Poome against Montanism, and the Asiatic Mode of celebrating
Easter.............................................................. 193
60. Monarchians.......................................................   197
61.   anich aeans........................... a h...........................,s. 203
THIRD CHAPTER.
THEOLOGY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.
I. IN THE EAST.
~ 62. Alexandrian School.................................                               208
63. (Continuation.)  View  of the Alexandrian Theology, particularly that of
Origen...................211
64. (Continuation.)  Adherents and Opponents of Origen..................... 220
65. Other distinguished Teachers of the Oriental Church....................... 223
II. IN THEI  WEST, ~ 66......................................... 225




CONTENTS.                                       xi
FOURTH CHAPTER.
PAGE
ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE, ~ 67.................................               231
~ 68. History of the Hierarchy..............................................  234
69. (Continuation.)  Hierarchy in the separate Churches...................... 240
70. Public Worship............................................. 244
71. Ecclesiastical Discipline.............................................. 248
72. (Continuation.) Controversies respecting the Objects of Ecclesiastical Discipline.  Felicissimus   Novatian — Baptism  of Heretics — Meletius s- Donatus........................................   253
73. Asceticism.............................   i......... 258
74. Moral Character of Christianity in this Period........................ 263
SECOND PERIOD.
FROMl CONSTANTINE TO THE BEGINNING OF THE IMAGE-CONTROVERSY.  FROMf A.D. 3024-726.
FIRST DIVISION.
TO THE COUNCIL OF CHALCEDON.  A.D. 324-451.
Sources................................................a.................... 268
FIRST CHAPTEtR.
STRUGGLE OF CHRISTIANITY WITH PAGANISM.
~ 75. The Advantages conferred on Christianity by Constantine and his Sons..... 271
76. Julian the Apostate.................................................. 278
77. General Toleration till the Year 381...................................... 281'i8. Suppression of Paganism by Theodosius................................. 282
79. Complete Suppression of Paganism in the East-its Struggles in the West,
after Theodosius............................................ 285
SECOND CHAPTELR.
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY.
~ 80. Introduction................................................... 292
I. PERIOD OF TIIE ARIAN CONTwrOYVERSY.
~ 81. Beginning of thle Arian Controversy to the'Sylnod of Nice (A.D. 325)....... 294




CONTENTS..bAG
~ 82. Resistance of the Eusebians to the Nicene Council till the second Synod at
Sirmium (A.D. 357)......................................... 298
83. Divisions among the Eusebians till the Suppression of Arianism (A.D. 381). 302
84. History of the Theological Sciences during the Arian Controversy.......... 314
II. PERIOD OF THE ORIGENISTIC AND PELAGIAN CONTROVERSIES.
~ 85. Origenistic Controversy............................................... 323:
86. Controversies with Heretics in the West..........................., 326
87. Pelagian Controversy................................................. 330
III. CONTROVERSIES RESPECTING THE. PERSON OF CHRIST.
~ 88. Nestorian Controversy................................................. 343
89. Eutychian Controversy......................................3...... 355
90. On the Theological Authority of Oecumenical Councils...............   359
THIRD CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE HIERARCHY.
~ 91. Growing Importance of the Clergy......,.............. 361
92. Dependence of the Hierarchy on the State............................. 363
93. Origin of Patriarchs, especially in the East.................... 371
94. History of the Roman Patriarchs and of the higher Hierarchy in the West. 377
FOURTH CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF MONACHISM.
~ 95. Origin and History of Monachism in the East...................  397
96. Monachism in the West................................................ 408
97. Relation of the Monks to the Clergy..............4..............   412
FIFTH CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF PUBLIC WORSHIP, ~ 98............................... 415
~ 99. New Objects of Worship................................................ 41
100. Places and Times of Public Worship..................................            429
101. Rites and Ceremonies of Worship...........................   432
SIXTH CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF MTORALS.
~ 102. History of Christian Ethics......................                               439
103. Morals of the Clergy................................................... 441
104. Moral Influence of the Church on the People............................. 445
105. Influence of the Church on Legislation................................... 453




GONTENTS.                   xi
SEVENTH CHAPTER.
PAGE
ATTEMNPTS AT REFORMATION, ~ 106                                         4........................... 45
EIGHTH CHAPTER.
SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY.
107. Inl the East............................................................   458
108. 11n the West.4.......0.................. 460
SECOND DIVISION.
FROMI THE COUNCIL OF CHALCEDON TO THE BEGINNING OF THE MONOTHELITIC CONTROVERSIES, AND THE TIME OF MUHAMMED, A.D.
451-622.
Sources.....................46............................... 463
FIRST CHAPTER.
ENTIRE SUPPRESSION OF PAGANISM IN THE ROMIAN EMPIRE, ~ 109.. 464
SECOND CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY.
~ 110. Monophysite Controversies............................................. 466
111. Controversies under Justinian I........................................  475
112. Development of Monophysite Churches................................... 481
113. Controversy between Augustinism and Semipelagianism  L..4....   483
114. History of the Theological Sciences..................................... 486
THIRD CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE HIERARCHY.
115. Privileges of the Clergy...........................................       492
116. Dependence of the I-ierarchy on the State................................ 494
17. History of the Patriarchs....................4........................       495
FOURTH CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF MO-NACHIS3M, ~ 118.......................... 506' 119. Benedictines........................................................ 07
120, Relationof the Monks to the Clergy.................................... 510




CONNTENTS.
FIFTH CHAPTER.
PAGE
HISTORY OF PUBLIC WORSIIIP, ~ 121...........................   512
SIXTH CHAPTER.
SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY, AND ITS CONDITION WITHOUT THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
I. IN ASIA AND AFRICA, ~ 122............................ 517
II. A&MoNG THE GERMAN NATIONS, ~ 125............................ 519
~ 124. Hierarchy in the German Empire........................................ 521
125. Moral Influences of Christianity among the German Nations..............52i
III. OLD BRITISH  CHURCH, ~ 126............................. 529
THIRD DIVISION.
FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE MBONOTHELITIC CONTROVERSY, ANDP
FROM THE TIME OF MUHIAMMIED TO THE BEGINNING OF THE CONTROVERSY CONCERNING TIE WORSHIP OF IMAGES.  FROiM 622-726.
FIRST CHAPTER.
RESTRAINING OF TlHE CHURCH IN THIE EAST, ~ 127................. 534
SECOND CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH.
~ 128. Monothelitic Controversy.............................................. 537
129. Concilium Quinisextum............................ 541
130. Fortunes of M4nothelitism............ O  e..o. 543$
THIRD CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE WESTERN CHURCH.
~ 131. Ecclesiastical State of Italy...................................... 545,
132. Ecclesiastical State of France and Spain................................. 548
133. Ecclesiastical Condition of the British Islands............................ 552
134. Spread of Christianity in Germany..................................... 557
Additions to the Literature and Notes, by the Editor...-..........  55.




PREFATORY  NOTIC E.
DR. GIESELER'S Compendium  of Ecclesiastical History is
marked by peculiar excellencies. It occupies an important
position of its own.  The text is very brief and condensed,
marking the results at which the learned author has arrived;
while the accumulated materials in the notes enable the
reader to see at once the basis on which the statements of
the text rest.  If the student be not convinced of the correctness of the assertions made by the historian, he can easily
draw his own conclusion by the help of what is presented to
him.  The work is characterized by immense research, and
by striking impartiality.  In the latter respect, indeed, the
author has been blamed by some, his spirit of impartiality
preventing him from expressing a decided opinion, where it
would be desirable to throw the weight of his authority into
the side of truth.  There is also an air of dryness diffused
over the work, inseparable perhaps from its exceeding brevity,
but also indicating a deficiency in vivid sketching.  The excellencies, however, far outweigh any minor faults that may
be supposed to belong to it. Its rigid impartiality is its chief
recommendation; and the abundant references and quotations
in the notes supply the want of a library such as very few
have within their reach.




iv                      PREFACE.
The work in the original consists of several volumes published at different times. The first division of the last volume, containing a portion of the history of the Reformation
in different lands, appeared in 1840.  In 1844 and 1845 a
fourth edition of the first volume was published, one part in
each year, greatly improved and enlarged. The author states,
in the preface, that this volume first appeared twenty years
ago, and that during the interval he has not been inattentive
to the subject, but has endeavored to conform his book to the
latest investigations. On comparing this edition with the
third, we have observed a great improvement, and a large
number of new notes.
It mlay be proper to apprize the reader, that an American
translation of the history, down to the time of the Reformation,
appeared at Philadelphia in 1836, professedly taken from the
third edition of the original, the fourth, however, is so different
from the third (if, indeed, Cunninghame's version was made
from the latter), that it was deemed desirable to make a new
version.
The Translator has adhered closely to the original text.
His simple aim has been to give the sense of his author. He
has not endeavored to make the narrative smooth or elegant,
for in that case he should have been compelled to resort to
paraphrase, Professor Gieseler being by no means an elegant
writer.  On the contrary, his style is loose, and his sentences
evidently constructed without any view to effect.  It must be
always remembered, that the book is a text-book, not an extended history, like Neander's.   As such, the Translator
reckons it invaluable.  In truth, there are only two ecclesias.




PREFACE.?
tical histories at the present time that deserve to be read and
studied, viz. those of Neander and Gieseler, both ex fontibuzs
Ihausti, as Bretschneider once remarked to the writer.  Guerike's is one-sided; and Hase's, alas is too short.  The Translator, on looking about for a text-book which he could put into
the hands of his students as the substratum  of lectures on ece
clesiastical history, could find none so suitable to his purpose
as the present; and he accordingly recommended the enterprising publishers to bring out a new version of the new edition,
that students might not be obliged to apply to the American
translation, the cost of which is very considerable.
It is almost superfluous to state, that the Translator does
not coincide with all the sentiments of Dr. Gieseler.  He has
occasionally inserted in brackets a reference to books with
which the German professor is probably unacquainted.
















I N T R O D U C T I 0 N,
~ 1.
THE CHURCH.
St/udlin fiber den Begriff der Kirche und Kirchenlgeschichte (in the Gottingen Bibliothlek
d. Nenesten Theolog. Literatur i. 600). C. G. Bretsclhneider's systemat. Entwickelung
aller in der Dogmatik vorlommenden Begriffe (4te Auflage, Leipzig, 1841), S. 749. D)r
H. F. Jacobson, iiber die Individualitbt des Wortes u. Begriffes Kirche (in his Kirchlel
rechtlichen Versuclen, i. 58).
T2he  Christian  Church' (O' iEc~Xaia ToV  XptTo~r, Matt. xvi.
18, II Eicm1oia.- o     e Oov, 1 Cor. x. 32, Gal. i. 13) is a religiousmoral society, connected together by a common faith in Christ,
and,which seeks to represent in its united life the kingdom of
God  announced  by  Christ (r?',v Qaatg,iC4V rfi0  OEcO, 70T    Xpt0ro0,
TOo o'pavoi).   This kingdom  it hopes to see at one time realized,
and  strives  to  prepare  itself for becoming worthy  of having  a
part in it.2   The church bears the same relation to the kingdom
The German word Kirche, whiclh was originally applied to the building alone, is most
probably derived fronm the Greek, ro' Kcvptacov.  Walafiid Strabo (about 840), De rebus
ceclesiasticis, c. 7. Quomodo theotisce domns Dei dicatur (in Melch. Hittorp. de Divinis
Cathol. Eccles. officiis varii vetust. Patrum libri. Colon. 1568, fol. p. 395): Ab ipsis autem
Graecis Kyrch a Kyrios-et alia mnlta accepimus.-Sicut domus Dei Basilica, i. e. Regia
a Rege, sic etiam Kyrica, i. e. Dominica a Domino nuncupatur.-,Si autem quaeritur, qua
occasione ad nos vestigia haee graecitatis advenerint, dicendum,-praecipue a Gothis, qui
et Getae, cum eo tempore, quo ad fidem Christi, licet non recto itinere, perducti sunt, in
Graecorum provinciis commorantes, nostrum, i. e. tlleotiscum sermonem habuerint. It appears fiom Ulphilas, that Greek appellations of Christian things were generally adopted
by the Goths (see Zahn's Ulphilas, Th. 2, S. 69, if.; also aikklesjon, &Kclcivaira, Phil. iii. 6. in
the fragments published by'Maius). The Greek origin of the word is favored not only by
its occurrence in all German dialects (Swedish Kyrka, IDanish Kyrke, &c.), but also in the
dialects of the Slavonian nations converted by the Greeks (Bohemian cyrklew, Polish cerliew, Russian zerkow).  Other derivations of thle word are Kieren (Kiesen), from the
Gothic, Kelikn, a tower, &c. Compare Jacobson's work, p. 68, if.
2 rhe idea of the church is an individual idea, given historically, for which we can not
substitute the general notion (viz. that of a religious society) under which it falls. See
Jacobson, p. 116. Ullmann in the Studien und Kritiken, 1835, iii. 607.




14    INTROD. ~ 2. DEFINITION OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
of God as the Israelitish church (nnl LnT,  Numb, xx. 4) had to
the ideal theocracy expected by it. And as the divine kingdom
of Christ is the purified and spiritualantitype of the theocracy, so
is the Christian church the antitype of the Jewish.  Differences
relating to the objects of Christian faith and ecclesiastical life
early separated the church into various distinct societies) each of
which commonly assumed to itself exclusively the name of the
"' true church of Christ," and branded the others with the titles
heresy and schism (haeresis, schisma).
While the old unreformed church associations are continually
prejudiced by this particularism, Protestants, on the contrary,
acknowledge every ecclesiastical society which holds Christian
truth in greater or less purity and clearness, to be a preparatory
institution for the kingdom of God, and as such belonging to the
universal Christian church, whose true essence is the invisible
church, the entire number of all true believers throughout the
world.
2.
DEFINITION OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY-ITS PARtTS —GENERAL
HISTORY O1F THE CHURCH.
Gasp. Roylko Einleit. in die christl. Religions- und Kirchengeschichte. Aufl. 2. Prag. 1791.
8.-Ch. W. Fldigge Einleit. in das Studium u. in die Literatur der Religions- u. Kirchengeschichte, besonders der christlichen. Gdttingen. 1801. 8,
The object of ecclesiastical history is to give apragmzatic view
of all the changes and developments through which the Christian
church has passed, and the influences which it has exerted on
other human relations, and thus. to lay the foundation for an ethical and teleological estimate of it.  As time consists of moments,
so is history made up of circumstances connected together as
cause and effect.  Every condition of the church rests on a twofold relation. To its internal relations belongs, first of all, that
religious faith which forms its bond of union, both in its scientific
development and in its life in the members; next the character
of the public religious exercises; and thirdly, the form, of government.  To the external relations of the church belong its
di,/fusion, and its relationz to other associations, particularly to
the state.  Though these several relations are not independent




[WIIROD.        D 2. DEPARTMENTS OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY,    15
of one another, but are developed by  constant mutual actionI
they   admit of  separate  historical  developments.    We  have,
therefore,
I. A  history of the church's external relations (external church
history), viz.:1. History  of its spread and limitation.1
2. History of its relation to the state.2
II. A  history of its internal relations (internal history of the
church), viz.:1. History of the teaching of the church.
(a.) As an object of science.
History  of doctrines (Dogmengeschichte).
History of ethics.4
1 Jo. Al. Fabricii salutaris lux Evangelii toti orbi exoriens, s. notitia propagatortm
christ. sacrorunm. Hamburgi. 1731. 4to. P. Ch. Gratianus Versuch einer Geschichte fiber
den Ursprung und die Fortpflanzung des Christenthums in Europa. Tiibingen. 1766, 73.
2 Th. 8vo. The same author's Geschichte der Pflanzung des Christeenthurns in den aus
den Triimmern des rom. Kaiserthumns entstandenen Staaten Europens. Tibiingen. 1778, 9,
2 Th. 8vo. Ch. G. Blumlhardt Versuch einer allgemeinen Missionsgeschichte. B asel. 1828,
ff: 3 Th. 8vo.
a Petri de Marca Dissertationum de concordia sacerdotii et imperii s, de libertatibus ece
clesiae gallicanae, libb. viii. ed. Steph. Baluzius. Paris. 1663. fol. cumr observationibus ec;
clesiasticis J. H. Boehmeri. Lips. 1708. fol. G. J. Planck's Geschichte der christlich-kirchb
lichen Gesellschaftsverfassung.  Hannover. 1803-1809. 5 Bde. 8vo. The following work
is written from  a Catholic standpoint: Geschichtlich. Darstellung des Verhbiltnisses
zwischen Kirche und Staat von Casp. BRiffel. Theil, 1 (to Justinian 1st). Mainz, 1836,
Svo.
3 Dion PetaviiDogmataTheologica.  Paris. 1644-50. 4 Theile. 4to. cum praefat. et notis
rheophili Alethini (Jo. Clerici). Amst. 1700. 6 Theile. fol. W. Miinscher's Handbuch
der Christlichen Dogmengeschichte. Marburg. 1797-1809. 4 Thle. 8vo, incomplete. The
same author's Lehrbuch d. clristl. Dogmengeschichte, 3te Auflage, mit Belegen aus den
Quellenschriften, Ergainzungen d. Literattur, hist. Noten u. [Fortsetzungen versehen von
Dr. D. v. Clln und Dr. Ch. G. Neudecker, 3 Bde. Cassel. 1832-38. Dogmengeschichte
von Dr. J. G. V. Engelhardt. 2 Theile. Neustadt a. d. Aisch. 1839. Lehrbuch d. Dog.
nengeschlichte von Dr. K. BR. Hagenbacll. 2 Thle in 3 Bden. Leipzig. 1840, 1841. Other
text bookls by Clr.D. Beck (Commentarii historici decretornm rel. christ. Lips. 1801). J.
Chr. W. Augusti (3te Ausg. Leipzig, 1820). L. F. O. Baumngarten-Crusius. 2 Abth. Jena,
1832. (The sane author's Compendiunm d. Dogmengesch. Leipz. 1840.) F. K. Meier.
Gie-ssen. 1840.
4 Stdudlin's Geschichte der Sittenlehre Jesu. 4 Bde. Gdttingen 1799-1823 (reicht biE
1299). The same author's Gesch. d. christl. Moral seit dem Wiederaufleben d. Vissen.
schaften. Gattingen. 1808. W. M. L. de Wette christliche Sittenlehre, 2ter Theil: Allge-,reine Geschichte der christlichen Sittenlehre, in 2 Hilften. Berlin 1819-21. 8. Staiudlin's Monoglraphieen: Gesch. d. Vorstellungen v. der Sittlichkeit des Schauspiels. Gdtt.
1823. Geschb. d. Vorstell. u. Lehren voWe  Selbstmorde. Ebend. 1824. v. Eide. Ebend,
1824. v. Gebete. Ebend. 1824. v. Gewissen. Halle. 1824. v.d. Ehe, Gbtt. 182. v. d.
Freundschaft. Hannover. 1826. 8.




16    INTRtODUCTION.  g 2. GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
History  of the theological sciences.5
(b.)  As living and working in men.
History of religious and moral life.6
2. History of ecclesiastical worship.7
3. History  of the internal constitution  of the church.8
A  description of th.e wuorship, ecclesiasticalc usages, and consti.
tution of the ancient church, is included in the somewhat vague
appellation,  ecclesiastical antiquities, or archaeology,9 although
these departments do not embrace merely one point of time, but
a longer or shorter period, and ought, therefore, to belong to
history.
The materials of ecclesiastical history are also  divided  by a
reference to  particular countries, and  to  separate ecclesiastical
societies,10 whose special developments are presented  in special
5 Ch. NV. Fliigge's Gesclhichte der tleol. Wissenschaften. Halle. 1796-98. 3 Thle. 8 (as
far as the Reformation). K. F. St:ludlin's Gesch. der theol. Wissenschaftell seit der Ve'breitung der alten Literatur. Gdttingen. 1810-11. 2 Thle. 8.
6 The history of religious and moral life among Christians is difficult, and has been rleglected down? to the latest times. Formerly there appeared only one-sided representations
of the life of the first Christians, for example, by W. Cave, Gottfr. Arnold, Peter Zorn.
The history of morals is interwovenl with it in Stidudlin's history of the moral teaching of
Christ. (Geschichte der Sittenlehre Jesu; see note 4.) [For the history of Christian life
see Neander's Denkwiirdigkeiten aus der Gesclichlte des Christenthums und des christlichen Lebens. Berlin. 1823, if. 3 vols. [A third edition of the first volume has been
lately punblished.]
7 Edlm. Martene De antiquis Ecclesiae Ritibus. 3te sellr verm. Aufl. Antverp. 1736-38.
4 Thle. fol. C. Shodne Geschichtsforschnngen fiber die kirchl. Gebriiuclle u. Einrichtungen
der Christen. Berlin. 1819, if. [Only three volumes are yet published.]
L. Thomassini Vetus et Nova Ecclesiae Disciplina circa beneficia et beneficiarios.
Lucae. 1728. 3 Thle. fol. Planck's Gesch. der Christl. kirchl. Gesellschaftsvelfassung
(see above, note 2).
Origines Ecclesiasticae, or the Antiquities of the Christian Church, by Joseph Bingham.
A new edition, 8 vols. 8vo. London. 1839, if. Jos. Binghami Origines sive Antiquitates
Ecclesiasticae ex. angl. lat. redditae a J. H. Grischovio. Halae. 1724-38. 11 vol. 4. J. C.
WV. Augusti's Denkwiirdigkeiten auns d. Christl. Archiiologie. Leipz. 1817, ff. 12 Bde.
The same author's Handbuch d. Christl. Archaologie. Ebend. 1836, if. 3 Bde. F. H.
Rheinwald's Kirchl. Archliologie. Berlin. 1830. Bohmer's Christl. Kirchl. Alterthumswissenscllaft. Breslau. 1836. 2 Bde. From Catholic authors we have F. Th. Mamachii
Originnm et Antiquitatum Christianorum, libb. xx. There have only appeared libb. iv.
tRomae. 1749-55. 4. J. L. Selvaggii Antiquitatum Christianarum Institutiones libb. iii. in
6 partibus. Neapoli. 1772-74. 8. Alex. Aur. Pelliccia de Christ. Ecclesiae primae, mediae et novissimae aetatis politia libb. vi. Neapoli. 1777. 3 Bde. 8. ed. nova, cura J. J.
Ritterii et Braunii. 2 T. Colon. 1829. 38. 8. A German translation by A. J. Binterim:
Die Vorziiglichsten Delkwiirdigkeiten der Christ-Katlhol. Kirche, mit bes. Rtickosichtnahme
auf d. Disciplin d. Kath. K. in Deutschland. Mainz. 1825, if. 7 Thle. in 17 Bden. Locherer Lehrb. d. Christl. Archftologie. Frankf. 1832.
10 The history of parties separated from the catholic Church has been confined with too
much one-sidedIness merely to their controversies with the catholic Church. C. W. F.
Walch's Vollstlindige Historie der Ketzereien, Spaltungen u. Religionsstreitigkeiten bis




INTRODUCTION. ~ 2. GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 17
hislor)ies.   But yet in the progress of development, the  separate
ecclesiastical relations, and  also the  national and  separate ecclesiastical societies of particular lands, are constantly  acting upon
each other in a greater or less degree; so that no special history,
or description  of individual ecclesiastical relations, can be wholly
separated from the rest of the history. It is the object of tha
general  zistory of tIe  CAristian  church1l to exhibit the  general
steps in its progress, so that its relation to the ideal of the church,
auf die Reformation. Leipzig. 1762. 11 Thle. 8 (reaching as far as the image-controversy).
[Lardner's History of the Heretics. Burton's Inquiry into the Heresies of the Apostolic
Age, being the Bampton Lecture for 1829.]
11 Works on the general history of the Christian Church.
L.-BY PROTESTANT NWRITERS,
Ecclesiastica historia —congesta per aliquot studiosos et pios viros in urbe Magdeburga.
Basil. 1559-74. 13 Bde. fol. (embraces thirteen centuries), usually called Centuriae Magdeburgenses. The new edition by Semler (Norimlb. 1757, ff. 6 voll. 4) is incomplete.
J. H. Hottingeri Hist. Ecclesiastica Novi Testamenti. Hanov. et Tiguri. 1655-67. 9
Thle. 8, to the end of the sixteenth century.
J. L. Mosheim Institutionum   Historiae Ecclesiasticae Antiquae et Recentioris libb. iv
Helmst. 1755. 4 (Mosheim's Vollstandige Kirchengeschichte, frei fibersetzt u. mit. Zusatzen
von J. A. Cp. v. Einem. Leipzig. 1769-78. 9 Thle. 8. Von J. It. Schlegel. Heilbr. u.
Rothenb. 1770-96. 7 Bde. 8). [Translated into English by Maclaine, with notes, and frequently reprinted. Also by James Murdoclk, D.D., 3 vols. 8vo, fifth edition, 1854.]
J. S. Semoler Historiae Eccles. selecta capita cum epitome canonum, excerptis dogmaticis
et tabulis chronologicis. Halae. 1773-78. 3 Bde. 8, to the end of the fifteenth century.
H. Venema Institutiones Hist. Ecclesiae Vet. et Novi Testam. Lugd. Batav. 1777-83.
7 Thle., to the end of the sixteenth century.
J. Matth. Schrclkh's Christl. Kirchengeschichte bis zur Reformation. Leipzig. 17681803. 35 Thle. 8. The same author's Kircbengesch. seit der Reformat. Ebend. 1804-10.
10 Thle. 8 (ninth and tenth parts by H. G. Tzschirner).
iH. P. C. Henke's Allgemeine Gesch. der Christl. Kirche, fortgesetzt von J. S. Vater.
Braunschweig. 1788-1820. 8 Thle. 8, of the first and second parts, the fifth edition, 1818.
20; of the third and fourth, the fourth edition, 1806. The history since the Reformation
(parts 3-8) is comprised in a third volume by Vater, 1823.
J. E. Ch. Schmidt's Handbuch der Christlichen Kirchengeschichte.  Giessen. 1801-20.
6 Thle. (Th. 1-4, 2te Aufl. 1825-27), continued by F. W. Rettberg. Th. 7, 1834, reaches
to 1305.
A. Neander's Allgem. Geschichte der Christ]. Religion u. Kirche. Hamb. 1825, if. 8,
bis Bd. 5. Abth. 1, in 9 Thlen. geht bis 1300 (new edition, of Bd. 1, Abth. 1, in 2 Bden.
1842 u. 43). [Two volumes, embracing the first three centuries, have been translated from
the first edition, by Henry John Rose.]
H. E. F. Guerike's Handb. der Allgem. Kirchengesch.  2 Bde. Halle. 1833 (8te Anu.
1854).
J. G. V. Engelhardt's Handbuch der Kirchengesch. 4 Bde. Erlangen. 1833, 34.
A. F. Gfir'rer's Allgem. Kirclhengesch. ffir die Deutsche Nation.  4 Bde. (Stuttgart.
1841-5.)
Manuals by J. M. Schr6ckh (Hist. Relig. et Eccles. Christ. 1777. ed. 7, cura Ph. Marhei.
necke. Berol. 1828). L. T. Spittler (Gott. 1782. 5te Aufl. bes. v. G. J. Planck. 1812). J.
E. Chr. Schmidt (Giessen. 1800. 3te Aufl. 1826). W. Miinscher (Malburg. 1804. 2te Aufn
v. L. Wachler. 1815. 3te Anfl. v. Mi. J. H. Beckhaus. 1826). K. F. Stbtudlin (Hann. 1806
volJ. i. 2




18 INTRODUCTION. ~ 2. GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH,
the kingdom  of God, may be perceived.   Accordingly, such his.
torical data alone as refer to  this general progress, are important
in its view; while those data which have only a more limited
significance, are left to special histories.
5te Aufl. v. Holzhausen. 1833). J. T. L. Danz (2 Thle. Jena. 1818-26). K. Hase (Leipz.
1834. 7te Aufl. 1854). P. Hofstede de Groot. Groningae. 1835. H. J. Royaards fasc. 2.
Traj. ad Rh. 1840.
J. S. Vater's Synchronist. Tafeln der Kirchengesch. Halle. 1803. 4te Aufl. 1825. fol.
[English works are, Priestley's General History of the Christian Church to the present
time, 6 vols. 8vo. London. 1780-1803. Milner's Church History, continued by J. Scott.
Jones's History of the Christian Church. Waddington's History, originally published in
the Library of Useful Knowledge; to which was afterward added, a History of the Refor.
mation, in 3 vols. See also Campbell's Lectures on Ecclesiastical History.]
II. BY CATHIOLIC WRITERS.
Caes. Baronii Annales Ecclesiastici. Romm. 1588-1607. 12 Bde. fol. reaches to 1198;
the edition of Mogunt. 1601, was improved by the author himself, and has, consequently,
been made the basis of succeeding editions. Among the continuators of Baronius, has
been most valued Odoricus Raynaldus Ann. Eccles. Tom. xiii.-xxi. Rom. 1646-77. (Tom.
xxi. was suppressed by Rtomish Censorship till 1689. Of Tom. xiii.-xx. a new and improved
edition was published by the author at Colon. 1693. ss.), reaches to 1565. This was continued by Jac. de Laderchio. Ann. Eccl. T. xxii.-xxiv. Rom. 1728-37, embracing the
years 1566-71.
Other continuations of Baronius are those of Abr. Bzovii. Rom. 1616. Tomi viii. to 1564
(improved edition. Colon. 1621, ss.), and that of Henr. Spondani. Paris. 1640-41. Tomi ii.
to 1640. Critiques: Is. Casauboni Exercitationes XVI. ad Card. Baronii prolegom. Londini. 1614. fol. continued by Sam. Basnagius: Exercitationes-in quibus Card. Baronii
Annales ab anno Christi XXXV., in quo Casaubonus desiit, expenduntur. Ultraj. 1692,
also 1717. 4. Anton. Pagi critica historico-chronologica ill annales Barouii ed. Franc. Pagi.
Antverp, properly Geneva, 1705, also 1727. T. iv. fol.
A great edition of Baronii Annales, Raynaldi continuatio, Pagi critica, and of other
smaller writings, by Dom. Ge. and Dom. Jo. Mansi. Luce. 1738-59. 38 Bde. fol.
Natalis Alexandri Hist. Eccles. Vet. et Novi Testamenti. Paris. 1699. 8 Bde. fol.
(reaches to the end of the 16th century). Claude Fleury Histoiro Ecclesiastique. Paris.
1691-1720. 20 Bde. 4 (reaches to 1414), continued by Jean Claude Fabre. Paris. 1726-40.
16 Bde. 4. Casp. Sacharelli Historia Ecclesiastica. Rom. 1772-95. 25 voll. 4. Fr. L.
Graf v. Stolberg: Geschichte der Religion Jesu. Hamburg. 1806-19. 15 Bde. 8, continued by F. v. Kerz. Mainz. 1825, if. Th. 16-38, down to the 12th century. Th. Kater.
kamp's Kirchengesclichte.  Muinster. 1819-34. 5 Bde. to 1153. J. N. Locherer's Gesche
d. Christl. Rel. u. Kirche. 9. Thle. Ravensburg. 1824, if. to 1073. J. N. Hortig's Halndbuch d. Christl. Kirchengesch. beendigt von J. J. J. D5illinger.  2 Bde. Landshut. 182628. A new working up of the materials: D6llinger's Gescl. d. Christl. Kirche. B}de. 1 in 2
Abtheil. Landshut. 1833, 35, partly to 680. J. J. Ritter's Handb. der Kirchengesch.
Elberfield. 1826, fE. 3 Bde. to 1792 (Bd. 1 u. 2, 5te Aufl. Bonn. 1854). J. 0. Ritter v.
Rauscher Gesch. der Cllristlichen Kirche. Salzburg. 1829. 2 Bde. to 313. Jac. Ruttenstock Instit. Hist. Eccl. N. T. 3 T. Viennwa. 1832, ss. to 1517. J. AnnegaLn Gesch. d.
Christl. Kirche. Minster. 1842, f. 3 Thle. to 1841.
Manuals by Matthias Dannenmayr (Institutt. h. e. N. T. Viennae. 1788, ed. 2, 1806. 2
voll.). Fr. Xav. Gmeiner (Epitome h. e. N. T. 2 voll. ed. 2. Gratz. 1803). Ant. MichI.
(Christl. K. G. 2 Bde. Miiachen. 1807, 11. 2te Aufl. 1811, 19.) D511inger. Landshut.
1836, ff. (Bd. 1 u. Bd. 2. Abthl. 1, partly to 1517). Joh. Alzog (5te Aufl. Mainz. 1854).




'NTRODU-CTION. ~ 3. R'LATION, ETC.                            19
RELATION OF CHURCH HISTORY TO'OTHER HISTORICAL STUDIES.
Ecclesiastical history forms a part of the general history  of
cslture    and.of  religion,2 and  requires  attention  to  other departments of study, that we  may judge rightly  of the  importance  of Christianity in  relation  to  general culture, and  of its
contests withl other religions.   It is scientifically co-ordinate with
political history,3 the history of philosophy,4 and the history of
literature,5 with which it stands in so close relationship, that,
to be filly -understood, it can as little dispense with their aid as
they can dispense with  it.   Besides, it requires, as other historI J. G. Herder's Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte d. Menschheit. Riga u. Leipzig. 1784-91. 4 Thle. 8. J. G. Gruber's Gesch. des Menschl. OGeschlechts a. d. Gesichtspunkte der Humanitht. Leipzig. 1806, 7. 2 Bde. 8.
2 Berhll. Picard Cdr6monies et Couturmes Religieuses de tous les peuples du monde.
Amsterd. 1723-53. 9 vols. fol. F. H. St. Delaunaye Histoire ge6nrale et particuliere des
Religions et du Culte do tous les peuples du monde. Paris. 1791. 2 T. 4. Ch. Meiners
Allg. Krit. Geschichte der Religionen. Hannover. 1806, 7. 2 Bde. 8. F. Mayer Gesch.
aller Religionen, als Mythologisehes Tashllenbuch. Weinzar. 1811. 8.
3 Universal History, 60 vols. 8vo. London. 1747-63. Translated into Germllan by Baulgarten and Sember, and continued by a society of learned men in Germany and England
(A. L. Schloezer, L. A. Gebbardi, E. Tozen, J. G..lIeusel, J. F. Le Bret, F. iRuhs, and
others). 1771-1810. A collection of explanatory writings and additions to the Universal
History was published at -Halle, 1747-65, in 6 Theile 4to.
History of the European  States, publisled by A..E. L. Heeren and iF. A.'Ukert. Hambu'g. 1829, if. Up to the present tim'e have gppeared-History of the Germans, by J. C.
Pfister, 5 vols.; of the Austrian empire, by J. Count Mailath, 5 vols.; of the Prussian
empire, by G. A. H. Stenzel, 5 vols.; Saxony, by C. W. Boettiger, 2 vols.; Portugal, by
H. Schaefer, 5 vols.; Spain, by F. W. Lembke, 1 vol.; France, by E. Al. Schmidt, 4
vols.; France in the time of the Revolution, by WV. Wachsmnuth. 4 vols.; Italy, by H.
Leo, 5 vols.; England, by J. M. Lappenberg, 2 vols.; the Netherlands, by Van Kampen,
2 vols.; Denmarlk, by F. C. Dahlmann, 3 vols.; Sweden, by E. G. Geijer, 3 vols.; Poland,
by R. Ropell, 2 vol.; Russia, by Ph. Strahl, 2 vols.; the Osmans, by Zinkeisen, 1 vol.
C. F. Schlosser's Weltgeschichte in zusaimmenhfmngender Erzdihlung, 4 volumes are
already published in seven parts (down to the year 1409). Frankf. on the Maine, 181541. 8vo.
4 Jac. Bruckeri Historia Critica Philosophiae. Lips. 1741-67. 6 Bde. 4. D. Tiedemanns's Geist der Speculativen Philosophie. Marb. 1791-97.. 6 Bde. 8. J. G. Buhle's
Lehrbuch  der Geseh. der Philosophie. G6tt. 1796-1804. 8 Thle. 8. The same author's
Gesch. der neuern Philosophic seit der Epoche d. WViederherstellung d. Wissensch.
Ebend. 1800-5. 6 Bde. 8. WV. G. Tennemann's Gesch. d. Philosophie. Leipzig. 17981820. 11 Bde. 8. H. Ritter's Geseh. der Philosophie. (Th. 5 u. 12. Gesch. der Christl.
Philosophic.)  Hamburg. 2te Aufl. 1837-1854.
5 L. Wachler's Allgem. Gesch. der Literatur. 3te Umnarbeitung. Frankf. a. M. 1833., Thle. gr. 8.




20                  INTRODUCTION. ~ 3. RELATION, ETC.
ical studies do, historical ogeography,6 chronology,y7 philology,
diplomatics,9 numismatics, heraldry, and  derives  special assistance from  ecclesiastical geography and statistics.10
6 For this the following are useful:-Chr. Kruse's Atlas zur Gesclh. aller Europ. Ldnder
u. Staaten von ihrer ersten Bevl1kerung an bis auf die neuesten Zeiten. Ote Ausg. Halle.
1841.   Efte. fol. K. v. Spruner's Histolisch-Geographischer Handatlas.  Gotha. 1837,
if. his jetzt 6 Lieferungen in 47 Charten.
7 The general works on chronology: J. Ch. Gatterer's Abrisz der Chronologie.  G6ttingen. 1777. 8. L'Art de v6rifier les Dates des Faits Historiques, &c., par un religieux
Bn6ndictin. Paris. 1750. 3 Thle. 4. In the latest edition it appeared par M. Viton de
Saint-Alais in two parts; L'Art, &c. avant l'ere Chrdtienne, 5 Tomes; L'Art, &c. depuis
la Naissance de notre Seigneur, 18 Tomes. Paris. 1818 u. 19. 8. Dr. L. Ideler's Randbuch der nmathemat. u. technischen Chronologie. 2 Bde. Berlin. 1825, 26. The same
author's Lehrbuch der Chronologie. Ebend. 1831. Dr. Ed. Brinckmeier's prakt. Handbuch der Histor. Chronologie. Leipzig. 1843.
In addition to the well-known chronological distinctions ab urbe condita, according to
the consuls, emperors, &c., the following eras are important in church history. Aera contractionunm or Seleucidarum, begillling  -.C. 312, 1st October, formerly the most common
in the east, and to this day the ecclesiastical era of the Syrian Christians. Aera Hisp anica
begins 716 A.U.c., 38 B.c., abolished in Spain in the fourteenth century, in Portugal not until
1415. Aera Diocletiana or aera Martyrum, begins 29th August, A.D. 284, used in the Christian Roman empire, and still current among the Copts.  Cyclus indictionum, a fifteen
years' cycle constantly recurring, which first began on the 1st September, 312, but in the
middle ages assumed the usual commencement of the year. Aera Constantinopolitana
reckons after the creation of the world, the 1st September, 5508 B.c., since the council of
Trulla (692), in civil use among the Greeks, among the Russians abolished in 1700. Besides the different commencements of the year must be noticed in the reckoning of time.
Comp. Ideler's Handbuch ii. 325, ff.
8 For the later Greek and Latin generally: C. du Fresne Glossarium ad Scriptores
mediae etinfimae Graecitatis. Lugd. 1688. 2 Tom. fol. C. duFresne Glossar. ad Scriptores
mediae et infimae Latinitatis. Edit. nova opera et stud. Monachorumn ord. S. Bened.
Paris. 1733-36. 6 voll. fol. P. Carpentier Glossar. novum ad Scriptores med. aevi cum
Latinos tum Gallicos. Paris. 1766. 4 voll. fol. Glossar. manuale ad Scriptores mediae
et infimae Latinitatis, (by J. C. Adelung.)  Hal. 1772-84. 6 voll. 8. Here also belong all
glossaries for the dialects of the middle ages. As every department of life and science
has its peculiar ideas and expressions, so in like manner the Christian church. For this
ecclesiastical and theological terminology, which can not, indeed, fitly lay the foundation
of an ecclesiastical philology as a peculiar study, comp. J. C. Suiceri Thesaurus Ecclesiasticus e patribus Graecis. Second edition. Amsterd. 1728. 2 vols. fol. C. L. Baueri Glossarium Theodoreteum, appended to Schulz's edition of Theodoret (Halle. 1774), and Index
latinitatis Tertullianeae, by Schfitz and Windorf, annexed to Semler's edition of Tertallian
(Halle. 1776).
9 General works on Diplomatics:- J. Mabillon De Re Diplomatica, ed. 2. Paris. 1709.
Suppleme. 1704. Nouveau Trait6 de Diplomatique' par deux relig. B n6dictins de la Congr.
de St. Maur. (Toustain et Tassin.)  Paris. 1750-65. 6 voll. 4. Gatterer's Abriss der
Diplomatik. G6tt. 1798. 8. K. T. G. Sch6nemann's Vollstdndiges System der Allgemeinen
Diplomatik.  Hamb. 1801. 2 Bde. 8.
10 Caroli a S. Paulo Geographia Sacra s. notitia antiqua dioeceseon omniium veteris
ecclesiae, cur. J. Clerico. Amstel. 1703. fol. Fr. Spanhemii Geograph. Sacra et Eccles.
(Opp. T. i. Lugd. Bat. 1701.) Binghamn Origg. Eccl. lib. ix. For later times: K. F
Staiudlin's Kirchl. Geographie u. Statistik. Tilbingen. 1804. 2 Thle. 8. Kirchl. Statistik
von Dr. Jul. Wiggers. 2 Bde. Hamburg u. Gotha. 1842.
Atlas Antiquus Sacer, ecclesiasticus et profanus, collectus ex tabulis geographicis Nic.




INTRODUCTION. ~ 4. SOURCES OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 21
~ 4.
OF THE SOURCES OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
The sources of ecclesiastical history, like those of every other
history, may be traced back to private  testimony, original doctments, and  mzontuments.   To  the  first belong not only  the records  of  ecclesiastical events  which  are  origZinal to  us,l  and
biographies of remarkable persons in the history of Christianity,
particularly  of hierarchs2  and  saints,3 but also  other works of
Christian  writers, especially  the  tlzeological,4  and  even  many
Sansonis.  Tabulas emendavit J. Clericus. Asmstel. 1705. fol. Atlas Sacer s. Ecclesiasticus descriptus a J. E. Th. WViltsch.  Gotha. 1843. fol.
Literary History of Ecclesiastical History, see C. Sagittarii Introductio in Historiam
Ecclesiasticanr. Jenae. 1718. Tom. i. 4, with the supplements in Tonm. ii. (curante J. A.
Schmiidio, 1718, p. 1-706.) Ch. W. F. Walch's Grundsitze der zur Kirchenhistorie des N.
T. n6thigen Vorbereitongslehren u. Bijclherlkenntniss.  Cott. 1773. 8. Schr6clkh's Kirchengesch. Bd. 1. S. 141, ff: -C. F. StCudlin's Geschichte u. Literatur der Kirchengescll.
herausgeg. v. J. T. Hemnsen. Hannover. 1827. 8. Comnp. tlhe works about to be quoted in
Note 4 below.
2 Especially of the popes. The oldest collection of the biographies of them is Anastasii
Bibliothecarii (abbot in Rome about 870) Liber Pontificalis. This, together with the following collections, bas been inserted in Muratorii Rerunm Ital. Scriptores, T. iii.
3 Existing in great numbers, but only to be used with great caution. Acta Sanctoruin,
qotqquot toto orbe coluntur. Antverp. 1643-1794. 53 vols. fol. A work of the A.ntwerp
Jesuits-Jo. Bolland (he began it; hence the publishers are called Bollandists), God.
Henschenius, Dan. Papebrochius, &c., alTanged according to the days of the month. The
53d volume contains the 6th of October. The apparatus collected for the work, which was
long unknown, to which alone about 700 MSS. belong, camle to Brussels from the abbey
Tongerloo, in the Bibliothlque de Bourgogne.  Since 1839 tlhe Jesuits have been working
upon the continuation in Tongerloo at the expense of the Belgian governllent. De
Prosecutione Operis Bollandiani, quod Acta Sanctorum  inscribitur.  Namnur. 1838. 8.
MIdmoire sur les Bollandistes par M. Gachard, in the Messager des Sciences et des
arts de la Belgique.  T. iii. (Gand. 1835), p. 200. On the history of the Bollandists, see
what is written in the Bonn. Zeitschrift fuir Philos. u. kath. Theol. Heft. 17. S. 245, ff. Heft.
20. S. 235, if.
4 Literary collections relating to the fathers: Nouvelle Bibliotheque des Auteurs Eccl1siastiques, par' L. Ellies du Piin. Paris. 1686-1714. gr. 8, with the continuations: Bibliotheque des Auteurs separes de la Communion de 1'Eglise Romaine, du 16 et 17 siecle par
Ell. du Pin. Paris, 1718-19. 2 vols., and the Bibliotli6que des Aut. Eccles. du 18 siecle, par
Claude Pierre Goujet. Paris. 1736-37. 3 vols. gr. 8. Comp. Remnarques snur la Biblioth. de
M. du Pin par Mattlieu Petitdidier. Paris. 1691, ss. 3 Tons. 8, and Critique de la Biblioth.
de M. du Pin, par Rich. Simon. Paris. 1730. 4 Tom. 8.
Histoire des Auteurs Sacr6s et Eccldsiastiques, par PR. Ceillier. Paris. 1729, if. 24 Thle
4 (reaching to the thirteenth century). W. Cave, Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Historia
Literaria. Oxon. 1740. Basil. 1741. 2 voll. fol. (to the Reformation). Casp. Oudini
Commentarius de Scriptoribus Ecclesiast. Antiquis. Lips. 1722. 3 voll. fol. (to the year
1460). J. A. I6hler's Patrologie, herausgegeben v. Reithmayer.  Bd. 3. Regensburg,




22   INTRODUCTION.  l 4. SOURCES OF ECCLESIASTICAL    iSMTORY.
writings proceeding from persons not Christians, who came in,
contact with Christians.
Among the original documents the following must be particularly  examined:  the laws  of different states, as far as they
have  exerted  an  influence  on  the  Christian  ehurch,l   or have
themselves arisen under the influences of the church itself;  thie
acts% and ordinances of eicclesiastical councils;5 tie official
writings of the heads of churehes, especially of the popes;5 thle
rules of mlonastic orders;7 confessions of faith, liturgies, 4c;: 
Monuments are ecclesiastical buildings, monuments of the dead',
1840. J. Chr. F. Balhr die christl. r6mische Theologie- Calrlsruhie. 1837, and his Gesch. de
r6mischen Literatur im karolingischen Zeitalter, 1840 (a second and' thiird supplementary
volume, to his History of Roman Literature).
J. A. Fabricii Bibliotheea'cclesibastiea.  Hiamb. 1718. fol. Ejusd. Biblioth. Latinsa
rmediae et infimae Aetatis. Hamb. 1734-46. 6 vols. 8 (enlarged by Mansi. Patav. 1754. a
vols. 4), also Fabricii Bibliothl. Graeca (Hamb. 1705, ss. voll. xiv. 4, ed. nova variolum curis.
emendatior curante G. Ch. Harless.  Hamb. 1790=-1809. vol. xii. 4, incomplete), and
Biblioth. Latina (ed. 4. I-amb. 1722. 3 Tomi. 8. auct. ed. J. A. Ernesti. Lips. 1773, 74. 3
Tom. 8), contain accounts of ecclesiastical authors. A Supplement to the last work is
presented in C. T. G. Schoenemanni Biblioth. Hist. Literaria Patrum L atin. a, Tertullianeo
usque ad Gregor. IV. Tomi ii. Lips. 1792, 94. 8..
Patres ecclesiae are, in the opinion of Catholics, the orthodox ecclesiastical writers as
far as the thirteenth century (these, howevei, are not of normal authority; like the
Doctores -cclesiae, Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome, Gregoly the Great, Thomas Aquinas,
and Bonaventura). Protestants usually restrict the appellation to the first six centuriec,
as the purer period of the church. The- works of the fathers not included in separate
collections are found in the, large collections, such as: Magna Bibliotheca vett. Patrum:.
Paris. 1654. 17 Tomi. fol. Maxima Bibliotheca vett. Patrum. Lugdun. 1677. 27 Tomi. fol.
Andr. Gallandii Biblioth. vett. Patrum. Venetiis. 1765, ss. 14 Tomi. fol.
s Chr. VW. F. Walch Entwurf einer Vollstdndigen G eschichte der Kirchenversamnlm
lungen. Leipzig. 1759. 8. Sagittarianae Introductionis i- HI-istor. Eccl. Tom. ii. curante
J. A. Sebmidio (Jenae. 1718), p. 707.
Collections of the-proceedings of general councils: Conciliorum omnnium collectio Regiao
Paris. 1644. 37 vols. fol. Sacrosancta Concilia-stud. Ph. Labbei et Gab. Cossarti. Paris.
1672. 18 vols. fol. (with a: supplementary volume by B aluzius. Paris. 1683). Conciliorumn
collectio Regia maxima stud. J. Harduini. Paris. 1715. 12 vols. fol. Sacrosani~ta Concilia
-cu-rante Nicol. Coleti. Venet. 1728, ss. 23 vols. fol. (with the suppleinenturn, by J. Dom.
Mansi. Lucae. 1748. 6 vols. fol.)  Sacrorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio.
Car. J. D. Mansi. Plorent. et Venet. 1759; ss. 31 vols. fol., extendilng to 1509.
6 Bullarium Romanum. Luxemb. 1727. I: vols. fol.  B-lliarrium amplissima collectio
op. Car. Coquelines, from the seventh volume onward, with the title, Bullarilum Romanum,
s. novissima collectio Apostolicarum  Constitutionum. Romae.. 1739, ss. 14 Tomi in'2&
Partt. fol., with the continuation, Bullarium  Magnl m  Ro-manumu  Sunnmoruml Pontificuir
Clemeintis XSII. et XIV., Pii VI. et VII., Leonis XII., et Pii VIII. Romae. 1833, ss. 89,
fasc. fol.
r Lucae Holstenii Codex Regularum Monasticarum. (Rolm. 1661. 3 voll. 4), auctus a
Mar. Brockie. Aug. Vind. 1759. 6 voll. fol.
8 J. A. Assemani Codex Liturgicus Ecclesiae Universae. Rom. 1749. 13 voll. 4. L. A.
AMuratorii Liturgia Romana vetus. Venet. 1748. 2 voll. fol. E:us.Renaudot Liturgiarumi
Orientaliuml  Collectio. Paris. 171-. 2 vyol. 4a




INTRODUCTION. Q 5. USE OF THE SOURCES.               23
stone inscriptions, and other works which art has produced in
the service of the church.
~ 5.
USE OF THE SOURCES.
The object of investigations in church history is to reproduce,
directly from the original sources, the facts belonging to the sphere
of the church, in its external and internal life, in their manifestations as well as their grounds, and also in their causal connections. For this purpose the historian requires not only a penetrating and unbiased interpretation of the sources which present
themselves, but also historical criticism, to enable him to judge
of the genuineness, integrity, and credibility of the sources, not
only in general, but in each particular case.l  This criticism
must be the more watchful, since distortions of historical truth
frequently appear in the province of ecclesiastical history, produced by credulity and ignorance, by prejudice and partisanship, by the desire to adapt it to certain ends, and even by deceit. In those cases in which the sources afford nothing at all,
or what is false, relative either to single facts or their causal
connection, the inquirer must have recourse to historical conjectures, whose probability may border very nearly on truth,
but often, perhaps, may rise very little above other possibilities.
In forming such historical conjectures, he must be guided by a
careful consideration of existing relations, of the character of
the period and persons, by analogy, and even by the false data
of the sources.  The ecclesiastical historian must renounce party
interest, as well as prejudices. arising from the peculiarities of
his time.  On the other hand, he can not penetrate into the in
ternal character of the phenomena of church history without
a Christian religious spirit, because one can not generally comprehend  aright any strange spiritual phenomenon without reproducing it in himself. It is only investigation of this nature
that can discover where the Christian spirit is entirely wanting,
Ernesti de fide historica recte aestimanda (in his Opusculis Philologico-Criticis, ed. 2.
Lugd. Bat. 1776. p. 64, ss.) Griesbachii Diss. de fide hist. ex ipsa rerum quae narrantur
natura judicanda (in his Opusc. Acad. ed Gabler. Jenae. 1824. vol. i. p. 167, ss.)




24      INTRODUCTION. P 6. ARRANGEMENT OF MATERIALS.
where it is used merely as a mask, and what other spirit has
taken its place.  Wherever it exists it will not be mistaken, although it should manifest itself in such ways as are foreign to
the spirit of our own times.
~6.
ARRANGEMENT OF THE MATERIALS OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.HISTORIC REPRESENTATION.
The old methods of arranging the materials of ecclesiastical
history according to years, or of dividing them into centuries,
have been rightly abandoned. The division into periods, by
means of epochs, has been generally adopted, although great
difference prevails in fixing these periods.  We assume four
periods: the first, To the time of Constantine, the first develop-.
ment of the church under external oppressioni; tfhe second, Till
the beginning of the image controversies, the development of
Christianity as the prevailing religion of the state; the third,
Till the Reformation, the development of the Papacy prevailing
over the state; the fourth, The development of Protestantism.'
The contents of each period may be arranged either chronologically or according to a general scheme taken from the different
relations of the church.  (~ 2.)  Both methods used exclusively
have their advantages and disadvantages. In the chronological
arrangement things similar are often too widely separated, and
the lines of development are torn asunder.  In the other arrangement, when the periods are large, the mutual influence which
the development of separate ecclesiastical relations has on each
other at different times is obscured, and the survey of the entire
condition of one particular time is rendered difficult. We must
therefore endeavor, as far as possible, to unite the advantages of
both methods, and to  avoid their disadvantages.  Although
every period has its definite ecclesiastical character, yet this
1 The following have been used as epochs by different ecclesiastical historians, for the
purpose of limiting their periods:-The destruction of Jerusalem, 70; Commencement of
Constantine's reign, 306, or the Council of Nice, 325; Gregory the Great, 604, or MIuhammed, 622; Boniface, the Apostle of the Germans, 715, or the beginning of the image
controversy, 725; Clarlemagne, 800; Gregory VII., 1073; Removal of the papal residence
to Avignon, 1305; Reformation 1517: Founding of the University of Halle, 1693.




INTRODUCTION. ~ 7. VALUE OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.   25
character undergoes many modifications during the lapse of the
whole period.   Hence the division of periods into small sections
of time is justified.   The materials of these smaller sections are
best arranged chronologically, as long as the church in its first
beginnings has not yet formed its internal relations; afterward
they may be disposed according to a division taken from these
internal relations.   In every section of time there prevails the
development of one or of several ecclesiastical relations, so that
the development of all the other relations of the church is thereby
controlled. It is therefore suitable to dispose the history of the
different relations in the church in every minor period, according
to their relative importance, and their influence on the whole.
The mode of writing ecclesiastical history must be worthy of
the subject. The phenomena make a continual demand upon
our moral and religious feelings. Where moral greatness is
manifested, they excite our admiration; where they bear witness to errors, they excite our compassion; where they evince
immoral designs and motives, they stir up our indignation; but
they never furnish a fit subject for ridicule.
~ 7.
VALUE OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.1
Church  history has a universal interest for men, as it forms
the most important part of the religious history of humanity.
For the Christian it has a peculiar interest, since it discloses to
him  the later transformations of Christianity, with their causes
and effects, and guides him to a safe judgment with regard to
what is original and essential in it.   On this account, it is indispensable to the Christian theologian who desires to acquire a
scientific knowledge of Christianity.2   It is also of importance
1 J. J. Griesbach De Historiae Ecclesiasticae nostri seculi usibus sapienter accommodatae utilitate. Jen. 1776. 4 (in his Opusc. Acad. ed. Gabler. vol. i. p. 318). Respecting
the influence of the study of church history on the culture of the mind, and the life, see
Dree Vorlesungen von Dr. F. A. Koethe. ~ Leipzig. 1810. 4.
2 J. A. Ernesti De Theologiae historicae et dogmaticae conjungendae necessitate et modo
universo (in his Opusco. Theoll. p. 565). Niemeyer's Abhandl. fiber die hohe WVichtigkeit
u. die zweckmaissige Methode eines fortgesetzten Studioms der Religions- u. Kirchengeschichte ftir prakt. Religionslehrer (prefixed to Fuhrmann's Handw6rterbuch der Christl.
Religions- und Kirchengesch. Bd. 1. Halle. 1826. 8).




26  INTRODUCTION. ~ 7. VALUE OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY
to the scholar, because of its essential connection with the history of learning, philosophy, morals, and the arts. It is obvious,
that a fundamental acquaintance with ecclesiastical law, and
the  legislative  enactments  of  Christian  states,  is  impossible
without it.3
3 J. H. Boehmer Diss. de necessitate et utilitate Stud. Hist. Ecclesiast. in juris ecclesiastici prudentia (in the Observatt. sell. ad Pet. de Marca libr. de concordia sacerdotii et
imperii. Francof. 1708. fol.)




FIRST  PERIODS,
TO THE SOLE REIGN OF CONSTANTINE, BY WHICH THE RECOGNITION
OF THE. CHURCH WAS SECURED IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
FROM THE YEAR 1-324.
SOURCES.
I. The Scriptures of the New  Testament.
II. Ecclesiastical historians. Fragments of Hegesippus (about
170 A.D.) vrrouvigaara tSrv 8Gcc7]1a5taarTcv rrpas&ov (with a commentary in Routh Reliq. Sccr.., vol. i. p. 187, ss.).
Eusebius (bishop of Caesarea t about 340) ~t ~qartaavlticl   Ma-opia
in ten books,' ed. H. Valesius. Par. 1659. fol. (an incorrect
reprint, Mogunt. 1672), ed. ii. 1677 (reprinted Amsterdam,
1695. fol.).   Convenient smaller editions by  F. A. Stroth.
Hal. 1779.  Tom. i. 8.   E. Zimmermann. PP. II.   Francof.
ad M. 1822. 8., cum  Valesii commentario  aliorumque  observationibus edidit, suas animadversiones, excursus et indices
adjecit F. A. Heinichen.   T. iii.   Lips. 1827, 28. 8. ad
codd. Mss.  ece. Ed. Burton..   Oxon. 1838.   T. ii. 8.   The
Latin  version  of Eusebius's  Church  History, by  Rufinus
(about A.D. 400), in nine books (the tenth was not translated
by him), with its continuation in two books (RJufini hist. eccl.
libb. xi.), which was very common  in  the  fifteenth  and sixteenth centuries, but of which there is no edition since that of
Petr. Thom. Cacciari. Romae. 1740-41. Tomi ii. 4to.,
1 Withl regard to the credibility of Eusebius which has been too, muchl depreciated by
Scaliger, Baronius, Masch (Abh. v. d. Grundsprache d. Evangel. Matth. Halle. 1755.
S. 191), Gibbon and Semler (Novae Observatt., p. 17, and often), see J. Moelier de fide
Eusebii Caesar. Hafnae. 1813. 8. (reprinted in StSudlin's and TzchirnelJs Archiv. f.
Kirchengesch. Bd. 3. St. 1). J. T. L. Danz de Eusebio Caes. ejusque fide hist. recte
aestimanda. P. i. Jenae. 1815. 8. Ch. A. Kestner Comm. de Eusebii auctoritate et fide
diplomatica. Goetting. 1817. 4. H. Reuterdahld de Fontibus Hist. Eccles. Eusebianae.
Londini Gothor. 1826. 8. Bern. Rienstra de Fontibus, ex quibus hist. eccl. opus hausit
Eusebius Pamph. et de ratione, qua iis usus est. Traj. ad Rllhen. 1833. 8. Dr. C. B.
Jachmann's Remarks on the Church History of Eusebias, in Illgen's Zeitsclhrift fir di
histor. Theol. ix. ii. 10.




28                     FIRST PERIOD.-A.D. 1-324.
which was founded on critical principles, is frequently a work
upon Eusebius rather than a translation.   Still it is not unimportant in the criticism  of the original (comp. E. J. Kimmelii de Rufino Eusebii interprete, libb. ii.   Gerae. 1838.
S).  With  the history of Eusebius are connected, even in
the editions of Valesius and Zimmermann, his eiT -rbv tiov TOo
[acaptov KIwvaTavrivov'TOv 3aatlEtS~f X6-yot 62',  ed. F. A. Heinichen. Lips. 1830. 8.
III. All the Christian writers of this period. The fragments
of those whose works have been lost are collected iil J. E.
Grabe spicilegium  SS. Patrum  ut et haereticorum  saeculi i.
ii. et iii. Tom. i. s. Saec. i. ed. 2. Oxon. 1700. Saec. ii.
t. i. 1700. 8.   (A  new  edition in 3 Tom.   Oxon. 1714.)
M. Jos. Routh reliquiae sacrae, sive auctoru.m  fere jam  perditorum secundi tertiique saeculi fragmenta, quae supersunt
Oxonii. 1814-18. 4 voll. 8. vol. 5, 1848.
IV. Acts of the martyrs.   Theod. Ruinart acta primorum  Martyrum sincera et. selecta. Edit. 2. Amstelod. 1713. fol.
(ed. Bern. Galura.   August. Vindel. 1802, 3. P. iii. 8).
[Fox's Book of Martyrs.]
V. Certain passages of writers not Christian, namely, Josephus,
Suetonius, Tacitus, Plinius the younger, Scriptores historiae
Augustae, Dio Cassius, and others, are collected in Nath.
Lardner's Collection of the Jewish and Heathen Testimonies
of the Christ. Relig. Lond. 1764-67. 4 vols. 4.
WORKS.
Sebastien le Nain de Tillemont Mnemoires pour servir h l'Histoire Ecclesiastique des six premiers si6cles, justifi6s par les
citations des auteurs originaux.   Paris. 1693-1712.   16
Thle. 4; reaches to  513.   [Tillemont's Ecclesiastical Memoirs of the first six centuries, translated from  the French.
2 The doubts that were raised against the genuineness of these books by Jac. Gothofredus
(Diss. ad Philostorg. Hist. Eccl., lib. vii. c. 3) and Chr. Sandius (de Scriptt. Eccl., p. 92)
have been refuted by J. A. Bosii, exercit. posterior de Pontificatu max. Imp. Rom. C. 8..- 5. M. Hankius de Byzantin. rerum scriptoribus graecis. ~ 174. Balth. Bebelii Antiquitt.
Eccl. t. i. p. 213. In regard to the historical character of this work even Socrates (hist
eccl. i. c. 1) designates Eusebius as ri:nv E2ratvwv roev fatZLef) Ka r T7f w7aviyvpltCjf
4rloyopiaf rcv a6ycov ga2lov f Ev yp Eycspip povrTaaf, i TEprpi roo ('tKptPfCi ariEpt2apeiv,a yev6,eva.




FIRST PERIOD.-A.D. 1-324.              29
2 vols. fol.  Lond. 1733.]  Joh. Laur. M{oshemii commentarii
de Rebus Christianorum  ante Constantinum MAlagn. Htelmst.
1753. 4.  [Vol. i. translated by Vidal; vol. ii. by Dr. Murdock, New York, 1852.]  Joh. Sal. Semleri commentarius hist.
de anticquo Christ. statu.  Halae. 1771, 72. T. 2. 8. Ejusd.
Observatt. novae, quibus Historia Christianorum studiosius illustratur usque ad Const. M.  Halae. 1784. 8.
On tne spread and persecution of Christianity:
[Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.]  Ed. Gibbon die Ausbreit. des Christenthums aus natiirl. Ursachen,
ibers. v. A. F. v. Walterstern.  Hamb. 1788. 8.  J. B.
Luiderwald Ausbreitung  der Christl. Religion.  Helmst.
1788. S.  J. Andre:a Entwickel. der natirl. Ursachen, welche
die schnelle Ausbreit. des Christenth. bef6rderten.  Helmst.
1792. 8.
Chr. Kortholt de Persecutionibus Eccles. primaevae. Kiloni.
1689. 4.  C. W. F. Walch de Persecutionibus Christian.
non solum politicis sed etiam  religiosis.  (Nov. Comment.
Soc. Goett. T. ii.)  J. G. F. Papst de ipsorum Christianorum
culpa in vexationibus motis a Romanis.  3 Progr.  Erlangen. 1789, 90. 4.  C. D. A. Martini Persecutiones
Christianorumn sub Impp. Romanis, causae earum et effectus.
Rostochii. 1802, 1803.  Comm. iii.




30                   FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. 1. —A.D;. 1-117.
FIRST DIVIS{ION.
TO THE TIME'OF HADRIAN. FLROM  1-117.
Joh. Laur. Moshemii Institutiones Hiistoriae Christianae Majores, Saec. 1. Helmst. 1739.
4. J. S. Semler's neue Versuche die Kirchenhistor. des ersten Jellrhunderts aufzuklflren,
Leipzig. 1788. 8. (J. A. Starck's Geschichte der christlichen Kircle des ersten Jahrhunderts. Berlin und Leipzig, 1779-80. 3 Bde. 8.
INTRODU CTION.
OF TiHIE.CONDITION OF TIHE WOlRLD, ESPECIALLY ITS RELIGIOUS AND
MORAL STATE, AT THE TIME OF CHRIST'S BIRTH, AND DIURING  THEl
FI-1RST CENTURY.
CONDITION OF THE HEATHEN NATIONS.
C. I% Nitzsoch fib. den Religionsbegriff der Alten, in the theol. Studien und Kritiken, B d. 1
S. 527, if. 725, ff: F. V. Reinhard's Versuch tiber den Plan, den der Stifter der clhristl.
Religion zum Besten der Menschheit entwarf. Wittenberg. 1781. 4te Aufl. 1798. 8.
[Translated into English, and published at Andovel;, 1831, 12mno.]  A. Tlolllck  iber das
\Wesen und den sittlichen Einfluss des Heidenthums, besonders unter den Grieclien -a
Rftmern, mit Hinsicliht auf das Christenthumn (in A. NeandeF's Denkwrildigkeiten aus
der Geschichte des Christenthulls und des christlichen Lebens. Bd. 1. Berlin. 1823.
[Translated in the American Biblical Repository for 1832, by Professor Emerson.]
INeander's Kirclenges.ch. I. I. 7, if. Especially: Der Fall des Heidenthunms von Dr.
H. G. Tzschirner, herausg. v. M. C. W. Niedner. Bd. 1. (Leipzig. 1.829) S. 13, if. [Lc'
land's Advantage and Necessity of the Christian Revelation.]
~ 8.
The  Roman  empire, in  the first century, extended not only
over the whole civilized world, but almost over the known world.
Beyond it little was known  besides the Germanic tribes in the
north, and the Parthians in the east. In the western half of
that great empire, the language and customs of the Romans had
become prevalent; but in the eastern, Greek cultivation asserted
the superiority it had obtained since Alexander's conquests, and
tnder the emperors penetrated more and more even into Rome.', Cicero pro Archia, c. 10: Graeca leguntur in omnibus fere gentibus, Latina suis finibus,
exiguis sane, continentur. How the Greek had incorporated itself with the language of
conversation among cultivated B x-mans, may be seen in Cicero's Letters to -Atticus, and




INTRODUCTION I.-HEATHEN NATIONS. ~ 9.                31
It is obvious, how much the union of so many nations under one
government, and the general diffusion of the Greek language,
must have favored the heralds of Christianity.
~ 9,
OF THE RELIGIOUS AND MORAL CHARACTER OF  THE ANCIENT
NATIONS IN GENERAL.
Polytheism  can not, from its very nature, be favorable to morality. Its deities can only be finite beings, and resembling
man, because it separates the divinity into many parts. Every
nation gives expression to its character, its virtues, and its vices,
in the deities it worships; and therefore the divinity, so disfigured, can not lead men to a higher moral elevation.  The heathen stand only in an external relation to their gods; and their
entire religion is consequently nothing more than an external
worship, which leaves untouched not only theological speculation, as long as it does not attack existing forms, but also moral
sentiment. Human deities will be worshiped, propitiated, and
reconciled, in the way of men; and for this purpose moral elevation is not needed so much as a kind of prudence. They can
not inspire respect and love, but fear only.  Their worship is
nothing more than a barter, in which mall expects mercy, protection, and greater gifts, in exchange for demonstrations of respect, and offerings. This general character of polytheism is
found in all heathen religions at the time of Christ.  A mythology partly immoral, sanctified many vices by the example of the
gods.  The worship of several deities was attended with immoral
deeds.  Thus, the worship of Bel in IBabylon, of Amun  in
Thebes, of Aphrodite in Cyprus, Corinth, and many other places,
elevated lewdness to the position of a religious service;- and the
in Augustus's letters in Suetonius, &c., Claudius c. 4. Comp. Ovidii ars amnandi ii. 12!,
Dial. de oratoribus c. 29. Juvenal. Satyr. iii. 58. xv. 110, vi. 185, ss. speaking of the
Roman ladies:Nam quid rancidius, quam quod se non putat ulla
Formosam, nisi quae de Tusca Graecula facta est 0
Hoc sermone pavent, hoc irarn, gaudia, curas,
Hoc cuncta effundunt animi secreta.
1 Clemens Alex. Cohort. ad Gentes, cap. 2. Arnobii Disputatt. adv. Gentes, lib. v
Tholuck, as above. 5. S. 171, f.




32                    FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
worship  of other deities  excited, at least, sensuality in  a high
degree.2 In like manner, human sacrifices were customary, in
several places, as yearly expiations;  but every where, on occasion  of extraordinary  threatening  dangers, for the  purpose of
propitiating  the  enraged  deities.3    Religious  motives  existed
only to promote the exercise of the duties belonging to citizens;4
and whatever of a higher nature appears in the case of individual Greeks and Romans was owing, not to the religion  of the
people, but to their better moral nature.5 In general, the feel.
ing of man's dignity and rights was wanting, while in place of
it was found nothing but a partial national conceit, joined to a
profound  contempt for every thing  foreign, and propped  up  by
religion, since every nation had but the expression of its own
nationality in its deities.   Hence the horrible debasement of man
as a slave.6    When  the  national pride was humbled by subjugation and oppression, the people readily lost along with it every
noble  feeling  of self-respect, and sank  into  slavish  abjectness.
Woman lost among tihe Greeks the respect due to her, because
of her political insignificance, since public virtue was deemed
of the highest importance  with  that people.7    Among  eastern
nations, polygamy had the same effect to a much greater
extent.
2 Tholuclk, as above, S. 143, fF.
3 Tholuck, S. 221, if. Octavian caused 300 men to be slaughtered on the altar of Caesar.
(Sueton. Oct. c. 15, Dio Cassius, 48,14). Sextus Pompeius ordered that persons should be
thrown into the sea as a sacrifice to Neptune (Dio Cassius, 48, 48). According to Porphyry,
de abstin. carnis, ii. c. 56, human sacrifices ceased to be offered in different nations at the
time of Hadrian; but even in his day (about 280 A.D.) a human victim was yearly offered
to Jupiter Latialis in Rome. Lactantius (about 300) Divin. Institt. i. c. 21: Latialis
Jupiter etiam  nunec sanguine colitur humlano. Comp. Lipsius de Amphith. c. 4. (Opp.
iii. 1003), van Dale de Oraculis Gentilium, p. 442. Lamb. Bos, Heidenreich, Pott ad 1
Cor. iv. 13.
4 Cicero de Legibus, ii. c. 7: Utiles esse autem opiniones has, quis neget, cum intelligat,
quam multa firm entur jurejurtando; quantae salutis sint foederum religiones; quam multos
divini supplicii metus a scelere revocarit; quamqnn ue sancta sit societas civium inter ipsos,
diis inmmortalibus interpositis turn judicibus, tumn testibus.
5 As Cicero, de fin. ii. c. 25, judges of Epicurus and his philosophy.
6 Tholuck, S. 197, ff. Gladiators. As late as the time of Claudius, that emperor was
obliged to forbid the exposing or putting to death sick slaves. Suetonius in Claudius,
cap. 25.
7 Tholuck, S. 203, If.




I/TTRlODUCTION I. —HEATHEN NATIONS. ~ 10. GREEKS.                     33
~ 10.
RELIGION AND MORALS OF THE GREEKS.
JEIistoire de la civilisation morale et religieuse des Grecs par P. van Limburg Brouwer.
Tom. 8. Groeningen, 1833-43. 8vo.
The Greek  deities were ideal Greeks, whose sentiments and
conduct were Grecian. By their will and example they exhorted to those virtues to which the Grecian character was disposed, or which were found necessary for the state and for social
life.   But so far were they from  imaging forth a pure morality,
and  so little  freed from  the national vices of the  Greeks,' that
the  mythology  granted  even  by  the  Greek  philosophers  was
able, for the  most part, to  influence  morality only in  the way
of injury2    After the  subjugation  of Greece, when  national
honor, love of country, and patriotism had ceased to be powerful
motives, we find  Greece  in  the condition  of the deepest moral
degradation. Religion became with the people scarcely any thing
but an enjoyment of art, wanting too often in all that partakes
of a moral spirit.   Hence it was unable  to elevate the deteriorated nation above their external destiny. How much the cultivation of the intellect and taste was preferred to morality, even
in the flourishing  times of Greece, is proved by the general estimation in which  clever courtesans were  held; while  the rest
of the female sex were, for the most part, neglected, as far as
1 In opposition to Tholuck, in the work already quoted, who traces the corruption of religion and morality to Grecian. art, see Fr. Jacobs iiber die Erziehung der Hellenen zur Sittlichkeit, in his vermlisclhte Schriften, Th. 3. An intermediate course is taken by Dr. C.
Griineisen iiber das Sittliche der bildeuden Kunst bei den Griechen, in Illgen's Zeitschrifr
f. d. hist. Theologie, iii. ii. 1. But another aspect must not be overlooked. Though it be
possible that so much elevation and dignity as is represented by some was reflected in the
divine forms, yet they necessarily referred the beholder to their mythology, and the
impression that so much immorality could be united with such external excellence
must have been highly corrupting to the morals. Cf. Augustinus de civ. Dei. iv. 31:
Varro dicit etiam, antiquos Romanos plus quam annos centum et septuaginta deos sine
simulacro coluisse. Quod si adhuc, inquit, mansisset, castius dii observarentur. Cujus
sententiae suae testem adhibet inter caetera etiam gentem Judaeam, nec dubitat eum
locum ita concludere, ut dicat, qui primi simulacra deorum populis posuerunt, eos civitatibus suis et metum dempsisse, et errorem addidisse.
2 Plato (de repub. ii.) wishes to banish the immoral mythology from his republic; Arislotle (Politic. vii. 8) proposes that the young at least should be excluded from witnessing
immoral rites.
VOL. I.-3




34                   FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D  1-117
their spiritual culture was concerned.3    The love of boys, which
was so general, and inspired so many poets, shows how  art ministered even to  unnatural vices.   The mysteries were  far from
presenting a better esoteric religion than that of the people.'
They offered nothing but a secret mythology which attached
itself to the popular religion-a secret ritual to be practiced  in
worshiping the gods-directions for the  purification  of the initiated, accompanied, it is true, by  several moral precepts, but
all for the purpose of making the deities peculiarly propitious to
the initiated.
RELIGION AND MORALS OF THE ROMANS TO THE TIMlE OF
AUGUSTUS.
Ch. D. Beck fiber den Einfluss der rom. Religion auf die Charakter des Volks and des
Staats (prefixed to his translation of Ferguson's History of the Roman Republic, Bd. 3,
Abth. 2, S. 5, ff.). Du polytheisme romnain. Ouvrage posthume par Benj. Constant. Paris.
1833. Die Religion der It6lner aus den Quellen dargestellt von J. A. Hartung. 2 Theile,
Erlangen. 1836. 8vo.
The religion of the Romans was of a more  grave  and -moral
character, although  in  it the  Grecian  element was  mixed  up
with the Etrurian.   We find the ancient Romans distinguished
not only for their political but their domestic virtues, and for a
chastity rarely found in the bosom of heathenism. As long as
Grecian art was unknown at Rome, so long, too, did the Grecian mythology with its poisoning influence remain unknown;
but after the destruction  of Carthage and Corinth, the national
character generally, and the Roman religion along with it, underwent by degrees a great alteration for the worse.' The
riches which flowed into the city, the knowledge of Asiatic lux3 Compare the restricting discussions of Fr. Jacobs (Beitrhge zur Gesch. d. weibI,
Geschlechts in Griechenland: 1. allgem. Ansicht der Ehe; 2. die hellen. Frauen; 3. von.
den Hetdren), Vermischte Schriften. Thl. 3. S. 157.
4 As Warburton (the Divine Legation of Moses. Lond. 1742. Translated into German
by J. Chr. Schmidt. Frankf. u. Leipz. 1751. 3 Bde.), Thl. 1. Bd. 2, and many after him
assume. On the other side see especially Chr. Aug. Lobeck, Aglaophamus s. de theogiae mysticae Graecorum causis, libb. iii. t. i. Regioimontii Pruss. 1829. 8.
1 Polyb. hist. vi. c. 54. Dionys. Halicarn. Antiquitt. Roman. ii. c. 67, 69. Hartung, i.
244. J. A. Ambrosch, Studien u. Andeutungen im Gebiete des altromischen Bodens und
Cultus. Heft i. (Breslau. 1839). S. 63.
2 Hartung, i. 249. Ambrosch, S. 69.




iNTtRO'tUCTION  L.-HEATHEN  NATIONS, ~ 12. ROMANS.                       35
Uries, and the  mode  of instruction  followed by  Greek  masters,
7ted to licentiousness  and  excesses; while  the  Grecian  mythology, incorporated  with  Grecian  art, was' diffused  by  the poets,
and entirely extinguished  the old Roman character with its rigid
virtue.3
12..
RELIGIOUS TOLERATI'ON OF THE RO'MANS.
It was an  universal principle  among  the  ancients, that the
gods themselves had arranged the peculiar form  of their worship
in every country.   Henee all polytheistic religions were tolerant
toward  each  other, as long  as every  worship  confined  itself to
its  own  people or country.   This toleration  was  also  observed
by the Romans.'  On the other hand, to introduce strange gods
-and modes of worship without the sanction  of the state was tanttamount to the introduction of a superstition  prejudicial to the
interests of the  comamunity.2    When, therefore, after  the  extended conquests of the Romans, foreign modes of worship were;more and more ilntrodueed into the city, partly lessening, by
that means, attachment to the national religion, and partly proimoting even immoral practices, the laws against the sacrce pere-,grina  were frequently renewed.3    Religious societies of foreign
3 Compare Terentii Eunuch. Act iii. Scen. 5, v. 35. Ovid. Tritiumn ii. v. 287, -ss.  Mar-'tialis, lib. xi. Epigr. 44. Seneca de brevit. vitae, c. 16: Quid aliud est vitia nostraincen-,dere, quam auctores il-is inscribere deos, et dare morSo, exemplo divinitatis, excusatam
iicentiam? Compare de vita beata, c. 26. C. Meiner's Gesch. des Verfalls der Sitten und
der Staatsverfassung der -Ri6mer.  Leipz. 1782. 8.
Hartung, i. 231. Dr. K. -oeck's r6m. Gesclichte vom Verfalle d. Republik bis zur'Vollendung der M2onarchie unter Constantin. (Braunschwieg. 1842, if.) Bd. 1. Abth. 2. S.
216 u. 371.
2 Cicero de leg. ii. c. 8: Separatin  nemo hbabessit deos; neve noves, sed ne advenas,
nisi publice adscitos, privatim colunto.
3 Compare, in particular, the extirpation of the Bacchanalian rites in the year 185 B.c
Luivius xxxix. c. 8, ss., and the Senatusconsultum de tollendis B acchanalibus, in the treatise about to be quoted of Bynkershoek. Valerius Maximus i. 3, de peregrina religione
rejecta. Cf. Corn. van Bynkershoek de cultu religionis peregrinae apud veteres Romanos
(in ejusd. opp. omn. ed. Ph. Vicat. Colon. Allobr. 1761. fol. Tom. i. p. 343, ss.)  Chr. G. F.'Walch de Romranorum in tolerandis diversis religionibus disciplina publica (in novis commentariis Soc. Reg. Scient. Goettingensis. Tom. iii. 1773). De Burigny memoire sur le
respect, que les Romains avoient pour la religion, dans lequel on examine, jusqu'a quel
degr6 de licence la tol6rance 6toit portee a Rome. (Mdmeihes de l'Acad. des Inscript. T.
34, hist. p. 48, ss.). Hartung, 4. 232.




36                   FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I. —A.D. 1-II7.
origin  could not easily hold out against such prohibitions, since,
corning  under the  IRoman  idea  of collegia,4 they  were also  opposed by the laws against collegia illicita,5 and since all nocturnal associations were  forbidden  under pain  of death.6   On  the
other hand, the private worship of strange gods was not so easily
eradicated.
R1ELATION OFE PHILOSOPHY TO THE POPULAIR RELIGTION;.
As soon as philosophy was cultivated in Greece, the unity of'
4t Collegia,. sodalitia, sodalitatesr eratpetat.  Tlie Gre:eks and Romanls were fond of such
connections, which had their basis partly in relationship (comp. the Roman gentes and
curiae, the Athenian ~parpiat), partly in similarity of profession (so the collegia tibicinum,
aurificum, architectorum, &c., at Rome). They had both their own sacred rites, a common
fund, and secret meetings and. feasts ('pavot). Thus the priests of the same deities not
only formed collegia of this nature (comp. sodales Augustales, Aureliani, &c.), but unions
for the worship of certain deities were also reckoned collegia (for example, for the solemnization of the rites of Bacchus, see note 3).. So Cato says, in Cicero de senectut., c. 13':
Sodalitates me quaestore constitutae sunt sacris Idaeis M-agnae Matris acceptis. So speaks
Philo, in Flaccum, of the  ratpeiatg Ica cuvvj6dotf in Alexandria, a'L cei rpoodaec Ovact'v
eITtrITro roToIf rpa7'/zactv Et7TapotvouCat. Cf. Salmassii observatt. ad jus Rom. et Atticum, c. 3 u. 4. J. G. Stuckii antiquitatum convivialium, lib. i.-c. 31. (Opp. tom. i. Lugd.
BRat. et AmsteI. 1695. fol. p. 173, ss.) H. E. Dirksen, histor. Bemerkungen fiber den Zustand der juristischen Personen nach r6m. Recht, in his civilist. Abhandlungen (Berlin.
1820). Bd. 1. S. I, ff
5 Besides the prohibitions in the time of the Republic; compare that of Julius Caesar
(Sueton. Caesar, c. 42), Augustus (Sueton. Octavian. c. 32), &c. Compare the later jurists
in the Pandects: Gajls (about 160), lib. iii. (Digest. lib. iii. tit. 4. 1. 1): Neque societas,
neque collegium, neque hujusmodi corpus passim omnibus habere conceditur: nam et legibus et Senatusconsultis, et Prhicipalibus constitutionibus ea res coercetur, &c. Particularly Dig. lib. xlvii. tit. 22, de collegiis et corporibus illicitis, Lex 1 (MIarcianus, about 222):
Mandatis Principalibus praecipitur Praesidibus Provinciarum, ne patiantur esse coilegia
sodalitia. ~ 1. Sed religionis causa coire non prohibentur: dulm tamen per hoc non flat
contra Senatusconsultum, quo illicita collegia arcentur. Lex 2 (Ulpianus t 228): Quisquis
illicitum collegium usurpaverit, ea poena tenetur, qua telentur, qui hominibus amnatis loca
publica vel templa occupasse judicati sunt (consequently according to Dig. xlviii. tit. 4, 1.
1, like those convicted of high treason). Lex 3 (Marciasnus), ~ 1: In summa autem, nisi ex
Senatusconsulti auctoritate, vel Caesaris, collegium, vel quodcunque tale corpus coierit,
contra Senatusconsultum, et Mandata, et Constitutiones collegium celebratur. Cf. Jac.
Cujacii Observationum, lib. vii. Observ. 30. Barn. Brissonii antiquitatum ex jure civill:
selectarum, lib. i. c. 14.
6 Tab. ix. Lex 6: Sei quei endo urbe coitus nocturnos agitasit, capital estod. This de.
termination was renewed by the lex Gabinia (Leges xii. Tabularum resti tae et illusa
Vratae a J. N. Funecio. Rinteliiol 744. -4 p. 400).




IN'rRODUCTION I. —IEATHEN  NATIONS. Q 13. -PHILOSOPHY.    37,
God was expressed in  most of the  schools,' and  morality  was
placed on a more becohing  and a  religious  foundation.2    But
while philosophy  could  not fail of producing  a  high  religious
feeling in the narrow circle of the initiated, it occasioned a crude
skepticism  among the more numerous class of the half instructed.
Although Plato and Aristotle directly expressed their sentiments
regarding the popular religion in a reserved  and  cautious manner, and  even  conformed  externally  to  its  requirements,3  yet
their theology afforded a standard  by which, when  many parts
of the popular faith were judged, they must necessarily vanish
into nothing.   The Stoic pantheism, endeavored to preserve the
current mythology by considering the deities as the fundamental,powers of the universe, and explaining  the myths allegorically;
but it destroyed, at the  same  time, all religious  feeling  by its
~spirit of pride.4    The Expicnzurean philosoplky, as far as it removed
all connection between the gods and the world, making the latter originate in chance, destroyed all religion and morality; and
though this was not its tendency in the eyes of the founder, it
was certainly the aim  of his later disciples.   The skepticism  of
the mifddle and new  academy exerted no better influenec, at least
in the larger circles.
Soon after Greek literatiure -had been introduced at Rome after t;he time  of Livius Andronicus  (about 240 B.c.), skeptical
doubts  manifested  themselves  there  also.5    Subsequently,  the
1 Cf. Cicero de Nat. Deorum, i. c. 10, ss. Rad. Cudworthi systemna intelleetuale, vertit
et illustr. J. L. Moshemius.. (Jenae. 1733. fol.) p. 730, ss. [Ralph Cudworth's Intellectual
System of the Universe. London, folio, 167.8.]  Chr. Meiner's hist. doctrinae de vero Deo.
Lemgov. 1780. p. ii.
2 Stnudlin's Gesch. der Moralihilosophie, Hannover, 1822, in many pass-ages. Limzburg
Brower's work already quoted in ~ 10.
3 F. A. Carms hist. antiquior sententiarumi Ecclesiae graecae de accommodatione
Christo imprimis et Apostolis tributa, diss.  Lips. 1793. 4. p. 13, ss. For the manner
in which the Grecian states judged respecting every departure from the public religion,
see F. W. Tittmann's D-arstellung der griechisch. Staatsverfassungen. Leipzig.'1822.
3. 27, fE.
4 For example, Seneca, epist. 73.: Jupiter quo antecedit virum bonum? diutius bonus
est. Sapiens nihilo se minoris aestimat, quod virtutes ejus spatio breviori clauduntur.
Sapiens tam aequto animo omnia apud alios videt, contemnitque quam Jupiter: et h6c se
magis suspicit, quod Jupiter: uti illis non potest, sapiens non vult. Schwabe fiber das
Verhbltniss der stoischen Moral zum Christenthum, in the Zeitschrift ffir Moral, by C. F.
Bdhme and G. Ch. Muiller, Bd. 1. St. 3. S. 38, if. G. H. Klippel comm. exhibens doctrinae Stoicorum ethicae atque christianae expositionem et comparationem. Goetting..1823. 8.
5 lhey apeared first,of all'in Ennius (239-168.B.c.) Cf. Cicero de -at. Deoor. i. 429




3S                    -FIRST PERIOD,.-DIV. I.-A.D.. 1-litm'..
academy, the porch, and epicureanism, finding a more general
recepfion,, from  the time of the famous Athenian embassy,
(Carneades, Diogenes, Critolaus,, 155  B.c.), the  flourishing  philosophy tended not only to weaken the popular religion,6 but to
destroy the religions faith of many.7   But although skepticism
spread more and more, yet the unbelieving politicians and philosophers themselves agreed, that the native religion must be
upheld with all their powers, as the support of the state, and of
all the relations of life.8    With the rnultitude,, no philosophy could
take the place  of the religious  motives which  lay in  the popular
religion;9  and of foreign religious rites the opinion was, that they
destroyed  national feeling, and  produced  an  inclination  to  foreign customs  and laws.1~  Hence, even Scatevola (about 100
B.C.) wished to confirm  anew the religion of the state by separating it from philosophy and mythology, whence proceeded its
Eluhemeruum noster et interpretatus et secutus est praeter-caeteros Ennius.. Ab Eubhemero
autem mortes et sepulturae demonstranutur deorun,   Besides Ennius translated Epicllarmus's representation of the Pythagorean doctrine respecting God, nature, antd the soul;
comp. Dr. L. IKriahner's Grundlinien zur Gesch. des Verfalls d. rsm-. Staatsreligion bis auft
die Zeit des August (a school-programmle).  Halle. 1837. 4. S. 20, ff. Eluliuss own religious views are given in Cic. de Dlivin. ii. c. 50:
Ego Deum genus esse semper dixi,. et dicam caelitumn:
Sed eos non. curare opinor, quid agat humanum genus.
6 Cic. de invent. i. 29: In eo auttenm, quod in opinione positum est, hujusmodi slnt probabilia:-eos, quli philosophiae dent operamn, non arbitrari Deos esse. Idera pro Cluentio,.
e. 61. De Nat.'/)eor. ii. c. 2. Tuscul. Quaest. i. c. 5, 6.
7 In Sallustius in Catilina, c. 51, Caesar says: In luctu atque aniseriis mortem aeltmnarum requiem, non cruciatum esse: eamn cuncta mortalium  mala dissolvere.: ultra nequen
curae neque gaudio locum esse. And Cato says, in reference to Caesar's speech, c. 52:
Bene et composite C. Caesar paulo ante in hoc ordine de vita et morte disseruit; falsai,.
credo, existimans, quae de inferis meinorantur: diverso itinere 3malos a bonis loca tetra,
inculta, foeda atque formidolosa hlabere.
8  icero de leg. ii. 7.  See above ~ 9, note, 4, de Divin. ii. 33: Non, sumus ii nos
augures; qui avium  reliquorumve signorum  observatione fustura dicamus. Erravit eninm
multis in rebus antiquitas, quas vel usu jamn, vel doctrina; vel vetustate inimutatas
videmus. Retinetur autem  et ad opinionem, vulgi, et ad magn-s utilitates reipublicaemos, religio, disciplina, juns autgurum, collegii auctoritas.
9 Strabo, in geograph. i. c. 2, pug. 192: Ov yap o'x2ov re- yvvatlc5v, Icat avrcb Xvdaiouv
ir2,iOovc i7rayayeiv,6yo dovJarbv Otloc668.m,  nat xrpoalca.ecsae Oa T,,pil EvaC,3ezair, tcan
oaz6r7yra ICai 7irsirtv, a22  de- icail doi  lctotdae, /ovtae'  rov-ro 6' oivsc dvev t00dorrodagf,
Kal repareiac.
10 Comp. the advice of Maecenas to Augustus, according to Dnio  Cassius, lib. lii. 
rO tcEv 06Eov  sravrry srsivro-tg aevr6g  c aEflov carai ria'rpla,  Icai rnoog a 2.7o0 v  ra/ttv
vdyca'r-    rolf S    6d    s CEvi7ovrr   rlt areppi na7i stai piaet t Kai Kt62nae, Ui #6vvwv rnv. Oer
rverca, i)v Caranpovicaa C ovdd' ai2,ov dv rVO  iporl7u?oCtEev, 1;:2,'   t iio  catlv  rtva   a dtoat6vtc
o0  rotoOrOLt dvretV7EpCO VrE, rroXXo~b   &vanre[Oovalv  XZbborptovollelv  tcac rourov eKa
avvooao-iat  oa oKvaruaoEiV   ECraCpetai  re yiyvovrna,  isarEp 71Clcara tuovapXig  avg~Upreut
Lrot' on v cd0dO  rlVi,./ itrE y6nV-t- avy7toapu,,g elvat.




INTRODUCTION I.-HEATHEN  NATIONS. ~ 13. PHILOSOPHY.    39
corruption;l  and il2. Terentius  VFarro, abiding by that separation  (about 50  B.c.), endeavored  to  prepare  for it a  new  basis
out of the doctrine of the Stoics.l2
11 Augustin. de civit. Dei, iv. 27: Relatum  est in literis, doctissimum pontificem Scaevolam  disputasse tria genera tradita deorum; unum  a poetis, alterum  a philosophis,
tertiulll a principibus civitatis. Primum genus nugatorium dicit esse, quod multa de diis
fingantur indigna: secundum non congruere civitatibus, quod habeat aliqua supervacua,
aliqua etiam quae obsit populis liosse (namely, non esse deos Herculem, Aesculapiumn,
&c.-eorum, qui sint dii, non habere civitates vera silllulacra-verlnm Deum nec sexumn
habere, nec aetatem, nec definita corporis membra). Haec pontifex nosse populos non
vult, nanl falsa esse non putat-. Comp. Krahner, S. 45.
12 Accordilng to Augustinus de civ. Dei vi. 2, Varro said in his Reruln Divinalmlun, lib.
xvi., the second part of his Antiquitates: se timere, ne (dii) pereant, non incursu hostili,
sed civium negligentia: de qua illos velut ruina liberari a se dicit, et in mlemoria bonorum
per hujusmodi libros recondi atque servari. He also distinguishes (1. c. vi. 5) tria genera
theologiae, namely, mythicon, quo maxime utuntur poetae, physicon, quo philosophi, civile,
quo populi. Prirnum, quod dixi, in eo sunt multa contra dignitatemn et natural immortalium ficta. Secundum  genus est, quod demlonstravi, de quo mlultos libros philosophi
reliquerunt. In quibus est: dii qui sint, ubi, quod genus caet. (Augustine adds: Nililin
-hoc genere culpavit. Removit tamen hoc, genus a foro i. e. a populis: scholis velon et
parietibus clausit. Illud autema primuln mendacissimum atque turpissimulnm   a civitatibus
non removit). Tertium genlus est, quod in nrbibus cives, maxime sacerdotes, nosse atque
administrare debent. In quo est, quos deos publice colere, quae sacra et sacrificia facere
quemnquam par sit. Prima theologia nmaxime accommodata est ad theatrum, secunda ad
mundum, tertia ad urbem. (Plutarch also, Amator, c. 18, and de placitis philosoph. i. 6,
distinguishes this threefold theology, r7 tvOtelbv, ro lvitKcOv and Tb rTo21Lt1Sa6v). Respecting the religion of the Roman state, Varro, as reported by Augustine, 1. c. iv. 31, said:
non se illa judicio suo sequi, quae civitatem Romanmul ilstituisse commemorat; ut, si eamn
civitatem novam constitueret, ex naturae potius formula deos nominaque deoruln se fuisse
dedicaturum non dubitet confiteri. Sed jaml quonliam in vetere populo essent accepta, ab
antiquis nominumn et cog-nominum   historiam tenere ut tradita est debere se dicit, et ad
eum finem illaln scribere ac perscrutari, ut potius eos mnagis colere, quarn despicere vulgus
velit. L. c. vii. 6: Dicit ergo idenm Varro adhuc de naturali theologia praeloquens, Deum
se arbitsrmi esse animam  mundi, quems  Graeci vocant K6oy/ov, et hunc ipsumn mundum
esse Deunl. Hic videtur quoquo modo confiteri unum Deum, sed ut plures etiarn introducat, adjungit, moundum dividi in duas partes, caelull et terrain; et caeluimi bifarianm in
aethera et adra, terrain velo in aquam et humunl. Quas omnes quatuor partes animallum
esse plenas, in aetlere et a6re immortalium, in aqua et teara mrortalium: a summo autemr
circuitu caeli usque ad circulum lo nae aethereas aninas esse astra ac stellas, eosque
caelestes deos non modo intelligi esse, sed etiani videri. Inter lunae vero gylumn et
nimborum ac ventorllm cacumina aereas esse animas, sed eas animo, non oculis videri, et
vocari heroas, et lares, et genios. Haec est videlicet breviter in ista praelocutionle proposita theologia naturalis, quae non huic tanturn, sed et multis philosophis placuit. Tertul.
lian's second book, ad Nationes, is directed against this theology of Varro. Comp.
Ilartung, i. 274. Krahner, S. 49.




40                     FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I —A.D. 1-117.
~ 14.
REVOLUTION OF RiELIGIOUS MODES OF THINKING UNDER THE
EMPERORS.
C. Meiners Gesch. des Verfalls der Sitten, der Wissenchaften und Sprache der Romer in
den ersten Jahrhunderten nach Christi Geburt. Wien u. Leipzig 1791. 8. S. 268, If. P.
E. Miiller de hierarchia et studio vitae asceticae in sacris et mysteriis Graecorum
Romanorulmque latentibus.  Hafil. 1803. 8. (translated in the Neuen' Biblioth. der
schonen Wissencll. Bd. 69 u. 70). To this topic belongs the first section, viz., Origin
of the-superstitionl-till the time of Domnitian.
In  the  reign  of the  emperors the  national deities, who  were
obliged to  divide their honors with  the  most miserable of men,'
sank by degrees still lower in the faith of the people.2 The; attachment to traditional customs and institutions, decaying along
with liberty, could no longer afford these gods a protection.
Politics and habit secured them nothing more than a lukewarm,
external worship.3 The relations of the times did not lead men
away from the error that had been abandoned, toward a somewhat purer religion, but to a still grosser superstition.   The cowardly  weaklings,4  who  were  the  offspring  of a luxury  surpass1 According to Polybius, 5, the custom of honoring benefactors with sacrifices and altars
appeared first among the Asiatics, the Greeks, and Syrians. Similar honors were frequently paid to proconsuls in their provinces.  (Cicero ad Atticum v. 21. Sueton. Oct. c.
52. Mongault, in the Memoires de l'Acad. des Inscr. t. i. p. 353, ss.)  Caesar caused these
honors to be decreed to him by the senate in Rome also. (Suet. Caes. 76). Augustus
accepted in the provinces temples and colleges of priests (Tacit. Annal. i. 10, Suet. Oct.
c. 52); and so did all his successors, with the single exception of Vespasian.  Domitian
even began his letters with: Dominus et Deus noster hoc fieri jubet (Suet. Domit. 13).
J. D. Schoepflini comm. de apotleosi s. consecratione Impp. Romanorum (in ejusd. commentt. hist. et. crit. Basil. 1741. 4. p. 1, ss.).
2 Senecae Ep. 24. Juvenal. Satyr. ii. v. 149:
Esse aliquos manes, et subterranea regna
Et contum, et stygio ranas in gurgite nigras,
Atque una transire vadum tot millia cymba,
Nec pueri credunt, nisi qui nondum aere lavantur.
3 Seneca de superstitionibus, apud Aungustin. de civit. Dei, vl. c. 10: Quae omnia
sapiens servabit tanquam legibus jussa, non tanquam Diis grata.  Omanem istam ignobilem Deorumn turbam, quam  longo aevo longa superstitio congessit, sic adorabimus, ut
meminerimnus, cultum ejus magis ad morem quam ad rem pertinere.
4 Juven. Sat. vi. 292-300 (comp. Meiners, 1. c. S. 85):
Nunc patomur longae pacis mala. Saevior armis
Luxuria incubuit, victumque ulciscitur orbem.
Nulluni crirnen abest, facinusque libidinis, ex quo
Paupertas Romana perit: hine fluxit ad istos
Et Sybaris colles, hinc et Rhodos et Miletos,
Atque coronatun et petulans madidumque Tarentum,
Prima peregrinos obscoena pecmnia mores
Intulit, et turpi fregerunt secula luxu
Divitiae molles.




INTROD. I.-HEATHEN NATIONS. ~ 14. UNDER THE EMPERORS. 41
ing  all bounds,  must have  stood  open  to  every  superstition,
especially as dangers daily threatened them from those in power.
Curiosity, and an inordinate  longing for the  secret and the awful, contributed  to  increase the  superstition.   To  this must be
added the decline of the earnest study of the sciences (law and
juridical eloquence  being  almost the  only  studies of the  time);
but, above all, the excessive  corruption  of the age.'   Cowardly
vice sought partly to make mnagical rites subservient to its will,6
while it was, in  part, driven  to  more powerful purifications by
the stings of conscience. Already had the religions of the east,
by their mysterious, fantastic worship, and the asceticism of
their priests, made an impression on the superstitious disposition
of the Romans, so that they had been restricted and opposed by
the laws.  But the current of the time that set in now broke
through all laws.  Foreign modes of worship and priests found
their way  into  the  state  with  a  power that  could  not be  repressed.   In  addition  to  them, a  great number of astrologers
(nathematici), who  pretended  to  be  initiated  into  the  secret
sciences  of  the  east,  interpreters  of  dreams,  and  magicians,
spread  themselves through the empire.7    The object of such per5 Compare especially the satires of Persius and Juvenal. Seneca de Ira, ii. 8: Omnia
sceleribus ac vitiis plena sunt: plus committitur, quam  quod possit coercitione sanari.
Certatur ingenti quodam nequitiae certamine: major quotidie peccandi cupiditas, minor
verecundia est. Expulso melioris aequiorisque respectu, quocunque visum est, libido se
impingit. Nec furtiva jam scelera sunt: praeter oculos eunt: adeoque in publicum missa
nequitia est, et in omniunm pectoribus evaluit, ut innocentia non rara, sed nulla sit. Numquid enim  singuli aut pauci rupere legem? undique, velut signo dato, ad fas nefasque
miscendum coorti sunt.
-- Non hospes ab hospite tutus,
Non socer a genero. Fratrum quoque gratia rara est.
Imminet,exitio vir conjugis, illa mariti.
Lurida terribiles miscent aconita novercae.
Filius ante diem patrios inquirit in annos.
(from Ovid. Metam. i. v. 144, ss.) Et quota pars ista scelerum  est! &c. Comp. ejusd.
Epist. 95. Pauli Epist. ad Rom. i. 21, ss. Comp. Corn. Adami de malis Romanorum
ante praedicationem  Evangelii moribus (in his Exercitationes exegeticae.  Groening.
1.712. 4, the fifth exercit.). Meinersubi supra. Schlosser's Universalhist. Uebersicht der
Gesch. der alten Welt. iii. i. 122, if. 326, ff. Hoeck's r6m. Gesch. vom Verfall der Republik bis zur Vollendung der Monarchie unter Constantin. i. ii. 301, if.:6 Diodorus Sic. bibl. hist. xx. c. 43, p. 755: Aetlatdai/tovef ydp oci ftzO;ovref 4yXetperv
Seraeig  apav6/zots Icat eydlyatf 7rp(ai t.
7 -Of foreign deities Serapis and Isis- (43 B.c.) were the first who had a temple in the,city. The fruits of superstition were shared with the priests of Isis, who was particalarly revered by the Galli, the priests of Dea Syra, the Magi, Chaldaei (s.Genethliaci, qui
de motu deque positu stellarum dicere posse, quae futura sunt, profitentur, Gellius, Noct.
Att. xiv. 1, where a copious refutation of these arts may be found), Mathematici (genus
liominum  potentibus infidum, sperantibus fallax, quod in civitate nostra et vetabitur




42                   FPIRST PERIOD, —DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
sons was to turn  the  prevailing  superstition, as much  as possible, to their own advantage, and at the same time to strengthen
it.   The laws of the first emperors against foreign customs were
of less avail, because they  themselves believed  in their effiacy,
followed them  in private, and were only  afraid that they should
be abused to the prejudice of their own persons.8
This superstition was promoted in no slight degree by philosophy making it subservient to its purpose.9 The more boldly
philosophical skepticism   had  attacked  not only  the  popular religions, but also the general truths of religion, so much the more
zealously did the later dogmatism endeavor to put together systems  framed  in  part from   earlier  ones, and  in  part from   the
materials themselves of the  popular religion.   In  these  newlyinvented systems every  superstition  found  shelter.   Under Augustus, the long-forgotten doctrines of Pythagoras were suddenly
revived in the most wonderful form by Anaxilaus, who was soon
followed  by the  still more adventurous Apollonius of Tyana.l~
semiper, et retinebitur.  Tacit. -ist. i. 22), and even the vagrant Jews. Comp. Diet.
Tiedemann disputat. de quaestione, quae fuerit artium  magicarum origo. &c. Marburg.
1787. 4. p. 56, ss. Hoeck i. ii. 378. How much the female sex, in particular, was given
to this superstition is strikingly described by Juvenal Sat. vi. 510-555. Cf. Strabo vii.
c. 3, ~ 4: "Asravref r-f d6etctdalovaif apXlyovC oiovTat afc yvvaelcae. aVrat d&  cai
rovS avdpca  riapaaeeKaioivrat irphf  Tg EiriTrcov Orpaxreiaf riv Onev, icac  Eoprlf cai
TorvtacFov-'   Trcivtov de ei rtg &vsYp ceaO' czrv) Ov    rEvpilcerat erogo7rog.  On the
superstition of this period generally, see Plinii Nat. Hist. ii. c. 5: Vix prope est judicare,
utrum magis conducat generi humano, quando alliis nullus est Deorum respectus, aliis
pudendus. Externis famulantur sacris, ac digitis Deos gestant: monstra quoque, quae
colunt, damnant et excogitant cibos, imperia dira, in ipsos, ne somno quidem  quieto,
irrogant. Non matrimonia, non liberos, non denique quidquam aliud nisi juvantibus sacris
deligunt. Alii in Capitolio fallunt, ac fulminantem pejerant Jovem: et hos juvant scelera,
illos sacra sua poenis agunt.
8 Meiners, 1. c. S. 276, fE. The example of the elder Pliny shows how unbelief and superstition united in the educated class. He says, Nat. Hist. ii. c. 5: Irridendum vero, agere
curanl rerum  humanaraum illud quicquid est summum. Anne tam tristi atque multiplici
uministerio non pollui credamus dubitemusve? vii. c. 56: Omnibus a suprema die eadem,
quae ante primlun: nec magis a morte sensus nilus aut corpori ant animae, quam ante
natalema. He speaks, however, in hk Second Book in a very believing tone respecting
portenta, ex. gr., cap. 86: Nunquam urbs Roma treimuit, ut non futuri eventus alicujus id
praenuntium esset. Comp. Tacit. Ann. vi. c. 22.
9 Tzschirner, Fall des Heidenthums. Bd. 1. S. 127, if.
10 Apollonius lived from 3 B.c. till 96 A.D. Celsus does not name him  among the
wonder-workers (Aristeas, Abaris, &c.), whom he compares with Christ (Origen against
Celsns, iii.). In the second century Lucian (in Alexander) and Apuleius (Apologia, Opp.
ed. Elmenhorst, p. 331) describe him as a famous magician. In the same light did he
also appear to his oldest biographer, Mdragenes, who speaks besides of his influence with
the philosophers (Origenes c. Cels. vi. ed. Spencer, p. 302), so that he appears co have
given a philosophical basis to magic. From the beginning of the third century, when a
religious eclecticism  gained ground, the memory  of Apollonius became prominent.




INTROD. I.-HEATHEN NATIONS. ~ 14. UNDER THE EMPERORS. 43,
While  these men endeavored  to restore, out of its own  sources,
the  Pythagorean  philosophy,  as  if it had  proceeded  from   the
mysteries  of Egyptian  priests,  and  looked  upon  Platonism   as
an efflux of the doctrine of Pythagoras, a singular, heterogeneous philosophy of religion grew  up under their hands, in whiclh
all popular  religions, no  less  than  all magic  arts, found  their
justification.   From  this time onward  even  the Platonic  school
forsook  the  skepticism   of the  new   academy, attaching  itself to
those  modern  Pythagoreans, though  it sought to  assimilate  its
dogmatism   to  other systems also, particularly  the  Aristotelian.
The mode of life among the Pythagoreans was not attractive to
many, and consequently this newz Platonism formed the prevailing  philosophy.   With  it, as  the  philosophy  of superstition,"
Epicur~eanism  almost alone, as the philosophy  of unbelief,12  divided the dominion over the minds of men generally.  Of the
pure Peripatetics there was always but a small number; and
though  the  Stoics could  boast of so  distinguished  men  at this
time (Seneca, Dio of Prusa, Epictelus), yet their system  of
morality  excited  admiration, instead  of exerting an influence on
the  life.'3    The  Cynics  had  lowered  themselves -so  much  by
Caracalla dedicated a sanctuary to him (Dio Cassius, lxxvii. 18); Severus Alexander set
him up in his collection of household gods (Aelius Lamprid. in vita Sev. Al. c. 29). Julia
Mammaea, in particular, was a great admirer of him.  Into her hands came the imemorabilia of Damis, a companion of Apollonius, which Philostratus the elder, in his life
of Apollonius (Philostratorum opera gr. et lat. ed. G. Olearius. Lips. 1709. fol.), wished
to bring into a more acceptable form (vita Ap. i. 3) by using a work of Maxinmus of Aege.
Here Apollonius appears as a wise man and a favorite of the gods, furnished with wolnderfol powers in working miracles, and commissioned by the gods themselves to reform
the popular religions.  On the other hand, the older representation of Mlragenes is
designated as almost useless. Dio Cassius, however, continually enumerates Apollonius
among the magicians and impostors.  That the work of Damis is spurious, and originated'
probably in the third century, may be proved not only from the absurdity of the contents.
but also from anachronisms (Prideaux's Connection, Htg's Introduction to the N. T.)  Cf.
MIosheinl de existimatione Apollonii Tyanaei (in his Commentationes et Orationes varii
argumenti, ed. J. P. Miller. Hamburgi. 1751. 8. p. 347), de scriptis A. T. (I. c. p. 453), de
imaginibus telesticis A. T. (I. c. p. 465). Apollonius v. Tyana u. Christus, od. d. Verhliltniss
d. Pythagoreismus zum Christenthum vlon Dr. Baur (in the Tilbingen Zeitschr. f. Theol.
1832. Heft. 4, also printed separately).
1 These Platonists also exercised thle profession of astrology. So Thrasybulus, the
soothsayer of Tiberius (Sueton. in Tib. c. 14. 62. Tac. Ann. vi. 20).
12 See above note 8. Juvenal. Satyr. xiii.. 86, ss.
Sunt, in fortunae qui casibus omunia ponant,
Et nullo credant rnundum rectore moveri,
Natura volvelte vices et lucis et anni;
Atque ideo intrepidi quaecunque altaria tangunt.
13 Cicero, Orat. pro Murena, c. 30: arripuit-disputandi causa-magna pars. Respecting the customs of the philosophers of this time generally compare in Seiiecs, epist. 2%




o4                  FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-17.
their shamelessness that their influence on the age was of little
consequence.
II.
CONDITION O1F THE JEWISH PEOPLE.
LouRCES-WTritings of the New Testament. F'lavii Josephi (born 37 n. Chr. t ahout 933
Opera (Antiquitatum Judaicarum libb. xx.-de Bello Judaico libb. vii.-de Vita suacontra Apionem libb. ii.) ed. Sigeb. Havercamp. Amstel. 1726. 2 Bde. fol. Smaller
editions by Franc. Oberthiir. Wircebungi. 1782-85. 3 Thle. 8, and C. E. Richter.
Lips. 1826, s. 6 voll. 8.
J. M. Jost Geschichte der Israeliten seit der Zeit der Maccatbier bis auf unsere Tage.
B. erlin. 1820-28. 9 Thle. 8.
~ 15.
IN PALESTINE,.
After the  Babylonish  captivity  the Jews were  successively
subject  to  the  Persians, Egyptians,  and  Syrians,  and  then
formed (from  167-63  r.c.) an independent state under the Maccabees, till the last of that race, Hyrcanus, was obliged to acknowledge the Roman sovereignty.   After his death  ilerod, the
Idumean (from 40-4 B.c.), ruled over the land in dependence
on the Romans, and afterward divided it among his three sons,
so that Archelaus was ethnarch of Judea, Idumea, and Samaria, while  Philip, and  Herod  Antipas, as tetrarchs, received
possession-the former, of Batanea, Ituraea, and Trachonitisthe latter of Galilaea and Peraea.   After the banishment of Archelaus (6 A.D.), his territories became a Roman province, and
were governed under the proconsul of Syria, by a  procurator,
(the fifth, Pontius Pilate  from  28-37  A.D.)   The tetrachy of
Philip did not continue long after his death in the hands of the
Romans, but was  consigned  to  IHerod  Ag'rippa  (37),  who
fhe reason why he doubts of gaining over a wit, Marcellinus, to philosophy: Scrutabitur
scholas nostras, et objiciet philosophis congiaria, amicas, gulam: ostendet mihi alium in
adulterio, alilm in popina, alium in aula. Hos mihi circulatores, qui philosophiam honestzis neglexissent, quam vendant, in faciem ingeret. Juvenal. Sat. ii. init.




TfRTiODUCTION II. —JEWS. Q 15. IN PALESTINE.                  4,
united it to the tetrarchy (39) of the banished Hferod Antipas,
and  was finally elevated  by  Claudius even  to  be  king  of all
Palestine  (41).   After his death, his entire kingdom  again became a Roman province, managed by procurators, (Cuspius Fadus, Tiberius, Alexander, Venticdius  Curmanus, Claudius. Felix,
Porcius Festus, Albinus, Gessius Florus).  His son, Agrippa II.,
afterward obtained the kingdom  of Chalcis (47), which he was
soon obliged to change for the tetrarchy of Philip (52); while,
at the same time, the superintendence of the temple at Jerusalem
was intrusted to him  as a Jew.   With  him  the race of Herod
became extinct (t- 100 at Rome).1
Oppression under a foreign yoke, and especially the persecution of religion by Antiochus Epiphanes, had produced among
the Jews  a strict separation from  all that was unjewish, inflaming their contempt and hatred  for all foreign customs, and, at
the same time, raising to a high degree their national feelings
and attachment to the religion of their fathers.   But, alas! a
spiritual feeling for religion had expired with the spirit of prophecy.   The priesthood, finding no longer any opposing obstacle,
connected, with one-sided aim, the renovated zeal of the people
with the  external law, and, in  particular, with  the  Levitical
worship which was always enlarging itself, in which alone the
priests, as such, had an interest.   Even  the  synagogues that
arose after the Babylonish captivity,2 adapted as they were to
promote a more spiritual religion, served still more to- advance
the legal spirit of the  Levitical code.   Hence, there  arose  at
this time the most obstinate attachment-yea, a fanatical zeal
for the Mosaic ceremonial, apart from  any real religious feeling
and  moral improvement, and  accompanied  rather  by  a  more
general and deeper corruption of the people.3    With this disposition, which was directed only to  the external, their pride in
1 Christ. Noldii hist. Idumea, s. de vita et gestis Herodurn. Franeq. 1660. 12, also i.
Havercamp's edition of Josephus, t. ii. Apiendix, p. 331, if. E. Bertheau's zur Gesch.
der Israeliten zwei Abhandlungen. G6ttingen. 1842. S. 437.
2 Cf. Camp. Vitringa de Synagoga vetere, libb. iii. Franeker. 1696. ed. 2, Leucopetr.
1726. 4:
3 Comp. Josephus in several passages; for example, de B. J. v. 10, 5, he declares: /l7re
r6Lt v     i-v roltara,recrov-eOvat, ptre -eerve2v  at'vof yeyovevae icaeciae yov1tto7'pav.
Ibid. v. 13, 6. Ibid. vii. 8, 1:'y7vero ydp 7rog b Xyp6vof lcveZvof eravrodaerf Ev roig'Iovdaiotf 7rov;piaf 7iro2v6pof, 6c5 pUjd'v jcatiega ipyov a6rpaKrov icarane7rehv, yuV6' E7 rit
E7rtvoia dcta7drre7v 7MeOroeev  ixetv av fTC icatvrepov EevpEGv.  orriog idia rTE cai
iolov  r6v7rTEf iv6acceav, Kcai rpocg vC7repfaei Tv &AXXsov g ev re raeg irpog rbv Ocov ae!,3eiaeG,
itei roaZ ~Igf. rcg T.T*ovg A z t0c- i tci  b0tovetca7cav.




V ltS'S  PEtIOD1.-DIV. 1.-A.D. il117.
transmitted  privileges,  and  in  the  peculiar  favor  of Jehovab,
increased equally with the hope that God would soon free his
favorite people from  the yoke of the heathen, and under the dominion  of Messiah  elevate  them   to  be the  rulers of the  earth,
These earthly expectations and views, which the people painted
to themselves in a highly sensuous degree, must have been very
prejudicial to the inward religious feelings.4 At the same time,
-the opinion was not rare, that it was unworthy of the people of
God  to  obey  a foreign  power.5   On  the  other hand, the prejudices and  national pride  of a people  despised  by  the  Romans,
infused hatred into the minds of the procurators and other Roman  officials, which  was  often  exhibited  in  provocations  and
oppressions.   Hence  arose  frequent rebellions  against the  Roman  power, till at last the  general insurrection  under  Gessius
Florus  (65) led to  the  devastation  of the  whole land, and the
destruction of Jerusalem, (70). By this means the strength
of the  people was broken  for a time, but their disposition  and
aims were not changed.
It  remains  for  us  to  notice  three  sects  of the  Jews:6 the
Plarisees,7 in whom the Judaism of that time, with the new
doctrinal sentiments acquired in exile, and its own continued
culture of the Levitical law, presented itself in a completed
form.   All the traits of the  national character were  presented
by  this sect in a still more  cultivated  degree, and  hence it was
the  greatest favorite  among  the  people.    The  Sadducees8  en4 Respecting the Judaisln of this time, see De Wette's biblische Dogmatik (2te Aufln
Berlin. 1818), ~ 76, if. Baumngarten-Crusius, Grundziige der bibl. Theologie. Jena. 1828). 117, if. C. H. L. Poelitz dissert. de gravissimis theologiae seriorumn Judaeorum decretis,
Lips. 1794. 4. The same author's pragmlatische Uebersicht der Theologie der spatern
Juden.  Leipz. 1795. Th. 11 8. A. F1. Gfirrer's das Jahrhundert des IHeils. 2 Abth.
Stuttgart. 1 838. On the ideas entertained of the Messiah: Bertholdt christologia Judaeorum Jesu Apostolorumque aetate. Erlang. 1811. 8. C. A. Th. Keil historia dogmatis
de regno Messiae Christi et Apostolorum  aetate. Lips. 1781 (in Keilii opusculis, ed. J.
D. Goldhorn. Lips. 1821. Sect. i. p. 22, ss.) Bertholdt and Gfrirer have ventured to
throw too much of the later Rabbinism backward into this period.
s Judas Galilaeus and his adherents, jt6vov )ye/z6va tcat drearr6yv r7v r Oev v're tb67rec
(Jos. Ant. xviii. 1, 6).'Iowdae  ekl rir67raatv Evrye roiV l7rtrXopiov~, Ica/ciS(v, et 06pov TE
TPuopaiotf r7Ee.v 67roevowut, taei Et, -r r7v OOeV o VCeovC6v OvaTObVC dEc6Trae (de B. J. ii.
8, 1) cf. Dent. xvii. 15.
6 Trium scriptorunm illustriumn (Drusii, Jos. Scaligeri, et Serarii) de tribus Judaeoram
sectis syntagma, ed Jac. Triglandius. Delphis. 1703. 2 voll. 4. De Wette's hebraischjiudische Archaologie, ~ 274, 275. Peter Beer's Geschichte, Lehren und Meinungen aller
bestandenen und noch bestehenden religibsen Secten der Juden, und der Geheimlehre
oder Cabbalah. Bruinn. 1822, 23. 2. Bde. 8.    7 Winer's bibl. Realw6rterbuch, ii. 289.
a Chr. G. L, Grossmann, de philosophia Sadducaeorum, Part iv. Lips. 1836-38. 4, is of




INTROD. II.-SEWVS. 6 16. REATHEN'S SENTIMENTS TOWARD.   47
deavored to give prominence to the old Hebraism, as it  appears
in  the written  law  of Moses.   The Essenes led  an  ascetic life
in retirement,9 and exerted but little influence over the people.
~ 16.
SENTIMENTS OF THE HEATHEN NATIONS TOWARD JUDAISM.
Judaism was respected by the heathen as an old, popular re.
ligion; and Jehovah, as the God of the Jews, received, particularly  from  the different rulers of this country, the  honors due
to  the deity  of the  land.l   But the  Jews did not respect the
religions of other people in the same manner, inasmuch  as they
treated their deities as nonentities, avoided  all intercourse with
foreigners as unclean, and  expected  that their  own  only  true
God would  one  day  triumph  over  all other  nations.2   Hence
opinion that, though Philo does not mention the Sadducees, there are niany references to
them in his works, whereas the parties whom Philo comlbats are to be looked for in
Alexandria (comp. Schreiter in Keil's u. Tzschirner's Analecten i. 1, u. ii. 1).  Comp.
WViner ii. 415.
9 Respecting them see Philo quod omnis probus sit liber, Josephus in several places,
Plinius Nat. Hist. v. 15. J. J. Bellerman's geschichtl. Nachrichten aus demn Alterthume
fiber Essaer u. Therapeuten. Berl. 1821. 8. Jos. Saner de Essenis et Tlherapeutis disqu,
Vratislav. 1829. 8. A. Gfirrer's Philo und die alexandrinische Theosophie, ii. 299. A. -,
Dihne's geschichtl. Darstellung der jiidisch-alexandr. Religionsphilosophie i. 469. Neander's K. G. 2te Aufl. i. i. 73.  According to Gfr6rer, they were Therapeutae who had
come into Palestine, and whose opinions were there modified.  According to Baur
(Apollonius of Tyana, p. 125), they were Jewish Pythagoreans. Dalhne is of opinion that
the Essenes had at least an Alexandrian basis for their sentiments. Neander, on the
contrary, thinks tlat the peculiar tendency which characterized them had been formed
independently of external circumstances out of the deeper religious meaning of the Old
Testament, but that subsequently it received foreign, old-oriental, Parsic, and Chaldean,
but not Alexandrian elements.
Even Alexander is said to have off-ered sacrifice in the temple at Jerusalem  according
to the direction of the high priest (Joseph. Ant. xi. 8, 5). So also Ptolemy Euergertes
(c. Apion. ii. 5). Selencus Philopator (2 Macc. iii. 1-3) and Augustus (Philo de Legat. ad
Cajum. p. 1036) appointed a revenue for the daily sacrifices. Vitellius sacrificed in
Jerusalem (Jos. Ant. xviii. 5, 3).  Tertullian. Apolog. c. 26: cujus (Judaeae) et deum
victimis, et templum donis, et gentem foederibus aliquando, o Romani, honorastis.
2 Certainly the Jewish idea of the Messiah was known to the heathens in general1
but we must not derive the measure of this knowledge from the passages: Sueton.
Vespas. c. 4: Percrebuerat Oriente tote vetus et constans opinio, esse in fatis, ut eo tempore Judaea profecti rerum  potirentur. Tacit. Hist. 5, 13: Pluribus persuasio inerat,
antiquis sacerdotum literis contineri, eo ipso tempore fore, ut valesceret oriens, profectique
Judaea rerum  potirentur. Both these historians have here manifestly copied Josephus
(de B. J. vi. 5, 4: jv  pyia/6z  diteoipo0Xo 6/oSo oi    v rolgS hlpof epdpitu'gvop  ypdloeuaatv,  f
arad rayv tcatlpv   reZvov 7ro TgS Xt6pag rTi a   p6rv  dp4et trg olsovZ1vCrg), as is proved not




48                      ItRST PERIOD.-DiV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
they  -were  despised  and  hated, especially  since  antiquity  was
accustomed  to estimate  the power of the  gods by the condition
of the people that served them.3 They were most hated by the
neighboring nations, particularly the Egyptians. In the eyes
of the proud Romans, they were rather an object of contempt.4
We find, therefore, no  attempt, under the  dominion  of the Romans, to extinguish this hostile religion, such as that made by
Antiochus Epiphanes, although, once and again, there seems to
have been a design to make Roman customs universal in opposition  to  the  national prejudices.   This  hatred  and  contempt
produced  singular  stories respecting  the  origin  and  history  of
the  Jews,5  as  well as  absurd  notions  of  their  religion;6  and
only by the similarity of the words and the common reference to Vespasian, but also the
express mention of Josephus and his prophecy in Sueton. Vesp. c. 5. But Josephus, in
this case, gave a Grecian expression to the Jewish notion of the Messiah, and the flattering application to Vespasian was made for the purpose of giving importance to the
writer's nation and himself, and to remove suspicion from them, for the present at least.
Tacitus makes frequent use of Josephus in his history of the Jews, though he always
takes a Roman point of view.
3 Cicero pro Flacco, c. 28. Sua cuique civitati religio, Laeli, est, nostra nobis. Stantibus Hierosolymis, pacatisque Judaeis, tamen istorum religio sacrorum a splendore hujus
imperii, gravitate nominis nostri, majorumn institutis abhorrebat: nunc vero hoc magis,
quod illa gens, quid de imperio nostro sentiret, ostendit armis: quam cara diis immortalibus esset, docuit, quod est victa, quod elocata, quod servata. Apion ap. Joseph. contra
Apionem, ii. 11. Minucii Felicis Octavius, c. 10: The heathen Caecilius says, Judaeorum
sola et misera gentilitas unum-Deeum-coluerunt; cujus adeo nulla vis nec potestas est,
ut sit Romuanis numinibus cum sua sibi natione captivus.
4 Of Apollonius Molon, a rhetorician of Rhodes, n.c. 70, Josephus says (c. Apion. ii. 14),
7rord #.IEv r  dO obtf Kati ytaavep67ov  ioildopec, rore d' av det2Laev il/2ev  vetdireL Katc.o-Vraeta2  v    7V  OimV  2kLaev tcaTyoprE tcai K r'ovoiav'   2iyetL id Kat' v0vearorovC erivat
r(dv papfiapev. Tacit. Hist. v. 5, apud ipsos fides obstinata, misericordia in promptu, sed
adversus omnes alios hostile odium; c. 8, despectissimna pars servientiuml-teterrima
gens. Diodor. Sic. xxxiv. p. 524. Philostratus in vita Apollonii, v. c. 33. Javen. Sat.
xiv. 103. According to Philo (in Flacc. p. 969), there remained among the Egyptians
7ra2ati ica  rp6nrov rtvi  yeyevvelsvVl 7rpof'Iov6aiove  4rdxOctae.  Jos. c. Apion. i. 25,
rdv 6v ert'i r ai,832a~0uyt1ztv ps'avro Alydirrtol-alrdagc rd roW2CS dea,$ov Too tlauEvy cac
pOovelv, caet.
5 The oldest sources of these fables are the fragment of Hecataeus Milesius (doubtless
Abderita), in Photius's bibl. cod. 154, and the more malignant representation of the
Egyptian Manetho (about 280 B.c., ap. Joseph. c. Apion. i. 26, colmp. 14).  The saying
afterwards repeated with manifold remodeliogs by the Egyptian Chaeremon (at the time
of Augustus, ap. Jos. i. c. c. 32), by Lysimachus (about 100 B.c., ibid. c. 34), Justin (Hist.
36, 2), and Tacitus (Hist. v. c. 2). Comp. J. G. Miller in the theol. Studien u. Kritiken.
1843, iv. 893. Josephus wrote his two books against Apion in refutation of these calumnies
against his countrymen.
6 Particularly concerning the object of their worship. Many, indeed, saw in Jehovah
their Zeus or Jupiter: Varro ap. Augustin. de consensuo evangel. i. 22. Aristeas de legis
divinae interpr. historia, p. 3, rOv yap wrc7vrav Erw67rryV icai cricarlv Oev  oVdros aUovral,
iv cai mrinvreC,  er7C rIe szdUiarTa, IrpouoVOiai(OVrrE Erdprof Zeva. According to another
opinion the Jews worshiped the heaven (Juvenal. Sat. xiv. 97,. nil praeter nubes et coeli




INTRODUCTION II.-JEWS. ~ 17. OUT OF PALESTINE.                    49
these in their turn contributed to increase the contempt of which
they were the offspring.
~ 17,
CONDITION OF THE JEWS OUT OF PALESTINE.
J. Remond Geschichte der Ausbreitung des Judenthums von Cyrus bis auf den giinzlichen
Untergang des jid. Staats. Leipz. 1789. 8. Jost's Gesch. d. Israeliten. Th. 2. S. 262.
The Jewish people were by no means confined to Palestine.
Only the  smaller part of them   had  availed themselves of the
permission of Cyrus to return to their native land, and therefore numbers had  remained behind in Babylonia, who, doubtless, spread themselves farther toward the east, so that in the
first century  they  were  very considerable  (ov'r  6iN[at jlvptJe'&,
Jos. Ant. xv. 3, 1).   In Arabia, the  kings of the  Ilomerites
(about 100 B.C.) had even adopted the Jewish religion, and subsequently it had reached the throne of Adiabene, by the conversion  of King  Izates, (about 45  A.D., comp. Jos. Ant. xx. 2).
At the building of Alexandria, Alexander the Great brought a
colony of Jews to settle there, (Jos. de B. J. ii. 36); more were
brought by Ptolemy Lagus to Egypt, Cyrene, and Lybia, (Jos.
Ant. xii. 2, 4); and  the  Jews were very numerous  in  these
places, (1,000,000, Philo  in  Flace. p. 971.   In  Alexandria
two-fifths of the population, ibid. p. 973).   By trade they soon
became rich  and  powerful.'   Many  Jewish  colonists had  also
been carried into  Syria by Seleucls Nicanor (Jos. Ant. xii. 3,
1), especially to Antioch, where, in after times, a great part of
the population consisted of Jews (Jos. de B. J. vii. 3, 3).   Antiochus the Great was the  first who  sent a Jewish  colony to
PhBrygia  and Lydia  (Jos. 1. c.), and from  these two countries
they had  spread  themselves not only over the whole  of Asia
numen adorant). Others thought that they worshiped Bacchus (Plutarch Sympos. iv. Qu.
5, Tacit. Hist. 5. 5). According to others, the object of adoration was an ass's head (Apion
ap. Jos. c. Ap ii. 7. Tacit. Hist. 5. 4. Plut. 1. c.) According to others, a swine (Plutarch
i. e. Petronius in fragrn.: Judaeus, licet et Porcinum nunien adoret, &c.) Comp. the fable
of the Jews sacrificing every year a Greek, and eating of his flesh (Joseph. c. Apion. ii.
8). Jo. Jac. Huldrici gentilis obtrcctator s. de calumniis gentilium  in Judaeos et in
primaevos Christianos. Tiguri. 1744. 8.
C. E. Varges de statu Aegypti provinciae Romanae I. et II. p. Chr. n. saeculis. Gottingae. 1842. 4. p. 18, 39, 46.
voi,. T.-4




1 0                  GFIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
JJiue or, but also  over  Gy-eece.   The  first Jews in  Rome  had
been brought as prisoners of war by Pompey.  They afterward
obtained their freedom (therefore they were styled libertini,
Philo  de legat. ad  Caj. p. 1014, Tacit. Ann. ii. 85), received
permission from Julius Caesar to erect synagogues (Jos. Ant.
xiv. 10, 8), and soon occupied the greatest part of the city beyond the Tiber (Philo 1. c.). Thus, at the time of Christ it
was not easy to find a country in the whole Roman empire in
which the Jews did not dwell (Strabo, xiv. c. 2, Philo legat. ad
Caj. p. 1031).
All these widely  dispersed Jews (id 6tactropd) considered Jerusalem   as their common  capital, the sanhedrim  of that place  as
their ecclesiastical supreme court; and sent not only yearly
contributions in  money  (4idpaXiia), and offerings to  the  temple
(Philo  de Monarch. lib. ii. p. 822, in Flace. 971, legat. ad. Caj.
1-014, 1023, 1031, Cicero pro Flace. 12, Tacit. Hist. 5, 5),
but also frequently repaired thither to the great festivals (Philo
de Monarch. lib. ii. p. 821), without detriment being  done to
this common sanctuary by the temple built in Leontopolis (152
B.C.) by Onias.2 They obtained peculiar privileges, not only in
the places where they settled as colonists at the desire of the
princes of the country, but Caesar had  allowed  them   the  free
exercise  of their religion,3 in  a series of regulations enacted for
the purpose, while he granted them several favors in relation to
their law.4 But these very distinctions merely served to make
them   still more  hated  by  their  fellow-citizens, with  whom,
therefore, they had frequent quarrels.
2 The temple of Onias was as far from causing a schism among the Jews as the dispute
between the Pharisees and Sadducees, although the building of it was disapproved by the
Palestinian Jews.
3 By this, therefore, their synagogues were put into the class of collegia licita (see above,
g 12). Comp. the decree of the Praetors C. Julius ap. Joseph. Ant. xiv. 10, 8: rPioc Kacrap, O q0T7repof arpacry6OC cac vitraro, ev',c dtari7yaract KcCoveV Otacovc cavv ayeoTa c KaTr,r6Ztv, g6vovf TOVTOVf oVIC C'c3d2Xvaev orE  XpJi7tara avvetai9prtv, OVre aivdevrctva roteZv.
6,uoiodf 6&8  tcyo ro7fS 0ovC OtdCaovS KO2LV&OV TOVrOVC LOVO6vg EorrtrpErTO  Kacra 7ia l'rpta
E0f KaCi v6ulta uavv(&yerOaCi rE cat' itareaOt. So also Augustus (Philo de legat. ad Cajum,
p. 1035, 1036).
4 Comp. Jos. Ant. xiv. 10, 2, if. Claudius, in his edict, gives briefly what was granted
them, and what was required of them, (Jos. Ant. xix. 5, 3):'Iovdaiovg rog E'v 7ravri r7
V)' #Ua- ic6a,uq r, 7r;aTpLa EOp avetilcXOarVg ~vXdac etv,-cat it7U T7fa r7v (iizXov Ef6vVC
detlatatuoviaS esovOaEvietv. Decreta Romana et Asiatica pro Judaeis ad cultum div.secure obeundum —restituta a Jac. Gronovio. Lugd. Bat. 1712. 8. Decreta Romanorum
pro Judaeis e Josepho collecta a J. Tob. Krebs. Lips. 1768. 8. Dav. Henr. Levyssohn
disp. de Jud. sub Caesaribus conditione et de legibns eos spectantibus. Lugd. Bat. 1828. 4.




'IRtRODIUCTION!I. —JEWS.     17. o17. OU    Or' PALESTINE.            51
In the mean time, Judaism  had been introduced in many
ways among the heathen. It is true that only a few became,complete converts:to:it by submitting to circumcision (proselytes
of righteousness);5 but several, particularly  women,6 attached
-themselves,to  it for the purpose,of worshiping  Jehovah  as the
<one true  God, without observing  the  Mosaiclaw  (proselytes of:the gate), 7 which  was sufficient for those  who  -were not Jews,.according to  the opinion of the  more  liberal Jewish.expositors.8
-Others, on the contrary, especially in Rome, which longed after
foreign rites, felt themselves attracted, not so much by the religion, as by the religious ceremonial of the  Jews.   These  individuals  observed.Jewish  ceremonies without separating  them-selves  on  that account from   heathen  forms  of  worship, kept
Jewish  festivals,  and  trustecd  in  Jewish  conjurations.   -There
-s'I. e., iight, com1lete proselyte-s. Of such speaks Tacitus, Hist. v. 5: Cirecumidere
genitalia instituere, ut diversitate noscantor. Transgressi in mlorem eorum idem usurpant,
nYec quidquam prius imbuauntur, quam contemne-re deos, e.uere patriam; parentes, liberos,
Tr etres viia habere. Juvenal. Sat. xiv. 96, ff.?
Quidam sortiti metuentem sabbata patrem,
Nil praeter nubes, et coeli numen adorant:
Nec distare putant huniana carne suillam,
Qua pater abstinuit, mox et praeputia ponunt.
Ronomanas autem soliti contemnere leges,
Judaicum ediscunt, et servant, ac metuunt jus,
Tradidit arcane quodeunque volumine Moses.
A list of existing proselytes is given by Causse in the Museum Haganum I. 549.
6 So almost all the women in Damascus, Joseph. de -B. J. ii. 20, 2; so was 3Fulvia'in'the time of Tiberius, at Rome, v.ptjyotrs 7~rpoaeXaiuvOv7a roSf',IOVda'KoEC, Ant. xviii. 3, 5.
So were many Judaizers in Syria, de.B. J. ii. 18, 2, comp. the inscriptions in.Hug, Eifil.-in
d. N. T. 3te Aufl. ii. 339. Act. xiii. 50, xvii. 4. Comp.- Strabo-above, ~ 14, note 7.
7 Such was the name originally given to those who were not'Jews, but to whom per-.mission was granted to dwell as sojourners in Palestine, under the condition of observing
certain la-ws (Levit. xvii. 8, f.,'nlt'I Z\,'3~ Exod. xx. 10; Deut. v. 14). But now,
under altered circumstances all heathens who attached themselves to Judaism  by the
voluntary observance of those precepts, received the samle appellation. These precepts,
which, in the opinion of the Jews, were delivered even to Noah (comp., Genesis, ix. 4, if.),
and in him to the whole human race, are said to be seven. 1. A prohibition of idolatry;
2. Blasphemy; 3. The shedding of human blood; 4. Incest; 5. Theft;'56. The eommand to
practice righteousness; 7. To eat no blood, eand no animal in which theq"blood still remains.
-See Seldenus de jure nat. et gent. lib. 1, c. 1). In the New Testament these proselytes,are called Oo,3ot/evot riv OE6S,, re,86/evo r,. 0.
8 The school of Hillel, to which Gamaliel, Paul's preceptor, belonged, allowed these
proselytes a part in the kingdom  of the Messiah; the school of Shammai excluded them
from it-botlh with reference to Ps. ix. 18. See E. M. Roeth epistolam vulgo ad Hebraeos
inseriptai non ad Hebraeos sed ad Ephesios datam esse. Francof. ad M. 1836. 8. p. 117.
126, ss. At the conversion of King Izates, Ananias was of the milder, Eleazer of thc
stricter views, Joseph. Ant. xx. c. 2. The later rabbins follow the opinion of Hillel, as
theydo in all disputes between these-two schools. Othonis lexicon rabbin. p. 243. Boeth,,n. 129.




52                    FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
soon appeared, also, Jewish jugglers, who ministered to this heathen superstition as conjurors and soothsayers.9'
At  the  same  time, intercourse  with  the  pagans  could  not
exist without  exerting  some  influence  on  the  Jews.   It  must
have partly smoothed away many rough points of their national character, and have partly  communicated  to them   a  great
portion  of the  cultivation   of the  nations  among  whom   they
lived. A philosophical mode of treating their religion was developed  especially  at Alexandlria, under thel  Ptolemies, in  consequence of the study of Grecian philosophy, and thence a peculiar philosophy  of religion, whiich may be traced from   Aristobumzus (about  160  B.C.), through  the Book  of  Wisdsom,,0 and tke,
Therapveutae,w', to  its  most  distinguished  representative  Philo
9 On accmunt of many impostors of tiris kind, T'iberius expelled the Jews tiom Rome,
Tos. Ant. xviii[ 3, 5. The Jewish festivals were kept by the' heathen, Horat. Sat. i. 9, 69
- hodie tricesima sabbat.:- vin' tu
Curtis Judaeis oppedere? Nullas mihi, inquanm,
Religio est. Ait m.: sum paulo infirmior, unus
Multorum.
The woms'en in particular frequented them.
Cultaque Judaeo septima sacra Syro (Ovid. Art. Amat. i. 75,, cf. Selden de jure nat. et
gent. lib. iii. c. 15, ssr Gottl. Wernsdorf de gentilium sabbato. Vite'b. 1722. 4. For ex,
amples of Jewish conjurors see Acts xix. 13. Joseph. Antiq. viii. 2, 5 (Eleazer, who before
Vespasian gave proofs of exorcism),. Plinii Natur. T-list. xxx. c. 2: Est et aliamagices factio a Mose et Janne et Jotape Judaeis pendens.  Celsus accused the Jews (O-rig. c. Cels.
i. p. 21), aeroevi0 aUiev ayy67ovf, KOai yo7reiat 7rpoaKeoCa at, r 6b Mso,8ea  avro9C yfyovev
Escjylrspf. In regard to Jewish soothsayers see Juven. Sat. vi. 543:
Arcanam Judaea treme.s mnendicat in aurem,
Interpres legum Solymaruoll, et magna sacerdos.
Arboris, ac summi fida internuntia' coeli:
Implet et illa manum, sed parcius. - ere minuto
Qualiacunque voles Judaei somenia vendunt.
In this way the Jewish names for deity came into the formulae of heathen imnpostors, thougl
at a later period; and were supposed to possess a peculiar magical power in union witlh,
the heathen appellations of God (Origines c. Gels. iv. p. 183, v. p. 262), and were found on,
gems; see my remalks in the Theol. Sted. u. Iritiken. 1830, Heft 2, p. 403. To this influence of Judaism Seneca refers, de superstitionibus (ap. Augustin. de civit. Dei, vi. 11).
Cumr interim usque eo sceleratissin-mae gentis consuetudo convual-it, ut per omnes jam ter:
ras, recepta sit, victi victoribus leges dederunt. Illi tthnen causas ritus sui noverant, sed
major pars populi facit, quod cur faciat ignorat. It might be expected that with this heathen tendency many should snake a mnere external profession of Judaism'. Hence we canu
explain why the Talmudists passed s6 severe a judgment on the Phlarisees, although the;
latter were still very zealous in making proselytes at the time of Christ (Matth. xxiii. 15),:
Proselyti impediunt adventum  Messiae, sunt sicut scabies Israeli, &c. Othonis lexicon
rabbin. p. 491. Wagenseilii Sota, p. 754.
10 In regard to those taaces, see generally, Gfi-orer's Philo, ii. and Dahne's jisdisch-alex.
Religionsphilosophie, ii.
11 Philo de vita contemplativa. The writings of Bellermann and Sauer mentioned in ~ 15,
note 9. Gfrorerii. 280. Dhlne, i. 443. Laterwriters, by drawing unhistorical conclusions,
have discovered Christian ascetics in the Therapeutae.  So Eusebius Mist. eccles. ii.- 17,




INTRODUCTION IT.-JEWS. ~ l8. SAMARITANS.                           53
(I 41  A.D.)12    Though  Philo's Platonic  Judaism   in  this  complete form was only the property of a few, yet the general ideas
contained  in  it iwere widely  diffused  among  the  Hellenic  Jews
at that time, and afterward  gained an important influence over
the philosophy of.religion which  formed itself within the bosom
of Christianity.   This is especially the case with regard to the
doctrine of Philo concerning thle Logos, the God revealing  himself in  the finite, in  whom   the  Mosaic  creative  word, and  the
Platonic ideal vworld, were united.l3
THE S.AMARITANS.
The mixed p.eoplel who had grown up into a society after the
and all succeeding authors except Photius, cod. 104. The same opinion was held after the
IReformiation by most of the older historians of the Catholic and Episcopal English church
(see the writings on both sides in Triglandii syntagnma, see above, Q 15, note 6), even
Bern. de Montfaucon (not. ad Philon. de vit. conteIlpl.), and L. A. Muratori (anecdot.
grace. p. 330). The dispute of the former respecting this point, with Jo. Bonuhier: Lettres
pour et contre sur la fameuse question, si les solitaires appellez Therapeutes 6toient
Chbrtiens. Paris. 1712. 8. Even Philo is said to have been oil friendly terms with Peter
at Ronie, under Claudius (elGf zU6Liav i/Edev nI-Ipp, Euseb. i. c. HIieron. catal. 11), fron
which afterward arose the fable that he had embraced -Christianity and afterward forsook
it (Photius cod. 105). Cf. Mangey praef. in Phil. Opp.
12 Opp. ed. A. Turnebus, Paris. 155, ihi an improved edition by Dan. Hoeschelius.
Col. Allobrog. 1613. Paris. 1640. Francof. 1691. fol. (citations are usually made according to the pages of the last two editions, whllich coincide in this respect). Thom. Mangey.
Lond. 1742. 2 voil. fol. A lmnanual edition by A. F. Pfeiffer. Erlang. 1785. 5 voll. 8, incomplete. In late times Angelo Mai found in the Greek language the writings of Philo de
festo cophini and d  parentibus colendis (Philo et Viigilii interpretes. Mediol. 1818, 8vo);
and J.. B. Aucher published in:Latin severlal treatises preserved in um Armenian version
(de providentia and de animalibus. Venet. 182~2. fol. Philonis Jud. paralipomena Armena.
ibid. 1826. fol.) All this has been taken il-o the latest manual edition by E. Richter.
Lips. 1828-30. 8. tom. 8. Comnp. F. Creuzer zur Kritik der Schriften des Jude.n Philo, in
the theol. Studien u. Krit. 1832. i. 1. Dilhue's Bemnerkunge n fiber die Schriften des Philo.
das. 1833, iv. 984. Philo's Lehlrbegriff von E. H. Stahl (in Eichhorn's Bibl. d. bibl. Lit. iv.
5, 770). C. G. L. Grossmann quaestiones Philoneae. Lips. 1829. 4. A. Gfrirer's Philo
u. die alexandrin. Theosophie. 2 Thle. Stuttgart. 1831. 8. A. F. DIhnle's geschlichtl.
Darstellung der j fdisch-alexanldrin. Religionsphilosophlie. 2 Abthl. Halle. 1834. 8.
13 I can not agree with the prevailisg view, that the strictly monotheistic Philo thought
of the Logos as hypostatically different fiom God. Since the infinite can not be revealed:in the finite, G-od was under the necessity, so to speak, of making hinmself finite for this:purpose, i. e., of separating from his own infinite perfections a finite measure of ideas and
powers. God, in this aspect, is the Logos. Accordingly, the Logos is less than God, the
-revealed God less than deity in himself, but not, on that account, a hypostasis different,from God.' 17 opposition to Henlgsterberg, who (Beitr. zur Einleit. ins. A. T. ii. 1, 3) affirms, tha




34r                   RlRFIRST PERIOD. —DV. I.-A%.D: 1-lIY.
destruction  of  the  kingdom   of  Israel,  in  the  tract belonging
to  it  (2  Kings  xvii. 24, if., oDn,', EapaptZTa), had  constantly
been  an object of detestation to the Jews, because of their religion, which  had  been  at first compounded  oaf Judaism   and  hea.thenism.   The  Samaritans, indeed, under the  direction  of the,
Jewish priest Manasseh, supported by the Persian viceroy Sanballat,, had retained the  Pentateuch, (409  B.c.), erected  a temrnpie on Gerizim, established a levitical priesthood-in short, the
whole of Judaism  as it then was;2 but all served merely to increase the hatred of the Jews against them, although they were
united from  this time onward, not only by neighborhood, but
also  by  a similar religion, and. a series of like  fortunes.   This:
hatred entertained by the Jews, which the Samaritans seemeda
not to  have  returned  with  liH-e virulence, was  not abated  in,
their native land by the destruction of the temple on Gerizirm
by  John  Hyrcanus  (109  B.C.);  it was  transferred: to  Egypt
where Jewish and Samaritan colonies had been planted by Alexander  and  Ptolemy  Lagus,3 and  has  continued  to  the  latest
times.
The Samaritans held fast by Judlaismlu  as it had come to them
by  Manasseh, with  rigid  strictness;  and  therefore the later developments, of it among the Jews remained unknown to them,,
as they  did  also  to the  Sadcdue-ees.i   Besides, in, the  history  of
the Samaritans were originally a heathen people, who accommodated' themselves by
degrees to the Mbsaic institution, see Dr. K'alkar's treatise, die Samaritaner ein Mischvolk,
in Pelt's theolog. Mitarbeit. Jalirg. 3, Heft 3. (Kiel. 1840) p. 24. —[Kitto's Cyclcpaedia of
Biblical Literature, art. Sacmaritans.]
2 Nehem. xiii. 28: Comp. Joseph. Ant. xi. 7, 2. 8; Z. 4. 6, who places incorrectly the
defection of Manasseh under Darius Cbdomannus; instead of Darius Nothus. Prideaux
hist. des Juifs. ii. 397. Jahn bibl. Archologie, ii: 1, q8. G. Gesenius de pentateuchi
Samaritani origine, indole-et auctoritate. Halae. 1815. 4.
3 Samaritan warriors were transplanted into Tlhebais by Alexanderl (Joseph. Ant. xi.
8; 6), into Lower Egypt and Alexandriaiby Ptolemy Lagus (Jos: 1. c; xii. 1). A controversy
between the Jews and Shmaritans at Alexandria is related By Josephus, 1. c. xiii. 3, 4.
4 Concerning their doctines see Philastrius de haer. cap. 7. Epiphanius de haer. 9.
Leontius de sectis, c; 8; Their pentateuch was printed along with the Samaritan translation in the Paris Polyglots, 1629. A more accurate knowledge of their condition and doctrines in modern times has been obtained from the letters of the Samaritans to Jos. Scaliger;
1589; to men at Oxford, through the medium of Robert Huntingdon, 1:671; to Job Ludolf,
1684 (see these letters in Eichhorn's Repertorium ix. and xiii.); a.nd to Doe Sacy (since
1808), comp. Sylv. de Sacy m6moire sur l'6tat actuel des Samaritains.  P'aris. 1812 (transc
lated into Germlan in St'ndlin's and Tzschirner's Archiv. for Kg. I. iii. 40). These were.
revised, and along with the recent letters containing two of 1820, republished by De Sacy
ib the Notices et Extraits des manuscrits de la Bibl. roy. T. xii. Paris. 1829. In addition,
a letter of 1700 was made known by Haamaker in the Archief voor klerkelijke Geschiedenibi
door Kist, en. PRoyaards v. 1- (Leiden. 18t34). Besides this, Samaritan poems exit;, wh'ic.L




INTRODUCTION II.-JEWVS. ~ 18. THE SAMARITANS.                        5b
this people there was no ground for the same degree of national
arrogance  and hatred  of every  thing  foreign  as existed  among
the Jews.5 And while among the Jews the extravagant national feeling fostered a more sensuous apprehension of the doctrine of a special Divine providence in favor of their nation, and
of the  Messiah, and  by  this means  favored  a worldly  view  of
the doctrines of religion; that smaller measure of national pride
existing  among  the  Samaritans was the  cause of their looking
at Judaism   more in  its  spiritual aspect.6    This tendency  was
certainly promoted by the connection of the Samaritans with
those of the same faith who had settled in Alexandria, and who
were  then  partakers  of Grecian  culture.   Still, however, the
spiritual tendency which characterized the constantly oppressed
people received no scientific improvement. But yet in Samaria
there appeared in the first century  in  succession three founders
belong to the times of the Arabs, and were first used in Gesenius de Samaritanorum
theologia ex fontibus ineditis comm. (Weihnachtsprogramm, Halle. 1822. 4), and subsequently published: Carmina Samaritana e codd. Londinensibus et Gothanis ed. et illustr.
Guil. Gesenius. Lips. 1824. 8.
Hence Josephus blames them (Ant. xi. 8, 6): eliov oo Zaay/apETf rotOfOrot rv  S oVLy,
Ev zefv ruals avF/lopaofS Ovra o TOif'Iovdaiovf apvogvrat cvyyevecf eXetv, /otoyoiiv'er6re ryv ('LTijOLetav. a 0rav de( 7 T rept aTovS 2aL[rrp2ov  (dOatv E6/ rTVXf, E5aievpf Etrrt'ddtv
avrC)v 7r1'ctlro1tVa, TrpouaKetv asrofog tIyovreg, taC ES rdv'Ioarrov yeveaRoyoovreg
alvrolv iicy6ovwv'Eepaetov IcaG MavaaaoO. So, too, they are said to have professed themselves to Alexander,'El3paGot  zv elyat, XP7juari[etv c' ol Ev Ztcifyot9 ltZ6vtot (Joseph. 1.
c.). On the contrary, to Antiochus Epiphanes as ~vref ri &vK0aOe6v Xtt&vtot (Joseph.
Ant. xii. 5, 5). In like manner, they are said to have escaped threatening danger under
this king by calling their temple iepov Altb  EX2ui2viov, but without making other change
in their worship, Joseph. i. c. cf. 2 Macc. vi. 2.
6 In the later Samar'itan writings a progressive development of several doctrines by the
influence of the' Alexandrian peculiarities can not be mistaken. The characteristics of
Samaritan theology are strict Monotheism, aversion to all Anthropomorphism (Gesenius
de theol. Sam. p. 12, ss.), both which were manifested even in their Pentateuch (Gesenius
de pentat. Sam. p. 58, ss.). According to Leontius de sectis, they denied the doctrine of
angels, i. e., the improved Jewish doctrine regarding them. In the later poetical writings
angels appear as uncreated influences proceeding from God I~.:n   (D'.;  6vvdEigc),
comp. Gesenius de theoT. Sam. p. 21, which belongs to a gnostic development, of which
the first trace appears to be in Acts viii. 10. They magnified Moses and the law, rejecting
all the later prophetic writings. The Sabbath and circumcision were regarded as the
most important pledges of the covenant with Jehovah. The temple on Gerizim was the
only true one (Deuteron. xxvii. 4,;Y3'9  altered into D'-i'l.  Gesen. de Pent. Sam.
p. 61). According to the fathers, they denied immortality and the resurrection, i. e., they
maintained the insensible state of the soul in Sheol. We find among them afterward a
ressurection to a life entirely different from the present (Gesenius de theol. Sam. p. 38).
The Messiah (.;7,'1.    or,.1';].   Ges. 1. c. p. 44: reductor, conversor), probably a lip]' t..
will lead the people to repentance, and then to happiness, the nations will believe in
him, and by him will be won over to the law, and to the temple on Gerizim. (Compare
John iv. 25.)




.56                   FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
of sects, of whom   Dositheus7 departed  from   the  prevalent Samaritan  Judaism   in  a very  few  particulars.    Simono     Mgaus8
drew  the germ  of his syncretic  magical system  from  the philosophical opinions then current, probably at Alexandria, and unfolded them farther, instigated, perhaps, by Christianity, which
had lately appeared.   In the  third  place, MZenander,9 the disciple of Simon Magus, departed little from the footsteps of his
master.   All three left behind them   sects which  continued for
several centuries.   The followers of Simon and Menander were
often confounded with Christians by the heathen,l~ and actually
endeavored  to  insinuate  themselves into the  Christian  church
after Christianity had become the prevailing religion.ll
7 Moshemii institt. hist. Christ. majores, Saec. i. 376, ss.'~FIW.1  gave himself out
to be the prophet promised in Deut. xviii. 18. The church fathers falsely ascribe to him
many peculiar doctrines which were held by all the Samaritans.  (According to Jewish
tradition, the priest sent by Sennacherib, 1 Kings xvii. 27, 28, was one R. Dosthai. Drusius de tribus sectis Jud. iii. 4. It is probable, therefore, that the two persons were confounded. (A strict, ascetic life, and an overscrupulous observance of the Sabbath were
peculiar to him. Origen. de princ. iv. c. 17, quo quisque corporis situ in principio sabbatlli
inventus fuerit, in eo ad vesperum usque ipsi permanendumn esse, manifestly a literal interpretation of Exod. xvi. 29. As late as the year 588, the Dositheans and Samaritans had
a controversy in Egypt about Dent. xviii. 18. (Eulogius ap. Phot. bibl. cod. 230.)
s Mosheim, 1. c. p. 289-432. Walch's Historie der Ketzereien, i. 135, ff. Neander's
gnostische Systeme. Berlin. 1818. S. 338, ff. Leben u. Lebre Simons d. Magiers, by Dr.
A. Simson (in Illgen's Zeitschr. fir histor. Theol. 1841, iii. 15). Act. viii. 9, 10, itc~jv-!/ayeyvov eat ElturSv 7r WEvog rifg Eagapeiag, k21yov eival rtva Eavrov yeyav. By the
people he was looked upon as   d69vaugf rob OEeob' Ey,8ydl (~:nr cf. not. 6). Probably
the  ipcjov'IovdaeoS, KSJvrpbto de yevof, uzyog et'val C7K'7r7o/EevoC apud Joseph. Ant. xx. 7,
2. Fabulous accounts of his death at Rome (first found in the Apostol. Constitut. vi. 9, and
in Arnobius, ii. c. 12) were perhaps occasioned by the occurrence related in Sueton. in Nerone, c. 12. Juvenal. Sat. iii. 79, 80. The statue on the island in tile Tiber, as Justin relates, Apol. maj. c. 26 and 56, with the inscription Simoni sancto Deo, was found in 1574,
and has on it, Semoni Sanco Deo Fidio Sacrum, &c. (See Baronius ad ann. 44 no. 55.)
On Semo Sancus or Saulgus, comp. Ovid. Fast. vi. 213. Justin's mistake is apparent, although B aronius, Thirlby, Maranus, especially Fogginius de Romano Divi Petro itinere et
episcopato, Florent. 1741. 4to, p. 247, ss., wish to justify his account; and Braun (S. Justini
M. Apologiae. Bonnae. 1830. p. 97) has promised a new defense of it. The followers of
Simon must be regarded as Samaritan Gnostics (Justin M. Apol. maj. c. 26: Kaei  XE6ov
7r6v7ref uiv EatagpEtf, 6/1yoet dE 6ca Elv e2,iotf eOveurv,,u r7v 7rpdro OV E6v Eoietvov #0?0x
yoevref,'lceZvov Kcal 7rpoacvvoOdt), whose system may have been developed parallel with
the Christian Gnosis. Among Christians Simon has always been looked upon as the master and progenitor of all heretics (Irenaeus adv. haer. i. ~7, ii. praef.), and although he never
was a Christian, yet, in later times, he was thought to be the first heresiarch. In the
Clementines he is the representative of Gnosis generally, and the system there attributed
to him is a compound of the most striking Gnostic positions, and must not be considered
genuine (see Baur's christl. Gnosis, p. 302).
9 Mosbeim, 1. c. 432-438.
10 Justin. Apol. ii. p. 70.
"'Regarding the Simonians see Euseb. Hist. eccl. ii. 1, 4. For the Menandrians, iii.
26, 2.




INTROD. II. ~ 19. RELATION OF THE TIMES TO CHRISTIANITY. 57
~ 19.
RELATION OF THE TIMES TO CHRISTIANITY IN ITS INFANCY.
From the view that has been given it may be seen, that the
popular religions of the heathen had bdcome superannuated at
the time of Christ, and that unbelief and superstition were on
the point of putting an end to all true religion.  It is further
apparent, that Judaism, losing more and more its spiritual character, threatened to sink down in externalities.  Under these
circumstances many heathens must have longed for a religion
which put an end to their doubts and agitations, satisfied the
demands of their moral nature, and afforded them  consolation
and inward peace.  The circumstance of Christianity coming
from the East, whose mystical religions had at that time attracted general attention to itself, must have facilitated at least
the introduction of it.  Not could it be otherwise than that
many Jews felt the emptiness of their ceremonial service, especially as they had been already guided to a more spiritual worship of God by many passages in their own prophets. On the
other hand, expectations of the Messiah prepared the way for
Christianity among the Jews.
But however much there was in the circumstances of these
times which must have promoted Christianity, there was not
less to obstruct it. Among the Jews, national pride, earthly
hopes of Messiah, and habituation to an almost external religion; among the heathen, unbelief as well as superstition, which
prevailed at this time, the stain attaching to Jewish origin, and
the political grounds which, in the universal opinion, rendered
it necessary to abide by the national religion.  Christianity
could reckon on toleration on the part of the state, agreeably to
the principles of the Romans, only as long as it was confined
to the Jewish people.  But a religion which, like the Jewish,
did not only declare all other national religions false, but was
likewise gathering adherents among all nations in a more suspicious degree than the Jewish, and was threatening to extinguish all others, could not be endured by the Roman government without an abandonment of the old state religion.  The




58                FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
toleration which all philosophical systems and foreign superstitions found at Rome could not, therefore, be expected by Christianity;1 for an external observance of the state religion was
at least consistent with the nature of such systems and superstitions.2
FIRST CHAPTER.
THE LIFE OF JESUS.
J. J. Hess Lebensgeschichte Jesu, 3 Bde. Ste Aufl.  ZUrich.
1822 u. 23. 8.  The same: Lehre, Thaten, und Schicksale
unseres Herrn, v. verschiedenen Seiten belenchtet.  2 Halften.  3te Aufl.  Zurich. 1817. 8.  J. G. Herder vom  Er15ser der Menschen nach unsern 3 ersten Evangelien.  Riga.
1796. 8.  The same: von Gottes Sohn der Welt Heciland,
nach Johannis Evangel. Riga. 1797. 8. J. Ch. Greiling
das Leben Jesu von Nazareth.  Halle. 1815. 8.  HI. E. G.
Paulus das Leben Jesu, als Grundlage einer reinen Gesch. d.
Urchristenthums.  Heidelb. 1828.  2 Bde. 8.  Dr. A. Hase
das Leben Jesu.  Ein Lehrbuch zunnichst fibr akadem. Vorlesungen.  Leipz. 1829. 3te Aufl. 1840. 8.-Dr. Strauss's
Leben Jesu has given a new impulse to a scientific treatment
of the subject.   Ttibingen. 1835, 36.  4te Aufl. 1840.  2
Bde. 8.  The fruits of it are especially A. Neander's Leben
Jesu Christi.  Hamburg. 1837 (4te Aufl. 1845). 8.  Chr.
F. v. Ammon  Gesch. d. Lebens Jesu nit steter Rucksicht
auf die vorhandenen Quellen.  Bd. 2.  Leipzig   1842-4. 8.
F. V. Reinhard Versuch uiber den Plan, den der Stifter der
christl. Religion zum  Besten  der Menschen entwarf.  5te
Ausg. with additions by Heubner.  Wittenb. 1830. 8.  G.
1 Although the Christian apologists often appeal to it, Justini M. Apol. maj. c. 18, 24, 26.
Tertulliani Apologeticus, c. 24, 46.
2 In opposition to the wrong views taken by Voltaire Traite sur la tolorance, 1763, c. 8-10,
(Oeuvres 6d. Deux-Ponts. Tom. 40, p. 271, ss.), relative to the toleration of the Romans,
and the exclusive fault of the Christians in bringing persecutions on themselves, Hegewisch
made very just remarks in his treatise on the epdch in Roman history most fafvorable to
aumanity, Hamburg. 1800. p. 173.




GCAP. I.-LIFE  OF JESUS. ~ 20. CHRONOLOGY.                         59
J. Planck  Gcsch. d. Christenth. in  der Periode seiner erster
Einfiuhrung in  die WTelt durch Jesum  und die Apostel.
G'ttingen. 1818.  2 Bde. 8.
J. A. G. Meyer Versuch  elner  Vertheidigung und Erlaiiterung.,
der Geschichte  Jesu  und  der Apostel allein  aus griech. und
rbm. Profanscribertten.   Hannover.  1805.. 8.
20.
CHRONtOLOGICAL DAT'A RESPECTI:NG THE LIFE  OF JESUS.
J. F. Wurm's astron- Beitrdge zur gend.herten Bestimmung des Geburts u. Todesjahres
Jesu, in Bengel's Archiv. fitr d. Theol. II. 1, 261. R. Anger de temporum  in Actis.
Apost. ratione diss. c. 1, de anno quo Jesus in coelum ascenderit. Lips. 1830. 8. F. Piper
de externa vitae J. Chrl. chronologia recte constituenda. Gottingae. 1835. 4. K. W-ieseler's
chronolog. S'ynopse der vier Evangelien. Hamburg. 1843. 8.1
The only definite date in the evangelical history 2 is: in Luke
iii. 1, relating  to the appearance of John the Baptist.3    On the
supposition that Jesus appeared in public half a year after John,
as he was born half a year after him, the designation of his age
in Luke iii. 23  gives nearly  the time of his birth, which, perhaps. may be still more closely determined by the circumstance
that it must have happened before the death of Herod (f shortly
1 According to Wiesel~er, Christ was born in February 750. A.r. (4 n.c.), baptized in
spring or summer 780, (27 A.D.), crucified on the 71th April 783 (30 A.D.). A work so acute
and learned as that of Wieseler can not be sufficiently characterized in a few words. The,
exact coincidenlce, however, of different investigations produces mllore doubt than conviction, since the separate data   ay be bent, on account of their vacillating nature, in subservience to one object, wtithout completely removing scruples in regard to the-. In particular, (5uei, in Luke iii. 23, p. 126, appears to be taken too strictly; it is incredible that the
chronological designation of Luke iii. 1, should reach to the captivity of the B aptist, p. 197;
and the computation of the Jewish calendar, taken fiorn Wurm for the purpose of ascertaininig the year of Jesus' death, appears to be wholly uncertain, according, to \Vrm''s explanations.
2 Doubtftl~ chronological dates are: Luc. i. 5, EQpuepia'Acid (cf: 1 Chron. xxiv; 10.
Jos. Scaliger de emendat. temporunl. App. p. 54. TWieseler, S. 140. Comp. Paulus Comm.;iber die drei ersten Elvang. i. 36, if. Luc. ii. 2, tie Cens-us of Qunrinus (cf. Jos. Ant.
xviii. i. 1. Paulus i. 141, ff.  On the contrary, P. A. E. Huschke. fiber den zur Zeit d. Geburt J. Chr. gehaltenen Census. Breslau 1840. 8. Wieseler, S. 49. Comp. Hoeck's r61m.
Gesch. vom Verfall d. Republik b. Constantin. i. ii. 412).-Joh. ii. 20. The building of thle
temple (cf. Jos. Ant. xv. 11, 1, xx. 9, 7. Lampe, Paulus, and Liclke on John. Wieseler,
S. 165).
3 Augustus died 19th August, the year 14 of our era. and thus the 15th year of Tiberius's
xeign fell between the 19th August, 28, and the 19tlh August, 29. (781-2,, AX.C.., W mm. ix
Bengel's Archliv. i. 5.




13                    FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I-A.D. 1-117.
before the passover, 750  A.U.), Matth. ii. 1, 19.4    Even  in the
first centuries accounts of the year of Jesus' birth  are given;
but the Romish  abbot Dionysius Exiguus  (525) reckoned, independently  of them, the period  of the incarnation  for the purpose of fixing  by  it the years in  his table  for Easter, making
the first year from  the  incarnation  coincide with  the  year 754
A.IJ. of the Varronian computation."    This Dionysian era, applied
first of all under the Anglo-Saxons,7  then by the Frankish kings
Pepin and Charlemagne, begins at least four years after the true
date of Christ's birth."    The day of birth can not be determined."
The ministry of Jesus was supposed by many of the older
church  fathers, after the  example  of the  Alexandrians, to have
4 On the year of Herod's death see Klaiber's Studien d. evangel. Geistlichkeit Wirtemberg's, i. 1, 50. WVurm in the same, i. ii. 208. A list of the various opinions concerning
the year of Christ's birth may be seen in Fabricii bibliographia antiquaria, ed. 2, eIHamb.
1716, 4to, p. 187, ss., continued in F. Miinter's der Stern der YVeisen u. s. w. Kopehl.
1827, p. 109. The latest important investigations unite in the year 747 A.U. So Henr.
Sancelllentii de vulgaris aerae emendatione libb. iv. Ioomae. 1793. fol., solely on historical
grounds. Miinter, on the same grounds, and, also, because lie regards with Keppler the
star of the wise men as the great conjunction of the planets Jupiter and Saturn in Pisces.
which happened on that year. Ideler Chronol. ii. 394, ff., Piper 1. c., Schubert Lehrb. d.
Sternenkunde, s. 226, Winer bibl. Realwdrterbuch, ii. 614, asselnt to these results. Compare, however, on the other side, Wurm in Klaiber's Studien, i. ii. 211, if.
5 Irenaeus, iii. 25, and Tertuil. adv. Jud. 8, give the 41st year of Augustus, 751 A.u. On
the other hand, Clemens. Alex. Strom. i. p. 339, the 28th year (namely, after the conquest
of Egypt), with whom agrees Euseb. hist. eccl. i. 5, Epiphan. haer. li. 22, and Orosius
histor. i. 1, the 42d year, 752 A.U.-Sulpicius Severus hist. sacr. ii. 27, gives the 33d year of
Herod, Coss. Sabinus and Rufinus (which does not suit, as Sab. and Ruf. were consuls 751
A.U. Herod died after a reign of 37 years, 750 A.U. An Egyptian monk, Panodorus (after
400), placed the birth of Christ in the year 5493 of his aera, i. e., 754 A.U. (Ge. Syncelli
lchronographia, ed. Paris, p. 25, 326).
6 The Incarnatio, cdproqat, always means in the fathers the annunciation. Dionysius,
therefore placed the birth of Christ in the conclusion of the first year of his era. When
first about the time of Charlemag ne, the beginning of the year was made to coincide with
the 25th of December, the incarnation appears to have been taken as synonymous with the
nativity. See Sanclementius, iv. c. 8. Ideler's Chronologie, ii. 381, ff.
7 Ethelbert, king of Kent, dated first of all an original document anno ab incarnatione
Christi DCV. cf. Codex diplomaticus aevi Saxonici, opera J. M. Kemble. T. i. (Loud.
1839. 8.) p. 2. Afterward the venerable Bede used this era. in his historical works.
8 G. A. Hamberger de epochae christianae ortu et auctore.  Jenae. 1688. 4 (in Martini
thesaur. dissertatt. T. iii. P. i. p. 241). Jo. G. Jani. historia aerae Dionysianae. Viteb.
1715. 4 (also in his opuscula ad hist. et chronolog. spectantia ed. Klotz. Halae. 1769). Ideler's Chronologie, ii. 366, 1.
9 Clem. Alex. Strom. i. p. 340, relates that sonse regarded the 25th of Pachon, (20th May),
others the 24th or 25th Pharmuthi, (the 19th or 20th April), as the birth-day. After the 6th
of January, solemnized as a day of baptism by the followers of B asilides, was kept by the
Oriental Christians since the third century as the day of baptism and birth, people began
to keep this day as the true day of birth, (Epiphan. haer. li. 21). After the 25th December
was solemnized in the fourth century in the west, as the birth-festival, this day came soon
to be looked upon as the day of birtl, (Sulpic. Sever. bist. sacr. ii, 27).




CHAP. I. —LIFIE oF JESUS. 8 20. CHRONOLOGY..                        6t,
continued  one  year, agreeably  to  Isaiah  lxi. 1, 2, comp. Luke
iv. 19  (EvtavT6v  IK'Pt0V de-,tv).10   On  this was founded  the  hypothesis, which became almost traditional in the ancient church,
that Jesus was crucified in his thirtieth year, in the consulship of
Rubellius Gemninns and Fufius Geminusl (in the fifteenth year o{f
Tiberius, 29th of the Dionysian era).  -But, according to the gospel of John ii. 13 (v. 1), vi. 4, xi. 55, three, or perhaps four passovers occurred  during  the public  ministry of Christ.   It must,
therefore, have continued  more than  two years, and may, perhaps, have  extended  over three.   Thus, the  year of his death
falls  between  31  and  33  aer. Dionys., making  his  age  from
thirty-four to  thirty-eight years.   Even  if we could  agree  on
the preliminary question whether the Friday on which Jesus
died was the day before the passover, or the first day of the
passover.l2 yet, amid the uncertainty  of the Jewish  calendar of
that time, an astronomical reckoning of the year of his death
can scarcely be established.'3
10 So the Valentinians, (Irenaeus, ii. 38, 39), in opposition to whom Irenaeus puts forth
the singular assertion that Jesus was baptized in his thirtieth year, but did not appear as a
teacher till between his fortieth and fiftieth (John viii. 57), and then taught three years.
One year, however, was adopted by Clenm. Alex. Stoom. i. 340. Origenes, horn. 32 in
Lucam, and de princip. iv. On the other hand, c. Cels. ii. p. 397, and Commlent. in Matth.
xxiv. 15, he-says, that Judas was not three entire years with Jesus. Auct. Clementin.
horn. 17 in fine. Julius Africanus (ap. Hieronym. in Dan. ix.). Philastrius haer. 106. Cyrill.
Alex, in Esaiam, c. 32. Some moderns have attained to a simular result in another way.
Priestley's Harmony of the Evangelists in Greek, 1777. Haenlein progr. de temporis quo
Jesus curn apostolis versatus est duratione. Erlang. 1796. 4to.
11 Tertull. adv. Jud. 8 (but comp. adv. Marcion. i. 1i5). Lactant. institutt. iv. 10. Augmutin. de civ. Dei. xviii. 54, de trinit. iv. 5 (according to Tertull. and August. 11. cc. and according to thle old Acta Pilati in Epiphan. haer. i. 1, he was crucified the 8th of the Kalends
of April, on the 25th of March the day of the vernal equinox, comp. Thilo cod. apoer. N. T.
i. 496. Wieseler, S, 390). That Christ was thirty years old: Hippolytus Portuensis in
calnone paschali. Chronicon anonymi (in Canis. lect. antiq. T. ii.) c. 17 u. 18. Hieronym.
epist. 22. ad Eustochium. Augustin. epist. 80 and 99. Comp. Petavii rationarium temporuts
(ed. Ludg. 1745). P. ii. p. 266, ss.
12 The first three evangelists designate the last supper'as the passover (AMatth. xxvi.
17, ss., Mark xiv. 12, Luke xxii. 7), and hence it has been usually assumed in the Western Churcll that Christ was crucified on the first day of the passover. Onl the contrary, the
day of Christ's death was according to John xiii. 1, 29, xviii. 28, xix. 14, 31, the day before
the passover. The latter is followed by Tertullian, adv. Jud. c. 8, the Greeks, Scaliger,
Casaubon, Capellus, Lamnpe, Kuinoel, &c.  It is strongly in favor of the latter hypothesis
that the first day of the passover can never fall on a Friday, at least according to the present calendar of the Jews. See Ideler's Chronologie, Bd. i. p. 519. Probably the account
of the first three evangelists is to be explained by the circolmstance, that tlhey took the
last supper of Jesus to be thlle Christian passover; see Tlheile in Winer's Krit. Journat
der Theol. Literat. ii. 153, ff., v. 129, if. Comp. Hase's Leben Jesu, p. 167. [Bibliotheca
Sacra, new series, 1845, an article by Robinson.]
13 Bynaeus de mnorte J. C. libb. 3. Amstel. 1691, 98. 3 voll. 4. Paulus fiber die MlA.glich



FIRST i PEROD,-DIV. L-.-A.D.!-11,
j 2.
-HISTORY OF THE YOUTH OF JESUS.
The history of Jesus' life before his public appearance is very
iobscure,l  and affords no  disclosures in relation to the  important
question of the mode and progress of his spiritual development.
Modern scholars have endeavored to supply this deficiency by
conjectures, and have attributed a decided influence on his character, sometimes to the  doctrines of the Essenes,2 sometimes to
those of the  Sadducees,3 sometimes to a combination of Phariscaism  and  Sadduceismn,4  sometimes to  the Alexandrian-Jewish
education.5    But such a spirit could not have received its direction from  any school, and  least of all from  the  schools of those
times, which were better adapted  to  fetter the  spirit, partly  by
their literal externality, partly  by their fanatical idealism, than
to prepare  it for a clear and  great self-development.6   On  the
contrary, the reading of the prophets of the Old Testament must
have quickened in his  kindred  spirit a religious feeling  as spiritual as that of the time was literal and carnal, and  must have
keit Jesu Todesjahr zu bestimnmen, in his Comment. iiber das N. T. iii. 784. Wurnm in
B3engel's Archiv. ii. 261.
Chr. Fr. Ammon's bibl. Theologie. Bd. 2, (2te Ausg. Erlangen 1801) s. 244, if. Paulus
Commllentar iiber das neue Testaimenit, Th. 1. Schleiermacher on the writings of Luke, Th- 1.
B3erlin, 1817. S. 23, ff. [Translated by Thirlwall, Loend. 8vo, 1825.]
2 So first the English Deists (see against them Prideaux's Connection). Frorm them Voltaire borrowed this idea, as well as many others, (Philosophical Diction-ary, under Essdniens). Frederic the Great, Oeuvres ed. de Berlin, T. xi. p. 94. Sttudlin Geschicbhte der
Sittenlebre Jesu, Tb. 1. S. 570, ff' The same hypothesis has been enlarged in J. A. C.
Richter das Chrlistenthum und die ailtesten Religionen des Orients. Leipzig. 1819. Churistianity is supposed to be the public revelation of the Essene doctrines, and that.these
were connected with the ancient schools of the prophets, with Parsism, the Egyptitn.and
Grecian.mysteries, and through thell with Brahma'lsm! According to Gfidrer, (das Heiligthum u. die Walahrheit. Stuttgart. 1838, S. 382), Jesus was educated among the Essenes,
and afterward followed his own course, but continued to hold what was sound in their
doctrines and customs. On tle other side see B engel fiber d. Versucl Christenth. a. d. Essenismus abzuleiten, in Flatt's Magazine, vii. 148, if. Heubner in the 5th appendix to his edition of Reinhard's Versuch fiber d. Plan Jesu. V. Wegnern fiber das Verhidltniss des Christ —
enthumls zum Essenismus, in Illgen's Zeitschlrift fiir die histor. Theol. 1841, ii. 1.
3 Des-Cotes Schutzschrift ffir Jesum v. Nazereth. Frankf. 1797.
4 Versuch den Ursprung der Sittenlehre Jesu historisch zu erllairen (in HIenle's Magazin. Bd. 5. S. 426.)
s Bahrdt's Briefe iuber die Bibel im Volkstone. Berlin. 1784, ff.
6 So in John vii. 15, all higher cultivation in any school is denied to Jesus




CHAP. I.-LIFE  OF JESUS.  S 22. JOHN THE BAPTIST.                     63
given  it a standard  for estimating  the condition  of the  Jewish
nation at that period, and for judging of the means by which
alone it could be elevated, very different from  the usual view.
22.
JOHN THE BAPTIST.
William B ell's Inquiry into the divine mission of John the Baptist and Jesus Christ. Lond,
1761. 8vo. Translated into German by Henke, Braunschweig. 1779, 8vo. J. G. AE.
Leopold Johannes d. T., eine biblische Untersuchung. Hannover. 1825. 8. Job. d. T. in
s. Leben u. Wirken dargestellt nach den Zeugnissen d. h. Schrift von L. v. Rohdenm
Lilbeck. 1838. 8.
Before Jesus, appeared  one of his relatives John, in the wilderness of Judea, with the solemn call, "' Repent, for the kingdom  of heaven is at hand," and  dedicating  his followers to this
altered state of mind by a symbolical washing of the body.1 It
is certain that John and Jesus had been earlier acquainted with
one another; but it is improbable that there existed a close connection between them, or the concerting of a common plan. The
peculiarities of John point to an earlier connection with the Essenes.2   The same character was possessed by his disciples, who,
after Jesus' appearance, continued apart from the disciples of
the  latter (John  iii. 26;  Luke  v. 33;  Matth. ix. 14;  xi. 2,
if.),3 and of whom we meet with remains in Asia Minor, long
1 Was the baptism of John an imitation of Jewish proselyte baptism? The question is
answered in the affirmative by Buxtorf Lexic. talmad. p. 408. Lightfoot, Schoettgen,
Wetstein ad Matth. iii. 6. J. A. Danz baptismus proselytorum Judaicus ad illustrandum
baptismum Joannis, and his antiquitas baptismi initiationis Israelitarum vindicata (both
contained in Menschen BN. T. ex talmude illustratun. Lips. 1736. 4, p. 233 u. 287, ss.).
VW. C. L. Ziegler fiber die Johannistaufe als unverailderte Anwendung der jiidischen
Proselytentaufe (in his theol. Abhandlungen. Bd. 2. Gbttingen. 1804, S. 132, ff:). E. G.
Bengel iiber das Alter der jild. Proselytentaufe. Tiibingen. 1814. 8. Onl the other hand,
others deny that Jewish proselyte baptism existed so early. Among the moderns, Paulus
Comment. Th. 1, S. 278. De Wette comment. de morte J. C. expiatoria. Berol. 1813. p. 42,
ss. J. G. BIeiche de baptismatis origine et necessitate necnon de formula baptismali.
Goeting. 1816. 8. D. M. Schneckenburger fiber das Alter der jiidischen Proselytentaufe.
Berlin. 1828. 8.'Washing, as a symbol of moral cleansing, is mentioned as early as in
the writings of the prophets, Ezek. xxxvi. 25, Zech. xiii. 1.
2 Even the place of his appearance Ev T?,7 Epy(9 -rf'IovdalaC (Matth. iii. 1), where,
according to Plin. Nat. Hist. v. c. 17, the Essenes also dwelt.
3 There is a remarkable testimony concerning John in Jos. Ant. xviii. 5, 2 (first men.
tioned by Orig. c. Cels. i. p. 35). Kreivet roirov ('Iodvvnv)'HpddUS, dya6eiv llvdpa, /cat
rof' IovdaiovS tIE?,esovra, aperiv bracricobrvaf, ica  r'pbS rp j 2e~ovfS ducatoaloeo    Kca
7rpof rTv Ofbv edrae/eiza XpoLvovS, f3a7rrms& avvtcvat' oviir  yap Kica  rTv [ 3arrtat.,:




64                     FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
after John  himself had fallen  a sacrifice to his intrepidity  (Acts
xviii. 25, xix. 1, ff.).4
~ 23.
THE PUBLIC LIFE AND MINISTRY OF JESUS.
Jesus also  came out of Galilee  to  Jordan  to  be baptized  by
John, and was recognized in such a way by the latter that he
considered it more befitting  to receive  baptism  fiom  Jesus than
the  contrary.    The  import of this is, that the  Baptist looked
upon  the rite as  a  call to  higher purity.   This baptism  was to
Jesus the consecration to his Messianic activity.   It is true that
he began with the same call to his nation as John the Baptist
(Matth. iv. 17); but he soon unfolded a far more comprehensive
system   in  the  discharge  of his  ministry, which, though  it di.
rectly  affected  the  Jewish  people only, yet in  its very  nature
belonged to all humanity.  The Jewish people at that time
aTrodrexrv aerV   OcaveZacOa, tt E1ri 7rtvov a/oaprddov erapatr7et XproGureov, aZ2' E~'
(yveGa trov  Gcr/lrof, are 6i  tat rif 2X??C dtectovX o' p Jllc v rpoElcKelcaOapdEevf' Kal Triv d 2tv
cVa7rpe0o,Uevwv, Kai y'p  pp0drjav tri T'eirgTov r, aiKpo(daet i-CSv Z6lyv, deicaf'Hp6d7f
rO Eri roa6v& 7rtluavbv avroi rooTf ('VOp6)7otf,l Eirt airoarcae, rTvV ~CpOt, crvra  yap
Ctceaav av/,8ovly?, 0 r  dceivov'rp6Sovref, ro2' icpeTr7ov   myeirat, irpiv rt ve6r7epov E
avroV 7evdcuOat, wrpoa,/Slv dcvalpecv, 7 /2erga3oloj yevo/tvnr  E lfi r2 7rpyaeTara dE/rea6v
[eeravoev.  /ca  6,uEv, viroftea?-,'Hpd6ov, detof el rci  ivy Maxatpovra,Tret0BOeCg-i-aSi,TtCrvv-ra TC - rof'IovdSaolt 66ao, E, rtt/,opia r7, dcedvov rTv O'teOpov Eir rLC arpare.3y/ar
yevEaOat, 7od Veon icalfc6f eHp6d, OL0o,0rog.
4 Cf. Recog. Clem. i. 54 and 60. In the middle of the 17th century, the existence of a
sect was made liknown by Carmelite missionaries, whose head-quarters were Basrah and
Suster, calling themselves Nazoreans (not to be confounded with the Muhammedan sect
Nasaireans), or Mendeans, but by the Mulhammedans they were named Sabians (Sabaei,
probably the name was borrowed from the star-worshipers of the Koran). They got the
name Christians of St. John from the missionaries.  Cf. Ignatii a Jesu narratio originis,
Situum et errorum Christianorum  S. Johannis. Rolu. 1652. Svo. After one of their holy
books was published entire (Codex Nasireaeus, liber Adami appellatns, Syriace transcriptus latineque redditus a Matth. Norberg. 3 Thle. Lond. 1815, 1816. 4to) fragments of
two others (the Divan and the book of John) communicated to the world, and many accounts furnished by travelers, Gesenius gave a critical survey of their system  in the
Universal Encyclopaedia of Ersch and Graber (Leipzig. 1817), article Zabier, from which
it appears that the system is Gnostic-ascetic, nearly related to that of the Valentinians
and Ophites, John appearing as an incarnate aeon.  The language of their sacred books
is an Aramaean dialect, which occupies a middle position between the Syriac and Chaldee.
They allege that they came fiom Jordan, from whence they were driven by the Muham*medans. Most scholars assume the descent of this sect from the disciples of John the
Baptist. Les Nazordens, thbse de Theologie historique par L. E. Burckhardt.  Stras
bourg. 1840. 8vo. On the other side, see 0. G. Tychsen in the Deutsches Museum, 1784,
Th. 2. S. 41].4 (who, however, confounds the Nazoreans with another sect, Burckhardt, p. 11.
107). Baulmgarten-Crusius bibl. Theol. S. 143.




CHAP. I. —LIFE OF JESUS. 6 23. PUBLIC MINISTRY.  65
presented an aspect the most deserving of compassion.  In the
deepest external degradation, always cherishing the most extravagant hopes in regard to the immediate future, they were
led by their very religious views in the road to their destruction. And yet this very religion, when judged, not by the partial, priestly form which it had then received, but as drawn
from its original documents, and pervaded by the living prophetic spirit which animated it as there described, must have
marvelously revealed itself to every human breast as directly
certain, as the only true source of human happiness. It was
the aim and object of Jesus to awaken, by his life and doctrine,
this prophetic element of the Mosaic religion, but in a purer
form and in greater development, among his countrymen; and
to bring it into the hearts of men as a spontaneous principle of
action.  By such spiritual regeneration alone could the Jewish
people be delivered even from external corruption; and we
can not doubt that Jesus would gladly have effected this outward. deliverance also.  But his plan extended far wider, although the germs which lay in the compass of his ministry
proceeded forth and became visible, for the most part, only after
he had left our world.  Jesus appeared first in Galilee, and resided not at Nazareth (Luke iv. 24), but usually at Capernaunm. From this place, however, he not only traversed Galilee, but often abode for a long time in Judea in his journeys to
the festivals in Jerusalem.  He was only in Samaria occasionally as he went through it; and we find him but once beyond
the confines of Judea (Mark vii. 24, if.).  By degrees he drew
around him twelve young men, illiterate (Matth. xi. 25), and
from the lower orders of society, for the purpose of initiating
them into his spirit and plan, by their living with him and continually receiving his instructions.  They accompanied him in
his smaller journeys on which he appeared, sometimes among
small domestic circles, sometimes in synagogues, sometimes
among great multitudes under the canopy of heaven; and
much as he attracted to himself universal attention by the extraordinary works he wrought, he excited no less astonishment
and wonder by his doctrine, which directly convinced and carried captive the hearer (Matth. vii. 28, 29; Luke iv. 32). At
first he avoided observation (Matth. ix. 30); he even forbade
his disciples to make him  known as the Messiah (Matt. xvi.
VOL. T. —5




66              FIRST PEIRIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117,
20); but afterward he declared himself to be the promised
Messiah, with a firmness that forbids the idea of mere accommodation (Matth. xxvi. 64).  But the religious ideas of the
Old Testament had obtained within him  a new  and higher
life, reaching far beyond the local and temporal form handed
down among the Jews by tradition.'  The Old Testament conception of a Theocracy was transformed in him into the high
idea of the kingdonm of God, in which men, animated by the
Spirit of God, should be united with Deity and one another
in moral unity.  This kingdom of God he wished, as the Messiah, to establish on earth; on which account he required of his
cotemporaries, sunk as they were in the external and the literal,
first of all, change of heart, that they might be susceptible of
the Spirit of God; next, faith in himself as the Christ, that
by yielding itself up to the higher spirit, even the weaker mind
might be elevated to free communion with God.  It follows, of
course, that nothing stood more in his way than that Pharisaic
riglhteousness which rested on works.  Hence he leveled his
attacks chiefly against it.  HIe did not indeed abolish the ceremonial law of Moses, constantly observing it himself; but he
could inot look upon it in any other light than as an expression
of inward religious feeling; and all value attached to religious
external observances, independently of true devotional feelings,.was worthless in his eyes (Matth. xii. 1, fif.; xv. 1, if.; v. 24;
xii. 9).  So far as he -designated the free development of this
internal religious feeling as the only genuine religious culture, it
necessarily followed from  his doctrine, and must have been
sooner or later expressed publicly by his disciples, that no religious law for men can be in the form of a rule that requires
something merely exteyrnal.  Thus the abolition of the ceremonial law necessarily followed his teachings.  In like manner
Jesus confined his immediate efforts to the Jews alone, and
avoided coming in contact with those who were not Jews, out
of regard to the very prejudices of his nation (Matth. x. 5; xv.
21-28).  But still there lay always in his doctrine, which rejected all reliance on externalities, an adaptation for all mankind, as he himself often intimated with sufficient distinctness
(Matth. viii. 11, 21, 43).
1 Chr. F. B6hme die Religion Jesu Christi aus ihren Urkunden dargestellt. Halle.
1825. 2te Aufl. 1827. 8.




C0HAP.  I.-LIF:OF JESUS. ~ 23. PUBLIC MINISTtY.  67
While Jesus endeavored to guide his disciples to this purer
religion and moral communion in the kingdom of God, he also'drew them gradually away from the common notion of retribution which prevailed among the Jews (Luke xiii. 2, if.; John
ix. 2, 3.), announced to them the forgiveness of sins in the way
of repentance and faith, and then taught them, in this inward
communion with God, to meet all external fortunes with submxission and confidence, and the firmest trust in God (Matth.
vi. 33; x. 28).  The kingdom of God, as it was then begun,
was only an inward thing (Luke xvii. 21), in continual conflict
with the world and with evil; but Jesus promised that he
should appear again, to judge the evil, and to place piety and
happiness in their natural relation, in the kingdom  of God
(Matth. xxiv. 30; xxv. 31).  The notion of such a triumiLphant
kingdom of God had been already set forth, though ~in a sensuous form, in the description given of Messiah's reign; and
since it could be spoken of generally only in figures, Jesus bory
rowed his figures from it, giving at the same time sufficienit
intimation of a more spiritual, universal, and purer view
(Matth.. xxii. 30).  It could not be otherwise than that these
figures should be more or less spiritually understood, according
to the different degrees of religious culture: but the leading
idea on which all depended, the idea of a future adjustment of
the relation of happiness to piety in the kingdom of God triumphant, must have always been maintained.  The disciples,
accustomed to entertain the conception of an earthly Messianic
kingdom, not only took all those images in a sensuous acceptation, but also introduced into them many more definite points.
Thus, although Jesus had declared the point of time when he
should come again to be a secret with God the Father (Matth.
xxiv. 36), yet they annexed to the admonition to be always
ready (Matth. xxiv. 43, 44), the expectation of the near approach of his coming (Matth. xvi. 27).  These sensuous expectations could not at once be eradicated from their minds, without at the same time endangering their faith in Jesus; but they
were gradually purified and spiritualized by a series of events.
Probably the closing fortunes of Jesus' life, though even they
did not destroy those sensuous hopes, were required to convince
the disciples that God's ways are very different from man's expectations, and to confirm their faith in the Divine mission of




68                    FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117%
Jesus;  while at the same time they furnished  the highest example  of a mind  renouncing  the  earthly, entirely  devoted  to,
GQd, and of a self-sacrificing  love.2
The Pharisees cotemporary with Jesus, affected and exasperated  by  the  truth  of his doctrine, did  not rest till they  had
brought him  to the death  he had long  foreseen  (Matth. ix. 15;
xvi. 21, et seq.).   Delivered  up to them  by a disciple, after he
instituted, shortly before, a covenant-supper, as a symbol of internal union with him, and  of unity  among his disciples themselves, he was accused by them of insurrection before  Pontiusg
Pilate, and condemned by him through unworthy views.  The
courage of the disciples, which had almost vanished away, returned after his resurrection with  so much strength  and purity,
that an unshaken attachment to Jesus was now to be expected
from  them, even amid outward renunciations and self-denial.   It
was still reserved, however, for later occurrences to correct many
remaining prejudices. Thus it was some time before they fully
understood the last commission of Jesus to carry the glad news
of the beginning of God's kingdom on earth to all nations, to
invite all into it, and to initiate them into it by baptism..
~ 24.
ALLEGED COTEMPORARY NOTICES OF JE;SUS, NOT IN THIE:EW
TESTAMENT.
The testimony  concerning Christ in Josephus, Ant. xviii. J:,
3, is regarded with  the greatest probability as genuine, but interpolated.'   On  the  contrary,  the  correspondence  of  Christ
2 Chr. F. Boehme de spe Messiana apostolica. Halae. 1826. 8'.
1 riverat 6& Kara rovo70v rbO  XpOVOV'JIToiiSo, aoobf  av2p [dye aJvdpau aVrTv yeLtV
%Pi,'?iv yAp],,rapad6cowv Epy/,v' TCouLr-fg [&tlJ&ca2,of dvOp6srov rCv uiv c d Mov, rT1XlO7?
d&XoluZvov], Mat2 re 7oOv  ev rCdv'IovdaiEWv cro?;o0 C de Kcai 6Cr' rozo  EtZvtlcoi) ET7r-,yy7YerTo.
['O Xpt7rT      0 eoTrO  ijv.J Kal  aSrIv Evdseiet ryv crp&(rov avdp v  riap' i/LWv aravpd
ErtrerqtlzC6rof liXroov o'lc dtecra~cavro oi rb 7rpC&rov arb6v dyacraavreS.. ['E0(Siv
yap a'rocf Tp 7iTv X(,ov'It'pav qi7rttv l(,V, rT(V v er poqjrTO2v  lrarDa T E  ad aZa /vpia
irepi avroi O6avud am eipic6Trov.] Eloct re vwv Tcrv XpLaCrtavv aCrd zov&E dvo/La/Zqiv&v
ogV eri2Xtire rb ~b ov. This passage was first mentioned and cited by Eusebius (list.
eccles. i. 11, demonstr. Evangel. iii. 5), and for a long time repeated by succeeding writers
without any hesitation. The first who entertained doubts of its authenticity were Hubert
Gifanius, ICtus (the letter in refutation of Sebastianus Lepusculus dd. Basileae the' 24.
Febr. 1559,. See in Melch. Goldasti centuria epistolarum phl-ilologicarul, Nro. 61),i and




CHAP. I.-LIFE  OF JESUS. Q 24. COITEMPORARY NOTICES.                       69
with Abg arus, toparch of Edessa,2 and the apocryphal narratives of the birth, youth, and last days of Jesus,3 are unLucas Osiander (in Epitome hist. eccles. Centur. i. lib. 2, cap. 7. Tubing. 1592). More
searching investigations of various scholars, respecting the matter from 1646-1661, first
occasioned by the Altdorf Professor Sebastian Snellius, who denied the authenticity, are
collected in: Epistolae xxx. philol. et. hist. de FL Jos. testim., quod. J. C. tribuit, rec.
Christoph. Arnold. Noriberg. 16:71. 12 (also in IIavercamLp's edition of Josephus, tom. ii.
Append. p. 233). Here the reasons against it are developed with superior skill, especially'by Dav. Blondel and Tanaquil Faber. Later defenders are: Carol. Daubuz pro testinmonio
Flavii Josephi de Jesu Christo, libb. ii. Londini. 1706. 8 (also in Havercamp's Josephus,
tom. ii. Append. p. 187). Houteville erwiesene Wahrheit der christl. Religion durch
ihre Geschichte. Frankf. 1745. 4. S. 275, if. Oberthlir in der Vorrede zum  2ten Theile
der Uebersetzung des Josephus v. Friese. Altona. 1805. C. G. Bretschneider arripepyov:super Jos. de J. C. testimonio (hinter s. capit. theolog. Jud. dogmll. e Fl. Josephi scriptis
collect. Lips. 1812. 8. pag. 59). C. F. Bohmert fiber des Flav. Joseph. Zeugniss von
Christo. Leipz. 1823. 8 (comp. on the other side, the review in Winer's and Engelhardt's
theolog. Journ. Bd. 2. S. 95, ff.). F. H. Schoedel Flav. Josephus de J. Chr. testatus.
Vindiciae Flavianae. Lips. 1840. 8. Opponents of the genuineness are: (Abbd de
Longuerue) sur le passage de Joseph en faveur de Jdsus-Christ (against Daubuz) in Clericus biblioth. ancienne et moderne, t. vii. p. 237. God. Lessii disertt. ii. super Josephi
de Christo testimonio. G oetting. 1781, 82. Eichstaedt Flaviani de J. C. testimonii
adOevria quo jure nuper defensa sit, quaestt. vi. Jenae. 1813-41. Arguments for the
genuineness: 1. The agreement of all MSS. fiom the time of Eusebius. 2. The number
of Christians was too great to allow Josephus to pass over their origin without mention.
3. Josephus mentions John the Baptist. Against the genuineness: 1. The silence of the
fathers before Eusebius, while Josephus, in Orig. c. Cels. i. p. 35, is said to be dcruarhdv
7r'11aOV W5f Xptr,&.  2. The passage interrupts the connection. 3. The contents betray
a Christian. 4. The other Jewish historian, Justus Tiberiensis, has not mentioned Christ.
Photii bibl. cod. 33. T!ae assumption of interpolations which found their way-into all the
MSS. of Josephus out of the far more extensively circulated church history of Eusebius, is
the most probable, since Josephus was read and copied only by Christians. Chrysostom
appears, however, not to have been acquainted -with these interpolations, since he mentions Josephus several times, and in horm. in Joann. 12, quotes his testim. de Joanne, but
is silent in regard to this passage.  Remarkable is the silence of Photius in his accounts
regarding Jos, Archaeol. (bibl. cod. 76 and 238), especially as he remarlks respecting Justus,
cod. 33, that he being a Jew, and encumbered with Jewish prejudices, does not mention
Jesus and his miracles. The following writers have decided in favor of an interpolation
formed by altering single expressions: Knittel (nova biblioth. phil. et crit. vol. i. i. 118.
Goetting. 1782. 8), and Paulus (Heidelb. Jahrb., August 1820, S. 734). In favor of an interpolation formed by inserted glosses are: Steph. le AMoyen varia sacra, ii. 931, l'Abb6 de
Fontaines in the Journ. des Savans, ann. 1723, Juill., p. 10, Paulus Comm. fiber die 3
ersten Evang. iii. 740, H. Olshausen hist. eccl. vet. monumenta praecipua, vol. 1. Berol.
1820. 8. p. 3, Heiniehen Excursus in his edition of Eusebius, tom. iii. p. 331. I have
indicated above, by parenthetic marks, in what light I look upon the interpolation.
2 Euseb. Hist. eccl. i. 13, and Moses Chorenensis (about 440) Hist. Armen. ii. 29-31,
found these letters in the Archives of Edessa, and gave them to the public in a Greek and
Armenian translation. At the timle of Christ, Abgarus Uchomo: about 170, there was a
Christian Abgarus. These letters, therefore, may have been forged long before Eusebius.
Cf. Assenmani bibl. Orient. t. i. p. 554. t. iii. p. 2. p. 8. Bayer historia Osrho6na et
Edessena. Petrop. 1734. 4. p. 104. Semler de Christi ad Abgarum epistola. Hal. 1768. 4.'The genuineness of the letters is defended by W. F. Rinck, in Illgen's Zeitschrift f. d.
histor. Theol. 1843. ii. 3.
3 Two classes of apocryphal gospels may be distinguished: I. The older, which con~iined mu ch theb me s yaz e yle ofnarrations as the canonical; for example, the gospels af the




70                    FIRST PElRIOD.-DIV..-A.D. 1-117.
qtestionably  spurious.   Still  more   modern   are  the, pretendL
ed  authentic  likenesses  of Jesus;4  grid  the  epistle  of Lent,Hebrews antd the Egyptians, &c. II. The later, which refer to the youth, t-he parents,
and the last fortunes of Christ. A. Respecting the history of Christ's youth, we fin&d
fabulous writings first of all among the AMarcosians in the second century.  (Irenaeus, i. c.
17. ) The orthodox, at the same time, received a doctrinal interest in maintaining the.
miraculous stories of Jesus' youth in opposition to those Gnostics who asserted that
the aeon was first united with the man at the baptism of the latter. (Ephiphan. haer. ii.
c. 20.) Several of these traditions are found in the Koran (comp. Augusti christologiae
Coranicae lineamenta. Jen. 1799). Gospels of the infancy still extant are the gospel of
Thomas, an Arabic gospel of the infancy, and a Latin history of the nativity of Mary and
the infancy of the Saviour. At a later period the virgin Mary also began to invite men to
similar fabrications. Compounds of the two are exemplified in the Protevangelion of
James, the Arabic history of Joseph the carpenter, and the Latin gospel of the nativity
of Mary. B. Respecting the last days of Jesus, Justin Martyr, ApoI. i. c. 35 and 48, refers
to the ra E7ri' lovrTov -h2Ldrov yev6;tva [nra; in the saml-e way le hl-imself alludes, c. 34,
and also Chrysosto-n; 1hor. 31. de natali Christi, to the acts regarding thlle census of Quirinus;
not that he had seen them himself, but because he pre-supposes their existence in the
tomran archives. Hence arose Christian traditions in relation to the contents of these
acts, out of which Tertullian, Apolog. c. 5, 21, draws the fabulous. DIuring the persemltion'
of M;aximin, the' heathen, talking occasion from these traditions, produced wicked.Acta
Pilati (Euseb. H. E. ix. c. 5), to which the Christia-ns of that day had none others: to opposeThe Iatter, however, soon made their appearance afterward (Epiphaln. ha-er. 1. c. 1), and
were facshioned and molded in various ways. Osne of these fabrication has received in
later times the name, gospel of Nicodemus. Cf. Henlke de Pilati actis probabilia. Helmlst-.
1784 (opusc. academ. Lips. 1802. p. 199). W. L. Brunn de indoie, aetate, et usu libri
apocr. velgo inscripti Evangel. Nicodemi. Berol. 1794. 8. Editions are: J.. Fabricii
codex apocryphus N. T. partes iii. ed. 2. Hamllb. 1719. 8. J. C. Thilo codex apocryphus
N. T. t. i. Lips. 1832 (containing the apocryphal gospels).  [Jones on the canon of the.
New Testament. Loud. 3 vols. Svo.]  Die apokryplh. Evangelien u. Apostelgeschichten;
fibers. mit Einleit. und Anmerk. v. Dr. K. F. lBorberg. Stuttgart. 1841. Cf. C. J. Nitzsclh
de apocryphorum Evangeliorum in explicandis calnonicis nsu et abusu. Viteb. 1808. 4.
F. J. Arens de Evangell. apGocr. in canoloicis usa historico, critico, exegetico.  Goetting.
1-835. 4'.
The first traces of'likenesses of Christ are to be found among the Carpocratians
(Iren. i. 25), and in the lararium of Severus Alexander (Lam-1prid. c. 29). The persecuted
church of the first centuries needed in Christ the pattern of a suffererr.   ence arose the
general opinion tha; he was of unsightly form, according to Isaiah liiii. 2, 3. (So Tertullian
de carne Christi:9, adv. Jud.' c. 14, and often. Clemn. Alex; Paedeg. iii. 1, Strom. ii. p. 308k.
Origenes contra Cels. vi. p. 32  dvevastdf e b'i 17'io  ef,a.)  At the samre time all representations were forbidden; according to Exodus xx. 4. As- soon as art began to represent
Jesus, it must also have sought to express his excellence even in external form. Hence,
ifrom. t1e fourth centr'y onward, Jesus was supposed to have had a body of externa'l
beauty, something divinely majestic in his exterior, according to Psalno xlv. 3. (Hieron.
comlm. in Matt. ix. 9). Yet they confessed still that there was no authenticf likeness of
Jesus to be seen. (Angustin de trinitate, viii. 4. Nam et ipsios dominica'e fa'cies carnis
innumerabilium cogitationum diversitate variatur et fi'ngitur, quae tamen una erat, quae.
cunlque erat, and c. 5, qua fuerit ille facie, nos penitus ignoramus). Eunsebiius (H. E. vii. c.
18. Comp. the excursus in Heinichen's edition, tom. iii. p. 396, ss.) relates concerning a
statue at Paneas that it was there supposed to point to Jesus and the occurrence in
Matt. ix. 20. All later writers repeat tile story after him, and John Malala (600 A.D.), inl
his Chronog. p. 305, gave the name of the woman Beronice. This monument was destroyed by Julian (Sozom. v. 21. Philostorg. vii. 3), or according to Asterius, bishop of
Amazsia (sbout 400, in Photii bibl. cod.. 271 in fuixe), by Maximin slt at time when copies of it




CHAP. I.-LIFE  OF JESUS. ~ 24. COTEMPORAIRY NOTICES.                      71
lus  to  the  Roman   senate,5  containing  a  description  of  his
pe.-rson.
were hardly taken.  Judging by the analogy of many coins, the memorial had been
erected  in honor of an emperor (probably Hadrian), and falsely interpreted by the
Christians, perhaps on account of a a)or7pl or OE1 appearing in the inscription (cf. Th.
Hassaei diss. ii. de monumento Paneadensi. Bremae. 1726. 4, and in ejusd. sylloge dissertt. ii. 314. Beausobre fiber die Bildsoule zu Paneas in Cramer's Sammlungen zur
Kirchengeschb. und theolog. Gelehrsamk. Th. 1. Leipzig. 1748). Later imagines Christi
non manu facotae (cf. J. Gretser syntagma de imagg. non mnanu factis. Ingolst. 1622, and
appended to Georg. Codinus ed. J. Goar. p. 289. Is. Beausobre des images de main
divine, in the Biblioth. Germanique, xviii. 10. Comp. also the controversial writilgs ill
thle succeeding volumes of that work). 1. The Oe6revlCro  eEicv, v   V6ipdJruv  XETpef
oilx eipysjdrvro (Evagrius Hist. ecc. iv. 27), sent to King Abgarus, and often mentioned inl
the imlage controversy, came from Edessa to Constantinople.  Rome and Genoa now
contend for the honor of its possession. A new miraculous copy of it on a brick was
brought by order of the Emperor Nicephorus from Edessa to Constantinople, 968 A.D.
Bayer hist. Osrhodna et Edess. p. 112. Cf. Leo Diaconus (prim. ed. Hase, Paris. 1819),
lib. iv. c. 10. 2. Sudariumn St. Veronicae, still in the middle ages rig'htly nanmed Veronica,
i. e., vera icon. Cf. Gervassi Tilberiensis (about 1210) otia imperialia, c. 25 (Leibnit. scriptt.
Brunsv. t. i. p. 968): De figura Domini, quae Veronica dicitur. Est ergo Veronica pictura
Domini vera. Matth. Paris, ad ann. 1216: effigies vultus Domini, quae Veronica dicitur.
Now in Jaen, Milan, and Rome.  (Cf. Act. SS. ad d. 4. Febr. Lambertini de servorum
Dei beatificatione, lib. iv. p. 2, c. 31). John VII. (705 A.D.) is said to have erected a house
of St. Maria in Beronica. 3. Sudarium Christi (first mlentioned by Bede in lib. de locis
sanctis) in Besanqon, and the Sindon Christi in Turin. Pretended pictures of Christ made
by his cotemporaries: 1. A picture of Christ, painted by Luke. Perhaps the first mention of it is by Theodorus Lector (about 518) apud Nicephormun Callistum (about 1333) Hist.
eccles. ii. 43, who also mentions pictures of Mary and the principal.Apostles, painted by
Luke, Gregorius III., in epist. ad Leonein Imp., Simeon Metaphrastes (about 900) in vita
S. Lucae. There is a picture of Christ, as a boy of thirteen years of age, by Luke, in the
Sancta Sanctolaum in the church of St. John Lateran at Rolme./ 2. An image of Christ,
cut out of cedar-wood by Nicodemus, which was before at Berytus, as is pretendcd (cf.
(Pseudo-) Athanasius de passione imaginis D. n. J. Chr. qualiter crucifixa est in Syria in
urbe Beryto), appears first in the Acta Synod. Nicaenae, ii. (787) sess. iv., was brought to
Constantinople by the emperor Nicephorus (Leo Diac. x. c. 5), and is now at Lucca (vultus
Lucanus in Gervasius, c. 24, in Leibnitii script. Brunsv. t. i. p. 967). Cf. Joh. Reiskii
exercitatt. hist. de imaginibus J. Chr.,Janae. 1685. 4. Jablonski de origine imaginum
Christi, in Opuscul. ed. te Water. t. iii. p. 377. (Lugd. Bat. 1809). F. Mlinter Sinnbilder
und Kunstvorstellunlge  der alten Christen (2 Hfte. Altona. 1825. 4) ii. 3. Junker uib.
Christusk6pfe, in Meusel's Miscellaneen artist. Inhalts. xxv. 28. Ammon iiber Christuskopfe in his Magazin fOr christl. Prediger, i. ii. 315.
5 (J. B. Carpzov) de oris et corporis Jesu Christi forma Pseudolentuli, Joh. Damasoeni
et Nicephori prosopographiae. Helmstad. 1777. 4. In aevOevrrav epistolae P. Lentuli ad
Sen. Rom. de Jesu Chr. scriptae dennuo inquirit J. Ph. Gabler. Jen. 1819. (Pfingstprogr.)
[American Bibl. Repository, 1832.]




72                   FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
SECOND CHAPTER.
APOSTOLIC AGE TO THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM.
Sounces: Acts of the Apostles,, and Epistles of the New Testament. Scattered notices
in the fathers of the first period, collected by Eusebius.2
WVoRIs: Lud. Capelli historia apostolica illustrata. Genev. 1634. 4. ed. Jo. A. Fabricius,
Lips. 1691. 8. (William Cave's History of the Apostles.  London. 1677). Ph. Jac.
Hartllann comm. de rebus gestis Christianorum sub Apostolis. Berol. 1699.' 4. J. Fr.
Buddei ecclesia apostolica s. de statu ecclesiae christ. sub Apostolis. Jenae. 1729. 8.
(G. Benson's Planting of the Christian religion. London. 1756. 4to.) J. J. Hess Geschichte u. Schlriften d. Apostel Jesu. 3 Bde. 4te Aufl. Ziiurich. 1820-22. 8. F. Liicke
comm. de eccl. christ. apostolica. Goetting. 1813. 4. Planck's Gesch. d. Christ. u.s.w.
See ~ 20. A. Neander's Gesch. d. Pflanzung u. Leitung der christl. Kirche durch die
Apostel. 2 Bde. 3te Aufl. Hamburg. 1841.
(G. Ch. R. Matthlii der Religionsglaube der Apostel nach s. Inhalte, Ursplunge u. Werthe.
Bd. 1. GStt. 1826. Chr. Fr. Bohme die Religion der Apostel Jesu Christi aus ihren
Urkunden dargestellt. Halle. 1829.
~ 25.
EARLY HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN COMMUNITY TILL THE
CONVERSION OF PAUL.
The adherents  of Jesus, more than  500  in number (1  Cor.
xv. 6), and among them  the twelve disciples, Simon  (Cephas,
Peter), and Andrew, sons of Jonas, famnes  and  John, sons of
Zebedee  (Boanerges, sons of thunder, Mark  iii. 17),' Philip,
For an account of the numerous Acts of the Apostles which are found in antiquity
especially among single heretical parties, see the list in Fabricii cod. apocr. Nov. Test.
tom. ii. p. 743, ss. Thus the Ebionites had the repiotot II&',pov Jlti K23a7EVTO     ypaoEluaa
(Epiphan. haer. xxx. c. 15, comp. below, ~ 59), and 7rpdetrf &(xat'Aroor'62nov (1. c. c.
16). The Manichaeans, the Actus Apostolorum or rSv'ATro'r6;2ov 7rEpiodot, composed
by one Leucius Charinus (Augustin. de fide contra Manich. c. 38, and often. Photii bibl.
cod. 114), &c. One of the most modern and copious productions of this kind is the Abdiae
(this Abdias, it is pretended, was a disciple of the Apostles, and first bishop of Babylon)
historia certaminis apostolici (belonging to the eighth or ninth century), published in Latin
in Fabricii cod. apocryph. New Test. t. ii. p. 388, ss. Respecting the apocryphal productions of this kind, printed and unprinted, see Thilo acta Thomae in the Notitia, p. lii. ss.
2 Later records are: Synopsis de vita et morte Prophetarum, Apostolorum, et lxx.
discipulorum Christi, spuriously ascribed to Dorotheus Tyrius, who lived about 303 (Latin
in Bibl. PP. max. tom. iii., Greek fragments in Cave histor. literar. t. i. p. 164, ss., and in
the Chronicon paschale ed. du Fresne, p. 426, ss.). Hippolytus (not Portuensis, about 230,
perhaps Thebanus, about 930) de xii. Apostolis, ubinam quisque eorum praedicaverit, et
consummatus sit (in Combefisii auctario, t. ii. Paris. 1648).
1 According to Wieseler (theol. Studien u. Krit. 1840, iii. 648), the sons of Zebedee were
cousins of the Lord, their mother Salome the sister of Mary.




CHAP. II.-APOST. AGE TO A.D. 70. ~ 25. TO PAUL'S CONVERSION. 73
Thomas (called Didymus, John xx. 24), Bartholomew  (Nathanael? John i. 46), XMatthtew  (Matthew  ix. 9; Levi, the son of
Alphaeus, Mark ii. 14), James (the son of Alphaeus, Matthew
x. 3, and of Mary, Matthew  xxvii. 56, the wife of Cleopas,
John  xix. 25),2  Thaddeus  (Lebbaeus  surnamed  Thaddeus,
Matth. x. 3, Jude the brother of James, Luke vi. 16; Acts i.
13), Simon Zelotes (the Canaanite, Matth. x. 4), and Miatthias,
who was chosen in place of Judas Iscariot, to whom  were now
added the brethren of Jesus who had become believers,3 spent
the first days after Christ's ascension in retirement in Jerusalem, till the Divine Spirit, who had been in the prophets and in
Jesus, began to manifest his living power in them  in an extraordinary manner on the day of Pentecost.   Furnished with power
and courage, the apostles now appeared more publicly, and the
number of Christ's confessors increased every day.  The community, however, did not renounce Judaism and the Jewish law, but
rather considered themselves to be the society of genuine Israelites (paOpraai, JdtE.,oi, rnrtrE&ov-E'e, Cw~6[tEvot, bojoV'pevot -Obv 0e6v,
called in derision by the Jews Nazarenes and Galileans) who,
having been saved from that untoward generation (Acts ii. 40),
were preparing themselves for the unfolding of the Messiah's
kingdom  in  its excellency.  It must certainly  be  admitted,
however, that sensuous expectations and erroneous opinions of
the near approach of Christ's return (Acts i. 6, iii. 19-21),
were mixed up with their better principles.4 The conditions of
reception into this kingdom were repentance and faith in Christ,
on which forgivenes of sin was promised in baptism, and the
Holy Spirit imparted by the imposition of hands.   Though they
knew  that the heathen also were admitted into the kingdom  of
God, still more that they should be invited, they yet believed
that these Gentiles should first be incorporated among the Jewish people as proselytes of righteousness, and necessarily observe
2 He is generally reckoned the same person with the  2deZ'C rtoC Tcvpiov, Gal. i. 19.
Conlp. especially Pott prolegg. in epist. Jacobi (ed. iii. 1816), p. 58, ss. Schneckenburger
annotatio ad. epist. Jac. (Stuttg. 1832), p. 144. On the other side see Dr. C. P. W. Clemen
die Briider Jesu, in Winer's Zeitschr. ffir wissenschaftl. Theol. iii. 329. Credner's Einl.
in d. N. T. i. ii. 571. Neander's apost. Kirche, ii. 422. E. Th. Mayerhoff's Einleit. in d.
petrin. Scllhriften (-amb. 1835), S. 43. A. H. Blom de roEC chlEXroTi et ra!i ('deZoaI to9
KvpiOv,. Lugd. Bat. 1839. 8. Neudecker's Einl. in d. N. T. S. 656. Wieseler in the
theol. Studien u. Krit. 1842, i. 71. Comp. Winer's bibl. Realwbrterbuch, i. 620.
3 Act. i. 14, comp. John vii. 5.
4 Chr. Fr. Boehme de spe Messiana apostolica. Halae. 1826. 8.




74                     FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
the entire Mosaic law.   With this opinion they could not be in
haste to invite the heathen  also to embrace Christianity.
But although the community did not separate itself from the
religion  of the  Jews, yet they  were more  closely  connected together by the peculiar direction which their religious feelings
naturally  took, and  by their peculiar hopes.   Thus there arose
by degrees a regularly constituted society among the brethren.
For this the Jewish synagogue presented itself as the most natural model.5   At first, the  apostles  themselves  performed  the
duties of the society, but by degrees special officers were appointed.   The apostles caused seven distributors of atlms to be chosen
(Acts. vi. 1-6),6 inasmuch as the brethren showed very great
liberality toward their poor,7 and because the administration of
these gifts threatened to be detrimental to the proper calling  and
ministry  of the  twelve.   Soon  after this, we  find  rpeiiaPrepot,
elders (Acts xi. 30          to ),    chosen not so much for the purpose
of teaching, as for the management of common concerns, and for
niaintaininog   the ordinances of the church.   In all these appointments of the society, the apostles did not act despotically, but
allowed the church to determine them  (Acts vi. 2; xv. 22, 23).
The bold appearance of the apostles, and  the  enlargement of
their party, soon  excited  attention.   The  Sadducees were  nom
5 The chief work is: Campeg. Vitringa de synagoga vetere, lib. iii., quibus tun de
synagogis agitur, tom  praecipue formam  regiminis et ministerii earum  in ecclesiam
christ. translataml esse demonstrator. Franequerae. 1696, and Leucopetr. 1726. 4.
6 Luke calls them simply the seven (of CErrd), Acts xxi. 8.. In later times they have
for the most part been regarded as the first deacons. So Cyprian, as early as his time;
Epist. 65, ad ttogatianum. They are, however, distinguished from the deacons by Chrysostom, Hem. 14 in Acta ~ 3 (ed. Montfaucon. ix. 115), and the council of Trulla, canon 16.
Vitringa de syn. vet. lib. iii. p. ii. cap. 5, compares them  with the a' R    of the
synagogue; and on the other hand, the  lali6vot of Paul with the D'E2Tl.. Boehmer, diss.
jur. eccl. ant. diss. vii. p. 377, actually looked upon tlmi as the first presbyters. See
on the other side Mosheim  de rebus Christ. ante Const. p. 122. Without doubt the
deacons arose from the seven, by an enlargement of the circle of duties required. See
Mosheim, 1. c. p. 120. Neander's apost. Kirclle, i. 142. It. Rothe's Anfilnqge d. christl.
Kirche, i. 162. Another opinion of Vitringa (1. c.), supported by Mosheim (I. c. p. 118), is,
that those seven were appointed for the Hellenist poor. But the Grecian names do not
necessarily indicate Hellenists; comp. the names of the apostles Andrew and Philip.
Perhaps three were Hebrew, three Hellenistic Jews, and one a proselyte.
7 The opinion that the kingdom of Messiah would soon appear contributed, doubtless,
very much to promote this liberality (comp. Matth. xxv. 34, ff.). It is not a community of
goods that is taught in Acts ii. 44, 45; iv. 33-35; but a voluntary equalizing of property,
according to the precept laid down in Luke xii. 33. Cf. Mosheim de vera natura communionis bonorum in eccl. Hierosol. in his dissertatt. ad hist. eccles. pertinentium, ii. i.
Ananias's crime was a meanly calculating selfishness, assuming withal the appearance
of enthusiastic brotherly love.




CHAP. II.-APOST. AGE TO A.D. 70. \ 25. TO PAUL;S CONVERSION. 75
the bitterest enemies of those who confessed the name of one
risen from the dead (Acts iv. 2; v. 17; xxiii. 6).  On the other
hand, priests (Acts vi. 7) and Pharisees (xv. 5) joified the
Christians.  After threatenings had been used with the apostles
in vain (Acts iv.), the Sadducean party in the Sanhedrim wished
to apply violent measures (v. 17, if.), but were restrained by the
prudent counsel of the Pharisee Gamaliel (v. 34, ff., comp. xxiii.
6).  Some Hellenists, however, provoked by the zeal of Stephen,
stirred up the popular fury, to which the Sanhedrim  soon gave
way.  Stephen fell as the first martyr (vi. 8-vii. 60); but the
very persecution that now set in was the first means of spreading Christianity  still farther.  The Christians, driven from
Jerusalem, preached the gospel in Judea, Samaria (viii. 1-4),
even as far as Damascus (ix. 10, 19), Phoenicia, Cyprus, and
Antioch, but yet only to the Jews (xi. 19).  In the mean time
they had cast off the Pharisaic prejudice against the Samaritans;
and in Samaria itself Philip gained many converts to Christianity.  The same individual preached the gospel in the towns on
the sea-coast of Palestine, and finally took up his abode in Caesarea, probably as the founder of a church there (viii. 40, comp.
xxi. S).  The apostles, who had hitherto remained always in
Jerusalem, now sent Peter and John to Samaria, in order to
carry on the work there begun (viii. 14, ff.).  Peter then wen-t
to the towns on the sea-coast, where he was commanded by
Heaven to baptize a pious proselyte of the gate, the centurion
Cornelius, in Caesarea (Acts x.).  I-He quieted, indeed, the believers in Jerusalem who were not pleased with this transaction
(xi. 1-1S); but the greatest part of thenm  did not proceed farther than to allow that the heathen should be baptized before
being circu-mcised.  In this sense alone the church at Jerusalem
approved of the conduct of some Hellenistie Jews in Antioch
who had converted Gentiles also to Christianity (xi. 20, comp.
ver. 22).  They still maintained the view, t-hat the' Mosaic law
was absolutely binding on all nations,8 which was held particularly by some believing Pharisees (xv. 5), regarding the universal and strict observance of that law as an essential characteristic of the times of Messiah (according to Isaiah lii. 1, lxvi.
17, 20; Zech. viii. 2:1-23, xiv. 16, &c.).
8 Above, ~ 17, note 8. My treatise respecting the Nazarenes and Ebionites in Staiidlio's
t, Tzschirner's Archliv. f K. G. iv. 2, 3.08




76                     ]?FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
~ 26.
PAUL.
W. Paley's Horae Paulinae. Translated into German, from  the English, by HIenke.
Helmstadt. 1797. 8vo. J. T. Hemsen der Apostel Paulus, herausgeg. v. Luicke. Gottingen. 1830. 8.  K. Schrader der Apostel Paulus. 3 Thle.  Leipzig. 1830. f. 8.
(Chronology, history, creed.) WViner's bibl. Realwdrterbuch, ii. 245.
On the chronology see J. Pearson annales Paulini (prefixed to his Opp. posthumis chronol.
Lond. 1688. 4). Keil de definiendo tempore itineris Pauli Hierosolymitani Gal. ii. 1, 2,
commemorati. 1798 (also in Keilii opuscul. academ. ed. J. D. Goldhorn. i. 160). Vogel
Versuch chronolog. Standpunkte in der Lebensgesch. Pauli (in Gabler's thlleol. Journ.
i. ii. 243), Sfiskind Versuch chronol. Standpunkte fiir die Apostelgesch. u. f. d. Leben
Jesu (in Bengel's Archiv. fir d. Theol. i. 156, ff: 297 if.). J. E. C. Schmidt Chronologie d.
Apostelgeschichte (in Keil and Tzschirner's Analecten, iii. i. 128). On the other side,
Keil iiber die Zeit, in welcher der Brief an die Galater gesclhrieben ist (Analecten, iii.
ii. 55, and in Latin in Keilii opusculis, i. 351). C. G. Kuichler de ann quo Paulus Apost.
ad sacra christ. conversus est.  Lips. 1828. 8. H. A. Schott's Erdrterung einiger
wichtiger chronolog. Punklte in d. Lebensgesch. d. Ap. Paulus.  Jena. 1832. 8.  IR.
Anger de temporum  in actis App. ratione.  Lips. 1833. 8. J. F. Wurm  iiber die
Zeitbestimmungen im Leben d. Ap. Paulus, in the Tiibingen Zeitschrift f. Theol. 1833, i. 3.
In the mean time, however, that man had been previously
converted to Christianity, to whom the mystery was to be announced  that the  Gentiles should  be fellow-heirs of the promises (Ephes. iii. 3-6).    Saul, born  at Tarsus in  Cilicia, and a
Roman citizen,' but educated in Jerusalem under Gamaliel, a
Pharisee, from   being  a dangerous  enemy  of Christianity  suddenly  became a zealous  adherent to  it (37-40  A.D.).   After a
three years' abode in Damascus and Arabia he came to Jerusalem, where Barnabas 2 introduced him  to the apostles Peter and
James (Gal. i. 17-19; Acts ix. 19-27).  The very same person conducted him also to the great scene of his apostolic labors;
for, having  been sent by the  apostles to Antioch  in  order to establish  the infant church  there, he recalled  Paul from   Tarsus,
and took  him   as his  assistant  (Acts  xi. 22-26).   After  this,
when Herod Agrippa (41-44), for the purpose of ingratiating
himself with the people, persecuted the church at Jerusalem,
when James the elder was put to death, and Peter was saved
from a like fate only by a miracle (Acts xii.), Jerusalem ceased
to  be the  secure seat of the  apostles;3 and  James, the brother
1 On the rights of Roman citizenship, see Winer's bibl. Realw6Orterbuch,, i. 235., Gu. H. Haverkorn van Rysewyk diss. de Barnaba. Arnhemiae. 1835. 8.
W With this agrees Apollonins (about 190), who (Euseb. H. E. v. 18) d6g lic arapadS6are




CHAP. I.-APOSTOLIC  AGE TO A.D  7.   ~ 26. PAUL.                     77
of the Lord, and a Nazarite, appeared at the head of the church
with  a reputation  equal to  that of an  apostle.4    In  the  mean
time, Barnabas and Saul at Antioch gathered from among Jews
and Gentiles a church so numerous, even in wealthy members
(XpwtrTavoi, Acts ii. 26),5 that they were able to bring  contributions  thence  to  the  brethren  at Jerusalem   when  a famine  occurred  (44 A.D., Acts xi. 27-30;  xii. 25).   After this, the two
entered on  the first large  missionary journey  through  Cyprus,
Pamphylia, Pisidia, Lycaonia, during  which  the  gospel was
preached to Jews and Gentiles. After they had again abode
for a long  time  in  Antioch, Hebrew  Christians  came  thither
who excited divisions in the church, by the assertion, that the
r6v arlP(i 07yct 7rpocvEraxivatv rotS aovrod (aLroror6totg E'7rt d6cExa CErect u  XopdiOvas.
rFg'IepovaaXZ,u. So also the KRpvycta IIHTpov in Clem. Alex. Strom. vi. 762. Comp,
Credner's Beitrdge zur Einl. in die bibl. Schriften, i. 353, 363.
Hegesippus in Euseb. H. E. ii. 23: AtaXderat rv l'KtC2lalav pUera rETv adwTOO' r62.ToV 
6d2elof ro0'itvpiov'Idacogle,  6 6voamOe6Cg drr6O sirnvrov dicatog.-Orof (e  E/c Kcotaiag
EtTrpOf aV7TO iiaytof v. Oivov ca aiKetcpa oV/c iTrcEv, ouSc Fbtmbvxov edaye'  ~:vpbv ETrn rtjv
ceeabv avTroi) oVKc tavfl'- eatolv ode  ZeViiparo, cKac fXaZave~. outic Eyp7oaro. Tovrw
llOv(0 Eiiv Eig vT/ dlyua ecatevatcL    ovdE ydp'peeovv'0d6pEl, 2ta62 atvc6cvag.  Kai j6vog
etCipXEro elf r TOV vabv, jVipiuter6 re tceiitEvoof 5tE rofg y6vaat, Ica acTovoytevogf vrep rod
Xaod iiaeotv, gf (i'nT eKt7tcEvalt r7  y6vara a'droV dclrtv tcajp~jov, dlt  Ta i) acl dSjTr7ELV k7in
y6vv irpooCvvoevra r,3 ODeQ, cai atreTcOat i0catv rTQ aac.  Aad yi ret rvYv Virepfio;'v 
r~7S  &dcatoadv7g aeverod'EtcarEO     diKntof, ~cac'2Pfigaf, o5 kartv E/Uyvcr7 7tepItoX  reod
Xaod,ca dtlca toaevoy, 6gS oel rpo8rat 7Iodact inep2 aovrod. ('S2&iar i7eg 2 Dy_ according
to Reines. Var. lect. lib. iii. On the other hand, Fuller, Misc. sacr. lib. iii.,'&2;[uiaqu
02DVYtY  after Ps. xxix. 11.  Comp. Routh Reliq. sacr. i. 214.  Heinichen ad h. 1,
Kimmel de Rufino, p. 278.)  Here the principles of the Essenes are mixed with the
Nazarite, doubtless in the traditional account of the later Ebionites, who fathered their
asceticism upon James. Clement of Alexandria related, in the sixth book of his Hypotyposes (Euseb. ii. 1), lirTpov K(ci'IdcfOev /cai'IcdVV WV             TOera Tiv avuiapnv reo oeor pog,
b glv xai o c 7 roo tvpeov Kp rpoVereutyuuvovcg, t ELrtttcdcaOa t 66cfg, t6L.''Ilcoiot v 7rv
dtlcatov E'riicornov'IEpoaooXtcev 2LaieOat.  The three apostles selecting are also those
named in Matth. xvii. 1, 26, 37: consequently the James specified is the son of Zebedee,
It has been disputed whether the person chosen, the same who appears at the head of
the church in Jerusalem (Acts xii. 17; xv. 13; xxi. 18; Gal. i. 19; ii. 9), was the son of
Alphaeus, or the brother of our Lord, or both (comp. ~ 25, note 2). Hegesippus manifestly
points out the brother of the Lord, different from the apostle. So also the Apost. Constit.
ii. 55; vi. 12. In vi. 14, they give a list of the twelve apostles, and then put in equal rank
with them:'IC,3of6 re 6 rod cvpiov  Udceefg scae IcIpoaoX2vtoyv TnioCo7rof, Icat IHab.of o
rrv EOvoV dtdldatica2og; a testimony which deserves consideration as belonging to the
third century and to Syria. It need not appear remarkable that James the son of Alphaeus,
as well as most of the apostles, should disappear from the record of the New Testament,
and that Luke and Paul did not consider it necessary to separate from him and to characterize particularly the James who is conspicuous in all Christendom.
5 This was probably at first a name of derision in the mouth of the inhabitants of
Antioch, who were famous for their wit (Lucian. de Saltat. c. 76: ol yaip'Avrtoxefg
ed9veorcGrdr  n6tg. Julianus Misopog. p. 314. Ammiau. Marcell. xxii. 14. Zosimus, iv.
p. 258. Procop. Pers. ii. 8).




173 F0 IRST PEFRIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
newly converted Gentile Christians must also necessarily becomne
Jewish  -proselytes of riglteo-usness.   Hence Paul and Barnabas
were sent to Jerusalem, where they received from  the collective
apostles, and the assembled church, a decision to the effect that
the  Gentiles should  only be required to  accede to proselytism  of
the gate (Acts xv.).6    They were also, at the same time, recog..nized  as  apostles  of the  Gentiles by  Peter, James, and  John,
who resolved  to  continue their labors among  the  Jews (Gal. ii.
9, A.D. 52).  Soon after, Barnabas and Mark made a second
journey to Cyprus, while Paul and Silas repaired  to  the
churches of Asia Minoi'.  In Lystra, Paul took Timothy with
him, traveled through JPhrygia and Galatia, passed over into
Macedonia, where churches were founded at Philippi, Thessalonica, and Beroea, and came by Athens to  Corinth  (Epistles
~o  the  Thcssalonians).7    After  remaining  there  a  year  and  a
half, he returned by  Ephesus, Caesarea, and Jerusalem, to An6 The injunctions in Acts xv. 29 are the so-called precepts of Noah. See above ~ 17,
note 7. So Origen in comment. ad epist. ad Ronm. lib. ii. (ad iRon. ii. 26, ed Lommatzsch,
p. 128): Vides ergo (out of Levit. xvii. 10-12), hane de observatione sanguinis legem.
quae communiter et filiis Israel et advenis data est, observari etianm a nobis, qui ex gentibus per Jesumn Christumn  credimus Deo.  Nos enlim  proselytos et advenas Scriptura
nominare consuevit: curn dicit (Dent. xxviii. 43): Advena qui est in te, ascendet super
te sursun; tu autem descendes deorsurnm. Ipse erit tibi caput, tu autem eris ejus cauda.
Ideo ergo legemn de observatione sanguinis communem   cumn filiis Israel etiamn gentium
suscepit ecclesia. Haec namque ita intelligens in lege scripta, tune beatrnl  illud Apostolorum Concilium decernebat, dogmata et decreta gentibhs scribens, ut abstinerent se non
solum ab his, quae idolis irnmmolantur, et a fornicatione, sed et a sangrgine et a suffocato.
Tertull. de Monogaln. c. 5: In Christo olnnia revocantur ad initin-am —et libertas ciborlrn
et sanguinis solius abstinentia, sicut ab initio fuit. Initium   tibi et in Adam censetur, et
in Noe recensetur.  Constitt. apost. vi. 12, says of those prohibitions: drTFp nae  ro0f,n-6aL v )o0toO0r7Tro Troft rp6 roe v6,uov Ovatcoig'REvfi, -'E v, N6r s. r. 2..  My treatise
respecting the Nazarenes and Ebionites in Staudlin's u. Tzschirner's Archiv. f. K. G. iv.
ii. 309.  This explanation is also given by WV. Schickard de jure regio Ebraeorum
(Argentor. 1625), cap. 5, p. 129. Hammond and Alex. Morus ad Act. xv. 20. Sandius in
nucleo hist. eccl. p. 54. It is otherwise explained by Spencer de legibus Hebr. rittalibus
ed. Pfaff. p. 595;, ss.  Nitzsch de sensi. decreti apostolici Act. xv. 29, Viteb. 1795 (also
in Comnenetatt. theol. ed. a Velthullsen, Rluperti et Kuinoel, vi. 403). Ndsselt diss. de
vera vi et ratione decreti Hierosolymitani Act. xv. (in ejusd. exercitt. ad. sair. script.
interpret. p. 95.)  When many writers assume that the abstaining fromn flesh offered in
sacrifice to idols, fromn blood, and things strangled, was enjoined on the Gentile Christians,
because the Jews held those things in greatest abhorrence, it should be remarlked that
this greater abholTence of thlle   had its foundation in the circu.sta-ace of those things
being forbidden of God, according to the Jewish opinion, not merely to the Jews, but to
all men.
7 The conduct of Gallio, the brother of Seneca, toward Paul, Acts xviii. 12, and Phil.
iv. 22, gave rise to the subsequent fabrication of a correspondence between Seneca and
Paul. Hieron. Catal. c. 12. Fabric. cod. apocr. N. T. t. ii. p. 880, ss. Cf. Gelpke tract.
de famnilia'itate, quae Paulo Apost. cumr Seneca philosopho intercessisse traditur, verisirmillima. Lips. 1813.




CHAP. II. —APOSTOLIC  AGE TO A.D. 70. ~ 26. PAiUL.                     T79
tioch (Acts xv. 36,-xviii. 22).   But he soon entered on the thira
great journey to Asia Minor, where he passed at Ephesus the
first two years and three months.   Here, and in the vicinity, he
established  Christianity more firmly  (Epistle  to the  Galatians?
First Epistle  to  the  Corinthians), and  then  traveled  through
IMacedonia (Second Epistle to the Corinthlians) to Corinth
(Epistle  to the Romanzs).   After a three  months' abode  in  this
city, he returned  to Jerusalem   by  Miletus  (Acts xviii. 23, xxi.
17).   Here, having  been  taken in the temple (58  A.D.), hewas
brought to Caesarea, and thence to Rome (60-61 A.D., Epistles
to  the  Ephesians, Philippians,  Colossiancs, and  to  Philemnon).
The  Acts of the  Apostles  closes with  the  second  year  of the
Roman  captivity  (63 A.D.);  but according  to  later, though  ancient testimonies,  he  was  again  liberated  from   this  bondage,
made several other journeys (First Epistle  to  Timothy,8  Epistle
to  Titus), and then fell into a second captivity at Rome  (Second
Epistle  to  Timothy), vwhich  terminated  in  his death  (67  A.D.).9
Among  Paul's  disciples the  most distinguished  were  Silas, or
Silvanus  (Acts xv. 40, ss., as  far as  xviii. 5;  2  Cor. i. 19),
who was afterward with Peter (1 Peter v. 12); Timothy, who,
commissioned by Paul, abode for a long time at Ephesus, in
8 So according to Ussher, Mill, Pearson, Ie Clerc, and Paley: Heydenreich die Pastoralbriefe Pauli. Bd1 1. (Hadalmar. 1826). S. 36, if. G. B1hl iiber die Zeit der Abfassung
u. d. Paulin. Charakter der Briefe ail Timoth. u. Titus. Berlin. 1829. S. 204, f. If the
pastoral letters had been a forgery of the second century, as Baur thinks (die Sogen.
Pastoralbriefe d. Ap. Paulus. Stutt. and Tiib. 1835), it would be an inexplicable thing that
the writer should lay at the basis of the history certain situations in which the apostle was
placed, which can not be pointed out in the New Testament.
9 So Eusebius, H. E. ii. c. 22, supported by Clemens Rom. Ep. i. ~ 5: Atl&" Sov b
Hlaeoe  i7roeyovsf fpafeiZov  wTrEvXE~v. —Kspv  3yev6j1evof Ev re'T, tvaro2  KaCi Ev r.
dceit, 7b yevvaZov f7',TtrreWS   av7rob  ICeog E;alev.  Atceatoeviv dtddaeio  6 ov rov
K6oIeOV, cai i7rt ri repgea ry~ dGi3ewC  DE.Odv, cai ts aprvpycaf ETri rdv'yovuivov, oVTrS
dtrsj2Liy71 reo aDc6ayov, caci Eif rbv'ytov  76rov  rTopei0il.  Even the fiagmentumn  do
canone in Muratorii antiquitt. ital. medii aevi, iii. 854, which belongs to the third century,
mentions the departure of Paul setting out from the city for Spain. A single captivity of
Paul in HRome, enlding with his death, is assumed by Petavius, Lardner, J. E. C. Schmidt,
Eigchhorn, E. F. IR. WVolf (de altera Pauli Ap. captivitate, diss. ii. Lips. 1819. 20. 8.),
Schrader (Paulus, i. 227), Hemsen. Baur, Reuss (Gesch. d. Schriften d. N. T. ~i 54), Matthia (Pastoralbr. S. 185, 593), de WVette (Einl. in d. N. T. ~ 122), Schenlkel (theol. Studien
u. Krit. 1841, i. 53). On the contrary, the older view is defended by P. E. Jablonsiki diss.
de ultimis Pauli Ap. laboribus a Luca praetermissis (Opusc. ed. J. G. te,Water, iii. 289),
J. P. Mynster de ultimis annis muneris apostolici a Paulo gesti (kleine theol. Schlriften.
Kopenhagen. 1825. S. 189), Heydenreich (Pastoralbriefe, ii. 6), Bohl (a. a. O. S. 81), VWurm
(Tfibinpg. Zeitschr. f. Theol. 1833, i. 81), Schott (Er6rterung einiger chronol. Punkte il d.
Lebensgesebh. d. Ap. Paulus. S. 116), Neander (apost. Kirche, i. 389), Credner (Einl. in d.
N. T. i. i. 317), Neudecker (Einl. in d. N. T. S. 397).




80                    FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
order to arrange the affairs of the church at that place; Titus,
who had been left for the same purpose in Crete (both considered
in later times as the first bishops of these  churches, Euseb  iii.
4); and Luke.
27.
HISTORY OF THE OTHER APOSTLES AND THEIR DISCIPLES.
J. A. Fabricii salutaris lux evangelii toti orbi exoriens (Hamburg. 1731, 4to), page 95, ss.
The history of the other apostles, and their early pupils, is
involved  in great obscurity, and  has frequently  been  much disfigured by mistakes and fabrications.   Among these distortions
may be reckoned principally, the traditions respecting the apostles determining by lots to what countries they  should  go from
Jerusalem,' the joint  composition  of the  apostles' creed,2  and
their  unmarried  state,3  as well as  the  tradition  that they  all
suffered martyrdom  except Johln.               And when the apostles, who
1 First advanced by Rufinus in Hist. Eccl. i. 9. Cf. Act. SS. ad d. 15, Jul. Thilo acta
Thomae, p. 87, ss.
2 First advanced by Rufinus in Exposit. symboli apostolici. A homily de symbolo,
falsely ascribed to Augustine, gives a still more particular account. Cf. Fabricii cod.
apocr. N. T. vol. iii. p. 339, ss. The story is defended by Natalis Alex. Hist. Eccl. saec. i.
diss. xii.; Acta SS. ad. d. 15, Jul. u. J. Chrys. Trombellius tract. de sacramentis. Bonon.
1770. t. ii. diss. 4, qu. 3. On the contrary, Du Pin and Tillemont, with all Protestant
theologians, acknowledge the fiction.
3 Comp. against this 1 Cor. ix. 5. Hence also Ignatius ad Philadelph. c. 4. mentions
HIfrpov Kea  Ila52ovkt-ai rCSv a2tu'ov  7'oar6acT;v 70rot y0otfS Trpoo/0tZuGdvrov.  Clem.
Alex. Strom. iii. p. 448: HIIrpof icai 4kitTTrbrof E'ratdo7rotcraavro  icai Hlakbof oVidc O6cvEz
Ev rtvt Ewtalro24 r7v abvroo rTpoaayopedetv ucdvyov, Vv ov 7repterc6[ttev dut r7 rib V'rFepecaia  Evaraef.  See J. A. Theiner and A. Theiner die Einffihrung der erzwungenen
Ehelosigkeit bei den christl. Geistlicllhen und ihre Folgen (Altenburg. 1828. 2 Bde. 8).
Bd. 1. S. 26. On the other hand, the Montanist Tertullianus de Monogam. c. 8: Petremn
solumn invenio maritum; caeteros cum  maritos non invenio, aut spadones intelligam
necesse est aut continentes. Nec enim-Paulum sic interpretabimar, quasi demonstret
uxores apostolos habuisse. In later times, 1 Cor. ix. 5, was explained of female friends
who served: Ambrosiaster ad h. 1. Hieronymus ad Matth. xxvii. 55. Theodoret. ad
1 Cor. ix. 5, who adds, however, rtvu C oiof p)'plrvEevrav. (Cf. Suiceri tlhesaur. ecclesiasticus, ed. ii. Amstel. 1728. T. i. p. 810, s. v. yvvj.) Even when it was conceded, as by
Ambrosiaster ad 2 Cor. xi. 2: Omnes apostoli, exceptis Johanne et Paulo, uxores habuerunt: the view was usually held, Hieron. Epist. 30 (al. 50) ad Pammachium (ed. Martianay,
t. iv. p. ii. p. 242): Apostoli vel virgines, vel post nuptias continentes. On the whole subject, see G. Calixtus de conjugio Clericorum (ed. ii. ed. H. Ph. C. Henke. Helmst. 1783).
P. ii. p. 147, ss.
4 Heracleon (ap. Clem. Alex. Strom. iv. p. 502) says that Matthew, Philip, Thomas, and
Levi (Thaddeus?), did not suffer martyrdom.




CEAP. II.-APOST. AGE TO A.D. 70. ~ 27. THE APOSTLES.                      81
continued  a long  time  in  single  churches, were  considered  as
thle first bishops of them,  this  is  also  liable  to  be  misunderstood.   Peter was still found in Jerusalem  in the year 52  (Acts
xv.), then  in Antioch  (Gal. ii. 11), also in Babylon  (1  Peter v.
1 3),  and, according  to  other  ancient testimonies, he  suffered
martyrdom in Rome (67 A.D.)5  Since the end of the 4th century, the fabrication of the Clementines, that Peter was first,
bishop of Antioch, and then of Rome, obtained more general
5 Clemens, Rom.Epist. i. c. 5, testifies merely to his martyrdom; Ignatius, Ep. ad IRom.
cap. 4, alludes to it. The Praedicatio Petli (which was known even to Heracleon, and
conIsequently belongs to the beginning of the second century; see the Clementines by
A. Schliemann. HEamb. 1844, P. 253), comp. Lib. de non iterando bapt. appended to
Cypriani opp. ed. Rigalt. p. 139: Liber, qui inscribitur Pauli praedicatio, in quo libroinvenies, post tanta tempora Petruml et Paulum, post conlationem evangelii in Hierusalesl
et mutuam  altercationem  et rerLm. agendarum  dispositionern, postremo in urbe, quasi
tune primuem, invicem sibi esse cognitos. (The Praedicatio Pauli seems to have formed
the last part of the Praed. Petri. Credner's Beitrdge zur Einleit. in die bibl. Schriften, i.
360.) Dionysius Corinth. (about 170) Ep. ad Romanos (in Euseb. ii. 25): -Ayoww (Il'rpo~
rtai IIafZoC) eKa  eri rTIv /,ue8rpav K6ptvOov ~vrEcGaavr7Ef taxd, 06poiw   Eidiaeav' Fyootwf
de' ica EL' rT/V'IraZeav 6e 6cE dtddcavref, e'LtapTvpa carV rerd  ov avrov Icatpov.  Irenaeus adv. IHaer. (written 176 or 177) iii. 1:'O  tev d(  MarSaaoS Ev roig'E3paioLt r7
idiG  dita/e2rp  aevriv Ical ypaenv Ec?vYEYrCEV   ECVayyEie, ov, ro7b II7rpOv xal rov Ilaileov
Ev'PW(,s  EVieay yeitLoaivwvm, ca  OeeLoviOV rv r7jv iElcprietav. MeTia  E r7V' TOV7tiSV:odov Mcdpog ac. r. a.. Tertullianus de Praescr. haereticorum, c. 36: Felis ecclesia
(Romana), cui totam  doctrinam apostoli cum sanguine suo profuderunt; ubi Petrus pas.
sioni dominicae adaequatur, ubi Paulus Johannis (baptistae) exita coronatur. Cajus
Romanus (about 200) in Euseb. ii. 25:'Ey'o dE' r  rp6orata rTSv'AiroCrtoXlv',yd 6dEZa'c
Eav yip OrEZcgrf VUrlTE0Ebv Ern rTv BartIcaveb, 7r et r?7v odbv rve'Ocarcav, erpareti
ri-i rp67rata r7dv era~rlpv icpvaaueveov TrV Et'tK2criav. In the middle ages the Waldenses
denied (Moneta adv. Catharos et Waldenses. Romae. 1743, fol. p. 411) Marsilius Patavillns, Michael Caesenas, &c. (cf. Spanheim  de ficta profectione Petri Ap. in urbem
RIomam, Opp. ii. 337) that Peter had ever been at Rome. In this they were followed by
AMatth. Flacius, Claud. Salmasius, and Fred. Spanheim (1. c.), all obviously entangled by
party feeling. Several moderns, resting on a scientific basis, have madethe same assertion, particularly Eichhorn (Einl. in d. N. T. i. 554), Baur (Tilbinger theol. Zeitschr. 1831.
iv. 136. 1836. iii. 163) and Mayerhoff (Einl. in die Petrin. Schriften, Hamburg. 1835. S. 73).
Neander (apost. Kirche, ii. 458) and Winer (bibl. Realwbrterbuch, ii. 281) waver. On the
contrary, the old tradition is defended by Credner (Einleit. in d. N. T. i. ii. 628. Hall.
A. L. Z. 1836, July, S. 370), Bleek (theol. Studien und: Krit. 1836  iv. 1061) and Olshausen (Einleit. zum I6omerbriefe, and theol. Stud. umd Kritik. 1838, iv. 916). There is a
new rejoinder by Baur (fiber den Ursprung des Episcopates, s. 43). A violent catholic
defense is presented in Frid. Windischmanni vindiciae Petrinae.  Ratisb. 1836.  If,
according to Baur, this tradition proceeded fiom Judaizing Christians at Ioome for the
purpose of exalting Peter above Paul, we cal not ulnderstand how the fabrication did not
forthwith meet with a decided contradiction from the adherents of Paul at Role, nor how
Caius, a disciple of Paul, is a leading witness for its truth.  Comp. Drey, -Ier-bst, and
Hirscher theol. QOuartalschrift. Tiibihgen 1820, iv. 567. Mynster's Kleine theol. Schriften.
Kopenhag. 1825, s. 141. On the manner of Peter's death Tertullian speaks (1. c.):
Petrus passioni dominicae adaequatur. On the other hand, Origen (in Euseb. H. E. iii.
c.' 1): Ifirpof —avecKoXoZrrliy Kcari t KeiQa2fC, ovrogf ilatceaf reraBEnv, according to
Rufinus' version: crucifixus est deorsum  capite demnerso, quod ipse ita fieri deprecatus
est, ne exaequari domino videretur.
VOL. I.-6




82                    FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
currency.6    Philzp spent the last years of his life in  Hierapolis
in Phrygia  (Polycrates, about 190, ap. Euseb. H. E. iii. 31, and
v. 24).   John also went to Asia Minor, and a great part of his
life belongs to the following period.   The traditions are ancient
respecting Thomas preaching the gospel in Parthia,7 Andrew  in
Scythia  (Origrines  ap. Ezseb. iii. 1), Bartholomew  in  India8
(Etuseb. v. 10), and  it is reported  that John  Mar1c, first the
companion of Paul and Barnabas, then of Peter, was the founder
of the church  in  Alexandria  (Euseb. ii. 16).   The later traditions respecting the apostles, and apostolic men, which have been
partly indebted for their origin to the wish of many nations to
trace their Christianity  up to the  apostolic  age, are, to  say the
least, uncertain, and in  part so  marvelously  forged, that they
sufficiently betray their own falseness.9
6 Die Clementifien von A. Schiienmann. HaIlburg. 1844. S. 115. Eusebins, iii. 2, says:
METg rjv I aov xatc II rpoov  yaprvpiav irpgiro7f IK3cpobcrat rjv ErtarcKO7ri'v Aivog, and
according to him, iii. 4, Clement is rfg'Pwtaizwv EtlcilzoiaC rproeC EriKo7roS IcaraUardi
(Linus, Anacletus, Clemens). Rufini praef. in recognitiones Clementis: Linus et Cletus
fuerunt quidem ante Clementelm episcopi in urbe Roma, sed superstite Petro, videlicet ut
illi episcopatus curam gererent, ipse vero apostolatus impleret officium. Epiphanius also
has the correct opinion respecting the episcopate of the apostles, Hlaer. xxvii. 6:'Ev'P/zl
yap yey6vact irpdrot flIrpo  icaci TIt e io  oi  r7r6aro0o0t auvrot Kat ElraKto7rot.-Peter
is named the first bishop of Antioch, first of all by Chrysostom. Hom. xlii. in Ignat. Mart.
Hieronymus Catal. c. 1, and Comm. in ep. ad Gal. c. 1, the first bishop of Rome by
Optatus Milev. de schism. Donatist. ii. 2. Hieron. Catal. c. 1. Augustin. Ep. liii. ad
Generosum and contra lit. Petilian. iii. Jerome was the first that knew that he had been
twenty-five years bishop of Rome. The tradition of the modern Roman church is most
fully developed in (Gregor. Cortesii de Romano itinere gestisque principis Apostolorum
libri ii. Vine. Al. Constantius recensuit, notis illustravit, annales SS. Petri et Pauli et
appendicem monumentorum  adjecit. Rom. 1770. 8.
7 Later accounts make Thomas go to India. So first Gregor. Nazianz. Orat. xxv. ad
Arian. p. 438, ed. Paris. Ambrosius in Psalm xlv. 10. Hieronym. Epist. 148, and so the
Syrian Christians in India (Thomas-Christians) consider him to be the founder of their
church (Assemani bibl. orient. iii. ii. 435), comp. Acta Thomae apostoli ed. J. C. Thilo.
Lips. 1823, p. 97, 121. These Manichaean Acta Thomae render it probable that the tradition is of Manichaean origin. On this account Theodoret Haer. fab. i. c. 26, declares that
the Thomas sent to the Indians was a disciple of Manes.
s Probably Yemen. Rufinus H. E. x. 9: Thomae Parthia, et Matthaeo Aethiopia, eique
adhaerens exterior India Bartholoimaeo dicitur sorte decreta. Inter quam Parthiamque
Media, sed longo interior tractu India ulterior jacet. So also Philostorgius H. E. ii. 6, calls
the Sabaeans, or Homerites, roto EWv0ordro' Ivdovu.
9 Thus the Spaniards pretend that James the elder was seen in their country (his body
is said to be in Compostella since A.D. 816); the French claim Dionysius the Areopagite,
Lazarus, Mary Magdalene, and others; the English, Simon Zelotes, and especially Joseph
of Arimathea; the Germans, Maternus, Eucherius, and Valerius, as legates of Peter; the
Russians, Andrew, &c. The real but later founders of churches have been frequently
transferred to the times of the apostles by tradition.




CH-AP. II.-APOST. AGE TO A.D. 70. ~ 28. JEWS AND GENTILES. 83
~ 28.
RECEPTION OF CHIRISTIANITY AM-ONG JEWS AND GENTILES.
(ConmP. g 19.)
Neander's Kirchengescdi. 2te. Auflage i. i. 117, ff.
With the Jews, their earthly expectations of the Messiah always presented a special obstacle to Christianity.  When the
Christians not only took into their society the Samaritans, but
when Paul admitted the very heathen into it, without requiring.of them circumcision, the fact appeared to the Jews to afford
sufficient proof that the confessors of Christ could not be followers of a true 5Messiah; and Christianity now appeared to them
only a form. of Judaism profaned by a mutilated impartation of
it to the heathen, as is expressed even in the appellation of the
Christians, a'nl., which originated, perhaps, somewhat later.
On this account Paul and his disciples were most violently hated:by the Palestinian Jews (Gal. v. 11, Rom. xv. 31), who could
even spread the report concerning him, that he had introduced
heathen into the temple, the uproar arising from which caused
his imprisonment (Acts xxi. 27, if.). Among the Hellenistic
Jews Paul found once and again much susceptibility of mind in
relation to Christianity, as in Bereca (Acts xvii. 11, 12), Ephe.
suts (xviii. 19, 20), and Rorne (xxviii. 17).  In other places
these very Jews were his most dangerous enemies, as in Thessalonica (xvii. 5, if.), and Corinth (xviii. 12, ff.), partly from
the usual national prejudice, and partly, also, perhaps, from
fear lest the publication of their Messianic hopes might injure
them in the eyes of the Romans (Acts xvii. 6-8).
In addition to the inward power of Christian truth on the
human spirit, the miraculous origin of Christianity and the prevailing inclination to foreign superstitions, influenced the heathen
in its favor. On the contrary, with the higher classes, and especially the philosophers (1 Cor. i. 18, if.), its Jewish origin,
the simple form in which it appeared (Acts xvii. 18, if.), and
the doctrine of the resurrection of the body;(. c. 32) hindered
its reception.  -Christianity was looked upon at this time by the




84                   FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
heathen  only  as a Jewish  sect,' an  opinion  wlhieah from   many
indeed may have drawn upon it contempt, but which secured
for it, notwithstanding, the protection  of the  civil government
(Acts  xviii. 12, ff.); for now, the  Christian  societies, like the
Jewish, passed for Sodalitia licita (comp. ~ 12).   The circumstance that even some heathens were drawn away fiom  their
own religion by means of these communities, served, indeed, to
raise complaints against them (Acts. xvi. 20, if.; xvii. 18);.
these, however, were  generally  overlooked by the Roman  magistrates, just as the  circumstance  of many  heathens becoming
vroselytes of the gate had been formerly passed over, since, amid
the general inclination to foreign superstitions,2 the old religious
laws were not strictly  enforced.   When  Claudius-, on  account
of a  dispute  between  the  believing  and  unbelieving  Jews  at'
Rome, expelled both parties from the city, this act can not naturally  be reckoned  a persecution  of the  Christians.3    As little
were the Christians persecuted  on  account of their religion  by
Nero, when, to turn  from  himself the suspicion  of setting  fire
to  the city, he gave up the despised sectaries to all kinds of torture  (64).4   Probably  the  Neronian  persecution  was  confined
to Rome,5 though it appears to have contirnued with some interI J. G. Kraft proluss. ii. de nascenti Christi ecclesia sectae judaicae nomine tuta. Erlang. 1771-72.-J. H. Ph. Seidenstiicler diss. de Christianis ad Trajanulm  nsque a Caesaribus et Senatu Romano pro cultoribus religionis Mosaicae semper habitis. Helmst. 1790.
2 WVhel Tertullian relates that Tiberius wished Christ to de admitted among the
Roman deities (Apologeticus, c. 5: Detulit ad Senatum  cum pracrogativa. suffragii suio
Seiatus,quia non ipse probaverat, respuit. Caesar in sententia mlansit comminatus periculum accusatoribus Christianorumn), this is in contradiction to the Roman spirit,. the character of Tiberius (Sueton. Tiber. c. 36: Externas ceremonias, Aegyptios Judaicosque ritus
compescuit. C. 69: Circa deos ac religiones negligentior: quippe addictus mnathematicae,
plenusque persuasionis, cuncta fato agi), and the historical relations; while the silence
of the Roman historians in regard to it would be inexplicable. The less credit is to be
given to Tertullian's single testimony, inasmuch as he falsely ascribes to his cotemporary
Marcus Aurelius, partiality for the Christians, in a passage subsequent to the one in which
he speaks of Tiberius. Yet the account is defended by J. W. T. Braun de Tiberii Christumr
in Deorum numerum referendi consilio comm. Bonnae. 1834. 8.
3 Sueton. in Claudio, c. 25: Judaeos imlpulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantes PRoma
expulit, cf. Act. xviii. 2. A play on the word, Xplcr6f, Xpyar6-f, sometimes used by the
Christians (Justin. Apol. maj. p. 45. Athenag. Leg. 281, 282), sometimes declined (Tertull.
Apolog. 3: perperam Chrestianus pronuntiatur a vobis). Comp. the programm. of Ammon,
1803: Illustratur locus Suetonii de Judaeis imp. Chr. ass. tum. Credner's Einl. in d. N. T.
i. ii. 380.
4 Tacit. Ann. xv. 44. Sueton. Nero, c. 16.
5 First extended to the provinces also by Orosius, vii. 7, whose opinion gained the
assent of many till H. Dodwell in dissertt. Cyprianicaruin (Oxon. 1684. 8.), dissert. xi. de
paucitate martyrum, ~ 13, proved. the opposite. Yet Theod. Ruinart in praefat. ad acta




CHAP.. II.-APOST. AGE TO A.D. 70. ~ 29. INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT. 85
ruptions till the death of the tyrant (Peter and Paul suffered
under him).6
~ 29.
INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY.
The  assembly  of the  apostles and  church  at Jerusalem   had
allowed the Gentile Christians to neglect the Mosaic law, but in
so  doing  they  had  tacitly  recognized  its binding  force  on  the
posterity  of Abraham.   Since, therefore,  on  this  account the
Jewish  Christians must have avoided  intimate  intercourse with
the  Gentile  Christians, for the sake  of Levitical purity;  and
since the one party  looked  upon Ja.T es, the Lord's brother, and
on  Petelr, as their leaders, while  the  other took  Paull for their
head  (Gal. ii. 9), a certain  wall of partition  necessarily  stood
between  them, and  perfect incorporation  into  one  brotherhood
was impossible.   This must have been first felt in many churches
gathered from among Jews and Gentiles by Paul out of Palestine (Gal. ii. 11, ff.).   The very circurmstance, however, contribMartyr. sincera, ~ 3, still defended.the opinion of Orosius. The inscription pretending to
have been found in Spain or Portugal: Neroni ob provinciam latronibus et his qui novam
generi humano supersti'tionem inculcabant, purgatam  (Jan. Gruteri inscriptt. t. i. p. 238,
a. 9), is spurious, and was forged perhaps by Cyriaeus of Ancona. See Ferreras histoire
d'Espagne, i. 192. Defended by J. E. J. VWalch persecutionis Christianoruma  Neronianae
in Hispania ex ant. monuanentis probandae uberior explanatio. Jenae. 1753. 4. But
compare especially the epistola Hagenbuchii, p. 31-60, there given.
6 Since the Christians constantly expected Antichrist, as the forerunner of Christ, to be
near at hand, it is not to be wondered at that Nero, during his persecution, should appear
to them as Antichrist, and that they entertained tile opinion after his death that he had
not actually died, but should soon return again to undertake a final persecution. Hence
the Apocalypse (written about 69) xiii. 3; xvii.. 10, 11, and the Sybilline oracles, iv. 116
(which verses, according to Bleek in Schleiermacher's, De Wette's, and Lileke's theol.
Zeitschrift, i. 244, were composed about the yeal 80 A.D.) That the like report among
tlhe heathen originated in that sentiment of the Christians, is at once apparent from the
form of it, comp.,Sueton. Nero, c. 40: Praedictum a mathematicis Neroni olim erat, fore,
ut quandoque destitueretur.  Spoponderant tamen quidamn destituto Orientis dominationem, nonnulli nominatimn regnum Hierosolymorum. Hence the Pseudoneronen. Sueton.
I. c. c. 57. Tacit. Hist. ii. 8. Dio Cassius, lxiv. 10. Among the Christians that expectation survived for several centuries. Lactant. de Morte persecut. c. 2. Sulpic. Sever.:Hist. sacr. ii. 28, ~ 1, 29, 5 6, dial. ii. c. 14. Hieronym. in Daniel xi. 28, in Esaiam xvii.
13, ad Algasialm, qu. xi., and it was believed that Paul referred to Nero in 2 Thess.. ii. 7.
Chrysostonm., Theodoret, Theophyl., and Oecumen. on this passage. Augustin. de civ. Dei,
xx. c. 19. Compare Corodi's krit. Gesch. d. Chiliasmus, ii. 309.. Liicke's Einl. in d.
Offenbh.. Jolssnis,.S.. 248. Crediner's Eilll. in d. N. T. i. ii. 704.




S GQ             FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.Di. I-lI7.
uted in no small degree, to lead that apostle to a more spiritual
development of Christianity and one freer from  the national
prejudices of the Jews.'  He attained, accordingly, to the inward perception of the truth, that spiritual communion with
God by faith in Christ alone constitutes the essence of Christianity. In this conviction, he was not afraid to overstep those
rules of the council at Jerusalem in a twofold manner, both by
declaring the obligation of the Jews to observe the Mosaic law
invalid (Romans vii. 1, fif.; 1 Cor. ix. 20, 21; Gal. ii. 15, ff.),
since he regarded  that law  merely as preparatory to Christ
(Gal. iii. 24); and also by denying the absolute binding force
of the laws regarding food given to the Gentile Christians
(1 Cor. viii. 10, 23, if.), while with reference to all such external institutes he merely required some regard for the consciences of weaker brethren, and practiced himself such forbearance (1 Cor. viii. 9, fif.; x. 32; Acts xxi. 26).  The other
national prejudice of the Jewish Christians, viz. carnal millennarianism, likewise disappeared flom his mind along with an
overweening estimate of the Mosaic law.  I-e thought, indeed,
of the return of Jesus as near at hand (Phil. iv. 5), but he expected the triumph  of God's kingdom  in a state above the
earthly (1 Thess. iv. 16, 17; 2 Cor. v. 1, 2).  Christ himself
was conceived of by Paul, who had seen him  in the clouds of
heaven, more in his spiritual and divine aspect; while the Jewish apostles, in consequence of the personal intercourse with him
which they had enjoyed, dwelt more on his human appearance.
The Palestinian Christians might have overlooked the new
development of doctrine, inasmuch as they had been accustomed
to much more important doctrinal differences springing up in
Judaism, without forfeiting the privileges of ecclesiastical fellowship. On the other hand, they attributed to Paul's loose view
of the law, by which he drew away so many Jews from the observance of its precepts, in the Gentile-Christian churches, so
much the greater mischief, because the other apostles conformed
to the stricter view (Acts xxi. 20, if.).  Nor, on the other side,
could the Palestinian appear to the Pauline Christians in any
1 G. W. Meyer Entwickelung des Paulin. LehrbegrifFs. Altona. 1801. (J. G. F. Leunl'
reine Auffassung des Urchristenthulns in denl Paulin. Briefen. Leipzig. 1803. L. Usterl
Entwickelung des Paul. Lehrbegriff's. Zarich. 1832. 4te Anufl. Neander apost. K. ii. 50-3
A. F. Dahne Entwickelung des Paulin. Lehrbeg.iffs. Halle. 1835. 8,




CHAP. II.-APOST. AGE TO A.D.'ir ~ 29. INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT. 87
other light than as obtuse j):?'sns, who had not at all penetrated
into the essence of Christ'ialtfy (Heb. v. 11, 12).
The difference betwer.en,ce two parties is still more strongly
manifested  in the, aberratlonj  into  which  individuals fell from
the respective pr0oiticns of the parties.  Among the Jewish Christians,2  a  Bpaxty  alwa)ys corntinued, who  asserted  the  absolutely-binding  naare,  of the  Mosaic  law  in  relation  to  the  Gentiles. By this means many belonging to Gentile-Christian
churches were led  astray, so that Paul felt the  necessity  of
combating the error (Ep. to the Galatians; Phil. iii. 2).   And
when persecutions befell the Christians in Palestine, shortly before the destruction  of Jerusalem, many of them  were on the
point of falling away entirely from  Christianity (Hebrews vi. 4,
ff.; x. 25, if.),3 having been rendered impatient, partly by the
long-continued disappointment of their millenarian expectations,
partly because they could not decide upon a complete separation
from  Judaism, such as now  appeared necessary.
Amon~  the  Gentile  Christians, on  the  contrary, philosophy
early began  to  mingle itself with  Christianity.  As far as we
know, Apollos, a cultivated  Alexandrian  Jew, was  the  first
who looked at Christianity from a more speculative point of
view, and first preached it in this form  with great eloquence at
Corinth.4 Little as he desired to appear in an antagonist position to Paul, the latter declined in reputation, notwithstanding,
among  many  of the  Corinthians, and  divisions  arose  in  the
church (1 Cor. i.-iv.).5   Paul wishes to leave it to time to disclose the  value of such a philosophical system   erected  on the
foundation of Christian faith (1 Cor. iii. 11, ff.); but he blames
the divisions occasioned by it, agreeably to his manner of inculcating toleration even in regard to errors, provided they be not
practically scandalous or claim for themselves exclusive adoption
(Rom. xiv. 1, if.). Afterward, however, there appeared among
2 Dav. van Heyst diss. de Judaeo-Christianismo ejusque vi et efficacitate, quam exseruit
in rem christianam saec. priimo. Lugd. Bat. 1828. 8. C. E. Scharling de Paulo Apostolo
ejusque adversariis. Havniae. 1836. 8.
3 Brief a. d. Hebrler erlfiutert v. F. Bleek, i. 60, if.  4 Bleek, 1. c. p. 423, ff.
5 Comp., in addition to the commentators, Baur on the Christ-party, in the Tibingen
Zeitschr. fir Theol. 1831, iv. 83. Comp. 1836, iv. Neander's apost. Kirche, i. 292. Dan.
Schenkel de ecclesia Corinthiaca prirnaeva factionibus turbata. Basil. 1838. 8. A. F.
D'hne die Christuspartei in d. apost. Kirche zu Korinth. Halle. 1841. 8. Die Partei
ungen in d. Gem. zu Korinth, v. F. Becker. Altona. 1842. 8. Th. F. Kniewel ecclesiae
Corinthiiorun vetustissimae dissensiones. Gedani. 1842. 4. [Eclectic Review, May, 18461].




88                    FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
the  Gentile  Christians actual errors, and  those, too, of an  iras
portant moral bearing, which Paul was obliged to combat with
all his might.
The  Christians  considered  themselves, in  opposition  to  the
rest of the world  (6 Ic6 cfoc,  6 a1ov orog, under the  tcoa1otccpTmp,
Eph. vi. 12, the  OebgC -oi alwovof Totoov, 2  Cor. iv. 4) hastening
in their perversity to destruction, a chosen people dedicated to
God, aytot,6  EtXesroi, 0rXp-oi.   In these appellations there was no
claim  to moral perfection, but a remembrance of their high  calling in Christ.   Though it is certain that Christianity in its first
beginning  imparted  spiritual enlightenment to  niany  of its adherents, and transformed them   in a moral view, yet it could so
much the less purify them all from the imperfections of the education belonging to their nation  and time, because it is certain
that many of them had been led to embrace it by superstitious
or other interested motives.7 This explains the reason why
Paul found that he had continually to contend with even gross
vices  among  the  Gentile  Christians, particularly   at  Corinth
(1 Cor. v. 6), and ill Crete (Titus i. 10, if.); why James saw
himself obliged to condemn the moral abuse of the Pauline doctrine relative to the power of faith, as that alone which brings
salvation (Ep. of James); and why the Apocalypse (written 69
a.D.) denounces seducers in  Pergamus (the Nicolaitanes),8 who
6 As the later Jews E]'_'j0 -D0  Dan. viii. 24, cf. vii. 18, ss.
7 One-sided laudatory descriptions are given in William Cave's Primitive Christianity,
or the religion of the ancient Christians in the first ages of the gospel, ed. 5. Lend. 1689
(translated into German by Frauendorf, Leipz. 1694 and 1723. 8), and Gottfr. Arnold's
erste Liebe, d. i. wahre Abbildung der ersten Christen. Frankf. 1696. fol. Leipz. 1732.
4. Sometimes unjust to the Christians, but otherwise worth reading, is L. A. Paetz
comm. de vi, quam religio christ. per iii. priora saecula ad hominum  animos, mores, ac
vitam habuit. Gotting. 1799. 4. Comp. A. Neander das christl. Leben der drei ersten
JahlrhundeTte, in his Denkwiirdigkeiten aus d. Gesch. des Christenth. Bd. 1. Berlin. 1823.
J. G. Stickel et C. F. Bogenhard biga commentationum de morali primaevorum Christianorum conditione. Neostad. ad Orlam. 1826. 8.
8 Apoc. ii. 6, 14, 15. Those who icparo~vres T7v dztdaXv Bobad'a (cf. Numb. xxxi. 16,
and those who Kparogvref r~v di6aXzv rv  NulcoXtloaZrv are the same.  Dc': is derived from DMy;7.   even among the Rabbins. Baxtorf. Lex. talmud. p. 314, to which
corresponds vtlcv rTv Xua6v. So first Chr. A. Heumann in Actis erudit. an. 1712, p. 179.
Ejusd. Poecile, ii. 392. Mionscher in Gabler's Journal fiur theol. Liter. v. 17. Eichhorm
and Ewald in their commentaries on Apoc. ii. 6. Hence the appellation Nicolaitanes was
not the common name for a sect, but one invented by the Apocalyptic writer. As the
names of sects were usually formed after the name of the founder, the fathers thought
of Nicolaus, Acts vi. 5, who, according to Irenaeus, i. 26, iii. 11, and Tertullian de Praescr.
haer. c. 46, is said to have been the founder of the party; but according to Clemens Alex.
Strom. ii. p. 490, iii. p. 522, he was merely the unconscious cause of the appellation oi




CHAP. II.-APOST. AGE TO A.D. 70. ~ 29. INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT. 89
paid no regard to the regulations respecting food enjoined  on the
Gentile Christians, nor even to the prohibition of lewdness (Acts
xv. 29). But after a philosophical treatment of Christianity
had vrocured friends in many churches of the Gentile Christians,
the  superstitious philosophy  of the  times also  speedily crept in
among the Christians, first of all, as it would  appear, in  Asia
Minor,  and  threatened  morality  with  still greater  danger by
recommending chimerical, mysterious doctrines, and an arbitrary
asceticism, as the true mode of purifying the soul. Against
such  errorists as united  a Jewish-heathen  asceticism  with  a peculiar philosophy, Paul had first to warn the Colossians (Col. ii.
8, 16, if.).9 The same tendency spread itself as far as Ephesus,
where it manifested itself in high-flying speculations, in prohibitions  of marriage  and  meats  (1  Tim. i. 5-7;  iv. 3, 7;  vi.
20), and manifestly  contributed to the immorality of that place
(2  Tim. iii. 6).   The attempt, also, of Hymeneus and Philetus
to explain spiritually (2 Tim. ii. 18) the doctrine of the resurrection of the body, so offensive to the heathen (1 Thessal. iv.
13, ff.;  1 Cor. xv. 12, 35, if.), an attempt that proceeded from
the same tendency, was not destitute of a moral influence at
this time, when the doctrine was most intimately connected with
that of retribution.'0    That Paul did  not reject philosophy  as
such, he has proved in his conduet toward Apollos; the philosopyit  against which he warns his readers (Col.. ii. 8) is that science; falsely  so called (1  Tim. vi. 20) which, as Paul had  beaccount of his words which were misunderstood by others, O8rt rapaxpiaaacOal rv, aapti
dei. (lrapacpacOa1 is, 1. to abuse, used particularly, according to Suidas de concubitu
fimmodico; 2. equiv. to dtaxpiiOat, to put to death, as Justin. Apol. maj. c. 49.)
Mattll. Schneckenburger iiber die Irrlehrer zu Coloss/i, annexed to his treatise Ueber
das Alter der jiid. Proselytentaufe. Berlin. 1828. 8. S. 187, ff. The same author's Beitrage
zur Einl. ins N. T. Stuttgart. 1832. S. 146. The samle author's B3emerkungen iiber die
Irrlehrer zu Colossi, theol. Studien. u. Krit. 1832, iv. 841. Neander apost. K. i. 474. F.
H. Rheinwald de pseudodoctoribus. Bonnae. 1834. 4. Osiander fiber die colossisclen Irrlehrer, in the Tiibingen Zeitschrift f. Theol. 1834, iii. 96.  [Eclectic Review, March 1845.]
10 That consciousness and feeling could not be conceived of apart from bodies, was a very
commol notion of antiquity. Comp. the Epicurean Vellejus in Cic. de Nat. deor. ii. c. 12:
Quod (Plato) sine corpore ullo Deum vult esse-id quale esse possit, intelligi non potest.
Careat enim sensu necesse est, careat etiam prudentia, careat voluptate. The heathen
Caecilius in Minucius Felix, c. 11, says: Vellem tamesn sciscitari, utrumne sine corpore
an cum corporibus, et corporibus quibus, ipsisne an innovatis, resurgatur? Sine corpore?
hoc, quod sciam, neque mllens, neque ani r a, nec vita est. Ipso corpore? sed jam ante dilapsum est. Alio corpore? ergo bomo novus nascitur, non prior ille reparatur. Justini dial. c.
Tryph. c. 1: (1raOOC yap rb ac(3/aro OY. Tertulliani Apologeticus, c. 48: Ideo repraesentabunter et corpora, quia neque pati quicquam potest anima sola sine stabili materia,
i. e., carme caet.




90                   FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
fore anticipated, was only the first beginning  of still greater errors, of the later gnostic reveries (2 Tim. iii. 1, ff.)."
In  strong  relief to  these  defects  of the  time, the  brotherly
love, the benevolence (2 Cor. viii. 1, ff.; Heb. vi. 10; xiii. 1, if.),
the patient endurance of the hostility of the unbelieving (Phil. i.
29;  1 Thess. i. 6; ii. 14;  2  Thess. i. 4, if.;  Heb. x. 32, if.),
and the holy zeal for Christianity, form  the bright part of the
picture presented by the first Christians.  The church at Philippi,
in its tender attachment to the apostle Paul, appears to us particularly attractive.   (Cornp. the Ep. to the Philippians.)
~ 30.
CONSTITUTION OF THE CHURCH.
Die Anf. d. christl. Kirche u. ibrer Verfassung von R. Rothe. Bd. i. WVittenb.1837. S. 141.
The new  churches out of Palestine  formed themselves after
the pattern of the mother church in Jerusalem. Their presidents were thMe elder's (7rpe8oSrepot, ir7tauo7rot),' offcially of equal
11 The traces of Gnosis in the N.T. are exaggerated, particularly by Heunr. Hammond
diss. de Antichristo (in his diss. iv. quibus episcopatls jura adstruuntur. Lond. 1651), and
in his Annot. ad N. T. (lat. per J. Clericum. Amst. 1698, fol.) But, on the other side, C.
Chr. Tittmann (tract. de vestigiis Gnosticorum in N. T. firustra quaesitis. Lips. 1773. 8),
goes too far. Comp. Job. Horn fiber die bibliscbe Gnosis. Hannover. 1805. 8.
1 That both appellations are the same follows from Acts xx. 17, 28; Tit. i. 5, 7; Phil. i. 1;
1 Tim. iii. 1, 8. Achnowledged by Hieronymus Epist 82, (al. 83) ad Oceanum: Apud veteres iidem episcopi et presbyteri, quia illnd nomen dignitatis est, hoc aetatis. Epist. 101,
ad Evangelum see below, ~ 34, note 2.-Idem  ad Tit. i. 7: Idem est ergo presbyter, qui
episcopus: et antequam diaboli instinctU studia in religione fierent, et diceretur in populis: ego sum Pauli, ego Apollo, ego autem Cephae, communi presbyterorum consilio ecclesiae gubernabantur. Postquam vero unusquisque cos, quos baptizaverat, sues putabat
esse, non Christi; in toteo orbe decretum est, ut unus de presbyteris electus superponeretur caeteris, ad quem omnis ecclesiae cura pertineret, et schismatum semina tollerentur.
Putat aliquis non scripturarum, sed nostram esse sententiam, episcopum et presbytermun
unum esse, et aliud aetatis, aliud esse nomen ocffiii: relegat apostoli ad Philippenses verba,
dicentis. Here follow the above cited passages; then: Haec propterea, ut ostenderemus
apud veteres eosdem fuisse presbyteros, quos et episcopos: paulatim vero ut dissensionum
plantaria evellerentur, ad unum omnem sollicitudinem esse delatam. Sicut ergo presbyteri
sciunt, se ex ecclesiae consuetudine ei, qui sibi praepositus fuerit, esse subjectos: ita
episcopi noverint se magis consuetudine, quami dispositionis dominicac veritate, presbyteris
esse majores, et in commune debere eccelesiam regere. Augustini Epist. 82, ad Hieron. c.
33: Quamquam secundum  bonoa-nm vocabula, quae jam ecclesiae usus obtinuit, episcopatus presbyterio major sit: tamen in multis rebus Augustinus Hieronymo minor est. Cf.
Chrysostomi Hoemn. i. in Ep. ad Philipp.  Theodoret. comm. in Philipp. i. 1. Itis remarkable how long afterward persons maintained this view of the original identity of bishops
and presbyters. Isidorus Hispal. Etymol. vii. c. 12, transcribes that passage from Hieron.
lSpist. ad Oceanum, Bernaldus Constantiensis (about 1088) the mlost zealous defender of




CHAP. II.-APOSTOLIC AGE TO A.D. 70.L ~ 30. CONSTITUTIONI.    391
ralk, although, in many churches, individuals among them had
a personal authority  over the  others.2    Under the  superintendGregory VII. appeals on this subject, in his de presbyterorum officio tract. (in monumentortom res Allemannolrm  illustrantt. S. Bias. 1792. 4. t. ii. p. 384, ss.), to the New Testament and Jerome, and then continues: Quum igitur presbyteri et episcopi antiquitus
idem fuisse legantur, etiam eandem ligandi atque solvendi potestatem et alia nunc episcopis specialiahabuisse non dubitantur. Postquam auteml presbyteri ab episcopali excellentia
colibiti sunt, coepit eis non licere, quod licuit, videlicet quod ecclesiastica auctoritas solis
pontificibus exequendum delegavit. Even a pope, Urbanus II., in Conec. Benevent. ann.
1091, can. 1: Sacros autem ordines dicimus diaconatum et presbyteratum. Hos siquidem
solos primitiva legitur ecclesia habuisse:super his solum praeceptum habellmus apostoli
(pretty nearly the same words are found in Petri Lomb. Sentent. lib. iv. dist. 24, c. 8),
Hence even Gratian receives the above passages of Jerome ad Tit. i. (dist. xcv. c. 5),
epist. ad Evangel. (dist. xciii. c. 24) u. Isidori Hisp. (dist. xxi. c. 1) without scruple. The
saine view is maintained by the Glossa ad Gratiani decret. dist. xciii. c. 24, Cardinalis
S. Marci at the Costnit. Concilium 1414 (v. d. Hardt. Concil. Const. ii. 228), Nicolaus
Tudeschus, archiepiscop. Painormitanus (about 1428) super prima parte Primi cap. 5
(edit. Lugdun. 1547. fbl. 112, b.: Olini Presbyteri in commune regebant ecclesiam
et ordinabkint sacerdotes), Nicolaus Cusanus (about 1435) de Concordantia cath. lib.. iii. c. 2,
(in Schardii syntagma tractatuuim, p. 358), where he remarks, in opposition to the genuineness of the Pseudo-Isidore letters of Clement: Invenitur miasuper in ipsis epistolis de
episcoporum a sacerdotibus differentia, quae longo tempore post hoc, -t Hieronymo placet
et Damllaso, in ecclesia orta est. Even tle papal canonist Jo. Paul Lalcelottus, in his Institatt. juris canon. lib. i. tit. 21, ~ 3, unfolds the samne view (1563) with a sunt, qui affirment.
without adding any thing in refutation of it. Since no value was set, daring the middle
ages, on the distinction between the institutio divina and ecclesiastica, a distinction on
which modern Catholics insist, that view could not disturb ecclesiastical practice.  But
after the Council of Trent, sess. xxiii. (July, 1563) cap. 4, had declared, episcopos, qui
in apostolorum locum successerunt,-positos-a spiritu sancto, regere ecclesiamn Dei, eosque
presbyteris superiores esse etc., the old view became suspicious. altbough the council did
not expressly or definitely maintain the institutio divina. IMichael de Medina (about 15,7)
de Orig. sacr. bomin. did not hesitate to declare, illos patres uateriales fuisse haereticos, sed
in his patribus ob eoruom reverentiam  hoc dogma nosn esse damnatum. But Bellarmins de
Clericis, lib. i. c. 15, calls this sententiam valde inconsideratam, and would rather resort to
the expedient of an interpretation.  Although, afterwar'd, among Catholic theologians,
Edmiundus Richerius (Defensio libelli de eccles. et polit. potest, t. ii. p. 52, ss.) defended the
view of Jerome, and John Morin (de sacris ecclesiae ordinationibus, p. iii. Exerc. iii. c. 3)
at least asserted, that the opinion was not heretical, episcopos non jure divino esse presbyteris superiores; yet, since the Tridentine council, the institutio divina of episcopacy,
and its original distinction from presbyteratus became the general doctrine of the Catholic
church, which the English Episcopalians also followed in this particular, while the other
Protestant churches returned to the most ancient doctrine and regulation on the subject.
The first leading works in favor of the modern Catholic view are Petavii de Ecclesiastica
hierarchia, libb. v. and dissertatt. theologic. lib. i. in his Theolog. dognlat. tonl. iv. p. 164.
On the other side, Walonis Messalini (Claud. Salmasii) diss. de episcopis et presbyteris.
Lugd. Bat. 1641. 8. Dav. BlondelTi apologia pro sententia IHieronymi de episcopis et
presbyteris. Amstelod. 1646. 4. Against these H. Hamimond wrote dissert. iv. quibus
episcopatus jura ex sacra scriptura et prima antiquitate adstruunter. Lound. 1651. The
controversy was still continued; on the side of the Episcopalians by Jo. Pearson, William
Beveridge, Henr. Dodwell, Jos. Bingham, Jac. Usserius. The view of the Presbyterians
was defended by Jo. Dallaeus, Camp. Vitringa; also the Lutherans, Joach. Hildebrand,
Just. Henn. Boehmer, Jo. Franc. Buddeus, Christ. Matth. Pfaff, &c. Jo. Phil. Gabler de epis.
copis primae ecclesiae Christ. eorumque origine diss. Jenae. 1805, 4. HRothe's Anf. d.
christl. Kirche, i. 171.
3 So Epaphras appears to have had a certain superiority for a length of tie- in. Colosss




92                    FIlST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
ence of these  elders were  the  deacons  and  deaconesses (Rom.
xvi. 1; 1 Tim. v. 9, 10).3 All these officers received their
support, in so far as they needed, as well as the poor, from  the
free-will contributions of the church  (1  Tim. v. 17;  1 Cor. ix.
13).   The duty  of teaching  as an  office was by no means ineumbent on the elders,4  although  the  apostle wishes that they
should be dtdatc-ucoi, apt to teach  (1 Tim. iii. 2; 2 Tim. ii. 24).
The capacity for instructing  and edifying in the assemblies was
rather considered as a free gift of the Spirit (Xdgpata 7rvsvrartlc6v),
which manifested itself in many Christians, although in different
modes (rrpoqriljrI-tdta6caof —ykoaii,aXv, 1 Cor. xii. 28-31,
c. xiv.).   Still less was a distinct priestly order known  at this
time; for the whole society of Christians formed a royal priesthood
O(aai~ etov iEparevlia, 1 Peter ii. 9), God's peculiar people (riXpog,;nbn, 1 Peter v. 3;  cf. Deut. iv. 20;  ix. 29).5    The Christians
met in private houses; in many cities the churches were divided
into  several smaller communities  meeting  in  different places.6
(Col. i. 7, iv. 12); then Archippus, supported by the reputation of his father Philemon (Col,
iv. 17; Philemon i. 2). Comp. the aQOvyoS yvajctog, Phil. iv. 3.
3 Respecting Deaconesses see Rothe, i. 243.
4 Against the division into presbyteros docentes and regentes (first made by Calvin. Institutt. christ. relig. lib. iv. c. 3, ~ 8: verbi ministros s. episcopos and gubernatores s. seniores ex plebe delectos-afterward made a part of the constitution of the Presbyterian
church) see Vitringa de Synag. vetere, lib. ii. c. 2. Neander apost. Kirche, i. 186. Rothe,
i. 221.
s Tertullianus de Exhort. castit. c. 7: Differentiam inter ordinem et plebem constituit
ecclesiae auctoritas. Ambrosiaster (Hilarius Diaconus), about 380, in comment. ad Ephes.
iv. 11: Primnum omnes docebant et omnes baptizabant, quibuscunque diebus vel temporibus fuisset occasio; nec enim Philippus tempus quaesivit aut diem, quo ennuchum baptizaret neque jejunium  interposuit.-Ut ergo cresceret plebs et multiplicaretur, omnibus inter
initia concessum est et evanigelizare et baptizare et scripturas in ecclesia explanare. At
ubi oumnia loca complexa est ecclesia, conventicula constituta sunt, et caetera officia in ecclesiis sunt ordinata, ut nullus de clericis [perhaps ceteris] auderet, qui ordinatus non esset,
praesumereoflicium quo(lsciret non sibi creditum vel concessum. Et coepit alio ordine
et providentia gubernari ecclesia, quia si omnnes eademn possent, irrationabile esset, et
vulgaris res et vilissima videretur. Hine ergo est, nnde nune neque diaconi in populo
praedicant, neque clerici vel laici baptizant, neque quocunque die credentes tinguntur,
nisi aegri.  Ideo non per omnia conveniunt scripta apostoli ordinationi, quae nune in
ecclesia est;, quia haec inter primordia sunt scripta.
6 &eclcckioat ta-r' ohlcov, Rom. xvi. 5; 1 Cor. xvi. 19; Philem. ver. 2; Col. iv. 15. N. Chr.
Kist ifiber den Ursprung der bischifl. Gewalt, (aus d. Archief voor Kerkerlijke Geschiedenis,
Deel. 2, translated into German in Illgen's Zeitschrift -fir die hist. Theol. ii. 2, 54), thinks
that these churches in houses, belonging to one town, were established by different teachers, and without a common government. Baur (Pastoralbriefe, S. 78, if.) infers from Titus
i. 5, that every church had but one elder, and that where several elders are represented as
being in one city each governed independently a particular church. The analogy of the
synagogue, however is in favor of thle plurality of elders in a church; for the connection of
the elders of one city into a college, and, consequently, of the churches in houses into one




CHAP. II.-APOSTOLIC AGE TO A.D. 70. ~ 30. CONISTITUTION.   93
In their assemblies, there was an interchange of reading out of
the Old Testament, explanation of what was read, free discourse,
singing,7 and prayer (Col. iii. 16; 1 Tim. iv. 13).  Trhe:letters
of Paul also were read, and sent from   one  church  to another
(Col. iv. 16;  1 Thess. v. 27).   The covenant-supper of Jesus
was solemnized in  an  actual evening  meal (adyira7, 1 Cor. xvi.
20).8    The kiss of charity was customary-the token of brotherly  love in  the assemblies ([Xryqa  da'ya-r,;  ~T~ty[a aytov, Rom.
xvi. 1.6;  1 Pet. v. 14).   The other regulations of the churches
were left free to each society, innocent national customs being
observed (1 Cor. xi. 4); and therefore they differed in separate
communities.   While  the  Jewish  Christians  of Palestine  retained the entire. Mosaic law, and consequently  the Jewish  festivals, the  Gentile  Christians -observed  also  the  Sabbath  and
the passover (1 Cor. v. 6-8), with  reference to the last scenes
of Jesus' life, but without Jewish  superstition  (Gal. iv. 10;
Col. ii. 16).   In addition to these, Sunday, as the day of Christ's
resurrection (Acts xx. 7;  1 Cor. xvi. 2;  Apoe. i. 10, ) Kmvpltaici?71  pa'), was devoted to religious services.   All bodily asceticism
was valued only as a means of virtue, and left to the free discretion of individuals.   Thus, fasting was looked upon as a suitable preparation for prayer (Acts xiii. 2, 3; xiv. 23);  celibacy
was regarded  by Paul desirable on  account of the distressing
times impending (1 Cor. vii. 26); but this very apostle requires
that all these abstinences  should  be left to  the free choice of
every one  (Romans xiv. 17;  1  Cor. viii. 7;  1  Tim. iv. 3).
Immoral members were excluded  from  the church  (1  Cor. v. 213), repentance and improvement forming the conditions of restoration (2 Cor. ii. 5-8).
church, (even if every house-church, as every synagogue, had its particular elders), those
passages'speak in which the collected elders of one city appear and act as a united whole.
Comp. Acts xv. 4, xx. 7; Phil. i. 1; James v. 14. Comp. Rothe, i. 180, fI:
7 On the nature of the singing see Tsidor. Hispal. de eccles. offic. i. 5: Primitiva ecclesia
ita psallebat, ut modico flexu vocis faceret psallenteml resonare, ita ut pronuntianti vicinior
esset quam. canenti (out of Augustini Confess. X. xxxiii. 2: [Alexandrinus. episcopus
Athanasius] tam modico flexu vocis faciebat sonare lectorem psalmi, ut proulntianti vicinior esset quam canenti).
s J. Th. Fr. Drescher de veterum Christian. agapis. Giessae. 1824. 8.
9 These passages furnish valid proof, when taken in connection with the fact, that the
observance of Sunday is presupposed as an established custom, in Epist. Barnab. c. 15:'A8yoyev  rv y1 tpav r v      iyd6v e ekr6 pocsvywv, Ev,' Icat 6'Irlyoo  acv7a-rr1 Elc veIcpCv Kic
eavepOcEi  d4vef37 Ei; robg oeVpavoec. Cf. C. Chr. L. Franke de diei dominici apud veteres
Christianos celebratione comm. Halae. 18-6. 8. Neander apost. K. i. 198.




94                FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D, 1-117.
The idea set forth by Christ of the union of his people with
himself, and with one another in one joint body (John x. 16;
xv. 1, if.), was kept alive by the apostles (atuta TOv XptaroV,
Romans xii. 5; 1 Cor. x. 17; xii. 13; Ephes. ii. 16; iv. 4;
xii,; xvi.; Col. iii. 15: 6tc;Ar?,ia, Acts ix. 31; xx. 28; 1 Cor.
x. 32; xii. 28; Ephes. iii. 10).10   This unity did not, indeed,
obtain, for a long time, the corresponding external form; but it
had an external opposition in the unbelieving, and an external
center-point in the apostles,'l who exercised a general survey
over all the churches (2 Cor. xi. 28), and were co-overseers in
every single church (avaU7rpE/30Vtrpot, I Peter v. 1).  As they
had themselves divided the large sphere of their activity by the
separation into apostles of the Jews and of the Gentiles (Gal.
ii. 7-9); so, again, did each one find in the churches he had
himself founded, his narrower field of labor (Romans xv. 20),
without, however, being prevented by this circumstance from
being zealous for Christianity in other churches also. The first
arrangement in the newly planted churches, even the appointment of elders in them, was made by the apostles themselves
(Acts xiv. 23). Afterward, the officers belonging to societies
of Christians were appointed by elders with the consent of the
churches."2 In the newly established churches, Paul was accustomed to transfer the first arrangement and superintendence
to one of his assistants (Acts xvii. 14; 1 Tim. i. 3, if.; Titus
i. 5, if.), who then had a routine of duties similar to those of
the later bishops, though not bound to any particular church."3
They belonged rather to the class of teachers who, without being
confined in one place, preached the gospel as opportunity offered
(evisyyetaora, 2 Tim. iv. 5).  James, the Lord's brother, occupied a peculiar position.  He stood in Jerusalem, where he continued to reside, at the head of the church, in equal esteem with
the apostles, and with extensive influence and reputation, quite
in the relation of a later bishop, but without the appellation.'l
1o Rotlhe, i. 282.
la Rothe, i. 302.:2 Clement of Rome, Epist. i. 44, says, that the presbyters were at first appointed
(Karraa(a0vEcg) by the apostles, afterward iO' &Epnov E?2oyuwv Jvdpdv, cvvevdoKacd-,
orf r Tf EKc;Otclia 7r71arlf, as according to Cyprian, Epist. 52, the bishop was chosen de
clericorum testimonio, de plebis suffragio.
13 Rothe, i. 305.'4 Gal. i. 19, ii. 12; Acts xii. 17, xv. 13, xxi. 18. (Comp. ~ 25, note 2. ~ 26, 6, note 4.)
Rothe, S. 264




CHAP. II.-APOST. AGE TO A.D. 70. ~ 31. JEWISH DISTURBANCES. 95
~ 31.
TIME  OF THE JEWISH  DISTURBANCES.
The Jewish  expectations of the Messiah had constantly been
most lively under the oppression of foreign rulers, and had expressed themselves among the Palestinian Jews in an Apocalyptic literature, shaped after the old Hebrew  prophecies, but far surpassing
these in definiteness and richness in imagery, viz.: the boole of cDaniell (under Antiochus Epiphanes); tMe book of Egnoc/2 (under Herod
the Great). The times of oppression, in like manner, before and
after the destruction  of Jerusalem, furnished new  nourishment
to such expectations (4th book of Ezra).3    Alexandrian Jews,
1 Bleek fiber Verf. u. Zweck des B. Daniel, a review of the inquiries made into these
points in the theol. Zeitschrift v. Schleiermacher, De Wette und Lficke, iii. 171. Against
Hengstenberg (die Authentie des Daniel u. die Integritftt des Sacharjah. Berlin. 1831)
and Hkvernick (Comm. fiber d. B. Daniel. Hamburg. 1832) comp. C. v. Lengerke d. B.
Daniel. K6nigsberg. 1835, Redepenning in the theol. Studien u. Krit. 1833, iii. 831,
1835, i. 163.
2 Preserved in an Ethiopic version first translated into English by R. Laurence.
Oxford, 3d edition, 1838. A. G. Hoffilann's Buch Henoch in vollstfmndiger (translated
from the English as far as the 55th chapter, the remainder from the Ethiopic) Uebersetzung,
mit Conlmentar, Einleitung und Excursen. 2 Abth. Jena. 1833, 38. 8vo. According to
Laurence, Hoffmann, i. 23, Gfrirer (Jahrhundert des Heils, i. 96) and Wieseler (die 70
Wochen und die 63 Jahrwochen des Proph. Daniel. Gottingen. 1839, S. 163), it belongs
to the first year of the reign of Herod the Great; according to Hoffmann's later opinion
(ii. Vorr. S. 11), to the conclusion of the Maccabean period. Luicke (Einl. in die Offenbar.
Johannis, S. 60) places it in the time of the Jewish war, probably after the destruction of
Jerusalem. So, in like manner, Credner (Einl. in d. N. T. i. ii. 712), in the time about
which the Apocalypse was written.  Unquestionably, Christian elements have been
pointed out by Licke (S. 75) in the book, which, however, came into it by means of a
later revision. [Kitto's Cyclopaedia of Biblical Literature, book of Enoch.]
3 The Greek original is lost. There are preserved an old Latin translation (in J. A.
Fabricii codex pseudepigraphus V. T. iii. 173), an Ethiopic (Primi Ezrae libri, qui apLud
Vulgatum appellatur quartus, versio aethiopica, nune primo in medium prolata, et latine
angliceque reddita a R. Laurence.  Oxon. 1820. 8), and a paraphrasing Arabic one
(translated into English in Whiston's Primitive Christianity, iv.; its variations are also
found in Fabricus, 1. c. On the book comp. Corodi's Krit. Gesch. des Chiliasmus, i. 179;
Liicke a. a. O. S. 78; Gfr6fer a. a. O. i. 69; Wieseler a. a. O. S. 206. Ch. J. van der
Vlis disp. crit. de Ezrae libro apocrypho, vulgo quarto dicto. Amstelod. 1839. 8. Laurence fixes the time of its writing between 28 and 25 B.c. Mick. Merkel (Vertnischte
Anmerkungen aus d. Philologie, Kritik, und Theologie, Erste Samm. Leipz. 1772, S. 75,
ff.) places it in the time of Vespasiall. On the other hand, Corodi, Liicke, Gfr6fer, and
Wieseler, in the end of the first century. It was written by a Jew, but interpolated by a
Christian hand. From the latter proceed cap. i. ii. xv. and xvi. entirely.




91          ~'FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
on the  other hand, made use of the  widely spread  form  of the
sybilline oracles,4 in order to oppose idolatry, and to procure respect among  the  heathen  for their  people  and  their  destiny.
The more the Christians were inclined to  see the beginning  of
the end inl the oppressions of that time, the easier access to them
did such writings obtain, and the more readily  were they  imitated (first CAristian sybillines.)5
When Jewish  fanaticism   pressed severely  on the  Christians,f Jerusalem  immediately before its destruction, and even James,
the Lord's brother (69 A.D.), fell a sacrifice to it;6 the most of
4 After the genuine sybillines had been burnt along with the capitol, 74 B.c., and
persons began to collect new sybillines, they sprang up in so great numbers that the loss
in the capitol was not only replaced very soon, but Augustus could even cause such
writings to be deposited in the temple of Apollo on the Palatine (Sueton. Aug. c.
31). Although at that time the possession of all soothsaying books was forbidden, yet
numerous sybilline predictions were constantly circulated among the people (Tacit. Ann.
vi. 12). The first certain trace of Jewish sybillines is to be found in Joseph. Ant. i. 4, 3
(cf. orac. Sybill. iii. 35).  The sybillines now extant (Sybillinorum oraculorum lib. viii. ed.
Jo. Opsopoeus. Paris. 1589, ed. 3, 1607, gr. 8vo. Servatius Gallaeus. Amst. 1689. 4.
Gallandius in his Bibl. pp. i. 133: to these have been lately added, lib. xi.-xiv. in Ang
Maji scriptorumrn vett. nova collectio, t. iii. p. 3.  Romae. 1828. 4) were usually before
this time assigned to the second century, and to the Montanists; by many (Casaubon,
Scaliger, Blondel) to Montanus himself. Huet conjectured their authors to be the Gnostics; Cave, Alexandrian Christians; Semler, Tertullian.  Grotius regarded them  as
Jewish productions, afterward interpolated by Christians.  G. J. Vossius, however,
perceived that they proceeded from several authors at different times. Birger Thorlacius
(libri Sybillistaram veteris ecclesiae crisi, quatenus monullmenta christiana sunt, subjecti,
Hamnn. 1815. 8, and Conspectus"doctr. christ. qualis in Sibyllistarom  libris continentur,
1816, also in F. Mitnter Miscellanea Hafniensia 1, i. 113) assumed that they had been for
the greater part composed between 100 and 170 A.D., in Phrygia-some of them, too, by
Alexandrians. According to Bleek (fiber die Entstehung u. Zusamimensetzung d. sib.
Or. in Schleiermacher's, De Wette's u. Liicke's theol. Zeitschrift, i. 120, and ii. 172) the
oldest of them are Jewish oracles belonging to the second century before Christ; the
youngest, Christian oracles of the fifth century after Christ. The greatest part of the
third book, and several sections in the fifth (1. c. i. 198, ii. 182, 194), proceed from Alexandrian Jews.  Gfri-rer (Philo. ii. 121) agrees with him in this opinion, and points out
Jewish-Alexandrian dogmas in these sections.
5 According to Bleek (1. c. i. 240, ii. 232), the fourth book was composed by a Christian,
about 80 A.D., probably in Asia Minor.
6 Josephus Antiq. xx. 9, 1 (also in Eusebius, ii. 23), relates: "The high-priest Ananus,
a Sadducee, a severe and cruel man, made use of the time in which, after the death ot
Festus, the procurator, his successor Albinus had not yet entered on office (63 A.D.):
tcaOiec avvEdptov Kptr-V'  Kai rapayae)yv efi avro [r7v ad2Ebov'IaoD trob e4yo,yuvov
Xptarod,'Iidodf ivoja avr'O, Kai] rtvac [drEpovg], 69 erapavo,unaldv7r v acryTyopiao
lrollzcievof, 7radpholce ueva&70o,upvovoe. Many piousS and zealous Jews were ulach displeased with this proceeding, and accused Ananus before King Agrippa and Albinus.
Agrippa, therefore, deposed him fiom the office of high-priest."  Le Clerc, however, Art.
crit. ii. 223, Lardner Suppl. vol. iii. cap. 16, sect. 5, and Credner (Einl. u. d. N. T. i. ii.
581) regard, on important grounds, the bracketed words as spurious. On the other hand,
Hegesippus, in Euseb. ii. 23, according to the passage given in a preceding note (4, ~ 26),
narrates the death of James in this maimer: "By his preaching he had gained over malny




CHAP. IIT.-APOST. AGE TO A.D. 70. ~ 31. JEWVISH DISTURBANCES. 97
the members of the church fled to Pella.7   About this time also
John repaired  to Asia Minor, and there, full of the impressions
which  he  had taken  along with  him   from  Palestine, and  perceiving in these  oppressions the  beginning  of the  last events,
wrote  the Apocalypse  (69  A.D.).8   This was the  commencing
point of a rich apocalyptic literature among the Christians.
of the people to Christ, and stood generally in the highest repute as the righteous one.
Hence the scribes and Pharisees demanded of him a solemn denial of Christ:'ECurrGav
OVV TOV'IduKw0ov Eur r7 trrepdytop  oV ro vao, Kat EKpafLv aSdrv) Kae El7rO'   dilcace, 4
rdcvres rrEiecaat 60eiaLoyuev, srei b CSZab  7rnavdract 0rirou'I aoid rod arapevpo&viroo,
air6iyyesLov s?,uiv, i-if   ONSpa'IaoD rod CtaravpO8)vwroc.  (05pa as in Rabbinic ~t.'i
estimate, value. See Credner in the new Jena A. L. Z. August, 1843, S. 795. "WTVhat is
the disclosure, the truth of Christ?") Kai c'rrecpivaro  owvfi ze)ydp' ir  e E, eprrr Ce
epi'Iy7cd0 rod vio 70'o dvOpdjro0; KaCi a7rbf eKif0rat Ev 7T  ov'pavS Et( desLtvo T-jf EYd-?/g dUvvjeof, aci u92et ip ecOt EaLe  r rCT)V Ve0et2)v Tro  ovSpavov.  Since now many
agreed with him, the scribes and Pharisees resolved to put him to death.'Avadvref
odv Itcariaeov riv dilcatov —cai }p:avro 2tOd)cev ardi-v. He was not, however, killed
instantaneously, but still prayed for his mlurderers: Kani tafuv rt cxr' avdrdv eg- rnv
cvaoeav -'ri'6Xov, ev,& ierr'erie rai idUrta,,VeytKE Kar2i- rf KteaXyC Trod dueaiov. tcai
OeVy5  Oeap7rprijev- Ka'i iOanav a vroyv erri- ro r'r,Trap' r0 vcaC, cKai ert aTirod  UTj r yl
czivet 7rapd r, vac.  Kai erddg O0ecz'rateav4g iro2ltopicei adrore.  In opposition to
Josephus, who places the death of James in the year 63, there agree with the designation of time by Hegesippus, agreeably to which the siege of Jerusalem took place immlediately after James's death, Eusebins, iii. 11 (Symeon was chosen successor to James,
IeTUr rlv'IaKd30ov i   apnrvpiav icai riv afriica yevouEvrzjv do26atv ir-'Iepovaant2l), although
in his clronicle he places tlse death of James and the inauguration of Symeon, after
Josephus, in the seventh of Nero; the Clementines (so far the Ep. Clemen. Rom. ad
Jacob, c:,l, in Cotelerii Patres ap. i. 611, and Clementina Epitome de gestis S. Petri, c. 147,
i. c. p. 798, announce that Peter died before James), and the Paschal Chronicle, which
(ed. Bonn. i. 460) places the death of James in the first year of Vespasian's reign. Comp.
Credner Eilleit. in d. N. T. i. ii. 580. Rothe Anfalnge d. christl. Kirche, i. 275.
7 Euseb. H. E. iii. 5. Epiphanius Haer. xxix. 7, de mensuris et ponderibus, c. 15.
8 This time is specified by Ewald Comm. in Apoc. p. 48, and Liicke Einleit in d. Offenbar. Job. S. 244. I can not, however, bring myself to refuse to the apostle John the
authorship of the book. The author designates himself as the apostle; the oldest witnesses declare him to be so. Had the book been forged in his name thirty years before
his death, he would certainly have contradicted it, and this contradiction would have
reached us through Irenaeus from the school of John's disciples. On the contrary, the
later contradictions of the apostolic origin proceed fiom doctrinal prepossession alone.
The internal difference in language and mode of thought between the Apocalypse, which
John, whose education was essentially Hebrew, and his Christianity Jewish-Christian of
the Palestinian character, wrote, and the gospel and epistles which he had composed after
an abode of from twenty to thirty years among the Greeks, is a necessary consequence
of the different relations in which the writer was placed, so that the opposite would
excite suspicion. There is much at the same time that is cognate, proving continuousness of cultivation in the same author.  Comp. P. Lficke Versuch einer vollstiindigen
Einloitung in die Offenbarung Johannis, und in die gesammte apokalyptische Literatur.
Bonn. 1832. 8vo.
VOL. I.-  7




98                   FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
THIRD CHAPTER.
AGE  OF  JOHN: FROM  70-117.
~ 32.
FATE OF THE JEWISH CHRISTIANS IN PALESTINE.
Although a Jewish Christian church soon formed itself among
the ruins of Jerusalem,1 and again  selected a relative of Jesus,
Syineon,2 to be its head, yet, after the judgment which had be.
fallen  Judaism,3  this  church  could  no  longer continue  to be a
model mother-church, and the center of Christendom.   We have
a  proof that these  Christians  were  continually  hated  by  the
Jews, in the composition of the work called D'.tt nn.,4 and in
the crucifixion of SyXneon at the age of 1205 (107).   After the
Epiphanius de mensuris et ponderibus, c. 15. According to c, 14, the small Christian
church on Mount Zion was among the few buildings that were spared.
2 Euseb. iii. 11. See ~ 31, note 6. Hegesippus apud Euseb. iv. 22: Kaut /ser  r&
eaprvpiGat'Iaaso3ov TrOv  diKatov —7ranlv o ic 0eiov averofi Iv/er6v o Too Karor5i IcaOiarTaTatL EraTioK0rog'  )v 7irpoOevro xrdvreg, *6vrea avenbtv Too Kvpiov, 6E6tEpov- Clopas,
the father of Symeon, was, according to Hegesippus in Euseb. iii. 11, a brother of Joseph.
(Sophron. in app. ad Hieronymi Catal. ~ 6, represents this Symeon as Judas, the brother
of James, and moreover the apostle Simon Zelotes. In opposition to this, see Sam. Basnage Annales politico-ecclesiastici ad ann. 31, no. 72.) These Jewish Christians generally
preferred to choose relatives of our Lord as presidents of their churches. So Hegesippus
relates (in Euseb. iii. 20) that the grandchildren of Judas, a brother of Christ, after they
had been set free by Domitian,'yjaaaOat rOsv it-C ICKat1V,  62 (av Jq yapTvpaf bOO /cat'
&rO yeVOVg 6vreag toP Kvpiov.
The feeling of this is plainly expressed in the writings of this period. Barnabae
Epist. c. 9:, 7r'eproyij, e', 7reriroiOact, KarTpyV-rat even for the Jews. The law of
Moses had only a typical meaning, particularly the laws regarding meats (c. 10); the
Jews are not heirs of the promises, but the Christians (c. 13, 14); the Jewish Sabbaths are
not agreeable to the Lord, but Sundays are (c. 15); in place of the destroyed Jewish
temple appears a spiritual temple (c. 16).
4 Samuel, the Little, is said to have composed it at the instigation of R. Gamaliel in
Jafne, where the Sanhedrim met after the destruction of Jerusalem (Talnmud. Hierosol. et
Babylon. in tract. Berachotl). Hence this Gamaliel can not be the elder Gamaliel, but his
grandson. Cf. Vitringa de Synagog. vet. p. 1047. Respecting the name 0,:1D, see
Fulleri Miscellan. theologic. lib. ii. c. 3. G. E. Edzardus in not. ad Avoda Sara, p. 253, ss.
Hieronym. Ep. 89, ad Augustin.: Usque bodie per totas Orientis synagogas inter Judaeos
haeresis est, quae dicitur Minaeoruml  et a Pharisaeis nune usque damnatur, quos vulgo
Nazaraeos nuncupant, qui credunt in Christum, filium Dei, natum do virgine Maria, et
earnm dicunt esse, qui sub Pontio Pilato passus est et resurrexit: in quem et nos credimus,
sed dum volunt et Judaei esse et Christiani, nec Judaei sunt nec Christiani.
5 Hegesippus in Eusebii H. E. iii. 32:'Arro rov rT(Cv aipecrtKC)v cariyopovaGi TLef




CHAP. III. —AGE OF JOHn. ~ 32. JEWISH  CHRISTIANS.                     99
death  of this man, there  also  arose an  internal division  among
them. An opposition in the church, which had existed since
the apostolic council at Jerusalem  (Acts xv.), but had been hitherto  restrained, now  broke out openly  (Thebuthis); 6 and from
the Nazaraeans,7 who remained steadfast in the apostolic faith, a
party  separated which held the Mosaic law  to be binding in  all:cases, and Jesus to  be the son  of Joseph  and Mary.   To  them
the name Ebionites was afterward  for the  most part applied —an appellation originally given by the Jews, in derision, to the
Christians generally.'   A  new  party also arose among the JewJZvye63voS T7o  K2wnrCi, c6, fvroS  L7ro Aatid cati Xpicrtavob. These heretics can only
have been the adherents of the seven Jewish aipfeti-, of which Hegesippus in Euseb. ii.
23, and iv. 22, speaks. In the Chronographia of Jo. Malala (about 600-ed. Oxon. 1691,
Svo, p. 356) is the following Relatio Tiberiani, or Relation of Tiberianus, a president of:Palestine, communicated to Trajan, which, if it be genuine, must belong to this time:'A7rcIcauov rt/,opo/tzvog tci fa oveVov roVC raFateXaiovg, roig roU d66yuaTrof rTv   Ceyot6Euvo XplarLave6v, KaCLarT   T2  y/pa Oe=C7ri 7/tara   Kat o 00 Trarovral eavrovf uyiVVoVrCef
eig TO (evatprOcat.  Orev Eicoriaaa rovrotg wrapaltpev cati a'rtlav,,7j -ro;lzv aev-rovg
-UVE1tV /1o0 b7rdpXovTafg blc TroV rpoetp7,uovov d6y/aro of  cat arolo&uc6rUvot ob raTaovrat. Oer7rieal cc oL oev craSafluare rCi 7raptarrteeva p re  V/Ergpp, Icp(rEL rporatovyX.
But Dodwell Dissertt. Cypr. diss. xi. ~ 23, and Tillemont, note 2, sur la perse.cut. de
Trajan (in the Mdmoires, ed. Bruxelles. 8, tom. ii. p. ii. p. 433, s.) have sufficiently proved'the spuriousness of this relation.
Hegesippus, in Eusebius, iii. 32, says that the church enjoyed a profound peace fromi
-the death of Symeon, till the time of Trajan, and continued to be rrapdevol ica0apa /cai
(&ldc60opoa. When he designates Thebuthis as the person who corrupted it (Euseb. iv.
22), the connection does not render it necessary to understand the death of James as the
point of time at which Thebuthis appeared; and we must therefore refer to the point of
time which was before announced in obvious terms. Least of all can the opinion of
Schliemann (Clementinen, S. 460) be justified, according to which, iv. 22 should be understood of the first beginnings of heretical views immediately after the death of James; iii.
32 of the open breaking out of these heresies in the second century. The influence of a
Thebuthis, because he was not a bishop, can only have been an open opposition. The
first beginnings of heretical views among the Jewish Christians are'to be found long
before the death of James in the opponents of Paul. It is still more remarkable that
Schlleimann, p. 488, f. did not farther consider this point of time given by Hegesippus as
that in which the sects arose, but places the separation of the Ebionites from the Nazar:aeans in the year 136. Comp. my treatise on the Nazaraeans and Ebionites in Staudlin's
and Tzschirner's Archiv. iv. ii. 320. OgepovOe, according to Credner (Einl. in d. N. T. i.
ii. 619), is not a person, but a collective idea, Chald. nR11'ln    N'ln,   opposition,
reluctance, especially abhorrence of the stomach, nausea. hence vomitus, and then generally filth, dirt, much the same as artX(idfef, Jude 12; a7rxot Kcal tUC/Ot, 2 Peter ii. 13.
7 Comp. Epiphanii Haer. 29. According to c. 7, they lived at the time of EpiphaniuLs,
toward the end of the fourth century, in Beroea, in Syria, in Coele-Syria, in Decapolis
-about Pella, and in Cocabe in Basanitis (now a village, Cocab, between Damascus and
Nablts, nearer the latter. See Burckhardt's Travels, German edition, edited by Gesenius,
p. 591).
8 Origenes c. Cels. ii. init.:'Eftuovatot Xp7rl7,aTr'ovatv ol drr'Iovdatwv rTv'IGaoOv
Wi Xpltarv 7rapra&(iltevoti V. 61: 01 dhr7rot'Elowvaiot, Trot E/c 7rap0gvoev dzoXYOydVTES
Odgo/ug?/gTv 7rv'7l9aoDv, V oVX eOVr ye)e'vvqiaOat, &a?'  Cig Trobg 2otr rodg devpSr7rovng
(. 65:'Eteoevaoe  duO6repot. These two classes can not, as Schliemann supposes, be the




100                  FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
ish  Christians about the time  of Trajan, in the countries lying
eastward  of the Dead  Sea, by  means  of the  diffusion  of Essenism, which united with the asceticism of the Essenes the peculiar opinion that the Spirit of God associated himself differently with man, thlat, as the true prophet (Adam, Enoch, Noah,
Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Moses, Jesus), he might announce the
same truth, and restore it when obscured.9    This party became
Gnostic and the common Ebionites. He has himself shown, p. 207, that the former could
not think of a birth of Christ by a virgin: Origen also calls them Elcesaites; see below,
note 10. They are the Nazaraeaaas and Ebionites whomn even Ensebius, H. R..iii. 27,
groups together under the common appellation Ebionites, and at the same time obviously
draws a distinction between them. The Ebionites, in a stricter sense, arose, according to
Epiphanius Haer. xxx. 2, at Cocabe, and lived in his day (I. c. c. 18), in Nabathea, Paneas,
1Moabitis, and Cocabe. Respecting their adherents in Asia Minor, Rome, and Cyprus, of
which he also speaks, see below, note 10. The derivation of the name firom one Ebion,
occurs first in Tertullian de Praescript. baeret. c. 33. In the Tallud. Hierosolymit. tract.
Joma, fol. 4, col. 3, appears no i, X as Lightfoot Parergon de excid. urbis, Opp. t. ii.
p. 148, asserts, but a Ilr. N1. Comp. my treatise, p. 297, fF. 306, if.
9 Comp. Credner "On the Essenes and Ebionites, and a partial connection between
thems," in Winer's Zeitschrift f. wissensch. Theol. i. 211, 277. A. Schliemann's die
Clementinen nebst den Verwandten Schriften, und der Ebionitismus. Hamburg. 1844.
According to Epiphanius, the'EEaacvof (Haer. x.) lived in Samaria; on the other hand,
the'Oacwvoi (Haer. xix.) in Nabathea, Iturea, Moabitis, and Areilitis. I-fence he takes
the former as a Samaritan, the latter as a Jewish sect. Doubtless the names were different merely by provincial pronunciation. The Essenes had withdrawn into these districts during the Jewish wars, in order to avoid the imnportunity of the Jews insisting on
their carrying arms along with them. To the Ossenes, i. e. the Essenes living to the
east of the Dead Sea,'H27fat,'Hfalfof attached himself in the reign of Trajan (Epipha.l
Haer. xix. 1).; and remains of the party which he modified were still existing in the time
of Epiphanius as a Christian sect, under the name of 2oaFpafot, living in Nabathea and
Moabitis (1. c. c. 2), also in Itrea. They were also called'EceLcraE ot (Haer. liii. 1); and
by Origen (in Euseb. H. E. vi. 38)'EcKEcaarate.    That Elxai also attached himself to the
Ebionites, and a part of them followed him (Epiphan. Haer. xxx. 3). Epiphanius professes even to have read the prophetic book left by Elxai (Haer. xix. 1, 3); and he had
heard besides of another writing, belonging to a brother of Elxai (Haer. liii. 3) called'Ie5gof (Haer. xix. 1). The name'HXati signified, according to his followers, dJvaetlf
efcaAvstf1v7?, from b'. and N3Z (Haer. xix. 2). Modern writers have conjectured
tihat this name first originated from the name of the party, and have declared the nalme
Elcesaite equivalent to fl''tt32r    (from,&fnD   to deny), apostate.  Baunmgarten's
Geschic'te der Religionsparteien, pag. 271; from't1'O 7i  Nitzsch de Testamentis xii.
patriarcharum, p. 5.  But according to Scaliger,'E24('EoSa  ll R  z o Eaalfo- (Petavii comm. ad Epiphan. Haer. xix.) According to Delitzsch (in Rudelbach's and Guerike's Zeitschrift, 1841, i. 43), the Elcesaites derived their name from the town Elcesi, in
Galilee. I believe that'0:-) 5'n is an appellation of the Spirit of God which made
the true prophet, and which is also called in the Clementines, Hom. xvii. 16, d6vactf
aaaocpof. The Elcesaites praised this secret power as their teacher; hence arose the
error of Epiphanius. If the title of the work which he possessed was'D3   ln,l  and
he heard of another eD3', I  the latter treating of the concealed deity as the former
did of his concealed power, he may have made out of this two brothers. That this
development proceeded from a confounding' of the Essenes with Jewish Christians i:
shown by Credner, I. c. p. 312. When Schliemann denies this, because the similarity'f




CHAP. III.-AGE OF JOHN. Q 33. EXTERNAL FORTUNES.    101
known beyond their own country by means of the Clemnentines,
toward  the end of the  second century; "  and they  were called
sometimes  Elcesaites  or  Sampsaeans, sometimes  Ebionites;
which latter was the general appellation of heretical Jewish
Christians.
{ 33.
EXTERNAL FORTUNES OF THE CHRISTIANS IN THE OTHER PROVINCES
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
(CoMr. ~ 16.)
After the destruction of Jerusalem, the heathen Christians
were every where so numerous that it was no longer possible to
mistake  the  distinction   between  Christianity   and  Judaism.
Still, however, the  Christians  were  looked  upon  as  a  Jewish
sect.'   All the prejudices entertained against the Jews, and the
hatred of the heathen, which had been strengthened against them
since  their  rebellion, were  transferred  in  like  manner to  the
the Essene creed to the Elcesaite can not be demonstrated, he forgets that the former is
completely unknown to us, since it was guarded as a mysterious doctrine under the sanction of an oath, a thing which the Elcesaites had also to do (Credner's Beitrfge zur Einl.
in d. bibl. Schliften, i. 369)- Vhen Schliemann, on the other hand, designates this tendency as Gnostic Ebionitism, no objection can be made to the assertion, if Gnosis be taken
as synonymous with theosophy generally. In this sense the Essenes, too, were Gnostics.
But that theosophy which is in historical possession of the name Gnosis was opposed by
the Elcesaites, as Scbliemann, p. 539, himself shows. WVhen, moreover, this same writer
refers to the incorporation of the old oriental elements into Judaism, in order to explain
Gnostic Ebionitism, and quotes Neander, he lays claim to the same source for it as that
from which Neander derives Essenism (see above ~ 15, note 9). Regarding the name of
the party, I do not believe with Credner (Beitrfige, S. 367) that Ossenes, Sampsaeans,
and Elcesaites were the names of the three highest classes of the Essenes. The
Ossenes were the Essenes east of the Dead Sea, who by degees became Christians.
These Essene Christians were styled Elcesaites from the'9D'Fl, which they con.
fessed; Sampsaeans (Epiphan. Haer. liii. 2:  EayaZot Eopyyvereovrae'HZLtacoi  from
Vt.. ), probably because they turned while praying toward the rising sun, as did the
Essenes. The name Ebionites which was given to them, if we may rely on the authority
of Epiphanius, is with him the general appellation for all heretical Jewish Christians, and
is therefore least of all adapted for a strict description.
10 See below Q 58. From  this time onward the party appears to have obtained
adherents in Asia Minor, Rome, and Cyprus. Hence Origen, in Euseb. H. E. vi. 38, distinguishes the appesovv TSV'E/cecai' 7rTv as veOrari EravtilraEYltyv. On the other hand, it
is very doubtful whether the doctrine of this party be represented in its pure unadulterated
form in the Clementines.
Hence in Tacitus (Hist. v. 5), while describing the Jews, traits appear which are manifestly borrowed from the Christians: Animas proelio aunt suppliciis peremptorum aeternas
putant. Hinc generandi amor et moriendi contemptus.




102                   FIRST PERIOD. —DIV. I. —A.D. 1-117..
Christians.   At the  same  time  Christianity  appeared  far more
dangerous than Judaism, inasmuch as it was not confined, like
it, to one people, but propagated itself every where with immense  rapidity.2    Yet the  persecutions  which  the  Christians
had to suffer from  individual emperors were only partial.    Yespasianz  (70-79) did not at all persecute the Christians as such,
although they may have been harassed under his reign and that
of Titus his successor (79-81) by the demand of the tax imposed on every Jew.  This was still more the case under Domitian (81-96),3 who caused some Christians to be put to death
even in Rome,4 and search  to be made in  Palestine  for the posterity  of David.5    Under Nerva (96-98), all these provocations
ceased.6    At the  time  of  Trajan  (98-117),  appear  the  first
traces of that popular rage against them  to which, in succeeding
times, so many  must frequently have fallen sacrifices (Eusebius
iii. 32). Pliny the younger, governor of Bithynia, where the
2 Notions of this time concerning the Christians: Tacit. Annali. xv. 44: Qluos per flagitia
invisos, vulgus Christianos appellabat. Auctor nolrainis ejus Christus, Tiberio imperitante,.
per procuratorem Pontium  Pilatum  supplicio affectus erat.  Repressaque in praesens
exitiabilis superstitio rursus erucmpebat non modo per Judaeam  originem  ejus mali, sed
per Urbeml  etiam, quo cuncta undique atrocia ant pudenda conflunnt celebranturque.
Odio humani generis convicti sunt. Sueton. in Nerone, c. 16: Christiani, genus hominurn
superstitionis novae ac maleficae.
3 The didpaXylof now to be paid to Jupiter Capitolinus. Joseph. de B. J. vii. 6. 6.
Sueton. in Domitiano, c. 12: Praeter caeteros Judaicus fiscus acerbissime actus est: ad
quem deferebantur, qui vel improfessi Judaicam viverent vitam, vel dissimulata origine
imposita genti tributa non pependissent. Interfuisse me adolescentulani mermini, qllur
a procuratore frequentissimoque consilio inspiceretur nonagenarius senex, an circnmsectus
esset. Petri Zornii historia fisci Judaici sub imperio vett. Roman. Alton. 1734.
4 Xiphilini epitome Dionis Cass. lxvii. 14: Tov ~dfitov KI2J~leV7a vdarctaovra, Katiep,
tvEloVa O6vTra, cKa  yvvabca  cai airiv arvyylevi  tavroe   qeafieav AoAtarii2t'av eXovra
lceartgacev o Ao/-Lrlav6g  ~r7'Ywiv y0 8  l &  a/Oiv'yyKa    d06rdror'   -~' 6  cai.  aoL ao 
ra rev'lov'Iocdav raq &E0 otc2oraeg reo?2oail  ICaoedtxc8aeOcaav  e ai oal /ev izri Oavov, ol aRi
riav y/OVv oVaCtCdV  arcep7Ocav-a.   66 Ao/LtriZiUa   Vi7rp(dpiaOjy i6vov etf HeavaT~rpeta.
(60eog, i. e., b! ou  cefi/evoo roic OHeot ). Euseb. Chron. lib. ii. ad Olymp. 218: IotLatoi 6c
Xptaltavdv tueaprip~?7av acar  o Aouertavov, kS' 6 Bpirrtog (Hieron. Brutius. Chron. pasch.
O BpoeTrroe) ITropet, lv ol tcai q2?zavia Ao/er-r!aZa l'ade3o?  Kl(4yuevTO ro 2 (aviov ViarrtKoa
df Xptargla  elf lvacov Hlovrav ~vyadEdeTral' a'Tr6f re KaZjyVu tvip Xptaro  advatcpefrat.
Cf. Ejusd. Hist. Eccl. iii. c. 18, ~ 2. According to Hieronymi Epist. 86 (al. 27) ad Eustochium Virg. epitaphium Paulae matris, Paula had seen on the Island Pontia the little
cells in quibus illa (Flavia Domitilla) longum martyrium duxerat.
5 As Vespasian had already done (Hegesipp. ap. Euseb. iii. 12), Hegesippus, in Euseb,
iii. 20, relates how the grandchildren of Judas, the brother of Christ, were broughl before
Domitian.
Xiphilini epit. Dionis, lxviii. 1:'O Nepoaaf rokf re Kpcvo/acvovf eI' dCfeftea 61dKcE, Kac
ro   ~ev'yovorar Kacryaye' roig 6 dc d6  LozS oVir' [ae1eaiea, oir''IovdaZ'cob 13iov caratri7trOai rtvaf avvexS6pace. A coin of the senate: Fisci Judaici caluumnuia sublata, S.
Eckhel Doctrina nummor.. vetero. vi. p. 405




CHAP. III.-AGE OF JOHN. g 33. EXTERNAL FORTUNES.    103
number of Christians had unusually  increased, applied  against
them the general laws, which had been lately revived by Trajan,
against forbidden  societies  (hetaeriae) which were  really  dangerous  (cf. Plin. Epist. x. 42, 43;  110  or 111  A.D.).   He
adopted  that course because no special laws had  been  enacted
with regard to them. His account of the Christians, addressed
to  Trajan, which  is of the  highest importance  toward  understanding  their condition  at that period, led  to  the  first legal
enactment relative to the course which should be adopted,7 to
7 Plinii lib. x. Epist. 96 (al. 97): C. Plinius Trajano. Solesune est mihi, Domine, omnia,
de quibus dubito, ad Te referre. Quis enim potest melius vel cunctationem meam regere,
vel ignorantiam instruere?  Cognitionibus de Christianis interfui nunquam: ideo nescio,
quid et quatenus aut puniri soleat, aut quaeri. Nec mediocriter haesitavi, sitne aliquod
discrimen aetaturn, an quamlibet teneri nihil a robustioribus differant: deturne poenitentiae venia, an ei, qui omnino Christianus fuit, desisse non prosit: nomen ipsum, si
flagitiis careat, an flagitia cohaerentia nomini puniantur. Interim in iis, qui ad me tanquam Christiani deferebantur, hunc sum secutus modum. Interrogavi ipsos, an essent
Christiani: confitentes iterum ac tertio interrogavi, suppliciumn  minatus: perseverantes
duci jussi. Neque enim dubitabam, qualecunque esset quod faterentur, pertinaciam certe
et inflexibilem obstinationem debere puniri. F'uerunt alii sinrilis amnentiae: quos, quia
cives Romani erant, annotavi in urbemn remittendos. Mox ipso tractatu, ut fieri solet,
diffundente se crimine, plures species inciderunt. Propositus est libellus sine auctore,
multorum 1iomina continens, qui negarent, esse se Christianos aut fuisse. Cum praeeunte
me Deos appellarent, et imagini Tuae, quam propter hoc jusseram crnl sinmulacris numinum n
afferri, thure ac vino supplicarent, praeterea maledicerent Christo, quorum nihil cogi posse
dicuntur, qui sunt revera Christiani, dimittendos esse putavi. Alii ab indice nominati,
esse se Christianos dixerunt, et mox negaverunt: fuisse quidera, sed desisse, quidam ante
triennium, quidam ante plures annos, non nemo etiamin ante viginti quoque. Omnes et
imaginem Tuam, Deorumque simulacra venerati sunt: ii et Christo maledixerunt. Affirmabant autem, hanc fuisse susnmam vel culpae suae, vel erroris, quod essent soliti stato
die ante lucem convenire, carmenque Christo, quasi Deo, dicere secumr invicem: seque
sacramento, non in scelus aliquod obstringere, sed ne furta, ne latrocinia, ne adulteria
committerent, ne fidem fallerent, ne depositum  appellati abnegarent; quibus peractis
morem sibi discedendi fuisse, rursusque coeundi ad capiendum cibum, promiscuum tamen
et innoxium (non singularem maleficae superstitionis); quod ipsum facere desisse post
edictum  moeram, quo secundum mandata Tua hletaerias esse vetueraml.  Quo magis
necessariumz credidi, ex duabus ancillis, quae ministrae dicebantur, quid esset veri, et per
tormenta quaerere. Sed nihil alind inveni, quam superstitionem pravaln et immodicam:
ideoque dilata cognitione ad consulendum Te decurri. Visa est enim mihi res digna
consultatione, maxime propter periclitantium numerum. Multi enim omnis aetatis, omnis
ordinis, utriusque sexus etiam, vocantur in periculum, et vocabuntur. Neque enim
civitates tanturn, sed vicos etiam atque agros superstitionis istius contagio pervagata est.
Quae videtur sisti et corrigi posse. Certe satis constat, prope jam desolata templa
coepisse celebrali, et sacra solemnia diu intelmissa repeti, pastumque venire victimarum,
cujus adhuc rarissimus emtor inveniebatar. Ex quo facile est opinari,' qLae turbal hominum
emendari possit, si sit poenitentiae locus.
Ibid. Ep. 97 (al. 98): Trajanus Plinio. Acturn, quem debuisti, mi Secunde, in executiendis causis eorum, qui Christiani ad te delati fuerant, secutus es. Neque enim in universum aliquid, quod quasi certam formam habeat constitui potest. Conquirendi non sunt:
si deferantur et arguantur, puniendi sunt, ita tamen, ut quli negaverit se Christianum esse,
idque re ipsa manifesturn fecerit, i. e., supplicando Diis nostris, quamvis suspectus in




104                   FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
which, among others, Ignatius also, bishop of Antioch (116), fell
a sacrifice.8
~ 34.
REGULATIONS OF THE CHURCH.
Of the apostles we find at this time only Philip in Hierapolis
(Polycrates cp. Euseb. H. E. iii. 31  and v. 24) and  John- in
praeteritum, veniam ex poenitentia impetret. Sine auctore vero propositi libelli in nullo
crimine locum habere debent; nam et pessimi exempli, nec nostri seculi est. (This text
is after the edition of J. C. Orelli, prefixed to the Zirich Lectionscataloge. Mich. 1838.)
Even Tertullian (Apologet. c. 2) and Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. iii. 33) mention these letters.
Against the doubts of Gibbon, Semler, and Corodi, concerning their genuineness, see H.
C. Haversaat's Vertheidigung der Plinischen Briefe fiber die Christen. G6ttingen. 1788.
8, and Gierig, in his edition of Plinii Epist. tom. ii. (Lips. 1802), p. 498, ss. Against Dr. J.
Held prolegomena ad librum epistt. qnas mutuo sibi scripsisse Plinium jun. et Trajanumn
Caes. viri docti credunt (Schweidnitz. 1835, 4), who looks upon the entire tenth book as a
forgery, see the Munich gel. Anz. Sept. 1836. No. 186. Commentaries on these epistles
are in: Franc. B alduini comm. ad edicta veterum principum Roml. de Christianis.  Basil.
s. a. (and appended to his Constantinns 1Magnus, Lips. 1727), p. 26-69. Just. Henn.
Boehmeri xii. dissertatt. juris eccles. ant. ad Plin. sec. et Tertullianum. ed. 2. Halae.
1729. Gierig, 1. c.
s Euseb. H. E. iii. 36. Trajan's conduct toward Ignatius is not inexplicable, as Baur
(Ursprung des Episcopats, S. 149) supposes, but was well considered. He sent him to be
executed at Rome, partly for the sake of not provoking the fanaticism of the Christians at
Antioch, by looking upon his martyrdom; partly because he thought that the tedious
hardships endured on the way to the place of execution might effect a change of mind, for
the apostasy of this head of the Christians must have been of the greatest consequence;
partly for the purpose of terrifying the Christians on the way when they saw the sufferer.
Among the various texts of the Acta martyrii Ign., that of the old Latin version is the
most ancient (Cotelerii Patr. apost. ii. 171); the Greek is (1. c. p. 161) a revision, which
first proceeded, perhaps, from Simeon Metaphrastes. Both may also be found in Ruinart
Acta mart. selecta.
1 John's exile to Patmos, an inference from Apoc. i. 9. Clemens Alex. quis dives
salvetur, c. 42. Cf. Tertull. de Praescr. haer. 36: Apostolus Johannes posteaquam in oleum
ignemn demersus nihil passus est, in insulam relegatur. That he drank off a poison-cup
without injury (as Justus Barsabas after Papias ap. Euseb. iii. 39, comp. Mark xvi. 18) is
first related by Augustin in Soliloquiis. Cf. Fabricii Cod. apocr. N. T. ii. 576. Thilo acta
Thomae, in the notitia uber. p. 73. Tradition gave rise to the fabrication of the story concerning the cup and the baptism, that Matth. xx. 23 might be fulfilled. His death was
under Trajan. (Iren. ii. 29, iii. 3), according to Euseb. Chron. and Hieron. Catal. c. 9, in the
third year of Trajan, 100 A.D. Traditions growing out of John xxi. 22: the one that John
placed himself alive in the grave, and is only sleeping in it, Fabric. 1. c. p. 588, Thilo, 1. c.
lxxiv.; the other, that he was translated like Enoch and Elias, Pseudo-Hippolytls de consumlmat. mundi (in Hippol. opp. ed. Fabricius, append. p. 14) and Ephraemius Antioch.
about 526 (in Photii bibl. cod. 229, ed. Rothomag. p. 798, ss.)-Sarnames: virgo, 7rapOevof
(so ran at first the subscription to the first and second epistles of John: E'rtor.'IwavV. roe
irap0evov. The L atins, afterward misunderstanding it, made out of it Epistolam  ad
Parthos), after the council of Nice especially Oeo0L6yof.-Credner's Einl. in d. N. T. i. i. 217.




CHAP. III.-AGE OF JOHN. ~ 34. REGULATIONS OF THE CHURCH. 105
Ephesus.   While the latter superintended the churches of Asia
Minor, and laid the foundation of a peculiar development of doctrine, by instructing able disciples and by his writings, the
churches of other countries lost that superintendence which they
had hitherto enjoyed, by the death of the apostles and their immediate disciples. The need of unity required something to
compensate  for this loss; it was presented  in  the  episcopate,2
2 Comlp. ~ 30, not. 1. Hilarius Diaconus (usually called Ambrosiaster), about 380, in
comment. ad 1 Tim. iii. 10: Episcopi et presbyteri una ordinatio est. Uterque enim
sacerdos est; sed episcopus primus est; ut onsuis episcopus presbyter sit, non tamen
omnis presbyter episcopus: hic enim episcopus est, qui inter presbyteros primus est. The
traces of this relation were longest preserved in Alexandria. Hieronym. Epist. 101 (al.
85) ad Evangelum (in the old editions falsely styled ad Evagrium, also in Gratianus dist.
xciii. c. 24): Apostolus perspicue docet eosdem esse presbyteros, quos episcopos.-Quaeris
auctoritatem?  Audi testimonium. Then Phil. i. 1, Acts xx. 28, &c., are cited. Quod
autem postea unus electus est, qui caeteris praeponeretur, isn schismnatis remedium factumn
est, ne unusquisque ad se trahens Christi ecclesiamz rullperet. Nam et Alexandriae a
Marco evangelista usque ad Heraclam et Dionysium episcopos (about 240 A.D.) presbyteri
semper unum ex se selectumn, in excelsiori gradu collocatum, episcopum nominabant.
Quomodo si exercitus imperatorem faciat, aut diaconi eligant de se, quem industsium
soverint, et archidiaconum vocent (comp. on this letter Chr. WVaechtler, acta eruditorum
ann. 1717, p. 484, ss. 524, ss. WVith a Catholic bias P. Molkenbuhr, and after him Binterim
Denlwiirdigk. d. christkath. Kirche, ii. i. 78, if., have pronounced the letter spurious).
Hilarius Diac. comm. ad Ephes. iv. 1l: Prirnum presbyteli episcopi appellabantur, ut uno
recedente sequens ei succederet.  Denique apud Aegyptunl presbyteri consignant, si
praesens non sit episcopus. Sed quia coeperunt sequentes presbyteri indigni inveniri ad
primatus tenendos, immutata est ratio, prospicienlte concilio, ut non ordo, sed meritumn
crearet episcopuln, mlultorun  sacerdotum judicio constitutum, ne indignus temere usurparet, et esset multis scandalum.-Pseudo-Augustini (probably also Hilarii Diaconi). Quaestiones vet. et nov. testamenti (in the appendix tom. iii. p. ii. of the Benedictine edition),
quaest. 101: Presbyterunl autem intelligi episcopuni probat Paulus apostolus, quando
Timotheum, quem ordinavit presbyterum, instruit, qualem  debeat creare episcopum (1
Tim. iii. 1). Quid est enim episcopus, nisi primus presbyter, hoc est summus sacerdos?
Nam in Alexandria et per totain Aegyptum, si desit episcopus, consecrat [Ms. Colb. consignat] presbyter. In like manner, Eatychius (Said Ibn Batrik about 930) patriarcha
Alex. in Ecclesiae suae origg. (ed. Job. Selden p. 29): Constituit Marcus evangelista xii.
presbyteros, qui nempe manerent Cuml patriarcha, adeo ut cum vacaret patriarchatus,
eligerent unlnm e sxii. presbyteris, cujus capiti reliqui xi. manus imponerent, eique benedicerent, et patriarcham  eumn crearent (comp. 1 Tim. iv. 14).-Neque desiit Alexandriae
institutuml hoc de presbyteris, ut scilicet patriarchas crearent ex presbyteris duodecim,
usque ad tempora Alexandri patriarchae Alexandrini, qui fuit ex numero illo cccxviii. Is
autem vetuit, ne deinceps patriarcham presbyteri crearent. Et decrevit, ut mortuo patriarcha convenirent episcopi, qui patriarcham ordinarent. In this account the part, at least,
which contradicts the later discipline has certainly not been interpolated in later times
(but still Gulielmus Autissiodorensis, about 1206, Comm. ad sent. 1. iv. qu. 1, de sacram. ord.
sub finem, says: Quod si non essent in mundo nisi tres simplicis sacerdotes, oporteret
quod aliquis illorum consecraret alium in episcopum et aliumn in archiepiscopum), and so
far it has a historical value. Attempts to remove from the passage what is offensive to
preconceived opinions have been made by Morin, Pearson, Le Quien, Renaudot, Petavius,
especially by Abrah. Echellensis Eutychius patriarcha Alex. vindicatus et suis restitutus
orientalibus, s. responsio ad Jo. Seldeni origines, &c. Romae. 1661. 4. Mamachii Origg.
et antiquitt. Christian. tom. iv. p. 503, ss. See on the contrary sides, J. F. eRohkopf Vitae




106,                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
which  had  been  adumbrated  for a  considerable  time  in  the
mother-church of Jerusalem, by the position. of Jamnes and his
successors.3    This example was imitated especially in the neighboring  churches, at Antioch  in  particular.4    It is true, that in
the more remote churches the chief presbyters, as presidents of
the college of presbyters, occupied a similar position; but they
had not been as yet elevated above the other presbyters by independent privileges  peculiar to  themselves.5    Ignatius, through
patriarcharum -Alexandrinorum saec. i. et ii. Specim. iii. Lips. 1759. 4. p. 28, s.-On the
accounts of Jerome and Hilary rests the usual Protestant view of the origin of episcopacy,
which is developed among the moderns (for the older literature see % 30, note 1), with
different modifications by Zeigler Gesch. d. Kirchl. Verfassungsformeln, p. 7. Gabler de
Episcopis primae eccl. Christ. eorumnqe origine diss. Jenae. 1805. 4to. Neander K. G.
i. i. 324. Episcopacy is said to have been established as a point of union between the
cKKXGrialt lcar' oelcov, which may have stood independently of each other in towns (see
~ 30, note 6), by J. F. Gruner de Origine episcoporum exerc. Halae. 1764. 4to. Miinscher
Dogmengeschichte, ii. 376, and especially by N. Chr. Kist. fiber den Ursprung der bisch.
Gewalt (in Illgen's Zeitschrift fuir d. hist. Theol. ii. ii. 47). See on the other side Rothe
die Anffinge d. christl. Kirche and ihrer Verfassung, i. 194. According to Rothe (p. 392)
episcopacy was introduced as an instrument of Christian unity by the still remaining
apostles at the council of Jerusalem, at which they chose Symeon bishop of Jerusalem
(Euseb. iii. 11). But when the memory of this synod is preserved how can its most
important transaction be forgotten?  According to Baur (fiber d. Ursprung des Episkopats. Tfibingen. 1838. 8), the heresies which first appeared in full power under the
Antonines, which brought the idea of the Catholic church into a clear point of view, gave
rise to the outward manifestation of this idea by establishing the episcopate, which was
looked upon as a matter of pressing necessity. The Petrine and Pauline parties were
united on this point; and in the endeavor to realize the measure, the influence of the
Clementines, which proceeded from the Petrine party, as well as the Acts of the Apostles,
the pastoral epistles, and the later Ignatian letters, which now proceeded from the Pauline
party, were working in the one direction.
3 See above, ~ 26, note 4. ~ 32, note 2.
* Comp. the epistles of Ignatius, Rothe Anffinge d. christl. Kirche, i. 467. It is worthy
of notice, that the bishop is always here represented as Christ's representative; the
presbyters as the representatives of the apostles (ad Trallianos c. 2: To 6tgaKc67r9 Vro0T6C6EGO0E'if' VIyo  XptLta.-V-0ro7arCuc6     Kai' Tr5 Trpeav7vTpit,  S9 roi roC   67urcrol6'I76ao   Xplaroe, cf. c. 3, ad Magnes. c. 6, ad Smyrn. c. 8); whereas, according to the
view which soon after prevailed in the church, the bishops are the successors and representatives of the apostles. The Imnatian apprehension of this relation appears to have
had its origin in Jerusalem, where James, the brother of Jesus, might be reckoned the
representative of the latter; and in like manner, the other relatives of Jesus who were
subsequently chosen presidents by the churches in Palestine, see ~ 52, note 2.
Clenmens Rom. in Epist. i. ad Corinth, c. 42, names only ETrilCOTot cal Jt6arcovot, and
finds these two classes of the clergy prophetically announced as early as Isaiah Ix. 17.
HIermae Pastor, i. vis. ii. 4: Seniores, qui praesunt ecclesiae. Vis. iii. 5: Apostoli, et
episcopi, et doctores, et ministri. Here the bishops are the seniores, the doctores, the
teaching presbyters and evangelists, and not as Rothe, p. 408, supposes, the presbyters
merely.  Polycarp. ad Philipp. c. 5, admonishes, J7rorTaaea0aet rowi 7rpragvr7polt cal
Jtalc6votC, Sf rT  DEs. Ias XplaTrS. Polycarp designates himself as president among the
presbyters in the beginning of the epistle: Io2vlIcapTropf / a oe aci  aeVr6 7rpe/V73rerpo, r7,
iex2cuai~ TOb Oeod r, riapoticoSv (tliwrrotf K i. T. X.




CHAP. Ill.-AGE OF JOHN. ~ 34. REGULATIONS OF THE CHURCH. 107
the instrumentality of his epistles, recommended episcopacy universally, as a condition of unity, and that, too, in the most
urgent terms;6 and thus the first presbyters soon generally
moved up to the higher step as Eri7tKorot,7 although they retained
besides, for a long  time, the title  7rpEo3JVTE-pot.8   When  the  attempt was made, at a later period, to carry up the series of
bishops, as the successors of the apostles, to the apostles themselves, the most distinguished presbyters of the earlier times
were reckoned as the first bishops.9 In this way we explain
the different accounts of the order of the first Romish bishops."0
The universal right to teach in the public assemblies having
occasioned improprieties very early (James iii. 1), it seems to
have been already in this period so limited by custom, that usually
6 Ignatius recommends submission to the episcopal authority, as something new, or at
least not yet sufficiently settled, see Kist in Illgen's Zeitschrift, ii. ii. 68. In his Epist. ad
Polycarpum he addresses the latter as,rricco7iov different from the 7rpcr,3vTrkpotl (c. 6),
and exhorts him to the exercise of his episcopal rights and duties; although Polycarp
himself, in his epistle written not long afterward, designates himself merely as the principal presbyter (see note 5). Thus Ignatius represents the first presbyters of the churches
as bishops, and wishes to induce them to appropriate the idea of the episcopate. Thus he
addresses Onesimrus as bishop of Ephesus (Ep. ad Ephes. c. 1), Polybius as bishop of
Tralles (ad Trall. c. 12), Dumas as bishop of Magnesia (ad Magnes. c. 2), and an unknown
person as bishop of Philadelphia (ad. Philadelph. c. 1).
7 The rrpoerarrg, who, in Justini Apol. maj. c. 65, is supposed to be in all churches, is
doubtless the bishop.
8 Because they always possessed as yet the character of the presiding presbyter.
Thus the bishops are included among the rpeca3vr7potf in Irenaeus, iii. 2, 2 (successiones
presbyterorum; on the other hand, iii. 3, 1 and 2, successiones episcoporum), iv. 26, 2, 3, 5.
v. 20, 2. In Ireaaei Epist. ad Victoremn ap. Euseb. v. 24, the earlier bishops are called on
TrpCa reprpoti, oi 7rpoaTs,rtEf rTf }tcKriaCaf. Tertullianus in Apologet. c. 39, calls bishops
and presbyters together, seniores.                          b
9 In Alexandria: (Marcus) Annianus, Abilius, Kerdon (Euseb. ii. 24, iii. 14, 21). In
Antioch: Evodius, Ignatius, Heros (Euseb. iii. 22, 36).
10 Comp. ~ 27, note 6. First of all, Irenaeus adv. Haer. iii. 3, followed by Eusebius, iii.
2, 13, 14, 31, gives it thus: Linus (2 Tim. iv. 21?) t 80, Anencletus, Anacletus or Cletus
t 92, Clemens (Philipp. iv. 3?) t 102, Evarestus t 110. Accordingto the Clemlentines, on the
contrary, Clement, the constant attendant of Peter, was consecrated by that apostle bishop
of Rome. This opinion is followed by Tertullian de Praescr. c. 32. Accordingly, the
Apostol. constitutt. vii. 46, give the following order: Linus nominated by Paul, Clement by
Peter, &c. In like manner, Optatus Milev. de schism. Donatist. ii. 2. Augustini Ep. 53,
ad Generosum. On the other hand, Epiphanius, xxvii. 6, represents Clement as ordained
bishop by Peter, but not as having entered on his office till after the death of Linus and
Anacletus. PRufinus praef. in Recognit. says that Linus and Cletus were bishops in the
lifetime of Peter; and that after the death of the latter, Peter appointed Clemlent, shortly
before lhis own death. According to Jerome (Catal. c. 15), most of the Latins-looked upon
Clement as the immediate successor of Peter. The modern Romish church assumes the
following order: Peter, Linus, Clemens, Cletus, Anacletus, Evarestus. Conmp. Jo. Pearsonii and Henr. Dodwelli Diss. de saccessione primorumn  Romae episcoporum, in Pearsonii
opp. posthum. Loud. 1688. 4. J. Ph. Baraterii Disqnuisitio chronol. de successione antiquissima episcoporunm Rom. Ultraj. 1740, 4.




HtS                   FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
only the officers of the congregation spoke in public; although it was
not formally abolished."1
~ 35.
APOSTOLIC FATHERS.
SS. Patrum, qui temporibus apostolicis floruerunt, opera ed. J. B. Cotelerius. Paris. 1672
recud. curavit J. Clericus, ed. 2. Amst. 1724. 2 voll. fol. SS. Patrum apostolic. opera
genuina ed. Rich. Russel. Lond. 1746. 2 roll. 8. S Clementis Rom., S. Ignatii, S.
Polycarpi, patrum apostt., quae supersunt. Accedunt.S. Ignatii et S. Polycarpi martyria.
Ad fidem codd. rec., adnotationibus illustravit, indicibus instruxit Guil. Jacobson. 2 tomi.
Oxon. 1838. ed. 2. 1840. 8. Patrum. apostt. opera (genuina). Textum recognovit, brevi
adnotatione instruxit, et in usum praell. acadd. ed. C. J. EIefele. Tubingae. 1839. ed.
2. 1843.
Apostolic fathers is a title given to those who were the immediate and genuine disciples of the apostles, and in a stricter
sense, to such of them  as have left works behind.   To the school
of Paul belong Barnabas (comp. ~ 26)1 Clement of Rome (comp.
11 Dr. K. F. W. Paniel's pragm. Gesch. d. christl. Beredsamkeit u. d. Homiletik. Bd.
1. Abth. 1. Leipzig. 1839. p. 75.
The epistle of Barnabas, which was regarded even by Clement of Alexandria, Origen,
and Jerome, as genuine, remained entirely unknown till, after Ussher's edition had been
burned in the printing-office at Oxford, 1643, it was first published by Hugo Menardus,
Paris, 1645, 4to, and with a corrected text by Iss. Vosslus appended to the epistles of
Ignatius. Amstel. 1646. 4to. For a long time the predominant opinion was against its
authenticity, see especially Tentzel ad Hieron. Catal. cap. 6, in Fabricii Bibl. eccles. p. 38,
ss. Yet Isaac Vossius, Cave, Grynaeus, Gallandius, declared it genuine. Since J. E.
Chr. Schllidt K. G. 437, Mfinscher Dfgmengesch. i. l11, Rosenmfiller Hist. interpret. libb.
sacr. i. 42, decided in its favor, this became almost the prevailing opinion, and has been
defended with ingenuity, particularly by D. E. Henke de epistolae quae Barnabae tribnitur authentia, Jenae. 1827. 8vo; Bleek Brief a. d. Hebroer, i. 416; and J. Chr. RWirdam
Comm. de authentia epist. Barnabae. Partic. I. Hafn. 1828. 8vo. Gu. H. Haverkorn von
Rysewyk Diss. de Barnaba, Arnhemiae. 1835. 8vo, has also declared in favor of the genuineness. Recently, however, certain important voices have been raised again in opposition to the epistle, as Neander (K. G. i. ii. 1133), Twesten (Dogmatik, i. 104), Ullmann
(theol. Studien u. Kritiken, i. ii. 382), and Hug (Zeitschrift fiir d. Geistlichkeit d. Erzbistb.
Frieburg. ii. 132, ff.; iii. 208, f.). Dan. Schenkel (fiber d. Brief d. Barn. in d. theol. Stud.
u. Kritik. 1837, iii. 652) believes that ~ 1-6, 13,14, 17, constitute the genuine original letter,
and that ~ 7-12, 15, 16, were afterward inserted by a therapeutic Jewish Christian.  On
the other hand, -C. J. Hefele, in the Tfibing. theol. Quartalschr. 1839, i. 50, affirms the
integrity of the epistle, but denies the authenticity of it in the wolrk entitled,' das Sendschreiben des Apostels Barnabas aufs neue untersucht, iibersetzt und erklhrt, Tilbingen.
1840. 8."-The chief ground urged against the genuineness, that the absurd mystical
mode of interpretation could not have proceeded from a companion of the apostle Paul,
seems to me untenable. That Barnabas was not a man of spiritual consequence, is clear
even from the Acts of the Apostles. There he is at first the more prominent by virtue
of his apostolic commission, inl company with Paul (Acts xi. 22; xii. 2, Barnabas and
Saul), but he s.atn falls entirely into the background behind Paul, after a freer sphere of




CHAP. III. —AGE OF JOHN. ~ 35. APOSTOLIC FATHERS.                     109
{ 34, note 10),2  to  whom, in  later times, many  writings were
falsely ascribed,3 and  lHermas, whose work (6  roltpiv)4 inculcates
moral precepts in visions and parables, in  order to  promote  the
activity has commenced (xiii. 13, 43, Paul and Barnabas). The epistle was written soon
after the destruction of Jerusalem, according to chapters iv. and xvi.; and the ancient
testimony of Clement, that Barnabas was the author, can not be derived firom a partiality
of the Alexandrian in favor of a production of kindred spirit, because the millennarianism
of the letter (c. 15) could not have pleased the Alexandrian, and besides, all the interpretations do not agree with Clement, who in his Paedag. ii. p. 221 refutes one of them,
and in his Stromata, ii. p. 464 prefers another view of Psalm i. I to thllat given in the epistle
before us.
2 His epistle to the Corinthians, which was usuatly read in the religious assemblies at
Corinth, as early as the second century (I)ionys. Corinth. in Euseb. H. E. iv. 23, 6. Iren.
iii. 3), is called in question without reason by S-esller (histor. Einleit. zun Baumgarten's
Unters. theol. Streitigkeiten. Bd. 2. S. 16) and Armmon (Leben Jesu, i. 33), but it has
been looked upon as interpolated, by H. Bignon, Ed. Bernard, H. Burton, Jo. Clericus
(see Patrum apost. Cotelerii ed. Clerici, ii. p. 133, 478, 482, and in the notes to the letter),
Ittig, -Mosheim, and Neander. It seems to belong to the end of the first century. In
opposition to Schenkel (theol. Studien und Krit. 1841, i. 65), who places it between 64
and 70, see Schlieniann's Clementinen, p. 409. The so called second epistle, a mere fragment, is spurious (Euseb. iii. 38). These two letters, preserved only in the Cod. Ailexand.,
were first published by Patricius Junius, Oxon. 1633. 4to, and his incorrect text has been
repeated in most editions. After a careful comparison of the MS., a more correct text
was given first of all by Henr. Wotton, Cantabr. 1718.
3 Namely, 1. Two letters in the Syriac language, see below ~ 73; note 5. 2. Constitutiones and Canones apostolorum, see ~ 67, note 3.  3. Recognitiones Clementis and
Clementina, see ~ 58.
4 Partly an imitation of the 4th book of Ezra (see ~ 31, note 3, comp. Jachmann, p. 63),
it professes to be a writing of the Hermas mentioned in Romans xvi. 14 (lib. i. vis. ii. c.
4), and is quoted as scripture even by Irenaeus, iv. 3. When the opposition to Montanism
began in the west toward the close of the second century (see below ~ 59), it lost its reputation there with those who were inclined to Montanist views, because it allowed a repentance once after baptism, and with the opponents of Montanism; it fell into disrepute,
on account of its apocalyptic form (Tertull. de Pudic. c. 10: Cederem tibi, si scriptura
pastoris, quae sola moechos amat, divino instrumento meruisset incidi, si non ab omni
concilio ecclesiarum, etiam vestrarum, inter apocrypha et falsa judicaretur. C. 2: Ille
apocryphus pastor moechorum), and now it is declared by the Fragmentum de canone in
Muratorii Antiquitt. Ital. iii. 853: Pastorem vero nuperrime temporibus nostris in urbe
Roma Hermas conscripsit, sedente cathcedra urbis Romae ecclesiae Pio episcopo, fratre
ejus. This assumption, which Irenaeus can not have known, became afterward the usual
one in the west. On the contrary, the work remained in repute among the Alexandrians,
and is cited by Clement of Alex. and Origen frequently, by Athanasius several times as
an authority (see Jachmann, p. 37). Origenes in Ep. ad Rom. com-m. lib. x. c. 31: Puto
tamuen, quod Hermas, iste (Rom. xvi. 15) sit scriptor libelli istius, qui Pastor appellatur,
quae scriptura valde mihi utilis videtur, et, ut puto, divinitus inspirata. But when in later
times the Arians appealed to it (Athanasii Epist. ad Afros in Opp. i. ii. 895) its reputation
sank in the Greek church also. Hieronymus in Catal. c. 10: Herman, cujus apostolus
Paulus ad Rolnmanos scribens meminit-asserunt auctol-tum esse libri, qui appellatur Pastor, et apud quasdam Graeciae ecclesias etiam publice legitur. Revera utilis liber, multique de eo scriptorum veterum usurpavere testimonia, sed apud Latinos paene ignotus
est. Liicke Einl. in die Offenbasunmg Joh. p. 141, places it in the middle of the second
century, Jachmann der Hirte des Hermas, IKinigsb. 1835, in the beginning of it, and
regards the Hermas of Paul as the author.




110                     IRST PERIOD.-DIV.. —A.D. 1-117.
completeness of the church.   The disciples of John are Ignatius,
bishop of Antioch (see ~ 33, note 8),5 Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna
{f 167),6  and Papias, bishop  of Hierapolis,7 of whose writings
5 Seven epistles ad Smyrnaeos, ad Polycarpum, ad Ephesios, ad Magnesios, ad Phil adelphienses, ad Trallianos, ad Romanos (Polycarp Ep. c. 13, mentions the epistles of
Ignatius in general, Iren. v. 28 cites thslt to thle Romans, Origenes prol. in Cant. Cant. and
Hom. vi. in Lucams those to the Romans and Ephesians  Eusebius, iii. 36 mentions all the
seven) are extant in a longer and in a shorter recension. (The latter was first published
by Is. Vossius, at Amstel. 16-19. 4to.) The controversy concerning their genuineness was
interwoven with that respecting the origin of Episcopacy. In the oldere literature, which
is rich in notices of the epistles, the chief work in favor of the authenticity is: Jo. Pearson.
Vindiciae epistol, S. Ignatii. Cantabr. 1672. 4. The leading work against the authenticity
is: Jo. Dallaeus de scriptis, quae sub Dionysii Areop. et Ignatii Antioch. nominibus circumferauntur. Genev. 1666. 4. Recently Rothe (Anfainge p. 715) defended the authenticity. But in opposition to him, Baur (uiber die Ursprung des Epislopats, S. 148, if.)
asserted that those letters were composed at Rome in the second half of the second century, on the side of the pure Pauline Christianity against the Petrine Judaizing tendency
which had found expression in the Clementines. Dr. J. E. Huther again defended the
autlenticity with reference to these doubts (Illgen's Zeitschrift fiir die histor. Theol. 1841,
iv. 1). As regards the two recensions, W. Wlhiston (Primitive Christianity revived,
Leond. 1711) is the only person who has declared the longer to be the original one;
while Dr. F. K.. Maier (theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1836. ii. 340) is of opinion that it cones muck
nearer the original text. Against the latter see Rothe, 1. c. p. 739, and Arndt (theol. Stud.
t1. Krit. 1839. i. 136). J. E. Chr. Schmidt (ini Hesnke's Magazin. iii. 91) thought that both
recensions arose from a thorough revision of the genuine text, but yet he admitted (in his
Biblioth. ffir Rritik. u. Exegese d. N. T. ii. 29) that the shorter cones nearest to the
genuine text. Netz (theol. Stud. u. Kritik. 1835. iv. 881) has repeated the same opinion.
Against him see Arndt (theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1839. i. 742). The latest investigations have
all turned out in favor of the shorter recension (see Rothe, Arndt, Huther, 11. cc. F. A.
Chr. Diisterdieck, quae de Ignatianai'an epistolarum authentia, duorumque textuum ratione et dignitate hucusque prolatae sunt sententiae enarrantur et dijudicantur.  Got~
tingae. 1843. 4. Worthy of attention are the remarks of Arndt, S. 139, respecting the
necessity of revising the text of the shorter recension after the best MSS. and other
existing critical helps. Eight other pretended letters of Ignatius are certainly spurious.
[See particularly " The ancient Syriac version of the epistles of St. Ignatius to St. Polycarp,
the Ephesians, and the Romans; together with extracts from his epistles collected from
the writings of Severus of Antioch, Timotheus of Alexandria, and others. Edited with an
English translation and notes. Also the Greek text of these three epistles, corrected
according to the authority of the Syriac version. By WVilliam  Cureton, M.A., London.
1845. 8vo.
6 Epist. ad Philippenses, mentioned so early as by Irenaeus, iii. 3 (ap. Euseb. iv. 14, 3),
frequently, however, controverted by the opponents of thle Ignatian epistles, doubted of by
S6enler and Rossler, and recently declared to be spurious by Schwegler (der Montanismus
und d. Christl. Kirche. Tiibingen. 1841. S. 260).  On the other side, Schliemann's Clementinesn, S. 418.
7'ItdvVov Itv diCOVr7f, IOvZwcdpwTov dJ &raipof  yE7ovYf, Iren. v. 33, is said to have
suffered martyrdom in 163, in Pergamus (Chronic. pasch. ed. Bonn. i. 481), wrote aoycss)v
-vptalcidv CEsy7etgf; fragments in Grabe, ii. p. 26. Routh, i. p. 1. In Euseb. H. E. iii. 36, he
is called: ('vip r(i 7iravraa ort d    oL yt(ar arof, icaci rif ypa~Cf.eldszgav (respecting
the omission of these words in some MSS. after tuLfin's example, see Kimmel de Rufino,
p. 236). But because he expressed very gross millennarianism in his writings (although
that doctrine was older), Eusebius passes a very severe judgment nupon him, H. E. iii. 39:
XtXl6ida rlvci s  rlaZv  iErcv caraeaLt,aer2 r?)v  x veCpEKPsV adCVTaatv, coaajzerrcKc  ik TO'70
Xpt7rov piaateiag t7rGt ravrrlat 7fT  YOC yio9r7e-o0vif-a-~pS6dpa ydp rot aostcp0f Asv 7r-V




CHAP. III. —AGE OF JOHN. ~ 36. DOCTRINAL DEVELOPMENT.  111
nothing but fragments are extant.   The compositions attributed
to Dionysius the Areopagite (Acts xvii. 34) are spurious.8
~ 36.
DEVELOPMENT OF DOCTRINE IN THIS PERIOD.
While the stricter party of Jewish Christians maintained the
Jewish particularism, and therefore constantly indeavored to impose
on  the  Gentile  Christians  the  observance  of the  Mosaic  law,1
that speculation which  strove to  comprehend Christianity  in its
peculiar nature was always becoming more powerful in other
quarters.   Inasmuch  as a speculative  basis was not yet firmly
established, great freedom was allowed for it; but as soon as it
trenched upon the moral and religious interests of Christianity,
it was resisted, and not till then.2    It was principally  with  the
wonderful person of Christ, which it endeavored to understand,
that speculation  occupied itself.   Even  here the  most different
tendencies were indulged in, as long as they left unimpaired the
divine and human in Christ, by the union of which the atoning
and  model character of the life of Jesus was necessarily constituted.   Hence,  the,Shepherd  of  Hlermas,  with  its  peculiar
Christology, gave no offense.3 On the contrary, the doctrine of
voDv.-71r2'i#v Kcai 7oZc ETc' aVTrv 7TZErWTotf OCot;I *'V bectc-,ta7ttcv -r71C blzoiaf a'brQi
d66rg lrapairTlo ygyove —(cirrep ocV  Elpprvaeip iC. r. X. With what right Eusebius, who
in his Chronicon (Olymp. 220) allows Papias without hesitation to have been a disciple
of the apostle John, declares in this work that he was only the pupil of a certain presbyter
John, is examined by Olshausen, die Echtheit der vier kanon. Evangelien. Kanigsb.
1823. S. 224, if.
s Respecting them see below g 110, note 4.
I Against this party is directed Epist. Barnabae, c. 1-16.
2 Thus an error which threatened to turn Christian liberty into licence is combated
in the Epistle of Jude, which was written after the destruction of Jerusalem (Credner's
Einl. in d. N. T. i. ii. 611), and in the 2d Epistle of Peter, which is an imitation of that
of Jude (Credner, i. ii. 650). The false teachers mentioned in the latter epistle denied the
return of Christ and the judgment (2 Peter iii. 3, ff.).
3 Hermae Pastor, iii. 5, 5: Filius Spiritus sanctus est. iii. 9, 1: Spiritus filius Dei est.
iii. 9, 12: Filius Dei omni creatura antiquior est, ita ut in consilio patri suo adfuerit ad
condendam creaturam. C. 14: Nomen filii Dei magnum et immensumn est, et totus ab eo
sustentatur orbis. This spirit dwells in men, i. 5, 1: To 7rve/uea r  lytov 6 aro ticov EV
toi. iii. 5, 6: Accipiet mercedem omne corpus purum  ac sine macula repertum, in quo
habitandi gratia constitutus fuerit Spiritus sanctus. The Holy Spirit is the essence of all
virtues, which, iii. 9, 13, are designated under the title of virgins, and even called Spiritus
sancti: non aliter homo potest in regnum Dei intrare, nisi hae (virgines) induerint eum




112                   FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 1-117.
the Docetae was rejected, which represented  Christ's  humanity
as a mere  appearance, in  the  way  that the  Jews conceived  of
the  manifestations  of angels  (ooiut1rai).4    In  the  mean  time,
however, speculation relative to the higher nature of Christ and
the  essence  of Christianity, attached itself to the  more  general
questions respecting the  creation of the world and the origin of
evil.   Here the Alexandrine Jewish  philosophy presented  itself
as a pattern.   The idea of the  X6yoco in particular was borrowed
firom it for the purpose of explaining the higher nature of Christ.5
John followed this speculation in his gospel, in order to divert it
from  the region of a fruitless hyper-naturalism   into a consideration of the mnoral efficacy of the Logos.6   It went astray, howveste sua. Quicunque nomen filii Dei portat, harumn quoque nomina portare debet: naIn
et Filius nomina portat earom. Respecting the person of Christ, iii. 5, 2: A master intrusts a faithful servant with the care of a vineyard, praecipiens, ut vitibus jungeret palos.
The servant does for him still more than he had been ordered. The master consults about
rewarding him adhibito filio, quem cartum et haeredem habebat, et amicis, quos in consilio
advocabat, and concludes: volo eum filio meo facere cohaeredem. The explanation, c. 5:
The master is God, Filius autem Spiritus sanctus est: servus vero, ille Filius Dei est.
Vinea autem populus est, quem servat ipse. Pali vero Nuncii (angels) sunt, qui a Domino
praepositi solt ad continendum populum ejus. C. 6: Quare autem Dominus in consilio
adhibuerit Filium de haereditate et bonos Angelos?  Quia Nuncius (Christ) audit illum
Spiritum  sanctum, qui infusus est omniium  primns, in corpore, in quo habitaret Deus.
Caum igitur corpus illud paruisset omni tempore Spiritui sancto; placuit Deo —ut et huic
corpori-locus aliquis consistendi daretur, ne videretur mercedem servitutis suae perdidisse. A useful application, c. 7: Corpus hoc toum custodi mundum atque purum; ut
Spiritus ille qui inhabitabat in eo, testimonium referat illi, et tecum fuisse judicetur. The
eternal Son of God is here tlhe Holy Spirit, and there is no account of a personal union of
him with the man Jesus. Against Jachmann Hirte des Hermas, S. 70, and Schliemann
Clementinen, S. 423, who wish to defend the orthodoxy of Hermas, see Baur Lehre von
der Dreieinigkeit, i. 134.
4 Later names: Phantasiastae, Phantasiodocetae, Opinarii. Perhaps even 1 Job. iv. 2;
2 Joh. 7 (see Liicke's Comm. zu Johannes, 2te Aufl. iii. 66). Distinctly and often in
Ignatius ad Ephes. vii. 18, ad Trallianos ix. 10, ad Smyrn. 1-8:'Ijiroov rb doKeiv
(8oiCaGet, cavraaia) 7reroEv(vat, and in the Evang. Petri (Serapion apud Euseb. vi. 12).
Cf. Hieronymus adv. Luciferialos (ed. Martian. tom. iv. p. ii. p. 304): Apostolis adhuc in
saeculo superstitibus, adh-cn apud Judaeam  Christi sanguine recenti, phantasma Domini
corpus asserebatur. So thought the Jews about the appearances of angels, Tob. xii. 19.
Philo de Abrah. p. 366: Tepduatov 6d  ca TO 705 2 nretv.vTaf 7retvvrovT, tcai py?? /oOiovraS
uOGv7Twrv wrapkXelv baveraciav. (Comp. Neander's gnostische Systeme, S. 23.) Josephus
Antt. i. 11, 2, v. 6, 2: cuavr7doaurog 6' a& r7 (Gideoni) irapaar7vro7  veav/atov yopon. The
church fathers had the very samle idea of the appearances of angels, comp. Keilii opusc.
ed. Goldhorn ii. 548. H. A. Niemeyer comm. de Docetis. Halae, 1823. 4.
5 So also in the K1ispvy/a u9r-pov. Clem. Alex. Strom. i. p. 427, Credner's Beitr/ge zur
Einl. in die bibl. Schriften, i. 354.
6  iicke's Comm. fiber d. Evangel. d. Johannes. 3te Aufl. i. 202. C. L. W. Grimm  de
Joanneae christologiae indole Paulinae comparata. Lips. 1833. 8. K.  Frommann's der
Johanneisehe Lellrbegriff in his Verh;iltnisse zur gesammten biblisch-christl. Lehre.
Leipzig, 1839. 8. K. R. Kostlin's Lehrbegriffdes Evang u. der Briefe Johannis. Berlin,
1843. 8.




CHAP. III.-AGE  OF JOHN. ~ 36. DOCTRINAL DEVELOPMENT. 113
ever, even at that time, falling into that false  Gnosis which  denies the fundamental principles of Christianity, and which the
apostle Paul had already predicted in its germs.   The first Christian-Gnostic  system  was that of Cerinthus, in which, however,
the Gnosis did not yet attain a consistent development, but was
obliged to accommodate itself to many Jewish opinions.7
7 According to him, the God of the Jews (rLtovrpy6,) is separated from the highest God
by a series of Aeons, and the highest God was first revealed by the Aeon Christ. The
Mosaic law, however, must be observed, a resurrection and thousand years' reign be
expected. J. E. Ch. Schmidt Cerinth ein judaisirender Christ, in his Bibliothek fur
Kritik u. Exegese des N. T. i. 181. H. E. G. Paulus historia Cerinthi in his Introductionis in N. T. capita selectiora. Jenae. 1799. 8. Neander's Kirchengesch. 2te Aufi.
i. ii. 683.
vOL. I.-8




114              FIRST PERIOD. —DIV. II.-A.D. 117-]19:{
SECOND DIVISION.
FROM HADRIAN TO SEPTIMUS SEVERUS. FROM 117-193.
INTRODUCTION.
~ 37.
STATE OF PAGANISM.
P. E. Miiller de hierarchia et studio vitae asceticae in sacris et mysteriis Graecorum
Romanorumque latentibus. Hafn. 1803. 8, in the second section (translated in the Neue
Biblioth. der schbnen Wissenschaf'ten. Bd. 69. S. 207, if.). Tzschirner's der Fall des
Heidenthums. Bd. 1. S. 124-164.
Although the emperors of this time preserved to the Roman
empire external security, maintained internal order and justice,
and favored the sciences,' yet the old Roman morality and religious sobriety could not be restored among the degenerate people.  The propensity to theosophic mysteries, consecrations, and
purifications (~ 14), produced new institutions which ministered
to superstition. They were no longer satisfied with the wandering priests of Isis and Cybele, the Chaldeans and Magic.   In
the second century, many secret rites or mysteries were spread
abroad over the Roman empire in addition to the former (those
of the Dea Syra, of Isis, of Mllithras),  Besides these, the old
Eleusinian and Dionysian mysteries also came again into greater
repute, though it would appear that they were variously acoom.
modated to the spirit of the time.  Abstinence from  sensual
pleasures was a universal condition of initiation, by which it
was supposed that the people obtained a nearer communion with
the deities as they passed through the different gradations of the
mysteries.   This period  was conscious of its  godless  condi.
tion, but mistaking the religious moral way, it sought to obtain
l Schlosser's universalhist. Uebersicht d. Geschichte d. alten WVelt, iii. ii. 167. Bern.
hardy's Grundriss d. rbm. Literatur. S. 126. The same author's Grundriss d. griech.
Literatur. i, 406.




INTRODUCTION. ~ 38. FATE OF THE JEWS.                              115
purity  by  magic, with  the  aid  of all kinds of external observances.  We have a proof, in the horrible Tauroboliumz? and
Krioboliuiw which now appeared, of the extreme ingenuity of
superstition.    The  prevailing  philosophy  continued  Ito  be  that
Platonic eclecticism   which  adopted  and  defended  all superstitions,2 although by it a certain monotheism was elevated above
polytheism, even in the view of the people generally.3 Among
the Platonics of this time, the  most distinguished  are Plutarch
of Chaeroneca [f 120], Apuleius of Madaura [about 170] and
Mcaximus of Tyre [about 190].  In opposition to this dogmatic
philosophy, skepticism, too, was always rising to  a higher degree
of strength.    Sextus.E ipiricus.
~ 38..
FATE OF THE JEWS.
Dio Cassius, lxviiLh c. 32, lxix. c. 12-14.  Euseb. Hist. eccl. iv. c. 2 u. 6.-F. Mfinter der
jiid. Krieg unter den Kaisern Trajan u. Hadrian. Altola u. Leipz. 1821. 8. Jost's
Gesch. d. Israeliten, Th. 3, S. 181, fl
The hatred of the Jews against the Romans was still more
increased by the destruction of Jerusalem,. and the great oppression that followed, and soon began  to  manifest itself in  new  acts
of  rebellion.   An  insurrection   first  broke  out  in   Cyrecnaica
(115), which spread over E                     ypt also, and raged longest in Cyprus.  Another was kindled simultaneously in _lesopotamia.
Even Hadrian found relapses of these rebellions, which required
2 Numenlius (about 130) repi Trdyadoo  lib. i. (apud Eusebii Praep. evang. ix. 7): Eit
6  TOVTO7   deretL.czr6vTra, Kcai  c/tgvcaevvo v T7af /yapTvp.tiaf TroO IIrTSvo f, a(LvaxwpjcacOat Kai ~vvdaaaOat rooZg 26yolf 7t0   JlvOay6pov'    ErrmtzaccauOat 8  r7a'0V71 ra
EVdoIcteoOvra, wepoa0ep6.Evoev aVrTCv rTC rec0eCraC, cai r7i  6ytT ara, ra( re  idpE5c tS avvre6ovsvag HI2Ac, v G      OXOeyOVViCVO, dir6aga  Bpa,~/avef, icai'Iovdacol, Kcat Md)yot, tcai
3 Maximus Tyrius Diss. xvii. (al. i.) ex rec. J. Davisii.  Lond.. 1740. 4. p. 193, Nwith
reference to the different opinions of mnen respecting divine things:'Ev reoaoar)  d')i,roZgp/ icai ct  aet, cca t,  dCata laC,  vca iOes av ev 3rCia, 7,rY  bO6,UOVOV v6poov caci   y;OV,
7ts OecOS  elf wrZvrov /3actXEVf, Caci rTar7p, caci aOeoi 7io;O2, Ovoe  7rpldeg, avvpXOvr ef
Ore.  TaTra 6~ 6 "EAX2v AcYEt, ccai 6 fo pfiapoeg Zlyet, /cat 6 Viretp6rg, cai 6 oaLaTr7lOS, cKai 6 aoObc, icai b c aoSog. Icalv Eiret io&cea d vofi E'YOC rq   rovaf, a(cei  Oeoi,
T-rofg /u5v avoal'ov7egf ayXoe  gyiaa, TroS d6 Icaradv6C evot.  Accordingly we now  frequently meet with the view that the numerous names of the deities designated nothing
but the same being under different aspects. Apuleii Metamorph. lib. xi. ed. Elmenhorst.
p. 258, ss.  Lobeck Aglaophamnus, t. i. p. 460, ss. To this also the figurae pantheae, fre-,qieently found on gems,point.




.116               FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 117-193.
to be combatedl, and appears to have been led by them  to entertain the idea of doing away the dangerous and exclusive nationality of this people, by prohibiting circumcision.l   As he resolved,
at the  same time, to restore  Jerusalem   by  means  of a Roman
colony, a pretended Messiah soon made his appearance, who, under
the title of Bacr CUochab (Numb. xxiv. 17),2 obtained many adherents, especially by the recognition of Rabbi Akibac, elevated the
fortress Bether to be the seat of his kingdom, and endeavored
from  it to drive the Romans out of the land (132).   His conquests; had already extended beyond Syria, when JTulius Severus:
appeared, and, after a bloody war, put an end to the insurrection
by taking possession of Bether (135).   Palestine became a complete wilderness.   The colony  of Aelia  Capitolina rose on the
ruins of Jerusalem, but access to it was prohibited to the Jews
on  pain  of death.   Hadrian's  prohibition  of circmaleision  was;
first abolished by Antoninus Pius.3' Spartianus in Iladriano, c. 14. Moverunt, ea tempest.te et Judaei bellum, quod
vetabantur mutilare genitalia.
2 Called after his want of suceess-,  I'1D3 *3 filius mend'acii.
3 Modestinus JCtus (about 244) in Dig. lib. xlviii. tit. 8. h. 11: Circumcidere Judaeis:
filios suos tantun. rescripto Divi Pii permittitur: in non ejusdem religionis qui hoc fecorit,
castrantis poena irrogatur. Ulpianus in Digslib.L.tit. 2..13. ~ 3: Eis, qui Judaicanm,
superstitionem sequantur, D. Severus et Antoninus honores (namely, decuriobnum) adipisci
permiserunt: sed et necessitates (the onera functiones et munera incumbent on the decmriones) eis imposuerunt, quae superstitionem eorum non laederent. Julius Paulus (about
222) in his sententiis receptis (in Schultingii Jurisprudentia vetus antejustinianea and
Hugo Jus civile antejustin. tom. i.) lib. v. tit. 22. de seditioass 3: cives Rlomani, qui se
Judaico ritu vel servos snos circullcidi patiuntur, bonis ademptis in insulamn perpetuo
relegantur. Medici capite puniuntur. 4. Judaei si alienae nationis comparatos servos
circamciderint, aut deportantur ant capite puniuntur. Even the Samaritans were nlot
allowed to practice circumcision, Origenes e. Celslmn~ ii. c., 13. p. 68.. ed. Spencer..




C-HAP. I. —EXTERNAL HISTORY.    39. DIFFUSION.                      117
FIRST CHAPTER.
EXTERNAL HIISTORY OF CHRISTIANITY.
~ 39.
ITS DIFFUSION.
Although the Christian writers of this time manifestly speak
in exaggerated  terms of the spread of Christianity,l  yet the extraordinary progress it made can not be mistaken.   In the west,
it extended from Rome to western Afrticc, where Carthage was
its chief seat.2    In Gaul, we find churches at Lyons and  TVienne,
immediately after the middle of the second century (Euseb. V. ce
1). From this country Christianity may have spread into Ge'r.
1 Justin. Dial. c. Tryph. c. 117: Ovde v yclp 6.2~w  1r6t r0 yevof aivOpd7ro v, Etire  apo3dpov, eTe EM2'vjv, e.e tiXa2cS   rto 0c d'r6,taritL wpoaayopevo/evuv, g  pa1o,3ictv, 
d.oi~Kv cKaov/ivwv, V kv criYvaf Clcp7'OrpS0dV oiVVTvrov, v 0olf /I' dtai ro7  bv6[/araf
Irot aravpoOtEvrog'I7raoi Etxat iai EXarpctbtat ra  ararpit 1ca7 rOL1 271 rdv C  woV yivovraL.
Irenaeus, i. 3: Kai onre at iv rep'paviatf.Idpv/ipvat E8IcaaGaa  d2 a2wS  iearVrtvlcacatv,   ),26XaS wpraeahdoavtV,  E  E  ta~C a IclIpaSitg, OpTrE Et KEcaO1S, o7ne tCar& rpaS 5Vanoa'f,
OVTE te Aiyrr6n), OVTE Ev At/lfp, oren al canri paa nro  a6uov K iOpvjEaval. Tertullianus
adv. Judaeos c. 7: In quem en2im alium aniversae gentes credidertut nisi in Christum,
qui jam  venit?  Cui enim et aliae gentes crediderunt: Parthi, Medi, Elamitae, et qui
inhabitant Mesopotamiam, Armneniam, Phrygiam, Cappadociaml, et incolentes Pontum et
Asiam, Pamphyliam, immorantes Aegyptuml et regionera Africae, quae est trans Cyrenen,
inhabitantes Romam, et incolae tunC et in Hierusalem Judaei et caeterae gentes (according to Acts ii.. 9, 10): etiam Getulorum varietates, et Maurorum multi fines, Hispaniarum omnes termini, et Galliarum diversae nationes, et BritaLnonoum  inaccessa Romanis
loca, Christo vero subdita, et Sarmatarum et Dacorum et Germanorum et Scytharum et
abditarum  multarLm  gentium, et provinciarum  et insularum munltarum, nobis ignotarumn,
et quae enumerare ninus possmnus.  In the Roman empire: Tertulliani Apol. c. 37: Si
enim  hostes exertos, non tanttlmn vindices occultos agere vellemus, deesset nlobis vis
nnmerormn et copi'arum?  Plures nimirnmn Mauri et Marcomanni ipsique Parthi, vel
quantaecunque, unius tamen loci et suorum finimon, gentes, quam totius orbis? Eesterni
sumus, et vestra omnia implevimus, urbes, insulas, castella, municipia, conciliabula, castra
Ipsa, tribus. decarias, palatium, senatum, forulm. Iren. iv. 49, mentions fideles, qui in
regali aula sunt et ex iis, quae Caesaris sunt, habent utensilia.
2 Fr. AlMnteri Primordia eccl. Africannae. Hafn. 1829. 4. p. 6, ss. The numbers of the
Christians here, even so early as the end of the second century, may be inferred from
Tertullian Apologet. c. 37: Hesterni sumus et vestra omnia implevimus, urbes, insulas,
castella, municipia etc., and adv. Scapul. c. 5, when it is said that, in case of a persecution,of the Christians, Carthage would have to be decimated. About 200 A.D. a synod was
held under Agrippinus, bishop of Carthage (Cyprian. Epist. 71 and 73), which, according to
Augustin. de Baptismn, i. c. 13, consisted of seventy African and Numidian bishops.




118                 FIRST PERPIOD.-DIV. II. —A.D. 117-193.
many  (Cisrhenana) 3 and Britain, but only by the efforts of individuals.   In  the  east, we find it firmly  established  in  Edessa,
so early  as the  middle of the  second  century;4 and  from  this
city it had also extended itself, as it seems, into the countries
lying eastward.5    In northern Arabia,6 there must likewise have
been Christians so early as this period.   About 1S0, Pantaenus
went from  Alexandria to India,7 to preach the gospel in that region (Euseb. H. E. v. 10).
40
OPPOSITION TO CHRIS'TIANITY BY WRITER.S,
Tzclhimer's der Fall des Heidenthumns. Bd. 1. S. 313, ff.
The principal opponent of Christianity at this period was the'Epicurean  Celsus (about 150), who, in  a work  styled  "daR0XOg
u67yo9,"  and perhaps in  others now  lost, collected  all that could
be said  against it with  any  appearance  of probabilitJy.    The
3 C. J. Hefele's Gesch. d. Einffibhrng des Christentllums in siidvestl. Deutschland.
Tiubingen. 1837. S. 42.
4 The Christian scholar Bardesanes, about 160-170, was highly esteemed by the prince
of Edessa, Abgar Bar Mann. According to the Chronicon of Edessa in Assemani Bibl.
orient. i. 391, the church of the Christians in Edessa was destroyed by an inundation as
early as 202 A.D. Comp. Bayer Historia Osrhoena et Edessena. Petrop. 1734. 4. p. 170.
O Bardesanes de Fato (in Eusebii Praep. evang. vi. c. 10): OVrTE ol Ev HIapOai Xptc-rtavoi.,rro2v),ayovat, HIpOot?rtIpxov7ECf, o0') ol 8v MdVa Icval 7raapapc32iovat roof ve/cpofoiX oCl v IHepaid~  yaoovati rad OvyarEpag avr7Cv, HIpuat ovyres oo 7rapd Bdigrpotl ial
2'.lXojtf 06etpovur froe  y~tovf' o)) o0'v A/ysirrrp OBpynscovn t rv'Artiv, 4 rbv KIva, r
TrV Tpdy(ov1 l Aiovpov - a2' 050 rov  elav, ovre viroTb o(v Icacc6  cety v'ov v6pov, ial
IEOv vlc6dvrat.
6 Arabia Pet'aea, since the time of Trajan a Roman province under the name Arabia,
its chief city being Bostra, or Nova Colonia Trajana. So early as the middle of the third
eentury there' were many bishops here, Enseb. vi. 33, 37.
Probably Yemen, see ~ 27, note 28. Comp. Redepenning's Origines, i. 66.
C1 elsus and his work are hnown only by the refutation of Origen (contra Celsumn libb.
viii. ed. G. Spencer. Cantabrig. 1677. 4to, translated by Mosheim, Hamburg. 1745. 4to, cf.
C. It. Jachmann de Celso philosopho disseruit, et fragmeuta libri, quem contra Christianos
edidit, collegit, a Koenigsberg Easter-programm. 1836. 4). Origen calls him an Epicurean (i. p. 8, espiGoceCat 1' 2r02uv avyypauzrdonv'ErttcodVpetog 6v), who merely kept back
his Epicureanism in his work (iv. p. 163, [z~ 7rdvv'u0azavov  t1 ro70  avyyp6/fqmuro f rbv'Etrrucoipeov, AM&2  Trpoa7,rotodvgevogf rp6votav eidtvat), and assurmed the mien of a Platonic
philosopher (iv. p. 219, lv 1roe7oD g zrtarouvictv O9LcEt); doubtless because he was able to
influence the religious heathen only in this way. In opposition to the opinion that Celsus
was really a Platonist, which has become common on Mosheim's authority (preface to his
version of Origen, p. 22, if.), his Epicureanism is asserted by J. F. Fenger de Celso,
Christianorum adversario, Epic.reo, comm. Havn,. 1828. S. Tzschirner's Fall des Heiden



CHAP. I.-EXTERNAL HISTORY. ~ 41. POPULAR DISPOSiTION. 119
Cynic philosopher  Crescens, and  the  rhetorician  M. Cornelius
Fronto  (about 150), are known  as the enemies of Christianity
only by detached passages.2 Lucian of Samosata (about 180)
also considered Christianity  in no other light than  as one of the
many  follies of the time, which deserved the satirical lash.3
~ 41.
DISPOSITION OF THE PEOPLE IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE TOWARD
CHRISTIANITY.
Clrist. Kortholt Paganus obtrectator. Kilon. 1.698. 4. J. J. Huldrici Gentilis obtrectator.
Tigur. 1744. 8. G. F. Gudii Paganus Christianorumn laudator et fautor. Lips. 1741. 4.
Tzschlirner der Fall des Heidenthums, i. 225, if. 335, ff. G. G. S. Koepke de statu et
conditione Christianorum sub impp. Romanis alterius p. Chr. saeculi. Berol. 1828. 4.
(A school-programm.)
In proportion as the peculiar nature of Christianity, as a different system from Judaism, became better known, so much the
tlhums, i. 325. According to F. A. Philippi de Celsi, adversarii Christianorunm, philosophandi
genere. Berol. 1836. 8, he was an eclectic with a special leaning to Epicurus. According
to C. W. I. Bindemann (Oiber Celsus u. seine Schrift gegen die Christen, in Illgen's
Zeitschr. flir d. hist. Theol. 1842, ii. 58), he was a Platonic philosopher of a rnore liberal
tendency, who agreed with Epicurus in many points. According to Origenl, i. p. 28,
Celsus lived /carna'Adptavn Kae KcarrWopu. It is certain that he wrote in the second half
of the second century, for he recognizes the whole of the Gnostic sects, and even the
Marcionites (v. p. 272), as parties completely formed. Probably he is the samle Celsus to
whom Lucian dedicates his Alexander, as is assumed by the ancient scholiast (see Luciani
Alexander ed. C. G. Jacob, Colon. 1828, p. 8. Fenger p. 40, ss. BRindemann, 1. c. 99).
Origen does not know (i. p. 53, iv. p. 186) whether he is the same Celsus who wrote
several bools against mlagic, and two other books against the Christians.
2 Respecting Crescens comp. Euseb. iv. 16, where also the passages Justin. Apol. ii. c.
3. Tatian. Orat. c. 19, are quoted. Respecting Fronto see Minucius Fel. c. 9 and c. 31.
In his works de mllorte Peregrini, c. 11-16, Alexander c. 25, 38, de vera Historia, i. 12,
30, ii. 4, 11, 12, cf. Walchii Rerum christianarum apud Lucialum de morte Peregr. explicatio, in the Novis commentariis Soc. Reg. scient. Gotting. t. viii. p. 1, ss. Lucianus num
scriptis suis adjuvare religionem christianam  voluerit diss. scripsit H. C. A. Eichst;idt.
Jenae. 1820. 4 (also in Luciani Opp. ed. Lehmann, t. i. p. lxxv. ss.). Tzschirner's Gesch.
d. Apologetilk, i. 200, if. The same author's Fall des Heidentlums, i. 315, ff. K. G. Jacob's
Charakteristik Lucian's v. Samosata. Hamburg.. 1832, S. 155. Baur's Apollonius von
Tyana u. Christus, S. 140. The dialogue Philopatris according to J. M. Gesneri de aetate
et auctore dialogi Lucianei, qui Philopatris inscribitur, ed. 3. Gotting. 1741 (also in Luciani
Opp. ed. Reitz. iii. 708, ss.), is usually placed in the time of Julian. According to Niebubhr
it was first composed under the emperor Nicephorus Phocas, in the year 968 or 969, see
Corporis scriptt. hist. Byzant. Bonnensis, P. xi. (Leo Diaconus, &c.) praef. p. ix. On the
other side, see Bernhardy in the Berlin Jahrbiicher, Juli, 1832, S. 131, and Neander K. G. ii.
i. 190. A new opinion is advanced by Ehemann in Stirm's Studien der ev. Geistlichk.
Wirtemberg's, 1839, S. 47.




120                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 117-193.
more must it have appeared, when viewed from the position of
a he-.athen  citizen, as a hostile  threatening  power, whose rapid
diffusion was highly suspicious.   The  Christians saw  only evil
demons in  the gods of the heathen;  and  since  the worship  of
the gods had pervaded all forms of life, they were compelled  entirely to withdraw themselves from the public and the domestic
life of the heathen, from   their  amusements, and  their  works
of art.'   Hence Christianity appeared to the heathen in the light
of  a  misanthropic  superstition.2    But the  Christians  refused
even to the emperors the usual marks of divine honor paid them.3
They cherished among them  the expectation that a near destruction  was  impending over all the  kingdoms of the  earth;4
and many would not assume the civil and military offices to which
they were called.5 It was natural, therefore, that they should
be looked upon  as bad  citizens;  and  however solemn was their
asseveration that Christianity demanded still greater obedience
- Hence from the games (cf. Tertulliani de Spectaculis liber), festivities, and banquets
(even the wearing of garlands was not permitted. Tertull. de Corona militis. Clemens
Alex. in Paedagogo, ii. c. 8), from certain professions, &c., cf. Tertull. de Idololatria liber.
Neander's Antignosticus. Berlin. 1825, S. 22, if. The same author's Kiiichengesch. i. i.
450, If. Fr. Miinter's die Christinn im heidnischen Hause vor den Zeiten Constantin's d.
G. Kopenh. 1828, 8.
2 Minucii Felicis Octavius, c. 12, the heathen Caecilius says: Vos vero suspensi interim
atque solliciti honestis voluptatibus abstiletis: non spectaculavisitis, non pompis interestis:
convivia publica absque vobis; sacra certamina, praecerptos cibos et delibatos altaribus
potus ablorretis. Sic reformidatis deos, quos negatis. Non floribus caput nectitis, non
corpus odoribus honestatis: reselrvatis unguenta funeribus, coronas etiam sepulecris denegatis, pallidi, trepidi, misericordia digni et nostrorum deorum. C. 8: Latebrosa et lucifuga
natio, in publicum muta, in angulis gaoula.
3 Theophil. ad Autolycum, i. 11:'Epefg [tot dLat ri oV rponcvvevfO rbv fiaac.ea; Tertullianus ad Nationes, i. 17: Prima obstinatio est, quae secunda ab eis religio constituitur
Caesarianae majestatis, quod irreligiosi dicamur in Caesares: neque imagines eorum
repropitiando, neque genios dejerando hostes populi nuncupamur. Tertull. de Idololatr. c.
13-15, is zealous even against the illumination and decoration of the doors in honor of the
emperors, cf c. 15: Igitur quod attineat ad honores regum, vel imperatorum, satis
praescriptum habemus, in omni obsequio esse nos oportere, secundum Apostoli praeceptum, subditos magistratibus et principibus et potestatibus: sed intra limites disciplinae,
quousque ab idololatria separamur.-Accendant igitur quotidie lucernas, quibus lux nulla
est, adfigant postibus lauros postmodum arsuras, quibus ignes imminent: illis competunt
et testimonia tenebrarum, et auspicia poenarum. Tu lumen es mundi, et arbor virens
semper. Si templis renuntiasti, ne feceris templum janualn tuam.
4 How this was expressed in a manner exasperating to the heathen, especially by the
Montanists, see below ~ 48, note 5. On this account, it appeared to the heathen politically
dangerous. Justini Apol. i. 11: Kaei 6/eLC i(Ccoacavreg  aoaataeiav irpo6doSCvrasg ut-,
aicpiro) av0Op6irtvor  2Liyetv n'lC 6wTe. aTer, sOai7E   V3Tv ar-7a EOe 2ey6vrwov.
5 Especially Tertull. de Idol. c. 17, 18. Idem de Cor. militis, c. 11. Origen. c. Celsum.
viii. p. 427: Still, however, there were many Christian soldiers at this time. Neander's
K. G. i. i. 464.




CHAP. I.-EXTERNAL HISTORY. % 41. POPULAR DISPOSITION. 121
to  the  powers  under which  they  lived,6 it appeared, notwithstanding, in the eyes of the  heathen, accustomed  as they  were
to a religion subordinate to political objects, a circumstance
so  much  the  more  suspicious, that the  Christians  were  constantly  obliged  to annex  a condition, viz., that the  commands
of the magistrate  should  not contradict the Divine law.7    The
moral  impression   which   the   doctrine   and   customs  of  the
Christians must have made on the unbiased, was weakened
by prejudices. The Jews, in whom an accurate knowledge
of Christianity  was  presupposed, contributed  to  increase  the
disposition which was adverse to it.8 Many of the heathen
recognized  in  the  Christian  doctrine  much  that was true, but
believed that they  possessed  it still purer in  their philosophy,'
and  took  offense  at its  positive  doctrines.10    Credulous  persons allowed themselves to be deceived by ridiculous fabrications  respecting   the  objects  -which   the  Christians  wor6 Epist. eccl. Smyrn. ap. Euseb. iv. 15, 9. Justinus M. Apol. i. 17. Irenaeus, v, 24.
Theophil. ad Autolycurn, i. 11.
7 Tertulliani Apologet. c. 2: Christianum hominem omniaum sceleruln rerum, deorum,
imperatorum, legurn, morum, laturae totius inimicum existimas. C. 35: Publici hostes
Christiani, —nos nolunt Romanos haberi, sed hostes principum Romanormul. A.d Scapulam,
c. 2: Circa majestatem imperatoris infamamur.-Christianus nullius est hostis, nedum
imperatoris: quem sciens a Deo suo constitui, necesse est ut et ipsum diligat, et revereatur, et honoret, et salvurn velit cum  toto Romsno ilmperio, quousque saeculunm stabit.
Tamdiu ennim stabit. Colimus ergo et imperatorern sic, quomodo et nobis licet, et ipsi
expedit, ut homineml  a Deo secundum, et quicquid est, a Deo consecutum, solo Deo
minorem. Cf. contra Gnosticos, c. 14.
8 Justinus M. Dial. c. Tryph. 17 and 108, speaks of Jewish emissaries, who had gone
out from Jerusalelm into all the world, in order to calumniate Christ and the Christians.
Accordingly, the Jews were particularly active about the execution of Polycarp, Epist.
eccl. Smyrn. ap. Euseb. iv. 15, 11: Md2lrcra'Iovdlafov irpoOviugo, S'f iof aviroZf, Eif ro7ro
Virovpyo vJvrov. Respecting the cursings of the Christians in the synagogues, see Justinus
Dial. c. Tryph. c. xvi. 47, 96, 108, 117, 137. Hieronymus in Es. v. 18; xlix. 7, lii. 5, in
Amos. i. 11. Semisch Justin d. Mfrtyrer, i. 28.
9 Celsus, in particular, often reverts to this (Orig. c. Cels. v. p. 274): Bova6,uevoS r2
caZd —cati j36PTrOV caci 7pav6repov eipcrOaL rirapa rotf ~tsoao9oactv. (vi. p. 275): Kat
Xwropgf divaerdrc2of cal erayyeiafg rgf i'tch OVco, i vlovE OoD. So he remarks (vii. p. 370)
regarding the Christian prohibition of revenge, Matth. v. 39:'Apxaeov lcae roV7ro E'V /d2a,rp6acEv Eripsrivov, UypoK6Trepov 6' aosrb6 d7revrn6vsovrvat iLret' kcacE ta IIZdrtrl IECrotlrTa
r)KtcpLTjg9 Kpir7vt  rLaey6Zyevog rvde ic. r.?. He assumes, in plain terms, that the
Christians had bol'owed these doctrines from the Greek philosophers, particularly from
Plato (vi. p. 283-288). Tertull. Apolog. c. 46.
10 The heathen said, apud Arnobius, i. c. 36: Sed non iccirco dii vobis infesti sunt, quod
omnipotentem colatis Deem: sed quod homninem natum, et, quod personis infame est vilibus, crucis supplicio interemptum, et Deum fuisse contenditis, et superesse adhuc creditis,
et quotidianis supplicationibus adoratis. The doctrines of the resurrection of the body, and
the judgment, were particularly offensive, comp. Celsus (Teller Fides dogmatis de resunrrect.
carnis per iv. priora secula. Halae. 1776. 8. p. 270). Tertull. Apologet. c. 18: Haec et
nos risimus aliquando. De vestris fuimus: fiunt, non nascuntur Christiani.




122                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 117-193.
shiped;l the superstitious inferred  from  their oppressed  condition the impotence  of their God; 12 and, finally, the foreign origin  of Christianity,'3  as well as the  humble lot of most of its
votaries,14  were  as  offensive  to  all as the  idea of an  universsal
religion wvas absurd."l     The external morality  of the Christians
could not fail to  be perceived  by the heathen; 6 and  the brotherly  love prevailing  among  them   had  unquestionably  attracted
many  a  feeling  heart to  Christianity,  although  it sometimes
also  allured  low  selfishness; 7 but the  secret meetings of both
sexes 1 gave occasion to hatred, and furnished a ground for mis21 Tertulliani Apologet. c. 16: Somniastis, caput asinilum esse Deum nostrun, —crucis
nos religiosos.-Alii plane bumanius et verisimilius solem credunt deumn 0 nostrum.-Sed
nova jam  Dei nostri in ista civitate proximo editio plublicata est, namely, pictura cunm
ejusmodi inscriptione: Dens Christianorum  Ononychites (according to E. A. Schnlzii
Exercitt. philolog. fasc. i. p. 30: Ononychotus; according to Havercamp and TMiinter
Primord. eccl. Afr. p. 167: Onokoitis). Is erat auribus asininis, altero pede ungulatus,
librum  gestans, et togatus (see Mianter's Christinn im heian. Hause, S. 18), Minucius
Felix, c. 9, below note 19. Comp. above S 16, note 6.-Other fictions reslpecting the
person of Jesus are referred to by Celsus, Orig. c. Cels. i. p. 29, ss.
12 The heathen Caecilius says, apud Minuc. Felix. c. 12: Ecce pars vestrum et major
et melior, ut dicitus, egetis, algetis, ope, re, fame laboratis: et Deus patitnr, dissimulat,
non vult aut non potest opitulari suis, its aut invalidus, aut iniquus est. Nonni Romani
sine vestro Deo imlperant, regnant, fruuntur orbe toto, vestrique dominantur?
13 Celsus, thereforeQ calls it 3cdppapov 66dya, Orig. c. Cels. i. p. 5.
14 Caecilius apud Minuc. Felix, c. 5: Indignandum  omnibus, indolescendumque est,
audere quosdam, et boc studiorul rudes, literarum profanos, expertes artiam  etiam nisi
sordidarum, certnmn aliquid de sumlnma rerum ac ma.jestate decernere, de qua tot omnibus
saeculis sectarman plnrimarun usque adhuc ipsa philosophia deliberat.  Cap. 12: Proinde
si quid sapientiae vobis aut verecundiae est, desinite coeli plagas, et mundi fata et secreta
rimari: satis est pro pedibus adspicere, maximne indoctis, impolitis, rudibus, agrestibus:
quibus non est datum intelligere civilia, multo lagis denegatum  est disserere divina.
How the Christians drew over to themselves ignorant, humble, and immoral men, is
described by Celsus with hostile exaggeration, apud Origines adv. Cels. iii. p. 144, ss.
15 Celsus (Orig. c. Cels. viii. p. 425): Et yup d6V ol6vre Ecf eva cavtpov#cat v6ypov rogr
r#v!A cava, Kai Eip6-Trrv,  ati Atsiv7v,'"E2/nvdg rse Kai  3apfdpovf,,Xps  vrepdr7ov
vev8u7?sLEvovf!-O- TOrTO  oi'tevof olSEv oV66Pv.
16 The famous physician Claudius Galen (about 160) said in one of his last works (the
passage is cited in a Syriac translation in Bar-Hebraei Chron. Syr. ed. Bruns et Kirsch, p.
55, from  Gal. counl. in Phaedonem  Platonis; more copiously in Arabic in Abulfedae
Historia anteislamica, ed Fleischer, p. 109, firom Gal. de Sententiis politiae Platonicae):
Hominum plerique orationem demonstrativam continuaum mente assequi nequeunt, quare
indigent, ut instituantur parabolis. Veluti nostro tempore videmus, holines illos, qui
Christiani vocantur, fidem suam  e parabolis petiisse. Hi tamen interdumln  talia faciunt,
qualia qui vere philosophantur. Nam quod mortem conteminunt, id quidem omnes ante
oculos habemus; item quod verecundia quadam ducti ab usu rerum venerearum abhorrent.
Sunt enim inter eos et foeminae et viri, qui per totamr vitaln a concubitu abstinuerint;
sunt etiam, qui in animis regendis co6rcendisque et in acerrimo honestatis studio eo
progressi sint, ut nihil cedant vere philosoplhatibus.
17 Lucianus de mlorte Peregrini, c. 11-16.
18 Particularly nightly meetings, which were strictly forbidden by the law (see ~ 12,
note 6), and constantly awakened suspicion.




CHAP. I.-EXTERNAL HISTORY. ~ 41. POPULAR DISPFOSITION. I23
interpreting that love, by representing  it as being  of anl  impu-re
character, and  several  Christian   practices  as  crimes,l9 just as
they had  appeared  in  their own  mysteries, and  other secret societies.20   The steadfastness of the martyrs must, indeed, have,
invited  every unbiased  mind to a nearer acquaintance with  the
source of this lofty spirit; 2  but yet an unfavorable opinion was
19 Tertull. Apologet. c. 39:' Sed ejusmodi vel maxime dilectionis operatio notam nobis
inurit penes quosdam. Vide, inquiunt, ut invicem se diligant; ipsi enim invicem oderunt: et ut pro alterutro mori sint parati; ipsi enim ad occidendum alterutrum paratiores.
Sed et quod firatrlum appellatione censemur —-infainant. The heathen Octavius ap.
Minucius Felix, c. 9: Occultis se notis et insignibus (according to c. 31, ~ 9, notaculo
corporis: the Carpocratians actually marked themselves on the ear, Iren. i. 24. Epiphan.
Haer. xxvii. 5) noscunt, et amant mutuo paene ante quam noverint: passim etiam inter
eos velut quaedam  libidinumn religio miscetur: ac se promiscue appellant fiatres et
sorores, nt etiam non insolens stuprum, intercessione sacri nominis, fiat incestum.  Ita
eorum vana et demens superstitio sceleribus gloriatur. Nec de ipsis, nisi subsisteret
veritas, maxime nefaria et honore praefanda sagax fama loqueretur. Audio, eos turpissimae pecudis, caput asini consecratum  inepta nescio qua persuasione venerari: digna et
nata religio talibus moribus. Alii eos ferunt ipsius antistitis ac sacerdotis colere genitalia,
et quasi parentis sui adorare naturarm: nescio an falsa, certe occultis ac nocturnis sacris
apposita suspicio: et qui hominem, summo supplicio pro facinore pu~aitum, et Crucis ligna
feralia, eorum  caerimonias fabulatur congruentia perditis sceleratisque tribuit altaria, ut
id colant, quod merentur. Jam de initiandis tirunculis fabula tamn detestanda, quam nota
est. ILfans farre contectus, ut decipiat incautos, apponitur ei, qui sacris imbuitur. Is
infans a tirunclllo, farris superficie quasi ad innoxios ictus provocata, caecis occultisque
vulneribus occiditur: hljus (proh nefaa!) sitienter sanguinem lambunt: hutjus certatim
membra discerpunt: hac foederantur hostia. —Et de convivio notum est (passim olnes
loquuntur), id etiam Cirtensis nostri testatur oratio; ad epulas solemni die coeunt, cum
omnibus liberis, sororibus, matribus, sexus omnis homines et omnis aetatis. Illic post
nultas epulas, ubi conviviaum caluit, et incestae libidinis fervor ebrietate exarsit, canis,
qui candelabro nexus est, jactu offulae ultra spatium lineae, qua vinctus est, ad impetum
et saltum provocatur: sic everso et extincto conscio lumine impudentibus tenebhris nexus
infandae cupiditatis involvunt per incertum sortis, &c. (Cf. Tertull. Apolog. c. 8, ad Nationes,
i. 16: also Apulejus Metam. ix. p. 223, ed. Elmenhorst, alludes to the sa-me subject.
Clemens Alex. Strom. iii. c. 2, relates the same thing of the Carpocratians, from whom it
was falsely transferred to all Christians, cf. Euseb. H. E. iv. 7, 5). According to Athanagoras Apol. c. 4, the heatlhen brought three charges in particular against the Christians:
de6rdrra, Oveareta dtieTrva and Oidttro(efiovS yige't.
20 So amlllnlg the Bacchanals in Rome, A.D. 185. Comp. the expressions of Livy xxxix.
13: Ex quo in promiscuo sacra sint, et permixti viri feminis, et noctis licentia adcesserit,
nihil ibi facinoris, nihil flagitii praetermissull, plura virorum inter ses'e, quam fenlinarum
esse stupra. Si qui minus patientes dedecoris sint, et pigriores ad facinus, pro victimis
immolari, &c. Catiline employed human blood as pignus conjurationis (Sallust. Catil.
22), quo inter se fidi magis forent, alius alii tanti facinoris conscii. Dio Cassius, xxxvii. 30,
relates of the same person: IIald   - rtva scaraeOcaC, Iati 8ri Ti rJv crcyX7vtv acrrov ra
OpKta 7rotacafe, etnCcra'EcrkayXvevyEv avtar yerac rdv dwroav.
21 Justinus M. Apol. ii. e. 12, speaks of the impression which they had made upon him.
Tertull. Apologeticus, c. 50: Nec quicquam tamen proficit exquisitior quaeque crudelitas
vestra, illecebra est magis sectae; plures efficimur, quoties metimur a vobis; semen est
sanguis Christianorum.-Illa ipsa obstinatio, quam exprobratis, magistra est. Quis enim
non contemplatione ejus concutitur ad requirendum, quid intus in re sit?  Quis non, ubi
requisivit, accedit? ubi accessit, pati exhortat?




I24                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 117-1s3,
entertained regarding  that, too, even  by the  cultivated, agreea
bly to preconceived notions.22    The Jews were still protected by
their peculiar national character.23 But the Christians were
looked upon  merely as ignorant and  wild  fanatics, who  wished
to destroy  all established  order.   The  cultivated  laughed  contemptuously at them  on account of the confidence and obstinacy
of their religious faith;24 the  goetae  (impostors) were inimical
to them  as opponents of their interest;" 2  the  people hated them
as despisers of their gods (a'dOot, adusePei), and in the public misfortunes saw  nothing but admonitions from  heaven  to  exterminate them.26
22 Tertull. Apolog. c. 27: Quidam dementiam existimant, quod cumr possimus et sacrificare in praesenti, et illaesi abire, manente apud anilnum proposito, obstinationem saluti
praeferamus. C. 50: Propterea desperati et perditi existimarnur. Arrianus Comm. de
Epicteti disputationibus, iv. c. 7: Eira v'ro gaviae  tev HJpvarai rt oVr7w LtareOi vat r'pbf
racfra (Odvarov KC. r. 2.) tcai'ror E'dovC dSg ol raZat2.aot, vrror X6yov dc cai di7rodeircog
ovdec  devaarat; SchweighU'user in his edition, Th. 2, S. 915, looks upon the words  f o0
I-ae2. as a gloss. Marc. Aurel. ei  Eavr76v, xi. c. 3: Oea laariv ij PbvXv   f trottogr, e'iav Vd6
a&roxvO@vaL dkp rDov aJearoC, KaGt;rot eflcOvac vatt cide6a Xvat, 7i avyGyepavat; Trb d'-rotGov roOlro, vea cTro idlt7ICr cptaSeag tpTxrat,  ) Karea ibtXv xrapdraecv, 6f ol Xptartavol, i22li2 2LaEoywtlvWo, Kaic eljvidg, rcat aocn ret aiu ov ireeat, l&rpcayd9S. Eiclhstidt
(Exercit. Antoniniana, iii.) conjectures that the words di' ol Xp, were a later interpolation
in this place.
23 Celsus ap. Origen. contra Celsumn lib. v. p, 247, 259: El elv d KeartI raM i-a 7reprl2.2otev'Iovdalot rivtov  v61gov, od geygr7rr( avrTv, &icivwv dl giX2ov, Trv tKeartatTr6vr v
ri aeqrepa, Kae  rTi'Iovsaiwv 7rpoearotovplEvnv.
24 How the Sews and Christians had become a proverb on this account, see Galenus de
Palsuutm differentiis, lib. ii. (ed. Kiihn, viii. 579): I(Kdtov 6''v'v rro.a2  7rpocOepvac 7tva
—'7r6de atv~,-neva jtn rtg eirgf Kear' pcilg, dg' eig Me)dao I ao  Xptgros dtarptIjv ac'y-,l~vo, v6#wv  aaTirodEiicrov ao6v. Lib. iii. (p. 657): Oarrov yip dv  ti' rour &rd
MWoVoO Kt Xprote raro)V ycradllsiiiv, " 709o  7aTt a it P rpoh Taeat67af lrapora larpo re cae
2i;2oa6~ovg.
25 Thus spoke the false prophet Alexander of Abonoteichos (Luciani Alex. c. 25) to tle
inhabitants of Pontus, iOlwv ElYtre'Ta9OatL gcat Xp9arlav  nov  TIlvrov, —ol9 c'aeveC
200Lot E2a6vEiv, diye 6 08ovatv'Xeo a   Xetv rOv OE6v. And he began his consecrations
with the formula (c. 37): El rti (i0eoo r9 Xptartavdg 9)'E'uiuoVpEtog'Ket KareaKlcoTaof TSv
Opykov, fevy7ro.
26 Tertull. Apologet. c. 37, to the Romani imperii antitistes: Quoties in Christianos
desaevitis, partim animis propriis, partim legibus obsequentes?  Quotiens etiani praeteritis vobis sno jure nos inimiclcun vulgus invadit lapidibus et incendiis? Ipsis Bacchanalium
furils nec mortuis parcunt Christianis, quin illos de requie sepultarae, de asylo quodam
mortis, jam alios, jam nec totos, avellant, dissecent, distrahant. C. 40: Existimant omnis
publicae cladis, omnis popularis incommodi Christianos esse causam. Si Tiberis ascendit
in moenia, si Nilus non ascendit in arva, si coelum stetit, si terra movit, si fanes, si lues,
statim: Christianos ad leonem.




CHAP. I.-EXTERINAL HISTORY. ~ 42. PERSECUTIONS.                       125
~ 42.
PERSECUTIONS OF CHRISTIANITY.
The laws against religiones peregrinae and collegia illicita
still remained in force, even in reference to the Christians;' but
they were by no means universally and uniformly enforced.
The persecutions  of this  period  were  rather the  effects of the
people's hatred, to which the magistrates gave way, and also of
personal malevolence in those possessing  official power.   Hence
all the persecutions of the period were confined merely to single
cities or provinces.   Under Hadrian (11 7-138) the people first
began to clamor for the execution  of some Christians at the publie festivals. But at the representation of Serenius Granianus,
proconsul of Asia  Minor, Hadrian  issued  a rescript to the successor of the proconsul, interdicting  such  tumultuous  proceedings.2    The  tradition  regarding  this  emperor, that he  caused
temples to  be dedicated  to  Christ, is the  more improbable, because he entertained  very  erroneous and  unfavorable notions of
the  Christians.3    Under Antoninn's  Pius, the  Christians were
1 Hence Caecilius apud Minuc. Fel.. e. 8, calls them homines deploratae, inlicitae ae
desperatae factionis. Tertulliani Apologetic. c. 38: Inter licitas factiones sectam. istanl
deputari oportebat, a qua nihil tale committitur, quale de illicitis factionibus tinzeri
solet, etc.
2 Originally preserved in Latin by Justin Martyr. Apol. i. c. 69: t-len translated into
Greek by Eusebius (H. E. iv. 9). Rtfinus (Hist. eccl. iv. 9) has probably preserved the
Latin original (cf. Alexii Symimachi Mazochii disquisitio in G;allandii biblioth. vett. PatW.
T. i. p. 728): Exemplum epistolae imperatoris Adriani ad Minucium Fundanum  Proconstlem Asiae: Accepi literas ad ime scriptas a decessore tlo Serenio Graniano clarissinio
viro: et non placet miihi relationemn silentio praeterire, ne et innoxii perturbentur, et
calumniatoribus latrocinandi tribuatur occasio.  Itaque si evidenter provinci'ales huic
petitioni suae adesse valent adversum  Christianos, ut pro tribunali eos in aliqclo arguant,
hoc eis exseqli non prohibeo: precihus autem in hoc solis et acclamationibaus uti, eis non
permitto. Etenim multo aequins est, si quis volet accnsare, to cognoscere de objectis. Si
quis igitar accusat, et probat adversum leges quidqluam agere memoratos honmines, pro,
merito peccatorum etiam supplicia statues.  Illud mehercle magnopere curabis, Lt, si quis
calunmniae gratia quemquam horum postulaverit reum, in hunt pro sui nequitia suppliciis
severioribus vindices. Cf. FI. Balduinus ad edieta vett. Prillcip. Rom. de Christianis, p. 72..
3 Lamplidius in vita Sev. Alexandri, c. 43.  Christo ternplum facere volait, eumlque
inter deos recipere.  Quod et AdriaLns cogitasse fertur, quli templa in omnibus civitatibas
sine simulacris jusserat fieri, quae ille ad hoc parasse dicebatur.  On the other hand,
Spartianus in vita Hadriani, c. 22: Sacra Romana diligentissime curavit, peregrina
contempsit. Flav. Vopiscus in vita Saturnini, c. 8, from a work of Phlegon, a freedman
of Hadrian: Hadrianus Augustus Serviano Cs. S. Aegypt,.mn, qua.m mihi laud.bas, SorvP




12, FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. I. —A.D. 117-193.
disturbed  afresh  once  and  again  (138-161).4    But the  reign
of Marcus Aurelius (161-180) was  still more unfavorable  to
them, for in it the frequent misfortunes that befell the empire
caused many outbursts of the popular fury against them; while
the emperor himself endeavored right earnestly to maintain  the
ancient reputation of the state religion.5    Hence the Christians
in Asia MIinor6 suffered persecutions, to which even Polyccap
ane carissime, totam didici levem, pendulam et ad omnia famae momenta volitantem.
Illi, qui Serapin colunt, Christiani sunt, et devoti sunt Serapi, qui se Christi episcopos
dicunt.  Nemo illic arclhisynagogus Judaeorum, nemo Samarites, nemo Christianoruni
presbyter, non mathematicus, non haruspex, non aliptes.  Ipse ille patriarcha curn
Aegyptumn venerit, ab allis Serapidem  adorare, ab allis cogitur Christum. Unus illis
Deus nullus est. Hunc Christiani, hunc Judaei, hune omnes venerantur et gentes, etc.
4'Dionysius Corinth. ap. Euseb. iv. p. 23, concerning a persecution in Athens, in which
Bishop Publius, the predecessor of Quadratus, suffered. Melito in Apolog. ad Marc. Aurel.
ap. Euseb. iv. c. 26, ~ 5:'O d Trarjp Cov —ralf 7rot6eat 7rep rov jt7yv veorepi(etv orep2
uSudv hypaev' ev e   ol Kicai 7rpdf Aaptoeaiovg, cai 7robf Oeacaa ovlerZ Kai0'AO-?vaiovg,
Ka~i rpd irdcvTaC "EA2o7vaf. This writing may have given rise to the opinion that the
Edictumn ad commune Asiae proceeded fiom Antoninus, although it is manifestly spurious.
This edict has been appended by a later hand to Justini Apol. i. c. 70, and has been communicated in a different text by Eusebius, iv. c. 13, with a reference to Melito (probably
to the above passage, which he misunderstood). All that can be said with plausibility in
defense of that edict may be seen in T. G. Hegelmaier Comim. in edictum Imp. Ant. P. pro
Christianis. Tubing. 1767. 4. The spuriousness of it, before asserted by J. J. Scaliger,
Moyle, Thirlby, has been convincingly proved by Is. Haffner de edicto Antonini Pii pro
Christianis ad commune Asiae. Argentor. 1781. 4. Cf. Eichstddt exercitatio Antoniniana
v. in the Annales acad. Jen. i. 286. The edict contains that explanation of the edict issued
by Hadrian, which had arisen among the Christians. They believed that the expression
adversus leges quidquam agere should not be referred to the exercises of Christian worship, and accordingly this edict explains it as an  ar.i ri v ye/oviav'Peainov eyXEtpeZv. From this, therefore, it followed that whoever accused a Christian as such, without being able to prove against him such a crime, was liable to punishment as a false
accuser.
5 Modestinus (Dig. lib. xlviii. Tit. 19, 1. 30): Si quis aliquid fecerit, quo leves homrinum
animi superstitione numinis terrerentur, Divus Marcus hujusmodi homines in insulam
relegari rescripsit. Julii Pauli Sententt. receptt. lib. v. Tit. 21, ~ 2: Qui novas, et usu vel
ratione incognitas religiones inducunt, ex quibus animi hominum moveantur, honestiores
deportantur, humiliores capite puniuntur. On the religious views of Marcus Aurelius and
his sentiments toward the Christians, see Neander's K. G. i. i. 177.
6 Melito in Apolog. ad Marc. Aurel. ap. Euseb. iv. 26: To yTp oVie orct7rore yevo,uevov,
v3)v dhlcrTat r r  SDv 0eoef/0dv ytvof, ceatvoef 6Eavv6lpEvov d6yuaCt Karai r7v'Aciav- o0
yap avacdecf avKoilvrat  TKa'   (OTp)opv     Epaarai, k rv iK SCv rdav ayaurowv xAovref
C.~opyljv, avcpeOif,arei7eovae, vK(rwp Kaci zeOfieEpav   dCapornidovreC roif Idi6v d6UIcOVVTra. —Et  14 K0ai wrapi  cOV o  t  e9l V' fiovXZ  avi'r  Kai roKa   tuca'v roO J(irCay/za,OE&6IeE0  cov, U 7rTEpt'i8dev iU]dgr'v rotaVTo7  6dCzSdet eZCuaTia. Neander K. G. i. i. 184, is
of opinion that this drciaylua was certainly issued by the emperor, and is preserved in
in the Acta Symphoniani apud Ruinart, p. 69. But the very inscription, Aurelius Imp.
omnibus administratoribus suis atque rectoribus, throws suspicion on the law there given.
The emperor could not open his proclamation with the name Aurelius. See Semisch, in
the Theol. Studien u. Kritiken, 1835, iv. 934; administratores is not an official designation
of the governors, and the emperor could not call them administratores sues. The emperor
could have issued no edict against Christians before 177. See Semisch, 1. c. S. 935, ~f.




CHAP. I.-EXTERNAL HISTORY.  l 42. PERSECUTIONS.                      127
(167) fell a sacrifice,7 while Justiz  (16 6) becamen  a martyr at
iorne.'   But the recently formed churches at Lyons and Vienne
(177)9 suffered most.  The supposed miracle of the legio Melitina  (Kepavvo36Xocg, fulminatrix) (174) could have had the less
influence  on the emperor in favor of the Christians, since so many
parties ascribed the merit of it to themselves."~   Under the barbarous  Comrnoducl   (180-192), the Christians lived in peace."
7 Ecclesiae Smyrneilsis de nartyrio Polycarpi epistola encyclios ap. Euseb. iv. c. 15,
first published by Ussher, 1647, in a form somewhat longer, then printed in Cotelerii Patr.
apost. and in Ruinart. On the relation of tle two recensions, see Danz de Eusebio,
p. 130, ss.
8 Acta martyrii Justini Philos. apud Ruinart, nova interpretatione, annotationibus
atque disquisitionibus illustrata ab A. S. Mazochio in Gallandii Bibl. vett. patr. T. i. p.
707, ss. Semisch on the year of Justin Martyr's death in the Theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1835,
iv. 907.
9 Ecclesiarum Viennensis et Lugdunensis epistola ad ecclesias Asiae Phrygiaeque de
passione martyrum suorum ap. Euseb. H. E. v. 1-3. To what a height the rage of the
heathen proceeded, is proved, c. i. ~ 6, by the violation of the ancient law, de servo in
dominum tquaeri non licere, Cic. pro Dejot. c. 1. Tacit. Annal. ii. 30. Digest. lib. xlviii.
Tit. 18, de quaestionibus.
10 The heathen writers ascribe the phenomenon partly to the conjurations of the
Aegyptian Arnuphis (Dio Cassius in excerpt. Xiphilini, lxxi. 8. Suidas s. v.'Iovtav6C),
partly to tbe prayer of Marcus (Capitolinus in vita Marc. Aurel. c. 24. Themistius in
Orat. xv. p. 191, ed. Harduini). The emperor himself expresses his opinion on a coin on
which Jupiter is represented hlrling his lightning against the ba.rbarians lying on the
ground (Eckhel Numnism. iii. 61). Cf. Claudianus de sexto consulatu Honorii, v. 342. Similar occurrences are related of Alexander, Curt. iv. 7, 13; of Marius, Orosii Hist. v. 15; and
Hosidius, Dio Cass. Ix. ~ 9. The Christians, in like manner, ascribed the meritto themselves,cf.Claudius Apollinaris ap. Euseb. v. 5. Tertulliani ad Scapul. c. 4, and especially
Apologet. c. 5: At nos e contrario edimus protectorem, si litterae M. Aurelii-requirantur,
quibus illam Germanicam  sitim, Christianorum  forte militum  praecationibus impetrato
imbri, discussall contestatur.  Qui sicut non. palam  ab ejusmodi homllillibus poenam
dimovit, ita alio modo palam  dispersit, adjecta etiam  accusatoribus damnatione, et
quidem tetriore. This writing, falsely ascribed to M. Aurelius, was afterward annexed
to Justin Martyr's Apolog. i.  In it all accusation of the Christians is forbidden under
punishment of death by fire. The same thing is found in Edictum ad commune Asiae,
note 4.
11 Marcia, concubine of Commodus, was favorable to the Christians (Dio Cassius, lxxii.
4). On the martyrdom of Apollonius, see Euseb. H. E. v. 21; Hieron. Catal. c. 42. According to Jerome, he was betrayed by a slave Severus; according to Eusebius, his
accuser was immediately put to death, 6rt [t~,qv f6v -'v Tcaa a fiaatttKcv Opov 7TOVg TOv
70otvr6e 3,VV7rag. M. de Mandajors (Histoire de l'acad. des inscript. tom. 18, p. 226) thinks
that the slave was put to death as the betrayer of his master, according to an old law
renewed by Trajan; but that the occurrence had been misunderstood by the Christians,
and had given rise to the tradition which is found in Tertullian and in the Edictum ad
comm. Asiae (see above note 10), that an emperor at this period had decreed the pumishmeont of death for denouncing a Christian. So also Neander K. G. i. i. 201. Certainly
such a law against the denunciation of masters by slaves was passed under Nerva (Dio
Cassius, lxviii. p. 769. Cf. Capitolinus in vita Pertinac, c. 9. Digest. lib. xlix. tit. 14, 1. 2,
~ 6): on the contrary, it was also a law (Julius Paulus Sententt. receptt. tit. 16, ~ 4):
servo, qui ultro aliquid de domino confitetur, fides non accommodatur (cf. Digest. lib. xlviii.
tit. 18, 1. 1, ~ 5 u. ~ 16, 1. 9, ~ 1); and though the case of high treason (causa Majestatis) was




128                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 117-193.
SECOND CHAPTER
HERETICS.
~ 43.
JEWISH  CHRISTIANS.
(COMnP Q 32.)
Gieseler's Abhandl. v. d. Nazariern u. Ebioniten, Stfiudlin's u. Tzschirner's Archiv. Bd. 4,
St. 2, S. 325, ff.
The Jewish Christians in Palestine were severely persecuted
by Bar Cochab (~ 38), because they would not attach themselves to him;  and they must afterward also undergo the same
oppression as the Jews generaly, from whom they were not
externally distinguished.   These circumstances caused many of
them, now  that a church of heathen  converts had been collected
in Jerusalem, where they were forbidden to remain, to separate
themselves  entirely  from   Judaism, and  to  join  the  Christian
community.2    Still, however, the  different parties  of Jewish
Christians 3 continued down to the fourth century, and even later.
In what way the Nazarenes and the Gentile Christians still
looked upon one another as orthodox, is evident from the explaexcepted, yet then the punishment of the slaves also was remitted, if they had made a
well-grounded accusation (Cod. Justinian. lib. ix. tit. 2, 1. 20). Comp. on all these laws,
Gothofredus in comm. ad Cod. Theodos. lib. x. tit. 10, c. 17. J. A. Bachii D. Trajanus, shre
de legibus Trajani Imp. Lips. 1747. 8. p. 73, ss. According to these principles of law,
therefore, either Apollonius only, or his slave only, could have been put to death, but in no
case both. Jerome does not say either that Severus was the slave of Apollonius, or that
he was executed; and since Eusebius grounds this execution expressly on a supposititiouts
law, it may have belonged only to the oriental tradition, which may have adduced this
instance in support of the alleged law.
1 Justin. Apol. i. c. 31. Euseb. in Chronico. Hieron. Catal. c. 21.
2 Euseb. iv. 5, enumerates down to this time fifteen bishops of Jerusalem belonging to
the circumcision. Probably during the dispersion of the church several of them were contemporary. Ibid. c. 6. Cf. Sulpic. Sever. Hist. sacr. ii. 31. Militum cohorterm (Hadrianus)
custodias in perpetnmm agitare jussit, quae Judaeos omnes HierosolymLae aditu arceret.
Quod quidem christianae fidei proficiebat, qunia tum  paene omnes Christum Deum sub legis observatione credebant. Nimirum id Domino ordinante dispositum, ut legis servitus
a libertate fidei a.tque ecclesiae tolleretur. Ita tum primum Marcus ex gelAilibus apud
Hierosolysmam episcopus fuit.
See respecting them above, C 32.




CHAP. II.-HERETICS. ~ 44. GNOSTICS.                           129
nations of Heig~esippus on  his journey  to  Rome, whither he arrived under bishop Anicetus (157-161).4 But since the Gentile  Christians looked  upon  the  Nazarenes as weak  Christians,
on account of their adherence to the Mosaic law,5 the connection
between them became less and less intimate, the knowledge of
their creed  more  indistinct;  but at the  same  time, since they
did not keep  pace with  the progressive  development of doctrine
in the catholic church, the actual difference between the two
parties  was  greater, until at length  Epiphanius  (about  400)
went so far as to include the Nazarenes in his list of heretics
(Haer. xxix.).
~ 44.
GNO STICS.
SOURCES. Irenaeus adv. Haereses (especially against Valelntinus). Tertullianus adv. Marcionem libb. v.; de Praescriptionibus haereticorum; adv. Valentinianos; contra Gnosticos scorpiacum. Epiphanius adv. Haereses. Clemens Alex. and Origen in many passages. The work of the neo-Platonic Plotinus rpoib 7roiV  yv-arocKOVs, i. e., Ennead. ii. lib. 9
(ed. G. A. Heigi. Ratisbonae. 1832. 8. Comp. Creuzer in the theol. Stud. u. Krit. 18:34., ii.
337. Baur's Gnosis, S. 417).
Isaac de Beausobre Histoire critique de Manicheae et du Manichebisme. Amsterd. 1734 and
39, 2 T. 4. J. L. Moshemii de rebus Christian. ante Const. M. comm. p. 333, ss. Walch's
Ketzerhistorie, i. 217. (F. Miinter's) Versuch uiber die kirchl. Alterthiimer der Gnostiker.
Anspach. 1790. 8. E. A. Lewald Comm. de doctrina gnostica. Heidelberg. 1818. 8. Aug.
Neander's genetische Entwickelung d. vornehmsten gnostischen Systeme. Berlin. 1818.
8. (Comp. my Review in the Hall. A. L. Z. April, 1823, S. 825, if.). Neander's K. G. i. ii.
632. Histoire critique du Gnosticisme par J. Matter, 2 tom. Paris. 1828. 8. (Comp. my
Review in the theol. Studien u. Kritiken, 1830, ii. 378, if.). Die christl. Gnosis, od. d.
christl. Religionsphilosophie in ibrer geschichtl. Entwicklung v. Dr. F. B aur. Tiibingen
1835, 8. Dr. H. IRitter's Gesch. d. christl. Philosophie (Hamburg. 1841) i. 111. [An Inquiry into the heresies of the apostolic age, by E. Burton, D.D. Oxford. 1829.]
The tendency of theological speculation, which was before
apparent in Cerinthus (~ 36), appeared, at the commencement
of this period, completely developed  in  the  different Syrian  and
Egyptian  systems.'   The philosophical basis of this speculation
4 Eusebius iv. 22. Hegesippus had conferred with many bishops, particularly with
Primus in Corinth and Anicetus at Rome and testifies on this point: oEv OICUcTl de dtadoxI
Ka  Ev ic-icdm-r x60Aet OVerof EXet, f 61 VUOOf KCpVTTpEt cai oi rporat Icai o Ki6ptog. The
Nazarenes might find the life of the Gentile Christians conformed to the law, because the
latter observed the precepts of Noah, see g 17, note 7, ~ 26, note 6, An Ebionite would
have required the observance of the Mosaic law. Against Baur (Tilbinger Zeitschr. 1831,
iv. 171) and Schwegler (Montanismus, S. 276), who thinks that he was an Ebionite, see
Schliemann's Clementinen, S. 428.
5 Justin. Dial. cum Tryphone, c. 47.
Sources of Gnosis, Lewald, 1. c. p. 60, ss. The church fathers derived it from the hebaVOL. I.-9




130                 FIRBST PERIOD.-DIV. I1.-A.D. 117-193.
was the old question, 76Oev 1-b icao6v.2   In proportion as the idea
of the highest divinity had developed  itself, the less did philosophy believe itself right in venturing 3 to consider him  as a worldcreator (dr7/ytovpy6f),4 and the more strongly was it disposed to
derive the imperfect good in  the world  from   lower  beings, but
then philosophy, especially from Platonism (Tert. adv. Hermog. c. 8: haereticorum patriarchae philosophli. De anima, c. 23: Plato omninum  haereticorlLm condimentarius), and
class the theosophic fantasies with the heathen mytlhs. Down to Mosheim, most writers
were in favor of the Platonic origin of Gnosis. So also Tiedemann Geist der speculativen
Philosophie, iii. 96. Derivation from the Jewish Cabbala, Jo. Croji conjecturae in quaedam
loca Origenes, Irenaei, &c., appended to Grabe's Irenaeus.:F. Buddei diss. de haeresi
Valentiniana, annexed to the Introd. ad histor. philos. Hebraeorum, ed. 2. Halae. 1720. 8.
p. 619, ss. Jac. Basnage Histoire des Juifs, liv. iii. p. 718, ss. From an oriental philosophy
(- x), especially Mosheim: comp. F. Liicke in Schleiermacher's, De Wette's, u. Liicke's
theol. Zoitschr. ii. 138. From the Zend-system, Lewald, 1. c. p. 1.06, ss. Comp. on the
other side, A. L. Z. April, 1823, S. 828. The writings of Zoroaster, to which some Gnostics appeal (Porphyrius irn vita Plotini, p. 10. Clemens Alex. Strom. i. 304), are unquestion.
ably of Greek origin. From the Buddhist doctrines, by J. J. Schmidt fiber die Verwandtschaft der gnostisch-theosoph. Lehren mit d. Religionssystemen des Orients, vorziiglich des
Buddhaismus. Leipzig. 1828. 4to. Comp. his treatises on Buddhism in the Mtmoires de
l'Academie imp6riale des sciences de S. Petersbourg vi. S6rie. Sciences polit. Histoire,
Philologie. T. i. livr. ii. (1830), p. 89; livr. iii. p. 221, T. ii. livr. i. (1832) p. 1, 41. (See theol.
Studien u. Krit. Jahrg. 1830, ii. 374.) According to M6hler (Vers. iiber d. Ursprung d. Gnosticismus, in his Schriften u. Aufsiitzen, i. 403), Gnosis proceeded directly and entirely from
Christianity, and from a practical motive, viz. from an exaggerated contempt of the world,
which afterward endeavored to lay a speculative foundation for itself, and for this purpose
applied all that was useful in the older systems of philosophy, theosophy, and mythology.
According to Baur (Gnosis, S. 36), Gnosis, has borrowed its material substance fiom the religions which were given historically, its chief object being to inquire into and define the relation in which those historical elements stood to one another. Its first elements were
formed among the Alexandrian Jews. Persian dualism, platonism, and Alexandrian philosophy of religion, have had their influence in originating the Christian Gnosis. It is an
attempt to conceive the entire course of the world as a series of elements in which the
absolute spirit becomes objective to himself, and is reconciled with himself, and has therefore nothing more similar than the Hegelian philosophy of religion. (Comp. this author's
Krit. Studien iiber d. Begriffd. Gnosis, in the theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1837, iii. 511.) [An Inquiry
into the Heresies of the apostolic age. By E. Burton, D.D. Oxford. 1829. 8vo.]
2 Tertull. de Praescript. haeret. c. 7: Eaedem imnateriae apud haereticos et philosophos
volutantur, iidem retractatus implicantur, unde malum et quare? et unde homlo et quomo.
do? et quod proxime Valentinus proposuit, unde deus? Euseb. Hist. eccl. v. 27, 7ro71vOpfXXsrov 7rapio  rofg alperocratl irspea rb 7r60rev s7 Kalca.
3 Even according to Plato (Timaeus p. 41), only the divine in man was created by the
highest God, who then leaves it to the rolg veotf 0Eof9 fO0av(r17  SeOvebv 7rpoavoaivetv. So
also Philo (de mundi opif. p. 16, de ling. conf. p. 346, de profug. p. 460), in speaking of the
creation of man, makes therb Ti olyov, TO Ovreibv  tudv %rf 4uvXy  JUpof be created by angels. But Lucretius (70 B.C.) de reruml natura v. 196 ss.:Quod si jam rerum ignorem primeordia quae sint,
Hoec tamen ex ipsis coeli rationibus ausim
Confirmare, alieisque ex rebus reddere multeis,
Nequaquam nobis divinitus esse paratam
Naturam rerum: tanta stat praedita culpa.
4 Asly/tovpy46 is the former of the world even in Xenoph. Memorab. i. 4, 7, and in Plato
Timaeus, p. 41, more frequently in the younger Platonists.




'CHAP. HI.-H-ERET1Cs.    ~ 44. GNOSTYCS.                       131
t'he evil from   an evil principle.5   Among  the speculating  Christians, these ideas obtained some hold from the Christian view
taken of Christianity, Judaism, aund heathenism, as the complete,
the incomplete, and the evil.   These three religions appeared  as
revelations of three corresponding principles, which were first perceived in their true light from  the position of Christianity.   Miatter (;iq1) was the evil principle, which  had revealed itself in  heathenism, and was there conceived  as having  sometimes an undeveloped, sometimes a developed consciousness.?    The creation  of
the world belonged, according to Gen. i., to the God of the Jews,
who, commonly regarded as the first of the seven planet-princes,'
proceeded from  the highest God  only at an infinite distance, and
was as incapable of willing the perfect as of restraining the opposition of matter.s On the other hand, Christ revealed the high5 Plutarchus de Iside et Osiride, c. 45: OVTrE ya'p Ev  PVxotS aC doVaC  r7i-  rov iravrof
xpx~ eOEOrov, g Asyzdptro  tcai'ElIriirovpoCg  oVTre iroiov dgutovpyiiv d2Vaj'va X6yov cKa'
uiav 7rp6votav, jg ol 1rroi'oti, 7repLytvo/ltevv itrtvrtov caC KparoVaav - cva    dvacov yap,q
oXlapov 0rtoov,  wrov  rr'avrtov, i7 XpyT-rbv, dirov pu1zdvEOS    Oeb  airiof, EyyeVE.VOat.
Hence the ancient opinion of the wise men is this:'ATrb dyvEv EvavrioT v iapxfv, Kat dvenv
avrt7rwoAv dvvlttewv-'-, Te [igo /ttarg,  7, Te ic6ql/og-ivSakog cai irotKcioC y7Eyove ica
/eraflo0auf 7riaaf gdx6tyevof. C. 46: Kat 6d0ceZ 7o0ro ro ICf  i'EarotGtf Kat aoTtor0rotc. Noyi(ovut yap oa tev Oeoir etvat d6o, IcaOtL7rep (vTrtrxvova,  rov Ea v yap itya&Ov, rov d6 Qaoa2aov
iuttnovpy6v  ae o    Trov      iUyeivova Oewv, rbv (S ErEpov pAaiuova eKaootrtv. Zoroaster calls
the former Orlluzd, the latter Ahriman,jaEcov dE 4itOiv rov MiOp7v Ervat'  Sdt cat MiOprWv
eIparalt rTOv. earT7v  6voy iovatv -'6iMa: e * tiv.r7-  EdVerata Kewev  cat xaptcTrpta, 7r   67 drorpo6rat'a lcac aitvOpWid.'C. 48: X'a2idraeot de -rv'r2anrTdv oVi-g Oeodg yEviaOat, og tcaZoOna, O6o  EuZv dyaOovpyodg, dO  dE Icatcorotodvg, yEaoVg d0 rogrf ipiEgf aro0aivovv.eaCt
wotvodg. This dualism is found also among the philosophers, even in Plato, %Who speaks
in the clearest manner concerning it, iv roTc v6,got (Leg. x. p. 669, and Tim. p. 528) ova
atd  pvyiJ actvleaOat rbov irc6a/ o v, &LZO Irie-oavIv itGrC, 6voiv de sI-t C vrtog o6e 7crroav' 6OEr
-?,v /rv tyyaOovp),ov etvat, Trv d Ev'avriav ravrp, Kat rv E'vavriwv TJttovpy6v' t'troraeiTet,
e Icat Trp   T7tv rtv2[ /erai  dactv, ovtc iv/xoav, ovde tLaoyov, ov& attcivVrTov i' aVdrf, —c2iL'
uvaicELrVt/tV v a/r oiv btcEivatC, dter/ivlv 6' oT/ irEuivovoag aei, eat 7roroaobaav, ctat t5tdaIcovaav.
Similar to it is the Egyptian doctrine, in whichl Osiris is the good, Typhon the evil principle, and Isis that third nature. Numenius 7repi  r-tyaOov (in Euseb. Praep. evang. xi. 18)
shows'tat the Demiurg-us must be distinguished from thie highest God, who, as he thinks,
resembles the Logos of Philo: Tov jtev,'rpt7rov Oe0v d&pyov elvat, ipytov  v/rrdvrrov Icat
3actlia, rTO clItovpytadv de 0EQOv V),YeaovECv, dt' odpavoa  idvra. dta1 6de rorov cat 0 ocr62of
1,Utv eart, trtw tro  voO  reo7l-rotavov ev dter6669 rrLt To70  ICOtvZOvaat CVVTE7ayp#rvotg.
And in a preceeding passage: Kat yap ovre dptttovpyenv eiyt XpEoV TOV wrptrov, eat toV
SntalovpyoavrTog d Oeod XP?  rtvat Kat volieaiOat,raTrpa T Vy irpJrov  EOdv.
i- Analogous to the Jewish-Christian view, according to which -te heathen gods were
evil angels. Keilii Opuse. ii. 584, 601.:7 The Jewish-Christian opinion of the division of the world among angels corresponded
to this. Keil. 1. c. p. 480.
8 Origen de Princ. i. iv. (Philocalia, ed. Spencer, p. 6): Ot' e t1 arr  rv atpie(rov
dvaytvtarcV76ref 7r6't  rip &iKcicavrat iCK t-oV Orvod /aov (Jer. xv. 14, then: Exod. xx. 5,
1 Reg. xv. 11, Es. xlv. 8, Am. iii. 6, Mich. i. 12, 1 Reg. xvi. 15), Kact ivpia  uea 70TOotf.
7rapai-2Lta, aCirttrr~at yev (JS'geoD rag y-paa   oad  rero2 uOgcaat, rrtlreovrr OV 




132               FIRST  PERIOD,-DIV. II —A.D. 117-193.
est divinity, which, elevated above all being, had produced out of
himself only  the world of light, a world of blessed spirits.   Human  spirits,  riv8ssala,        are  rays  of light proceeding  from   this
blessed  spirit, whose  object is consequently  to  free themselves
from   the  fetters of the  Demiurgus  and  inatter,  in  order  that
they  may return into the world of light.   To effect this was the
object of Christ, who was thought by most Gnostics to be one
of the highest spirits of light.   As the  means of doing  so, he
left behind to his genuine  disciples, the yv'a(it.   These  general
ideas were carried out in special ways in the separate schools, on
which  account they  received  different forms and  modifications.
Among the Alexandrian Gnostics, traces of the Platonic philosophy  are most obvious; 9 among the Syryian, the influence of
Parsism  was superadded.  Among the former, the emanation
doctrine was pre-eminent;  among the latter, dualism.l~   In  all
the schools, however, there remained a wide field for the play of
fancy  in  making  vivid  to  the  perception  the  internal relations
of the world of light, the  origin  of the Demiurgus from   it, and
the  creation  of the  world.   For this  purpose  the  Alexandrian
Gnostics employed, but only as an insecure  guide, a representation which was borrowed from  the Platonic doctrine of ideas, that
the visible world, with  its germs of life, is only  an image  andt
impression of the world of light. 1    WVith this view  the allegorical
avarg  elvat ro7  67tU0ovpyov, ~'Iov6aiot 2arpevovrLv, r)/i0aCav dr 6r7E/O9 iCaci ods
dyaeOoi rvyydvov7ro  toio d&a/eovpyoi, bv.rarpa'lt&l;a7ft1 cvat rEet6rrEpov KtrayyXAovra Oe6v, o5v O~ma i/t r, v  s1yrtovpydbv rvyXyvecv, dtal6pGo  -rep' TroVirov  fctvoviEvol, Kcal
rarF  6rroarduvrer toV dr7,ulovpyoD, og'erlv d7yWv Tror 1OV6og Osea,'vawrZaayo*Z Eavroir,rulde&5aact, tivo0rolo0ivr7Eg  avr7olf VrroOaetr, iraO';gC otovrat yeyov'vat ra fXiesro'Eva,.
cKaci  repCp  rrva?j 3I2erz'6yeva, riiep ~ sobvX  avrC'v iverlot o7ro1yrrev... 1New Testament
passages also may have been cited by the Gnostics in favor of the distinction, ex. gr. Joh..
xii. 31, xiv. 30; 2 Cor. iv. 4; Gal. iii. 19; 1 Cor. ii. 6, 7; Eph. iii. 9, if.
9 Plotin. cont. Gnost. c. 6: "'O2wg yap arvTrot rg   t ev irapa roi0 IZ(rirovog etA7nrra,'
ar dl, oca KtcavoTro/OVatv, I'va 1~a1v Otooooiav 06vrat, ravra ETCo raC T a;7f)eiar e-rpT2ral.
10 Neander divides the Gnostics into such as adhered to Judaism, and anti-Jewish: see
the Hall. A. L. Z. April, 1823, S. 831, and Baur's Gnosis, S. 97, if. The latter assumes
three classes; 1. Those who brought Christianity into closer connection with Judaism and
heathenism; 2. Those who made a strict separation of Christianity and Judaism from:
heathenism; 3. Those who identified Christianity and Judaism, and opposed both to heathenism in the form of Gnosis (the pseudo-Clement. system).
11 Philo de Somniis, p. 593: Tbv bi raCv ilrrv av raEvrda —C6oylov VOlTroV OViC EYear'tv
da2.roCf icaraXajieiv, 6re Jlr Edc r PCf roD aClaO1Tro  tcai' 6powjtvov -roTroV jrCerava,a6erof.
So, according to Hebr. ix. 23, the earthly sanctuary contains vr'o6deiyarra r76v Ev roif
oVpavolf. Clem. Alex. Strom. iv. p. 593: Eistrdv r7f ovpaviov'KKctaia s     tr'riyetof
So, particularly in the system  of the Valentinians, Iren. ii. 7. It is the Sophia, quae
ernittit similitudines et imagines eorunm, quae sursum  sunt. C. 8: In honoremr eormm.
quae sgursum sunt, facta sunt haec secundumm illorum inmainem.




CHAP. IT.-HERETICS. ~ 45.. ALEXANDRIAN  GNOSTICS.                    133
interpretation of holy scripture  already current could be readily
united, and  employed  in  an  arbitrary  manner.   Moreover, all
the Gnostics appealed particularly to a secret doctrine handed
down to them  from  the apostles.   The principle  of the gnostic
morality, fireedom  from  the fetters of the Demiurgus, and  of
matter, led to rigid abstinence, and a contemplative life. But
when the pride of dogmatism  among the later Gnostics had stifled the moral sense, a part of them  fell upon the expedient of giving
out the moral law  to be only a work of the Demi-urgus, for the
sake of indulgence in sensual execsses.l2
~ 45.
(CONTINUATION.) 1. ALEXANDRIAN GNOSTICS.
1. Basilides of Alexandria  (about 125) represented  seven dvvdaEtg in particular, as emanating  from  the great original (Oseb
aPpl7Sof), viz., von,?6yo~S, 0p6vojatS, aoita, dTv&jig, dutaLooavn, etipsvy.
These composed  the first kinigdom  of spirits (oipav'6).   From
this emanated  a second, and so on  until there  were  365  kingdoms of spirits, each of which was successively an imperfect impression of the preceding.   The  total  idea  of  these  spiritual
kingdoms, i. e., God so far as he has revealed  himself,  in contliadistinction  from   God  in  himself, he called'A/3paoadc.    The
seven angels of the lowest heaven, and especially the first among
them, 6 AipX0v, the  God  of the  Jews, are  the  creators  of the
world.   To  effect the return  of human  spirits to the  world  of
12 Clement Alex. Strom. iii. p. 529: Aip3g&et-4) —tl&aS06puo;,v &tl4,ovlat,,   rbo
e7rEpTrovov ayovaat, yatpareltav dti  dvaacE3iegaf ta2 ~tZaareXOulXtOycdvg /carayyk2Xov0-t.
Cf. ii. 411: Plotinus contra Gnosticos, c. 15: 0 d& 2;6yoS  oV7ro0  (TSv rvwc l(JCuV)-j —jV
7rp6votav jtEzrVcijEvof, Kai 7ruvraf v6oovg rog E'vrTaOEa drtludaag, Ica  r77v Cperjiv —r0, TE
C0apoVEtv TOV70o v  YEGrMt Obt8evoC, iva tVEp2V  a cOZv EvraVa c    6~0et?1 V57rdpXov, a'&viEe
TO, re auwp3vetv zKat r7ev ov roe705  Oet C tdotvrov d&stcator vv, ()Vv re2,Lov/Yvyv itc X6yov
icai dant    -re avrotf KcaTaue2i-rerOat 7rv rMovijv, c2a 76 7TO pt aC7roT,  cKa rt  o'V
i;otvbv qrpsbg d20ovg 6vprov v, icae rd ri-s  peiaf et6vov.
2 J. J. B ellermann Versucl iiber die Gelsmen der Alten mit dem  Abraxas-Bilde. Bellin
1817-19. 3 Stiicke. U. F. Kopp Paleographia critica, P. iii. et iv. Manhemii. 1829. 4.
Good impressions of many Abraxas-gelms are appended to Matter's Hist. du Gnosticisme;
but many of them are not of Gnostic origin. See theol. Studien u. Kritiken, 1830. Heft.
2. S. 403, ff.'AFpao&f appears as a powerful incantation-name of God, as well as the
Jewish Jao, Sabaoth, Adonai, even in imagical formulae whose origin is obviously heathenEgyptian, see C. J. C. Reuvens lettres i M. Letronne sur les Papyrus bilingues et grecs
Adu Mus'0e.de  Leide (A Leide. 1830. 4). Prem. lettre, p. 62, 64.




134                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. I7-19.3
light (airoica-r -radatlf), the vo9~ united  itself with the man Jesus
at his baptism.   Hence the followers of Basilides celebrated the
festival of the baptism  as the epiphany (Tai  71tqCalia, on the 11th
Tybi, the 6th of January}.2    The man  alone endured  the sufferings, which, like all human sufferings, were expiations of
guilt contracted, though in  a former period  of existence.   The
apXwv  of  Basilides  is not  evil, but only  circumscribed;  and
therefore he subjects himself to the higher arrangement of the
Aworld, as soon as it is made known to him.   The later followers
of Basilides,3 on the  contrary, conceived him  to be  an  open  adversary of the world of light, and thus rejected Judaism  entirely;
in which, however, Basilides could perceive types and preparations for something higher.   In like manner, they received into
their system the views of the Docetae, and contrivea by sophisms,
to make their moral doctrine more loose.   They rendered themselves particularly odious, by supposing that they could deny
the crucified One; thus they escaped persecution.  The  party  was
still in existence about 400.'
HI. Still more ingenious is the system  of Valentinus, who came
from Alexandria to Rome about 140, and died in Cyprus about
160.5    From   the  great original (according  to him  3Bv306, rrpo.
7rdT-ap, rpoapoXp ), with whom  is the consciousness of himself (tV.
vota, oayr) emanate in succession  male and  female aeons6 (vonC
2 According to Jablonski de origine festi nativitatis Christi diss. ii. ~ 8, ss. (Opuscll. ed.
te Water, iii. 358), they borrowed this day from the Egyptians, who celebrated on it the
inventio Osiridis. This application of the Egyptian festival, however, rests on ma unfortunate alteration of the text in Plot. de Isis et Osir. c. 39. The festival of the inventio
Osiridis occurred in November. See XWyttenbach. animadverss. in Plut. Moralia, ii. i. 225.
Wieseler's Chronolog. Synopse der Evang. S. 136. In like manner Jablonski incorrectly
infers fiom Clem. Alex. Strom. iii. p. 340, that the followers of Basilides celebrated not
only the baptism, but also the birth of Jesus, on the Epiphany.
3 The genuine system of Btasilides is given in Clemens Alexandrinus; that of his later
adherents in Irenaeus, see Neander gnost. Systeme, S. 31.
4 The sources of information concerning Basilides are: the tradition of Glaulkias, an
interpreter (pvyIveig) of the apostle Peter, and a tradition of the apostle Matthias. —
Prophets Bapicdi3af, Bapta6, Ilapxdp. —Ie wrote twenty-four books kSryrtuit, which
may have also been called his gospel.
5 J. F. Buddeus de Haeresi Valentiniana appended to Introductio ad historiam philos.
Ebraeorum. ed. 2. Halae. 1720. 8, p. 573-736. It is remarkable that Valentinus not only
received the New Testament, but made constant allegorical use of it in his system. Thus
he formed his system  of Aeons for the most part after John i. Irenaeus i. 8, 5.-His
secret doctrine is from Theodades, a disciple of Paul; his hymns, discourses, and letters
are for the most part lost. From the work preserved in Coptic, entitled Fidelis Sophia,
has been published D. Fr. Mminter Odae gnosticae, thebaice et latine. Havniae. 1812.
6 On aieiv see Numenius ap. Euseb. Praep. evang. xi. 10: To 5v ouvre 0ror  7v, oVrE
7ronr  YEvreat' (ALA' e'rtyv d ciev Xp6vp /Iy 5pIlUvYo, 7T) Eu'9r7rt tOv.  70rTOVyO   #ti




CHAP. II.-HERETICS.        45. ALEXANDRIAN GNOSTICS.             135
or povoyevm~ and 0dtOueta, X6yo9 and  &i0 Oetna,  6-yoog and Swri, av0pw-Tog and    cPX.olqaia, &c.), so that 30  aeons together (distinguished into the  6y7odo, deicd  and d& itcdS) form  the 7r2Jpo/aa.7
From the passionate striving of the last aeon, the aooia, to unite
with Bythos, itself, arises an untimely being (1 tcaro cooia, EvOVOrlnojs,'A/ac.AO, i. e., ninDnn), which, wandering  about outside
the  pleroma, communicates  the  germ   of life  to  matter, and
forms the 6dlGtovpy6~ of psychical material, who immediately
creates the world.   In this three kinds of material are mixedTr,rvevmtarutv,.6     bvltcr6v, -ob V;i'tcOv.   The  goal  of  the  course
of the world is, that the two first should be separated from the
last, and that,rb rvevpv. should return to the pleroma, 7b bvXtec&v
into the r-67o9 zEarOTrTO7f, where the Achamoth now  dwells.   In
the mean time, two new  aeons, Christ and the Holy Spirit, had
arisen, in order to restore the disturbed harmony in the pleroma;
then  there  emanated  from   all the aeons, Jesus  (ao-rip), who,
as future  associate  (gonvyog) of the Achamoth, shall lead back
into the pleroma this and the  pneumatic natures.   The (wTm4p
united itself at the baptism with the psychical Messiah promised
by the Demiurgus.   Just so  is the  letter of the doctrines of
Jesus for psychical men.   On the other hand, the spirit introduced  by  the  Soter or Saviour, is for  the  spiritual.   These
theosophic dreams were naturally capable of being molded in
many different ways; and, accordingly, among Valentinus's disciples  are  found  many  departures  from   their  teacher.   The
most important of his followers were Ileracleon,8 Ptolemy,9 and
lMarcuCs.
IlI. To the system  of Valentinus was nearly allied that of
the  Ophites,1~  who, perhaps, existed  as a party in  Egypt even
before the Valentinians.11   Their pleroma is simpler than that of
ovv Trbv Eve6ri7ra ei rt0 W02uEt caXCeZv aldva, Ic/tyda) av/48oV2ozat. (I have believed it
necessary to place the #',  which stands in the usual text before yevs7ral, before
wptqcu/.v). Thus among the Gnostics aidveg are developments of the Divine Being, who,
as such, are elevated above the limitations of time.
On 7iXjpro/za see Baur's Gnosis, S. 157.
8 Of his Commentary on John there are numerous fragments in the comm entary of Origen.
9 His epistola ad Floralm apud Epiphanius Haer. xxxiii. A. Stieren de Ptolemaei
Gnostici ad Floram epist. P. 1, Jenae. 1843, distinguishes in the letter two parts proceeding
from different authors, both which. however, could not have been written by Ptolemy.
10 J. L. v. Mosheim Versuch einer unparteiischen u. grfindlichen Ketzergeschichte.
Geschichte der Schlangenbrfider der ersten Kirche.  2te Aufl.  Helmst/dt. 1748. 4.
A. H. L. Fuldner Comm. de Ophitis. Part 1. Rtintelli. 1834. 4. (A school programml.)
t' Origen c. Celsumn. vi. ~ 28, ed. Spenuc. p. 294:'Otavo  TOOVToroV a'o6dovat TOo




136                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A D.,17-193.
Valentinus.   From  the Bythus emanate the first man, the sec.
ond  man  or the son  of man, the Holy  Spirit.   The  last gives
birth, by means of the first two, to the perfect masculine lightnature, the Christ, and the defective female cootia,'Axa/u50,
7rpovetsuco.   The creator of the world  ('IaZtdafiaQ0, probably,~b:
n1n, son of chaos), the first of the seven planet princes, is ambitious  and malevolent, and  is therefore  involved  in  continual
strife with his mother Sophia, who endeavors to deprive him  of
the  pneumatic  natures.   The'OLtopopoof, the  ruler  of Hyle,
and the cause of all evil, is an image  of him.   The christology
of the Ophites is altogether like that of Valentinus, with this
difference, that  Jesus  is  the  psychical, Christ the  pneumatic
Messiah.'2    The  Ophites were divided  into  various  sects  (ex.
gr. Sethians, Cainites).   One of them  looked for the Sophia in
the serpent of Genesis, and hence-the name of the whole party.
This continued  the longest of all the  Gnostic  sects.   (So  late
as 530  A.D. Justinian  enacted  laws against them, Cod. lib. i.
tit. v. 1, 18, 19, 21).
IV. Carpocrates struck out an entirely different way.l3 In
his view, Jesus was a mere man, like  Pythagoras, Plato, and
Aristotle, who  had  set an  example  of the  mode in  which  the
Gnostic  must free  himself from   the  Demniurgi (&yyEtoL hKobtoTrotoi), and  unite  with  the  highest  divinity  (zovdgC).   As  the
Carpocratians had portraits of those Grecian philosophers and
of Jesus in their sanctuaries, so they built in Cephalenia a temple  to  Epiphanes,l        a  youth  seventeen  years  old, the  son  of
eival  Xptcrtavoi, JoarE o6Vi  0carrov KXaov car7iyopeZv aVirogf troo'Icro.  cati!?i
zrp6repov rrpoaieaOai rtva E'rn  7Tr  avvdptov EavrSv, tPv tjA  dpag Oinrat ctari zro'IeaoO.
Mosheim (1. c. S. 19 and S. 127) infers from this that the Ophites formed a more ancient
Jewish sect, which afterward adopted Christianity only in part. On the other side see
A. L. Z. April, 1823. S. 846.
12 On the d/dypaua of the Ophites apud Origines c. Celsum, vi. ed. Spencer. p. 291, ss.
see Mosheim, 1. c. S. 79, if. 178, if.
13 G. H. F. Fuldner de Carpocratianis, in Illgen's historischtheolog. Abhandlungen,
dritte Denkschrift der hist. theol. Gessellschaft zu Leipzig. 1824. S. 180, if. G. Gesenius
de inscriptione Phoenicio-Graeca in Cyrenaica nuper reperta ad Carpocratianorelm
haeresin pertinente. Halae. 1825. 4.
14 Fragments of this work 7rep2 &rcatoaovzf preserved by Clemens Alex. Strom. iii. p.
512, s. His moral principles: 01 vdtot, aivpp67rrov  taOiav Kco2Id e iv jz, dyvvierot, 7rapavosleyv Edid6aeav' v yap id&6rvgf rcwv vo6uov rv Ktotvwviav roD Oeiov votuov Kar7reU]ev Kac
7raparpdyet. —Kotvl,   6 OSo  craara avdpcdLrq  rowtaaf, icaci rT  OZv  r&a  Ut5evR KcoWv
avvayaydov, cKai rdvO'  zutoia rad Oa ico22Oaag, riv 6ttcatoaovvv &vc',,pvev  otwvoveav
jET7' la6rTrTO. Hence, according to page 514, at the conclusion of their agapae, concubitus
promiscui.




CHAP. II.-HERETICS.  Q 46. SYRIAN GNOSTICS.                        137
their founder, after his death.   The sects of the Antitactes and
the Prodiciani,5 allied to the Carpocratians, were branded like
it by immoral principles.'6
~ 46.
(CONTINUATION.)  2. SYRIAN  GNOSTICS.
nile  syrian  Gnostics developed the doctrine of dualism  illure
decidedly than the Egyptian, to which the neighborhood of
Persia may have largely contributed. With this was connected
their fanatical asceticism, in which they exceeded the Egyptians,
and  their Docetic views.'   Satur)ninus in Antioch, a cotemporary  of Basilides, taught that by  the  original cause  (rrarTp &yvoaTroc) the world of spirits was created by successive steps, and
placed  in  the  lowest gradation  the  spirits of the  seven  planets
(ayys2o0t,coazotopa6Topef).   In  opposition  to  them   stood  the  evil
principle  (6 XaravaS), who set in antagonism  to the race of men
of light animated  by  the  highest divinity, a race  of evil men,
so that both  kinds  of men  are  continued  beside  one  another.
In  order to avoid all contact with  the evil principle, the followers of Saturninus abstained from  marriage and the eating of
flesh.   The wide diffusion of the Gnostic opinions in  Syria  and
the  countries lying  eastward  of it may  be seen  in  the  case  of
Bardesanes in  Edessa (about 172),2 who, although  he believed
15 On the'Avrtrdiirat cf. Clemens Stroml. iii. p. 526. Theodoret. Haer. fab. comp. i. c.
16: Respecting Ip6duscof Clemens, l. c. p. 525. Theodoret, 1. c, i. c. 6.
16 The inscriptions which, as pretended, were found in Cyrene, and brought to Malta,
were regarded at first as Carpocratian (cf. G. Gesenius, 1. c.), but were afterward shown to
be recent fabrications, like many other spurious productions, particularly Eumali Cyrenaici Hist. Libycae, lib. vi., all of which were made known by the Marquis Fortia d'Urban in
Avignon. They were meant to confirm the hypotheses which this person had formerly put
forth respecting an island, Atlantis, in the Mediterranean Sea, which was sunk at the flood,
in which island a St. Simonian community of goods and wives is said to have prevailed.
See Boeckh preface to the Berlin Lectionskataloge, Easter, 1832.  Gesenius in the
Hallische A. L. Z. 1835, Augnust, S. 462. When M. J. R. Pacho, Relation d'un voyage
dans la Marmarique, la Cyr6naique, &c. Paris. 1827. 4. p. 128, believed that he had
found in a pit at Lamelouddh, in Cyrenaica, traces referring to a place where the Carpocratians assembled, he was led astray by the opinions at first pronounced on those inscriptions.  A cross with a serpent is a common Christian symbol, according to John iii.
14; and Catholic Christians may as well have used that pit as a place of meeting, like
those at Massakhit, p. 114.
A. 1;. Z. April, 1823. S. 833, ff.
2 Bar daizon (Bayer hist. Osrh. et Edess. p. 13) lived under the prince Abgar bar
Maanu, and gave up his bool, arept EuapeE'Vf., to Antoninus Verus, of whichl Euseb.




138                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 117-193.
in  two  eternal principles, derived  evil front the  Hyle, and held
many  other Gnostic  tenets, was still looked upon  as orthodox
in  that place.   Cotemporary  with  him  was  the  Assyrian  Tatian,3 who had been  a disciple of Justin  Martyr, but after his
death  had  returned  to  his native  land, and  founded  there  a
Gnostic  sect, which  was  chiefly  distinguished  by  abstinence
('EyfKpaTri-ra,'Tdpo7rapaTrdarat, Aquarii),4 and continued till after
the fourth century.
~ 47.
(CONTINUATION.) 3. MARCION AND HIS SCHOOL.'
The Gnosis of Mlarcion, the son of a bishop of Sinope, who
attached himself to the Syrian Cerdo at Rome (between 140
and 150), and developed there a system of his own, has a character quite peculiar.   He assumed three moral principles (dpxa[),
viz., the Oseb  a4yaO6f, the  6lttovvpybS dbtcato9, and  the  vXl1 (6 7r6OV1po6, 6 d/Sli3olo9.).   To  free  men-who  had  only  to  expect from
praep. Evang. vi. 10, has preserved a fragment (republished in Alexandri Aphrodisiensis,
Ammonii, Plotini, Bardesanis et Gemisti Plethonis de fato quae supersunt graece, rec. et
notas adjecit J. C. Orellius. Turici. 1824. 8. p. 202, ss.). He gained over many adherents
by his hymns. The fifty-six hymns of Ephraem Syrus against heretics are important for
tlhe knowledge of his system. Cf. Bardesanes Gnosticus Syrorum primus hymnologus,
comm. historico-theol. quam scripsit Aug. Halhn. Lips. 1819. 8. C. Kuehner Astronomiae
et astrologiae in doctrina Gnosticornlm vestigia, p. i. Bardesanis Gnostici numina astralia.
Hildbur'husae. 1833. 8.
3 Tatianus d. Apologet v. Dr. H. A. Daniel.  Halle. 1837. S. 253. Respecting his
Edayy~Atov dSi  reaacpov, see Credner's Beitrdige zur Einl. in d. biblisch. Schriften,
i. 437.
4 These names, as well as the appellation Doeetae, certainly designate a heresy, which
was common to many parties; but they appear to have been specially given to the followers of Tatian, because a particular sect-name for them does not appear.
1 Particular sources: Tertull. adv. Marcionem  libri v.-(Pseudo-) Origenis d[aeLoyof
7epZ rTg el Oedv ppOpg wiarerg s. dial. contra Marcionitas (ed. J. R. Westein. Basil.
1674. 4). The credibility of the fathers respecting Marcion is too much doubted by
H. Rhode Prolegomenorum  ad quaestionem de Evangelio Apostoloque Marcionis denuo
instituendam, cap. i.-iii. Vratislav. 1834. 4.  See on the other side Ch. E. Becker
Examen crit. de l'6vangile de Marcion. Premidre partie. Strasboulg. 1837. 4. Works
on the subject: Neander gnost. Syst. S. 276, ff. Aug. Hahn Diss. de gnosi Marcionis
antinomi. Regiomonti. 4. (Two Christmas programmes of 1820 and 1821.) Ejusd. Antitheses Marcionis Gnostici liber deperditus, nunec qoad ejus fieri potuit restitutus.  Regiom. 1823. 8. The same author's das Evangeliumn Marcion's in seiner ur'spriinglichen
Gestalt, nebst dem vollstaLdigsten Beweise dargestellt, dass es nicht selbststtindig, sondern ein. verstnimmeltes und verf'ilschtes Lucas-Evangelium  war. Konigsb. 1823. 8.
Compare my review in the Hall. A. L. Z. Oct. 1823, S. 225, fF.




-CIHAP. TI.-HERETICS.  ~ 47. MARCION.                         139
thile  Demiurgus,  according  to  the  principles  of strict justice,
either condemnation or at most a limited happiness —to free
them, I say, from such a yoke, Christ suddenly descended into
Capernaum with the appearance of a body, and proclaimed to
men the good deity hitherto unknown.  Those who believe in
Christ, and lead a new, holy life, from love to the good deity,
will be blessed  with  happiness in  his heavenly  kingdom, while
others are left to the strict justice of the Demiurgus.   Marcion
required of the perfect Christians a strictly ascetic life, abstinence from marriage, avoidance of all earthly pleasures, and
restriction  to  a few  simple  articles of diet.   But all the  disciples of this school were not " faithful" (fideles); many  continued
catechumens  for  a  long  time.   Marcion's  gospel  (eiVayyLttov)
was that of Luke, mutilated  according  to  his system;  in  addition to which, he used ten of the Pauline epistles (6 adrr6o7-ro0to),
not, however, without corruption.2    In  a work  entitled  " Antitheses,"  he  endeavored  to  prove  the  different characters  of
Judaism   and  Christianity, by means of positions from  both  set
over against one another.
Respecting  metaphysical  relations,  as  far  as  they  do  not
affect the moral interests of men, no  declarations  are found  in
Marcion. His disciples, therefore, borrowed such principles
partly  from  the  Syrian  Gnostics, partly, like Apelles, from   the
Valentinians,  so  that  the  school  of  Marcion  was  afterward
divided into many branches.3
2 The adulteration was first doubted by J. S. Semler in his paraphrasis epist. ad Galatas.
Hal. 1779. 8. Prolegom. ) 2, 3. Then by Chr. F. J. Loeffler Diss., qua Marcionem Pauli
epistolas et Lucae evangel. adulterasse dubitatur  Traj. ad. Viadr. 1788. 4 (reprinted in
the Commentatt. theol. coll. a Ktninoel et Ruperti, vol. i. p. 180, ss.). On this the hypothesis
was built upon by H. Corodi, J. G. Eichhorn, and J. E. Ch. Schmidt. Of another opinion is
Dr. Gratz krit. Untersuchung iaber Marcion's Evangel. Tiibing. 1818. 8. Coalp. especially
Hahn's Evang. MIarcion's, &c. Ejusd. Diss. de canone Marcionis. P. i. Regiomn. 1824. 4.
Ejusd. Evang. Marcionis ex auctoritate vett. monunlentortum  descriptum, in J. C. Thilo
Cod. apocryph. N. T. i. 401. Becker, 1. c.
3 Even Rhodon (ap. Euseb. v. 13) says: Atl r7o70o /ca7 raV7p' EavroiTf ('Ziw'VOt yE.y6raoiv, (7ro' yap T  rolS dOcV  y'AireYJS AiE  v- E-,Uiav 6px)?iV 6to0o0ye' —Ecepot dR, /CaNog
ucat avirf o vaVr7vC  Map/ancv, hieo dapfe i ElctyovvrTa —a2&ot 0 de''(iAluv ir,' a,'CvV kcTi To?eipov E'oiKEcl2aCVEC, oV yOvov Jy e, a2.2  Icat r7pZEf VirVori0tevrat Jirree.  Comp. A. L. Z. 1.
c. S. 226, rf. The thoroughly practical tendency of the true IMarcionites is expressed particularly in what Apelles said to Rhodon (I. c.): M~ deyv 5)i E/Sif  eU6EIV 70rv OV  /ov, 0i6i'
Ercacrov CgjS rE7erevi7Ce  l dea/vrEtv. Ca0ricE(e0at ydp  oiof  Ei Ov EaTauvp 2,~vov,l]tc67oaf
dwi0aivero, y6vov E2av iv ep7Otf ayadoof eVpigcavca l. na di   dcvruov (ltaa0iiFaTOV  do)'PaC,' T1rO avr, Tpauypa —r, 0rEpI roV Oeo. Thus it is not incredible that, as Tertullian, de
Praescr. c. 30, relates, Mlarcion at the close of his life wished to return to the catholic
Church. He may have perceived that the practical interests of Christianity were more




140                 Fl1RST PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 117-193.
~ 48.
MONTANISTS AND ALOGI.
Defenders of the Montanists are: Nic. Rigaltius in praefat. ad Tertulliani opp. Arnold's
Kirchen und Ketzerhistorie, Th. 1, Bd. 2, K. 4, ~ 44. Gottlieb WVernsdorf de Montanistis
saeculi secundi haereticis comm. Gedani. 1751. 4. More impartial are: Mosheim de
rebus Christ. ante Const. M. p. 410, ss. Wallh's Ketzerhist. i. 611. [Full of peculiar
combinations is: Dr. P. C. A. Schwleger's der Montanismus u. d. christi. Kirche d. 2ten
Jahrhund.  Tiibingen. 1841. 8.-M. Merkel's hist. krit. Aufklirung der Streitigkeit
der Aloger iiber die Apokalypsis.  Frankf. u. Leipz. 1782. 8. F. A. Ieinichen de
Alogis, Theodotianis atque Artemonitis.  Lips. 1829. 8. Dr. L. Lange's Gesch. und
Lehrbegriff der Unitarier. Leipzig. 1831. S. 156.-Neander's K. G. i. ii. 877.
As  a  peculiar  impress  is  stamped  on  Christianity  in  all
dountries by the national character, so also  in Phrygia it could
not but experience the influence  of the popular tendency  to  a
sensuous, enthusiastic  worship  of deity.   The doctrines of supernatural gifts of the Spirit,' the renunciation  of the earthly,
and the millennial reign, were-susceptible of such development.'
These subjects appear to have been peculiar favorites in Phrygia
very early,3 where  the oppression ol p rsecution, and opposition
to the speculations of the  Gnostics,.nay have accelerated their
one-sided  development.   Accordingly,  MZlontzanus,4  at  Pepuza
(about 150),' in an ecstatic state,6 began to announce, that the
injured than promoted by his opposition, and that they had a sufficient support even in
the catholic Church.
1 As they continued among the Christians even after Justin and Irenaeus. Schlwegler,
S. 94.
2 As far as Montanism proceeded out of these doctrines, Schwegler designates it as a
development of Ebionitism, which had been prevalent up to that time in the church; but
he arbitrarily understands by Ebionitism the entire Jewish basis of Christianity.
3 Es. gr. Philip and his daughters in Hierapolis (to whom  the Montanist Proculus
against Caius refers, Euseb. iii. 31), Papias (~ 35, not. 7).
A4 ccording to Didymus de Trin. lib. iii. cap. penult., he had formerly been iepeig
e6I6Jov. Jerome Ep. 27 ad Marcellam calls him abscissum  et semivirum. I-Ie appears
accordingly to have been a priest of Cybele, a circumstance which must have become of
importance in respect to his conception of Christianity.  Schwegler, S. 243, would have
Montanus to be a mythic personage, but younger contemporaries, the anonymous writer
in Euseb. v. 17, and Apollonius, i. c. v. 18, mention him.
5 According to Apollonius, who wrote under Conllmodus, ]Montanus had appeared forty
years before (apud. Euseb. v. 18). This is the oldest and safest account. Eusebius in his
Chronicle places the commllencelnent of Montanism in the year 172; Epiphanius IHaer. ii.
33, in the year 135; and Haer. xlviii. 1, in the year 157.
6 Following the example of Philo, Justin and Athenagoras also consider the state of
prophetic inspiration as an ecstasis.  The former (Coh. ad. Graecos p. 9) compares the
prophets during it to a lyre which is touched by the Holy Spirit as the plectrum; the




CHAP. II. —HERETICS'.  ~ 48. MONTANISTS.                       141
Paraclete had imparted  itself to  him  for the purpose of giving
the church its manly perfection.  Two fanatical women, Max.
imilla and Priscilla, attached themselves to him  as prophetesses;  and  thus  a  party  was  formed, the  adherents  of which,
vainly  presuming  that they  alone possessed  the last revelations
of the Spirit,7  as,rEvstartKoi, full of spiritual arrogance, looked
down  upon  other  Christians  as 1vXtuoli.   These  new  prophets
did  not wish  to  alter  the  received  creed, but  to  confirm   it
anew.8   On  the other hand  they  prescribed  new  and  rigorous
fasts,9  forbade second marriage, attributed  extraordinary  value
to celibacy and martyrdom, manifested profound contempt for
every  thing earthly, and taught that incontinence, murder, and
idolatry, though they did not exclude from the grace of God
(Tertullian de pudic. c. 3), shut a person  out forever from  the
church."l     At the same time, they  were not afraid  to proclaim
latter (Legat. p. 9) compares them in the same sense to a flute (Schwegler, S. 100), In like
manner the Holy Spirit, through Montanus, describes the ecstasy of the Montanist prophets,
aplld Epiphan. Haer. xlviii. 4:'Id(0o c dvp,7rofg cece XZpa, icdyd  wra, urat  Tel srK-rpov'
o0 cvOpwrorgS IcoIrurat, cdytd yp7yop  S'  o icdV snpt6lf urcvl O6 ECTarvdv tnapdiae aivtpurov,
Kai ddoire apdiaf e&vepr7rotr. Tertullian calls the ecstasis which he explains by amentia
(lib. de aniuna c. l1) Sancti Spiritus vis, operatrix prophetiae. That which he describes
bears a striking resemblance to magnetic claiivoyance (1. c. c. 9): Elst hodie soror apud
nos revelationum charismata sortita, quas in Ecclesia inter dominica solemnia per ecstasin
in spiritu patitur, conversatur corm angelis, aliquando etiam cum Domino, et videt et audit
sacramenta, et quorundam corda dinoscit, et medicinas desiderantibus submittit, &c. A
similarity also to the speaking with tongues among the Corinthians (1 Cor. xiv.) can not
but be noticed. Schwegler, S. 83.
7 The Montanists had not an uninterrupted series of prophets. The Anon. ap. Euseb.
v. 17, wrote in the 14th year after the death of Maximilla, and says that since then none
had boasted of the gift of prophecy. But in the time of Tertullian there was again a
Montanist prophletess in Africa, see note 6.
8 So Tertullian adv. Praxeam, c. 2, ~ 13, appeals to the prophecies of the Paraclete in
favor of his doctrine of the Trinity. Schwegler, S. 8.
9 At first there were two yearly, each one continuing a week, with the exception of
Saturday and Sunday (Tertullian de jejun, c. 15) afterward three (Hieron. Ep. 27 ad Marcellam), in case the third be not the usual ecclesiastical quadragesimal fast, as Valesius
ad Euseb. v. 18, and Schwegler suppose, and which, therefore, Tertullian has not reckoned.
10 Tertull. de virginibus velandis c. 1: Reg-ula quidem fidei una omnino est, sola immobilis, et irreformabilis.-Caetera jam  disciplinae et conversationis admnittunt novitatein
correctionis: —cum propterea Paracletum miserit Dominus, ut, quoniam humana medioc.
ritas omnia semel capere non poterat, paulatim diregeretur et ordinaretur et ad perfecturn
perduceretur disciplina ab illo vicario Dei Spiritu Sancto. From John xvi. he draws the
conclusion that the administratio Paracleti is, quod disciplina dirigitor, quod scripturae
revelantur, quod intellectus reformatur, quod ad meliora proficitur.  Just as in nature
every thing ripens gradually, sic et justitia-primo fuit in rudimentis, natura deum metnens. Dehinc per legem et prophetas promovit in infantiam. Dehinc per Evangelinum
efferbuit in juventutem.  Nunc per Paracletum  componitur in maturitatem.  Compare
the other writings of Tertullian in defense of single monastic institutions, de exhortat.
castitatis, de monogamia, de fuga in persecutione, de jejunio adv. Psychicos, de pudicitia.




aloud  the end of the world, and the millennial reign as near at
hand."    By this means they excited first of all dislike and opposition  in  their vicinity.   Their  opponents were  satisfied  for
the most part with disputing their prophetic gift as not genuine;2 and on this ground  alone they  were excluded  from  communion by the churches of Asia Minor."3   Some, however, led
on  by  opposition  to  farther inquiry, began  to  reject even  the
support which Montanism  had in the doctrines of the church at
that time.l4    In this respect, those afterward called Alogi went
11 Maximilla announced, according to Euseb. v. 16, 8: HIoel4ov  teaeOaL  icear ecica -rar
ciag, according to Epiph. Haer. xlviii. 2:'OTI liE7' 1Eg wpbosrTlf OVK'r7 Erealt, aLDba cavv72Eeta. Priscilla or Quintilla apud Epiph. Haer. xlix. 1:'Ev id6a yvvautcof e'XXrtar7twutvoE dv aero2~ 2n Xatrrpd 2LE 7rp6Sgr XpirrTOb, Ka~t'veaaXev dEv /ol't  rv oobiav, Icai etredcdvVb6
yot, rovrovzi r-Ov -r6,ro (rv IIexOiolv) elvat dy7eov, cat 6dE i?1v'IepovaaXu  EK TO0 oedpavoi
carctvaL. A collection of Montanist predictions in Wesnsdorf de Montanistis, ~ 4, others
besides in )idymus Alex. de trinit. lib. iii. cap. p-entlt. Cf. Tertullian. de resurrect. caris,
C. 63: At enim Deus omnipotens-effrndens in novissimis diebus de suo spiritu in onmnem
carnem, in servos suos et ancillas, et fidem laborantem resurrectionis carnalis animavit, et
pristhia instrulmenta manifestis verborum et sensuum luminibus ab omni ambiguitates obscuritate purgavit.-(Spiritus sanctus) jam omenes retro ambiguitates et quas volunt parabolas, aperta atque perspicua totius sacraimenti praedicatione discussit, per novam prophetiam
de paracleto inundantem. The same, in a fragment in the Praedestinatus haer. 26: Hoc
solumn discrepamus (a Psychicis), quod secundas nuptias non recipimus, et prophetiam Montanli de futuro judicio non recusamus. How fanatical they were in their expectations may
be seen in Tertullian. de spectaculis, c. 30: Quale autenl spectaculum in proximo est, adventus Domini jam indubitati, jam superbi, jam triumphantis! —Quid admirer, quid videam,
ubi gaudeam, ubi exultem, tot spectans reges, qui in coelum recepti nuntiabantur, cum ipso
Jove et ipsis suis testibus in imis tenebris congemiscentes! item praesides, persecutores dominici nominis, saevioribus quam ipsi contra Christianos saevielunt flammis insultantibus liquescentes! praeterea sapientes illos philosophos coram discipulis suis una conflagrantibus
erubescentes, &c. Tertullian's lost work, de spe fidelium, mentioned by him, adv. Marcion
iii. c. 24, was exclusively devoted to this object.
12 Eusebius, iv. 27, and v. 16-19, mentions the polemic writings of Claudius Apollinaris,
Miltiades, an anonymous person (who, according to Jerome, Cat. c. 37 and 39, was Rhodon;
by several modern authors incorrectly supposed to be Asterius Urbanus, c'f. Wernsdorf de
Montanistis, p. 4), Apollonius, and Serapion, and gives extracts from  the last three.The dE craeat of the Montanist prophets gave special offense. It was asserted in opposition that all esc-ractf is an inspiration proceeding from demons, cf. Anonymus apud Euseb.
v. 16, 3, and Miltiadis cayypaguta rrEpt 70o #  eZv 7ded  )pOrrv E'v EarC7CEG 2'a2esi (Euseb. v.
17, 1). Tertull. adv. Marcion. iv. c. 22: Defendimus, in causa novae prophetiae, gratiae ecstasin, id est amentiam, convenire. In spiritu enim homo constitutus, praesertim cum gloriam
Dei conspicit, vel cum per ipsum Deus loquitur, necesse est excidat sensu, obumbratus
scilicet virtute divina: de quo inter nos et Psychicos quaestio est. According to Jerome,
Cat. c. 53, Tertullian wrote de ecstasi libros vi.
13 Anonymus ap. Euseb. v. 16, 5.
14 To this number appear to belong the rejecters of Chiliasi, of whom Irenaeus, v. c. 31,
says: Quidain ex his, qui putantur recte credidisse, supergrediuntur ordinem promotionis
justorum,-haereticos sensus in se habentes; and 32: Transferunter quorundam sententiae
ab haereticis sermonibus, &c. Farther, the rejecters of the Apocalypse, of whom Dionysius
Alex. mrpt EdyrayyeXtv apud Euseb. vii. c. 25, says: TtvS /uv odv r7lv 7rpob VI/zv VtY6rncav
ae  gtveaa:eaiaav 7r(vrny r7i t,2iov  I Ci. X. Z., who went so far as to hold Cerinthus to be the
author




CHAP. II. —HERETICS. ~ 48. TMONTANISTS.                       143
farthest, who  not only denied the continuance of charismata in
the  church, and  millennarianism, but rejected  the Apocalypse,
and even the gospel of John.15
This very  mode  of opposition, against which, even  in  Asia
Minor, l1ielito, bishop of Sardis, presented himself as an  antagonist,16 contributed largely, perhaps, to procure Montanism  many
friends  in  the  west.l7   The  western  churches  never  declared
themselves exclusively in favor of any  of the conflicting parties
in  Asia;"  and  thus  the  principles  of the  Montanists,  which
were, after all, only the carrying out of orthodox doctrines,
could  be diffused  there,19 without the necessity  of a Montanist
party  separating itself from  the rest of the, church.
The Montanists in Asia, who had their peculiar ecclesiastical
15 Compare especially the above cited work of Alerkel, whom also Olshausen (Aechtheit
der vier canon. Evang. S. 254, fE.) follows. Irenaeus, iii. c. 11: Alii veo, ut donum Spiritus
frustrentur, quod in novissimis temporibus secundum placituml patlis eflfsum est in humanunl
genus illam speciem non admittunt, quae est secundum Joannis evangelium, in qua Paracletum se missurum Dominus promisit; sed simul et evangeliun  et propheticumr repellunt
Spiritum. Infelices vere, qui pseudoproplhetae [leg. psendoprophetas] quidem esse volunt,
prophetiae vero gratiam ab ecclesia repellent; similia patientes his, qui propter eos, qui in
hypocrisi veniunt, etiamn a fratrum communicatione se abstinent. Datur autem intelligi,
quod hujusmodi neque apostolumn Paulum recipiant. In ea eniml epistola, quae est ad Corinthios, de propheticis charismatibus diligenter locutus est, et scit viros et mulieres prophetantes. Per haec igitur omnia peccantes in Spiritum Dei, in irremissibile incidunt peccatum. The name'AJ;oyot appears first in Epiphanius Haer. ii. adv. Alogos, comp. especially the passage cap. 33, according to the following correction of the text (so Merkel, S.
35, if.):'EVOlcaycvrov   yap roVrav Ecefe (eig Ovcirepa) oKat rv Kaor  Dpdyaf, [oi jF#v]
ditljV aKicGov ip7raodvrov Tfa d&tavolag r7v tdcepaeirv rricr7wv, pErrveytcac  rv r  rdav
a7r6Xtv eigf rv a&VTOV al'peal'- ol de apvodtzEvot r7iv'Arrotcda2v;tv, T70o  6yov rovrov elS
CvarTpOcryv, ear' EIfEvov cKatpoV Ea-rpaTreVovro.
16 To this subject sppear to belong, his works 7repti rotlretaCg, Kat 7rpo~grdrv, 26yo0 7repi
7rpor/TEiaf, arepi r-of aoro ragcaVerof'Iwovvov (comp. Lficke's Einl. in d. Offenb. Johan.
S. 289). They were naturally very welcome to the Montanists, and hence Melito was
praisedby Tertullian even in the Montanist period of the latter's life (Hieronymus, in Catal.
c. 24: Hujus elegans et declamatoriam ingenium laudans Tertullianus in septern libris,
quos scripsit adversus ecclesiam pro Montano, dicit, eum a plerisque nostrorum prophetam
putari). But it does not follow from this, as Danz, Heinichen, and Schwegler (S. 223)
would have it, that Melito was a Montanist. See Piper's Melito, in the theol. Stud u.
IKrit. 1838, i. 86.
17 Cf. Irenaeus above, not. 14 and 15. The account of Praedestinatus, Haer. 26: Scripsit contra eos (Montanistas) librumn s. Soter Papa urbis is highly improbable, and is perhaps
nothing more than a conclusion from Tertullian adv. Prax. c. 1, praecessorum ejus auctoritates defendendo.
18 The Christians of Lyons and Vienne had added to their account of the persecution
they endured, a judgment on the controversy with the Montanists, which Eusebius unfortunately omitted, (Euseb. v. 3, 2):'EcOilervot tcal rdv 7rap' av'rofT re2tElo0V7rWV [yapTrpo)v dlaeopovS Ertaroafig, af i'v dretoTgf r6'  Vripxovr7Er roSf rT"'ASiaS icat Ipvyiag aide2s.
olf dtexdpao:av' o* OtViv da2ii  tcai'E2uivOdp,), rJ rore'Poiza&uv Etvrtacd6rro, Trg rCv Eic'clC -
aidv elpw2g7 C vetca qrpeao3erovrEg. Comp. the Praefatio of Maranus to the Opp. of the
Apologists, P. iii. c. 14, ~ 2, ss.              s An instance below, ~ 53, note 39.




144                FIRST PERIOD.-DiV. II.-A.D. 117-193.
constitution,20 continued down to the tenth century.21    Besides
their usual names, Montanistae, Cataphryges (ol icara i                 pcyaS),
other appellations were  applied  to  them, some  of which  may
have referred to particular sections, while others were mere
names of derision.22
THIRD CHAPTER.
INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.
~ 49.
The  internal development of the orthodox church  depended
in a great degree on its external relations, the persecution of
the heathen, and the attacks of heretics.   Christian  literature
had been confined till now solely to didactic and admonitory
letters, seven of which in this period also, proceeded from the
pious bishop  of Corinth, Dionysins;' but now  it  developed
itself in other directions, particularly in defending Christianity
against the heathen, and in combating heretics. It was corrupted, however, by a mass of spurious writings.   Those external relations could not be without an influence on the formation
of doctrines, since they  led  of necessity  to  the exhibition  and
support of particular dogmas.   In  like  manner, ecclesiastical
usages received  from  them  a more definite  character.   At the
same time, it was a circumstance of great importance, that several Platonic philosophers had now  come over to Christianity, by
20 Hieronym. Ep. 27, ad Marcellam: Habent primes de Pepusa Phrygiae Patriarchas:
secundos, quos appellant Cenonas: atque ita in tertium, i. e., paene ultimum locum Episcopi
devolvuntur.
21 The last laws against them proceeded from Justinian, A.D. 530 and 532, see Cod. lib.
i. tit. 5, 1. 18-21.
22 Quintilliani, Priscillianistae,'Aprorvpirac (see on this Noesselt de vera aetate scriptt.
Tertulliani, f 47), Tascodrugitae (7rcaaeXopvyxrzia). The following are mere corruptions
of words: Tascodrocitae (Cod. Theod. xvi. 5, 10), Ascodrogitae (Philastr. c. 75), Ascodrogi
(Theodos. jun. novella iii. in fine), Ascodrutae, Ascodrupitae, (which, however, are enumerated among the Marcosians by Theodoret Haer. fab. comp. i. 10), Ascitae (Augustin de
Haer. 62), cf. Gothofredus ad novellam iii. Theodosii jnn. From such corrupted names,
however, new heresies have been etymologically deduced.
1'E-tarotae IcaOoZtucai to the churches of Rome, Nicomedia, Gnossus, Athens, Lacedaemon, Gortyna, and in Pontus. Fragments are given by Euseb. ii. 25, iv. 23.




CHAP. III.-CATHOLIC CHURCH. 6 50. APOLOGIES.                       145
means of whom  Platonism  continued to gain more friends
among   the   Christians.   Besides,  the   Greek   language   was
almost the only ecclesiastical tongue.2    Although  several Latin
translations of the  Bible were made,3 yet the writers  even  of
the western church  wrote in  Greek.   But Christian  ideas had
a freshness of life only in the people who spoke the language
of the  New   Testament.   In  the  west, they  merely  received,
what the east produced.
~50.
APOLOGIES FOR CHRISTIANITY AGAINST HEATHEN AND JEWS.
J. A. Fabricii Delectiss argu inentorum et syllabus scriptorum, qui veritatem relig. christ.
asseruerunt. Hamb. 1725. 4. H. G. Tzschimer's Geschichte der Apologetik. Leipz. Th.
1. 180.5. 8. The sanme author's Fall des Heidenthums, i. 202, if. A list of apologetic
vorks may be found in Danz de E-asebio Caes. p. 93, ss.-The best edition of all the
apologists is given by Prudentius Maranus. Paris. 1742. fol.
The  pressure  of circumstances gave rise  at this time to various apologies for Christianity, which are supposed in part to
have been  presented  to  emperors;' the first to  Hadrian  (126),
in Athens, by  Quaclratus and Aristides (Euseb. iv. 3;  f-ieron.
Catal. 19, 20).2   The first apology of Justin  Mfartyr (t 166)3
2 At this period originated the custom of the Roman Church, which continued down to
the middle ages, of requiring those who were to be baptized to recite the creed first in
Greek then in Latin. Cf. Ednl. Martene de antiquis eccl. ritibus, ed. 2, t. i. p. 88; A. Gavanti Thesaurus sacr. ritLum ed. G. M. Meratus, t. i. p. 42, and the other works quoted in
xWalchii Biblioth. symlbol. vetus, p. 57.
3 Augustin. de Doctr. christ. ii. 11: Qui scripturas ex hebraica lingua in graecam vertenmt, numerari possunt, latini autem interlpretes nullo modo. Ut enim cuivis primis fidei
temporibus in marnus venit codex Graecus, et aliquantulum facultatis sibi utTiusque linguae
habere videbatur, ausus est interpretari. C. 16: In ipsis autem interpretationibus Itala
caetelis praeferatur; nam est verborum tenacior cumin perspicuitate sententiae. L. van
Ess Geseb. d. Vulgata. Tuibingen. 1824. 8.
1 PFirst doubted by Bayle, s. v. Athenagore. Semler Introduction to Baumgarten's PoIemnik, ii. 43. Henke, i. 129. In opposition to these doubts, see Tzschirner Fall des Heidenthums, i. 233. Semisch Justin d. M. i. 63.
2 The apology of Quadratus was still extant in the beginnling of the seventh century
(Photius, cod. 162). That Ado (about 860) had the apology of Aristides does not follow from
his Martyrolog. ad d. 5, Nov. (cf. J. Dallaei de sciiptis, quae sub Dionysii Areop. et Ignatii
Antioch. nominibus circumferunter, p. 90, s.): and the account of de la Guilletidre Ath6nes
anciennes et nouvelles, Paris. 1676, p. 146, of its being still preserved at that time in the
monastery of Medelli at Athens, is as little worthy of credit as all the rest of the narrative
of this pretended journey (see on it Spon Voyage d'lItalie et Dalm. Chateaubriand's Travels from Paris to Jerusalem, part i. p. 33.
3 According to Dr. A. Stieren in Illgen's Zeitschr. fiir d. hist. Theol. 1842, i. 21, the year
VOL. I.-10




146                 FiRST PERtIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 117-193.
is addressed  to  Antoninus  Pius  (138  or 139), the  second  and
smaller  belongs,  according  to  the  usual  opinion,  to  Marcus
Aurelius and Lucius Verus (161-166).4 The other apologetic
writings designed for the heathen, which are attributed to him,
are of more doubtful origin.5   To  Marcus Aurelius, Athenagoras addressed his rrpeoaeia  -rept XplortavCv;6 and  Melito, bishop
of Sardis,' and Claudius Apollinaris, bishop of Hierapolis,8 their
apologies since lost (Euseb. iv. 26;  lier-on. Cat. 24, 26).  At the
same  time  appeared  the  apology  of Miltiades (Euseb. v. 17;
Hieron.  Cat. 39);  of Theophilus, bishop  of Antioch, in  three
books to Autolycus;9  and  of Tatian, the  X6yog -rrpbS "EWrtXvag.1~
On  the  other hand, the  epistle to  Diognetus is  older."    Perof Justin's death was 161. On the credibility of the ancient narrative of Justin's death, see
Semisch Justin d. M. i. 16.
4 So according to Pagi, Tillemont, Mosheim, and Semisch. On the other hand, according to Valesius, Longuerue, and Neander (K. G. i. ii. 1144), it was also written under Antoninus Pius. F. Chr. Boll, in Illgen's Zeitschrift, 1842, iii. 3, assumes that both apologies
made up originally one whole, which may have been written about 150. Apologiam primam ed. J. E. Grabe. Oxon. 1700, alteram H. Hutchin. ib. 1703, utramque C. Gu. Thalemann. Lips. 1755. J. W. J. Braunius.  Bonnae. 1830. 8. In the older editions before
Grabe the smaller apology is incorrectly placed first. Comp. Justin d. Mirt-rer von C.
Semisch. 2 Thle. Breslau. 1840-42. 8. J. C. Th. Otto de Justini M. scriptis et doctrina
comm. Jenae. 1841. 8. S. Justini philosophi et M. opera rec., prolegomenis, adnotatione
ac versione instruxit indicesque adjecit J. C. Th. Otto. 2 tomi. Jenae. 1842. 8.
5 The 2R6yor irapalverrtcbg irpog "EXR77vag was first denied to be Justin Martyr's by Oudinus, lately by Herbig (comm. de scriptis, quae sub nomine Justini phil. et mart. circumaferuntur. Vratisl. 1833), Arendt (krit. Untersuchungen uber die Schriften Just. d. M. in the
Tilbinger theol. Quartalschr. 1834, ii. 256), and Moehler (Patrologie, i. 224), but it is de- ~
fended by Semisch, i. 105. The.60yog'rpob "E'EXRuvaf is pronounced unauthentic by most
writers, even by Semisch, i. 163. On the fragment rept avaarTCiUEo  opinions are divided.
Herbig, 1. c. p. 74, endeavors at great length to prove the spuriousness; Semisch, i. 146, the
genuineness of it. There is also great difference of sentiment respecting the work r'epi
iLovapXaOf. Herbig, p. 69 and Semisch, i. 167, regard it as spurious. In the mean time,
however, all these works belong to this period.
6 I. e. supplicatio, not legatio, according to Mosheinm de vera aetate apologetici, quam Ath.
pro Christ. scripsit, diss. (in dissert. ad hist. eccl. pertin. vol. i. p. 269, ss.) written in the
year 177. ed. J. G. Lindner. Longosal. 1774, ejusd. curae posteriores in Athen. ibid. 1775.
8. iepti davaercTaeJcog rSV vErcpDv ed. L. A. Rechenberg. Lips. 1685. 8. Th. Adr. Clarisse
Comm. de Athenagorae vita et scriptis et ejus doctrina de relig. christ. Lugd. Bat. 1819. 8
Guerike de schola Alexandrina, i. 21, ii. 6, 50, 97, 403.
7Melito, by licentiate F. Piper in the theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1838, i. 54.
8 The fragmnents in the Catenae, especially in the. etpa eif  rjv'OrdarevXov-Erty/eXreig
Nt~~oo6pov Tol eor6Kov, Lips. 1772, 2 voll. fol., attributed to one Apollinaris, deserve a
closer examination. The most of them belong to Apollinaris, bishop of Laodicea in the
fourth century; but many might be referred even to the bishop of Hierapolis.  See
Schwegler's Montanismus, S. 203.
9 Ed. J. C. Wolf. Hamb. 1724. 8, translated by M. WV. F. Thienemann. Leipzig. 1834.
10 Ed. Worth. Oxon. 1700.8. Tatianus d. Apologet, von Dr. H. Daniel. Halle. 1837. 8.
11 Formerly attributed falsely to Justin.  On the other side, see Tillemont, Memoires,
ii. 371; C. D. a Grossheim de epist. ad Diognetum comm. Lips. 1828. 4to, who fixes the




CHAP. IlI.-CATHOLIC CHURCH. g 50. APOLOGIES.                      147
haps also M. Jiinucius Felix, a lawyer in Rome, who defended
Christianity in a dialogue called Octavius,"2 belongs to the age
of Marcus Aurelius, and  is in this view  the oldest Latin apologist.   On the contrary, the dtaavpzbo r-riv'l bLt?.oao6qv of Hermias must be placed in a later period.l3
All these defenders aim  principally  to  show  the  groundlessness of the accusations adduced against Christianity, 4 the reasonableness of it contrasted with the absurdity and immorality
of heathenism, and  the  nothingness  of the  heathen  deities."
While  they refer to the fact that Christianity  agrees with the
wisest philosophers, they represent the latter again as having
lrawn their wisdom  from  the Old  Testament.   In  proving the
livinc  origin  of Christianity, they  attach  special value  to  the
predictions of the Old Testament, the miracles of Jesus and the
apostles, the miraculous powers continuing  among Christians,'6
epistle about the year 132; Moehler (Schriften u. Aufshtze, i. 19. Patrologie, i. 154), who
places it in the time of Trajan; Semisch (Justin d. M. i. 172), who puts it in the time of
Justin. It has been published with an introduction and remarks by Lie. G. Bohl in Opuscula Patram selecta. Berol. 1826.p. i.p. 109, ss.
13 In the three only known MSS., and in the older editions, it appears as the eighth
book of Arnobius (lib. octavus, a misunderstanding of the title Octavius). It has been
very frequently published, among other forms cumn  integris Woweri, Elmenhlorstii,
Heraldi, et Rigaltii notis, aliorumque hinc inde collectis, ex rec. Jac. Gronovii. Accedumlt
Cyprianus de Idol. van. et Jul. Firm. Maternus. Lugd. Bat. 1709. 8. J. G. Lindner.
Longosalissae. 1760, ed. ii. emend. 1773. 8, translated with an introduction and remarks
by J. G. Russwurm, Hamburg. 1824. 4, newly published, explained and translated by Dr.
J. H. B. Lubkert. Leipzig. 1836. 8, ad fidem codd. regii et Bruxell. rec. ed. D. MuTalto.
Turici. 1836. 8. The earlier more prevailing opinion that Minucius belongs to the interval
between Tertullian and Cyprian, 220-230, rested particularly on the testimony of Jerome,
who Catal. cap. 53, says: Tertullianus presbyter nune demum primus post Victorem et
Apollonium Latinorum ponitur; and first mentions MinLcius in cap. 58. On the other hand,
Blondell (de 1'Euchariste, p. 119), Dallaeus (against whom see Bayle's Dictionn. s.v.
Fronton), J. D. ab Hoven (in Lindner's second edition, p. 261), Oelrichs (de scriptt. eccel.
lat., p. 24) place him, from internal grounds, and because, cap. 9, Fronto (see ~ 40, note 2)
is mentioned as still living, in the age of Marcus Aurelius. This view has been lately
adopted by Kestner (Agape, S. 356), H. Meirer (comm. de Minucio Felice, Turici. 1824. 8),
tRusswurm, and v. Muralt 1. c., and even Tzschirner (Fall des Heidenthums, i. 219),
who had formerly defended the old opinion in the Geschichte der Apologetik, i. 279.
13 Ed. Worth (annexed to his Tatian), J. Ch. Dommerich, Hal. 1764. 8. Gu.F. Menzel,
Lugd. Batt. 1840. 8. According to Menzel, the work belongs to the fifth century.
14 Ch. F. Eisenlohr, Argumenta ab apologetis saec. ii. ad confirmandam  rel. christ
veritatem usurpata. Tubing. 1797. 4. (recus. in Pottii Sylloge comm. theologg. vol. ii.
p. 114, ss.) Tzschirner's Fall des Heidenth. i. 237, ff. F. Waurm, in Klaiber's Studien
der evangel. Geistlichkeit Wirtemberg's, i. ii. 1. Semisch, Justin d. M. ii. 56.
15 Here an important preparation had been already made for them by the heathen
philosophers, especially by the view that had originated with Euhemerus, that the deities
were dead men. See above ~ 13, note 5. Cf. Athenagoras, Leg. p. 35. Theoph. ad.
Autol. p. 75, 70. Minucius Felix, Oct. c. 21, appeals expressly to Euhemerus.
16 Tholuck on the miracles of the Catholic Church in his verie. Schriften, i. 28.




148                 FIRST PERIOD. —DIV. II.-A.D. 117 —193.
the rapid spread of Christianity, and the steadfastness of its folb
lowers in times of persecution.   They demand, in fine,, the same
protection  for Christians, which  other philosophical sects  enjoyed.
In defense of Christianity against Judaismn, there appeared at
this period two dialogues;  under Hadrian the avT-rtoyla lIamriorov
Icat'jaaovof, which was afterward, but certainly  without reason.
ascribed to Aristo of Pellac,  17 and daRoyog irpob TpVi0ova'Iovdaiov,
of  uzstin MIartyr.18
COMBATING OF HERETICS-CATHOLIC CHURCH-CANON OF TIHE NEW
TESTAMENT.
The writings of the earlier opponents of heretics, the work of
Justin  Martyr against all heresies 1 the books of Ar rippa Castor (abbut 135), who  wrote  against Basilides; of fustin  Mcar.
tyr, Theophilus of Antioch, Rhodon, Philip  bishop of Gortyna,
and of 2odestus, who all wrote against Marcion; of 3liltiades,
Claudiuts Apollinaris, Serapion bishop of Antioch, and Apollo~nics, who all wrote against the Mlontanists, have been lost, except a few  fragments..    On the other hand, we  still possess the
work of Irenaeus  (bishop  of Lyons, 177-202),    yXofg icat avav
17 This &rvrtcoyia or  tlciXtct, cited so early as by CelstLs (Orig. c. Cels. iv. p. 199), is
lost, and even of the Latin translation of one Celsus the Praef. ad Vigilimn (in opp.
Cypriani) is alone extant. Maximus (t 662) conm. ad. Dionys. Areop. de myst. theol.
c. 1, is the first who names Ariston as the author, but adds that Clement of Alerx,
Hypotyposeon, lib. vi., ascribes this dialogue to Luke. On the other hand, Hieron., in,
quaest. in Genes., says: In principio fecit Deas coelurm et terramn. Plerique existimant,
sicnt in altercatione quoque lasonis et Papisci scriptum est-in Hebraeo haberi: in filio
fecit Deus ooelum et terrain. Quod falsum ess'e ipsias rei veritas comproba:t. A Hebrev
Jewish-Christian like Aristo could never have written that. The Chron. paschale ad:
Olymap. 228, ann. 2, says that'AnreLXLg and'Apiarov (probably 6 IIneta'ogf'Apiurwv)
handed over an apology to Hadrian. Since this is not found, it seenm's that some con.
jectured they discovered it in the dialogue in question.
18 Ed. Sam. Jebb. Lond. 17;9. 8. The doubts of its authenticity raised by C. G. KIocl
(Justini M. cum Tryph. Jud. dial.-suppositionis convictus. Eilon. 1700. 8. The controib
versial writings on the subject, see in Walclii Bibl. patrist. p. 216), Wetstein, Semler
(Wetst. prolegg. in N. T. ed. Semler, p. 174), and S. G. Lange (Gesch. d. Dogmen d.
christl. Kirche, i. 137), have been answered by G. Miinscher, an dialogus cum Tryphone
Justino M. recte adscribatur. Marb. 1799. 4 (also in Commentatt. theoll. edd. Rosenmiiller, Fuldner et Maurer, i. ii. 184), and Semisch, Justin d. M. i. 75.
1 Zvyrayae r   r'aae  TdV yeyeYvs/svo aipaerv cited by himself, Apol. i. c. 26.




CIIAP. IIL-CATHOLIC CHURICH. ~ 51. COMBATING OF HERETICS. 149
Tpo-in1, r~  )Esvdwwv o   v yv3asucw f in  five books, but for the most part
merely in  an old Latin  transklhion.'.
The discordant opinions of the philosophical schools (alpioet9),
which were to have been  removed by the one, certain, Christian
truth, had  again  appeared  within  the  province  of Christianity
at this period, in the  different parties.    The  ecclesiastical idea
of aipegt  wCas formed'from   thence  chiefly  by  the  characteristics  of  separation  from   the  unity  implied  in  the  true  chlurch,
and  of insecure  subjective  presumption;3  but since  Christian
truth  appeared  not  likely  to  be  mistaken  without  blam.e  attaching  to  the  individuals,  it was  generally  believed  that  the
sources  of  the  heresies  must  be  looked  for  in  nothing  else
than  self-will, pride, ambition, desire of rule, and  want of love.4
To   the  opposition   presented   to   unbelievers,  in  which   alone
the  church  had  been  engaged  till the  present time,5  there  was
now  added  the  other opposition  directed  against heretics.   By
this  means  the  idea  of  the  churchl  being   farther  developed,
there  arose  the  expression    cmX~,ia  KraOohttc,0  i. e., the  only
2 Ed. J. E. Grabe.  Oxon. 1702. fol. Renatns Massuet. Paris. 1710. fol. Lib. iii.
capita 1-4, in graecum  serllonern restituta, criticisque annotationibus illustrata per H.
Gu. J. Thierscl in the theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1842. ii. 512. A. Stieren de Irenaei adv. haer.
operis fontibus, indole, doctrina, et dignitate.  Gottingae. 1836. 4. In favor of the authenticity, in regard to which doubts were raised by Semler (especially in the dissert. in
Tertull., in hlis edition of Tertullian, vol. v. p. 261, 300, ss.), see Chr. G. F. WVlch de
a'OeTri  librorlun Iren. adv. haer. in. nov. coimmentariis soc. scient. Gotting. t. v. p. 1.:uespecting the friagments of Irenaeus found by Pfaff in the Turin Library (S. Irenaei
friagmenta anecdota ed. Chr. M. PfafI, Igace Corn. 1715. 8, reprinted in his Syntalgma
dissertt. tlheoll. Stuttgard. 1720. S. p. 573), whose authenticity was doubted, chiefly from a
Catholic bias, by Scip. MaffLei, see Rotbe's Anfdinge d. christl. Kirehe, i. 361.
a Irenaeus, v. 20, 2: Tales sunit onlles haeretici-semper quaerentes et nunquaml velu'a
invenientes. Tertullianus de Praescr. 6: Haereses dictae graeca voce ex interpretatione
electionis, qua quis, sive ad instituendas, sive ad suscipiendas eas utitar. Nobis vero
niail  ex nostro arbitrio inducere lic-et, sed nec eligere quod aliquis de arbitrio suo induxerit. Apostolos Donlini lhabelmus auctores, qui nec ipsi quidquam ex suo arbitrio, quod
inducerent, elegeMollt, sed acceptamn a Christo disciplinam fideliter nationibis adsignaverult. Comp. Rothe's Ajnf. d. christl. Kirclhe, i. 563.
4 Irenaeus, iii. 3, 2: Confundimus omnes eos, qui quoquo ioodo, vel per sibiplacentiamn
vel vanam gloriarn, vel per caecitate m et malam sententiami praeterquaml oportet colliglnt. iv. 33, 7:'AvacpLteV   d o rTOS  r  aXlo/aroa Epyeaoy/vovc, KEvog dvvra,g  lg rob
rteoD idytiyVg, icai rb iWov  LOvr E8LCf 6oKtroOvra f, L26M yG/   riuv  vwoctr rUg bc0 iiaf:i.,Clemens Alex. Strom. vii. p. 887: Aci 5aavor, ca cu pt6doot aipeaetc.
5 See above ~ 30.
6 The name first appears in Ignatii epist. ad Srmyrn. c. 8, ansd in the epist. Eccl,.Smyyrn. de rmartyr. Polycarpi ap. Eusebias, iv. c. 15, ~ 1. Tertull. de Praescr. haeret. c. 20:
(Apostoli) ecclesias apud unmquamamque ivitatem condidemunt, a quibus traducem fidei et
seminia doctrinae  caeterae exinde ecclesiae amutuatae sunt, et quotidie lnutuantur, ut
ecclesiae fialt. Ac per hoc et ipsae apostolicae deputantur, ut soboles apostolicarum
e-eclesiaram. Orne genus:ad origi nem saam censeatur necesse est: itaque tot ac tantae




150                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. IT.-A.D. 117-193.
church,7 out of which there is no salvation,8 which  is destined
to become  universal, and  has already  given  practical proof of
this destination.9
The writers against heresies certainly  went into the peculiar
doctrines of the heretics, for the purpose of refuting them; but
they  particularly  combated  their pretensions  in  alleging  that
their doctrine was the genuine  doctrine of Christ and the apostles, by proving, from  the agreement of the  apostolic churches,
that the doctrine of the apostles had been preserved without alteration in the catholic church.0'   The common interest which
ecclesiae una est, illa ab apostolis prima, ex qua omnes. Sic omnles prima, et omnes
apostolicae, dum una; omnes probant unitatem. The words can not refer to a formal
founding of the catholic Church, as is assumed by J. E. Ch. Schmidt in his Bibliothek ffir
Krit. u. Exegese, ii. 1. The idea first arose, and it afterward gave expression to itself
by degrees, in the constitution and ordinances of the church. Comp. Mfinscher's Dogmengeschichte, ii. 379.  Twesten's Dogmatik, i. 109.  Rothe's Anf. d. christl. Kirohe,
i. 555.
7 In opposition to the sects which designed to form churches also, but which were only
schools, dtarpl3ai (Clem. Alexandrin. Strom. vii. p. 889),  vOp Trsvae  arv7i2aLeol (1. c.
p. 898).
8 Irenaeus, iv. 26, 2. Haeretici alienuml ignem afferentes ad aItare Dei, i. e., alienas
doctrinas, a coelesti igne comburentutr, quemadmodum Nadab et Abiud. iv. 33, 7. Tertlll.
de Baptismo, c. 8. Ecclesia est arca figurata (cf. 1 Petr. iii. 20, 21).
9 Irenaeus, i. 10, 1.'H KIluc2cia tcaO' 055   0oif oCovt2V7lf  SW  7repdcrwv r7g y' C d&rcarapygvy. Cf. i. 10, 2, iii. 11, 8, iv. 36, 2, v. 20, 1.
J0 Tertullian. de Praescr. haer. c. 21. Quid autenl (apostoli) praedicaverint, id est,
quid illis Christus revelaverit: et hic praescribam, non aliter probari debere, nisi per easdem ecclesias, quas ipsi apostoli condiderunt, ipsi eis praedicando, tam viva (quod aiunt)
voce, quam per epistolas postea. Si haec ita sunt, constat proinde omnem doctrinlm,
quae cum illis ecclesiis apostolicis, matricibus et originalibus fidei conspiret, veritati deputandam. C. 36. Percorre ecclesias apostolicas, apud quas ipsae adhuc cathedrae apostolorum suis locis praesident, apud quas authenticae literae eoruon recitantur, sonantes
vocem et repraesentantes faciem uniuscujusque. Proxima est tibi Achaia? habes Corinthum. Si non longe es a Macedonia, babes Philippos, babes Thessalonicenses. Si
potes in Asiam tendere, babes Ephesum. Si autem Italiae adjaces, babes Romam, unde
nobis quoque auctoritas praesto est. Ista quam felix ecclesia, cni totam doctrinam apos:toli cum sanguine suo profuderunt, ubi Petrus passioni dominicae adequatur, ubi Paulus
Johannis exitu coronatur, ubi apostolus Johannes, posteaquail in oleum igneuom demersus
nihil passus est, in insuiam relegatur. Videamus quid dixerit, quid cum Afiicanis. quoque
ecclesiis contesserarit, &c. (Comp.. Neander's Antignosticus,. S. 313, ff.) In the west
the Roman was the only apostolic church. Hence they naturally appealed to it there
chiefly, Iren. iii. 3. Traditionern itaque apostolorum  in toteo mundo manifestateom, in
omni ecclesia adest perspicere omnibus, qui vera velilnt videre,. et habemus annumerare
eos, qui ab apostolis instituti sunt Episcopi in ecclesiis et successores eorum usque ad nos,
qui nihil tale docuerunt.-Sed quoniam valde longum est, in hoc tali voluanine omniun
ecclesiarum enumerare successiones; maximae et antiquissimae et omnibus cognitae a
gloriosissimis duobus apostolis, Petro et Paulo, Romae fundatae et constitutae ecclesiae
eam, quam habet ab apostolis, traditionem et annunciatam hominibus fidene, per successiones episcoporam pervenientem usque ad nos, indicantes confnldimnus omnes eos, qui
quoquo modo-praeterqualm oportet colligunt. Ad hanc enim  ecclesiam propter potentioreml (so all MSS., Massuet was the first that altered it into potiorem) principalitatela




CHAP. III.-CATHOLIC CHURCH. g 51. COMBATING OF HERETICS.  101
was felt against heretics, and the feeling of oneness, strengthened
by the idea of a catholic church, led to a closer union, of which
the apostolic churches were regarded as a center, though without the existence of an external subordination among them.
As the heretics appealed to apostolic traditions, and even used
pretended apostolic writings in justification of their sentiments,
the attention of catholic Christians was by this means more directed to the genuine writings of the apostles scattered among them.
The apostolic epistles had always been read in the places to
which  they  were  addressed, and  in the neighboring  congregations; but there was no  universally  received  collection  of the
necesse est omnem convenire ecclesiam, hoc est, eos qui sunt undique fideles, in qua
semper ab his, qui sunt undique, conservata est ea, quae est ab apostolis, traditio.
Irenaeus wishes to prove that the doctrine of the catholic Church is apostolic, preserved
by the successors of the bishops ordained by the apostles. Since it is too prolix to point
out this connection of the apostles with all ch-arclhes, he wishes to limit his proof to the
Church of Rome alone, and finally to represent the doctrine of the Rollan Church as
necessarily agreeing with that of the whole remaining church. Necesse est (avdyiyc7)
must not be confounded with oportet (de~): the former expresses a natural necessity, the
latter an obligation, duty. Potentior is icavTJrepof (cf. iii. 3, 3: potentissimas literas,
aEcavorrlrv ypaeev), principalitas probably 7rporela (iv. 38, 3: WrpOT6)rEet fv EY 7rdatv O
Oe6f, principalitateml  quidem habebit in omnibus Deus). Accordingly the Greek text
may have been: irpoi ravT7iv yap Trav  uc2Kcjriav dli r'v tbcaveorpav wrpuTreiav avdy7rl
raiaav avyaif etv rT7v  titcoteroaav, TroT' Earl TOvf,raVaTX60ev lrtTOifC, bV 0I dUE  rol
ravarX6eO6v avt2)r76Er7praet 0 sr rv top ur6o2TOv  7rapisdozrc. "For with this church
must the whole church, i. e., the believers of every place, agree, of course, on account of its
more important pre-eminence."  A pre-eminence belonged to all apostolic churches; to
the Roman Church a more important pre-eminence, on account of its greatness, and its
havir g been founded by the two most distinguished apostles. In the rest of the sentence,
i conjecture that the Latin translator was mistaken. Supposing the Greek text to have
stood as above, the translator took the words iroiCg ravraxOev for erTb rayv oravr. which
was certainly grammatically correct; " in which the apostolic tradition was always preserved by believers from all places," referring to the many foreigners who constantly
belonged to the Roman community, and who afforded a warrant for the uninterrupted
agreement of the Roman tradition with that of the rest of the church. But Irenoeus
meant to say: " in which the apostolic tradition has been always preserved in fellowship with the believers of all places."  Hence he adduces, in what follows, Clement's
epistle to the Corinthians, and Polycarp's abode at Rome, as proofs of this uninterrupted
fellowship. Many other explanations may be seen in Grabe and Massuet on the passage. Paulus, in Sophronizon, Heft 3. 1819. S. 141, ff. On the other side, Th. Kateeaimp fiber den Primat. d. Apost. Petrus u. s. Nachfolger. Miinster. 1820. S. 30, IL
Griesbach de potentiore Eccl. Rom. principalitate comm. Jen. 1778 (reprinted in his
Opuscula Academ. ed. Gabler, vol. ii. p. 136, ss.) H. W. J. Thiersch in the Theol. Stud.
u. Krit. 1842, ii. 525. J. Wolff in Rudelbach's and Guerike's Zeitschrift fiir d. luther.
Kirche, 1842, iv. 7. Thiersch reads  re2av  uic/rc2iaiav, and refers to it the ev ij in the
sense: unaquaeque alia ecclesia idem testabitur de traditione apostolorum, dummodo in
ea a fidelibus, cujusvis sint loci, pure conservata sit tradita ab apostolis veritas. On the
contrary, Neander, K. G. i. i. 349, says that the expression, qui undique sunt fideles, is
not synonymous with omnis ecclesia, if the latter mean " every single church," but only
if it mean  " every church," i. e., all churclhes: and in the single churches the tradition was
not preserved ab iis qui sunt undique.




152                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 117-193.
evangelical narratives, and  the  existing  ones  (comprehending,
besides our canonical gospels, also  the gospel of the Hebrews,
that of  the Ego-yptians, &c.) served  in  their  spheres  only for
private use.   After the churches had now  come into closer connectioni,  they  communicated  to  one another, in  their  common
interest against heretics, the  genuine  apostolic writings;  and
thus the canon  began  to be formed, in the first half of the second century, in  two parts (rb EVayyi/tov or ro Eivayye2,ti.3, and
6'A06ToRoo or 76'Arrooroutl o6v), although  in  the  different congregations  there, continued  to  be  other writings, which  were
valued almost, if not altogether, as miuch as those which were
universally received (po;Xoyoav,ueva, Evdct0Oypca).l1
Instigated  by  the  bold  speculation  of the  Gnostics, which
sought to lay  an  entirely  foreign basis under Christianity, the
catholic Christians began to establish as the unalterable regula
Xcldei,2 that summary of doctrine which could be shown, as well
in the consciousness of all Christian communities, as also in the
apostolic writings, to be the essential basis of Christianity, and
which must remain untouched by, and be necessarily laid at the
foundation of, every speculation.   Accordingly,  even the originally
sinple  statements of the baptismal confession (Taio-t9,  tv~t6oXov)-3
were  secured by additions against misunderstandings and perversions; but as the  different wants  of the church required this or
the  other doctrine to be made more  clear, or to be emphatically
exhibited, so the form  of the baptismal confession became longer
or shorter in different places.14
"1 Complare mly essay fiber die Eutstehung und die frCihesten Schicksale der schriftl.
Evangeiien. Leipz. 1818. S. 142, fF. 179, ff. 190, ff.
12 0 icave')v k/c2be7ataClerd6f Clemens Alex. Strom. vi. p. 803. 6 Icavdv r71  c2zOrxEiae,
Iren. i. 1, in fine. This rule of faithl, therefore, as it is found, for example, in Irenaeus, i.
10, 1, was not a formula handed down to the apostles (cf. Tertull. de Praescr. c. 13: Haec
regula a Christo, ut probabitur, instituta; particularly c. 21: Omnis doctrina, quam
ecclesiae ab apostolis, apostoli a Christo, Christus a Deo accepit; c. 37: Regula, quam
ecclesia ab apostolis, apostoli a Christo, Christus a Deo traditit), and was not placed fabove
the interpretation of Scripture (for according to Tertullian de Coronat militis, c. 3, it was a
Catholic fundamental principle, etiam  in traditionis obtentu exigenda est auctoritas
scripta), as was asserted, after Lessing's example, by Delbriick, Philip Melanethon der
Glaubenslehrer. Bonn. 1826. S. 17, ff. 145, if. Comp. on the authority of Holy Scripture,
and its relation to the rule of faith, three theological epistles to Ierr' Prof, Delbriclk by
Sack, Nitzsch, and Liicke. Bonn. 1827.
13 MaximLis Turinensis (about 430) homnil. in Symb. p. 239: Symbolunm tessera est et
signaculum, quo inter fideles perfidosque secernitur. These additions are referred to by
Tertull. de Corona mil. c. 3: Ter mergitamur, amplius aliquid respondentes, quam, Dominius
in Evangelio determinavit.
14 Cf. Cb. G. F. Walclsii bibliotb. symibolica vettus. Lemgov. 1770. 8. Dr. Aug. HaIln,




CHAP. 1II.-CATHOLIC CHURCH. ~ 52. DOCTRINAL DEVELOPMENT. 153
~ 52.
DEVELOPMENT OF DOCTRINES —SPURIOUS WRITINGS.
A   speculative  treatment of  Christian  doctrine  was generally
indispensable, if Christianity  was to  be  accessible  to  the philosophical culture of the times, and it was rendered unavoidable by
the progress  of the Gnostics.   It could  only proceed  from   Platonism, which  of all philosophical systems stood  the  nearest to
Christianity.'  WVhile many Platonic philosophers were brought
over to  Christianity  by  this internal relation, they  received the
latter as the  most perfect philosophy,2 and  retained, with  their
philosophical  mantle,3  their  philosophical  turn   of  mind   also.
They  set out with these  positions, both  that the  Logos has constantly communicated to men the seeds of truth,4 and that the
truth taught by Plato was derived from Moses and the prophets.5   The  arbitrary  mode  of interpretation  then  current furBibliothelk d. Symbole u. Glaubensregeln d. apostolischlkatholischesn Kirche.  Breslau.
1842. 8. P. Kingii Hist. symboli apostolici ex angl. serm. in latinum translata (by Olearius). Basil. 1750. 8. J. R. Kiesling Hist. de usu symbolorutm. Lips. 1753. 8.' (StBudlin) de philosophiae Platonicaecllcn  doctrina religionis judaica et christiana
cognatione (a Gottingen Whitsuntide programml. 1819. 4.) D. C. Ackermann, das Christliche im Plato u. in d. platon. Philosophie. Hamburg. 1835. D. F. Chr. Baur, das Christliche des Platonismus, od. Sokrates u. Christus, in the T1ibinger Zeitschr. f. Theologie,
1837. Heft:3.
3 Comp. the remarkable history of Justin Martyr's conversion in his Dial. c. Tryph. c. 3,
ss.: which he, c. 8, concludes with tlle words, rairryv /6vzv EpJptcKOV,oaOcooiav asopaCa
Tre Kcai  iycOopov.  OvhrC d ccni icai dr& Turaa 00 6doooo'y6J. Thus Christianity is designated by Melito, ap. Euseb. iv. 26, 4, as ji KaO' }#utd ~t.ocooia.  Keilii Opusc. ii. 463.
3 Tpi4uV, rptG)3vtov, pallium.  C. G. F. Walchii Antiquitates pallii philosophici vett.
Christian. Jen. 1716. 8. Semisch, Justin d. M. i. 23.
4 Justin M. Apol. ii. c. 13: Ov/c dtkLOrp(td EGT  r2  t2idrocv f  CddyTua7a 7o0 Xptc7rod,
Ci2b' OVh)  /JcT  cro'VT' j 0/sola, iJacrep ovdE rT2 TicJ)'2C/UG)V, 27TOblCUV TE, /,t) r telTcwv, Icai
cvyypa,,1)v' iecaroTo  ydCp rt i aiTb  Iepov TOV aro epartCoOVC  Oceiov  yOuyov 7-0 VEyyeVf- OpWv
KcarC)J E0'yOe7~aro. —oaa odv 7reap  TCOcrt ca2cJf  E'priPTa, jzii/v r7V XpsTtavCdJv   r~7i.  According to c. 10, Christ was apprehended tcai mb E1 wtcpdrovg (orO tepovc' Zk6yof ygp Ov
Cati EcrLv 0 E' Wrav7i WJV.
5 So the Jews had already asserted, Josephus contra Apion, ii. 8; and Aristobulus apud
Clemens Alex. Strom. i. p. 410, according to whom Plato is said to have employed even
the Old Testamenlt in an ancient version. The heathen philosopher Numenius (1. c.) goes
so far as to say: T[ ECT, nai2rOlV,  WI M,7c auS  TTIc!O v. The fathers derived all that was
trne and good in the Greek poets and philosophers from Moses and the prophets, Justin
Apolog. i. 44, ii. 13. Coh. ad Graecos, c. 14. Theoph. ad Autol. ii. 37. Because they
found most trlth in Plato, they represented hil especially as drawing from this source.
Hence he is called in Clemens Alex. Paed. ii. p. 224, O Ec M(,)Uc )o  06Laoo~O, Strom. I. p.




154                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 117-193.
nished them  with  the  means of proving  their views even from
numerous passages of the Old Testament, which they could use,
indeed, only in the Septuagint version.6    Thus, then, they overvalued even the actual agreement of Plato with Christianity,7
and believed that they found many a Platonic idea in the latter,
which in reality they themselves had first introduced into it.8
The Christian philosophers of this time with which we are acquainted  are Aristides,  tustin  Martyr, Athenagoras, Tatian,
Pantaenuts (~ 39), and Maximus (about 196).9    The questions
with which they were chiefly occupied were the same as those
the Gnostics set out with, respecting the origin of evil, and its
overthrow by Christ, but especially regarding the divine in
Christ.lo    They  found  the  latter  designated  by  John  as  the
2L6yos, and in the  development of this idea took  Philo  for their
guide; since, like him, they thought the Logos was met with
every  where in  the  Old  Testament."    Most difficult were the
321, o6 E'E3paoiv   Zodaoo4of.  Cf. H. N. Clausen Apologetae Eccl. christ. antetheodosiani Platonis ejusque philosophiae arbitri. Havn. 1817. 8. p. 187, ss. Clausen himself
attributes to Plato (p. 196) some knowledge of the law and of the doctrine of the Hebrews.
6 Comp. Justini Coh. ad Graecos, c. 20, ss. According to c. 29, Plato is said to have
borrowed his doctrine of ideas from the passages Exod, xxv. 9, 40; xxvi. 30, incorrectly
understood; and according to c. 31, to have imitated Ezek. x. 18 in thile winged chariot
of Zeus, &c. See Clausen, 1. c. p. 191.
7 Justin finds in him the doctrine of the Son and Spirit; Clemens Alex. Strom. v. p. 710,
the whole Christian Trinity. Clausen, i. c. p. 84.
s The Platonism of the fathers was perceived even by Petavius, Dogm. Theol. t. ii. lib.
i. c. 3. The dogma of the Trinity was derived from it by (Souverain) le Platonisme
devoil6, ou Essai touchant le verbe Platonicien. Cologne (Amsterdam). 1700 (translated
by Lbffler: Versuch fiber d. Platonismus d. KV. Ziillichau. 1782. 2te Aufl. 1792. 8), and
Jo. Clericus epist. crit. et eccles. (Artis criticae, vol. iii. Amlst. 1712), especially ep. vii. and
viii. On the other side, the matter was exaggerated by the Jesuit Baltus, Ddfense des
saints peres, accuses dePlatonisme. Paris. 1711. 4. Keil, de doctoribus veteris ecclesiae,
culpa corruptae per platonicas sententias theologiae liberandis, comm. xxii. in ej. opusc. t.
ii. Lips. 1821, has copiously given the literature of the subject.
9 Fragments of his work 7repi rTa viL1e  are preserved in Eusb. Praep. Ev. vii. 22.
10 Ch. D. A. Martini Vers. einer pragm. Gesch. des Dogma v. d. Gottheit Christi in den
vier ersten Jalrh. Th. 1. Rostock. 1800. 8. Dr. F. Chr. Baur's die christl. Lehre v. d.
Dreieinigk. u. Menschwerdung Gottes (3 Th. Thibingen. 1841-43. 8). i. 163. G. A. Meier's
Lehre v. d. Trinitht in ihrer hist. Entwickelung (Hamburg u. Gotha. 1844), i. 53.
1 So particularly Proverbs viii. 22, ss., but also Psalm xxxiii. 6; xlv. 1; civ. 24. The
doctrine that God created the world by the Logos was also naturally sought for in the
Mosaic account of creation, where it was found: Gen. i. 1, Ev etpX,) is equivalent to di'a
agC adpXs, and apj~ is, according to Proverbs viii. 22, i' cuoba or o 2.6yof. Theophil. ad
Autol. ii. 10, 13. Tatian. Apol. c. 7. Tertull. adv. Hermog. c. 20. This explanation was
repeated in later times by Origenes, Hom. 1, in Gen.,, Basilius, Hom. 1, in Hexadmeron,
Augustinus de Genesi lib. i. Others believed that they might venture to presuppose the
existence of that doctrine as still more obviously contained in the Hebrew original, which
they did not know. According to the Altercatio Iasonis et Papisci, the original expressed




CHAP. III.-CATHOLIC CHURCH. ~ 52. DOCTRINAL DEVELOPMENT. 155
questions respecting  the essence  of the Logos in  relation  to the
Father, and  his agency  in  relation  to  that of the  Holy  Spirit.
With regard to the former point, there were several who did not
assume  a personal distinction  of the  Logos  from   the  Father.'2
But the view was more generally adopted, that he was a divine
person, less than  the  Father, and  produced  out of his essence
according to the will of the  latter.l3    Agreeably  to  both  views,
the Logos was the God working all in the finite, so that no
room appeared to be left for the agency of the Holy Spirit.
Accordingly, the  doctrine  of the Holy  Spirit still remained  entirely undeveloped.l4 These speculations, whose object was to
this idea, in filio fecit Dens coellm  et terram (see above ~ 50, note 17); or as others believed (Tertoll. adv. Praxeam c. 5), in principio Deus fecit sibi filium.
12 Justini Dial. c. Tryph. c. 128: I'zV(dJanc  TvlVf-UEy-rtV,-r/YTY7ov Kaci 6Xdptarov tro
lrarpogf TarT77v d?'v  jvtv [rov 2L6yov] VTwpXEtv, OvrrE rp Tp6rov rTO tol  i2iov  car~ 0g
Tir YC s vaet avtovo aol itXedptaroV 6voof vro'  Xiiov  Ev rCT  opav.'   a  OTra' V dv aV,
avva7ro0perap ro r0Sf' o rg or b  7rarap, 6rav o0o2a1T.t, itlyovct, Vdovaylv aVTro n'powrd6av
roteS'   ca 60oav PoValt e, rwd2tv 6aarlTeaL Etif Eavrv6.  Karit  OVTroV 7Tv Trp6Oov Icat
roCf 4yiXovg wroteiv aVTiu dtl6aicovatv. Athenagoras represents the Logos in the very
same way as Philo to be the manifest God, not personally distinct from  the concealed
deity. Legat. c. 9: "Earlv o vilC tol OEOl b 2 6YOg TOl,wrarp6 ev id   Katl lverpyrel  w rpog
avrov [leg. avrov] yip Kao l' avroo 7irdvra EYEvEr70'  tOC   OV7TOg TOV rarpfg  cai  TOo viol,
OV7ro  61 Too viov ev Tarpt, Kat wrarpbo Ev v1i, gv6rTrTl cal dvvUert wrv8e/taTog'  vofc lca2
Z6yoS TOo 7wrapO 6O vi6C o70 Oaeo. El ds dt' v7rep,3olZv avvecb(ro  aoworreZv l#V Cwetrtv, O
Twaif Tl f/ov'trat, Epdi dJz  flpaXeov, wrpSrov ybvvja elval 7t. Twarpl, oVX t5b yrvOuevov
(Ef dpXOi? YiP 6 GESe, voc do c Oat    Wv, eixev aovrbc ev OavT  TObv 26yov,'digSC RoytKcb CSv),
52Xt' gSf, TSv tlY taclv (Vtiv,  rTdv  Iw'iOo v ~OJog cat ygS 6xeiac [leg. acXpecaf] Vwroert/lvco~dlajv, /eIFti/y/veov rTWv 7'aXv/EPrerCpov,rpof r2 tcov6v6repa Er' acvrolf, ida ca'vCpyeta
livaLt rpoer&Ov.  lvvdetdr 6a  re 2t)6 y   Kal rTO  rpo0YtLKalv 7rvuEyaO   KIptof yip, 107lytv,
ecrlaTk    e t  ipXyv 6dSv abTrov eiC  pya av'bvr   (Proverbs viii. 22). Icai Tol ocat avrb ro
Cvepyovv  oTgCf Elac)wvovat vrporqpTtacSg aiytov wrvrela   rw6tobotav eZvalt  a/uPv To  G Oeol,
i7ropt/ov /al e'ravaoep6gyevov, Cgf Kar7via  Zi#ov.  Comp. Miinscher's Dogmengesch. i. 407.
Martini, 1. c. S. 54. Clarisse comm. de Athenagora p. 98. Others supposed that the divine
in Christ was exactly one with the Father: Scriptor xii. Testam. Patriarch: Kiptof o
Ef [leyag rov'IopaR  actv6ytevog lewr ygf Ig divOprowoS (Sym. 6). Tro wrTLo   roo'TbzGTovV
(Lev. 4). Cf. Nitzsclh de Testam. xii. Patriarch. p. 29. Epiphanius Haer. lxii. c. 2, respecting the Evangelium Aegyptiorum:'Ev  av,-r wro2&i rotalra iS lv 7rapalScr3ii o vgc.2pte6dSf kia wrpooiwov tol.wrvpogS cvapcperat, Sg av7rol d2uolvvrog ro tS yaOic7ra7C, iov
avrbv evact HlarEpa, rov avrbv Elvat Tibv, rbv av-rbv evaet a'ytov Ilveor/a, comp. Neander's Antignosticus, S. 467, if.  According to Baur (Lehre v. d. Dheieinigkeit, i. 173)
even Irenaeus had no definite ideas of the Son as personally distinct from the Father.
On the other side see Licentiate L. Duncker's des h. Irenaeus Christologie.  Gittingen.
1843. 8. S. 32.
13 Semisch, Justin d. M. ii. 277. Tertull. adv. Praxeam  c. 8 calls this emanation
wrpol3o23lv veritatis in opposition to the false 7rpo,3oaoZf of the Gnostics. The Montanists
believed this latter theory confirmed by the revelation of the Paraclete, 1. c. c. ii. 8, 13.
The Alogi, on the contrary, rejected the doctrine of the Logos. Epiphan. Haer. li. L
Lange's Gesch. u. Lehrbegriff d. Unitarier vor der nictinischen Synode. Leipz. 1831. S. 156.
1i Accordingly, tle fathers of this period represent the prophets to be inspired sometimes by the Logos, sometimes by the Holy Spirit, and callhboth the Logos and the Holy




156    F- -           IRST PEPRIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 117-193.
fathom  thle depths of the Godhead, might certainly at first wound
the feelings of many, and  Irenaeus openly  expresses his disapprobation  of the  inconsiderate  curiosity  they  manifest;l5  but,
on the other hand, ecclesiastical orthodoxy could still endure diversities in  doctrine  and  customs,- which did  not injure  the religious basis of Christianity.16
Notwithstanding this philosophical tendency, and although  in
other respects the Pauline  mode of surveying  Christianity  predominated, yet the millennarianism  of the Jewish  Christians,l7
presenting  a sensuous counterpoise  to  the  external pressure  of
persecution, which had been announced in so many  apocalyptic
writings,11 and for which the reputation of John (Apoe. xx. 4-6;
xxi.) and his peculiar followers, afforded a warrant —this millennarianism  became the general belief of the  time, and met with.almost no  other opposition  than  that given  by  the  Gnostics,"1
Spirit aooiav, &c. Semisch, Justin. d. M. ii. 305, 311. Note.-Theophilus ad. Autol. ii.
23, gives the members of the Divine triad thus: Oeof, O X6yog advrod, ecae' ooqla advrod,
and says, ii. 14: ElXcv ov ob 0de  rBv eav-roO a6yov EvdGtdErov EYv 707o idtoti aL'd~yxLotl,
dEy'vvrcEv ad)rbv  jer2a r7f eavrob acoiaf Edepevtievog'rpo rSdv o6wv. Toeroyv f-r
S6yov Edop'v drrovpydbv 7idy 67r' a7roV yeyevy/7tkv t  ca 8' ai  rov rii irThra ireTrobicev.Odrof ovv dv rrvetlza POoc, iCat (6p'yv, elai co ia, eae  dc vae~t d/ic-rov  ai-rC7pXETO    E 0 iOef
r'polOraC, icat 6t' avr7v  5d621et1 T,  rtpt if rOCttaEOf ToV Idc0ov, eaO   rdv XoT-rdv
wdrdvrov. oe yap 5cav oi 7rpos-eat,   6re b e6aosO  Eyivero, 1C 2L2a / aoiea' ev aor7  o0aa
toV o  dOeoe, ica ) 6 2i67yog 6 dyltof avd-roo 6 Oc Lit cvrap(v  a)ri. Here the Holy Spirit is
the immanent wisdom of God, but the Logos the revealed God, who emanated -from tle
F ather.
15 Irenaeus adv. Haer. ii. 28, 6: Si quis i-taque nobis dixerit: quomodo ergo lilies prolatus a Patre est? dicimus ei, quia prolationem istam, sive generationerm, sive nuncupationem, sive adapertionem, ant quolibet quis nomine vocaverit generationerm  ejus
inenarrabilem  existentem, lnenmo novit, non Valentinus-neque Angeli-nisi solus qui
generavit Pater, et qui natus est Filius. Inenarrabilis itaque generatio ejus cuma sit,
quicunque nituntur generationes et prolationes enarrare, non sunt compotes sui, ea quae
inenarraebilia sunt, enarrare promittentes.  Quoniam enim ex cogitatione et sensu verbum
elnittitur, hoc utique ones sciunt homines: non ergo magnuin quid invenerunt, qui
emissiones excogitaverunt, nleque absconditunm mysterium, si id quod ab omnibus intelligitur, transtulerunt in unigenitl-u Dei Verbumn: et quem inenarrabilem  et innominabilem vocant, hu-nc, quasi ipsi obstetricaverint, primae generationis ejus prolationem  et
generationern enunciant, adsimilantes eum hominum verbo emissionis (o6yi rzpoeoputc).
Conmp. DLunlker's des h. Iren. Christologie, S. 36.
16 This doctrinal latitudinarianisml  is shown in the fact of the Nazarene Hegesippus,
being recognized as orthodox in the churches of Corinth and Rome, these churches agreeing with his orthodoxy. See above ~ 43, note 4. The same latitudinarianisnm' may be
seen in Justin's declaration respecting those who denied the personality of the Logos
(above note 12), in the estimation in which the Shepherd of Hermas was held.  (See ~ 35,
note 4, ~ 36, note 3).
17 (H. Corodi's) krit. Geschichte des Chiliasmus, 3 Bde. Zirichl. 1781-83. 8.
18 See above ~ 31.
19 To the question of Trypho, whether Justin really believes in a millenial reign, Justin
replies. Dial. cum Tryph. c. 80:'lu2/o2L6y'acd Gcot la) 7rp6repov,  drt 6),& gidv sra2  2i,Xo




CHAP. III.-CATHOLIC  CHURCH. ~ 52. SPURIOUS WRITINGS.   157
and  subsequently by  the antagonists of the MlVontanists.2~   The
thousand  years' reign  was  represented  as  the  great  Sabbath
which  should begin  very   soon;  or, as many  supposed, after the
lapse  of the  six  thousand  years of the world's age,2l  with  the
first resurrection, and  should afford great joys to the righteous.22
Till then the souls of the departed were to  be kept in the under
world,23 and the opinion that they should be taken up to heaven
iinmediately after death, was considered a gnostic heresy.24
In reference to the advancement of the various Christian interests, and in like manner also to the confirmation of those developmenits  of doctrine  already  mentioned,  the  spurious  litercatugre
which had arisen and continually increased among Jews and
Christians, was of great importance.   The Christians made use of
such  expressions and writings as had already  been  falsely attrib:
uted  by  Jews, from   partiality  to  their religion, to  honored  persons of antiquity,25  and  altered  them   in  part to  suit their own
2o;12Xoi TaOza7a ~povovtev, cS  rac dFvrTof  rtuarau0a  (you. Jews),, 7oro yewv76xae'vov' iroX-.ovg 6' avd ieia  rdv [uz?] T/ if/caOapCfigcat Ecer3o~if tvrcrv XpLortavfiv yvlf roV7ro  1v'
yvopijEluv Eri~yav(c sot. TobC yap XEyoqydvovf ztEv Xpotaravovi, 0vraf de' 60'ovg tcal
Gue,E6itf aipEoL6traf, 0rt iara (ivr7va [a2u3c pta ica'Oea,caO    dv6ra /t tda, ovatv, t 6ova oa
sol. —El ydp itaet cvvei  Cere yt  trif t a E)'yoEIvot XpTritavoZg, icat -rorro?j i/ oyooyoirtv,, iX2Zt icat ci3aac0EIyv rolgU&i rio v OErv    v'A,3pa  v  ev', tca TOo  0V,  v Oeav0'Iasca63, o? 7i ca   yyovat #n) Eivat velipdv  vccrraTaetv, kl0Ld c zpaa r~ dro0vijGlcetv r('Ci,S  vXf
aV (idvava Vaeta/3dvec0at Ef rbv oepavbv, t7j/ &vroXd,3re avroeg XptGartavo'. —' Ey& d,
ical El TrVtf EiClZv QpOoyv6[ltovef icard& wrdvra Xpt7r1avol, maei eaplbc6 dvderateev yevdaEeOa
drTarcei,U-Oa, lca l Xi2ta Eri -V d  IepovgaX]ft oiKcodo,7siOele Kal tcocrgoy0ciOE, Iae 7irarvvOeij,
(Sg ol 7pepooirat'Icetict?;2. (xxxvii. 12, ss.) Kci'Haacai  (1xv. 17, ss.) icai oi ('L22ot /tOl.o-.
yo300v. Dallaeus, Miinscher, lIniater, Schwegler, and others, have regarded the insertion
of,z as necessary in the first sentence.  On the other side see Semisch, Justin d. M. ii,
468, and Otto ad h. 1.                                    20 See above ~ 48, note 14.
21 Apoc. xx. 4-6. This calculation was based on Ps. xc. 4. Cf. Barnabas, c. 15. Justin.
Dial. c. Tryplh. c. 81. Iren. v. 23; and is also found in the Rabbins of this period, see
Corodi's Gesch. d. Chiliasnlus, i. 328.
22 See the descriptions in Justin. Dial. c. Tryph. c. 80, after Is. Lxv. 17, ss. Iren. v.
25-36. Tertull. adv. Marc. iii. 24.
23 In the Greek fathers'"A df (the!N6'Y of the Elebrews), cf. Terttill. de Anima, c. 7:
Si quid tormenti sive solatii anima praecerpit in carcere seu diversorio inferuln; in igni
vel in sinou Abrahlae: probata erit corporalitas animlae. Adv. Marcion, iv, c. 34: Eam
itaque regionoem  sinumn  dico Abrahae, etsi non coelestem, sublirniorem  tamren  inferis,
internlil refrigeriunm  praebituram aninabhus justorum, donec consumnatio reomral  resurrectioneron om1niUlln plenitudine mercedis expungat. A copious descriptionof"Atld,7, Xwptov viroyEtov, ev L  &)f li6Cotov odlc Eirft. zdret, see in Hippolytus adv. Platon. (Opp. ed. Fabricius,
i. 220). Cf. J. A.;Dietelm naieri Hist. dogme. de desc. Christi ad inf. ed. 2. Altorf. 1762.8, c. i.ii.
t 3.ustinus above, note 19, Tertull. below ~ 53, note 40.
2a See ablove ~ 31. Thus, verses were falsely attributed to Orpheus, respecting th1e unity
of God, in which even Abraham and Moses appeared (L. C. V'alckenaeri diatr. de Aristobulo
Judaeo, ed. J. Luzac.  Lugd. Bat. 1806. 4, p. 13; Lobeck, Aglaophamous, i. 438, ss.), to
Linus, Homer, and Hesiod, in favor of the Sabbath (Valckenaer, p. 8, 116. Valckenaer




158                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 117-193.
wants, such as the book of Enoch and the fourth book of Ezra.26
But writings of this kind were also  fabricated  anew  by  Christians, who quieted their conscience respecting. the forgery, with
the  idea  of  their good  intention,27  for the  purpose  of  giving
greater impressiveness to their doctrines and admonitions by the
reputation  of respectable  names,  of animating  their  suffering
brethren to steadfastness, and of gaining  over their opponents to
Christianity.28   Hence there now  appeared, in particular the Testalrlents of the twelve Patriarchs,29 and the'Ava[a -txbv'HIaitov,3~
the latter so peculiar in its contents, that in later times heretics
only could still use it.   To make an impression  on the heathen,
supposititious predictions, relating  especially  to  Christ and  the
last things, were  constantly  ascribed  to  the  Sybil."Y   To  them
were added those of fHystjtaes.32
regards Aristobulus as the deceiver, though without sufficient reason), to Sophocles,
Agschylus, and Euripides, respecting the unity, power, and righteousness of God (Graecae
tragoediae principum, Aeschyli, Sophoclis, Euripidis, num ea, quae supersunt, et genuina
omnia sint. Scrips. Aug. Boeckhlius. Heidelb. 1808. 8, p. 146). Justin Martyr, Athenagoras, and Clement of Alexandria, make use of these productions.
26 See above ~ 31, notes 2 and 3.
27 The anecdote respecting the Acta Pauli et Theclae is characteristic, apud. Tertull.
de B aptismo c. 17: Quod si quae Paulo perperam  adscripta sunt ad licentiamn mulierura
docendi tinguendique, defendunt, sciant in Asia presbyterumrn, qui eam  scripturam construxit, quasi titulo Pauli de suo cumulans, convictum atque confessumr id se almore Pauli
fecisse, loco decessisse.
2S A  one-sided view  is given by Mosheim de causis suppositorum  librormn inter
Christianos saec. i. et ii. (Dissertt. ad lIst. eccl. pertin. vol. i. p. 217, ss.)  Comp. C. J
Nitzsch de Testamentis xii. Patriarcharum, p. 1, ss.
29 In Fabricii Cod. pseudepigraphus v. t. i. 496. Comp. Veesenmeyer's Beitrage zur
Gesch. d. Literatur iu. Reformation. Ulhn. 1792. 8, S. 1, if. In their apocalyptic part, they
are modeled after the Apocalypse of John, Daniel, and especially the Book of Enoch. See
Liicke's Einl. in die Offenb. Job.. S. 123. WVieseler's die 70 WVochen u. die 63 Jahrwochen
d. Proph. Daniel. S. 226. C. J. Nitzsch deTest. xii. Pariaricharun comm. Viteberg. 1810. 4.
30 Extant in an Ethiopic version, Ascensio Isaiae vatis aethiop. cum  versione lat.
anglicanaque, ed. Rich. Laurence. Oxon. 1819, 8: the old Latin fragments which Angelo
Mains, Nova collectio scriptorumn veterumn, ii. ii. 238, has published, are corrected and
criticised by Nitzch in the Theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1830, ii. 209. Another Latin translation
preserved entire (ed. Venetiis. 1522. 8), has been recently published by me, together with
the Greek fragment in Epiphanius, and the Latin in Mai: Vetus traluslatio latina Visionis
Jesaiae, ed. atque praefatione et notis illustra (a G6ttingen Easter Programml). That the
work was not necessarily written before 68, as Laurence supposes, is shown by Gfruirer
Jahrhundert des Heils, i. 66. Comp. Gesenius Commentar fiber den Jesaias, i. 45, ff
Liicke, 1. c. S. 125.
31 See above Q 31, note 4. According to Bleek in Schleiernlacher's, De Wette's, and
Ldcke's theol. Zeitschrift, ii. 231, old Jewish and Christian oracles were composed under
Hadrian by an Egyptian Christian, and, after several enlalgements, put together so as to
constitute books iii.-v. The eighth book belongs to the time of Marcus Aurelius, books
vii. and vi. to the third century, i. anId ii. to the middle of the fiftlh.
32 Ammianus Marcellinus, xxiii. 6: Magic is divinorumn incorruptissimnus cultus, cjius




CHAP. III.-CATHOLIC  CHURCH. ~ 53. ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE.  159
~ 53.
ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE.
As the prevailing desire was now  to  compare the Miosaic institute with the Christian, of which it was regarded as the type,
and to trace out an analogy even in their individual features,
the idea soon occurred to the mind, of comparing  the Christian
officers in the church with the Mosaic priesthood,' and of giving
them the very same titles (summus sacerdos, sacerdotes, Levitae). As a body, they were called, by way of eminence, icA;tpof,
viz., TroV 0eov, 1icZpticoi; 2 among the Latins, ordo; 3 in opposition
scientiae saeculis priscis multa ex Chaldaeorumn arcanis Bactrianus addidit Zoroastres:
deinde Hystaspes rex prudentissimnus Darii pater. The latter traveled into India to theo
Brahmins, eorumnque monitu rationes mundani motes et siderum, purosque sacrorum ritus
quantum colligere potuit eluditus, ex his quae didicit, aliqua sensibus magorum infudit:
quae illi cum disciplinis praesentiendi futura, per suam  quisque progeniem, posteris
aetatibus tradunt. Ch. G. F. Walch de Hystaspe ejusque vaticiniis apud Patres i. d.
Commentationes Soc. Reg. Gotting. i. 3.-So early as in the Praedicatio Petri (which
belongs to the beginning of the second century, see ~ 27, note 5) the Sybil and Hystaspes
are recommended (cf. Clemens Alex. Strom. vi. p. 761), and by Justin hlartyr several
times quoted. According to Celsus ap. Orig. c. Cels. vii. p. 368, they were adulterated
and used by a Christian party, whom he thence calls EtSv26?ltrai, lib. v. p. 272.
The whole Christian world is called, in 1 Pet. ii. 5, Iepdrevaa diyov: v. 9,,f:aa~iEtov
ieprreupa. The passage in Clem. Rom. Ep. 1, c. 40, speaks of the Old Testament
economy, and does not belong here. On the contrary, traces of a peculiar Christian
priesthood appear in the Test. xii. Patr., cf. Nitzsch de Test. xii. Patr. p. 19. Also inl
Polycratis Ep. ad Victorem apud Euseb. v. 24, ~ 1:'Iodvvy, iig yevY 0z] iepEirC rd 7Ewraaov
i-reopylic6f, although xTr7raO2ov (cf. Exod. xxix. 6; Lev. viii. 9) stands here only tropically; cf. J. F. Cotta de lamina pontificali App. Joannis, Jacobi et Marci. Tubing. 1775.
4. The idea is first found in a distinct form in Tertullian,
2 1 Pet. v. 3, Christians are called 02LFpot, a band belonging to God. In like manner,
Ignatius, Ep. ad E-ph. c. 11: 6 KcXpor'E0Eoujv r7v XpeGartavdv. In a narrower sense
KsXpOf T76V ypa-7pOwV in Epist. Eccl. Vienn. et Lugd. ap. Euseb. v. 1, ~ 4. The clergy
are called so early as in Tertullian, clerus, and they afterward cited in their own favor,
Numb. xviii. 26, Deut. x. 9, xviii. 1, 2: vptsog avrif tcl7pibg -rog ACviratl; though here
God is 2Aepof, not the Levites. In like manner, they appropriated to themselves in the
fourth century, the names christiani and christianitas as their peculiar right (cf. Cod. Theod.
v. 5, 2; xii. 1, 50 and 123; xii. 1, 123, du Fresne glossar. ad h. v.) cf. J. H. Boellmer de
differentia inter Clericos et Laicos diss. (xii. dissertt. juris eccl. ant. ad Plinium, &c., p.
340, ss.). A different view is given by Neander, K. G. i. i. 333.
3 Borrowed from the town councillors in the municipal boroughs, who, according to
the analogy of the Roman senate, were styled ordo Decurionum, or ordo, in opposition to
plebs and plebeii; cf. Digest. lib. 1. Tit. 2. de Decurionibus. Boehmer, 1. c. p. 342.
Hoeck's r6m. Gesch. vom. Verfall der Republ. i. ii. 159. Even the verb ordinare, i. e.,
ordiuem dare (Sueton. Vespas. c. 23), had already received in Cyprian an ecclesiastical
use.




160                  FIPRST PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 117-193.
to  the  Xa6o, plebs, Xaicoif.4    The  idea, however, of a universal
Christian  priesthood  was  still maintained.5    The  influence  of
the bishop necessarily increased when synods began to be commnon,6 at which  the  bishop  chiefly  represented  his congregation
({rapoctia),7 although the  presbyters also  had a voice  along with
him.8    All congregations were  independent of one  another, although  somne, had a peculiar reputation  more than  others, on  account of many  circumstances, ex. gr. their apostolic  origin, the
importance of the city to which they belonged, or because they
were mother churches.  Many such circumstances united in
procuring  for Rome, particularly  in  the west, an'especial reputation,even so early  as the period of which  we are speaking.9
4 So Xa6f stands also in opposition to the Jewish priests, 2 Chron. xxxvi. 14; Luke i. 10, 21
5 Iren. iv. 20. Oones enim justi sacerdotalern habent ordinem. Tertullian. de Elxhortat.
Castitatis c. 7: Nonne et laici sacerdotes sulllus?  Differentiamn inter ordinem  et plebem
constituit ecclesiae auctoritas, et honor per ordinis concessuni  sanctificatus.  Adeo ubi
ecclesiastici ordinis non est consessus, et offers et tinguis, et sacerdos es tibi solus,
Sed ubi tres, ecclesia est, licet laici. Igitur si habes jus sacerdotis in temlet ipso, ubi
necesse est, habeas oportet etiam  disciplinam  sacerdotis, ubi necesse est, habere jus
sacerdotis.  (Cf. de Baptismo c. 17, de Monog. c. 7, 12, de Corona mil. c. 3. See Neander's
Antignosticus, S. 154.) Against the impartial explanation of this language given by Nic.
Rigaltius: Gabr. Aubespine (Albaspinaeus) de l'eucharistie.  Controversy concerning
offerre in this place (see on it below note 15), and de jure laicorum  sacerdotali.  For
Rigaltius (Hugo Grotius) de administratione coenae, ubi pastores non sant. 1638. Claudius
Salwasins and others.  On the other side are D. Petavius, H. Dodwell, and others.
The history of the controversy may be found in Chr. M. Pfaffli diss. de consecratione
veterumn eucharistica ~ 23 (in his Syntagma dissertt. theologg. p. 533). Cotta and Gerhardi
loc. theol. x. 21. Cf. Boehmer, 1. c. p. 272, 485. Neander's Denkwv. i. 179.
6 The first synods held against the Montanists (160-170), Euseb. v. 16, regularly
returned, and are first mentioned in Tertullian de Jejun: Aguntur praeterea per Graecias
illa certis in locis concilia ex universis ecclesiis, per quae et altiora quaeque in commiune
tractantur, et ipsa repraesentatio totins nominis Christiani magna veneratione celebratur.
Perhaps an iimitation of the Amphictyonic Council, which still continned (Pausan. x. 8).
Comp. Ueber den Ursprung der Kirchenversamnmlungen in (J. M. Abele) Magazin fiir
Kirchenreclht u. K. G. Leipzig. 1778. St. 2. S. 479, ff.; W. L. C. Ziegler in Henke's
nenem Magazin ffir Religionsphilosophie, &c. i. 125, f3.
7 Irenaeus apud Euseb. v. 24. ~ 5. The Christians considered themselves on this earth
as rdipolKot, according to 1 Peter, i. 17; ii. 11. Comp. Epist. ad Diognet. c. 5: HIarpidaf
olcobo'tv MiLaf, d22' dU f rripotnot,-I-ri yT/ 7f Jtarpl,O ovatv, U)XX' b  o)pavOv pV  ro2tTrevovrat.
Hence the churches designated themselves companies of strangers, Clemens Room. init.
Epist. i.'H kvcCZyiaa ro 0 Oeob  7irapottcoDaa'Purliv rn erxcnlaeia ro OeOe 7-,r rapoucodvo7
Kdptvpov. In like manner Epist. Eccl. Smyrn. apud Euseb. iv. 15, ~ 1.
8 The ancient form is apparent from the introduction of the Cone. Eliberitani, ann. 305:
Cum  concedissent sancti et religiosi Episcopi-item  Presbyteri-residentibus cnnctis,
adstantibus diaconibus et omni plebe, Episcopi universi dixerunt.
9 To these belonged also the support of other churches. Dionys. Corinth. ad Rom17..
Epist. (ap. Euseb. iv. 23):'EF 5PX~~ ytip s,uiv tOof  Yart rooro, irao  jzEv  sde60Zov
srotIclcofA esepyereZ1V,  ieIc2loai atf re sro22aCS raeiC  cear&i ergav r62Ltv  ~06(5ta IrTyrrTEv 
G6cE Flv a rv rOIv dreol/E0 v 7reviav  ivacyzXovra9, EV tejftd2;osFg e& ade CtboZr V7TripX0ova( V
TgnX~pVO~vT:lS




CHAP. III.-CATHOLIC  CHURCH. 9 53. ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. 161
Public  worship  was  extremely  simple.   Without temples,
altars, or images, the Christians assembled in houses appointed
for the purpose, and, in times of persecution, in solitary places,10
sometimes  even  in  the  night, particularly  on  the  night before
Easter.'    The members of the  church  brought with  them  voluntary  offerings, from  which was taken  what was necessary for
the  solemnization  of the  Lord's  supper  (E8Xapwtaria), and  the
aape,l2 which was still usually connected with it. The remainder belonged to the clergy and the poor, for whom  also they
provided by monthly  contributions.l3    After the  clergy  had  be10 Celsus ap. Orig. c. Cels. viii. p. 389: B(oluof /cati ycydteara Ka  vEa  iddp6pcOaLt Eyovyat.!Iimnucii Felicis Octavius, c. 10: Cur nullas aras habent, templa nulla, nulla nota simulacra?
To-ward the end of the second century, buildings appear to have been devoted here and
there exclesivoly to the worship of God. Tertull. de Idolol. c. 7: Ab idolis in ecclesiam
venire, de adversarii officina in domumn Dei venire. Comp. Chron. Edessen. above, ~ 39,
note 4. The expression, iIctcltiaa, is frequlently used even so early of the places of
assembling, ex. gr., Tertull. de Cor. rlil. c. 3, below, note 25. Clem. Alex. Strom. vii.
p. 846..l Tertull. ad Uxor. ii. c. 4: Quis (infidelis maritus uxorem  christianam) nocturnis
convocationibus, si ita oportuerit, a latere suo adimi libenter feret?  Quis denique
solemnibus pasclhae abnoctantem securus sustinebit?  Lactant. Institt. vii. 19: Haec est
nox, quae a nobis propter adventuam  regis ac dei nostri pervigilio celebratur. Cujus
noctis duplex ratio est, quod in ea et vitam tam recepit, qunum passus est, et postea orbis
terrae regnum recepturus est. Hieronymus comin. in Matth. lib. iv. ad Matth. xxv. 6:
Traditio Judaeorlm  est, Christum  media nocte venturum  in similitudinemlI  Aegyptii
temporis, quando pascha celebratum est, et exterminator venit, et Dominus super tabernacula transiit, et sanguine agni postes nostrarum frontiumn censecrati sunt. Unde reor et
traditionem apostolicanm permansisse, nt in die vigiliarum Paschae ante noctis dimidium
populos dimittere non liceat, exspectantes adventum Christi. Et postqaam illud tempus
transierit, secmritate praesumta, festum cuncti agunt diem.
12 Not always, indeed, on account of the persecdtioins. According to Tertull. de Corona
militis, c. 3, the eucharist was celebrated even in antelucanis coetibus. Also in Justin's
description, Apol. i. c. 85. the agacpe is not mentioned:'Ecrelra (after the common prayers)
irppocoEqpErT(  Ti pOEOThTrpo     Tt &V.E0)Zv iapro70, iCat TrorTplov Vdaarof tKa Kp/(le(tOf. cat
oevrog Xa,3v alvov aca2 dgav r6) rarpi rcJv iBtrv d i  TOv OvO6aTO  ToV vlov /cal Trov
xrvetvyarog ToV dalyuov cava7e/7,rert, lcaG E' Xaptlarav     V rTp ToV I/crtxca7tCOa T.,; ro1,v Trap'
avrov E7TG nroV TOErotratu. Ov aCVvZ-reVaaToC rcg 6VX2   CaZt rTiTv e Xaptryr-av, raC 6o
vrrapwjV  abCf?rev~//ei 2tyCov C/?iV. —iTrevCl/aar TOg 7ravr7of TroD  aov oi iCa2ioviUEot
7rap' i?[4v &CdC/fvoIt dd6eavo biCTsri TV c raO)vrOTv)V i/trcAla,etv rn otro t   evXaptr77EjV70ro
ip7ov icau oevov JOv iJdarof, cal 7ro0f oiP rapoeitv /4sro.povct. A  description of the
agape is given in Tertullian's Apologet. c. 39: Coena nostra de nomine rationem sni
ostendit, id vocatur quod dilectio penes graecos.  Quantiscunque sumptibus constet,
lucram  est pietatis nomine facere sunmptum, siquidem  inopes quosque refrigerio isto
juvanmus. Non prius discumbitur. quam oratio ad Demn  praegustetur; editur quantman
eslriesntes cupiunt, bibitur quantum pudicis est utile. Ita saturantur, ut qui meminerint
etiam per noctem adorandum deum sibi esse; ita fabulantur, ut qui sciunt dominum audire.
Post aquam manualem et lumina, ut quisque de scripturis sanctis vel de proprio ingenio
potest, provocatur in medium Deo canere; hinec probatur quomodo biberit. Aeque oratio
convivium dirimit, &c.
13 Tertull. Apolog. c. 39: Modicam unusquisque stipem  llenstrua die, vel quum velit,
et si modo velit, et si modo possit, apponit. Hence Cyprian. Ep. 28 and 34: divisiones
VOL. T. —   l




162                  FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 117-193.
come  a priestly  caste, it was the  more  necessary  to look  for a
sacrifice  in  Christianity, because  the  ancient world  generally
could  not conceive  of divine  worship  without sacrifice.   For
this purpose the solemnity of the supper presented  several points
of comparison.   First of all, the prayer, which, indeed, had always been considered  spiritual sacrifice."4    But next, the  gifts
of the church members, as also the bread and wine set apart by
the bishop by prayer as holy food, might be considered as offerings dedicated to God.   Of both the same expressions were used,
rrpo0upEtv,  rpoaoopa, offerre, oblatio: both  were  compared  with
the Old Testament sacrifices and first fruits.15   As, accordingly,
mensurnae, sportulae presbyterorum.  Ep. 66: sportulantes fratres.  Ziegler fiber die
EinkUnfte des Klerus u. d. Kirche in den ersten drei Jahr., in Helnke's neuem  Magazin
ftir Religionsphilosophie. Bd. 4, S. 1, iF. Muinter primord. Eccl. Afric. p. 63, ss.
14 1 Peter ii. 5, Justin. M. Dial. c. Tryph. c. 116:'H-/eff!-pytepa-Tt/cOv ro O2.Votbv
y)voC eLGUOV r70o  Oeo.-OV dExeratl   rap' obdevoC Ovlaa 6S OedC, Ei   tsa di rdev iepoev
aVroV.  C. 117: Ildcaf orv &iL rToV v6tuaTo f ro7070V   Ova/a,  af 7rapdwncev'I7aodo 6~
XpTarOG  yivee0al, rovr7artv E'rt ri7, Erxaptria Too  pTOV Icav roi 7ro OTrp/ov Taf Ev ravri
r6z79 rT7  yifS YyFeO/Evae Vd7  TilV XplartavCv, 7rpokafov 6 Oebf,!ctpr7vpEt evapeurovg
v7apXetv a-rT. —"Ort uev oVv dcat e VXai e cai   evXaptcriat, v7'rb r7(v &SoYv ytv stratl, zr/etat
l6al KIcac E  Udpearo/ EUl't () Oet Ovoaiat, lcai aVdr6g 07lt. Tav-a yap te6va cKa Xptartavot
erap0Laoiove eoteZv, ai at' d Tvaevaet de rTg rpoo7?i  avr3ev  7pidf re TC Cai  ypjd, ey, Icai
o0e 7rdOovg,.wrTErovde dt' advro0gr 6 vlbC roD eOed, jtslpe7rat.
15 Justin. M. Dial. c. Tryph. c. 41: Ilepi dSl rtv ev xav-rci rc67Q  IO' V'jv l  riV E OV6v
7rpooC0epOtevotv avri  Ovotlv, TourovrCr  ro-v oprov  Trg  EvXaptarGag ta t roTy Srorpiov
ojto/ogf ir erxaptariag 7rpo2dyet r6TE (namely, Mal. i. 10-12). Irenaeus iv. 17, 5: Sed et
suis discipulis dans consilium, primitias Deo offerre ex suis creaturis, non quasi indigenti
sed ut ipsi nec infructuosi, nec ingrati sint, eum, qui ex creatura- est panis, accepit, et
gratias egit, dicens: Hoc est corpus meuln. Et calicem similiter, qui est ex ea creatura,
quae est secundum nos, slum salguinem confessus est: et lOVi Testamnenti novam docuit
oblationem, quam Ecclesia ab apostoli accipiens, in universo mnundo offert Deo, ei qui
alimenta nobis praestat, primitias suoram munermn in novo Testamento, de quo in xII.
Prophetis Malachias sic praesignificavit (Mal. i. 10, 11), &c. Cap. xviii. 1: Igitur Ecclesiae
oblatio, quam Dominus docuit offerri in universe mundo, puoranm sacrificium ieputatum  est
apud Deum, et acceptum est ei: non quod indigeat a nobis sacrificium, sed quoniam is
qui offert glorificatur ipse in eo quod offert, si acceptetur munus ejus. Irenaei fragm. II.
ed. Pfaffii: IlpoaC/po tev  yip Tr) Oe rTOv 5iprov /cati 7 7rorTptov rTf Ecvoygar, eXaptraroOVreC acr7b, 067 r 7 y, ElC/ueveae Ibc~laat rodc cpapnTrodg ro70rov  EiS rpo~lV  jttervpav, Icac
EvradOa r7V 7rpo6opiv T reCoavregS'tcKaod uca oev r'veeta rob aytov, 7w'rog wo7ro)7V7 rn
Ovacav rraorv /cai rbv aipTov ciLa toO Xptarod e:ai 7r ero2pltov  r6 aelca rod Xptavro, Eva
ol  Taeragao6vref TOVjror 1 riSv aevrrtrT7ov  7r'  td0aeg rilev'Uyaprtlev  Kcac riC  Csc aclcviov
-rXOatv. Cf. Chr. M. Pfaffii Diss. de oblatione Veterum  eucharistica, in his Syntagma
dissertt. theologg. Stutt. 1720, p. 219, ss. Stiudlin's History of the dogma of the sacrifice
of the Lord's Supper, in Schleusner's u. Sttndlin's Gdtting. Biblioth-d.. neuesten theol.
Literatur, ii. ii. 163. This idea of oblations is expressed not only in the sacrificial prayers
of the old liturgies (see Constitt. Apost. viii. c. 12, comp. Pfaffii Syntagma, p. 378, ss.), but
also even now in the commencing words of the canon missae of the Rtomish church: Te
igitur, clementissime pater-supplices rogamus ac petimus, uti accepta habeas ac benedicas haec dona, haec munera, haec sancta sacrificia illibata (i. e., the still mnconsecrated
bread and wine).




CHAP. III.-CATHOLIC CHURCH. Q 53. ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. 163
the  Mosaic  law   of first fruits, and  soon, in  consequence, the
law  of tithes also, appeared to be still valid,'6 the Christians obtained in them a rule for their oblations, without, however, any
kind  of external compulsion  being  used  for enjoining the  observance of them.   The  eucharist being  considered the  symbol
of the intimate  communion  of the  church with  itself and with
Christ,  it was  also  sent  to  the   absent  as  a  token  of this
communion,17 and  taken  by  those  who  were  present to  their
homes."1
Baptism  was, preceded by instruction,l"  fasting, and  prayer.
The baptism  of children was not universal, and was even occasionally  disapproved."2           While  Christians were  supposed  to  be
engaged in constant warfare with  the world and the devil under
the banner of Christ,"2 they generally used the sign of the cross,"2
16 Irenaeus, iv. 18, 1: Offerre igitur opportet Deo primitias ejus creatura, sicut et
Moyses ait: Non apparebis vacuus ante conspectum Domini Dei tui (Deut. xvi. 16).-.
2: Et non genus oblationurn reprobatuan est: oblationes enim et illic, oblationes autem
et hic: sacrificia in populo, sacrificia in Ecclesia: sed species immutata est tantum.
quippe cumn jam non a servis, sed a liberis offeratur.  Origenes in Num. Horn. xi. 1-:
Primnitias omnium frugumn, onmiumqne pecudum sacerdotibus lex mandat offerri.-Hanc
ergo legem observari etialz  secunduln literam, sicut et alia nonnulla, necessarium puto.
2: Quornodo abundat justitia nostra plus quaml scribalmm  et Pharisnaeorum, si illi de fioctibus terrae suae gustare inon audelt, priusquam primitias sacerdotibus oflerant, et Levitis
decimas separent: et ego nihil horoun faciens, frictibus terrae ita abutar, at sacerdos
nesciat, Levites ignoret, divinum altare non sentiat?  Constitutt. Apost. ii. c. 25: At r6rE
Ovciat, vfv etxai, Iaci daetrS, /cal Exaptarl[a' at r6re &irapxat, at'i 6easrat, icai datpg/ara fic~ ai cpa, vvv irpoapopa2, a' dtli rgv hoaov l'TatC6,.ov,rporeep6Feval cvp[d rO'OeO
dr&'IVaoP XplovCo  roo virT p av7iC)v airroav6vrof.
O* Cf. Justin above,. note 12. Irenaeus ap. Euseb. v. 24, ~ 5: The presbyters of one
church EirEtrov evixapt-arav to those of another.
18 Tertull. ad Uxoremn, ii. c. 5. De Orat. c. 14.
9. On the creed see above, ~ 51, note 13.
20 Tertull. de Baptismo, c. 18: Itaque pro cujusque personae conditione ac dispositione,
etiam aetate, cunctatio baptismi utilior est: praecipue tamen circa parvulos.  Quid enim
ilecesse est, sponsores etiam periculo ingeri? quia et ipse per mortalitatem destituere
promissiones suas possunt, et proventu lmalae indolis falli. Ait quidem Dominus: Nolite
illos prohibere ad me venire (Matth. xix. 14). Veniant ergo, dum adolescunt, veniant dum
discunt, duin, quo veniant, docentur: fiant Christiani, quum  Christurm nosse potuerint.
Quid festinat innocens aetas ad remissionem peccatornm?  Cautius agetur in saecularibus, ut cui substantia terrena non creditur, divina credatur.  Norint petere salutem ut
petenti dedisse videaris. Non minore de causa innupti quoque procrastinandi, in quibus
tentatio praeparata est tam virginibus per maturitatem, quam viduis per vagationem,
donec aut nubant, aut continentiae corroborentur.  Si qui pondls intelligant baptismi,
magis timebunt consecutionem quam dilationem: fides integra secura est de salute. Cf.
G. Walli Hist. baptismi infanturn, lat. vertit, J. L. Schlosser (P. i. Bremae. 1748, P. ii
Hanb. 1753. 4). P. i. p. 57, ss.
21 Tertull. ad -Martyres, c. 3: Vocati sunins ad militiam Dei vivi jam  tunc, cum in
sacramenti verbsa respondimns, &c. De Corona mil. c. 11.
"2 Tertull. adv. Marc. iii. 18, de Cor. militis, c. 3. But no adoration of the cross. Minucius
Fel. c. 29: Cruces etiam nee colimus, nec optamus.




164                  FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 117-193.
and  often  exorcism,23 as a powerful defense  against the machih
nations of evil spirits.   Probably  they  already began  to  apply
the latter in the case of those persons who, renouncing the prince
of this world, prepared  themselves  for baptism.24    Many  new
usages were connected with baptism  itself toward the end of the
second century.25
The concluding of a marriage was announced by the bishop
of the church;  and with this was very naturally  connected the
giving  of his blessing  on the  new  union.26   Second  marriages
were  condemned  by  many  in  all cases,27 and  began  to  be expressly  disallowed  in  the  case  of the  clergy.26    But when  the
23 Tertull. de Idololatr. c. 11, of the Christian Thurarius: Qua constantia. exorcizabit
almnnos suos (i. e., the demons, ironically), quibus dolllll sam cellatiam praestat?  De
Cor. nm'ilitis, c. 11, of the Christian soldiers: Quos i.nterdiu exorcismis fugavit, noctibus
defensabit, incumbens et requiescens super pilum, quo perfossum est latus Christi?
24 B'arnabas Epist. c. 16: IHpO oeV jizaf 7WT6teUOa T r  OE, N Tv?[6V2 r70 Karotlj2rT7ptrov,
Tf tKapdaf [00aprTOV 0lca2  oreVEf —oKosc datO6vuv, (t Torb roerfv oca iev Eivavria.Tr OEC.
From this view, the application of exorcism in the case of candidates for baptism resulted
as a matter of course.
2S. The ceremony of baptism -was still very simple, as described in Justin Apol. i. c. 79.
Otherwise in Tertull. de Cor. mil. c. 3: Aquam adituli, ibidem, sed et aliquaanto prius in
ecclesia, sub antistitis manu contestamur, nos renunciare diabolo (dwroorareaealt dta/36or})
et pompae et angelis ejus. Dehine ter mergitamnr, amplius aliquid respondentes quam
dominus in Evangelio determinavit. Inde suscepit lactis et mellis concordiam praegustamus (qua infantamturr, adv. Marc. i. c. 14): exque ea die lavacro quotidiano per totam hebdomnadalm abstimemus. There is an opinion that the last-m3entioned rite was borrowed
from the heathen mysteries; see Mosheim de rebus Christ. ante Const. M. p. 321. An
excursus to the whole passage is given in Neander's Antignosticus, S. 149, ff.-Tertull.
de Baptismo, c. 7: Exinde egressi de lavacro perungimur benedicta unctione (Xpioueart) de
pristina disciplina, qua ungi oleo de cornu in sacerdotium solebant. (This anointing, according to Thilo Acta Thomae, p. 177, was of Gnostic origin.)  Cap. 8: Dehine manus
imponitur, per benedictionem advocans et invitans spiritiem  sanctum (Xetpo0Eoia). Jo.
Dallaeus de duobus Latinorum  ex unctione sacralmentis.  Genev. 1659. 4, p. 126, ss.
Neander's K. G. i. i. 543.
26 Ignat. Epist. ad Polycarp. ~ 5. Tertull ad Uxor. ii. c. 9: Unde sufficiam  ad enarrandam felicitatem ejus matrimonii, quod ecclesia conciliat, et confirmat oblatio, et obsignatum
angeli renunciant, pater rato habet?  De Pudicit. c. 4: Penes nos occultae quoque conjmnctiones, i. e., non prius apud Ecclesiam. professae, juxta moeehiam et fornicationem
judicari periclitantur. Cf. Jo. Seldeni uxor Ebraica, lib. ii. c. 28. Concerning the marriage
of the first Christians see in (Abele) Mag. f. Kirchenrecht. B3d. 1, S. 261, if. Miinter's
Sinnbilder d. alten Christen. Heft 2, S. 112, ff.
27 Athenagoras Deprec. c. 28:'O derirepog (/Y(2of) e'iTrprT7rf Elo rtotxeia. On the other
hand, Hermae Past. lib. i. mland. iv. 4: Si vir vel mulier alicujus decesserit, et nulpserit
aliquis illorum, numnquid peccat?  Qui nubit non peccat, inquit, sed si per se manserit,
magnum sibi conquirit honorem apud Domlinum. So also Cleml. Alex. Strom. iii. p. 548.
Cf. Cotelerius ad Hernmae, 1. c.
28 Tertull. ad Uxor. i. 7: Disciplina ecclesiae et praescriptio apostoli-digamos non sinit
praesidere. Yet de Monagam. 12: Quot enim et digami praesident apud vos, insultantes
utique apostolo! Derived from 1 Tim. iii. 2. Tertullian read also in Lev. xxi.: Sacerdotes
mei non plus nubelnt (doe Exhort. castit. 7).  Comp. Heydenreich's Pastoralbriefe Pauli,
Bd. 1, S 166, iff




CHAP. III.-CATHOLIC CHURCH. ~ 53. ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. 165
Zlionztanists forbade them  universally, they met with  opposition.
Fasts, which  were  looked  upon  as a  suitable  preparation  for
prayer, and  celibacy, were  valued, but continued  to be  left to
the  free  choice of every  one,29 although  the  opinion  of Philo,
that the  marriage  intercourse  was  something  that rendered  a
person  unclean, had  been  already  introduced.30    Many  Christians devoted themselves to a certain  abstinence  (caiotr aic);    but
all forced and artificial asceticism  was disapproved.32    The only
custom  of the kind which was universal was the celebration of
the passion-time  of Jesus by  a fast;  but this was  observed  in
very cifferent ways.   In  other cases, for voluntary  fasting  and
prayer (stationes, stationum   semijejunia, Tert. de Jejun. c. 13)
they chose  4Te&dnesday and Friday.33    Sunday and the Sabbath
29 Even for tbe clergy: G. Calixti de Conjug. clericorum. Helmst. 1631, ed. Henlke,
ibid. 1783. 4. ii. 181.  Theiner's Einfiihrung- der erzwungenen Ebelosigkeit bei den
Geistl. i. 69
30 Serniscb, Justin d. M. i. 199.
31 This appellation formerly applied to the atbletae (Plato de Republ. iii. p. 297), was
afterward by Pbilo (de Praelm. et Poen. 914, 917, 920) to the exercises of virtue ian the
wise. So also among the heathen philosophers (Arrian. diss. in Epict. iii. c. 12, 7repi caKi-eS~. Artem-nidorus, about 100, Oneirocrit. iv. c. 33, says of a philosopher, Alexander.'EyELe (Sv acdrp dVet 6vdpi  Ol5aO/Tci OVr'e yetov, oV0E icoLvcvvcia, oVre Traoe 0roy). Athenagorae
Deprec. c. 28: Efpos' d' ov r'od;ogiS rSJv  aap';  v lcat icv(dpag Icai yvvaicaf ca-rayppdaicovrao ayt'.dovg, flTridT -OV YgidZov avveoeaOat r:. Oe,. Tertull. de Cultu foem. 11: Non enim
et multi ita faciunt, et se spadonatli obsignant propter regnum  Dei (Matth. xix. 12j), tam
fortem et utique pormissarm vo]uptatem sponte ponentes (continentes, EyK'pareoS, cf. de
Vel. virg. 3)? Nunlquid non aliqui ipsain Dei creaturam sibi interdicunt, abstinentes vino
et anuirnalibus'esculentis, quorum fructus nulli periculo aut sollicitudini adjacent, sed huimilitatem animae suae in victus quoque castigatione Deo immolanlt?  Galenus, see above,
Q 41, note 16; cf. Sal. Deyling de Ascetis veterum, in ejasd. Observatt. sacr. lib. iii.
32 Dionys. Corinth. (ap. Euseb. iv. 23), in his letter to the Gnossians, exhorts bishop
Pinytus, g~ capi ~opTiov  i'dvcaytcer r   ob rrEpi e oyvEtaf Trorf 6e2LkOa t irt06vt, ri 66 rdv
rTOXuV ltcaTraaroX 6,eaOac &gOevEiag. —Ex epist. Eccl. Vienn. et Lugd. ap. Euseb. v. 3:'AZ6cti&ddov Yp rn-tvog L'~ aCv, r, cvv aTiXypbOv itoPVrof fieov, Kaci oy:dev6dg 0t&c r6-0 -p6repov /elrraZac/fiovovrof, O&2Xa  n  pr6 iZ6v   a Ki Vlcurt XpGuoevov, 7reptoidvov  TrE Kai EV 7,
EIpcrT   O7iW dliyECv,'ATrrda  ygera rfOv icprov dy6cva, dv ev rT au/'0B edrpo g iVp ev,
Ue7coa0lLZO6, 0r7 py) eaX2uf roeoil 6'A2Lctl,/ieSdti?, 1?? XPg6[lEvoc TOtS tcriact Trob Oeo ccai
C2aOIS Tr7rov clcavrdiLov ViuroZre7r6tOev og. lreTltOei  6 AiCLtfitd3 yfC Wrivrwv (iV7d~V Uesrera/cBave Kci t  VXapiaret r, Orei.
33 IIRespecting tle stationes, watches of milites Christi, which were usually continued
till three o'clock in the afternoon, see Hermac Pastor iii. Sirm. 5, and Fabricius ad h. 1.
Gu. Beveregii Cod. canonum eccl. primitivae vindicatus, lib. iii. c. 10.-Tertull. de Jejun.
c. 2: Certe in evangelio illos dies jejuniis determinatos putant (Psychici), in quibus ablatus
est sponsus (Matth. ix. 15): et hos esse jam  solos legitimos jejuniorum christianorlmn.
(De Orat. 14: Die Paschae communis et quasi publica jejunii religio est),-sic et apostolos
observasse, nullum aliud imponentes jugunm certorum  et in commune omnibus obeundorum
jejuniorumn: proinde nec stationum, quae et ipsae suos quidem dies babeant, quartae feria
et sextae, passim  tamen currant, neque sub- lege praecepti, neque ultra supremam dici,
quando et orationes fere hora nona concludat, de Petri exemplo, quod actis refertur.  (De
Crart. 14: Statio de militari exemplo noner  accipit: nam et militia Dei sunmus). C. 13 -




166                  FlRST PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D-. 117-19S.
were observed as festivals;  the latter, however, without Jewisbi
superstition.   In  the  celebration  of the  passover, there  was a
difference between the churches of Asia  Xinor and those of the
west.34    The former adhered to the Jewish passover feast, giving
it a reference  to  Christ;3"  the  latter, on  the  other hand, kept
Ben.e autem, quod et Episcopi universae plebi mandare jejunia assolent-ex aliqua sollicitudinis ecclesiasticae causa. —Irenaeus ad Victorem ap. E useb. v. 24. 4: O66~ yap EdOvov,n7epi rTf tpaf el'ri'v e7 ditlCt,83yrp:l, (t2ii  Kca Wrept roD etdovf anvro, rgF/ v7TaeiaS'* o.
#eov y7p olovratl tiav' izpav derv avrogv viZareeVl, oL  6d, o,   dl Kai 7rr2eiovan, ot di
reaca pa Ko lra  pag /1epvt    re v cat vve.r.eptvaf COVtUUerpOVtL T??V T.l~r pav  a izr'. On thelast words see the Excursus in Heiniehen.Euseb. t. iii. p. 377, ss.. I am inclined to read
r. iUupa anCdrv. "Otlhers measure off forty hours along with their day" (lETrpovL aGvV rdt:?,ulpa), i. e.,. they fast the day which they celebrate as the passover, or the day of Christ's
death (for in this there was a difference), and begin with the hour offthe deatlh (three o'clock,.
afternoon), a new forty hours' fast till the resurection.-Cf. Joo. Dallaeus de Jejuniis et quadragesima. tDaventr. 1654. 8.
34 The older historians in taking the passover as the festival of the resurrection, misunderstood the celebration practiced in Asia Minor.  Different opinions of the moderns:
Gabr. Daniel de la discipline des Quartoddcimans pour la c1lebration de la Pacque (in his.
Recueil de divers ouvrages philos., theolog., histor. Paris. 1724. 4. iii. 473)..Chr. A. Henmann Vera descriptio priscae contentionis inter Roman et Asiam de vero Paschate (in ejusd.
Nova sylloge dissertat. i. 156, ss). J. L. Mosheim de reb. Christ. ante Const. M. p. 435, sse
Neander im kirchenbist. Archiv. 1823,. Heft 2, S. 90, ff. Kirchengesch. i. i. i. 511, ff. J. W.
Rettberg's Pascbastreit der dlten Kirche, in Illgen's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol. ii. ii. 91..
(Comp. my remarks in the theol. Studienu. Krit. 1833, iv. 1149):.
35 The most important in this festival was the passover day, the 14th of Nisan, which,,
after it had been probably spent in fasting, closed with a Christian paschal meal (lovefeast and Eucharist). (Epiphan. Haer... 1, 67rar, ro9 erov g tntav  rgipano TOV 7rdigXa to-~
vetitof ayovat. Polycrates, bishop of Ephesus, who defended,. in the year 196, this solemnity against the Romish bishop Victor, designates it in Euseb. v. 24, as a rTpeIV rv p7'ei-paev
Tryg reaaapeagtnat6edrgf Tro  rrcoxna Kar2 ro EdVayytlov.. The whole day,'therefore, was.
kept, but it might be observed merely by fasting. Comp. Tertull. de Orat. c. 14,.see above,.
note 33). In favor of this they appealed to a passage of the law, (Epiphan. Haer. 1. 1. l):  r
rlar5arperog,  Of oV wroljE, TO 7r uxa r7 rearape/ca tEcirdedrF  gipa Trod U7o6g. They
said (apud Hippolytus in chron. Pasch. p. 6): E-roiae r7i 7rrdata 6 XpctrbS  r6re r76  //ipn
Icai E7raOev   to'  de C   de! 6ov rp67rov 6o  KPtOg eroijeEV, odri 7roWtev.  n1 it they ate unleavened bread, probably like the Jews, eight days through; they said (Chrysostomus con —
tra Jud. Orat. iii. ed. Montfaucon, i. 610):  ret /eri roV (dzuov i o 7i rWa  l'rTi.  On the
contrary, there is no trace of a yearly festival of the resurrection among them, for this was
kept every Sunday. Since the Christians of Asia Minor appealed in favor of their passover solemnity on the 14th Nisan to John, (Polycrates, 1. c.), and yet, according to his gospel
Christ partook of the last supper with his disciples so early as the 13th N.isan; an argument has been lately deduced from this fact against the authenticity of John's gospel, (Bret
schneider Probabilia, p. 109, after himn Strauss and Schwegler). To judge correctly of tlhis
matter we must set out with that which is remarked very truly respecting it by Socrates,
Hist. eccl. v. 2): Ovdaeod rToivvv 6. &c67ro0oXg, ovde r7a EvayyAl   Cvy0'v dovefiag roZS r7
Icgppy/ynart WrporeiXOodVtv rErodiav  d       rv EopTrv'roD xrdqa /cai 7r9a i[ZaS  eopra~
ryUdZv, rn edyv(o,Ugo09svn, roV eV)epyerO7ivr7v   KcnrltoTov. —aooKO&g UWV OVV yIy ove rTOC.
rcoard6Xog, ov Wrepi tetep6cv eopraartdKv  voOgoeerefv, 62LCJI fiov O.pov fcai r1, OsEacBElav
eirlyyaaaOoa' *goi d' Caivetra, drt jaW6TEp  6ha WoXi  cordaTa  XOpaf avvoOenav 0na,3ev,
OVTir  rcai ~  rod rdcxoa C'opr Wrap' lcd6rot0 EcK. gvvOeiaf rTvbrg id&iovaaV leXe T>Tv 7raps
7#potgv, dtid r6o nidova rihv aisrocr6oG)v, gf elgonV, gtcdeVi VevozOr6ICnvat,repi CaVTrf. Inl
the- Christian assemblies the Jewish passover w.as at. first kept up,, but observed, with:




CHAP. ITI.-CATHOLIC CHURCH.  } 53. ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. 167
up the recollection of the death and resurrection of Christ, as in
every week, so with greater solemnity every year, at the passover festival, on the corresponding days of the week, so that the
passover Friday was always regarded by them as dies paschae.
When Polycarp visited Rome, about 160, he had a conference
on this point with  the Romish bishop Anicetus (Epist. Iren. ap.
Euseb., v. 24).   Both remained of the same opinion  as before,
but separated  in  perfect friendship.   Among  the  Christians of
Asia Minor themselves, there was a controversy in Laodicea respecting the passover, about 170; but the proper point debated
is not certainly known.36
Public sinners were excluded from the church, and the way
for restoration could only be prepared by public repentance.37
reference to Christ, the true passover, (1 Cor. v. 7, 8). Thus John, too, found it in Ephesus
and allowed it to remain unaltered. He corrected it in his gospel only so far as it proceeded on the supposition that Christ had eaten withi the Jews the passover on the day before
his death, by making it apparent that Christ was crucified on the 14th Nisan. But that
solemnity needed not to have been changed on this account; on the contrary, if the 14th
Nisan was the true Christian passover day, the fulfillment of the typical pasch took place
on the same day with it.
36 Melito irepi TOV HJI6yXa ap. Eusebius iv. 26, 2:'Eiri ZEpov'Xiov  Halov, davOvrvdrov,rt7  Ain'ag,  22dyapst Katp,& s,uapripoevV, y'YveTro?j-lprtCf groJl/ iv AaodcEta  rEpti ropi
rdacxa,,uireCa'drof coara icatpiv Ev ilceivazf rai sPepatlf'   tcait ypd~~ 7-okra. Eusebius
adds, that Clement of Alexandria was induced to write his book on the passover by this
work of Melito. Since now Melito is quoted by Polycrates (Euseb. v. 24, 2) as an authority
for the custom as observed in Asia Minor, but since the Paschal Chronicle, p. 6, s., quotes
the writings of the contemporaneous Apollinaris, bishop of Hierapolis, and Clement of Alexandria, on the passover, together in favor of the view that Christ had not eaten the Jewish passover on the day before his death, it has been inferred that Apollinaris had attacked
the Asiatic practice, and that AMelito defended it. But no trace of this is found in Eusebius;
on the contrary, both writers are named by him beside one another as working together
harmoniously, (iv. 26.) In the fragments of Apollinaris's work which remain, those persons
are combated who said: O'Lt r, t' rTO rp6fOarov pei- rd v /- aO rCTv kayev o KvptoC, TI,
i6 jtrye g s/zUpVa riSv (iad/uv avr —g traOev, and appealed to Matthew in their favor. This
view, says Apollinaris, contradicts the law (so far as the passover, and consequently also
Christ as the passover, must be offered the 14th) and the gospels, and he asserts in opposito it: i? eS' Tr (a7 lLOtvbv Too Kvpiov 7rraxa,  ovaocea k tueydZ, P6 rvri ro7  uwvood 7raZf egco, ac.
r. Pu. Hence he does not combat the keeping of the 14th as the paschal day, but merely intends to vindicate the right significance of it against erroneous conceptions. This day was
to be celebrated as the Christian passover, not because Christ had eaten on it the typical
passover with the Jews, but because he himself, as the true passover, had offered himself to God.
37 Eouo2u6y7yual. Iren. i. c. 9 of a female penitent: avor rdv 6oravera,p6vov dEo/.oyov/ovdo dzE-ri erae 7revOoaca ical OppvooDa. Tertull. de Poenit. c. 9: Exomologesis -, qua
delictum Domino nostrum confitemur: non quidem ut ignaro, sed quatenus satisfactio confessione disponitur, confessione poenitentia nascitur, poenitentia Deus mitigatur. Itaque
exomologesis prosternendi et humilificandi hominis disciplina est, conversationem injungens imisericordiae illicenm. De ipso quoque habitu. atque victu mandat, sacco et cineri
incubate, corpus sordibus obscurare, anitllur  moeroribus dejicere; illa, quae peccavit,




168                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 117-193.
After baptism  only  a public  repentance was generally allowed.a
TIn the African church they proceeded so far as frequently to exclude forever those who had been guilty of incontinence, murder, and  idolatry.   This  was  done  in  pursualnce  of 31ontanist
principles.s~
Those persons were highly honored who  endured persecutions
for the  sake  of the  Christian  faith.   The  death  of  a  mcirtyr
(/apop-vp, Acts xxii. 20;  IHeb. xii. 1;  Apoc. xvii. 6) was  supposed, like baptism, to have the efficacy of destroying sin (lavaerait sanguinis, -rob p7rT-alca d&a Trvp6f, Luke xii. 50; Mark x. 39),
stpplied the place even of baptism  (according to Matthew  x. 39),
and alone introduced the person immediately to the presence
of the  Lord  in  paradise  (Matt. v. 10-12;  Apoc. vi. 9:  hence
71.ypa yevO9tog, yevEO0ta -rwv ylapTvpW)o, natales, natalitia martyrum.40   But the surviving  confessors  also  (6/ o.oyiTrat, confessores, MIatt. x. 32;  1 Tim. vi. 12, 13) were held  to be chosen
members  of Christ.   People were  zealous in  visiting  them   in
tristi tractatione Illutare. Caeterunl  pastum et poturn  pura nosse; non ventris scilicet,
sed anilae causa.  Pleruluque veto jejuniis preces alere, ingermiscere, lachrymari, et
mugire dies noctesque ad domilnln    Deum. tuum, presbyteris advolvi, et caris Dei
adgeniculari, omnnibus fratribus legationes deprecationis suae injungere.-In quantum non
peperceris tibi, in tantum tibi D)eus, crede, parcet.
38 Herrnae Pastor ii. Mand. 4, ~ 1. Servis enim Dei poenitentia una est. (Cf. Cotelerius
ad li. 1.) Then le softens, ~ 3, the principle afterward asserted by the Montanists, quod
alia poenitentia non est nisi illa, cumlll in aquam descendinusl, et accipimus, remissioner
peccatorum, so far: quod post vocationem illam magnam et sanctam, si quis tentatus
fuerit a Diabolo, et peccaverit, unam poenitentiam habet. So too Clemens Alex. Strom. ii.
c. 13, p. 459, s. Of. Bingh-am, lib. xviii. c. 4, vol. viii. p. 156, ss.
39 Tertull. de Pudic. c. 12, appeals in favor of this to Acts xv. 29. Cyprian. Epist. 52:
Apud antecessores nostros quidam de Episcopis istic in provincia nostra dandanm pacema
moechis non putaverunt, et in totum poenitentiae locum contra adulteria clauserunt. Non
tauren a Coepiscoporum suorum collegio recesserunt, aut catholicae Ecclesiae unitatem vel
duritiae vel censurae suae obstinatione ruperunt; ut, quia apud alios adulteris pax dabatur,
qui non dabat, de ecclesia separaretur. Manente concordiae vinculo et perseverasute Catholicae Ecclesiae individuo sacramento, actum suum disponit et diligit unusquisque Episcopus, rationem propositi sui Domino redditurus. Though this severity was afterward relaxed in reference to the Moechi (see below, f 59, note 4), yet they still remained at first
united with the Montanists in asserting this principle, Tertull. de Pudic. c. 12: Quod neque
idololatriae neque sanguini pax ab Ecclesiis redditur.
40 Hermas (Pastor. iii. Simil. ix. 28) says to the martyrs: Vitaim vobis donat Dominnus,
nec intelligitis. Delicta enim vestra vos gravabant: et nisi passi essetis hujus nominis
causae, propter peccata certe vestra mortui eratis Deo. Tertull. de Resurr. carnis, 43: Nemo
enim peregrinatus a corpore statim immoratur penes Donlinurm, nisi ex m artyrii praerogativa scilicet paradiso, non inferis diversurus.  (In like manner, according to tile ancient
Greeks, only heroes attained to the'H2Jiotov or the  alccedp6v vorolt, of whose situation similar ideas were entertained as of Paradise, see Dissen de Fortunatorunl insulis disp. (Gotting.
1837. On Paradise see Uhlemann in Illgen's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol. i. i. 146.) Clemens
Alex. Strom. iv. p. 596: ~oticev ovV Tob yaprmipolov  rotcdapatglf evaL a/aprtCdv  eCrTa d66rf.




CHAP. III.-CATHOLIC CHURCH. d 53. ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. 169
the prisons, and taking  care of them;41  and this was enjoined
on the deacons as a peculiar duty.42    If the lapsed (lapsi) 43 had
been admitted by them  to communion, there was a general
aversion  any longer to  refuse them  restoration  to the  privileges
of the  church.44    As  it was  an  important point in  the  estimation of Christians generally  to  keep up the  consciousness of
enduring communion with their departed, this communion, accordingly, with  the  blessed  martyrs,  was  especially  valuable
and  dear to  them.   In  this sense, families  celebrated  the  remembranee  of their departed  members,45 churches that of their
martyrs yearly on the day of their death,46 by prayers at the
41 Tertull. ad Martyres, c. 1, init.: Inter carnis alimenta, benedicti martyres designati,
quae vobis et domina mater ecclesia de uberibus suis, et singuli fratres de opibus suis propriis in carcerem  subministrant, capite aliquid et a nobis, quod faciat ad spiritum quoque
educandum. Carnem enim saginari et spiritum esurire non prodest. The excess of care
which he here only refers to (cf. Lucian. de morte Peregrini, c. 12), he afterward censured
with bitterness in the Psychics, de Jejunio c. 12: Plane vestrum est in carceribus popinas
exhibere martyribus incertis, ne consuetudinem quaerant, ne taedeat vitae, lne novi abstinentiae disciplina scandalizenlter. He even accuses themrof endeavoring to put courage into
the prisoners before their judges, condito mero tanquamn antidoto.
42 Cypriani Ep. 11: Semper sub antecessoribus nostris factumn est, ut Diaconi ad carcerem  commeantes Martyrum desideria consiliis suis et scripturarem praeceptis gubernarent. So Perpetua relates in the Passio Perpetuae Felicitatis c. 3: Ibi tune Tertius et
Pomponius, benedicti Diaconi, qui nobis ministrabant, constituerunt praemlio, ut paucis
horis emissi in meliorenm locunm carceris refiigeraremlus.
43 In Opposition to o the stantes, as Romans xiv. 4, 1 Cor. x. 12.
44 Epist. Eccl. Vienn. et Ludg. ap. Euseb. v. 2, ~ 3. Tertull. ad Mart. c. 1: Quam pacem  quidam  in ecclesia non habentes a mlartyribus in carcere exorare consueverunt.
Idem de Pudicitia, c. 22: Ut quisque ex consensione vincula induit adhuc mollia, in novo
custodiae nomine statim ambiunt moechi, statisn adeunt fornicatores, jan preces circumsonant, jam lacrymae circumstagnant maculati cujusque, nec ulli magis aditum carceris
redimunt, quamn qui Ecclesiam perdiderant.
45 Tertall. de Exhort. Cast. c. 11, to the man who had larried a second time: Neque
enim pristinam poteris odisse, cui etiam religiosiorein reservas affectionera, ut jam receptae apud Deum, pro cujus spiritu postulas, pro qua oblationes annuas reddis. Stabis ergo
ad Deum cum tot uxoribus, quot in oratione comomemoras, et offeres pro duabus, et commendabis illas duas. De Molnogamia c. 10: Enilvero et pro anima ejus (mariti mortui)
orat (uxor), et refrigerium interim adpostulat ei, et in prima resurrectione consortium, et
offert annuis diebus dormitionis ejus.
46 Epist. Eccl. Smyrn. de martyr. Polyc. ap. Euseb. iv. 15, 15: Xptc76v uptv ydp vlbr
O6Tra   O1) 0EOV  pCOOIC e'VVOVE  TOVS dE /U/pTVPUC  CS taOrlrar roo lcvpiov cai cOat tzUlT  aya-:TCJdev  $iw5f, fEvetca Ervoiaaf aivviTrep/2lTOV rTf Eif rTOv Wtov flaat26a cai t(dtulcalZov, (v
yvoro 0  lcaZ kutf CvyfotvWvovimS rE Icat cv#ltaOVpr  y7v60cat. —oViir)  re YU/tegf V'-TEpov
avejuevot 7a-l  rti ltrrepa 2~taOv rroXvreZriv Icat dOCtocL/rrEpa V7rlp XypV~OOV 0oTra aViTro
(IHIovlcdpTov), aTreO/E8e0a irov Kcat (Icti6ovOov sv.'vOa 6  dIvvarov,rytzv cvvayo#yvotEv ayaLtu6et c lcaG Xap,5, 7irapiSet O6 cipto  iilrtreev rv TiV ToV 1ap-vptov aVroe  tiepav yEvMO2stov, ref -TE i-1v 7pod02uq/c67rov,1-tvirtzv,,cai ridv yeX26vr7v auiclaiv -re rat cc  rotyaociav.
Tert. de Coronia mil. 3: Oblationes pro defunctis, pro natalitiis annua die facimus,
Cypriau. Epist. 34: Sacrificia pro eis (martyribus semper, ut leministis, offeriimn s, quoties
martyrum passionles et dies anniversaria commemoratione celebralnus. Comlp. Cyprian's




170                  FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 117-193.
graves,47 and  by  cagapae.   So  high  an  estimation  of martyrdom  induced many Christians to give themselves up to the
authorities, thus  furnishing  cause  for the  charge  of fanatical
enthusiasm brought against them by the heathen.48  This mode
of proceeding, however, was for the most part discountenanced,
in consequence of the express command of Christ (Matt. x. 23).49
instructions to his clergy how they should take care of the confessors. Epist. 37: Oflicium
meum vestra diligentia repraesentet, faciat omnia quae fieri oportet circa eos, quos in talibus meritis fidei ac virtutis illustravit divina dignatio. Denique et dies eorull quibus excedunt annotate, ut commenorationes eorum inter memorias Martyruam celebrate possinlus
-et celebrentur hic a nobis oblationes et sacrificia ob commemorationes eorum quae cito
vobiscum Domino protegente celebrabimus. [Further notices of the martyrs were the affairs of private individuals; and tlhe representation of Anastasius (liber Pontificalis in vita
Clementis) originated in the respect paid to saints in later times. Hic fecit vii. regiones
dividi Notariis fidelibus Ecclesiae, qui gesta Martyrum sollicite et curiose, unusquisque
per regionema  suam, perquirerent (cf. vitae Anteri and Fabiani), which was afterward
copied into martyrologies. How few genuine histories of the martyrs may be expected
from this age is evident from Augustini sermo xciii. de diversis: Hoc primuam primi Martyris (Stephani) meritum coimmendatum est charitati vestrae: quia, curn aliorum Martyrum vix gesta inveniamus, quae in solemnitatibus eorumn recitare possimus, hujus passio
in canonico libro est. Gregorius M. lib. viii. ep. 29, ad Eulogiam Episc. Alex.: Praeter
illa quae in Eusebii libris de gestis SS. Martyrum continentur, nulla in archivo lujus nostrae
Ecclesiae, vel in Romanae urbis bibliothecis esse cognovi, nisi pauca quaedamn in unius
codicis volumine collecta. Nos autem paene omlnium martyrum, distinctis per dies singulos passionibus, collecta in Uno codice nomina hatemus, atque quotidianis diebus in eorum
veneratione missarum solemania agimus. Non tam en in eodema voluminle, quis qualiter sit
passus indicatur, sed tantummodo nomen, locus, et dies passionis ponitur. The cause of
this may not indeed have been that assigned by Prudentius 7repi a eqcovmv, i. v. 75:
Chartulas blasphemus olim nam satelles abstulit,
Ne tenacibus libellis erudita saecula
Ordinem, tempus, modumque passionis prodituni,
Dulcibus linguis per aures posterorum spargerent.
Cf Casp. Sagittarius de natalitiis martyrum in primitiva ecclesia. Jen. 1678, auctius ed. J.
A. Schmid. 1696. 4.
47 Hence the cry of the heathen: Areae non sint. s. Tertull. ad Scapul. c. 3.
48 Tertull. ad Scapulam, c. 5. Arrius Antoninus (at the time of Hadrian) in Asia cum
persequeretur instanter, omnes illius civitatis Christiani ante tribunalia ejus se manu facta
obtulerunt, cum ille, paucis duci jussis, reliquis ait: J detaoit, el 067ere  2rro0vamiCE tv,
iCp/uovof I [pSPoXtf 6xe6re. In like manner, Justin makes the heathen say to the Christians,
Apol. ii. 4: tdvrPEf oVv Eav-orvf tOveuaV76ef TOpEVECoOE -dV   7 apL zTv OEbv, Ical  i.iv mrpyuacra ej/ map -ere. Afterward the Montanists especially, see Tertull. 1. c. de fuga in persec. &c.  Cf. S. F. Rivini diss. de professoribus veteris Ecclesiae martyribus.  Lips.
1739. 4.
49 Epist. Eccl. Smyrn. c. 4: O0vc E'ratvofivev rovf 7rpoat6vr7af Eavro7g, C'TrErZ  OVX O'rTO~f
t6Gaceet ro efayyf2tov.  (Eusebius, an admirer of such transactions, has omitted this sentence). Clemens Alex. Strom. iv. p. 597, vii. p. 871, ed. Potter.




INTRODUCTION. % 54. CONDITION OF HEATHENISM.                      171
THIRD  DIVISION.
FiROM SEPTIM{US SEVERUS, TO THE SOLE DOMINION OF CONSTANTINE,
A.D. 193-324.
INT R ODU C T ION
~ 54.
CONDITION OF HEATHENISM.
While the Roman empire appeared hastening  to its fall, the
throne being  occupied by soldiers, the provinces devastated by
barbarians, and the government changed into the most arbitrary
despotism, the kingdom  of superstition, in which alone the men
of that time sought for peace and security firom  the dangers that
surrounded them, had established itself firmly.   Not only were
the emperors themselves addicted to this superstition, but they
also openly confessed it, and in part introduced even foreign rites
into  Rome.'  The  Platonic  philosophy, which  had  confined  itself till now to a defense of the popular religions, and to securing for the wise a more elevated worship of deity, endeavored, since the beginning  of the  third  century, to  give  to  the
people's religion  a  higher and  more  spiritual form, under the
pretense  of bringing it back  to  its original, purer state.   This
philosophy had been unquestionably forced to this by the spiritual preponderance of Christianity.   With this view, P2Ailoo&tratus
I P. E. Mdiller de hierarchia et studio vitae asceticae in sacris et omysteriis Graec et
tom. latentibus, Hafn. 1803. Absclhn. 3 (translated in the N. Bibl. d. sch6n. Wissensch. Bd.
70. S. 3, if.) The Jewish religion also was continually incorporated into this religious mixture (coup. above, ~ 17, note 9), see Comnmodiani (about 270) instructiones adv. gentalim
deos. pro christiana disciplina (in Gallandii Biblioth. vett. Patr. T. iii.):
Inter utrunque putans dubie vivendo cavere,
Nudatus a lege decrepitus luxu procedis?
Quid in synagoga decurris ad Pharisaeos,
Ut tibi misericors fiat, quem denegas ultro?
Exis ide foris, iterum tu fana requir;s.




172                FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
the elder composed  the  life  of Apollonius of Tyana  (220), in
which the latter'was represented as the reformer of heathenism.2
But all the preceding  tendencies of philosophy, and  this also,
were  perfected  in  the  so-called  nezw-platonic  school.3    The
founder of it, Ammnonius  Saccas, laigfa   (i. e.,  aamccoo6pog) of
Alexandria (t about 243), an apostate from Christianity to
heathenism,4 appears to have borrowed the pattern of his heathenism  defending philosophy principally from  the Christian Gnostics.   He communicated  his  system  only  as a secret; but by
his disciple, the Egyptian Plotinus (t 270), it was farther developed, and  spread abroad with  incredible rapidity.   With  no
less renown, Plotinus was followed by his disciple, Porphyry of
Tyre (Ilalchus t 304), and he by Jamblichus of Chaleis (t 333),
who survived the overthrow of paganism.5
The leading principles of the theology of these philosophers,
who wished to find the absolute, not by a process of thought,
but by immediate intuition, like the Christian Gnostics, are the
following: From  the highest existence (To'v) arises intelligence
(6 voo), and from  this' the  soul (O SvXi ).   The  highest world
of intelligence  or understanding  (t6aO'Cto  vlO-6C),  is  the  totality
of all intelligences, of the gods as well as of human spirits.   By
the soul of the world  (hence  called  the dntovpy6O), the visible
world was formed.   The  gods are divided  into  those dwelling
above the world (dii;ot, vo1proi, cdqavae[),  and those inhabiting  the
world (Trepttc6aojot, aioeOyTro, Ett'Qavde).   To the latter the different
parts of the world are intrusted for oversight (hence Oeoi peputogi,
fepoi, Ot e, x,rotoioxot); and from  them  the various nations
2 Comp. ~ 14, note 10, and Baur's treatise there quoted. Tzschirner's Fall. d. Heiden
thums, i. 405, 461.:3 Concernilg this comp. Tiedemann's Geist der specul. Philosopll. iii. 262.  Tennemann's Gesch. d. Philos. vi. Ritter's Gesch. d. Philos. iv. 535. C. Meiner's Beitrag zur
Gesch. d. Denkart d. ersten Jahrh. n. Chr. G. Leipzig 1782. 8, S. 47, if. Imm. Fichte de
philosopliae novae Platonicae origine. Berol. 1818. F. Bouterwek Philosophorum Alexandrinoruni ac Neo-Platonicorum recensio accuratior in the Commentatt. Soc. Reg. Scient.
Gotting. recentiores, vol. v. (1823) p. 227, ss. Tzschirner's Fall. d. Heidenth. i. S. 404, if.
K. Vogt's Neoplatonismus u. Christenthumn. Th. i. Neoplatonische Lehre. Berlin. 1836. 8.
4 Porphyrius contra Christianos ap. Enseb. vi. 19:'A11Utvrtof z1eV y7p Xptortavb eo,
XpLrstavolg avaerpaoeig rogS yovredv, &re roev  poveiv etal r7g Otnocoteiag jearo, etVdg
TrpoC r)v laTr& v6/xovS woeteiav UerE7djElX0ro. Onl the other hand, Eusebius: r7'A#ywviSo
-r racg 7 vOtov ~tloo~eaeg cipala ca  ztdci1rror7a can ltyptc 6lya rqc zrooD  iov &l teve
reaevrr/7. Here Eusebius evidently refers to another Ammonius, probably to the author
of the Gospel Harmlony.
5 Vita Plotini by Porphyrius in Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol. iv. Eunapii (about 395) vitae Sophist'arurn, rec. et illustr. J. F. Boissonade. Amst. 1822. 8.




INTRODUCTION. 5 54. CONDITION OF HEATHENISM.                        173
have  derived  their  peculiar character.   Lower than  the  gods
stand the demons, some good, and others bad.   While the people worship  the highest god  only  in their national deities, and
that with  propriety, the  wise man  must, on the  contrary, endeavor to  attain  to  immediate  union  with  the  highest deity.
While  Neo-platonism  endeavored in  this way  both to  prop  up
heathenism, and to give it a higher and more spiritual character, it adapted itself, on the one hand, to the grossest popular
superstitions, and, on  the  other, adopted  the  purest ideas respecting the supreme deity.   Accordingly, it communicated, at
the same time, the most excellent precepts regarding the moral
worship of God, and recommended  asceticism   and theurgy,6 in
order to elevate its votaries to  communion  with  the  deity, and
to obtain dominion over the demons.   It can not well be doubted, that Christianity influenced the development of the purer
aspect of the neo-platonic doctrines, when we look at the striking
agreement of many of these doctrines with those of Christianity.7
This source, however, was not acknowledged by the new  Platonists, who wished that the root of their doctrine  should be considered as existing only in the national philosophy, and, along
with it, in the oldest Chaldean  and Egyptian wisdom.   In consequence of this view, neo-platonic productions appeared  sometimes  in  the  form  of Chaldean  oracles,8 and  in  the  name  of
Hermnes Trismeegistuzs."
6 Lobeck Aglaophamus, i. p. 104, ss.
7 Mosheim, Diss. de studio ethnicorule Christianos imitandi, in his Diss. ad hist. eccl.
pertinentes, i. 351.  Ullmann fiber den Einfluss des Christenth. anf Pollphyrius, in the
theol. Stud. u. Krit., 1832, ii. 376.
Rs especting the Xadaica' X6ylta arnong the New Platonists, see J. C. Thilo, Comm. de
coelo empyreo, pp. iii. -Ialae. 1889, 40. 4.
9 Hermes Trismegistus was the concentration of the old Egyptian wisdom, in whose.name works of very different kinds were comlposed. The philosophic portion of them belongs
to the New Platonism: Asclepius and Poemander are the mnost important (Opp. gr. lat. ed.
Adr. Turnebhus. Paris. 1554. 4. Colon. 1630. fol. Hermes Trismegists Poemanzder, von D.
Tiedemann. Berlin. 1781). Even in them we find many ideas borrowed from Christianity,
so that they are erroneously in part, attributed to Christian authors. Comp. Casauboni
exercitatt. ad B aronium, p. 69. Chr. Meiner's Ieligiorsgeschich. d. aeltesten Voelker, bes
d. Aegyptier. Gottingen. 1775. S. 202. Tennemann's Gesch. d. Philos. vi. 464. Baumgarten-Crusius de librorum Hermeticorum origine atque indole (a Jena Easter-programm),
1827. 4to.




74'IRST PERIOD. —DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
FIRST CHAPTER.
EXTERNAL FORTUNES OF CHRISTIANITY,
~ 65.
DISPOSITION OF THE HEATHEN TOWARD IT.
Though the reports of secret abominations said to be practiced
by the Christians in their assemblies vanished by degrees among
the heathen people,l yet other prejudices against them  remained
unchanged. Every public calamity was continually regarded as a
token of the wrath of the gods against the Christians, and excited
fresh hatred and persecution.2    The cultivated heat/ten held fast
by the old rView, that whatever truth they could not avoid perceiving in the Christian religion, was disfigured by a barbarous form,
and the admixture of rude enthusiasm, and was found in a purer
form  in their national traditions.   From   this point of view  began, from   the  commencement of the  third  century, the  efforts
which were made to reform  the popular religion, that it might be
elevated to the same height as Christianity.   In this way either
both religions might be blended together, or greater power would
be given to heathenism  to withstand Christianity.   P/tilosttalus,
in his life of Apollonius of Tyana, might have had in view  this
syncretistic object,3 but Neo-platonism, on the contrary, appeared
in an attitude decidedly hostile to Christianity.4 The new Plato1 Origenes c. Cels. vi. p. 294: "HrITS  6vM77tiea 7apa2l6ywf 7r6d&a, jv 7l'2eiarCov oacov
9Padre, —ai vVV dv Crt aierar5 rdeval. Eusebius, iv. 7, 5: OVKe ei!aKp6yv ye Y'v a'brci
(daiuov) rav ra rrpoox(rdpee.
2 Comp. above, ~ 41, note 26. The constant reproach of the heathen may be found in
Cyprianus lib. ad Demetrianum: Dixisti, per nos fieri, et quod nobis debeant imputari
olmnia ista, qoibus nune mundus quatitur et urgetur, quod dii vestri a nobis non colantur.
Origenes in Matth. commentariorum series, c. 39 (on Matth. xxiv. 9), Arnobius adv. gentes
i. c. 1: Postquam esse in mundo christiana gens coepit, terrarum orbem periisse, multiformibus malis affectum esse genus humanum: ipsos etiamn Coelites derelictis curis solennibus, quibus quondam solebant invisere res nostras, terrarum ab regionihus exterminatos, c. 3, iii. 36, iv. 47. Cf. Maximini Epist. ap. Euseb. ix. 7, 4.
3 Comp. ~ 14, note 10. Baur's Apollonius u. Christus, in the Tilbingen Zeitschr. f.
Theol. 1832, iv. 123, if.
+ Mosheim de tulbata per recentiores Platonicos ecclesia, in his Dissert. ad hist. ecl.
Vert. i. 120, 173. Keil de Causis alieni Platonic. recent. a rel. Christ. animi Opusc. acad. ii,,393, ss.). Tzschirner's Fall d. Heidenth. i. 560.




CHAP. I.-EXTERNAL  FORTUNES. ~ 55. THE HEATHEN.:    17I
nists, for the most part, regarded Christ as the most distinguished  sage  and  theurgist.   On the other hand, however, they
asserted that the doctrine of Christ perfectly  agreed with  theirs
at first, but that it had been in many ways corrupted by his
disciples, especially by the doctrine of Christ's deity, and forbidding  the worship of the  gods.5    in  this manner the  Christians
appeared to be a crowd of misguided enthusiasts who had strayed
from   their leader, in contrast with whomn, the  heathen  in  their
philosophy, and in their purified popular worship, possessed  the,
purer truth, and  occupied  a higher position.   The  contest of
these  philosophers with  Christianity, which  continued  till the
sixth century, had thus a more earnest character than the earlier  attacks.   In  the  works  of Plotinus  many  passages  are
aimed at the Christians, without their name  being  introduced.6
5 Porphyrius irepr r~~ Cir 2oy7itv 0doaopiaa (a book -which Ficinus had read even in
the fifteenth century.  See his Comment. in Plotini Ennead. ii. lib. iii. c. 7, p. 121, and
frequently, and which is probably still preserved in some Florentine library) apud Augustin. de civ. Dei, xix. 23: Praeter opinionem profecto quibusdam videatur esse quod
dicturi sumrus. Christumn enill Dii piissimum pronunciaverunt et immnortalern factum, et
cnam bona praedicatione ejus meminerant (namely by oracles). Christianos autem pollutos
et contaminatos et errore implicatos esse dicunt, et multis talibus adversus eos blasphemlliis
atuntur. —De Christo autem interrogantibus si est Deus, ait Hecate: " Quoniam quidemr
immortalis anima post corpus ut incedit, nosti: a sapientia autem abscissa selper errat:
viri pietate praestantissimi est illa anima, hanc colunt aliena a se veritate."  The same in
Euseb. Demonstr. evang. iii. c. 8:~'07iOt -V dOavdry VPefvx) jtEr  audra srpopaivet,
rtyvatreKt Cao0ip rerTjl6l/evo'.   2.at2dye svlX'Avgpof EVaGEv/3f rTpOErpEri(Tr EGTInv EKEei'OV.
Sunt spiritus terreni rminimi loco terreno quodamll malorum Daemonum potestati sabjecti
Ab his sapientes Hebraeorum, quorum uinus iste etiam Jesus fuit, sicut audisti divina Apollinis oracula, quae superius dicta sunt: ab his ergo Hebraei Daemonibus pessimis et minoribus spiritibus vetabant religiosos, et ipsis vacare prohibebant: venerari autem magis
coelestes Deos, amplius autem venerari Deum patrem. Hoc autem et Dii praecipiunt, et in
superioribus ostendimus, quemadluoduam animadvertere ad Deum  monent, et ilIum colere
ubiqule imperant. Veram indocti et impiae naturae, quibus vere fatum non concessit a Diis
dona obtinere, neque habere Jovis iammortalis notionem, non audientes et Deos et divinos
viros Deos quidem omnes recusavernut, prohibitos antem Daemlones non solua  nullis odiis inseque, sed etiamrevereri delegerunLt. Aug. de Cons. Ev. lib. i. c. 7, S 11. Honorandum e nin
tamquam sapientissimum virum putant, colendum autem tamquam Deuam negant. Ibid. c.
9, ~ 14: Ita vero isti desipiuant, ut illis libris, quos eumn (Christurn) scripsisse existimant,
dicant contineli eas artes, quibus eumrn putant illa fecisse mliracula, quorum fama ubique precrebuit: quod existimando se ipsis produnt, quid diligant, et quid affectent. Ibid. c. 15:
Vani Christi laudatores et christianae religionis obliqui obtrectatores-continent blasphernias a Christo, et eas in discipulos ejus effundunt. Ibid. c. 34: Ita elni  volunt et ipsuLn
credi, nescio quid aliud scripsisse, quod diligunt, nihilque sensisse, contra Deos suos, sed
eos potius magico ritU coluisse, et discipulos ejus non solmn de illo faisse mentitos, dicendo
ilIum Deum, per quem facta sint omnia, cun aliud nilhil quam homo fuerit, quamvis excellentissimae sapentiae: verum etiam de Diis eorum nol hoc docuisse, quod ab illo didicisseat.
6 Vogt's Neoplatonismus u. Christenthum, S. 137, fE.




176                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
Direct attacks against them  were the xard Xptartavlv Xoyoi, fIl-L
teen books of Porphyry;    7 and the  Idyot 0Xa2OS~et9 7rp6b  Xptartavovg, in  two  books  of Iierocles,  governor  of Bithynia  under
Diocletian.8    The lives also  of Pythagoras by  JcTmblichus and
Porphyriy, had  a hostile reference to  Christianity.9
~ 56.
CONDUCT OF THE EMPERORS TO'WARD THE CHRISTIANS.
After Christianlity had been favorably regarded by several
emperors in the first half of this period, and had been introduced
into  the general religious  syncretism, there  arose  in  the second
half, not only  new  persecutions, but such  as partook  of a  far
more  hazardous  character  than  any  of the  earlier, since  they
were generally commanded by the emperors, and aimed at nothing less than  the complete annihilation  of Christianity.    Septi)mus  Severus (193  till 211) was, indeed, not unfriendly  to  the
Christians at first (Tertull. ad  Scapulamn, c. 4);  but they  had
much  to suffer in the' provinces from   the popular rage 1 and  the
avarice of the governors.2    These persecutions increased  considerably  after  the  emperor  (203), changed, perhaps,'by  the  excesses of the Montanists, had  forbidden  the  adoption  of Christ7'Whether he was an apostate fiom Christianity, as Socrates, iii. 23, Augustin. de civit.
Dei, x. 28, say, is questionable. See the correspondence between Siberus and Thomas in
Miscellan. Lips. tom. i. p. 331, ss. Uilnann in the theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1832, ii. 380.Fragments of his writings have been collected by Luc. Holstenius Diss. de vita et scriptis
Porphyrii.  Rom. 1630. 8 (reprinted in Fabrici Bibl. Gr. t. iv. p. 207, ss.). The works written against him by Methodius, bishop of Tyre, Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea, and (the best)
by Apollinaris, bishop of Laodicea, have also been lost.
8 Cf. Lactant. Institutt. div. v. c. 2 and 3. Agaist his comparison of Christ with Apol
lonius of Tyana see Eusebius contra Hierocl. lib. appended to his Denmonstratio Evangelica.
ed. Paris 1628, and Colon. 1688. Baur's Apollonius von Tyana und Christus, S. 1. Even
in Clrysostom's time, the writings of the heathen philosophers against Chlristianity were
for the most part lost (Chrys. de S. Babyl. Opp. ed. Montf. ii. 539). According to a law of
Valentinian III. and Theodosius II., A.D. 449, they were enjoined to be burnt (Cod. Justin. i. 1, 3).
9 Jamblichus de vita Pythagorae gr. et lat. ed. Theoph. Kies*ling. Acc. Porphyrius de
vita Pyth. 2 Partes. Lips. 1815, 16. 8. Comp. Mosbeim, Dissertt. ad hist. ecel. pert. i. 151
Tzschirner's Fall d. Heidenth. i. 465. Baur's Apollonius, S. 208.
Tertellian. de F aga in persecut. c. 12: Persecutionem —non esse —redemptio nummlaria
fuga est.
1 Tertullian. de Fuga in persecut. c. 12: Persecutionem-non esse-redimendam-redemptio nummaria fuga est.
2 Tertull. Apologet. (written 198) c. 7, 12, 30, 37, 49. Cf. Mosheim de aetate apologet.
Tertull. et initio persecut. Christ. sub Severo (Dissertt. ad hist. eccl. pert. vol. i. p. 1, ss.).




CHAP. I. —EXTERNAL FORTUNES. Q 56. THE EMPERORS. 177
ianity.3    Under    araccallct, however (211-217), they  gradually
ceased.4'Elgaybalus    (218-222)  went  so  far  as  to  think  of
blending  the  Christian  religion  with  the  worship  of  his  god.5
SSeverus   Alexander  (222-235), and  his  amother, Julia  MIammaea, were  addicted to  a similar but more  rational syncretism,
and  gave  the  Christians  many proofs  of their good-will.6   But
MIaximin the Thiracian (235-238), persecuted the Christian
el'ergy, and  overlooked  the  persecutions in  which  the people of
soime provinces, excited against the Christians by an earthquake,
3 Cf. Tertull. de Corona militis.-Spartian. in Severo c. 17: In itinere Palaestinis pluri
ma jura fundavit. Judaeos feri sub gravi poena vetuit. Idenl etianm de Christianis sanxit.
Ulpialmus in lib. sing. de officio Praefecti Urbi (Dig. lib. i. tit. 12, ~ 14): Divuis Severus rescripsit, eos etiam, qui illicitum collegiem coisse dicuntur, apud Praefectunm Urbis accusandos. Eeseb. vi. 7: ('IodYaf cvyypCaE&opv Erepof) 7',v Opv2Uov/21oV'  TO7  (VL7tlpirTOv r apovciav Wdy rre T6ro 7UL(at6(iE V (EJO' o re oI:O(5    70 o ro'!2ISv -67re r dytro7/ KdvTVfIS,
TziC 7v zroT2bLV,v  PtverdparTe daevoain.  Martyrs in Alexandria: Leonides (Euseb. vi. 1),
Potamiaena (Ibid. c. 5), in Afirica: Martyres Scillitani, Perpetua et Felicitas (Acta apud
IRuinart and in Mfinter primord. Eccl. Afr. p. 219, ss.  Onl Severus generally see Mfinter,
i. c. p. 172, ss.).
Not in Africa at first, Tertull. ad Scapalam liber.-In this book, c. 4, Caracalla is said
to be lacte chlristia no'educatus.-Under tllis eilperor, as appears from Dig. lib. i. tit. 16, 1.
4, Domitius Ulpianus wrote his Libb. x. de officio Proconsulis.  Cf Lactant. Ilstitutt. v
c. 11: Domitius de officio Proconsulis libro septimo rescripta principlme nefaria collegit, ut
doceret, quibus poenis affici oporteret eos, qui se cultores Dei confiterentur.
5 Lampridius in Heliogabal. c. 3: Heliogabalum  in Palatino monte juxta aedes imperatorias consecravit, eique templ!un fecit, stndens et Matris typum et Vestae ignem  et Palladiunm et ancilia et omnia Roaninis veneranda in illud transferre templum, et id agens, ne
quis Romnae Dens, nisi Heliogabalus coleretur. Dicebat praeterea, Judaeorum et Samaritanorum religiones, et cllristianam devotionem illuc transferendam, ut omniaem culturarum
secretunl Heliogabali sacerdotium  teneret. Baur's Apollonius v. Tyana u. Christus, in
the Tiibingen Zeitschrift f. Theol. 1832, iv. 127.
Orig-en was called by Julia Mammaea to Antioch, Euseb. vi. 21. On this account,
later writers (first Orosius, vii. IS) make her a Christian. —Lampridius in Sev. Alex. c. 22:
Judaeis privilegia reservavit, Christianos esse passus est. C. 28: Quodam tempore festo
ut solent, Antiochenses, Aegyptii, Alexandrini lacessiverant eutn conviciolis, SyrunS  Archisynagogrunl  eum vocantes, et Archierea.  C. 29: Matutinis horis in larario suo, in quo et
dives Principes, sed optimos electos, et animas sanctiores, in queis et Apol!oniumi, et,
quntclrun scriptor suorum  temporuam  dicit, Christum, Abrahuam  et Orpheum, et hujismonioi caeteros habebat, ac majoram effigies, rem  divinam faciebat.  C. 43: Christo
temaplnta facere voluit, eumque inter Deos recipere, quod et I-Iadrianus cogitasse fertur:sedl pro-ibitus est ab iis, qiui consulentes sacra repererant omnes Christianos futureos,
si id optato evenisset, et templa reliqua deserenda.  (On the religious syncretism  of
the emlperor see two dissertations in Heyne Opusc. acad. vol. vi. p. 169.) C. 45: Ubi
aliquos voluisset vel rectores provinciis dare, vel praepositos facere, voel procuratores,,d est rationales ordinare, nomina eolrum  proponebat, hortans populum, ut si quis quid
naberet crminis, probaret manifestus rebus; si non probasset, subiret poenam capitis:
dicebatque grave esse, cem id Christiani et Judaei facerent in praedicandis sacerdotibus, qui ordinandi sunt, non fieri in provinciarum rectoribus, quibus, et fortunae hominum
collmitterentur et capita. C. 49: Cum Christiani quendam locum qui publicus fuerat, oc
cupassent, contra popinarii decerenlt, sibi eum deberi, rescripsit, melius esse, ut quomodo
cunque illic Deus colatur, quam popinariis dedatur.
VOL. -.   12




17i8                FIRMST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
indulged.7   After the reign of Go'dianc  (238-244), and Philip
the Arabian (244-249),' during which they were unmolested,
Decizts (249-251), immediately after he had ascended the
throne, gave the signal by an  edict for a fearful (the first really
general) persecution,9 in which many Christians suffered martyrdom,l0 while many others, enervated by long quietude, apostatized  (sacr'ificati, thurificati, libellatici)."    Gallus also  (251253),  after a  short interruption, continued  this  persecution.12
7 Eusebius, vi. 28, Firmilianus ad Cyprian. (in Epp. Cypr. 75) Origenes Conmmentar. in
Matth. xxiv. 9 (tom. 28).
s Euseb. Hist. eccl. vi. 34: Totrov KtarExet 26yog XpTLarav8v dvra ev'/Itpa rf Vcard7ng 70oo Idouxa qravvvXidof 7r6jv ebr TlC EdclliarGia9 EVXC)v r7  7ai2Oe   avcvYeratXeiv  Oe0Xigat'- odV Tp6TepoV 6& dxr  7 ro  rIvtcdd6e 7rpoe6rdrTofg (according to Leonftils, bishop of
Antioch, about 350, in the Chronic. Pasch. ad Olymp. 257, it was Babylas, bishop of
Antioch) nrtrpar8lvat cilapaXeTv, ) Efo/zo2oy)iaaaOats, lcit roir ev nrapawr-r/aa~tv eieroao(t1VOt0, CLE/vOVat   7 XOpavr torovtLV, aoa  e   paavrov cTaraaeat' —cat WetOapxCaai 7e rpoOvsfg
27yEral. Hieron. in Chron. ad ann. 246. Philippus primus omnium ex Romallis imperatoribus Christianus fuit. First contradicted by Jos. Scaliger ad Euseb. Chron. and Is.
Casaubonus ad Jul. Capitolin. p. 201, especially Frid. Spanheinm de Christianismo Phil. Ar.
(Opp. t. ii. p. 400, ss.). It looks like a disposition of this emperor toward the Christians,
that Origen wrote letters both to him and hlis spouse. Severus, EusEbius, vi. 36.
9 Of the earlier persecutions, it is said by Origenes, contra Celsum iii. p. 116:'Otlyoe
Kari KCatpog Kati a66dpa ~e'apdiyu rot rTepi r8g XptortavSv OeocEGeic   e OvtoKaOt.
10 Gregor. Nyssenus in vita Gregor. Thaumaturgi (Opp. t. iii. p. 567): HEIIrrEt 7rpof rO0V
Tc )v 0    cOv  KaO(YyovuiCvovt  7rp6crayfta, of3iepgav cKar' acdr7v rT8v  wreZo2LM v r8f rtlUopcta
Op8irv, e'l t8al xavrototf axLKo/uoTf reoi  r70 ivoyea tro  XptLrod  r'poo0Kvvovr7af dcta2iX3pjoalvro, cati orpocaydyotev wr2Xtv adroigc ~60p  7re -,a r,    ryv aitctva uzv cvdycpv r,7
racrpja rejv datlc6vov v   Tarvpeig. Descriptions by contemporaries Dionys. Alex. (apud
Euseb. vi. 40-42) and Cyprian in his letters and de Lapsis lib. —Martyrs::Fabian, bishop
of Rome, Babylas of Antioch, Alexander of Jerusalem, Pionius, presbyter at Smyrna
(Cyprian. Epist. 52: Tyrannus infestus sacerdotibus Dei).
11 Cypriani lib. de Lapsis: Ad prima statim verba minantis inimici maximus fratrum
numerus fidem  suam prodidit, nec prostratus est persecutionis impetu, sed voluntario
lapsu se ipse prostravit.-Non exspectaverunt saltem, ut interrogati negarent, ut accenderent, apprehensi. Ante aciem multi victi, sine congressione prostrati, nec hoc sibi reliquerunt, ut sacrificare idolis viderentur inviti. A later pretext of the libellatici see
Cypriani Epist. 52: Ego prius legeram  et Episcopo tractante cognoveram, non sacrificandum idolis:-et idcirco ne hoc facerem, quod non licebat, culn occasio libelli faisset,
oblata, quem nec ipsum acciperem, nisi ostensa fuisset occasio, ad magistratumn vel veni,
vel alio eunte mandavi, Christianum me esse, sacrificare mihi non licere, ad aras diaboli
me venire non posse; dare me ob hoe praemium, ne quod non licet faciamr. Different
kinds of them, Cypr. Ep. 31: Sententiamn nostram-protulimnus adversus eos, qui se ipsos
infideles illicita nefariorum  libellorum professione prodiderant,-quo non minus, quam si
ad nafarias aras accessissent, hoc ipso quod ipsum  contestati fuerant tenerentur; sed
etlam adversus illos qui acta fecissent, licet praesentes, cum fierent, non affuissesnt, culn
praesentiam suam utique, ut sic scriberentur mandando, fecissent. Id. lib. de Lapsis: Nec
sibi quominus agant poenitentiam blandiantur, qui etsi nefandis sacrificiis manus non contaminaverunt, libellis tamen conscientiam polluerunt. Et illa professio denegantis contestatio et Christiani: [est Christiani], quod fuerat abnuentis. Fecisse se dixit quidquid
alius faciendo commisit. Cf. Mosheim de reb. Chr. ante Const. AM. p. 483.
12 Dionys. Alex. ap. Euseb. vii. 1.-Cypriani Epist. 57, 58, et lib. ad Demetrianumn.




CH/AP.. —EXTERi   NAL FOIRTU-NES. Q 5G. THE EMAPERlORS.    1170
7aclerican  (253-260), gave  the  Christians rest for some time,
but was  induced  by  his  favorite  MJacrianus  (257)  to  renew
the  persecution.'3    Gallienus  (260-268),  first put a  stop  to
it; 4  and  in  the  stormy  times  that now   succeeded, the  emperors had too much to do with  antagonist emperors, rebellions,
and  barbarians,  to  think  of persecuting  the  Christians.   Only
Aurelian  (270-275) issued  an  edict against them, the  execution  of which  was prevented  by  his  murder that immediately
followed.   When  the  empire of J)ioleetian  had  received  (284305) four rulers (285,   acxirmian, Augustus of the west;-292,
the  Caesars,  Galerius  and  Constcantius  C/dloru)sj, the  church
was  at first undisturbed, notwithstanding  the  enmity  of  Galerius.   The  Christians  attained  to  the most important  offices,
and the church was raised to a condition externally prosperous (Euseb. viii. 1).   The  alleged  persecution  of MAfcc imican  in
Gaul and  RoTme  is very  improbable.'15   But in  February  303,
13 Dionys. Alex. ap. Euseb. vii. 10, 11.-Cypriani Epist. 82, according to the report of
his messengers sent to Rome: Quae sunt in vero ita se habent. Rescripsisse Valerianurm
ad Senatum, ut Episcopi et Presbyteri et Diacones in continenti animadvertantur, Senatores vero et egregii viri et equites Romani, dignitate amissa, etiam bonis spolientur, et si
ademptis facultatiblrs Chlistiani esse perseveraverint, capite quoque mnLttentur; matronae
vero ademptis bonis in exsilium relegentur, Caesariani autem, quicunque vel prius confessi
fuerant, vel nune confessi fuerint, confiscentur, et vincti in Caesarianas possessiones descripti mittantur. Martyrs: Cyprian (Vita et Passio Cypr. scripta per Pontium diaconum
ejus, and Acta proconsularia ejusd. apud ERuinart), Sixtus II. bishop of iLRome, and Lauren.
tius his deacon (Prudentins mrTpi care&vov Hymn 2).
14 The first laws of toleration. Two rescripts addressed onl this subject to Christian
bishops are quoted by Eusebius, vii. 13. The first is that by which Gallienus, after he had
conquered Egypt (261), makes known to the bishops in tlhat country the toleration which
had been already announced to the rest of the empire: Tjv EdEpyEciav rrf cr1/f 8wpEcp
dcit inavrbg roD tcd6uov  fiKt,6ac0lo vat 7rpoofraea. 07rrog uir rd v ir6,rnv nbv Op,0oscevciizwuv (irTOX&wpacrt. tcKa drir rodo Kai vFeSrf r7i  T vrtypaQ c 7i rf'/7 fIC  rst  7 p  XpfcOatL
diveaaGe, [bore!glpdva vitriv Evoxe8iv. The other he issued    r 7riv  ca r ov/ zvov'v coqsOrrAypiov  Trouazgjdvetv E'rtrp7rwi Xrrpia.
15 Legio Thebaea, leg. felix Agaunensis, Thebaei with their leader (primicerius) ManIicins (286?) massacred in Acaunensibus angustiis (Agaunum, St. Maurice in Wallis).
Ensebius, Lactantius, Prudentius, Sulpicius Severls, are silent on the subject. The first
mention of it is about 520, in vita S. Ronlani (Acta SS. Febmrar. t. iii. p. 740). Then by
Avitus, archbishop of Vienne (t 523), dicta in Basilica SS. Agaunensium in innovatione
monasterii ipsius vel passione martyrum. By Eucherius, bishop of Lyons (about 530),
Passio SS. Mauricii ac sociorum ejus (apud Ruinart). These Latin acta appear to have
been transferred, with arbitrary alterations, by Simeon Metaphrasta (Acta SS. Februar. t.
iii. p. 237) to a Greek martyr, Mauricius (Theodoret Graec. affect. curat. disput. viii. in
fine), who, as tribunus milit. is said to have been executed along with seventy soldiers in
Apamlea, in Syria, by the command of Maximianus. Against this narrative: Jean Dubordieu Diss. hist. et crit. sur le martyre de la LUgion Th6b6ene. Amst. 1705. 12. For it: Jos.
de L'Isle D6fense de la vdrite de la Legion Th6b6ene. Nancy. 1737. 12. Later additions
respecting Thebans, who are said to have suffered in other places, ex. gr. Gregor. Turon.




180                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
Diocletian, moved by superstition i6 and the persuasions of Ga.,
lerifus and Hierocies, caused the splendid  church  in Nicomedia
to  be  destroyed,  and  then  issued  in  succession  three  edicts
against the  Christians,17  which  were  finally  succeeded  by  a
fourth  in  304, by virtue  of which  all Christians without exception were compelled to worship the gods."8   Thus there arose
in the entire Roman  empire, with the exception of Gaul, where
Constantius  Chlorus  was  even  now  well-disposed  toward  the
Christians,'9  the most violent persecution  against them, aburndant both in martyrs and in apostates (a new class called t'aditor-es).   After  the  two  Augusti had  laid  down  their  dignity
(305), the persecution  continued  to rage in the east under the
new Augustus, Galerius and his Caesar,  axiimin.Y2   In Gaul
de gloria martyr. i. 62. Est apud Agrippinensem urbem basilica, in qua dicuntur L. vii
ex illa legione sacra Thebaeorum pro Christi nomine martyrium consulmmasse. Ado (about
860) has, on the other hand, even: Gereon et alii cccxviii. Pavia hlas had the whole scene
transferred to its neighborhood in later times (Act. SS. September, t. vi. p. 377, 908, ss.).
Perhaps the misunderstood ex-pression, milites Christi, gave rise to most of these legends.
16 Constantine, ap. Euseb. de Vita Constant. ii. 50, 51, speaks of this firoml report.
17 Concerling all these persecutions comp. the contemporaries, Lactantius de Mortibus
persecutornm, c. 7, ss., and Eusebius, Hist. Ecel. libb. viii.-x. First edict, Euseb. viii. 2:
T2f ~aEv Ekc~2alac Eir El adoof 0'[pEtv, r7g (de ypa~~ dJoavelZ Trvpt v'E cvoat*'  I at roTiov  ev
7  l &,/C q'TEt17,urtzvovf, ('iuOVg  r    I dO OUcEriC, o  o  e   rt/YvoteV s'V rs roe9 XPCtsavteor-,oiv 7rpooaErt, 0lXevOepiag UrepetcOat. (Rufin. Ne, se quis servorum permansisset Christianus, libertatem consequi posset.) Lactant. de MIort. persec. c. 13. Postridie propositum
est edictum, quo cavebatur, ut religionis illius homlines carerent omni honore ac dignitate,
tormentis subjecti essent, ex quocunque ordine ac gradu venirent, adversus eos omnis
actio caleret; ipsi non de injuria, non de adulterio, non de rebus ablatis agere possent;
libertatem denique ac vocem non haberent. For explanation of this edict, see MIosheiln de
rebus Christ. ante Const. Al. p. 925, s. —Second edict, Euseb. viii. 6, 8 (cf. viii. 2, 3): Toig
eraVrax6ao  rv r KKCy nBc2tGdV 7rpoecrTrTga Eilp/ICTaf Kca dIectogf Eveipat. Third edict, Euseb.
viii. 6, 10: Tog tcaratic2Xesirovg, Oaavarg [tev, tcav 3adtiSetv dEr' LkevOepiafg, b'vtocapEvov  de'I Lvpiatg Cteaoaravetv Paaveolt.. (Cf. Euseb. viii. 2, 3: InHdio   2i]XavO dKe,'
eavayid(etv.)
18 Fourth edict, Eusebius de martyribus 7llaestinae, c. 3: KaOo2,csw 7rpocardyFatra
7vrav 7cr avdtprlc/ TObg Ktara irsr6L  Oetv re cai aCircv(ICv To    EiCo3dotg KE62EeCTOo, IC. T. 
19 Lactant. de Mort. persec. c. 15; Constantius, ne dissentire a majorumn (i. e., Augustorum) praeceptis videretur, conventicula, id est parietes, qui restitui poteralnt, dirui
passus est, verum autem Dei templunm, quod est in hominibus, incolume servavit. C. 16:
Vexebatur ergo universa terra, et praeter Gallias ab oriente usque ad occasum tres acerbissimae bestiae saeviebant. Hence the Donatist bishops,.nD. 313, wrote to Constantine
(Optat. Milevit. i. c. 22): Pater inter caeteros imperatores persecutionena non exercuit,
et ab hoc facinore imlllunis est Gallia.
20 Martyrs in Palestine: Eusebius de mart. Palaest. liber (Pamiphilus, presbvter in
Caesarea); in other countries, Euseb. H. E. viii. 7-13. (Peter, bishop of Alexandria;
Lucian, presbyter in Antioch), RIuinart Acta primorum nmartyruin. Respecting the martyrs
in Egypt comp. the Coptic acts, which, at least in later times, have been greatly overstated, in De miraculis S. Coluthi et reliquis actorum S. Panesniv martyrum thebaica fra0menta duo opera A. A. Georgii. Romae. 1793, 4. In the praef. p. cxl. ss. there is a chrono'.
logical survey of the persecution, and of the Egyptian; martyrs..




CHAP. I.-EXTERNAL FORTUNT ES. - 56. THE EMPERORI S.    1.81
and  Spain,, however, it ceased  entirely  under  the  Augustus
Constantius Chllorus;  and in  Italy  and Africa under the Caesar Severus, it at least abated.   After the death  of Constanti, s
Clhlorus (306), his son Constantine not only granted  full liberty
of worship  to  the  Christians in  Gaul and  Spain;  but the two
Augusti also,  a1caxentius and  Maxinmiazn, caused persecution to
cease  in  Italy  and  Africa.21    In  the  east, the persecution  had
been terminated  by the edict which  Galerius issued shortly  before his death (311);22 but in the Asiatic east, six months after,
Maximin caused it to be renewed.23    When  Constantine, after
conquering Maxentius (312), had become sole lord of the west,
he issued, in  conjunction  with  Licinius, ruler of the European
east, an  edict of universal tole ration  for all religions.    This
was so00n followed by  a particular edict in favor of the Christians,  issued  from   Milan   (313).2"            This  edict  became  valid
-2 Lactant. de Mort. persecut. c. 24: Suscepto imperio Constantinus Augustus nihil
egit prius, quarm Christianos cultui ac Deo sno reddere. Hae c fuit prima ejus sanctio
sanctae religiolis restitutae (i. e. restitationis). Euseb. viii. 14: MaeSvrtbo-('p x6/tX evog
v?rv teaO'?t'c  7sciarTv  rpecKeia Ici /coealcea TroSv d6tov'Pwta wv IcaOvTce/lpivao'  o
raIn re roToif v7rIcjg601  rov XpcrtacvOv  civeZivat rpocradrre, 6,Cd cyt6Ov.
22 Lactant. de Mort. pelsecut. c. 34. Euseb. viii. 17: Imp. Caesar Galerius Valerius
Maximianus, cact., et Ilp. Caesar Flavius Valerius Constantinus,   caet., et Imip. Caesar
Valerius Licinies, caet. Provincialibus S.-Ilnter caetera, quae pro reipublicae semper
commodis atque utilitate disponimss, nos quiderm volueranmus antehac juxta leges veteres
et publicam  disciplinalm   Romanorum  cuncta corrigere, atque id providere, ut etiam
Christiani, qui parentuim suorum reliquerant sectam, ad bonas mentes redirect. Siqtlide
lquanam ratione tanta eosdem Christianos v*oluntas invasisset, et tanta stultitia occupasset,
ut non illa veterolm instituta sequerentur, quae forsitan primurn   parentes eorundem ccnstituerant (cf. ~ 55): sed pro arbitrio suo, atque ut hisdenm erat libitam, ita sibilmet leges
facerent, quas observarent, et per diversa varios populos congregarent?  Deniqge cumn
ejusmodi nostra jussio extitisset, ut ad veterusm  se instituta conferrent, multi periculo subjugati, multi, etiasm deterbati sunt. Atque cum  plurisni in proposito perseverarent, ac
videremnus, nec Diis eosdem cultum ac religionem debitarn exhibere, nec Christialnoruln
Deum observare; contemplatione mnitissimae nostrae clementiae intuentes et consuetudinem semnpiternam, qua solemus cunctis bominibus veniam indulgere, promntissimnam in his
quoque indulgentiaml nostram credidimus porrigelsdasm, ut denuo sint Christiani, et conventicula sua componant, ita ut lie quid contra disciplinam agant. Alia autem epistola
judicibus significaturi sumus, quid debeant observare. Unde juxta Lane indsulgentiam
niostram debebunt Deum suum orare pro salute nostra, et reipublicae, ac sua, ut undique
versum respublica perstet incolumis. et securi vivere in sedibus suis possint.
23 See the description in Euseb. xi. 1-8.
24 Ap. Lactant. de Mort. persec. c. 48. The begilning has been preserved only in the
Greek version apud Euseb. x. 5: "Hdy,Uv EVrduat ccK7oovr7E r7jv &EevOepiav r Ti OpTaireiaC ovIc aipv7jriav Eovat, &2,2' Ewbf "Ecdorov r, i   aVotea ai Cia ov2Cet'Soviav dorEov
tov ra OEa wrpciy/la7a r,qyLeZePEv  cacri r'?v aver-oSv rpoaipetiv, EtSaorov iceicrOeirtgeev, rofr
re Xptarl.aevoVS, 7rV atp~Eewf ical Tfr?  Opalceiaf rsf Eavrcr3v r sv 7irt-uL,  i vl rrelV.'AX2X2'
TrnEl? 7oZoUa /cai dc(popot alpi6etf (i. e,, conditiones, as below) Ev bcEfv T v r, CcrIpa~,O,
Tv  ri?0oZf arof CvvaeXpiOj o1 TOLOaT17 iEovuia, Ed/(ICOVV 7poarTEOecTcal caa0, TrvXO:.O_ rivr.aV rc   ue7' 5Z'yov is'iTri T?.f reolasv riy orapamvpcE(g CLveecpoioviro.  (Quamob.




182                FIRST PERtIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324,o
through the whole Roman empire after the overthrow of Max.
imin, which  soon followed.
WVith  regard  to  the  history  of Constanztine's religious development,25 till the time when he fully embraced Christianity, we
reni) cumr feliciter taml  ego Constaiitinus Aug., quam  etiamn ego Licinius Aug. apud
MAediolanum convenissernus,,atque universa, quae ad comlioda et securitatem publicain
pertinerent, in tractatu baberemus; haec inter cetera, quac videbamnus pluribus hominibus
profutmua, vel imprilis ordinanda esse credidimnus, quibus divinitatis reverentia continebatur: ut daremLns et Christianis et omnibus liberam potestatem sequendi religionern,
quam quisque voluisset, quo quicquid est divinitatis in sede coelesti, nobis atque ornibus,
qui sub potestate nostra sunt constitati, placatum  ac propitiuni possit existere. Itaque
hoc consilio salubri ac rectissima ratione ineunduml esse credidimus, ut uulli omnino facultatem abnegandam putaremus, qli vel observationi Christianoruo-, vel ei religioni mentern
suam dederet, quam ipsi sibi aptissimam esse sentiret, ut possit nobis summa divinitas,
cujus religioni liberis mentibus obsequimur, in omnibus solitunm favorel  sulln benevolentiamlque praestare.  Quare scire dignationem tuam convenit, placuisse nobis, ut amotis
omnibus omnino conditionibus (Euseb. -r-)S alpcerEv)i, quae prius scriptis ad officium tuum,
datis super Christianorulm  nomine videbantur, nunc caveres, ut simpliciter unu-sqelisque
eor0m, qui eandem  observandae religionis Christianorum  gerLunt voluntatem, citra ullaull
inquietudinem  ac molestiarl sni id ipsum observare contendant.  Q.uae solicitudini tuae
plenissime significanda esse credidimus, quo scires, nos liberam atqune absolutam colendae
religionis suae facultatem hisdem Christianis dedisse. Quod curI hisdem- a nobis indultwrn
esse pervideas, intelligit dignatio tua, etiam alliis religionis snae vel observantiae potestatem siriliter apertam et liberan pro cluiete temporis nostri esse concessaim, ut in colendo,
quod quliscue delege-rit, habeat liberam facultatem, quia [nolunmus detralil honori neque.
cuiquam religioni aliquid a nobis. Atque loc insuper in persona CGhristianorum statuendum esse censuimus; quod si eadem loca, ad quae antea conveuire consueverant, de quibus etiam datis ad oficiuml tumn literis certa anltehac forlr.a fuerat comprehensa, priore
tempore aliquai vel a fisco nostro vel ab alio quocunque videntur esse mercati, eadena
Christianis sine pecunia et sine ulla pretii petitione, postposita omni frustratione atque
amlbiguitate, restituantur.  Qui etiam dono fuerunt consecuti, eadem  suiriliter hisdemn
Christianis quantocius reddant. Et vel hi, qui emerunt, vel qui dono fuerunt consecuti, si
putaverint, de nostra benevolentia aliqclid vicariurn postulent, quo et ipsis per nostram
clementiam  consulatur.  Quae omnia corpori Clhristianorunm- protinus per intercessioner.,
tuam ac sine mora tradi oportebit. Et quoniam iidema Christiani non ea loca tantrum, ad
quae convenire consueverunt, sed alia etiamn habuisse noscunntur, ad jus corporis eora'm, id
est ecclesiarum, non homninumn  singulorum, pertinentia: ea omnia lege, qua superius,.
comprehendimus, citra ullam prorsus ambiguitatenm vel controversiamn hisdem Christianis,
id est corpori et conventiculis eorum, reddi jubebis; supra dicta scilicet ratione servata, ut
ii, qui eadem sine pretio, sicut diximus, restituerint, indelnsitatem de nostra benevolentia
sperent. In q-uibus omnibus sepra dicto corpori Christianorum intercessionem tuanm  efilcacissimamn exhibere debebis, ut praeceptum nostrum quantocius compleatur; quo etiam
in boc per clenmentiam nostram quieti publicae consulatur. Hactenus Ret, ut sicut superius comprehenstm est, divinus juxta nos favor, quem in tantis sumus rebus experti, per
omne tempus prospere successibus nostris curn beatitudine publica perseveret. Ut autem,
bujus sanctionis benevolentiae nostrae forma ad omnium possit pervenire notitiam,.prolata
programmate tuo haec scripta et ubique proponere, et ad omnium scientiam te perferre
conveniet, ut hujus benevolentiae nostrae sanctio latere non possit.
25 Concerning him [Franc. Balduini Constantinus M. s. de Const. Inmp. legibus eccl. et
civ. libri ii. Basil. 1556. Hal. 1727. 8. C. D. A. Martini Ueber die Einflhrulng der
christl. Rel. als Staatsrelig. dulch den Kaiser Const. Milnehen. 1813. 4. J. C. iF. Manso
Leben Constantins d. G. Breslau. 1817. 8. (Hug's Denlksclrift zur Ehrenrettung Constantin's, in the Zeitscllhrift f. d. Geistlichlk. d. Erzbisth. Freiburg. 1829, Heft 3, S. 1, ff
Heinichen Excurs. i. appended to his edition of Euseb:. do: vita Cons.tant. p. 507, s-.




CHAP. I. —EXTEI'NAL FORTUNES. ~ 56. THE EMPERORS.    183
have  only  isolated  intimations  and  hints.   His  first religious
sentiments, like those  of his father, were  essentially  the  newplatonic.  He acknowleged one supreme God who had revealed
himself in many ways among men,26 and honored Apollo in particular, as the revealer of this Being.27 As this idea of Apollo
and  the  Christian  idea  of Christ were  obviously  similar,22  so
Constantine  may  have thought that he found in it very soon a
point of union between Christianity and heathenism.   That the
phenomenon which appeared to him in the war against Maxentins, respecting which the accounts of his contemporaries are so
different,29 did not yet bring  him  over exclusively to Christian26 According to Euseb. de vita Const. i. c. 27, when he first began the expedition
against Maxentius: Ev 6' vvoeo'af, 59 tcpErTrovo  g tai2 cr' rpart)uorluc7vU d'eo   air   orOeiag, dii r7g icaco rXvovf 0cat 7oIjTLKfCS zayyavevag rfS nrap. r0 rvpdvvo acxovudaotg6vaf,
OeOv advei7rei pfoO06v. —'Evvoe i dcra r7corov &dot Oedv lrrn'pdcaao0at fgo;060v.'j0roDvr 6'
avr Ee)VOtO Tif rsEltGEZkO'    W'i 2,et6ecovw,rpTrepov rT7  &PXitg kampaakEvov, ol pev 7rTeToioc
OEOrof Trgf c56V aevr&v LvapTC/avr Eg EZtdae-TErof oJVc aeatov, erpavro -'tvov 6de rTv
gavTof 7ra7rpa —r7v E'rlcetrvaee V  Cv oSvO OEv didt irdaqf rta cavra'ilf, Gard7pa cKat
0.,aecaa rdf e3aatWEiaf), ayaeOo re n7avrOf Xopjyov eCpd)Oate. Taira 7rap' eav7r  dlaipivaC
-rtb 1Ev rtepi roSeg /ajdV   orav f Oeof yaerat6~ertv-dcopiae9  pyov vrEAda,Oave  roev 6v
7rarpt)ov TtIZV /6i)Ov  erTo deiv Oe6v. The Panegyricls incerti, c. 26 (ed. Jaeger, i. 548),
addressed to the emperor in 313, corresponds with tolerable accuracy to his religious
views at the time: Te, summe rernm sator, cujus tot nomina sunt, quot gentium linguas
esse voluisti, quem enim te ipse dici velis, scire nonl possmnus: sive in te quaedam vis
mensque divina est, qua toto infasus mlundo omnibus miscearis elementis, et sine ullo
extrinsecus accedente vigoris impulsu per te ipse movearis: sive aliqua supra omne
caelum potestas es, quae hoc opus tonsu ex altiore naturae arce despicias; te, inquam,
oramus, caet.
27 UmeniLs in the Panegyric received by Constantine, 310, at Treves, c. 21: Vidisti
enim, credo, Constantine, Apollinem tumn, comitante Victolia, coronas tibi laureas offerentem: —vidisti, teque in illius specie recognovisti, cui totius mundi regnla deberi vatum
carmina divina cecinerunt.  Quod ego nune demnm  arbitror contigisse, quum tu sis, ut
ille, juvenis, et laetus, et salutifer, et pulcherrimus imperator. Merito igitur augustissima
illa delubra tantis donariis honestasti, ut jam vetera non quaerant. Jam omniia te vocare
ad se templa videantur, praecipueque Apollo noster, caet. On several coins of Constantine
is found the inscription, Soli invicto, Soli invicto comiti.  See Ez. Spanheim's remarks on
the Cdsars de l'empereur Julien, p. 285, and Remarques, p. 973.
28 On the idea of Apollo, see Baur's Apollonius v. Tyana u. Christus, S. 168. So Julian
accuses the Alexandrians (Epist. 51, ed. Spanheim,, p. 434) of believing'Ipoaofv Xp9vaet Oedv?6yov s;r,'dpxItv, and exhorts them, on the contrary, to worship r7v aTyav "HAtov, ro 0'v
ciya2tea Kal  /fvxov, kcat' evvovv, Icat dnyadopybv rod vor7rod srarp6g.  That Christ was
frequently compared with Apollo, may be seen from Poetae latini minores, ed. J. Chr.
Wernsdorf, iv. 767.
29 Lactant. de Mort. persec. c. 44: Commonitus est in quiete Constantinus, ut coeleste
signum Dei notaret in scutis, atque ita proelium. committaret.  Fecit, ut jussus est, et
traversa x. littera, sUmmo capite circumflexo, Christum in scutis notat. On the contrary,
the heathen Nazarius in Panegyr. ad Constantinlum, c. 14: In ore denique est omniurm
Galliarl-m, exercitus visos, qui se divinitus missos prae se ferebant. Haec ipsorum sersocinatio, hoc inter audientes ferebant, Constantinlml   petinmus, Constantino ilms auxilio.
Constantine, immediately after his entry into Rome, caused a cross to be put into the




184                FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
ity, is proved by the edict of IMilan, which breathes entirely the
former syncretistic spirit.   But he acted only in the spirit of this
decree when  he bestowed  favors on  the  Czrist'ic z church, such
as the old religion had always enjoyed.   Thus he released  their
clergy  from   the  burdensome  municipal offices  (312; 30 made
valid the manumission of slaves in the churches (prior to 316); 3
hand of the statue erected to him, with the inscription, rorT9 r) aOryptd6eCt cTg,UE[S, rTS
a;2pv~ Ei2eyyX   Tr7#  avdpcaf, rTjv "r6o'.tv vidv rTo (vvyo  Tov rTvpavvov  lcaaod0ecaav
s2EvOfpeua  (Euseb. H. E. ix. 9). It was not till he was an old man that he related to
Eusebius the story of a cross, which appeared to him at clear mid-day, with tle inscription,
hac vince, ro0rpo vilca. Euseb. de vit. Const. i. 28-32. Sozomen, however, i. 3, and tLufin.
ix. 9, suppose it to have been a mere dream. The heathen, of course, derided all these
stories. See Gelasius Cyzic. Hist. Cone. Nicaeni, i. 4. Cf. Mosheim de rebus Christ. ante
Const. M. p. 978, ss. Concerning the cipher of Christ's name, see MAinter's Sinnbilder
der alten Christen, Heft i. S. 33, ff. The imperial standard, bearing this cipher, was afterward called Labarum. See Du Cange Diss. de nummis infer. aevi, ~ 20. It is certain
that Constantine, even before the battle, supposed that he was directed to the cross as to
a propitious sign, and that this could not have happened in a way to attract general notice.
If the later narrative of the emperor be not an invention, a light cross of clouds may have
appeared to him while in a musing and hesitating mood, and have led him to decide; a
phenomenon which was of importance, for this very reason, only to himself, and which
remained unobserved by all others. Thus a purple cross, Christmas, 1517, was looked
upon as a divine sign at Weimar, under the important circumstances of the time (Oratio
de Joanne Duce Sax. in Melanthonis Opp. ed. Bretschneider, xi. 958). In like manner a
white cross, which appeared at the entrance of John Frederick, the elector, into Wreimar,
when lhe returned from captivity (Hortleder vom teutschen Kriege, Th. 2, S. 966). Several
like traditions owed their origin at this time to the feeling that the decisive struggle
between heathenism and Christianity, between Christ and demons, was come. Thus it
is related that a victory-bringing prayer was taught by an angel to Licinius before the
battle with Maximin (Lactant. de Mort. persecut. c. 46). Thus, according to Gregory of
Nazianzun, an army of demons accompanied Julian on his Persian expedition; but
according to Libanius, it was an army of gods. See Ullmann's Gregor. v. Nazianz. S. 100.
30 The first law ad Anulinum Procons. Africae apud Euseb. H. E. x. c. 7, confirmed by
a second, Cod. Theod. xvi. tit. ii. 1. 1, A.D. 313, and repeated in the third, 1. c. 1. 2, A.D, 319.
The last: Lnui divino cultui ministeria impendunt, i. e., hi qui Clerici appellantur, ab
omnibus omlnino muneribus excusentur, ne sacrilego livore quorundamn a divinis obsequiis
avocentur.  Here Constantine merely transferred to the Christian clergy a privilege
enjoyed by heathen priests. Cf. Symmachus, lib. x. Ep. 54: Insigne ducitur Sacerdotii
vacare muneribus. Cod. Theod. xii. tit. 1, 1. 75, and Gothofred. ad h. 1. The presidents of
the Jews also enjoyed this immunity. Cf. Cod. Theod. xvi. tit. viii. 1. 3, A.D. 321. Decurionibus Agrippinensibus: Cunctis Ordinibus generali lege concedimus, Judaeos vocare
ad Curiam. Verum, ut aliquid ipsis ad solatium pristinae observationis relinquatur, binos
vel ternos privilegio perpeti (i. e., perpetuo) patimur nullis nominationibus occupari. Lex.
2, A.D. 330: Qui devotione tota Synagogis Judaeorum  Patriarchiis vel Presbyteriis se
dederunt, et in memorata secta degentes legi ipsi praesident, immunes ab omnibus tam
personalibus quam civilibus muneribus perseverent. Lex. 4, A.D. 331: Hiereos, et Archisynagogos, et Patres Synagogarum, et caeteros, qui Synagogis deserviunt, ab omni corporali mnunere liberos esse praecipimus.
31 According to Sozomen, i. 9, he issued three laws on this subject. The first is lost.
The second may be seen in Cod. Justin. i. tit. 13, 1. 1, A.D. 316. The third, ibid. 1. 2, and
Cod. Theod. iv. tit. 7, 1. unic. A.D. 321. That this mllallnuission was transferred from the
heathlen temple to the churches, is shown by Gothofredus on the last law.




CHAP. I.-EXTERNAL FORTUNES. Q 56. THE EMfPERO1S.  183
allowed  legacies to  be  left to  the  catholic  ch urches,32 asld  contributecl  a  considerable  sum  himself to  the  support of the  African clergy.33   Other regulations in favor of the Christians owed
their immediate  origin  to  that syncretistic  tendency  of the emperor. Thus he set bounds to the enmity of the Jews against
the  Christians, their rigid  inflexibility  not at all agreeing  with
his  feelings.34    I-e  abolished  several regulations  offensive  to
the Christians  (315); 35 and decreed the  general observance  of
Sunday  (321).3'   It can  not appear strange that, although  he
32 Cod. Theod. xvi. tit. 2, 1. 4, and Cod. Just. i. tit. 2, 1. 1: Habeat unusquisque licentiam,
sanctissimo catholico venerabilique concilio decedens bono-um quod optaverit relinquere.
33 Namely, 3000 folles (upwards of 70,000 thalers). Cf. Const. Epist. ad Caecilianum
Episc. Carthag. in Euseb. H. E. x. c. 6.
34 Cod. Theod. xvi. tit. 8, 1. 1, A.D. 315: Judaeis, et Majoribus eorum, et Patriarchis
volullus intimari, quod si qui, post hane legem, aliquem, qui eorum feralem fugerit sectam,
et ad Dei cultum respeserit, saxis aut alio furoris genere (quod nune fieri cognoscimus)
ausus fuerit adtemptare, mox flaulmis dedendus et culm omnibus suis particibus concremasndus. Si quis vero ex populo ad eorum nefariam  sectam  accesserit, et conciliabulis
eoram se adplicaveret, cum ipsis poenas meritas sustinebit.
35 Cod. Theod. ix. tit. 40, 1. 2, A.D. 315: Si quis in ludum fuerit, vel in metallum damlna
tus, minime in ejus facie scribatur: —quo facies, quae ad silnilitudinem  pulchritudinis
coelestis est figaurata, minime maculetur. Probably in the same year vetus veterrimumque
suppliciulm patibulorum  et cruribus suffringendis primus removit (Aur. Victor de Caes
c. 41; Sozom. i. 8. Cod. Theod. viii. tit. 15, 1. 1, A.D. 320: Qui jure veteri caelibes habebantur: imlminentibus legum (namely L. Julia and Papia Poppaea) terroribus liberentur,
&c. (Cf. Euseb. de vit. Const. iv. 26.)
36 The first law of March, 321, is in Cod. Justin. iii. tit. 12, 1. 3: Omnes jndices, urbanaeque plebes, et cunctarum  artium omficia venerabili die Solis quiescant.  Ruri tamen
positi agrorum culturae libere licenterque inserviant; quoniam frequenter evenit, ut non
aptius alio die fruimenta sulcis, aut vinae scrobibus mandentur (as agricultural labors of
this kind had been permitted on festivals, according to a Roman custom, Virgil. Georg.
i. v. 268, ss. Cato do Re  rst. c. 2; cf. Erycius Puteanus de Nundinis Romanis, c. 10 in
Graevii Thes. Antiquitt. Rom. t. viii. p. 658). The second of June, in the same year, in
the Cod. Theod. ii. tit. 8, 1. 1, with the addition: Emancipandi et manumittendi die festo
cuncti licentiam babeant, et super his rebus actus non prohibeantur. The Egyptian week,
the seven days of whiclh were dedicated to the planets, had been made oknown to tle
IRomans by the astrologers even since the first century. Isn the second, the days were
fiequently named after the planets (Dio Cassius, xxxvii. c. 18. S. Mursinna de hebdonmade
gentilium et dierum a planetis denominatione in Jo. Oellichs Germaniae literatae opuscula
historico-philologica-theologica.  Bremae. 1772. i. 113). As Christ was often compared
with Sol, or Apollo (see above, note 28), so Constantine believed, perhaps, that in the
festival of tlhe dies solis, as a festival of Christ and the sun at the same time, lie found a
point of fiiendly union between both religions, directly opposed though they were to each
other. He transferred the Nundines to Sunday: colp. the stone inscription apud Erycius
Puteanus de Nundinis Romanis, c. 26: Constantinus-provisione etiaml  pietatis suae
Nundinas die solis perpeti amilo constitnit. Still the Nunldines and weeks were both
in use, and both are found in a calendar composed about 354 (in Graevii Thes. t. viii.
p. 97) beside each other, until Theodosius I. made the law respectilng the observance
of Sunday strict, Cod. Theod. viii. tit. 8, 1. 3. Eusebius de vit. Constant. iv. 18, and
Sozomen, i. 8, relate that Friday was also observed, as well as Sunday, by order of Con.
atantine.




186                FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
allowed  exactly the  same freedom   to  heathenism, and  not only
so, but even, in  his capacity  of emperor, observed  the  heathen
practices  at the  same  time  that he  gave  so many privileges to
Christianity,37  he  should  notwithstanding  prejudice  the  minds
of the  heathen  people by  those very  measures, inasmuch  as he
gained over the affections of the Christians toward  himself.   In
the  mean  time, the  successful issue  of his  nndertakings  must
have  strengthened  him  in  the  direction  he  took, in  accordance
with his peculiar mode of thinking; and it could not escape his
political sagacity, that it would be most advantageous for him
to  have  on  his  side  even  the  smaller party, since  it was the
more  closely  united, and  more  animated  by  a living  soul.   In
this manner the Christians formed the nucleus of Constantine's
party when the relation between him  and Licinius became
looser.   Hence, for this very reason, Licinius sought to  obtain
a more decided party by renewed attention to the religion  of the
pagans, and  by  persecution  of the  Christians.38    Accordingly,
the struggle that arose  between  Licinius and Constantine, A.D.
323, was at the same time a struggle between Christianity and
heathenism.  Licinius was defeated, and Constantine openly
professed the Christian  faith,39 though  he still put off baptism.40
37 Cod. Theod. ix. 16, 1, 2 (A.D. 319), xvi. 10, 1 (A.D. 321), Zosimus, ii. 29,'Expiyro d? Ere
cat ro'if irarpiotS lepoTg.
38 Euseb. H. E. x. 8, de vita Constant. ii. 3, ss.
39 Euseb, de vita Const. iii. 2: Tyv XptUarv Too Oreov S'v rattaai. r, Wrdayv rpe,;eQov
elt 7rdvrtPaf &rE2et,?'yiya;vwTTr76/yevoef -rv UwTrpLOV 6rwryopiav. After the year 323,
heathen symbols disappear from  Constantine's coins.  J. Eckhel Doctrina Numoruin
veterumrn, p. ii. vol. viii. (Vineb. 1798. 4,) p. 79.
40 Modern Catholic Church historians no longer maintain what was asserted as late as
Baronius, Schelstraten, and others, that Constantine was baptized in Rome, by Sylvester,
A.D. 324. Comp. Euseb. de vita Constant. iv. 61, 62. That Constantine made donations
to Sylvester on this occasion is related first in the Acta Sylvestri, then by Hadrian I. A.D.
780 (see below, in volume second. Div. 1, ~ 5). In the ninth century an original document
respecting a great gift of land came to light. The supposititious chlaracter of botll authorities
was perceived so early as 999, by Otto III., and in 1152 by the Romaons (vol. ii.). The
spirited attack of Laurentius Valla (about 1440, vol. ii. Div. 5, ~ 154) did not produce
mluch effect till after the 1Reformation.  Since then the investiture has been defended
merely by some of the older Catholic scholars, especially the Jesuits J. Gretser and Nic.
Schaten; but the deed of investiture has been generally given up as spurious.
The number of persecutions has been fixed at ten since the fourth century, agreeably to
Exod. vii. 10, and Apoc. xvii. 1-14. Different calculations: Sulpicius Severus Hist. sacr.
ii. 33: Sacris vocibus decem plagis munduom afficiendum pronunciatum est: ita quum jam
novem fuerint, quae superest, ultima erit. On the other side, Augustin. de civ. Dei, xviii
52: Nonnullis visuln est, vel videtur, non amplius ecclesiam  passuram  persecutiones
usque ad telnpus Antichristi, quanm quot jam passa est, id est decem, ut undecima novissima sit ab Antichristo. The enumeration in Augustine 1. c. is the following (the devia



CHAP. I. —EXTERNAL FORTUNES. ~ 57. SPREAD  OF CHRISTIANITY. 187
~ 57.
SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY.
In this division of time also, the progress of Christianity was
considerable,' especially in  Gaul.2    In  the end of it we find the
first traces  of bishops  on  the  MRhine.3    About the  same time
tiOns in Sulpicins Severus, ii. 29-32, are inclosed in parentheses): I. Neronis, II. Domitanii.
III. Trajani, (IV. Hadriani): IV. (V.) Marci Aurelii, V. (VI.) Sept. Severi, VI. Maximini,.
VII. (VII.) Decii, VIII. (VIII.) Valeriani, IX. Aureliani, X. (IX.) Diocletani. Augustinus
i. c. adds: Sed ego illa re gesta in Aegypto istas persecutiones prophetice significatas
esse non arbitror, quamtvis ab eis, quli hoc putant, exquisite et ingeniose illa singula his
singulis comlparata videantur: non prophetico spiritu, sed conjectura roentis humanae, qui
aliquando ad vernmn pervenit, aliquando fallitur.
Origines c. Cels. iii. p. 116, points to this: XpIetavoi/ fat aserc v Tare  raVTaxoe T7r'
oicov/ejTig ETrc7creipELv rbv 26yov. Ttvicf YOVV EPYOv 7renroirvraLa b7repltpXECOaL oV /t6vov
7r62etC, da2ia /cai dKeaC, Kca EreszeC.  Respecting the extension of Christianity about
300, see Arnobius, i. c. 16. Si Alamannos, Persas, Scythas (Dii) iccirco voluerunt devinci,
qudit habitarent et degerent in eorum gentibus Christinrni; quemadmodum Romanis tribuere victoriam, curn habitarent et degerent in eorum quoque gentibus Christiani? Si in
Asia, Syria iccirco mures et locustas edervescere prodigialiter voluerunnt, quod ratione
consimili habitarent in eorum gentibus Christiani: in Hispania, Gallia cur eodem tempore
horurm nihil natum est, cum innumeri viverent in his quoque provinciis Christani?  Si
apud Getulos, Tinguitanos hujas rei causa siccitatem satis ariditatemque maisernnt, eo
anno cur messes amlplissimas Maunis No-madibusque tribuerunt cum religio similis his
quoque in regionibus verteretr?
2 Passio Saturnini Episc. Tolosani, c. 2, apud Ruinart: Postquaml sensimn et gradatim in
onlnem terram EvangeliolrLm sonus exivit, parique progressu in regionibus nostris Apostolorulm praedicatio coruscavit: cum rarae in aliquibus civitatibus ecclesiae paucoruim
Christianlorum  devotione consurgerent; -ante annos L. sicnt actis publicis (Codd. aliiante annos satis plurinos), i. e., Decio et Grato Consulibus (i. e., 250, A.D.) sicut fideli
recordatione retinetur, prinlumo  et summoun Christi Tolosa civitas s. Saturninum habere
coeperat sacerdotem. From this Gregorius Turonensis (about 590) Hist. Franc. i. c. 28:
Decii temlpore septem viri Episcopi ad praedicanduoLm in Gallias missi sunt, siclt historia
passionis s. malrtyris Saturnini denarrat. Ait enim: Sub Decio et Grato Consulibos, &c.,
as above. Hi ergo missi sunt: Turonicis Gratianlus Episcopus, Arelatensibus Trophimus
Episc., Narbonae Paulus Episc., Tolosae Saturninus Episc., Parisiacis Dionysius Episc.,
Alvernis Stremonius Episc., Leemovicinis Martialis est destinatus Episcopls.  This is
evidently an arbitrary combination of several traditions. Trophimus imust have been first
bishop of Arles even before Decius, for in 254 Marcian had been for a long tine bishop of
the place. See Cypriani, Ep. 67, Pearson Annales Cypriciani ad ann. 254, ~ 7, ss. WVith
this also agrees Zosimi P. Epist. i. ad Episcopos Galliae, A.D. 417 (apud Constant): Metropolitanae Arelatensium urbi vetus privileginum minime derogandum est, ad quaml primurl
ex hac sede Trophimus summlrus Antistes, ex cujus fonte totae Galliae fidei rivulos acceperunt, directus est.
3 First, in the commission appointed by Constantine to decide upon the Donatist controversy in Rolle, in the year 313, Optat. Milev. de schism. Donatist. i. c. 23: Dati sunt
judices Maternus ex Agrippina civitate: then among the namnes subscribed to the acts
of the Concil.. Arelatense, in the year 314: Maternus episcopus, Macrinns diaconus do.




FIRST PERIOD. —DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
they  also  appear in  Britain.4    The  first traces  of Christianity
are now seen in Vindelicia.5  Even among the Goths it had
become known by means of captives.6
SECOND CHAPTER.
HERETICS.
~ 58.
ELCESAITISM OF THE CLEMENTINES.
Clemen tina, primum edita in Cotelerii Patribus apostolicis, i. 597. D. v. Clln in Ersclh
u. Grubers Encyclophdie, xviii. 36. (Art. Clementinen.)  Die Clementinen nebst den
verwandten Schriften u. der Ebionitismus von Adolph Schliemann. Hamburgh. 1844. 8.
As Christianity  had  come to  the  west from   the  east, so the
occidental church  continued  in the second  century to be entirely
dependent on the oriental.  Without a peculiar development of
doctrine and literature of its own, it merely received the product
of the east,; but in this way it also drew within itself the
different parties  of the  east.   Rome  in  particular, the  capital
of the empire and seat of a great church, presented an alluring
field  to  all parties  to  call forth  their activity.   The  different
Gnostic  sects,1  like  the  Montanists, labored  with  emulation  to
gain  over this  important church  to  themselves;  and  all found
in  it more or less sympathy and adherence.   Accordingly, Romish  Christendom   in  the  second  century  was  internally  divided
in  many  ways.;  a condition  which  was calculated  not only  to
lead many Christians astray, and to induce them to waver, but to
eivitate Agrippinensiuma.-Agroecius episcopus, lFelix exorcista de civitate Treverorum.
Nic. ab Honteim Hist. diplom. Trevirana in prodrolmo, t. i. p. 64, ss. Walch de Materno
uno, in the Comlnentationes Soc. Gotting. vol. i. (1779) p. 1, ss.
4 Names subscribed to the Concil. Arelat.: Ehorius episcopus, de civitate Eboracensi,
provincia Britamlia. —Rlestitutus episcopus, de civitate Londinensi, provincia suprascripta.
Adelfius episcopus, de civitate colonia Londinensium (perhaps Colonia Lindi, i. e., Lincoln); comp. Jac. Usserii Britannicaroum  ecclesiar. antiquitt.  Leond. 1687.  BiughamjOrigg. eccl. tom. iii. p. 557, ss.
5 Afra burnt in Augsburg A.D. 304. See the Acta in Ruinart.
5 Sozoznen. H. E. ii. 6. Pllilostorg. H. E. ii. 5.. ValJentinus (~ 45) and Marcion (~ 47) came in person to Rome.




CHAP. fI.-HERETICS.  0 58. ELCESAITES.                    ]89
lay open a dangerous unprotected side to the attacks of heathenism.   There, a  philosophically  educated  Christian  of Rome,2
toward  the  end  of the  second century, tookl  up the idea that
Christianity in its original state must be preserved  among the
Jewish  Christians  as  the  descendants  of the  oldest chlurch.
Probably he sought out this church in its isolation, and found
it divided into  several parties, but he  also  discovered  among
the  Elcesaites3  a  speculative  doctrinal creed  already  formed,
which  seemed to him  perfectly  adapted  both to vancluish heathenismn  and  to  remove  the  multiplicity  of Christian  sects.
FHe  received  it, therefore  as  the  original Christian  doctrine
which had obtained its central point in James,4 and in Peter its
most important defender, and appropriated all the more readily
the Elcesaite rejection of Paul, who, insomuch as he was not
an immediate disciple of Christ, could not have been a genuine
apostle,5 because the  Pauline  development of Christianity  had
run out into so great a state of disunion, and appeared to have
attained its height in the Marcionite  errors.   Hence  he conmposed  the  Clementines  (Td KA.m7vTla) consisting  of three prologues and twenty  (but now  only 19) homilies, that he might
be able to proclaim  to Christendom  at large the apostolic-truth
which had long been concealed, by apostolic lips also.   The historical form  in  which  he clothed  the whole work, he took  in
part from  the events of his own life.   But he reckoned upon it
also for the purpose of procuring apostolic authority to his doetrine, and obtaining an introduction for it into Rome in particular.   As he  himself prosecuted  the  search, so  he represents
the  apostolic  Clement (who was highly  esteemed in  the recollertion of the Roman church, and who appears here in the chars For evidence to show that the author of the Clementines was a Roman, see Baur's
Christuspartei in aer korinth. Gemeinde, in the Tiibingen Zeitschr. f. Theol. 1831, iv. 199
Schliemann, p. 549.
3 See above, Q 32.' In the Clementines, James appears as the chief bishop of all Christendom, to whom
Peter must constantly give an account of his doings, Schliemann, S. 86, 213. In the letters prefixed to the Clementines, Peter writes to him as r Kcvpi6, Kar Ertalwsco-rro r'/ dytag
gi cKlc iaaf.  Clement writes:'Ialc/6j, r,5 cvp[i, lcac enrtKOc6irv ErtatKc6rx, &ddnovrt dl
rI'V'1epovaaZc y ayiav'E/Jpaiwv Eiclliav, cac  rais 7wavraxyj OrEo rrpovoia ldpvOetaar
What Peter, Horn. xvii. 19, says against Simon Magnus, is said to refer to Paul: El
rtl 61d s' orTcaciav rpbg Ildaauciaav aooqcO6vat dvacrat; Kna ei cslv &pr'if, dvvar6v
Eartv-' da ri TL6    Etwavsr~T   ypyyop6atv 7rapa,uytwv 6/!i2auev o 6ttcduacaof; Schliemann, S. 96.




FIRST  PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
acter  of -a  distinguished  Roman, whose  mind  had  received  a
philosophical culture)6 as journeying  in  the  East, impelled  by
thirst  for  the  truth  long  vainly   sought,7  there  meeting  with
Peter, and  obtaining full satisfaction  from  him.   Peter, the  only
one  of the  immediate  disciples  of  Christ who  had   conle  to
Rome, appears here in  opposition  to Paul, as tile proper apostle
of the Gentiles,s as the founder of the  lRomish  church, and the
first bishop  of  Rome.9  IHe  triumphantly  refutes  all kinds  of
error which  had  been  advocated  by  different persons; not only
the  popular faith  and  philosophy  of the heathen,10 bout also  the
Christian  aberrations of the  second  century.   The  Gnostics in
particular are  combated  in  the  person  of Simon   {agus;ll and
in  addition to them   the Montanist prophesying,s2 the  hypostatic
doctrine  of the  Trinity,'1-3 and  millennarianism.l4    On the  other
6 He is manifestly confounded with Flavius Clemens, the relation of Domitian (~
33, note 4). See Baur in the Tibingen Zeitschr. f. Theol. 1831, iv.. 199. Schliemann,
p. 109.
7 The narrative in Hornm. i., in its essential features, may have been modeled after the
experiences of the author.
8 Peter says, Hom. ii. 17, with reference to the law of syzygie.s:'Ev yEvvrnrof yvvaucn v
7rpcTrof 20 ev (John the Baptist, Matt. xi. 11), eira 6 iv VtoZf (V SpOv  d'Eirrepog ETirt0eb
Taerg r77 rdt1 dtco203oOoivra vdvardv,   voev, rfvoie  Taicr' Z 2)oV O T0rpO,uoV Elf r r'a dvq
rp67ro0f'Bl v, Icai rivof dSv rvyXdvwo, 6                      icr' a1 ivov  t  6KOvB, cai  re.Odv df alc67r
d5gf.  dc ayvoia yvadfG, Sc v6ag ieaurr. O0vrm  dj, d6 adi2S8     JluZv  Trpol7rrf ECpICEV,
T7rpCvTOV pev7nfd dEc EtOcv eCayyE1tOvb oro Zivov Ttvfd, Icai elO' oVTrC ETrc.  1ca0oaipeatv
tou idy'eov  67rov EVayyE2tov (2XOiEfO tcp6qoa dt/aeOqOO-va t eigf trcavo6poatv ruev eio/ivwv
aipeo'ecv.
9 In the letter prefixed to the Clementines, of Clement to James, Peter is designated,
O6 ri7 d&VGE&  ri a KOrTELv6rEpo  rov lc6O yov ylpof, 59 irdrV7V IchavrTpoS~, orotaat KCeevaOif, ai caropOdaa dnvgIEi6, -y-Xp   l  evrac5a r-'Plyv yev 6/evoc, Oeo1ovurg dideaIcoa2ia oar(v dvOp jhreov.  It is then related how he transferred his cacOdpa to Clement,
shortly before his own martyrdom.
10 Schliemann, S. 101.
11 Schliemann, S. 90. In particular, the doctrine of Marcion, see Baur's christliclle
Gnosis, S. 313.
12 Horn. iii. 12, ss.; xvii. 13, ss. Schwegler's Montanismos, S. 142. Schliemalann, S. 547.
13 Hom. xvi. 12: ElS Er tv, 6 rO airov ao[i/  EiirdOv * oorouev  vOpWorov,O d* ao ioa,
(Jaep I6iS nTrVezart, avTof dEci  avv9Xatp2ev'  {071rt y2V 6f bVXI r7O  0)8, EICTctVErat de 
dTir' aViroe, 5d Xecp di7tGovpyoida 7 Trdev' —/caTa ydap E;craatv lae aver-o2lv, yovdf dvdSf
elvat voulicrat. (In explanation of the EiEIcvEMV, cf. Philo de somniis, p. 577: o &dvtpp-nvog vof, —caOdrwE p 75'log, ro   avirov dvvdyelf oTarep acrfvaf elf ci   ov reive. De nominum mutat. p. 1048, rd ov-d-vJcuEtfc ErE'vev elf yiveaCv ETr' eV'EpyeciGa ro  avar7a0vrof.
Quod deterius potiori insidiari solet, p. 172: TrtvEraT OVdEv iz 70   EOV caTor' Ctrw(ipTcmtv,
cjad.  tz6vov Elcreiveat). Homr. xvi. 15:'O tcpltof 37/Uv oire OeoV i c elvat Ec0~Eyaero rrapa
rov icroaavra r27 rdvra, onre av'o v  0eov  elvat aVy6peovacv. Comp. Baur in the Tfib.
Zeitschr. f. Theol. 1831, iv. 134.
14 It is the false feminine prophesying which, TrOv rap6vra  r~syetov 7rrZ0Vrov    (f irpotac
d6usyv TrayyLEa rata (Horm. iii. 23)-: on the contrary, the male prophesying ro70   OI.TOvro
aidvof. rfg iAlnidac t/vzav (c. 26).




CHAP. II. —HERETICS.  ~ 58. ELCESAITES.                           191
halnd,  Peter  proclaimsl5  and   supports  by   mighty   miraculous
deeds  the  following   doctrine:  G-od, a  pure, simple  being  of
light, has  allowed  the world  to  be  formed  in  antagonisms, and
so  also  the  history  of the world  and of men  runs  off in  antagonisms (gvrvya0t) connected by pairs, in which the lower constantly precedes the higher.  From  the beginning onward God
has  revealed  himself to  men, while  his  Holy  Spirit (aooia, vibo
Oeoiv,  Oedov'vevta, Xrvevta [ytov) from  time to  time in the form  of
individual men (Adam, Enoch, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Moses,
Jesus), as the true  prophet (O6  rpo42rgT 7-r5f  aUqOeda4), constantly
announced the very same truth, and in Jesus caused it also to
be communicated to the heathen.16  According to the law of
"6syzgies," false prophets also are always produced in addition to
the  true  (yevvyproi  yvvaittciv  Matth. xi. 11),17 who  corrupt the
truth.  Thus the original doctrines of Mosaism  are perfectly
identical with Christianity;1  though they have not been preserved in their purity in the Pentateuch,l9 which was not composed
till long after Moses; and in the present form of Judaism have
been  utterly  perverted.   In  general, the  truth  has  been  constantly maintained in its purity only by a few by means of
secret tradition.20 Man is free, and must expect after death a
15 Neander's Entwickelung der gnost. Systeme, S. 361, if. Dr. K. A. Credner fiber
Essaer u. Ebioniten, in Winer's Zeitschr. f. wissenschaftl. Theologie, i. 237, if. and 277, ff.
Baur's christl. Gnosis, S. 300. Schlieemann, S. 130.
16 Hom. iii. 20:'EtICevoS, —   incr' &P24   aiiCdvog adya roZC 6vov6oyav yoplaf  ZXUdacawvs,
iOV aldva TpLXet, [tCXptf OTe idiov Xp6vwv rvXT7 v, d6t roof Ka/7drovf 0eoe iEdeE XptCOt el,
elif aEti ileE rv  d(lvwravatv. The original  unpersonal Holy Spirit united bhimself in Adam
with a human person, which appeared, constantly the same, as the true prophet successively in different forms (B aur's Gnosis, S. 362), and is destined for the government of the
everlasting kingdom. If one abides by this view, he will not have to assume with Schliemann, S. 142, that a variation prevails in the Clementines respecting the doctrine of the
Spirit of God, because he is represented sometimes as an unpersonal energy, sometimes
as an hypostasis.
17 Hom. iii. 23: Ado glfv yevci al CaeTrcav -rpocoirefialti 4 liV aeEVCte t' 4 d devr pa,
OqXvS ovaa,,rp6Srq7 ipiaOty EpXeaOaC  v Er  rSev CV;VytiCv  rpoE7eiaetG.'H  inev oev Iv
y7evvroif yvvatuccv ovaa, (CS O2Leta, roo viv Ktcoov o  erayye-X; oyu v~l, [Iprcvucs  ec'vat
7r-CreveCOaC t''&et- dbil CUEsTlrrovaa ra to2  ipaevog S n' ptar a, Icai rof idiotl l'1ff c(ap/caf
a-,pl/acttv E7lrtatckrovaa,   isc  c Oitaa   a vetcpepEt r2 yevvr y ara, Troir' ErtV rTa t'jsyara,
tcac r-v 7rap6vra sriyetov e iofrov, Sf 7rpotcKa ddE  Ee rlrayylalerTat.
18 Hornm. viii. 6: MtCS dt' it10orpcwv (Moses and Christ) cdaaltcaZiaf ov6iaf, Trv  ror70rov
-tvea 7r-ertc-e6rc6ra o Otebo arro77xercYa.  C. 7: IILav ei rtC /carattoOE7ti roiS- itYoripovC ln'rtyvdvat, 5,CutdC dcdaKcaCiaC  6Vr' avirciv;E ITepvyvy7, oC7rof avep Ev OeC 7rc2oV6tof tcarlpfOuprlae, rd Te (pXaa vEa Tr( Xp6vhi tcat ra tacay  scasasii avra vevosytc6.  Cf. Horn. xviii. 14.
1 Horn. iii. 47.
20 Honm. iii. 19: Christ designated as ri-'in' aleivol Ev CpvrrT5 ia5gotf rpapald66OteVa
-cppiacov,  X2ptfS aeisrCv Widetv Trv e2Xeov lrETrvweV, Icat PvxTiin rdvrev 2VAECSv.




1132                FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
spiritu- al  continuation  of life, with  rewards  and  punishments.
The conditions of happiness are love to God and man, and struggling against the demons which draw  away to evil, through sensuality.   For this  last purpose  these  sectaries  prescribed  abstinence from  animal food, frequent fastings and washings, recommended  early marriage21  and voluntary poverty, but rejected  all
sacrifices.
While the author of the Clementines, from  the position  of the
Elcesaite  doctrine, combats  parties with  which  the  Elcesaites
had never come into  contact, he must necessarily  go into many
new developments of doctrine.  How free his movements were
in these may be seen from the fact that he frequently used for
his purpose our four gospels, unknown  to  the  Elcesaites, with
great critical and  exegetical arbitrariness.22    On  this very  account we might indeed doubt whether he left the Elcesaite doctrine itself entirely untouched.
Although the doctrine here presented could not calculate on
any  general dissemination, and  found  several adherents only in
Rome and Cyprus,23 yet many felt themselves attracted by the
historical contents of the  production, and  its refutation  of the
heathens and the Gnostics; and since the author knew how to
account for the late appearance of his work, which pretended to
proceed forth from  the apostolic age,24 they  rather thought of it
as the corruption  of a genuine  writing  by  heretics than  a forgery.   Hence, another person was soon  found, probably  an Al21 Hom. iii. 26: ('O  2',Zu/~ Terpo~l7rryg) y7~ov vocUtrs0eal, iylcpriretav cvyffopei, elg ay1veiawc
2rriv7ac Uyet.  C. 68: (O0  prpeo,(vrepoL) vinyov ga  6o TErretyirnoeav TOef ydgov~, flZZ&;cat riV 7rpo,Ce131z/c6rwv, /Ug  avrw  Terovaa V' Ipetf TPOkTEpo t Wropveiame   1 g/otte8ae  Joqbv
7rpooevEy/cOt r? tICXu77r/ca.
22 A complete collection of the passages from the gospels in the Clementines may be
found in Credner's Beitrfge zur Einleit. in d. bibl. Scheiften, i. 284. According to him the
Gospel of Peter lies at the foundation of it. But the passages characteristic of John that
appear in the work, can hardly be referred to another gospel; and, if we take these as
the standard, we can not expect that the gospel citations generally should be made verbatim.
23 Epiphanius, Haer. xxx. 18, says, that Ebionites were in Cyprus (by this general
appellation for all heretical Jewish Christians he here means this party).  Origen (ap.
Euseb. vi. 38) calls the heresy of the Elcesaites, veCcIri  f7ravtr-ag'aev?v. Since no trace
is found of it in the second century beyond Palestine, we may assnme that it was fil-rst
established in those places by the Clementines.
24 Peter entreats James, in his letter prefixed to tlbe Clementines, to commsunicate his
sermons (rg tiiS 12eovf eeyov r6jv c~?pvyudrrov) only to faithful persons under the seal of
secrecy; and James guarantees the secrecy by a dtauaeprnvpia added, according to which
those books should be made known only to tried brethren, after they haA agreed by an
oath to keep the secret. Comp. Houm. ii. 17, above, note 8.




CHAP, II.-HERETICS.  ) 59. MOINTANISTS IN THE WEST.  193
exandrian, who  conceived  the  idea  of purifying  it from   heretical depravations, by altering it entirely according to tile standard of orthodoxy  in his day.   In  this way  arose the  production
which appears under different names among the aneients," and
which  still exists, but only in the Latin  translation  of Rufinus,
under  the  title  Becognitiones  Clementis, libb. X.26    The  requirements of a much later orthodoxy gave rise to the sErt-o(g~.27
S 59.
OPPOSITION AT ROME TO MONTANISM, AND THE ASIATIC TIME OF
CELEBRATING EASTER.
About the time when the Clementines appeared, there was
generally  apparent at Rome a lively striving  after unity  by removing all elements whose tendency  was to disturb  it.
Montanism had not only obtained many fiiends in the western  church, without giving  rise  to  an  external division,l   but
had  even  gained  besides an  important influence  over the  prevailing  ecclesiastical principles.2    The  bishop  of Rome was already  on  the  point of entering  into  ecclesiastical  communion
with the Asiatic M'fontanists, who had been excluded from the
chllurches  of their  native  country, when  Praxects,  a  confessor,
came from  Asia to Rome (about 192), and so  altered the disposition toward them, that all communion with them was renounced.3
25 laepiodoL llErpov or KZnCLevrof (Origenes in Genesin, t. iii. c. 14), Hpdetgf IHirpov
(Photius Bibl. cod. 11'2 and 113), Historia Clementis (Opus imperf. in Matth. ad xxiv. 24),
Gesta Clementis, vera dispntatio Petri Ap. contra falsitatenm Simonis Magi (in Codd.).
26 Schliemann's die clementin. Recognitionen eine Ueberarbeitung der Clementinen
(reprinted from Pelt's Theolog. Mitarbeiten. Jahrg. 4, Heft. 4). Kiel. 1843. The same
author',s Clementinen, S. 265, if. According to him the composition of them took place in
the period between 212 and 230. But the reasons adduced in favor of Rome, as the place
of writing, can not be regarded as decisive. The Christology of the Recognitions (Schliemann, S. 331.) obviously points to Alexandria.
27 SClliemlann, S. 334.
See above, ~ 48, note 17-19, below, note 4.
2 See above, ~ 53, note 39.
3 Tertull. adv. Praxeam, c. 1. Nam idem (Praxeas) tunc episcopum Romanum, agnoscentem jam prophetias Monta-ni, Priscae, Maximlillae, et ex ea agnitione pacem ecclesiis
Asiae et Phrygiae inferentem, falsa de ipsis prophetis et ecclesiis eorum adseveratdo, et
praecessorum ejus auctoritates defendendo, coegit et literas pacis revocare jam emissas,
et a proposito recipiendorum charismatuni concessare.  Victor is usually regarded as that,omish bishop (185-197); but Neander (Antignosticus, S. 485) and Schwegler (Montanismus,
VOL. I..-13




194                FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
Thus, then, there began in the west also a controversy concerne
Ing' the distinguishing dootrines of Montanism, which was conducted with violence, especially in Africa.4    At the head of the
Montanist party stood Quzintzus Septiniizts Elorens Tertulliaznus,
presbyter  in  Carthage,  and  the  earliest  Latin  ecclesiastical
writer of note-a man whose modes of thought were strict and
severe, of a violent character, and of a rich  though  somewhat
too sensuous imagination.   In his writings it may be seen that
he developed his Montanist tendency in a way increasingly rugS. 250) declare themselves in favor of Eleutherus (170-185), because an incipient yielding to
the Montanists does not appear like the stiff hierarclical character of Victor. That character
has been inferred merely froom his conduct toward the Quartodecimani. But since experience shows that those who renounce certain views, become the most violent opponents
of them, Victor's violent measures against every thing which appears to coincide with
Montanism, may be best explained on thle supposition that lie was at first favorably disposed toward them. Chronology is in favor of Victor; for, by the supposition that Eleutherus was the person, there is too lon1g an interval between the first appearance of Praxeas
in Rome, and of Tertullian's, lib. adv. Praxeam  (composed according to Noesselt 204
or 205).
4 An important particular of it is given by Tertullian de Pudicit. c. 1: Audio etiam
edictum esse propositum, et quidem peremptorimu.- Pontifex scilicet Maximus, Episcopu.
Episcoporum, edicit: ego et moechiae et fornicationis delicta poenitentia functis dimitto
Cap. 5: Quid agis mollissima et humanissima disciplina? Idololatram quidem et homi
cidam semel damnas, moechum vero de medio excipis?  Comp. above, ~ 53, note 39
According to Petavius (not. ad Epiph. Haer. 59. p. 228), it is usually assumed that tllis
Pontifex Maximus is the Romish bishop Zephyrinnus (197-217). But the appellation in
question does not refer to a real, but to an usurped dignity. It points ironically to the
circumstance, that the bishop who had made the regulation arrogated to himself, by so
doing, the prerogatives of the only high-priest, Christ. Most probably the allusion is to
the bishop of Carthage. Particularly important for the history of the controversy is Tertullian. lib. de Velandis virginibus. In support of his demand, virgines nostras velali
oportere, ex quo transitunm aetatis suae fecerint, in order to set aside the argument brought
against him from custom, cap. 2, Tertullian appeals to the consuetudo of the apostolic
churches in Greece, and some barbarous countries: Non possumLs respuere conesuetudinem,
quam damnare non possumus, utpote non extraneam, qulia nonl extraneorum: cum quibus
scilicet communicamnus jus pacis et nomen fraternitatis. Una nobis et illis fides, nunas
Deus, idem Christus, eadam spes, eadem lavacri sacramenta. Semel dixerim, una ecclesia
sumus. Hence this book was wvritten before the division in the church, when both contending parties still belonged to the same church. Cap..3 describes how the controversy
sprung up from a peaceful living together, and how the parties gradually became more
and more embittered. Tamen tolerabilius apud nos ad usque proxinme: utrique consuetudini comlmunicabatur. Arbitrio permissa res erat, ut quaeque voluisset aut tegi
aut prostituti, sicut et nubere: queod et ipsulm neque cogitur, neque prohibetur. Contelta
erat veritas pacisci cum consuetudine, ut tacite sub consuetudinis nomiine fuieretur se
vel ex parte. Sed quoniam coeperat agnitio proficere, ut per licentiam utriusque moris
inldicium melioris partis emergeret: statim ille adversarius bonorumn multoque institutelTOl
opus suum fecit. Ambiunt virgines hoeminumi, adversus virgines Dei, nuda plane fronte,
in temerariam audaciam excitatae, et virgines videntuLr.-Scandalizamur, inquiunt, qtia
aliae aliter incedunt: et malunt scandalizari quam provocari; etc. Soon after, a complete
separation took place, adv. Praxeam, c. 1: Et nos quidem postea agnitio paracleti, atque
defensio disjunxit a Psychicis.




'CHA'P. II. —ltERlTJCS.   -Q 59. MONTANISTS IN  TI-IE WEST.  1'95'ged, being  heated  more  and  more by  controversy  (Spiritacium,.02?ltrft  P8sye7icos).5    Others  also  followed   him   in  the  same
spirit, till at length in  the west also separate Mllontanist elmrc hes were   formed.6   In  the  mean  time, gMontanism   had  beco me
too  deeply rooted  in the western  church; and now  also  the circumstance  operated  in  its  favor  (conlp. p. 143) that its  most
zealous opponellnts, as Pacxeas7 and the Roman presbyter Uacius,8
fell  into   other  serious  errors.   Thus, though  from   this  time
onward,   lontanism   was  rejected  in  name  even  in  the  western  church, ye.t all  liontanist elements were  by  no  means  expelled from  that church.9    Not only do we find remaining  that
s Accordingly he admits of a repentance after baptism, de Poenitentia, c.-7, ss. On the
contrary, in his treatise de Pudicitia, c. 16, he writes: Nemo seducat seipsmn, i. e., nemo
praesumat vitiatim Deo redintegrari denuo posse:-delicta ista-post lavacrunm irremissibilia, altihoughl, in c. 1, he confesses that he had formerly been of another opinion. In like
manner, lhe allows of flight under persecution, -ad Uxorem, i. cap. 3, but rejects the sentiment in his lib. de Fuga in persecutione.  Comp.'Hieronymus in Catal. c. 53, de Tertull.
Hic cumn usque ad mediam aetatem presbyter Ecclesiae permansisset,'invidia postea et
contumeliis clericorum Ronomanae Ecclesiae ad Montani dogma delapsus. From the his.
torical connection already noticed, it may be seen how this change took place. Comp. J.
G. foffimann Tertulliasni, quae supersunt, omnia in MIontanismo scripta videri.  Titemb.
1738. 4. Moshemii Dissertt. ad. hist. eccl. pertinent. vol. i. p. 54, note. J. A. Noesselt de
vera aetate ac doctrina scriptornul  quae supersunt Q. Sept. Tertulliani dissertt. iii. Hal.
1757, ss. 4 -(reprinted in Ejusd. Tres commentationes ad hist. eccl. pertinentes. Halae.
1817, 8, p. 1, ss.). Neander's Antignosticus, Geist des Tertullianus, und Einleitung zu
dessen Schriften. Berlin. 1825. 8.
6 Augustinus, de Haer. c. 86, relates, that in his time the remnant of the Tertullianists
in Carthage had returpned to the catholic church. Hence the Montanists in Carthage
were named after their leader. But they neither gave themselves this appellation, nor
can it be inferred fi'om the difference of names. as the PraedestinatLs, Haer. 8S, does, that
the followers of Tertullian had formed a peculiar sect separated firom-the other Montanists.
7 See below, ~ 60.
8 A cotemporary of Zephyrinus according to Eusebius H. E. ii. 25. -Fragments of his
diLdoyog Trpbf Ilp6aZov (r7g Ica7rii (pyaf aeipeveS vg orep/at'ofrva, Euseb. vi. 20), are
Iound in Eusebius, ii. 25. iii, 28, 31. Comp. Photii Bibl. cod. 48. Routh Reliqu. Sacr.
vol. ii. p. 1, ss. IHIe attributed tlhe doctrine of the millennium  and the Apocalypse to
Cerinthus. Euseb. iii. 28, -comp. iicke's Einleit. in d. Offenb. Joh. S. 307.
9 It is -a remarkable phenomenon that the Montanists, Perpetua and lFelicitas, who
were martyred in Carthage in 20:2, and their Acta composed by a Montanist (see apud
Luinart, and in Minteri Plimordia eccl. Atiic. p. 227, ss.), were always highly valued in the
African church. Cf. Augustini'Sermo i. in natali Perpetuae et Felicitatis. The Montanist
character of the acts is satisfactorily shown by Valesius (Acta SS. Perpet. et Felicit.
Paris. 1664. 8, in the preface), Sam Basnage (Annales polit. Eccl. t. ii. p. 224, ss.), and by
Th. Ittig (Diss. de haeresiarchis aevi apostol. et apostolico proximi. Lips. 1690. 4to, sect.
ii. c. 13, ~ 28). Even Jos. Aug. Orsi Diss. apolog. pro SS. Perpetuae et Felicitatis orthodoxia adv. S. Basnagium. Florent. 1728. 4, admits the Montanist principles of the author
of the Acta. Comp. particularly Act. cap. 1-: Viderint, qui naum virtutem  Spiritus unius
Sancti pro aetatibus judicent temporum: cum majora reputanda sint novitiora quaeque,
at novissimiora secundum exuberationem  gratiae in ultimna saeculi spatia decreta. In
novissimis enim diebus, dicit Dominus, effundam de Spiritu meo super omnem carnem,
&c. (Joel ii. 28, and Acts ii. 17). Itaque et nos, qui sicut prophetias, itsa et visiones novas




196                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324,
strictness and tendency to lay stress on external rules of piety,'6
but what is still more striking, even  the writings of the  Montanist Tertullian  (about 220) were always valued very  highly,
and became the model of succeeding Latin ecclesiastical writers.11
With the rejection of Montanism  in Roire was probably connected  Victor's  opposition  to  the  Asiatic  mode  of celebrating
easter (see p. 166).12    He called upon the bishops of Asia Minor
pariter repromissas et agnoscimus et lhonoramnus, &c.  Cap. 4. Pastor (Christus) —de caseo,
quod mulgebat dedit mihi quasi buccellam, et ego accepi junctis manibus, et manducavi, et
aniversi circumstantes dixerunt Amen (cf. ~ 48, not. 22). The enigrma, that those Montanizing martyrs should have been constantly considered as membe's of the catholic church, is
accounted for by supposing, that although at the time of their death the controversy between'
the two parties had begun, yet the separation had not taken place. But, undoubtedly,
the AMontanist spirit must have been fostered in the church by tlhe high estimation inwhich such writings were held.
10 For instance, the principle which was maintained in the Africanu church, till the time'
of Cyprian (Tertull. de Pudic. c. 12), qulod neque idololatriae neque sanguini pax ab Ecclesiis redditur. See above, note 4, below, ~ 71. Neander's Antignosticus, S. 262. The
Spanish church, which seems to have adopted the African as its model, expressed tlhe
same view in its greatest strictness as late as the Concil. Illiberitanum (about the year
of our Lord 305). This council ordains, with regard to those who have defiled themselves
with such climes as idolatry, magic, adultery, incest, placuit nec in fine communionenra
accipere (can. 1, 2,, 7, 8, 10, &c.-The error against which Cyprian, Ep. 63 ad Caecilium,
isveighs, quod aliquis existimet, sequendam esse quorundaml  consuetudinem, si qui in
praeteritum in calice Dominico aquam solam offerendam putaverint, may also have spruIng
fiom Montanist asceticism.
li Hieron. Catal. c. 53: Numquam Cyprianutrn absque Tertulliani lectione unum  diemll
praeterisse: ac sibi (notario) crebro dicere, Da magistrum, Tertullianum  videlicet significans. His works, written firom 197-211, are, 1. Against unbelievers, Apologeticus adv.
gentes (written about 198, Mosbemii de aetate apologetici Tert. colnmm. in his Dissertt ad
hist. eccl. pert. i. 1. Hefele Tertullian als Apologet, in the T6ibingen theol. Quaytalschr.
1838, i. 30),. libri ii. ad nationes, de testimlonio animae, ad Scapulam, adv. Judaeos. 2.
Against heretics, adv. Praxeam,. adv. Alarcionem libb. v., adv. Valentinianos, de Praescriptione haereticorum, adv. Hermogenem. 3. Ascetic writings, the later of them  expressly
against the Psychics: ad Martyres, de Spectaculis, de Idololatria, de Oratione, de Baptismo,
libb. ii. ad Uxorem —de Corona militis, libb. ii. de CultL feminarumll, de Fuga in persecu;tione, de Patentia, de Virginibus velandis, de Jejuniis, de Pudicitia, caet. Comp are the
works quoted in note 5. Baihr's christl. rdmische Theologie, S. 15. M1hiler's Patrologie, S.
701.-Ed. Nic. Rigaltius. Paris. 1641. Rep. Ph. Priorius. Par. 169,5. fol. J. S. Semller.
Hal. 1770-76, 6 Bde. 8. E. F. Leopold, pp. iv. Lips. 1839-41. 8.
12 Some details relating to this matter are given, perhaps, in the Appendix ad Tertullo
de Praescript. haeret. c. 53: Est praeterea his omnibus etiam Blastus accedens, qui
latenter Judaismum vult introducere. Pascha enim  dicit non aliter custodiendum  esse;
nisi secundum legem Moysi quartadecima mensis. But this Blastus appeared in Rome
(Euseb. v. 15), and Irenaeus wrote to him  an  t7r'ro G rps Epu ayiXarog (Euseb. v. 20).
From Eusebius, it is clear that he did not entirely coincide in sentiment with the Gnosticlzing Florinus; he appears to have been an Ultra Montanist. Comp. Pacianus (bishop
of Barcelona about 370) Epist. i. ad Sympron. in Gallandii Biblioth. vii. 257: Phryges plnrimls nituntur auctolitatibus, nam puto et Graecus Blastus ipsormru   est. The Asiatic
Montanists have always retained the mode of celebrating easter which he advocates.
See Anonymi Orat. vii. in Pascha in Chrysostomi opp. ed. Moontfaucon. t. viii. App. p. 276.
Schwegler's Montanismus, S. 251.




CHAP.. —HERETICS.  B 60. MONARCHIANS.                           197
(about 196) to adopt the  custom  of the west on this point, and
after their refusal, when  he  had  been  assured  of the  assent of
the  bishops in  Palestine, Pontus, Gaul, and Corinth, broke  off
church communion with them.l3  Several bishops, however, and
Irenaeus himself among them, admonished him on account of
his too great haste; 14 peace was again  restored., and both parties
continued  undisturbed  ill the  observance  of their own customs
till the council of 1Nice.15
MONAR CIHIANS.'talch's Ketzerhist. i. 537, ii. 3. Martini's Gesch. des Dogrma v. d. Gotthelt Christi in
den vier ersten Jahrh. Rostock. Th. i. 1800. S. S. 128, if. F. Schleiermnacher iiber den
Gegensatz zwischen der Sabellianischen und der Athanasiaischen Vorstellung von der
Trinitgt (in Scblleiermach-r' s, sDe Wette's, und Laicke's theol. Zeitschrift. Heft 3,
Berlin. 1822. S. 295, ff.) [translated into English with notes by Professor Stuart, in the
American Biblical Repository for April, 1835.]  Neander's K. G. i. ii. 991. L. Lange's
Gesclh. u. Lehrbegriff d. Unitasier vor der nic. Synode (Beitrdge zur litesten Kirchengesch. Bd. 2).  Leipzig. 1831. 8. The same author's Lehre d. Unitarier, v. heil.
Geiste, in Illgen's Zeitschr. f. hist. Theol. iii. i. 65.  Baur's die christl. Lebre v. d.
Dreieinigkeit u. Menschwerdung Gottes, i. 243. G. A. Meier's die Lehre v. d. Trinitlt,
(HIamb. u. Gotha. 1844) i. 74
The  doctrine  which  regarded  the  divine  in  Christ as a per-.sonality  not  distinct  from   the  Father,  had  subsisted  without
opposition  in  the  seco-nd  century  alongside  of  the  emanationdoctrine,l  since  it was capable  of being  united  with  it in  the
confession  which  alone  was  important in  relation  to  the  faith,
13 Euseb. H. E. v. 23-25.
1 Euseb. v. 24:'AX2/t' ov 7ra- g e roGf ET-tC6O lrotf raTr' 2peitCETO. avrTrcapalt ereVJovrat
6'rza avT., -( T rr eiprljviy   Icat rZS rrpo   rou'V  ir2rlatov  Vsae(Of cai iaty(hTCf ~pOVE7VY
Epovrat dl lcae al TroVrrov 4cdvac, T2LrtC711C(rTepOV scaaerro/v. v TOV  BieTrOPOc.'Ev  lf
6ca  b Eiprve   Itec w7poCD7rov  dev  yEriro IcrU Tr  r, I'a eav dceuO3v wrrtcaretJae, —Cr yE,tav Bi/crop.t rpeoo vc6vroC, (5i #a  airoKd7rrot E'Tpa  reapatvel.  Then follow  fragments
from  this letter. Irenaeus expresses his opinion of such disputes very plainly in the
Fragm. iii. ed. Pfaff.:'Eracav oG'AirOFrol2o,,ja  dehv /jzud  tcpVei e   r,'iv  fpJcet Kac ev
7r6cTO     [/cai Ev /ypeat] Eopr7f I veoyrviasf yE/   caa3idrov.  II60ev oVe rairaet aciG yXat; 7r6dev
ni aX/lcwara; Iopr7i6efev, i2X' Ev  S'i-i/ ccatda  Kcai rov7lpCia, rev'lcKuyctZgav TOi EEOe
tahSlca&imovEa  cci -r ic7r Trrrrpoeie ~, Ca,     riti rcpi7rova rTe 7v r atr 4ce  ydarre d7rovdt2lcZfrev. TaivraS  oVv Eoprg Kcati vra-rEiaf tTirapatcev, r   evpp iit rSlv 7rpor/tKSyV X76yov,?7to~rraazev.
]5 According to Athanasius de Syn. c. 5, it was one reason for summoning the council
i-f Nice, that oC ('Trb Tk.,1vpafC, cai KtXticaS, icai MECeororeaU gag EX2ievov 7rept rnv,>opr7yv, cati ETera reV'Iovudalv Eo:1eovv b HIdcXa.  Cf. Euseb. de vita Const. iii. c, 5,. See above g 5P2,.note 12.




198                 FIRST  PERIOD.-DIV. III. —A.D. 193-324.
viz., thlat  God  is  in  Christ.   It  found  a  welcome  reception:
particularly   among  the  Antimontanists,  who  were  averse: to
all  sensuous  ideas  of  Godhead;2  and   on  this  very   account
was first combated  by the  zealous  Montanist, Tertullian, in his
treatise  against Praxeas.   In   the  controversies  which   extend
from   this  time  onward  through  the  third  century, and  terminate  in  the  ecclesiastical rejection  of  this  doctrine, it developed
itself more definitely in different forms, which may be, reduced
to  two  great  classes.    The  one  looked  upon  the  divine  in
Christ  as  continually  teaching   and  acting  through  him;  the
other looked  upon  it as  acting  only  on  the  human  person, so
that according to the former, the entire agency  of Christ was di —
vine, derived from  God; according to the latter, a human agency
directed-by God.3 To the first class belonged Praxecas,4 who,
2 See ~ 48, notes 14,15. Neander's K. G. i. ii. 1003, F. A. Heinichen de Alogis, Theodotianis., atque Artemonitis. Lips. 1829. 8. Epiphan. Haer. liv. c. 1, calls Theodotus a'r6ogrraaa IC r7g'Ai2dyov alp e'M, rgf iapvovtevqg ra6 nar&'ItivvzJv Eayyettov, Kca' rov E'
avirt Elv dPX,  6vra Oebv X6yov.
3 Novatianus de Trinitate, c. 30: Tam illi, qui Jesum  Christum  ipsum  Deum patren
dicunt, quam  etiam  illi, qui homninem illum  tantummodo esse voluerunt, erroris, sui et
perversitatis origines et causas inde rapuerunt, quia, cum animadverterent, scriptum esse,
quod unus sit Deus, non aliter putaverunt, istam  tenere se posse sententiam, nisi aut
hominem tantum Christ-un, ant certe Deum patrem  putarent esse credendum. In like
manner Origen. comm. in Joh. tom. ii. c. 2, divides the E62 aeoveovgGov dO, &vayopeualt
Oeobg, icai w7ap& roro 7reptTri~rrovrag qmevdcat cal naed,3eat dJ6yaatv into two classes, TroL.ipvovlvov  i dl6rao  vioelV 9rlpav xaprT 7j rvto rrarpbS dpo oyorvraf Oebev eval rbv /~Xpl'v6garog,rap' ae'-roeg vtlbv rpocayopev61tevov, i apvovtevoveg r7.v Oe6TTa rtoe  vlov, rtL0vrag 6R avroe rsv ior &6rra, icat r7v ovasiav laria 7reptypaljv Trvyxdvovaav lr7pav toe erarp6g.
I Tertullianus adv. Praxean, c. I: Nami iste primus ex Asia hoc genus perversitatis
intulit homo.-DIuo negotia diaboli Praxeas IRomaen procnravit: prophetiam expulit, et
haeresin intulit, Paracletum fugavit et patrem crucifixit.-C. 20: Nam sicut in veteribus
nihil aliud tenelt quain: Ego deus et alius praeter me non est (Es. x-lv. 5): ita in Evangelio
responsionem domini ad PhilippuLm tuentur: Ego et pater unam sunus, et: Qui sme viderit
videt et patrem, et: Ego in patre et pater in me (Joh. x. 30, xiv. 9, 10). His tribus capil
tulis totum instrumentum  utriusque testamenti volunt cedere.-C. 3: Itaque duos et tres
jam jactitant a nobis praedicari, se vero unius Dei cultores praesumunt.-Monarchiamn,
inquiunt, tenemus (c. 10, vanissimi isti Monarchiani).-C. 5: Duos unum volunt esse, at
idem pater et filius habeatur.-C. 2: Itaque post tempus pater natus, et pater passus:
ipse Deus, dominus omnipotens, Jesus Christus praedicatur.  On the other hand, c. 27,
aeque in una persona utrumlque distinguunt, patremn et filium, dicentes filium camanem esse,
id est hominem, i. e., Jesum: patrem  autem spritulll, i. e., Deum, i. e., Ch1ristum, and c.
29: Ergo, inquis, et nos eadem ratione dicentes patrem, qua vos filium, noll blaspheman-us in Dominunn Deumn: non enim ex divina sed ex humana substantia nortuuno dicimus.
Baur (Lehre v. d. Dreieiniglieit, i. 246) and Meier (Lehre v. d. Trinit:;t, i. 77) are of opilion
that Praxeas held the view that God connected himself immediately with the flesh, witihout the medium of a rational human   soul. But Tertullian, in express termns, explains
carnem  by hominem; and when  Praxeas said, filium carnae  esse, he could not possibly
declare a body animated by a mere  vvx~ to be filius Dei. —Comp. Neander's. Antig1uosti
cus, S. 481.




CIIAP. II.-HEItETICS.  ~ 60. MONARCHIANS.                        199
notwithstanding  the  opposition  of Tertullian,  appears  to  have
been unmolested in Rome on account of his doctrine.5  But
Theodotus (O6 OXviTr-V) who had come to Rome from Byzantium
about the same time, was excluded from church-communionl by
Victor, when  he  declared  Christ to  be a rmere  man;  and  his
disciples (Theodotus 6 Tpa7rei-rqS, Aselepiades, Natalius  Confessor) continued  to  exist in  Rome  for some  time  separated from
the church.6  By means of these Theodotians, however, the
Monarchian  doctrine  generally  became  so notorious, that Artemon (Arteras) under bishop Zephyrinus, although he did not!gree  with  the  Theodotians,  was included  in  the  same  class
with  them, and attacked  in various writings.7    Hence this theory  was rendered  suspicious every  where, even  in  Asia, where
it took its rise; and 7Noetus was excommunicated in Smyrna
(about 230) on account of his doctrine, which harmonized with
that of Praxeas.8   On the other hand, Origen succeeded in
5 Tertull. adv. Prax. 1. Denique caverat pristinum  doctor de emendatione sua: et
mnanet chirographum  apud Psychicos, apud quos tunc gesta res est: exinde silentiuln.
App. 1. de Praescr. 53: Post hos omnes etiam Praxeas quidam haeresin introduxit, quam
Victorinus (Victor?) corroborare curavit. Cf. note 7.
6 Comp. the extracts from the anonymous wbrk against Artemon apud Euseb. v. 28,
which designates TheodotLs as the 7rpTo70V EiOr6Vra /tV2u vaVOpT OV7 bV2 XpLcTr6v. Append.
I. de Praescr. 53: Ex Spiritu quidem Sancto naturm,. ex virgine, sed hominem solitariunl
atque nudum, nullo alio prae ceteris nisi sola justitiae auctoritate.  Alter post hunc
Theodotus (Trapezita) haereticus erupit, qui et ipse introduxit alteram sectam, et ipsum
homineml  Christuli-inferioremi esse quam  Melchisedech, eo quod dictum sit de Christo:
Tu es sacerdos in aeternum secundum ordinem Melchisedech (Hebr. vii. 21). Nam ilium
Melchisedech praecipuae gratiae coelestem esse virtutem: co, quod agat Christus pro
hominibus, deprecator et advocatus ipsocrum factus, Melchisedech facere pro coelestibus
angelis atque virtutibus.  (Melchisedeciani.)  According to Theodoret (Haer. fab. comp, 2,
5), even 6 actucpog Aa,3plpvOoS accused them of corrupting the Holy Scriptures.
7 From the o     erocda/tea KccaTi r7i'ApruovoS aipcrewe  extracts are given in Ecu.mh;b. v.
28, in which Artemon, without a clearer explanation of his doctrine, is compared with
Theodotus. But the Artenmonites. asserted, i. c., 7ro0i  yc2 7rrpoerporpouf 6iravTaf cat  avrovf
roeg  iZroar6T ovgf wrapELtruE)vat re saci  &dCSaX6va a TraVra,  2) v'v o7ro0  2lyov,' cai
Trelpr/lOat rTv (/6&Oeta,  TOo  iV Fo /     iCp eya9ro    fZpt rTv BilTopoe  XpO6vwV, —rrb &E Tro
dbad6Xoov a07ro0  ZE8vpivov   -rapa/cexdpaXOae Tr/v 6y dOetav. According to these extracts
they must have propounded a doctrine different from that of Theodotus, who was excommunicated by Victor, and such a doctrine, too, as might be reconciled with the earlier
doctrine of the 1Roman church still indefinitely expressed.  In the same work, ~ 5, they
are reproached with their dialectic tendency (o rTI ai Oeiae.eyovct ypai.irlTrov)reCf, c5dl.'
orrorov yTeCxa vZuXLeOYLtUOV elf T-V Ti/f aSeOTi6rTo evpEO, caGac-tv, q0eor,6roVef aOICOVVTef),
and with their preference for Aristotle and Theophrastus. Theodoret (Haer. fab. comp.
2, 5) gives extracts frem  the qa11cp9C Aa,op'ptvoC0, written against Theodotus and
Artcmon, which some falsely ascribe to Origen. When Nicephorus (Hist. eccles. iv. 21)
looks upon that a7rovdaulea of Eusebins as identical with the AaeiptvfpOo of Theodoret,,md when Photius (Cod. 48) makes Caius to be the author of both works they advance
nothing but conj ectures.
8 Theodoret Haer. fab. comp. iii. 3, names Epigonus and Cleomenes as Noetts's prede



200                  FIRST PERIOD. —DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
drawing off Beryllus, bishop of Bostra, from  that view, at a
council held  in  that place, in  244  A.DY9    Sabellius, presbyter
in Ptolemais (250-260) renewed it in a form still -farther developed.'~    Dionysius, bishop  of Alexandria, endeavored  in  vain
cessors. His doctrine: "Eva abgi  eivae Onebv cat 7arrEpa, r7dv bo'?v 6dls;lovpy6v' aiavi
eUv birayv 0EiA, ~atv6,evov 6' o vdi  ca iv,3oe71?vTat  Kai roiv avir-ov t6paTov lVat cL Kai Opjevov, Kcai yevVribv Kat ayEvvrTrov' h(Jy6vveyrov  iVe iF &p/X, YE8VVyov dg OBi-E EI wzapOevov
yevvv7Nvat?O82ie'- &wraeO  Icati ci OvarTov, tca- Z 7raci Lv   at,raOiir-v tcai Ovr/7rov.  (/iTraOj
yap rie, yOCl, rb ToV aruavpoi s7rQog'Oegrag  7rgSn'zelve. roiroov  cai viav bvoeudovca Kcai
riar-pa, 7rpobg ira Xpeiag 7obiro iclCeivo  Ka4ovtevov.  He is opposed by Hippolytus contra
haeresin Noeti [ed. Fabricii, t. ii. p. 5], which is transcribed by Epiphanius Haer. 57,
comp. note 9.
9 Euseb. vi. 33. His doctrine was: Tbv c6atrpa Icai CiptSOv icuv It' 7rpoi)Erai7vaLt cac''iiav ovtoiag rreplypaoSv Trpo Tif rig  ivSOpdireovg z'7rtlduiag' j6i jev OE6Vri-a Idiav cX eIv,
UlXA' /,Tro;tLTEvo#/5vnl v aVi-rT  p6vpv iryv warpi-rcv.  Comp. Origenis fragm. ex libro in
epist. ad Titum (from the apology of Pamphilus, Origenis Opp. ed Lommatzsch, v. 287):
Sed et eos, qui hominem  dicunt Dominum Jesum  praccognitum  et praedestinatum, qui
ante advent-um carnalem  substantialiter et proprie non extiterit, sed quod homo nlatus
Patris solaim in se habuerit deitatem, ne illos quidem sine periculo est ecclesiae numero
sociari: sicut et illos, qui superstitiose magis, quam religiose, uti ne videantur duos deos
dicere, neque rursum negare Salvatoris deitatem, unam  eandemlque subsistentiam Patris
ac Filii asseverant, i. e., duo quidera nomisna secundum diversitatem causarnm recipientem,
un am tamenl  r6-oc-raatv subsistere, i. e., unam  personana  duobus nominibus subjacentem,
que latine Patripassiani appellantur.  The first opinion is that of Beryllus, the second that
of Noetus.  C. Ullmanni de Beryllo Bostreno ejusque doctrina comm. Hamb. 1835. 4. (in
Halle Christmas programm.)
10 His doctrine according to Basilius Epist. 210: Tbv aor-v Oe6v Eiva r-C hwrotcielpv  [r-i
b-ro0iaelrt, Ep. 214] dcvra, irpb  riag cE'dKcrore  waipawrtrorcoag XpEiag  e-rayopoobrEvov
(res-7aegarrtae-rt'6/tlvov, Ep. 235: wrpoawon7rotoe,rEvove, Ep. 214), vvv tEiv  g 7Csar-pa, vev 6d
Svi, vbv,  vv  cg rf 7rveua lytov d(tatEyecOat.  Cf. Athanas. c. Arian. Or. iv. 11: Tbv Oebv
tr6covriCVa tiEv t'VEVpyTOiV, Aoa2LoOV-a d iaXCetv).  Theodoret. Haer. fab. com-p. ii. 9,'Ev
uiv  - waCL'at, Cjdg i-aTepa veOrOsei aer, E'V'  d    Kal- avO fg viYv'vavOp&)rwaa L' dgf WTvei/a
d  [&ylov roeg airiocri6olt etrnlorTaiar.-(i-p/a   irp6owna).  Pseudo-Greg. Thanmat. g
ciara /Zepoe  7sioTrl (in Ang. Maji Scriptt. vett. nova collectio, vii. 1, 171):'Aro&Evyolpev
rbe Za/ighhtov yieovr7a  rbv avr/i  vraropa, ibv aevr-bv vibv - qraripa pyv y2p l/yEt evat
rbv 2eal.os-ra, viodv de riOv ayo'v Tiv   rarf-p pEvov-ra, cai tcar -a catpbv ir-g dqrtovpy7af
atv6/te6vov, ru-TE pr-a aerai ariv (tzaiv'-rv'XilpaOvCv Tiv-y sipaylaTi-wv egc Oneov avaipXovra.
Tb avcrbs diUl 7Ec3i ep  roS 7JEvnieaog 2Ayen. Athanas. c. Arian. Or. iv. 12:'H  povac,r7la-rvvegnca y/yove spiaf.  Ib. 13: Zivar2ecAOatc Kcai tricXtv ehcreZveCOat i-v ObEv,
respecting this icKraatg cai ClV)sro, see the Clementinen und Philo above, ~ 58, note 13).
lb. 25: "'i2s-rep  dia tp/o-eg neXaptlia-cav E ici, TOi di ai-b OirvEfpa, OVaTiO  ccai  o atp b atrbr
tiev Eirt, rTaverT-a6de ECSi rg vibv cai 7ryetCtt. Arii epist. ad Alexandrum Alex. ap. Epiphan.
Haeres. 69: eZa3i'tuo gf?-tv  oeVddea datpdv vieOTre/ro-pa eTrev.  (Gregorius Nyss. contra
Arium et Sabellium  in Ang. Maji Scriptt. vett. nova coll. viii. ii. 1: Oi ccat-2 zaaiuutuovevatppegv iEv srnEtpdv-ra  T1v VuSr6aiaotlv ToV vHoP, aTiboV d  Trbv TaTEIpa eva i ovra dvaiv
oe6bpnVa   yEpaipovr-a ol6pevot, viosris-ropa srpocayopnesovacv).  According to Epiphanius
Haer. lxii. 1, lie compared the Godhead to the sun, Ovrtz ptEv dev [t.j  tSPri-TCdaE, ip-Erg dE
iXOver ri-ag evepyeiag, namely, Tib iCg rcep~Erpeoaf GaXsla, or - ridef   au ci gS r-  wtrordaeoreC,
rib QortcarrLcv, and rb 0aOni-ev. The Monas is the divine essence in itself, in its concealed
state, which reveals itself in the trias, by interchangeably assuming three characters (-ipo'aw-ra) according to the nature of the revelations.'IThese three srp6o'sra are o sasi-jp, o vto6,
7-b 0Twvepta.  The Logos is never called a second prosopon, but it is the Logos which became
man, and, as such, took the name P vi`g (Athanas. c. Arian, Or. iv. 22:'Ev cpX,- pF/c X6yov




CHAP. II.-HERETICS.  ~ 60. MONARCHIANS.                         201
to  refute  him   by  personal interviews  and  letters, and  in  unfolding  antagonist views, went so  far as to  make  new  and  objectionable  assertions.   Sabellians  were  found  so  late  as  the
fourth   century,  in   Rome   and   Mesopotamia.   Still  greater
offense  was  given  by  Paul of  Samosata, who, being  at the
same  time  bishop  of Antioch  (frolYm   203)  and holding  a civil
offiee,1l exhibited a vanity  and love of display hitherto  unexampled in  a Christian  bishop.   While he maintained with  strictness the unity of God, he declared Jesus to be a man begotten
by the Holy Spirit, on whom the Divine wisdom  descending
exerted  its  influence  in  a peculiar manner.l2    Three  councils
i7r2f5  0-'rs 6e IEvOp-pyracE, -r6TsE &voy/dUOat vi6v). Hence Baur's opinion (Dreieinigkeit,
i. 261) is very probable that, in the sense of Sabellius, the Logos, in opposition to the
Monas, is the manifested God generally, and that the three cro6ocra are to be considered
as the changing forms of the Logos. If in some accounts the divine essence is styled 6,ira7rp generally, this may have been done by Sabellius, as well as, according to the Catholic
doctrine, 6 7rar7esp may even designate the triune God oivtroi)f.  Finally, with regard to
the question whether Sabellius considered the 7rp6oUTrov of the Son as a transitory appearance united to the earthly existence of Jesus (as Baur, 1. c. p. 266, thinks), or whether he
believed that the person of Christ should cease to be only with the final consummation
(according to Neander, i. ii. 1031), Gregory of Nyssa decides in favor of the former view,
contra Arium et Sabellium in Alug. Maji Coill. viii. ii. 4: O  de IcaraT lafieZAtov —ecS rv
jueyicriv r7/f ac3iePaf ecvrEsTrr-ifaca, 7rTivrv, olodevot lta /ev XeLoroTeraav  rvOporrivnv.rpoeX7javOevat -rbo  vibv  lC t70-d  rap- rpg  oporlcsaipep.  alGo  6Id esr-i rs7v d&6pdatvlv TeV
avOptnrivworv or/t/ ea#ca  -roedv I'vaE2evO67a EcdUvat rE /cai wt ca/ue/tOa t 7ra  rarpi.
11 He was a Ducenarius, Euseb. vii. 30. We must not here think of the Ducenarii
whom Augustus created as the fourth decuria of knights, so called because they must
have property to the amount of ducena sestertia (Sueton. Octav. c. 32), but the ducenarii
procuratores, officers of a higher rank, who had so much yearly revenue, to whom Claudius
granted the ornamenta consularia (Sueton. Claud. c. 24), and who still continued under
Constantine (Cod. Justin. x. 19, 1).
12 His history is given in Euseb. vii. 27-30. Here also, cap. 30, is found the historical
part of the circular letter of the last council of Antioch which was held against him.
Doctrinal fragments of the same are given in Leontii Byz. contra Nestor. et Eutych. lib.
iii. in the Greekl original from a Bodleian MS. apud J. G. Ehrlich diss. de erroribus Pauli
Samos. Lips. 1745. 4, p. 23. Among other original documents put together in the collection of councils (apud Mansi, i. 1033), the Epist. Episcoporum ad Paulum is still the most
tTustworthy. The others are partly suspicious, partly spurious beyond a doubt; such as
the epistle of Dionysius Alex. ad Paulum. —Fragments of Paul himself are found in the
Contestatio ad Clerum Constantinop. in the Acts of the council of Ephesus apud Mansi v.
393, ap. Leontius, i. c. In Greek from a Paris MS. in J. G. Feuerlini diss. de haeresi
Paui Sam.  Gotting. 1741. 4, p. 10, and in Justiniani Imp. lib. contra Monophysitas in
Aug. Maji Nova collect. vii. i. 299: The texts contain much that agrees word for word, and
may be supplemented and improved by each other. Besides fragments of Paul EtIC rSV
srpO Y1a,3etalvv (or  atiZvov) i6y7ov from a Clermont MS. in Feuerlini diss. p. 15, mote
correctly from a Vatican MS. in Anug. Maji Nova coell. vii. i. 68.-The doctrine of Paul was,
according to Epiphanius Haer. lxvi. 1:'Ev  se.   i Ie- ovra rsv aVtrod A6yov, Katc rO HIver/ja
aelroV, dcrTep Eiv  vOpt6V7ov KapdIis I i ltoC  oyof g.0'  s eslat de rV vi[r lvvsTcr6Gra-rov, a2'l&
Ev a6r,  Oe6 (Elo7rta-/uv  dvrvvras-rarov, Epist. Episc. ad Paul)-E-2LO6rvra d TsV A6yov cai
Evolsaavrsa ev'Ijaod avdpOTrp Orslt (Epist. synodi Antioch. apud Leontius: ob cvyyeyew



202                  FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
were held in Antioch on his account.  At the last of them
(269), he was convicted of heresy, by Malchion, his opinion
having been hitherto disguised under ambiguous expressions,
and deposed  from  his office.13    But his newly elected  successor,
bishop Domnus, could not take possession of his office until Zenobia, the patroness of Paul, had been defeated by Aurelian
(272).14    The  party  of Paul (Samosateniani, Pauliani, Paulianistae) existed till the fourth century.'5
i8Oaa  r5 dvOpwpziv? r/v aoColav, g                       lTc gi erOdIEjEV, daedlUOp i, o /i car/ai -rrolo6r7ra).o0) dialCEL 6  OVrTO  icarTi rov N6yrov rbv,ar/apa reirovOivat, i('Axx  0~zalt, Eu0/v 6 076yof
Evgpy?6ae y6vog, icat aivMOCe 7rp6r r'v wrar/pa.  Fragments of Paul's writings:;vvg230ev
06 26yog rE uc La,8Md  yeyevyElzvg, f'arltv'IJogS Xptcrbo  6 yevvelOc  ~IC T rveguarog
aytov' Kat rorov pv Oeytcev i irapt0vof d6t(/ wvretyarog iyiov, ElCe-vov d6i rov  26yov
E7ydvviaev 6 0Eb6  Uvev 7rapd0vov CKa2 ivev rtlvc odevdb VOvroSC, 7i12Zv TOV 0eo') /1Ca ofTrcoS
vr'ari o 26 yoC. —"Av0pwtof XppErai, Soyof ov Xpera a' —tca y7ip 6b  6yof /E[irv  iv reO
XpI.Cro7'  Xptar7S yap dti  ao~[af  ptyar Ey7veo - ro a' I[o/a ntC co/ias //ai caOEdruEV.
Aoyog oE~v yap ivwOev,'Ivaobg sE XpicrO  aiv~po&~reo   Evbresev (Epist. Syn. Antioch. apud
Euseb. vii. 30,'I. Xp. caircoOev).  Map/a -r6  Z6oov oeci ETrece —Tov 26yov V7r6ed/aroCretEv aiv0pon-oV ~I/tV icov, Kcpcirrova 66 Karia Twvra,'wreidi eic irveuairog aiytov.-('lH
aorqa) Cv 7Tpo~la/tc 7v, pydU2ov dU Kacat E MacIr,- Kcal 6ev roalo/g cvpioif, aud2Aov 6d tca/
EV Xpar&T, 05f'v va0  CeO.P.  Ex Pauli sermonibus ad Sabinum: T   /ayiGy  7rveitart
Tptca8e l7rpoaVoyope6i0 XptIar0S, iracyiv Karda fvatv, 0av/iarovp)'.iv  ar/a Xaptv'  7, yip
aCrpew7rr( r/g yVii7'tig dJLoiUOeC  r1 0oE5, ca iteivag Kcadapgr a apTuapr i/aC  v6)O  arT7i, Kai
p27~py4Oi rote/cOat TrV r7gv Oav1i/rTwV dvvacre~av, 6e  C/v /a)av    l arp Kcai Tiv avri/v'rpg,r 0e2aet CEvpyeLav XroXV dCIxOEgC, XvrpcorTi roo yvov  lf Icai aowrp ypdXuirUa EV.-"Ayio g
ca i 6icaioC  yeyovev /11t0v  6 G7'ipp, ay/ivi Ka' 7rT6v) rrg 70'o 7TO'porTrO[20f i/tpV Kcpar4aag
adjapriaS' ol9 carop06caaC 7TrV CiperTV, aVVl/li T6ii, v1  e,  cav  ai/ l a/CriTv Vrpb aCTOrbv
foO2u7aotV Kcal tv/pyetav rafg riSv ayaOiv 7rpolcoTrwaGC 6'aXc'C  i/v /iilaipperov bvMbac, rTO
ovo)la Kcrlpodnal ro trip mrav dvo/oa, aropy/l~ /raO2eov a r      Ok xapvtOev. —Mi/ Oav/tSaC, OdTr
uiav Merd' rob) OVEO) r/v 02?0/ltv EIXeV O CT71riOP  /i rTep yap 7  altf i MiaV rdV 7roaUv Kcat
Tiv avr'7v vracpXovcav ~avepoE rT/v og aav, oiJaV rof i) qXc6gS ric yr i/a f /a11 2iav T7iv  7roUiiv
cKaTi rv arriVv  /i7rppXovrav bavepoZi T7v ovcrav, ovrofS a] rqXatC    S r /C ay/rfS 1u1tv la Tv weo2-.Idv Kat rT/V aiV  yv dpyirdat OMta&fV d      catl rgL G   a/V'/C oavepovevnuf e~VapcEa7jG6i8re.
-'i  Kparov/#eva r7  26yoY r7i/ ~6Girre   OVcK tXovCtV cT7ratvov' ri 6c acXdcet tliaCf Kparod/reva P     repaivera, uti  cal r, a' r', y1 0v/  KparovEiiva,  ibtd Mif caZ r-g a'rifS 6vepyeiaC
Peilatloeeva, cati 7i Kcar' 6'raisia/cv OV87or0E -ravoeuVi/ iclviewCeS.  KaO' /V r7) 0,e,
avva0etf O6 Cvrr7p odd/irore 6dExerai pepotliV ElgC TOe   a/ivac, Ftav avr, /cal rTiv aarn-v
rlov Oklkatv Kcal tEvpyEtav   lie Ktlov0/Viv 7r taveprael  T/rv  i)ya0iv. —J. B. Schwab
diss. de Pauli Samos. vita atque doctrina. Herbipoli. 1839. 8. Baun, i. 29:13. Neander,
i. ii. 1035. Meier's Lehre v. d. Trinitfit, i. 115.
13 It was established by the council: 07i Et-vat dyoodatov TO'V v210v  ro  eOao rTW 7arpo,
first mentioned in a letter of the Semiarians about 358, allowed by Athanasius de Synod.
43. Hilarius de Synod. 86. Basilius Epist. 52. On the other side, Prtxdentius Maranus
diss. sur les Semiariens (in Voigtii bibl. hist. haeresiologicae, t. ii. p. 159), Feuerlini diss.
Dei filium patri esse dbpooCtaov, antiqui ecclesiae doctores in Cone. Ant. utrum  negarint.
Goetting. 1755. 4. D611inger's K. G. i. i. 269.-Schleiermacher, 1. c. 387, note, thinks that
Sabellius first used that expression.  That it certainly occurs in the Sabellian controversy
is shown below, ~ 64, note 8.
14 A remarkoable command of Aurelian, Euseb. vii. 30, 9: Todrolt ve1,uat rOv oelcoV, olf
p oe Kca 2 rT/v'r1j 4av Kcal rav'PdPuaodv 7rtiv EticrioKoro, ro  dOyyaTrof Ewl r/leoteV.
15 The most usual names for all those who asserted rbv avr6v evat wrarEpa Kcal vbov cal




CHAP. II. —HERETTCS. ~ 61. MANICHAEANS.                        213
~ 61.
MANICHAEANS.
SPECAL  SOURCES —Archelai (bishop of Cascar about 2.78). Acta disputationis cum Manete(first in L. A. Zaccagnii. collectaneis monumentor. vet. eccl. Graecae et Lat. Romae.
1698. 4; then in J. A. Fabricii ed. opp. Hippolyti vol. ii. Gallandii bibl. Patr. vol. iii.
Routh Reliqu. Sacr. vol. iv. p. 119, ss.).-Titi Bostrensis (about 360) libb. iv. contra
Manichaeos (in Hen. Canisii lection. antiquis, ed. B asnage, t. i.).-Augustini Hipponensis
contra Fortunatum, contra Adalmantum, contra Faustum  libb. 33, de actis cron Felice
Man. libb. 2, and other writings collected in the 8th vol. of the Benedictine edition.
WORKS-Is. de Beausobre Hist. crit. de Manichee et du Manicheisme. Amst. 1734, 39.
2 Bd. 4. J. L. Moshemii comm. de rebus Christian. ante Constantin. M. p. 728, ss.
Walch's Ketzerhist. Th. 1. S. 685, ff. J. S- Semler's Einleitung zu Baumgarten's Untersuch. Theologischer Streitigkeiten, Bd. 1. Halle. 1762. 4. S. 266, ff. K. A. Freih. v.
Reichlin Meldegg die Theologie d. Magiers Manes und ihr Ursprung.  Frankf. a. M.
1825. 8. Manichaeorum  indulgentias crum brevi totius Manichaeismi adumbratione e
fontibus descripsit A. 1. V. de Wegnern.' Lips. 1827. 8. Neander's Kirchengesch. i
ii. 824 (Comp. my review of the last three works in the theol. Studien u. Kritiken, B'd
i. Heft 3. S. 599, if.). I)as manich. Religionssystem nach den Quellen neu untersuchM
u. entwickelt von Dr. F. Chr. Baur, Tuibingen. 1831. 8. (Comp. Scheckenburger's review
in the Theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1833. iii. 875).
Since the  Syrian  Gnosis, which  had spread  even  to  Persia,2
presented  so many points of union with  the doctrine  of Zoroaster,3 it is not surprising  that the  Persian  Gnostics should have
been led to connect their Christianity still more closely with the
Zend doctrine.4    After the spiritual aspect of the religion of Zoroaster had  declined under the  Arsacidae, and  become  a  rude
dualism   and  mere  ceremonial worship, the  Sassanides  (from
227) did every thing in their power to restore its ancient splendor.   In  the  assemblies  of the Magi a supreme principle  was
acknowledged  (Zeruane akerene); and, on the  other hand, unqualified dualism  with  its adherents  (2.dagusaeans, al thianavia)
condemned.  These commotions in the bosom of Parsism probdytcov 7rveuCa were, according to Athanas. de Synodis, c. 7, ITarpoTraacovot eiIv rrapz'Pouaieolu, Eal3eAtavoi dJ 7rap'?I)pv.
1 Fragments of tle Greek original are given by Epiphanius (Haer. 66). Respecting
their spuriousness, see Beausobre, i. p. 129, if. Yet even by Jerome they were regarded
as authentic (Catal. c. 72). Cf. Fabricii bibl. Graeca ed. Harles, vol. vii. p. 275, ss.
2 Comp. ~ 39, note 5, ~ 46, Sim. de Vries de orig. et progressu BRelig. Christ. in vet. Petsarum regno, in Barkey Museum Haganurm, t. iii. p. 288, ss.
3 Die Theologie Zoroaster's nach dem Zend-Avesta v. A. IIl1ty, in Illgen's Zeitschr. f
Hist. Theol. viii. i. 1.
4 In opposition to Baur, who in the work already quoted, p. 433, assumes Buddhism as
a third element, and with whom even Neander, 1. c. second edition, p. 827, agrees, see.
the apposite objections of Scheckenburger in the theolog. Studien u. Kritiken. 1833. iiL 89O




204                FIRST PERIOD. —DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
ably  gave rise  to the attempt of  Icanes to unite Christianity
vith the systemn of these Magusaeans.5   Eastern  and western
writers  differ from  one  another not only  in  the  name  of this
sect-founder (Mani- Cubricus, Manes, Jl-anichaeus), but also
in  their accounts of him.6   They  agree  only  in  this, that he
was hated by the Magi, persecuted by the Persian kings, compelled to flee, and lastly, at the command  of a king (according
to the orientals, Bahatraim  or Bararanes I., from  272-275) barbarously put to death, as a corrupter of religionin a fort or castle (according to the  oriental writers, Dascarrah, according to
the occidental, Arabion).
His system  of religion rests on the assumption of two  everlasting  kingdoms coexisting and  bordering  on  each other, the
kingdom   of liglht and  the kingdom   of darkness, the  former
under the dominion of God, the latter under the demon or Hyle.
After the borders had been  broken  through  by a war between
the two kingdoms, and  the' material of light had  been  mixed
with the material of darkness, God caused the world to be forlmed by the living  spirit (T;(v 7rvetia, spiritus vivens) out of this
mixed material, in order that by degrees the material of light
here captured (anima and Jesus patibilis) might be again separated and the old boundaries restored.   Two exalted natures of
light, Christ (whom  Mani calls in preference  dextra  luminis,
T0oo  d&iiov Z OWbg vie6, &c.)  and  the  HIoly  Spirit, the  former
dwelling in the sun and moon (naves), the latter in the air, conduct this process of bringring back the material of light; while
the demon and the evil spirits, fettered to the stars, endeavor to
hinder them.   In every man there dwells an evil soul besides
the  soul of light;7  and  it is his commission to secure to the
latter the  sway  over the former, to unite with it as many  as
5 Thom. Hyde Historia religionis vett. Persarurn et Parthorum et Medorum. Oxon.
1700 (new ed. Lond. 1760), 4. p. 280, if. Abbe Foucher on the system of Manes, in J. F.
Kleukler's appendix to the Zend-Avesta, Bd. i. Tb. 2, S. 186, fF. Silv. de Sacy Mdmoires
sur diverses antiquitds de la Perse. Paris. 1793. 4. p. 52.
6 The orientals are given in. Herbelot Bibliotlhque orientale. Paris. 1697. fol. (new
edition, Haag. 1777, 78. 3. T. in 4.) Art. Mani. The western have all borrowed from
Archelai Act. disput. cumn Manete.
7 An old Persian notion: so says the Persian Araspas in Xenoph. Cyrop. vi. c. 1, ~ 21:
Aio yap uaop, iXgw /bvXdf.-ov yap d Isa yer oaea &3ta 6'yaOS r7' ECrT /cai Icac, o~d' lya
1ca2tCv 7E tKai al ytpi&Jv Cpyev Epa, ta2 7rabra acla Podr'aei re /cai oiv jo2elraot 7rpaTrItvZs1a2 dJSy2ovo c ddo Erv C7bv fX, scat OTrav y/ev   iya a Icpar, ra KcaLa 7rpdcrreratl ora'
di? 7rovyp(d, rT atoxpa  rtlXEstptZTat. On the later Persians, see Kleuker's Appendix to
the Zend-Avesta, Bd. 1, Tb. 1, S. 261.




CHAP. I.-H ERETICS. ~ 61. IMANICEHAANS.                       205
possible of the elements of light;, which are scattered in nature,
especially in  certain  plants, and thus to free it from  the fetters
of the evil principle, and prepare the way for its return  to the
kingdom  of light.8    After men  had long been led astray by the
demon, by means of false religions (Judaism   and Heathenism),
Chr-ist descended from  the sun  to  earth  in  the appearance  of a
body, to  lead them  to the worship  of the true  God, and by his
doctrine to help the souls of light in their struggles for liberty.
But his instructions were not fully understood evefi by the apostles, and  after his death  were still more falsified  by the  Christians.9   Hence he promised a still greater apostle, the zrapda/Jblj
7oft, who should separate  all that was false, and  announce  the
truth in perfection and purity.'0    This person appeared in    am.nio
The Mlanichaeans accordingly  rejected  entirely  the  Old  Testament,1    All that they thought they could make use of in favor
8 Manes in Epist. ad filiam  Menoch (in Augustini Op. imperf. lib. iii. c. 172): Sicut
animae gignuntur ani-mabus, itaque figmentnm corporis a corporis natara digeritnr. 0Quod
ergo nascitnr de carne, cato est, et quod de spiritu, spiritus est: spiritunm autemn animalm
intellige.-(C. 177.) Sive enim bonum. geramus, non est camlis-sive realurn gerarnas. non
est animlae. Hence the Manichaeans had other definitions of freedom and sin. Fortunatus
Disp. ii. cUll Angostinllo, c. 21: Id est peccatum animae, si post commonitionem Salvatoris
nostri et sanam doctrinanm ejus a contlaria natura et inimica sti stirpe se non segregaverit
anima.  Secandinus Epist. ad Augustin, ~ 2: (Anima) carnis commixtione ducitur, non
propria volantate.  At si, cumo se ipsum cognoverit, consentiat nmalo, et non se armet
contra inimicLm, voluntate sua peccavit.  CtQam se iterum  pndeat errasse, paratum
inveniet misericordiarulm atuctorem. Non enim punlitur, qlia peccavit, sed quia de peccato
non doluit.
9 Contemptuously called TraLaZtZot by Manes in Epist. ad Oddam (in Fabricii Bibl
Graeca, vol. v. p. 285).
10 Mani begins his Epistola fundamenti (ap. Angustinunm contra epist. Manichaei, c. 5)
thus: Manichaeus Apostolus Jesu Christi providentia Dei patris.  Haec sulnt salubria
verba de perenni et vivo fointe, quae qui audiesit et eisdem primum crediderit, deinde
quae insinuant custodierit, numnquam erit morti obnoxius, verum  aeterna et gloriosa vita
fruetur, caet.-The Manichaean Felix (Augustin. de Act. curn Felice, i. 9): Paulus irn
altera epistola dicit: "Ex parte scimlus et ex parte prophetamus: cun  venerit autelm
quod perfectum est, abolebuntur ea, quae ex parte dicta sunt."  (1 Co'. xiii. 9, 10.) Nos
audientes Paulum hoc dicere, venit Manichaens cum praedicatione sua et suscepimus
eum secundu-m quod Christus dixit: "Mitto vobis spiritull sanctunm." —Et quia venit
Manichacus, et per suamn praedicationem docfit nos initi-um, medirnm et fineml: docuit nos
de fabrica muldi, quare facta est, et unde facta est, et qni fecemant: docuit nos, quare
dies et quare nox: doceit nos de cursu solis et lunae: quia hoc in Paulo non audivimus,
nec in caeterorum Apostolorum scriptulirs: hoc credimlus, quia ipse est Paracletus. Itaque
illud iteartm dico, quod superius dixi: si audiero in altera scriptura, ubi Paracletus loquitur,
de quo voluero intelvogare, et docueris me, credo et renuntio.-Without doubt, Manes
made a distinction between the Holy Spirit and the Paraclete, but was misunderstood by-.
the Catholics (for example Euseb. H. E. 7, 31: TorT  yeZv rTOv IapdlCrTov /ca  are oTO  o
yetov aordv ~avrdv'vaecypdrrov).
1' Baur's Manich. Religionssysteml, S. 358. F. Trechssel fiber den Kanon, die Kritilk u
Exegese d. Manicaier. Bern. 1832. 8. S. 11.




206                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. 1ll. —A.D. 193-324.
of their doctrine belonging to the canonical and apocryphal writings of the New Testament, was regarded by them as a remnant
of the  original truth.   Whatever  was  opposed  to  their  views
was  supposed  to  be error which  had been  subsequently  mixed
up  with  the  truth.'2    Thus, they  appealed, where  it  served
their purpose, to the canonical gospels13  and the epistles of St.
Paul as well as to apocryphal gospels without entirely  adopting
these writings,'4  but at the  same  time, without attempting  to
purge them  from  error, as Marcion did.   Since they found least
truth in the history of the apostles written by Luke, they confronted this canonical production  with  another, under the name
of Lucius or Leucius."    All these writings could not be canonical in.  their  estimation,  meaning  by  that  term,  absolutely
authoritative.   The works of Mani alone were canonical.l6
Their morality had for its object to procure for the good the
1-2 Baur, S. 378. Trechsel, S. 27. Faustus Manich. (ap. Augustin c. Faust. xxxii. 6):
Nobis Paracletus, ex novo Testamento promissus, perinde docet, quid accipere ex eodemr
debeamus, et quid repudiare.
13 Faustes (ap. Augustin. c. Faust. xxxiii. 3): Nec ab ipso (Christo), haec (Evangelia)
sunt, nec ab ejus apostolis scripta: sed multo post eorum assumptionem a nescio quibus,
et ipsis inter se non concordantibus Semnijudaeis per famlas opinionesque comperta sunt:
qui tamen omnia eadem in apostolorum Domini conferentes nomina, vel eorulm, qui secuti
apostolos viderentur errores ac mendacia sna secundum eos se scripsisse mentiti sunt.
14 Cyrillus Hieros. Catech. iv. and vi. pronounces the gospel of'Thomas to be a Manichaean production, and many have followed him; but the Manicheans may have quoted
it for particular sentiments, without entirely adoptng it (see Thilo Cod. apocr. N. T. Pro
leg. p. lxxx.). The gospel of Philip was of Gnostic orioin, which document is said to have
been used also by the Mvanichaeans, Trechsel, S. 59.-A catalogue of such writings, which
in part at least may have been first used by the later Mainichaeans, may be found in Timotheus (presb. Constantinop. about 511) 1. de iis qui ad ecclesiamn accedunt, in J. Meursii
Varia divina. Lugd.Bat. 1619. 4. p. 117.
15 Leucii Acta Apostolorum (Augustin. de Actis c. Felice, ii. 6): Al rvp'A7ro6roT6ov
7iepiodot (Photius Bibl. cod. 114), written by Leucius Charinus, containing the IHpiFcS
HTrpov,'JIoivvov,'Av6pfov, Ocdu/, Haedov. Several of them exist in MS. There have
been published Acta S. Thomae Apostoli ed. J. C. Thilo. Lips. 1823. 8. Comp. the Protegomena to this work, p. lx. Respecting the person of Leucius, the most contradictory
accounts are given (Treclhsel, S. 61). It is highly probable that he is a mythic collective
for all heretical histories of the apostles, and that the name was modeled after that of
Luke.
16 B,8Xeof rdZv,vUrVpiTY  (Syriac in 22 divisions. Fragments apud Titus Bostrensis and
Epiphan. Haer. lxvi. 14), B. riv IeC(aeaitv, rd (0v eiayyfEXtov (Oriental. Erteng?), ob O?caavpog rvrg (0Sg (Fragments in Augustin. de Natura boni, 44, de Act. cum Felice, i. 14,
and in Evodius de Fide). These four works Manes is said to have appropriated from the
remains of Scythianus. Besides these there are several letters of his: Epist. fundamenti
(Augustini lib. contra epist. Manichaei, quam vocant fundamenti), Ep. ad filiam Menoch
(Fragments in August. Opus imperfect. lib. iii.). Fragments of the letters ad Zebenam,
ad Scythianuml, ad Odan, ad Cudaruma in Fabricii Bibl. Graeca, vol. v. p. 284, if. ed. nov.
vol. viii. p. 315, also scattered here and there in Ang. Maji Scriptt. vett. nova coill. vii. i.
17, 69, 70, 277, 304.




CHAP. II.-HERETICS.    s61. MANICHAEANS.                         207
dorminion  over the bad soul, by  a rigid  self-denial.   It was divided  into  the  signaculum   oris, sign. manus, and  sign. sinus.
It imposed  on the baptized  members (electi, perfecti, -rEAstot) so
great privations, that most adherents of the  sect remained catechumens  (auditores) as long  as possible, for the  sake  of being
released from  the observance  of the  most stringent laws.   The
wvorship of the AManichaeans was very simple.  They celebrated
Sunday by fasting;  the day of Mani's death by a yearly festival
(Pfpaa).   Baptism, which  was  administered  with  oil,17 and the
Lord's Supper belonged to the secret worship of the electi.
Mani himself sent out twelve  apostles to  propagate  his doctrine, in  like  manner afterward  electi were constantly  dispatched  for this  purpose.   Hence  the  party  remained  in  very  close
union.  At the head of them was one person, to whom 12 magistri immediately, and next the 72 bishops of the churches, were
subordinate.   Many  followers  were  attracted  by  the  historical
form  in  which  1Mani  endeavored  to explain so much  that is incomprehensible,"s and  by  the  asceticism   of his adherents.   Accordingly, the  3Ianichaeans spread, soon after the death  of their
founder, into proconsular Africa, and even further in the Roman
dominions, although they were opposed with vehemence, not only
by the catholic church, but were also persecuted by heathen  emperors,l9 who enacted bloody laws against them  as a sect derived
from  the hostile Persians.
17 Theol. Studien i. Kritiken, i. iii. 620. Baur, S. 277.
18 Angustinus de Utilitate credendi, c. 1. (Opp. ed. Bened. viii. 34): Nosti elnil, Honorate, non atiam. ob causam nos in tales homines incidisse, nisi quod se dicebant, telribili
auctoritate separata, mira et simplici ratione eos, qai se audire vellent, introducturos ad
Deunm, et errore omni liberaturos, etc.
19 Diocletian's edict to Julian, proconsul of Africa, against the Manichaeans, dat. prid.
Kal. April. (287?) Alexandriae, mentioned also by Amlbrosiaster ad. 2 Tim. iii. 7, and preserved in the Lex Dei s. Mosaicarum et Romanamalm legumn collatio (best edition by F.
Blunie. Bonnae. 1833. 8) tit. xv. c. 3, and in the Codicis Gregoriani fragmentis (ed. G.
Haenel. Bonnae. 1837. 4. p. 44):-De quibus Solertia tua Serenitati nostrae rettllit Maniclaeis, audivimus eos nuperrime, veluti nova inopinata prodigia, in hunc mundum de Persica, adversaria nobis gente, progressa veol orta esse, et multa facinora ibi committere:
populos namque quietos turbare, nec non et civitatibus maxima detrimenta inserere: et
verendnur est, le forte, ut fieri adsolet, accedenti tempore conentur (per) excecrandas consnetudines et scaevas leges Persaranm innocentioris naturae homines, Romanam gentem
modestamn atque tranquillam, et universum orbem nostraum veluti venenis suis malevolis
inficere.-Jubemus namque, auctores quidem  ac principes una cum abominandis scriptnrLis
eorum severiori poenae subjici, ita ut flammeis ignibus exurantur; consentaneos vero et
usque adeo contentiosos capite puniri praecipimlus, et eorum bona fisco nostao vindicari
sancimus. Si qlhi sane etiam honorati, ant cujuslibet dignitatis, vel majoris, personae ad
hanec inauditam ettiurpem atqne per omnia infamem sectam, vel ad doctrinam  Persaralm




208                 PIRBE   PRIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324
THIRD CHAPTER.
THEOLOGY OF THE CATHOLIC CHUItCH.
I. IN THE EAST.
~ 62.
ALEXANDRIAN SCHOOL.
J. G. Michaelis de Scholae Alexandrinae sic dictae cateclleticae origine, progressu ac
praecipuis doctoribus (Symbolae literariae, i. iii. 195. Bremae. 1745). J. F. Hilscher de
Schlola Alexandrina.  Lips. 1776. 4. H. E. F. Guerike de Schola, quae Alexandriae
floruit, comm. list. et theol. (Pp. ii. Halis Sax. 1824, 25. 8.) Parsprior: de externa.Scholae Ilistoria. C. F. G. HIasselbach de Schola, quae Alexanldriae floruit, catechetica.
Part. i. A Stettin School-procralm of the year 1826. Neander's Kirchengesch. i. ii.
909, if. R-edepenning's Origenes, i. 57.
IN  the present period, Christian  theology was cultivated  especially  at Alexandrbia, at that time  the  seat of all the  sciences,
where  the  catholic  teachers, even  by  their external relations to
the heathen  and  Gnostics, were  compelled  to  enter philosophically  into the doctrines of Christianity.l    Here began to be very
soon  felt the  necessity  of an  instruction  beyond  the  usual one
given  to catechumens, as well for the philosophical proselytes as
for those who were to become teachers.  After many persons
thirsting  for  knowledge  had  been  in  this  way  collected  about
some distinguished man, the institution  of the Alexanzcrian calecheticacl 8Chool2  attached  itself to  those  prior individual efforts
se transtelerunt, eorum patrimonia fisco nostro adsociari facies: ipsos quoque foenensibus
vel proconensibus metallis dari. Ut igitur stirpitis ampttari mlala haec nequitia de saecuIo beatissinmo nostro possit, Devotio tua jussis ac statutis Tranquillitatis Nostrae maturius,
obsecundare (festinet). Explanations of this passage may be found in Bynkershoek de
Relig. peregrina, diss. ii. (Opusc. ii. 207.)  Cannegieter ad Fragm. vet. jurisprud. c. 24.
1 Origenes ap. Eusebium, vi. 19, 5.
2 Euseb. v. 10 (speaking of the time of Commoodus):'Hy6r-o de rTvllcaVTra rico rv  tGrTrOV
aCr6O0 (tcaT''AXervdpEltav) dlaTrpz3igC tv2p Icar71 7radecav Evedo~6rarog, ivoya avrS MIuivvGatvoe g  e ipxagov 0Oov, dd,/caxerieo   7orv iepfi)v 26ywv corap' aoroZtC U1veaCrro,    /caci elf
juf 7rapaTrIiverat, ICa1 0p1 f Trpg  ET v U Y,  ar, 71'rEpv r2pT Oea zarovrO d&vare v avylcpo-'etOoat 7rapenrtX~a/ev. This account is given more fully by Jerome, in Catal. 36: Pantaenus, stoicae sectae philosophus, juxta quandam veterem in Alexandria consuetadinem, ubi
a Marco Evaingelista semper ecclesiastici flere doctores, tantae prudentiae et eruditionis
tam in Scripturis divinis, quiam in saeculari literatura fuit, ut in Indiam quoquoe-mittere



CHAP. III. —CATHOLIC THEOLOGY. I. ~ 62 ALEXANDRIAN SCHOOL 209
shortly  before the present period.   The  height of its prosperity
falls under this very  time, and  its distinguished  teachers (r.awxlceav   magistri,  Hieron.  Cat.  c.  38),  Pantaenus,  Clemens
Alexandrinus,  Origenes,  Heraclas,  Dionysius,3  (Pierius  and
Theognostus?) are the only persons by whom Christian theology
was now advanced.  The Alexandrian school took its peculiar
direction  from   its  very   first  teachers.   Pantaenus,  a  Stoic
philosopher, is otherwise  unknown;  and  we  can  only judge  of
him   by  his  pupil  Titus  Flavius  Clemens.   The  peculiarity
of the  Alexandrian school is already stamped  on the Writings of
thlle latter, who was president of the catechetical institution  from
about 191 till 202, then  fled in the  persecution  raised  by  Severus, and probably returned  to Alexandria  (t about 220).4    But
the  characteristics of the  school were  completely  developed  and
matured by the great Or'igen (o xaiev-nepo~, 6 dJalcdv-rtoq) the son
of the martyr Leonides, who died in 202.  When a youth of
eighteen  he  was  a  catechist  at  Alexandria,5  and  procured  for
tur. Names: i-rob rc taerXi-eof x   Lt6a.ca2eroEov (Euseb. H. E. vi. 3, 1, vi. 26) ir- IepOv
dLdaacakeZov r ipv t     tep eV a02y6rov (Sozom. H. A. iii. 15), ecclesiastica schola (Hieron.
Cat. c. 38), schola itat?1XaeUov (ibid. c. 69).
3 This is the order according to Eusebins and others.  On the other hand, Philippi Sidetae (about 420) fragm. in Henr. Dodwelli dissertatt. in Irenaeum. Oxon. 1689. 8. p. 490,
ss.: Athlenagoras, Pantaenus, Origenes, Heraclas, Dionysius, Clemens, Pierius, Theognostus, Serapion, Petrus Martyr, Macarius Tro2vrtuc6C, Didymus, RIhodon. Even Socrates
Hist. eccl. vi. c. 27, finds fault with the Christian history of Philip 5rt iroVg Xp6vovg Trf ItTropia~ avyxet.
4V Writings:  67yogf rporpe-zt8rbf -pg 7rpb  "E2vaf — algtraday, y6 3 books-a-trpcrta7a   or
ur-pop.a-,   libb. viii. (cf. Photii. Cod. cx. 26yo), rif O acoi6/evogr lr-o2atof (c. comment. C.
Segaar. Tr'aj, ad Rh. 1816. 8). WTith others of his writings have been also unfortunately
lost the Viro, -vrdGetg in 8 books, in which later orthodoxy found many acecI3Cf ccai  v0(6tdet
a6yovc (See Photius Cod. 109). The fiagments of it have been collected by Potter in his
edition of Clement, vol. ii. p. 1006, ss. A small portion of it, Remarks on the Catholic epistles, has been preserved in a Latin translation under the title of Adumbrationes Clem.
Alex. (best ed. Potter, i. c.); probably thle same of which Cassiodorus de Institut. div. lit.
c. 8, says, that he had prepared it nt exclusis quibusdam offendiculis purificata doctrina
ejus seeurior possit hauriri.  Comp. Liicke's Comm. iiber die Schriften Johannis, 2te Auflage, iii. 77. Perlhaps also the l  ridv irporst-lcdv (prophetic interpretations) faeoyat
apud Potter, p. 989, ale remains of the Hypotyposes.-Opp. omnia ed. J. Potter. Oxon.
1715. 2 voll. fol. R. Klotz. Lips. 1831-34. 4 voll. 8.-P. Hofstede De Groot Disp. de
Clemente Alex. Groningae. 1826. 8. v. C11n's article on Clemens in Ersch and G-ober's
Encyclop. Th. 18. S. 4, if. A. F. Daehne de. yvsaet Clementis Alex. Lips. 1831. 8.
Bedeutung des Alex. Clemens f. d. Entstehungd. christl. Theologie, by D. Kling, in the
theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1841. iv. 857. Ritter's Gesch. d. christil. Philos. i. 421. Redepenning's
Origenes, i. 70. [See the article on Clement in Smith's Diet. of Biography and Mythology.]
5 His self nutilation, related by Eusebius, vi. 2, is questioned by Schnitzer (Origenes
fiber die Grundlehren, Einleit. S. xxxiii.). On the other side see Engelhardt in the theol.
Stud. u. Kritik. for 1838, i. 157, and Redepenning's Origines, i. 202.-According to Porphyry
Origen was also a hearer of Ammonius Saccas (Euseb. vi. 19), which appears to be con
vOL. I.-14




210                FIRST PERTOD. —DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
himself a  great reputation  even  in  other places.   But he  displeased his bishop,.Demetrius, by being consecrated presbyter at
Caesarea (228), went thither in 231, and was then excluded from
communion with the church by Demetrius on account of his peculiar opinions.   The churches in Palestine, Arabia, and Achaia,
paid no regard, however, to this excommunication; and Origen not
only continued to fill the office of presbyter in Caesarea, but likewise gave instruction in the sciences.   Besides this, the revision
9f the corrupted Septuagint (Tr  ~fa7r2ac) occupied him  for twentyeight years.   During this time he was twice invited to  synods
which were held in Arabia against heretics.; and both times he
succeeded in convincing them  of their errors (Berylnus of Bostra,
244-Arabici, 248).   So distinguished a teacher of Christianity
could  not  be  overlooked  in  persecutions.   He  escaped  frorm
Maximrni   tfhe  Thracian  by  fleeing  to  his  friend  Firmilian,
bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia.   But in the Decian persecution he suffered so much ill usage in Tyre, that he died there
some years after (t 254).6
firmed by himself in a fragment there given. In opposition to Ritter (Gesch. d. Philos. iv.
576, Gesch. d. christl. Phil. i. 467), who denies it, see Redepenning, i. 230. and L. Kruiger
iiber das Verhliltniss d. Orig. zu Amm. Sakkas, in Illgen's Zeitsclhr. f. hist. Theol. 1843, i.
46.-That in addition to the famous Origen, there was a cotemporary heathen philosopher
of the same name is proved, in opposition to many writers, by Redepenning, i. 421, and
Krilger, S. 51.
On Onrigen's life, theology, and writings, see Pet. Dan. Huetii Origeniana libb. iii.,
prefixed to his edition of the commentaries, and in de la Btue, vol. iv. App. p. 79, ss. Ceillier Histoire des auteurs sacr6s et eccles. t. ii. p. 584, ss. Origenes, eine Dcarstellung s.
Lebens u. s. Lehre v. C. R. Redepenning. Abth. 1. Bonn. 1841. A development of his
doctrine alone in: Origenes, ein B eitrag zur Dogmengeschichte der dritten Jahrhundert.
von G. Thomasius Niirnberg. 1837. Writings: 1, exegetical, the model and source for
all succeeding Greek commentators: mleyL6asetC, scholia-r/uot, commentarii —i/t2a ati.
(On these three kinds of explanatory writings, see Rufinus Invectiv. in Hieronym. lib. ii1
in Hieronym. Opp. ed. Martianay, t. iv. P. ii. p. 426. On the homilies, Tzschirneri Opusc.
academ. p. 206, ss.) Origenes in Sacr. script. commentaria, quaecunque graece reperiri
potueiunt, ed. P. D. Huetius, O) voll. Rothomagi. 1668, also Paris. 1679, and Coloniae
(Frankfurt). 1685. fol. Most of the expository writings are extant only in the Latin translations of Rnfinus and Jerome. 2, Icar& K6eXov r6pot y' (ed. G. Spencer, Cantabrig. 1658.
4). 3, 7repi apXdv lib. iv. only fiagments of tle Greek are extant, but IRufinus's Latin version is entire (Orig. de Priucipiis, ed. et annotatione instruxit E. B. Bedepenning.  Lips.
1836. 8). Origenes iiber die Grundlehren der Glaubenswissenschaft Wiederherstellungsversuch von Dr. K. F. Schnitzer. Stuttgart. 1835. 8. Cf. Rufini praef.: Interpretando sequor
regulam praedecessorum, et ejus praecipui viri, cujus superius fecimus mentionem (Iieronymi), qui cum ultra 1xx. libellos Origenis-transtulisset in L atinum, in quibus cum aliquanta offendicula inveniantur in Graeco, ita elimavit omnia interpretando, atque purgavit,
ut nihil in illis, quod a fide nostra discrepit, latinus lector inveniat. Hieron. adv. Rufin. lib.
i. ed. Martian. t. iv. P. ii. p. 355. Concerning this translation of Rufinus: Quum -contulissem cuim Graeco, illico animadverti, quae Origenes de Patie et Filio et Spiritu Sancto
imrapie dixerat, et quae romanae aures ferre non poterant, in meliorerm partem ab interprete




tHAP. HIEI-CATHOLIC THEOLOGY. I. ~ 63. ALEXANDRIAN.SCHOOL. 211
~ 63.
(CONTINUA-TION). —REPRESENTATION  -OF  THE  ALEXANDRIAN'
THEOLOGY, PARTICULARLY THAT OF ORIGEN.
Guerike de Schola Alex. catech. (s. notice prefixed to ~ 62). Pars posterior: de Scholae
Alex. catecheticae theologia. Halis.. 1825, and the works relating to the doctrine of
Clement and Origen which have been already quoted-, ~ 62 notes 5 and 6.  [Davidson's
Sacred Hermeneutics. Edinburgh. 1843.]
The Alexandrians set a very high value  on philosophy, both
because it was formerly among the heathen what the law was
among the Jews, a preparation for Christianity, and because by
it alone a deeper knowledge of Christian  doctrine  is opened  up,
(yvwat~,, hence yo7varticoi, in Origen ootia, n' Oeia ooqia).l This
yvrwatu was certainly different from the bevdw6vvpjog yv5atfg of the
errorists; since  the  received  doctrines  of the  church  (vrrt9)
commutata. Caetera autem dogimata, de angelorum ruina, de animarum lapsu, de resurrectionis praestigiis, de mundo vel intermundiis Epicuri, de restitutione omniurn in aequalem
statum, et multo his deteriora, quae longum esset retexere, vel ita vertisse, ut in Graeco
invenerat, vel de com-menttariolis Didymi, qui Origenis apertissimus propugnator est, exaggerata et firmiora posuisse. Ejusd. Epist. 94, ad Avitum: Quae insania est, paucis de
Filio et Spiritu Sancto commutatis, quae apertam blasphemiam praeferebant, caetera ita
ut scripta sunt protulisse in medium?  Respecting his own and other earlier versions,
Ejusdem Epist. 41, ad Pammach. et Oceanum: Ego omnia, quae vitiata fuerunt, correxi.
Nec disertiores sumus Hilario, nec fideliores Victorino, qui ejus tractatus, non ut interpre
tes, sed ut auctores proprii operis transtulerunt. Nuper S. Ambrosius sic Hexaemeron
illius compilavit, ut magis Hippolyti sententias Basiliique sequeretur..  On the translation
of tRufinus, see Redepenning Prolegomena, p. xlv. To the lost writings also belong the
c1rpoaTEref in ten books. Philocalia a B asilio M. et Gregorio Theol. ex vatiis Origenis
commenmariis excerpta, primum graece ed. Jo. Tarinus. Paris. 1618. 4. Orig. Opp. omnia
ed. Car. et Car. Vine. de la Rue. Par. 1740-59. 4 voll. fol. denuo recensuit C. H. E. Lommatzsch, till the present time, 17 Tomi. Berolini, 1831-44 smLall 8 (containing the whole of
his exegetical and smaller writings).
1 Clemens in Strom. (ed. Potter) i. p. 331: THv iev ovlv 7rpob 7-i t7o  Kvpiov Trapovazia
eif 6rtcatoaovev "Ey ErwtGv dvayeaia tZocoia -' vvve 6e Xppciatuv TpSg Oceoa etamv yiveratl
7rporaatdeia rtf ovaa roleS -rv 7iarryv d' iuTirod~elE   Icapprrov/Zvotg. —Errataayyeic KaC aVdr
(0 b ~~oaoCota) rd E~uZviCbv, (d o v6/zoO  ro7f0'Ef3paiovc Elf XptUr6v. P. 337: O6Oe0v lrrev
eic civlpd)irovr. (Cf. vii. p. 832: O Keptodg iTcV e0a rof 707 ZEaltR r'?v 2uZoeo~iav
(it rdv v7rodeearEpiov!uyy6Zov.) P. 338: 4bGtocot0av 6 ov r0 v;OTU'I?1V X2yw, o666 rTv
HIiaravuciv, T) rTv'E7ruIcopetoIv re, Kca'Aprtro-rErC#2 v  faX' b' a Eipreat,rap' Eirerg
Triv alp&rewv roTOrwv raZSfk, dncaloasv7v terg8 e8vae/VoVf Ed'ritmtlg EIciddacmCovra, roefro
Ga-iwcav  rib icr2egcrzcv 6LAOcO~acV  wGpUi. Hence his zeal against those who asserted (Strom.
i. p. 326), irpb  alcSOD v armv ~tGocoi0av clo6VdemvC atv rdv fiov rmt 2ud/pz rSv avOptdJrov,
rrp6Of rvof eVpero0V rovnpoV, namely (vi. p. 773 and 822), Tro 6da,36Xov. Origenes in Genesin Hoem. 14, ~ 3: Philosophia neque in omnibus legi Dei contr'aria est, neque in omnibus conso*a. Moralis et physica, quLae dicitur philosophia, paene omnia, quae nostra SUnlt, sentiunt.
2 Clem. Strom. vii. p. 864:'Ecrtv y7p, 55g 8o0 eirrenv, V yvcatCg rrExeic-g 71it a'vp6irov,




212                 FIRST  PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324
as  molded  and  modified  in  express  opposition  to  the  G nostics,  were  adopted  as  an  immutable  basis  for  the  orthodox
Gnosis.    Yet these  orthodox  Gnostics  were  led  by  the  connection  of certain  general philosophical principles and  opinion;s
with  Christianity, -to  many  speculations which  were very  like
those of their heretical brethren.   Like  them  too, they  believed
that their Gnosis3 had been handed down as a mysterious doc:
trine;4  and  that it should  be  communicated  only  to  the  initiated.5    Hence  Origen  writes  about such  doctrines with  visible
hesitation, and warns in particular, against bringing them  before
the people.6    Toward thle uninitiated, the Alexandrians regarded
rC a'vOp637rOV, lta rC rTSv 08Etov  1frl6/M7 f uv/trX7-pOovIjCE v, Ki' -re r7-v r?6'rov )cal r')v
Biov Kaoi rOv  L6yov acSlovo~f icat 6O6aoyogf EaVT- rr Kar t   a reta 0    2.yS. QAi raOryf yyp
re2ertovraLt ); Wtatf, (Of -633EeloV 7t-03 7tlTOV ToaVT?7  t6oW   y7tyvoulvo.   P. 865:'H  uv oVV
T7-71T       of a 1rTO 7O-O E&1tv, cf eiyrEZv, riav areTrety6v7orv yvOlgCf'    1 yvolutf I a tynr63et1tC 7rIoV
dt  7riiTEoSC ireapet2nylpa#vov iXvp~i iSaig fPflato, dta r7~C K.vpLtatci   ddaatcauZiaf lErotoiodoUovU/v/yV7?, TriaetE. ii. p. 445: 2rO1teE9'V  yofov'3f  yiV)cEe   -TISov irpoeltp7LtWev  p rpers-s
(hope, repentance, abstinence, patience, love), oTxoietlwCdea Tpav etlva avyp1l0SlcE Trv wir..
r'tv, oijrcO  vayKaiav ir yv-oartilC  wrriupXovuav, wC r7  tard 7ov ro6aov  Kr2vde tjtoOlvrt 7irpoa
O,Iv Tr aiva-rveiV.'12f d' ovev rv reoVaipov aorotXeiwv olK eaCe-  vV, OVW avev rio7Gr7of
yTvCotv bralcoXov0daat' avi-rl roitvvv Kplirtf 0td7eiaf.  Origines c. Celsumn lib. vi. (ed.
Spencer. p. 284):'H Befa 7-oivvv ao~ia, E7rpa oVWa Trif 7iTrreof, Trpor6v bErt rT'v KacLov/yvLv
xapGtdrUov tro Neov' Kaol /er' tE7iv /Vv &Errepov, 0o1GS alcpit3olv ra rootalra 7Grtaauevotf,. icarovyluv  yvolatf' Kcal rpirov (Cy7rne ao;1eOatl XPl /cat rovc arT0ovoripovfC, lrpoa6vroaf
c&ard dyvaytvy rTg Oeoae[ei) 7 qrziortif, with reference to 1 Cor. xii. 8, 9. De Principiis, i.
praef. ~ 3: MIud autem scire oportet, quoniam sancti Apostoli fidem Christi praedicantes
de -quibusdam  quidem, quaecunque necessaria crediderunt, onmlibus — malifestissilie
tradiderunt, rationem scilicet assertionis eoruon relinquentes ab his inquirendanl, qui Spiritus dona excellentia, mererentur: de allis vero dixerunlt quidemn, quia sint; quomodo
autem, aut undoe sint, siluerunt, profecto ut studiosiores quique ex posteris suis, qui
amatores essent sapientiae, exercitium habere possent, in quo ingenii sui fructum  ostenderent, hi videlicet qui dignos se et capaces ad recipiendam sapientiam  praepararent.
Neander's K. G. i. ii. 912,-ff. A. F. Daehne de yvooeti Clem. Al. Lips. 1531. &. RPede
penning's Origenes, i. 335.
3 And still earlier, Philo. See Grossmann  de Judaeorura disciplina arcani, p. i. (a
Leipzig programme at the Reformnation-anniversary, 1833. 4).
4 Clemens Strom. vi. p. 771: irmv)UW't 7rapddonoC. —  y7voCItf d6  alr7,  Ka7or  dtadoxi/f
ef b'iyovf.e 7-rv'Aroar-62Riv'ypditof irapaodoOelaa  care/2LvSevev.     Idem Hypotyp. vii.
(ap. Euseb. H. E. ii. 1, 2):'laicO3p 7) drllcai? cao'Iwcvv, fcac IIefirpp tedra rv (avaaraatv
-rTaplda&cE T7v  yvitouv 3  Kac'pl7of    7-o' f-ncro' oiro o r6Xotf srap(lotcav, ol dE Xoitol
7r6aroTot2 rol f E[6ocl/covra.  Origines, c. Cels. vi. p. 279:'Irlooif, 6rct loIev EaCiet 7-6v
Tro  0EOl XL6yov 7ro-f pLaO7ra-f aar' idiav, aio ydLotara Ev raZif avaXopiae3otlv, Eiprat'
-rtva 3' ]vI, C E2EyErv, ov's cavayeypa7rrat' ob yaip iEOaivero av3roi-  ypasrrEa iKavcd Elvat
7Ta-ra,rpo'f 7-oVf 7wroZoovg, 03E1 [vrd.
5 Clem. Strom. i. p. 324: TI #/v K.ov 7apady rr toyatl, bfZe7ynv Erylrt76vwf, 0o,po3tevog
ypf8ev., a Kao 3.yElyv   ~v2a:6syqv.  ov -ri 7rov c0ovIv, oIv yap OePltf, dedt i'f dc ipa,repl
irv EvI vyxav6ovrtv, jbd sr Erepof m aaeev, ca 7Epratoc pcxalvv, a, qaotv ol wrapotlta(6,uevot, Sopeyovref erVpE06/bv. Origen. c. Cels. i. p. 7: In Christianity let there be rtlv'
OtoVeTiz r-'SToreptaCd,  i el' roiS TroZ3o/f ~evovvra.
6 Thus the doctrine of the termination of future punishment. Respecting. his- views. de




-CHAP. III.-CATHOLIC THEOLOGY. I. ~ 63. ALEXANDRIAN  THEOL. 213
a certain accommodation as necessary, which might venture
even to make use of falsehood for the attainment of a good end,
yea, which was obliged to do so;7 and hence they did not scruple  to   acknowledge  in  many  ecclesiastical doctrines  such  an
accommodation.'
The Alexandrian theology set out with the most elevated idea
of God,  and -strove to  keep far away  from   it all anthropopathie
limitations.   In  like manner it declared  the  freedom   of the rational being  to  be inalienable;  and  asserted  for the  purpose  of
removing from the Deity every idea of groundless caprice, that
the  external  circumstances  of  all morally  free  beings  can  be
co nditioned  only  by   their  moral  state.    Since, at  the  same
time, this  theology  assumed  that the  world  was  created  only
on  account of rational beings, and  conformably  to  their  moral
fine vel consummatione, he says, de Princ,. i. 6,?  1: Quae quidenl a nobis etialn cum
magno metu et cauteia dicuntur, discutientibus omagis et pertractantibus quam pro celto
nse definito statuentibus, etc.
7 Plato de Republ. iii. had long before allowed untruth in certain cases -v Capt6,&cov
e'der as useful. So also Philo, who speaks just as the Christian Alexandrians, of atwofold mode of religious instruction, Quod Deus sit immLutabilis, p. 302: Ot yuev o~v EVdoopo v
jvegog f aeX6vTre tcat ayoy)77  atvv7, atlrtov-alOEeia ovvodotr6p(P) Xp(vraL, 7map' wj' lvTre  rd 7irepi TOV OVof (iEvid  /trTvr7pta, TSv yevkcefC oilEv,pTocavaTrLtzTovntv aOvrT
(Trf  OeCD). TTrotf olect6roaTrov xpOKetrat KCEOato lv rV 70C iCepoavo r0le2'7'rt yXPpU/OfC, rtz
oesX c6S divpewoo   6 Oeg, o 0Z'..O' d' oedpavblg, o e'  6  oac6guo.-oOi  66 yE vOEEa.PrVpa lEv.ai rU# 6,yOia ICeXPlEfv/tO L  T1   at, irepi 66 rTS ev eTalta  rpoCdf w7XrL~ty/eCLOivrJe, 6bf
IcaOopiv  d6vvaTroe vTre c iartpov dovrat vo/oOelrrv  oC irpdf 7T 7rapO v re o S  rgv  ollceiav
Ertvoovuo  c06;opaeirelav. —Ma?'eavTruav   oVv eav..-'ef o0t Otovroz 7t a evd., t'  tiv <tOeOiGovTat, el t? dOVVVral dt' ai70E'Oea  awopovireGOat.  Clemens A1l. Strom. vi. p. 802:
CieaVrat IT O vrt oVX OG 6avureptoIep6evot Lt' oltcovoiav Greo71piap -a2' ol ei lf ad cvptbraea
n7rpa'rovi7 Vreo f tcauei 6Oeo vref tEv rTOv Kvptov ri oaoz o' E e7rotf tiro TrepovrE f 66 Too
Kvpiov??iv i('qAiO~  daaocaieav.  Origines Strom. vi. (inll Hierollnymi Apol. i. adv. Rtufin. c.
18) brings forward that passage of Plato in defense of this kind of accommodation, and
adds: Homo autem, cui incumbit necessitas mentiendi, diligenter attendat, ut sic utatur
interdum  mendacio, quomlodo condimento atque medicamine, ut servet mensutral  ejus.
Ex quo perspicuumn est, quod nisi ita mentiti fuerimus, ut magnum nobis ex hoc aliqntod
quaeratur bonum, judicandi simus quasi inimidi ejus, qui ait: "Ego sum veritas."  Cf.
Historia antiquior sententiarum  Ecel. graecae de accommodatione Christo inprimis et
Apostolis tributa, diss. scripsit F. A. Calus. Lips. 1793.4.
s Origines c. Cels. iii. p. 159, in allusion to the Christian esclatology attaclked by Celsus:'E2v 66 ritg v roCrol del 6tdatdutovav tuAL2ov   wrovpieav rept Tog 7ir22oVaog  TWv r Gorev6vTv Tr 2X6yo Eovat QavrTdlral, cai Ey),caq (jC detlodatilovaf -owtoDvrt rO 2s6y7 n/uv'
qOaoIecv irpOf atvrov, io, c Orcp Eey7 Trzf TL)Z  VO/OET'Vv (Solo01) irpbf ePWerrSVTa, EC TOVbf
caZioa-rovs EOeTO rOCZ 7rOiratoCS v6Uovc, OTC OV TOVOS I/catOa'7ra /caAGtrov, Z'X' dov Clvavro
rTeo  Ctao arovTeS.  O r0O)?lyotro iT v ca ctrb wroT  7arpo Trov Xptlrtavedv 266yov, r, 
E1'evavro  ol rokol clSf Pe7Tierwacv?Oydv, rooS icaleirGo6vvS E0yev v6yovg icat I6daeocaXiaa,
rT6vovg oV ~evdoeif n'et2iev Icae uCtoaEIt TOilS /UapJTiavovatv, ae2t' i&lOefg #yev cat avaytcatove, eigf lrav6pOoatv Ti)v iVteTITCIVOTIV wrporaoyo/ze)ovr o  I/tyv O ao  rav rtf TO TOV
ceaiidfovrof,o6vntua, itea 7i TOv 7V  6oVV Epyov' c iL TroVO  yp wpoS TO Xplaoyov, tcal KatTa
ob;?g0eQg, ait #Er' (.OC  CpE beoS   f cv1etp6vTeg 2u6ye~Tat.




214                FIRST PERIOD. —DI. III..-A.D. 193-324_.
necessities, the existence of evil in the present world was thereby explained, and the necessity of a succession of worlds was established, so far as the moral conditions of those beings change.
The most remarkable of their principles which result from  these
premises, and appear fully unfolded in Origen, are the following:.
1. The Godhead can never be idle. Before the present world,
there was an endless series of worlds, and an  infinite succession
of them  will follow  it.?
2. All intellectual beings (angels, stars, men, demons) were
originally  created  alike, but they  were  never without bodiesr
since incorporeality  is a peculiar prerogative of Deity.   After a
great moral inequality had arisen among them  by their difference
of conduct, God  created  the  present world, which  affords  a
dwelling-place to all classes in correspondence with their moral
condition.   The  fallen  intellectual  beings  he  put into  bodies;
more  or less gross, according  to  the  measure  of their sinfulness.10 Still they all retain their moral freedom, so that they
may rise again  from  the degraded  circumstances in which they
exist.   Even the punishments of the condemned are not eternal,.
but only remedial; the devil himself being capable of amelioration  and  pardon.ll   When  the  world  shall have  answered  its
purpose, as the  abode of fallen  spirits, it will then  be destroyed
by fire; and by this very fire souls will be completely purified
from  all stains  contracted  by  intimate  union  with  the  body 19 Still earlier Clement in the HIypotyposes  2oj7v d2povov, —rt de utereFg,tvr1elg, Ica?roX2Lo'cg irpo roo'Adnyz ic6qyovg repare6eraL (Phot. Cod. 109). OGigines de Princ. iii. 5, 3
In like manner Plato and the Stoics.
10 That Clement also taught this, Strom. iv. p. 640, is asserted by Keil. Opp. vol'. ii. p
652, but denied by Hofstede de Groot Disp. de Clem. Alex. p. 60: Both accordingly
interpret the word yUTerembvxj6cir in Photius, note 9, differently. On the other hand,
Origen advances: this doctrine plainly, de Princ. ii. 9, ~ 6. Cf. Keil. p. 654, ss. A similar
doctrine of Basilides, see Neander's Gnost. Systerme, S. 41, 50, if.
1" That Clement. Strom. i. p. 367, s., 6 d& Atu,8o2%o' a'reV oVto f 0dv, Icat Ceravoijaat
ototl re riv /cat 0cKLbat, did not hold this point, is proved by IHofstede de Groot, p. 71. On
the contrary, Origen de Princip. i. 6. 5'2: Hi vero, qui de statu primae beatudinis moti
quidem  sunt, non tam-en irremediabiliter moti, illis, qlios supra descripsimus, sanctis
beatisque ordinibus dispensandi subjeeti sunt ae regendi: quorum. adjutorio usi, et institutionibus ac disciplinis salutaribus reformati, redire ac restitui ad statum suae beatitudinis;
possint. —- 3: Ex quo,. ut opinor, hoc consequentia ipsa videtur ostendere, unamquamque
rationabilem naturam posse. ab uno in alterum ordinem transeunlteml per singulos in omnes,,
et ab omnibus in singulos pervenire, dum accessus profectuum  defectuumve varios pro.
motibus vel conatibus propriis unusquisque pro liberi arbitrii facultate perpetitur.
12 Clemens Strom. vii. c. 6, in fine p. 851. (Cf. Hofstede de Groot Disp. de Clem. Alex.
p. 108, ss.) Origines in Exod. xv. 5 (Hom. vi. in Exod. ed. de la Rue, t. ii. p. 148): Ideirco
igitur qui salvus fit, per ignem salvus. fit, ut si quid forte specie plnmbi habuerit admibturm




CHAP. III.-CATHOLIC  THEOLOGY. I. ~ 63. ALEXANDRIAN  THEOL. 215
But as spirits always retain their freedom, they may also sin
again, in which  case a new  world like this will be again  necessary.
3. The Alexandrians speak of the Logos,'3  the mediator of all
Divine agency, in very exalted, but not always definite expressions. Evidently, however, they place him beneath the supreme
God.14 Their endeavor to remove all ideas unworthy of God
id ignis decoquat, et resolvat, ut efflciantur omnes aurum bonum. Veniendum est ergo
omnibus ad ignem, veniendam est ad conflatorium. Sedet enim Dominus, et conflat, et
purgat filios Juda (Mal. iii. 3). Sed et illuc cum vepitur, si quis multa opera bona, et parum
aliquid iniquitatis attulerit, illud parumon tanquam plumbum igni resolvitur ac purgatur, et
totumn relnanet aurum puurm. Et si quis plus illuc plumbi detulerit, plus exuritur, ut
amplius decoquatur ut etsi param  aliquid sit aumi, purgatum tamen resideat.  Quod si
aliquis illuc totus plumbeus venerit, flet de illo hoc quod scriptum est, demergetur in profundum, tanquam plumbum in aquam validissimam. Homil. xiv. in Lucam (t. iii. p. 948):
Ego puto, quod et post resurrectionem  ex mortuis indigeamus sacramento eluente nos
atque purgante: nemo enim absque sordibus resurgere poterit.  C. Celsum, v. p. 240, s.
against Celsus, who derided the notion of a conflagration of the world, o  GcvVt6ov, rst,
alrep'Epa2vuov ftlaCv EC6oSe (rdiXa 7rap2 to-o  apXaLoTrcrov eOvovg'Efpaiov lauooao), rb
i-op Icadipaoov  rrdiyerat r)  tc6r        6o'  tcbg d' Or Kcai Ecdaro rv doeoyvov s   rf ds2  rodi
rTvpbg 6dimu  adya cac larpetaf.
13 Comp. with reference to Clement of Alexandria Martini's Gesch. d. Dogma v. d.
Gottheit Christi, S. 74, if. Guerike de Schola Alex. P. ii. p. 131, ss. Hofstede de Groot,
p. 47, ss. Redepenning's Origines, i. 109, withl references to Origen: Martini, S. 151, ff.
Guerike, 197, ss. Schleiermacher in his theolog. Zeitschrift,-Heft 3, S. 342, if. Rettberg.
doctrina Originis de u6y9) divino, in Illgen's Zeitschr. f. hist. Theolog. iii. 1, 39. Origenes
v. Thomasius, S. 129. On both see Baur's Lehre v. d. Dreieinigkeit, i. 186. Meier's
Lehre v. Trinitit, i. 93.
14 Clem. Strom. vii. p. 831: TetXEMsrdr  d~ KaC (dysCrdi-r, /cai tcvptTrdsTr7, caci syeOoVLKsorCr7, cKa2 fiauccowCrdrp7, /cac  eVepyerscKctrdr7 V viOV  lCatS, j      yo f   6v) 7ravr'oKcpdropt
7rpeoveXeVTard.  Paedag. iii. p. 251: MEiCrTc   6 2j6yof, O Kcolvbf ay/ueov, dOeo yev vlO,
acr)7p de dvavpr' wv' ca rod  yev dm&&covo, /jydv d  irwatdayoy6f.  Strom. vii. p. 838: To
dE8riepov aclrov.-Origines Comm. in Johannem, tosm. ii. 2: TdOdal ('Icoavvop) rO apOpov,
d7re n OE'mc 6voeyaaca iT roO dayEvvjrov   rTdoaeram rTv dioy  alriov; aosrV   dd a crdi, v re  
X6yoS Oebf 6voyd(Eroat. —aVr60eof (altO7tv4f OEf)  Oe6S Elrt, dm6Lrep lcaci 6 ocrOp 0ln'atv dv,-i) irpd ayv'aripa  evXi, Iova yovacr/C&crC  70e rv I6oyvov aZOtbvbv Odev (Jo. xvii. 3), irv d6
Tib 7rap' r7  a7r6odeof /eroX?( rigf Eecvov Oe6r-roe:  Oeoeroto#yevov, OVX 6 OeMf cad2a  OedS
vpLs&repov ov do yotro.  6 wdvrror    6 rrpW7or6ro70cO  rdpTf   7GE cr a'r dre TpdrTOe - r   -pOg r7v
ebv detvat, airdaac rugf e6errogf efg oavrdv, E7ri rT/UtrepOgf roeiS  ot'oIef gap' avrov Oeoci
t c. L.. (how loose the Alexandrians were in the use of Oe6g may be seen below, note 26),
el *vrdra dla toe iX6yov lygve7o, eodX'mV  reod 76ov  Eyeyvedo, dl'a 6v  KcpeirrovoO  cia
yei;ovogf,rapa r6iv l6yov. C. Cels. viii. p. 387: "Earo dEd, rtVlfd-dt  rjv 7rpoerreltav
vmroreOrcOaa riav Zorwpa elvat riv dZ ia-dot 6e6Ov  (ia' O2L'Tre 8  yeIC rotelo v, 01 mreLO6yeVol
aVr d Zyovrt, Ob 7arrp O mryt a   yie, yefov #ov y io lor (Jo. xiv. 28). Hence he is called, lib.
v. p. 258, Je6srepoS e06. Comm. in Joh. tom. xiii. 25: Tdov aworpa, tca2 rb 7rveoVya ib Bytov
umrepex6yeovov ro o7roov    lcaci ir2Lov CTid ro TOV   rpOf, doa- v7repexes avro tcKai rb dytov
rvedc/a r-v ZoLTsrv. —d vig oev Gvycpiveral ticr'e ovdev r   wracrpi. EitcKv  yap ECorm Tg
(dyaO6rTro f aiV7ro, cai dardyacglya o0 reod EOd, da2ua rigS d6pg avroe, /cai ioV- didov
Osorbg airoe, tcai dciruf Od roe  7rarpSg, d2 r7-C dvvodyeg avroi-e, ccati  w6)loota e1llucptvo
r~Sg wavroocparoplcSf 664fg avroed, ccai  oorrpoov aidCidTorov zrl  dvepyelaf avroe, di'
oV ea6rTirpov   IaedXoC icai Idr-pof, icai ol 7rapaIzTltoL acvrofg fiXmreovatl rv 0-Oev, Pdyovrof - 6 E4pals6pacdg eu,sCpa/cu  rbv raTppa, rov rttycavorsc ye. De Princ. i. 2, 13: OvrTo




216                  PFiIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
from   the  generation  of the  Son, was completed  by  Origen  i,.1
his  assertions  that  the  Logos  did  not  proceed   from   the  essence of the Father,'5 but as a constant ray of the Divine
gloryl6 was  brought forth, i. e., created, or generated17 by  the
will of God,l  and  that  from   eternity.'9    But  he  taught  that
o70VVV'yob/uat tcat  lr2 r70  aCoripof caMSg av  Xefovea0at, or7t edicev &yaO6ryrof To7
0eoO Er7lv, 2iU' o~V/c aero7ayaO6v  Kat caX ryKa  vba f sayo yag a2'X' ovx d6  67rcaZf zyaO6g-.
tcal acrrEep E'Cjv (rTTL to  OeoO To  zopar'ov, TOKaV  6 ar1ia ro To70  O, Kal' o6  rTept o7 3OLyet
avorb O6 XptarC7   " rva  ltvScKwuoai E r rv y6vov 6lyrOtvc v Oe6v."  OVi7ref EirCaCv 6yaO6Trspof,
a3/i' ovx (JS 6d w6raTp crapaaUcKTro  alyao6g.'5 Orig. Comm. in Joh. p. 306:'A2XZolt 6  r6, Sai2sOov  rTOV rob OeeC, t7Y7ygav-ro (LvTr
toi, yeynvv?7atl 6irb ro~i Oroi, oel aico;oovOe! lic rE f oTcrISiaf catcEv roV 7rarpoC yeyevvVcOat Tbov viO, o0o0)Et LEtOV/LEVOV, Ka   eitrovrog r,   OVC ia,,   rp67EpOm EiXe. —tlCOaovOez 6~
avroic Kae  c/laoa 3/yetv r6v -rarapa CKa~ rbv vibv, ica  dtppOate ritv lrar7pa, a'trep E'ot
66yarTa cvOp.nrcov, atS6' 6vap vectv (O6parov Kcat aoOduyarov reqav~raquzvov, oocav Kcvpiw[o
oicaiv, tK. r. a. De Princ. i. 2, 6, iv. 28. The Logos is indeed air6Akpota trg d656   ei-oV
eoii, but not Ciwr6f5otoa rov OeoE, Comm. in Job. tom. xiii. 25, see above, note 14.
16 Origines in Jerem. Hoem. ix. 4: he is crav7iyacoa 66Ciy. To  z7'ravyascra 7r~  66( g
ovx~t ara: yeyrvv7vral Kca oxi  yevvlraTa  (is a o 6oov eCarTQ r6 ~Cg urotrtcKbv ToV 6ai7CyagataTrog, 67r~ TOoOirTOV )/yewvafa  rO anravyao/za  rgf d6~ f TOV 8OoO. De Princ. i. 2, 4: Est
ita aeterna ac sempiterna generatio, sicut splendor generator ex luce.
17 Orig. de Princ. i. 2, 6: Filius utique natus ex patre est, velut quaedam voluntas ejus
ex mente procedens. Et ideo ego arbitror, quod sufficere debeat voluntas patris ad subsistendlnu hoc quod vult pater. Volens enimn non alia via utitur, nisi quae consilio, voluntatis profertur. Ita ergo et filii subsistentia generatur ab eo. Idem in Justiani Epist. ad
Mennam (Mansi Collect. concill. ix. p. 525): Ov77ro0 6de  vO6  E C~ OEljyarog ToO raurpor
yevvO0eiG.
16 So already Clement, Redepenning's Origines, i. 109, Origines in Genesin (ap. Eusebius contra Marcellum, i. c. 4, ap. de la Rue ii. p. 1): OV'ap 6 Oe Bg rarsjp elvat jpa(Tro,
cwlvo61evof, Sf ol yev6[,evot TaraTpeg  voOpwrol, V7  TOo /?o 6ovacOat wiTo rrarepeC elva0.
EG yap 0ae6 rTEEtogf O 0e6g, Ka0 7T6pEcrtrv aVTrS  60JvatGf TOV wraTrpa aiOrbv elva0, Ka0 KaoZv,
avTrbv 1va~ =rarEpa ro7  T01VTOoV vOV' ri 7t vaCi03TZerat, Ca~ ETavr7v Too CcaXov  rT7piacet,
aiG,   EarLv elreZv, Ef ov (&vaTat 7rarTp elvat v0o0.  T'o aOvrb /IxTvotyE O ca 7irep' Too
ayiov irveiyiaroC sZecr0ov.  But according to Methodius ap. Photium  Cod. 235, Origen
alb)o asserted on like grounds auvaldcov eltat e O- b-OejO T,rdv. Comp. de Princ. i. 2, 2, iv.
28. The fragment of Origen ap. Athanasins de Declretis syn. Nic. c. 27, is very like the
last passage:'O/zot6rnC TrvyXdvov ro7  7rarpog (6 vOgc) oVC'  OTar7v 6r oT OVIC. H6r7E yap a
Oebf-acraSvyaoca ov'c ezXe Trif Zdiag d6s-g,'vao TroXoCaag Tt~ CPXqv G:) el~a0 vlofC ip6orepov
o6V  vrofT;  TcaravoeirTo yap b TroltyCv 0ca~ 2/ytov "Ov wT6ore 5r1re ooc Tv 6 vi6f," 6rtl EpECZ  a
Tr6' cola 7rore ol/c ivo, Ka0 36yog oVc Tv, 6ca~ (Qy obKc Tv. Orig. Comm. in Joh. p. 33: T6.
vi6C  1Ov e o/3/6) cj6ep0ov  yry/vv}c~ c6, iy v,  yer rpob  a'rov n'O roiv OrEO. 6eCi 1r7t r7r
is7z1epov. —o avt'apErcpErv6nv r7, ayervvVr7 Ica~ ai6v6 aoroO (ro —T -xpSvoC supa  Carcv av ri
a7~/tepov, ~V,) yEyEvvwrat o vL6g. In Jeremiam  Hoem. i. (t. iii. p. 181): O X~ /y/vv'sfEv 6
Trrar7p To'v vtOv, 6ca1i airivaev a)'royv o6 rarp a('r o r7 6, yEV9Me1C avrov cia2.' 6Ei y evv3 f
avzrd'v. So, according to Plotinus, the voOg also has originated eternally from the One, and
the expression generation denotes merely airiav Ka~ crdSclv, Tennemann's Gesch. d. Philos
vi. 89.
19 Every human term to express this production could not be a fit representative, but
only an incomplete symbol.  Thus, as far as the Logos was a being like to God, his
origination was a yevvv, so far as he was produced by the will of God, a 7rotoev, IKcTretv.
Respecting Clement, see Photius Cod. 109: rOv vlOv  El       c ariza  lcar}tye  (namnely, in the
Hypotyposes). Even Rufinus de _Adulterat. libb. Origenis confesses: Interdum invenimus
aliqua in libris ejus (Clementis) capitula, in quibus filium Dei creaturam dicit; although




CHAP. III.-CATHOLIC THEOLOGY. I. ~ 63. ALEXANDRIAN THEOL. 217
the Holy Ghost was  a creature created by the Son, as all other
things.20
4. The human body assumed by the Logos was a real-body,
but could not have been a common one.  According to Clement,
it was united immediately with the Logos, and therefore, as is required  by the Divine drraOeta of the latter, without 7ir0a6.22   Origen  taught expressly a human  soul in the person of Christ, with
which  tle Logos united  itself directly.22    Thus those 7r601 were
he would fain regard these passages as spurious.  Clemens Strom. v. p. 699:'H cooia V
7rpcorrLarogf T7 00e.  So also Origines Comm. in Joh. tom. i. 22: KTriaaf-EIC vXo ov
aooiav o6 MeCf. Contra Celsum, v. p. 357, the Son is 7rpeclrvrarov iridV7O&V Triv dlh7?oUpyVl-,adrwv. So also Justinian, 1. c. accuses Origen of calling the Son cricyua, de Princip. lib.
iv. These expressions were now generally used by others since in Prov. viii. 22: KlJptog
EcrteC,ue apxv db&v avcvroe was a cardinal passage relating to the Logos. See Miinter's
Dogmengesch. i. 445.-The question whether the Son. was of the divine essence was
capable of receiving a twofold answer fiom the standing-point of Origen. De Princip. iv.
36, according to the translation of Jerome (Epist. ad Avitum): Intellectualem  rationabilemque naturam sentit Deus et unigenitus Filius ejus et Spiritus sanctus; sentiunt angeli
et potestates, caeteraeque virtutes; sentit interior hoLmo qui ad imaginem et similitudinem
Dei conditus est. Ex quo concluditur, Deum et haoc qulodamnmodo unius esse substantiae.
Fragm. ex libris in Epist. ad Hebr. in the apology of Pamphilus: Christus-secundum
similitudinem ejus vaporis, qui de substantia aliqua corporea procedit, sic etiam ipse ut
quidanm vapor exoritur de virtute ipsius Dei. —Sic nihilominus et secundum simnilitudinem
corporalis aporrhoeae esse dicitur aporrhoea gloriae Omnipotentis pura quaedam et sincera.  Quae utraeque similitudines manifestissime ostendunt, communionem substantiae
esse Filio cumn Patre. Aporrhoea enim bTOOOvCto~ videtur, i. e., unins substantiae cum illo
corpore, ex quo est vel aporrhoea, vel vapor.  Selecta in Psalm 135:'O UorT/p  oV KTcar
uerovaiav, a2l   KaT cr' obro9v Eicri Ocd. On the other hand de Oratione c. 50:'ErTpof
clar' oVaiav Kcai'7roKepEvv E6v ctvi 6 vleo  Too rarp6g.  Comp. Comm. in Joh. tom. ii. i8.
The Son was of the divine essence, but did not partake of the divine essence of the Father.
20 Origines in Johann. i. 3. (de la Rue iv. p. 60): Oipat yap, 6ri T r  Itev aiKcosvrt yevVrbV TOrb  "erei(c Trb  yOv EVaCI, cai 7rpoi'E7v  r6 "T r tvTra /c' avrov EyTVEro,")  vaytcayov
rapadEkaaOacL, ITt Tr  byitoV  rveVOa d61i Tro  Xdyov ky/vero, rpe8ivr7Tpov   crap' abrI rod
Zlyouv rvyxvov7-o f. —'H/eZ rpCgC Vi  T6To  C r t reOt,Uevo T VyXdVEtV, rbv 7'arcpapc, Icai riv
viOv, n CAe   atov rve, ua,i  KTa byivvorov /lcldv Eri pov 700 T raTrpbg elvaet 7rtirevovere, c.
eeiEEcrrEpov Kcai Ztr0if, crpout/zeOa r6, rTrcV drov     TOV 06yov  ytvouiEvwv, rb (yito,
eVcE/a CriiVwv Jel Ivat r7cirepov, Icati rG b'eTCi ivrov [perhaps  pTpSrov)] reV  ar rTo
raupbcf dia XpCTrol yeyeryi,U9'IV.  Kai Tricia avOT7 orTv e   alTra too to V jcai actc r  veiOv
Xp)l7jartElv ro o  eeod, t6vov tod 1ovoyevodSf ~Ce'tL vioV &pxy40ev  rvy evoVTrOf, o0 XpreItv
Eoltce ro byltov Trverda, Iaclcovovvros  a'rod rT  VcoarrrTE, o-  i6eov eif ro E     val, X2uy
caGi co6eov etva, ccati 2tOYleV iCai ItcCalOV, 1c.. T. De Princ. i. 3, 5: MEiiev  dbvavuit T70
rarpbOf crpa TOr v vpbv v cac 7i TO Tveya rb  iytov. cr~eiov d6 4 TOV viol 7rapb To' Trveva Tr
aytov, fcai crdaltv ita~opovca /tUialov 7TO  byionv rvev/arTOc 4 dv varltf 7rap& rT2 b2La ayta.
21 Strom. vi. p. 775:'Ec7ri tIV rodV OV6TTPOCS rTOa cta  icTraLtev cOf Ci/ca TbS rvayicatac
V67rpeaiaf Erf dtayovy v, ye72cic av Ef. b Ee ayev ya p od6 bi rOb caic, dvvcuect cvverX6/evov
Iya. baL' j'S ct  ro01ofS Yvv6evac   (u2COf rrepg  avrov ~pove'iv Tr'Elt0Clo,  bacrTEp bi/u2ue
vcarepov doc/rliet rtvef avbrv craoaveprJB0ai dV7riXacov'   avrbTf I aTria:aTcrrcS  rac, f a ev,
Elf Ov oVe(1 r, capeterrcdiat ctv,Ua wieaO7rlcrticbv, OVTe  4i6eV, olVr 27 Xry. Comp. my Comm.
qua Clem. Alex. et Origenis doctrinae de corpore Christi exponuntur.  Gottingae. 1837. 4.
22 Origenes de Princip. ii. 6, ~ 3: Hac ergo substantia animae inter Doeum carnemoque
mediaTzte (non enim possibile erat Dei natauran corpori sine mediatore misceri) nascitur




218                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
no  stumbnling-block  to  him, since  the  soul was  affected  only
through  them.   On  the  contrary, in  his  opinion, the  body  of
Christ, as an appropriate instrument of revelation, was so constituted as, according to the degree of their merit, either to conceal
the majesty of the Logos from men, or to allow it to shine through
with  more or less radiance.23   Clement, as well as Origen, decidedly opposed the docetic views.24
5. The Christian  sage (6 yv6)ortC6S), in  the way  the Alexan.
drians represent him   as a pattern, is said  to  be  elevated  above
the  simple  believer, not merely  by  higher perception, but also
by  a higher virtue  which  is entirely  dispassionate.25    The  ainm
Df this virtue is likeness to God,26 its basis, freedom  from  all the
restraints of sensuality*27  its character the highest disinterestedless.23
Deus homo, illa substantia media existente, cui utique contra naturam non erat corpus
assumere.
23 In Matth. Comment. series, ~ 100: Venit traditio talis ad Inos de Jesu, quoniam non
solum duae formae in eo fuerunt, una quidem secundum quam omnes eum videbant, altera
autem  secundum  quamn transfiguratus est coram  discipulis suis in mnonte:-sed etiam
unicuique apparebat secunduum quod fuerat dignus. Et non mihi videtur incredibilis esse
traditio haec, sive corporaliter propter ipsum Jesum, ut, alio et alio modo videretur hominibus, sive propter ipsam Verbi naturam, quod non similiter canctis apparet. Conltra Celsum,
iv. 16: EMil ydp  tdldopot oioven tro  A6yov tyopaei, caOdef S(targ   Trv elf E7rtaorl6v
Iyoltivov ~aiveral 6 A6yog, iv2dloyov 7r, d'ecL toD eiaayojzvov, "'ir''6Xyov rIpoCorr ov70t, V Et 7rET2'ov, IK. T...  My Comm. p. 15.
24 Both have often been accused of holding docetic views even in ancient times. Thus
according to Photius Cod. 109, Clement in his Hypotyposes is said to have taught directly,
lqs captic&oOvat rfOv ioyov, a2W2a d66at. Modern writers, too, have discovered doceticism in
the words of Clement, Coh. ad Graec. p. 86: To avdp7reov trpooTrenov avae2a,3eodv sal
captl da vaGr2adev og rT aaCTSptov dpduCa Tr-  d&vd0peoTdr6rof Ve tcpivero.  See on the
other side my Comm. quoted in note 21.
25 Clem. Strom. vi. p. 775: K'Zv yip Ujer  2o6yov ytv6,eva ra rTpoetpi7duva (ra doroOvvra
cyaO  r7(dv waa0O7rKcV KLctV /TdrnnP c dlov po, oovov,,  apiv, ire0vjtiav) (1yaOd rTig dIC6x?7rat, (12h' odc ye inct roV r7uEiov O  r'apa&CrrKov. P. 825;'H Eriraoagtf rfj Ksart  rv
vci6ov nltcatogvCg rOv yv&)rrtIKOc dE[ivvatv.-Tlg — reln rs v inpOra rrg riaerewg X op//caf, T7y yv6dotv acv7rv-CaK poTar7?f.UOiOG f TreEraot ars-f mc3LpovopUia.
26 Clem. Strom. iv. p. 632: Avvarbv, rv  yVwartKcbv  &dV yevcuOan  Oe6v''Eyi  elra,
NOt c}re TE  /a  vtol Vipicrov (Psalm  cii. 6). vi. p. 816: Toib  &.rtyv6vraf aOvrov viobc
avayopeee scal Oeodf. Hence he calls the gnostic OEoert6di, COeiEr2eOg, Oeo~,uevog, reoiroloqrevogc, ev caacpi reppt7roed@v 086g (Strom. vii. p. 894), see Potter ad Cohort. ad gentes
p. 88, ad Strom. iv. p. 633. Hofstede de Groot de Clem. Alex. p. 78, 86. Puedepenning's
Origenes, i. 171.
27 The body is called by Clem. Strom. iv. p. 626, rd7of, vii. p. 854, 8TErOCS aaplmclc6h, by
Origen, according to Methodius ap. Photium Cod. 234, dErr/, 7C g %bvqXi, Orig. de Princ. i.
7, 5, see Hofstede de Groot, p. 59, ss.  Clem. Strom. iv. p. 569:'O 7oiVvv r7ov cydpearoC
crTl r~g 7 ~VXyf Xfropnta0g, O6 rap' 2,ov rlOv  3/ov c yrrjeruevoS r& ~tlog6o9,,rpodOviav scaraatcev~6etC yvoartKiv. Hence Clement requires of the Gnostic iyicpareiav, i. e., striving after
d'rdreta, Keilii Opusc. acad. ii. p. 761, ss. Daehne de yv6aet Clementis, p. 105.
28 Clem. Strom. iv. p. 576: AEyv 6' Olact UiJre d&i  6fOPOV tmOawUg, uijre dd& rTva ECray




CHAP. III.-CATHOLIC THEOLOGY. I.   63. ALEXANDRIAN THEOL. 219
6.  The Alexandrians could not but be averse to sensual chiliasm.   Clement does not allude to it.   Origen, however, expressly
opposes the chiliast expectations; and would have all the passages which appear to favor it interpreted allegorically.29
7.  Since, in  the view  of the Alexandrians, the body is merely
a prison of the true -le, they also assumed that souls, at the time
of the  resurrection, would  not resume  the  gross material body,
but one of'fine, incorruptible texture.30
To establish this system from the Holy Scriptures the Alexandrians availed themselves of the allegorical mode of interpretation which had been in use before.   But after the interpretation
of Scripture had been thus made a mere arbitrary play of fancy
fiil now, Origen  gained  for himself the  merit of reinstating  the
grammatical interpretation in its rights, by a more accurate distinction between  the  literal, the  moral, and the  mystical (mystic-anragogic and mystic-allegoricaa)  sense.31   In  his commentaries he has furnished rich contributions toward the grammatical
interpretation, by which means he became the chief source for
succeeding commentators.
ysEiav (56creof, dl' ardt 6~ 7ri  ayaOBv, rpocE71vO'vat ri5 cTrijpio 26yo.  P. 626: EG y'
oVv rtlf tca' Vir60E tv irpO0Ei7 r7  yV6)atlKc, 7r6rOTpoV E1  Oaat flo~otro 7rv yviGov  ro7
EOVeo, j) r;V erorTpiav rwv aljYvtov-oVd a Kcadortobv dtr7arf, ~Eoitr' Gav T-v yvrctv -ro
deo0. De Wette christl. Sittenlehre, Th. 2, Erste Hilfte. S. 221.
29 A spiritualizing of chiiiasm  in the excerptis ex scriptis Theodoti (Clem. Opp. vol. ii.
p. 1004): Oi yap EF evdpJruov El diyy;tovC tueraoardvrref Xica r7y jtaOn7yreovrat VTro r7v
yy7idtv, tC. r.. OSig. de Princip. ii. 11, ~ 6: Puto enin, quod sancti quique discedentes
de hac vita permanebunt in loco aliquo in terra posito, quem paradisumn- dicit scriptura
divina velut in quodam eruditionis loco, et, ut ita dixerim, auditorio vel sclhola animarum,
etc.  On the other hand, ibid. ~ 2: Quidam  ergo laborem  quodammodo intelligentiae
recusantes, et superficiem quandam legis literae consectantes, et magis delectationi suae
quodammodo ace libidini indulgentes, solius literae discipuli, arbitrantur re-promllissiones
futuras in voluptate et luxuria corporis exspectandas: et propterea praecipue carnes
iterum  desiderant post resurrectionem  tales, quibus manducandi, et bibendi, et omnia
quae carnis et sanguinis sunt agendi numquam desit facultas, apostoli Pauli de resurrectione spiritalis corporis sententiam non sequentes.  Cf. Prologus in Cant. Cant.
30 Clemens Paedag. ii. p. 230: Arg  Ka0apd rfl caplcl ETervdvadzevot r7v d'0apaiav.
Orig. de Princ. ii. 10, 3 and c. 11 (see note 29). Cf. Guerike, 1. c. p. 164, 285.
31 The leading principle of his hermeneutics.  Homil. v. in L evit. i 5: Triplicem  in
scripturis divinis intelligentiae inveniri saepe diximus modunm, historicum, moralem, et
mysticum.  Unde et corpus inesse ei et animam  et spiritum  intellexiums.  (Comp.
Valentinus above, ~ 45.) His hermeneutical principles are laid down mnost fiully in de
Princip. lib. iv. Porphyry's judgment on his allegories apud Eusebius H. E. vi. 19, 2. 3,
among others:'Eyp7ro d6 tcat Xatpiluovog Tor  7zro[/cod, Kovpvovrov re raf  3i,,3Sot~,rap'.,, TOV erTTa/rrV7tICObV TIV irap''"EX7t 1/tvar71pi(wV yvofS rp6irov, ragZ'IovdaiaTf'rpoucije ypaoaSf. Cf. Mosheim  Comm. de rebus Christ. ante Const. M. p. 629. J. A. Ernesti
de Orig. interp. librorum SS. grammaticae anctore (Opusc. philol. et cl'it. Lugd. Bat,
1764. p. 288, ss.). 1{edepenning's Origines, i. 290.  [Davidsotl's Hermeneutics, p.. 9.7,, fKl




.220:FIRST PERIOD.-DIV  III.-A.D. 193-324.
~ 64.
(CONTINUATION.)-ADHERENTS AND OPPOSERS OF ORIGEN.
Origen's peculiar opinions met, even  in  his lifetime, with  as
many opponents as friends,1  and excited suspicion in many bishops.2    He and his disciples, however, succeeded in combating and
refuting many sensuous views and expectations which were then
current among Christians. Thus some overvalued the importance
of the body in the personality of man, so much as to suppose that
the soul dies, and is again  raised  along with  it.3    Origen  overthrew  this  error, when  it appeared  in  Arabia.4    To  his  most
distinguished  disciple  Dionysius (president of the  catechetical
school from   233, from   248  bishop  in  Alexandria,  [ 265)5 belongs the merit of having victoriously  continued  in the east the
opposition  to  chiliasm   begun  by  his  master.   An  opportunity
for this was furnished to him by an Egyptian bishop, Nepos,
who, in  the  VseyXo~'AXiX7yopLT76V, insisted  particularly  on  the
literal aeceptation  of the Apocalypse, and  the description  of the
millennium  contained in it.   Doubtless the Decian persecution,
which soon  followed, contributed  to  procure  many  advocates to
a view  which  furnished  so  strong  motives to  Christian  steadfastness, especially  in  the  province  of Arsinoe.   But after the
persecution9  Dionysius  succeeded  by  oral representations  and
1 Origines Hom. xxv. in Lucam: Plerique duum plus nos diligunt quam meremur, haee
jactant et loquuntur, sermones nostros doctrinamque laudautes, quae conscientia nostra
non recipit. Alii vero tractatus nostros calumlniantes, ea sentire nos criminantur, quae
numquam sensisse nos novimnus. Sed neque hi qui plus diligunt, neque illi qui oderunt,
veritatis regulam tenent, et alii per dilectionem, alii per odium mentiuntur.
2 Easeb. H. E. vi. 36: rppoEt d& otai ba,3tav& Tr, tcar&'PoPUlrlv'7iOaKtroC6, &r7potl 7re
r2eirarotcf UpXovatv EicK rljUiCdV -,E pi r7rY ca7' adrov bp0odooiaC. Hieron. Ep. 41, ad Pamanach. et Oceanun: Ipse Origenes in epistola, quam scibit ad Fabianumn Romanae urbis
episcopunl, poenitentiam  agit cur talia scripserit, et causas temeritatis in Ambrosiuyn:-efert, quod secreto edita in publicam protulerit.
3 So also Tatian (Orat. ad Gr. c. 21). Comnp. Daniel's Tatianus, p. 226.
4 Eusebits, vi. 37:'EMeyov, T27  advOpn,)Ercav  iJvX%]v r&Sf [lev tcara frv Ev8EcrCra
catlpbv Ui/Ua rn- reECvrj  avvairoOversrcetv ro!i  ojaactre lca2 ovviac)i0EipeOlat' ade ( d 
rorE IKart rTbv Trf CizvaraTdEc  Katpob ibv ai)v roic adva,3oE7Oat.  On the origin of this
opinion see ~ 29, note 10. The name Arabici first appears in Augustin. doe Haeres. c. 85:9vt-rovxgirat apud Joann. Damasc. Haer. 90.
5 The fr'agments of his writings are collected by Gallandius Bibl. PP. t. iii. p. 481, s,
~Simon de Magistris. Romae. 1796. fol.




CHAP. III.-CATHOLIC THEOLOGY. I. d 64. ALEXANDRIAN TH'EOL. S22
his'work  rep't  r1Tayyeitv, not only in  convincing  that party  of
their  error, but also  in  banishing  chiliasm   efitirely  among  the
theologians  of the  eastern  church.6    Similar opposition  he  presented  to  sabellius.   It is true, that in  trying  to  develop more
precisely  the Origenist distinctions as adverse to  Sabellius' doctrine  of the  Trinity, he  gave  offense  by  designating  the  Logos
a  creature  of  the  Fatheri,7 and  was  therefore  blamed  by  the
RoomisA Dionysius; but the many-sided views which he had
from  Origen permitted him  to cloak his view of the Logos
as a created being without altering it.8 This convenient pliableness  of expression, in  which  Origen  himself  had  led  the
way, is also  found  in  other followers.    Theognostus simply  repeats the  Origenist doctrine  of the Logos in  its different forms
of presentation.9 On the other hand, as used by the opponent
of Paul of Samosata,  Gregory  (bishop  of Neo-caesarea  from
244, j- about 270), for whom  later traditions have procured the
surname Thaumaturgus,"~ this doctrine of the Logos appears to
6 Euseb. H. E. vii. 24, 25. Dionysius thought that the Apocalypse was written by a
presbyter called John.  Mynster Diss. de Dionysii Alex. circa Apoc. Joann. sententia,
hujusque vi in seriorum  libri aestimationem.  Hafn. 1826. Licke's Einl. in die Offenb.
Job. S. 321, 397.
7 Omitted by Euseb. vii. 26. On the contrary, Athanasii rep'i Atovvctov rov'EB.'AX.
liber. In the letter of Dionysius to Ammon bishop of Berenice and to Euphranor, it is
said, Athanas. i. c. cap. 4: TIoip/a cati yevTrOv eiva  To rv vlOv roV) OeO' O Iee78 de ~ovsEl
Mtdov, d2' i& ~vov tear' oeictv rivaet rto ra7p6f' aiTrep Eariv 6 y7epygf irp)gf rr'v (i7ire2.ov
(cf. Joh. xv. 1), tcai 6 vav7r/gyog -rp  rT actidO'  Ktca  yaip 5g rTorioiqta ive, oVK  Vv rpiuv yevarat. According to chap. 1].4, the Arians also attributed to him  the following assertions:
O0ic ('`i e  v O6 Otebf wrar7p, OVi Ctei n v O vi6S' —aZ' 7Iv wIor  re dre oiC v.  Comp. Martini
Gesch. d. Dogma v. d. Gottheit Christi, S. 198. Schleiermacher in his Zeitschrift, iii. 402.
Baur's Dreieinigkeit, i. 309.
8 Fragments of his A2eyXog icant iroXtoyia, libb. iv., addressed to the Roman Diionysius,
preserved in Athanasius and Basil, are collected by Gallandius, iii. 495, Routh Reliq. Sacr.
iii. 194 (in the second fragment of the first book, the variation in the text fromn Euthym.
Zygab. Panoplia apud Gallandins, t. xiv. App. p. 118, is to be compared).  Dionysius
declares here, lib. i.: v06 y'p'v    eb o 6E c OeICv j r raijp.  Then he asserts it is a fabrica
tion of his opponents that he ever denied, Trvs XptGr7v  /oovdctov Etvaet r  OEr &  El  yip
caQi 7i dvoae rodr6 rlt CV erpICsEcvavt, Un6' vev(jtacvaot rio7  Tdv aYiUv ypa~c6jv, ii32,a yE
ri ErtXeXtpi/1yaT6 pov rI iiij, a" aectrcW'icaart, rI  tdavoiac  ravrytg ovic aiTrIde.  Comp.
~ 63, note 19. Martini, S. 203, if.
9 Photii Bibl. cod. 106: in his Hypotyposes vaov de' ie'yov, acripca adrov acroacivet, icat
r6P 2uoylticCV  d,6OV   TritacrerTv.  Respecting the origin of the Logos a fragment apud
Athanasius de Decretis Syn. Nicaenae, c. 25: OcK 4dWEi)v T7ig 6'7Vy N~evpEOElee a  TOd vieO
ocaia, ovdd dic 17p Ovrtov Erelo7XijOr l a2ua eK;rf TOd 7'arTpO odveaf dia v,  og  0orodt0 Torb
srcaya          a                r a,                   o (p r,   re 4 crpia  edr av   ri T W&)p Ertv,
a7 arV7, IO 7jtog oOr7E alO6+'ptov' ) tAi aIr6dptota rg rod ornrpbg o6aiag oV ueptcloub  diroCelv67Ua  TyCg rod tra7rpag oicriac.'0 Writings: ElB'&Pptyivv irpowovwjrtlcogf icai 7ravvyvpttlOf 2oyof.'E7rtarbAij Icavo
YtIj.  Fragments in Ang. Maji Spicilegiun Rolm. vol. iii.   Two confessions of faith




222                FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. II. —A.D. i92-324.
oscillate  between entirely opposite modes of description.14   It is
highly probable, also, that Hierax of Leontopolis, at the end of
this century, was formed  in the school of Origen.   His allegorical interpretation, his rejection of the resurrection of the body,
and of sensual notions of a future life, as also his disapprobation
of marriage  and the use  of flesh  and wine, point rather  to  a
maintenance  of Origenist principles  carried  out to  extremes,
than to a Manichaean origin, which latter Epiphanes has infer.
red only from a few external points of resemblance.12 At the
end of this period appeared   fethodius, bishop of  Olympus (or
Patara), afterward of Tyre  (martyred  311) as a violent opponent of Origen, defending  in a work, 7wpi J vaotdacras, the doctrine of the resurrection of the present body, and in another,
repi  riv yEsvyri v, attacking  the notion  of an  endless succession
of worlds.l3    But on  the  other hand, Origen  found warm   defenders in Pampltiltus (martyred 309) and Eusebius Pa?uphili,
both  presbyters  in  Caesarea.l4    Among  the  multitude, report
had often distorted already the peculiar principles of Origen, and
by that means awakened blind hatred against him;15 but among
lhave been also attributed to him, although without doubt they are supposititious, a short
Symbolum which he is said to have received from the apostle John who appeared to him
(Walchii Bibl. symbol. vetus, p. 14. Martini, S. 231), and  carc  yetpocf  rtCrlt (i. e., plenior ac particulatim  concepta, which was formnerly known only in the Latin translation of
Turrianus, and published in Greek by Sirmond in not. ad Facundala, x. 6, and in Maji
Secriptt. vett. nova coll. vii. i. 170), whose genuineness Salig de Eutychianismo ante Eutychen, p. 136, sought in vain to defend. See Martini, S. 233. His life by Gregory Nyssene.
Opp. omnia una cum vita, ed. G. Vossius. Mogunt. 1604. 4.
1n Basilii M. Epist. 210 (al. 64) ~ 5: (Sabelliani) IcaSl5av d6 rtva vrepav dt' E'rrltro2o.,
caci 7rplc reov 6/6ObvxOV fj#tv "Av0t/ov rov Tv(Zdvv eta/colrov, jc dpa i'pyyopiov eiwr6vro
cv Eic0cet lritrUoc, rarepa caVO vlOv rrtgvoa / fv elovat d6o, iocrdreC d'',. -rodro de, ort
oV doyCcartcCd elpg    a 7 at,   &Y' yovtCrtKOg EV r, Trpof ALZtAavo  diCaZLet, ola jvv~Opccav
CYvo6etv.-dwO 8 IfClr cTOaXif av eiJpotC EIEcT 0ivafi, r7af rI   ro7f aiperTtcotS [eyitrov icXvl,rapexotevar, Jgf Tr triaa, iCuat o ro t7oa, c Ka er TO rtovrOo. Martini, S. 233, if.
12 Only authority Epiphan. Haer. 67. Mosheim de Rebus Christ. ante Const. p. 903, ss.
13 Fragments in Epiphan. Haer. 64. Photii Bibl. cod. 234-236, in Maji Scriptt. vett.
nova coll. vii. i. 49, 92, 102. Walch's Ketzerhist. vii. 404.  In a later dialogue, tlvwv, he
is said to have changed and become the admirer of Origen (Socrat. H. E. vi. 13). Other
works: irept aer-E:oveaov. Symp. dec. virg. etc. Opp. ed. Fr. Coimbefisius. Paris. 1644. fol
14 Pamplhilus wrote in captivity. See Apologia pro Origene, in five books, to which
Eusebius added a sixth book. Only the first book is extant in Rufinus's Latin translation,
and Greek fragments in Photius Cod. 118 (see Origenis Opp. ed de la Rue, t. iv. App. p.
17.). Pamphilus and Eusebius published conjointly the hexaplar Septuagint —Pamphilus's
library in Caesarea.
15 Pamnphili Apologiae praefatio ad Confessores ad metalla Palaestinae danmnatos: Nihil
mirum, fratres, videmini mihi esse perpessi, quod ita vos Origenis subterfugit intellectus,
ut vos quoque ea aestimetis de illo, quae et alii nonnulli: qui sive per imperitiam sui, qua
non valent sensus ejus altitudinem contueri, sive pravitate mnentis, qua studium gerunt non




CHAP. III.-CATHOLIC  THEOLOGY. I. IN THE EAST.  5 G5.  223
the  learned,  respect  for  this  great  man  was  pretty  genera.l
Particularly  in  Egypt, he  appears  to  have  enjoyed  undivided
esteemr3l
~ 65.
OTHER DISTINGUISHED TEACHERS OF THE EASTERN CHURCH.
WVhile at Alexandria  Scripture  interpretation  was  made to
subserve the purpose of speculation, we find in Syria and the
neighboring provinces, favored by the linguistic relations of
these lands, the first traces of that more independent historicogrammatical and critical treatment of the Scriptures, by which
the east was so much distinguished  in the fourth  and fifth centuries.l    Of such writers we are acquainted, though very imperfectly, with Julius Africanus in Nicopolis (Emmaus), probably
a presbyter (about 230), a friend  of Origen, the first Christian
chronographer;2  and  two   presbyters  of  Antioch,  Dorotheus
solum dicta ejus incusare, verum etiam adversus cos, qui haec legunt, hostiles inimicitias
sumere, tam pertinaciter id agerntes, ut nulla prorsus venia eos dignos haberi putent, ne ea
quidem quam impertire solent, verbi gratia, his qui vel Graecorum saecularium libros, vel
nolnunquam etiam haereticorum, percunctandi atque agnoscendi studio decurrunt. Miramtur in tanltum temeritatis aliquos esse provectos, ut qui se ita humilitate judicat, adstruant, quod ab illis dicta ejus vel libri pro sermonibus apostolicis vel dictis propheticis
habeantur, aut quold ille ipse vel Prophetis vel Apostolis ab aliquo comparetur. Multos
invenias, quos si interroges, in quibus libris aut in quibus locis dicta sint haec, quae arguunt,
confitentur, se quidem nescire ea, de quibus affirmant, nec legisse unquam, audisse autem
alios dicentfes. The calumnies which Pamphilus refuted are these (cap. 5): Prima, ille est,
quod aiunt, eum innatum dicere filium Dei. Secunda, quod dicunt per prolationem, secundmul Valentini fabulas, in subsistentiam venisse filium Dei dicere. Tertia, quae his omnibus valde contraria est, quod dicunt eum, secundumllArteman vel Paulum Samosatenum,
purum hominem, id est, lnon etiam Deum dicere Christurn filium Dei. Post (iv.), ista est,
quae istis omnibus adversatur (caeca enim est malitia), quod dicunt eumn dicere, dOujCaEl, i. e.,
putative tantum et per allegoriam, lon etiam secundum ea, qulae per historiam referuntur,
gesta esse omnia, quae a Salvatore gesta sunt. Alia (v.), quoque crimiinatio est, qua asserunt, eum duos Christos praedicare. Addunt (vi.), illud quoque, quod historias, corporales,
quae per omnem S. Scripturam referuntur de gestis Sanctorum, penitus deneget. Sed et
(vii.), de resurrectione mortuorum, et de impiorum poenis non levi impugnant eum calumnia, velut negantem peccatoribus inferenda esse supplicia. Quidam vero (viii.), disputatione
ejus vel opiniones, quas de animae statu vel dispensatione disseruit, culpant. Ultima vero,
omnium (ix.), est criminatio illa, quae cum omni infamatione dispergitur, juerevgaco/ara6Eolf, i. e., quod humanas animas in muta animalia, vel serpentes vel pecudes asserat transmutari post mortemn, et quod etiam ipsae mutorum  animalium animae rationabiles sint.
16 In Justiniani Epist. ad Mennam (apud Mansi, ix. p. 504) very unfavorable statements
are made respecting Origen by Bishop Peter of Alexandria (martyred 311); but they have
been borrowed from the uncertain Actis Petri Alex. See Tillemont Mdmoires, t. iii. p. 589.
1 Minter on the Antiochenian school in Stftudlin's and Tzschirner's Archiv. f. Kirchen.
gesch. Bd. 1. St. 1. S. 1, if.
2 XpovoypaetCtv T~vrE  6a0rov6aiUa7a-'Er70arolX  rTepc Trrf Kard 2 oadvvav ~aTropiaC




224-                FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
(about 290),3 and Lucian, who suffered martyrdom in Nicomedia,   A.D. 311.4   Because  Arius  and  his  most  distinguished
friends5   proceeded   from   the  school  founded   by   Lucian   at
Antioch, the latter has often  in later times been  considered  the
father of Arianism.6    Of the  critical merits which  belonged  to
him  and his cotemporary Hesychius,7 in settling the text of the
Holy Scriptures, after the example of Origen, it is to  be regretted that very imperfect accounts have been preserved.8
To this oriental literature appears'also to belong most nearly
the literary  labors of Hippolytus (about 240).9
(together with the reply of Origen appended to the Dial. c. Marcionitas, ed. Wetstein)-'ErtaroTo?  irpbg'Aptareidcv (on the genealogies of Christ in Matthew and Luke partly
preserved in Euseb. H. E. i. c. 7; another firagment, ex. Mss. Vindob. et Coisl., first printed
in Routh Reliqu. Sacr. ii. p. 114). All these remains in Routh, 1. c. p. 105, ss. Later oriental writers also attribute to him a Comnm. in Evan-g. Assemani Bibl. Orient. p. 129, 158.
3 Euseb. vii. 32, 1: A6.YLoS cv  dlp.-~tZSicaRo of 6' orof 7rep'i ir  Oeoa y/yov6g, Kal ryg'Epaiwv EireyterjOs  y6T7-ryS'   5cela sai-ra7Ef rae'Eflpaecan f  ypaeatff WLrtary6v&) EtvrvyXCavev.  s7V 6' OVTOf T-v #J nttgra ebZev0ep&iv [rTaldertv] rzporaedidaf Te i7S /caOe''EXZu.vaS ov/c U'otpof. Q 2: To7i-ov [/lg] rU-pieg iC ta ypea Qiig 2 ci 7i  6'/cl2e7Gaiaf d67yovvivov
car.  eooaas ev.
4 Euseb. viii. 13, ix. 6.'Avtp ri  rz'vrua (cptaroC i 3-   rE -y1cpatr?? Ica rolf e ipoTg,ua0dlaer eUvycl'elpoiT-uEvof. Hieronymus Catal. c. 77: Lucianus, vir disertissimus, Antiochenae
Ecclesiae presbyter, tantum in Scripturarum  studio laboravit, ut usque nune quaedam exemplaria Scripturarum Lucianea nuncupentur.  Feruntur ejus de fide libelli, et breves ad
nonnullos epistolae.
5 The bishops E usebius of Nicomedia, Maris of Chalcedon, Theognis of Nicaea, Leontius
of Antioch, Antonius of Tarsus, &c. See Philostorgius, ii. 14.
6 Alexander bishop of Alexandria, writes of him (about 320, in Theodoreti Mist. eccl.
i. 3): "Ov (IlaoXov rbv eapocareac) tadeedeC( Evof Aov/clavbr, barouvvy7oyog E"leve iptpev
crctaic67rov 7 roverCEf Xp6vovfov. i  r )i-7  aEuEiafe iT/v i7pdya e /ooclbrrOEfT-'Apetof re ca'AXOAZc, /c. 7. X. The -Eusebians appealed to a confession of faith by Lucian, Sozomen,
iii. 5.  Still he is considered by Etsebius, Athanasius, Jeromlle, Chrysostom  (comp. his
panegyric on him, tom. i. Hom. 46), etc., as a holy martyr, and is so regarded by the
Romish church at this day.
7 Probably the Egyptian Bishop Hesychius, who, according to Eusebius, H. E. viii. 13, 4,
suffered martyrdom in the year 311.
8 Hieron. adv. Rlufin. lib. ii. (ed. Martian. t. iv. p. ii. p. 425): Alexandria et Aegyptus in
Septuaginta suis Hesychium laudat auctorem Constantinopolis usque ad Antiochiam Luciani Martyris exemplaria probat. Mediae inter has provinciae Palaestinos codices legunt
quos ab Origene elaboratos Eusebius et Pamphilus vulgaverunt; totusque orbis haec inter
se trifaria varietate compugnat. Comp. Eichhorn's Einleit. in das A. T. (4te Aufl. 1823)
Bd. 1. S. 506, fF: Hieron. praef. in iv. Evang. ad Damasumn: De novo nune loquor Testamento. Praetermitto eos codices, quos a Luciano et Hesychio nuncupatos, paucorum,
homlinumle asserit perversa contentio: quibus utique nec in toto veteri Instrumento post lxx.
interpretes emlendare quid licuit: nec in Nova profuit emendasse, cumn multarum gentium
linguis Scriptura ante translata doceat, falsa esse, quae addita sunt. Comp. Hug's Einl.
in d. N. T. (3te Aufl. 1826) Th. 1. S. 196, if. 231, if.
9 Concerning him and his numerous writings, among which the treatise 7rept roi fIZic-Xa,
which set forth the first Canon paschalis (see on it Ideler's Chronologie, ii. 213), was the
most important, see Eusebius, vi. 20, 22. Hieronymus in Catal. c. 61. Both call him
bishop, but do not know in what place. Jerome also designates him as a martyr, Comm.




CHAP. III.-CATHOLIC THEOLOGY. TI. IN THE WEST. ~ 66.  225
II. THEOLOGY IN THE WEST.
~ 66.
The Latin  church, which had been  hitherto little more  than
an appendage to the Greek, now  attained  to more independence
and  individuality,  after it had  materially  enlarged  itselif, and
since the Latin language  had  been  more  adapted, partieluarly
ad Matth. praef., and so also later writers call him Episcopum et Martyrem. Prudentnnr wepi
areiveulov hynin. xi. relates the martydom of one Hippolytus. The same person was a
presbyter amlong the Novatians, stood in hig'h repute with his own party (the heathen
called out, v. 80: Ipsuom- Christicolis esse caput populi, but in view of death he repented of
his taking part in the schism, and exhorted his own disciples, who accompanied him in great
numbers, to return to the catholic communion (v. 27, ss.). Thus he became a Catholic martyr at Portus I'Lomanus (probably under Valerian, 258), and his bones were du~g op an the
vicinity of RHomle (v. 151). At the time ofPrudentius a splendid martyrium was ihre dedicated to him (v. 183), and his mlemory was celebrated on the ides of August (v. 232). Ito the
eighth century Hadrian I. restored this Coemeteriaum b. Hippolyti Martyris (Liber pontificalis in vita Hadr. I.) At the same place the statue of Hippolytus was found, 1551, on
whose cathedra the Canon. Pashlalis and a catalogue of his writings are inscribed. It
belongs probably to the sixth century (Beschreibung der Stadt Rom von Platner, Bunsen
Gerhard, u. Ri)stell, ii. ii. 329), and proves that at that time the ancient writer and the
martyr -were looked upon as the same person. In the later mlartyrologies a fragment of
genuine tradition may be preserved concerning him. Usuardus, Ado, Notker, and others,
have the following on the 30th January: —Apud Antiochiam passio b. Hippolyti Martyris,
qui Novati schismate aliquantulunm deceptus, operante gratia Christi correctus, ad caritatem ecclesiae rediit, pro qua et in qua illustre martyriun consumnllavit. Petrus Danlianus
lib. i. Epist. 9, ad Nicolaum ii. says: Beatus quoque Nonus Martyr, qui et Hippolytus —
postquam denique nonnullos sanctarum expositionum libros lucalenter explicuit, tanden
Eptscopatunm deserunit, de Antiochenis partibus, unde erat oriundus, abscessit, tolmanos
fines appetiit; and then relates his death and burial in Portus Romlanus. The result of
our inquiry into the history of Hippolytus lllay be stated: Novatian found great favor partioularly in Antioch. The bishop Fabius, and many others were friendly to him (Euseb.
vi. 44, 46, see below, ~ 72, note 8). One of them, the presbyter Hippolytus, determlined to
travel in person to Rome. Probably, since he traveled through Alexandria, he is the same
Hippolytus who took with him to Rome the E} 70Xaro   dtaicoLiKc of Dionysius of Alexandria (Euseb. vi. 46. Eusebius here names him without any other specifying circumstance,
after having spoken before of only one Hippolytus).  In Rome he attached himself to the
Novatians, and attained to great repute. The separation from the church, however, made
him suspicious, until the prospect of immediate death decided him to return to the catholic
church. His memory was celebrated at Antioch, his native city, on the 30th January; at
Rome on the 13th August. The later martyrologies have adopted both days, and so made
two Hippolytuses out of one. The great reputation which Hippolytus enjoyed as an ecclesiastical writer misled Eusebius, when he represents him to have been a bishop. Jerome followed him in this particular. The clerk who was martyred at Portus Romanus
may have been previously a bishop somewhere in the East. Although, however, Prudentins correctly designates Hippolytus a presbyter, yet all later writers call him bishop,
and conjecture different places where he was such. The Greeks naturally looked for this
place in the part where he had suffered, and regarded him sometimes as a bishop of Rome,
VOL. I.-15




2263                FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III. —A.D. 193-324.
by  Tcrftullianl   to  the expression  of Christian  ideas, and  had
become tlhe usual written  language  of the  western  Christialns.
As  the  speculative  tendency  of the  Greeks  prevailed  in  the
Greek  church, so the practical character  of the  Romans gave
expression. to itself in the Latin church, in the inclination to
cultivate  chiefly  ecclesiastical  government  and  law.    While
the  Greek  language  now  disappeared  from   the western  church,
the  lively  interest of the  latter  in  the  new  developments  of
the  theology  of the  east also  ceased.   As the  Greek  theology
of the  second  century  had  been  understood  and  represented
with  material grossness  in  the  writings  of Tertullian, so  was
it held  fast in  the western  church, in  the third  century.   Phiafter tlhe example of Leontius; sometimes as a bishop of Portus Romanus, according
to the Paschal Chronicle, Georgius Syncellus, Zonaras, and Nicephorus Callistes. The
Romish bishop Gelasius, misled by Rufilus's translation of Euseb. vi. 20 (Beryllus-episcopus fuit apud Bostram, Arabiae urbem maximam. Erat et nihilominus Hippolytus, qui
et ipse aliquanta scripta dereliquit, Episcopus), thought that he was a metropolitan of
Arabia, but maintained at the same time as an indubitable fact that he had come to Rome,
and suffered martyrdom there. (The later legend dressed out this with other additions:
Petrus Dam. 1. c.: Qui, postquam triginta millia Saracenorui ad Christi fidem efficacissima
praedicatione convertit, etc.) In order to find a middle way between these different accounts
Steph. le Moyne conjectured that he was bishop of Portus Romanus (Aden, in Arabia Felix,
and in this several have followed him; but this attempt to reconcile errors could only be a
new error itself, since Christianity came for the first time into Arabia:Felix in the fourth
century. With the results already given, agrees very well what may be gathered from
the writings of Hippolytus. 1. Novatianism is as little found in them  as in the works of
Novatian himself. They were probably composed earlier.  2. According to Phot. Cod. 121,
HIippolytus's civrayjua jca-r alipoaewv was an extract from the work of Irenaeus. But
Photius infers too much from a passage of that writing, when he makes him a disciple of
Irenaeus. 3. Jerome, Cat. c. 61, enumerates among the works of Hippolytus rpoaoz2lfiav
de laude Domini Salvatoris, in qua praesente Origene se loqui in Ecclesia significat.
(What follows: In hujus aemulationem Ambrosius —colhortatus est Origenem, in scripturas
Commentarios scribere, is founded merely on a misunderstanding of the expression E
lcEiivov scil. Xp6vov, which forms a transition in Euseb. vi. c. 22 to chapter 23.)  4. The
numerous exegetical writings (see apud Jerome) point to thle east.  5. The'AaroZoyia
d7rep rov Icarit'Ioivvsv e'ayyefov  caci ai'roea2vawerC and arepi Xaptouirs)v, marked upon
the cathedra, are either directed against the Alogi in Asia Minor (~ 48, note 15), or against
the opponents of the Montanists in Rome (~ 59, note 9). For this last supposition appears
to speak the notice of Ebedjesu (t 1318, in Assemani Bibl. orient. t. iii. p. i., that among the
Chaldeans Ilippolyti capita &dv. Caiuml were in existence. (Comp. Lilcke's Einl. in d.
Offenb. Joh. S. 316.)  C. Go. Haeunell de Hippolyto comm. Gottingae 1838. 4 (looks upon
him has a bishop of Bostra). E. J. KInmmel de Hippolyti vita et scriptis, p. i. Jenae. 1839.
8 (according to him, Hippolytus was an oriental, educated in Alexandrian learning (?), and'
bishop of Portus PRomanus at Rome). L. F. W. Seinecke fiber d. Leben u. die Schriften
des Bisch. Hippolytus, in I11en's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol. 1842, iii. 48 (he also supposes
him bishop of Portus Romanus). Hipp. Op. ed. J. A. Fabricius. Hamb. 1716, 18. 2 voll. fol.
1 Respecting him see above, ~ 59. He wrote in Greek, de baptismo (Tert. de Bapt. c.
15), de spectaculis (de Cor. mil. c. 6), and de virgillibus velandis (de Virg. vel. c. 1). None
of these works are now extant. M. E. F. Leopold iber die Ursacheli der verdorbenen
Latinit/it der Kirchenviter, bes. des Tertullians, ian.lgen's Zeitschr. f. hist. Theol. -iii. ii. 12.




CHAP. II.ICATHOLIC THEOLOGY. II. IN THE WEST.  ) 66. 227
losophy  was  too  mruch  hated  by  the  westelzes,2 and  their  interpretation  of  ScriptLre, firom   ignorance  of the  original  lan-.guages, was too  imperfect to  enable them   to  develop  the  Grecian  theology intelligently.   Hence  there  arose in the occidental church  an  aversion  to  all theological speculation,3 and  such
a  doctrinal  stabiity  that the  influence  of the  Greek  church
could  produce  only  negative  and  unconscious  advances.   It is
true  that  t3ontanism, having  continued  for  a  long  time  nvnmolested  in  the west, had  been  condemned, as far as its  peculiar doctrines were  concerned, in  the  beginning  of this period;
but its spirit had found so firinm a sympathy in the disposiLion  -of the  westerns  to  cultivate  external  ecclesiastical  ordinances, that its continuance may be still recognized in a sensuous acceptation of Christianity, and'the high  value  set upon
external discipline.    Thasciuzs  Caecilius Cyprianus, at first a
rhetorician  in  Carthage  (converted  to  Christianity  from   245,
bishop  at Carthage  248, suffered martyrdom   258), left behind
several  small  works,  apologetic  and   admonitory,  and  many
2 Although they lad unconsciously received many Platonic ideas in the Greek theology
of the second century. Tertullianus de Praescr. haeret. c. 7: Quid ergo Athenis et Hierosolymis? quid Academiae et Ecclesiae? quid haereticis et Christianis? Nostra institutio
de portice Salomonis est: qui et ipse tradiderat, dominum in simplicitate cordis esse quaerendum. Viderint, qui stoicum, et platonicum, et dialecticumn Christianismum  protulerunt.
Nobis curiositate opus non est post Christoum Jesum, nec inquisitione post Evangelium.
Cumn credimus, nihil desideramus ultra credere. Hoc enimi prius credimus, non esse, quod
ultra credere debemnus. De anima c. 3: Philosophis-patriarchis, ut ita dixerim, haereticonmm. De carne Christi c. 5: Natus est dei filius: non pudet, quia pudendum est. Et
mortnius est dei filius: prorsus credibile est, quia ineptu-mn est.  Et sepultas, resurrexit:
certum est, quia impossibile. Cf. de anima lib., Apologet. c. 46, adv. Marcion. v. c. 19, de
testimonio animaln, c. 1. Ritter's Gesch. d. christl. Philos. i. 362.
3 Tertull. de Praescript. c. 7 (see note 2). Cap. 9: Unins porro et certi instituti infinita
inquisitio non potest esse: quaerendum est, donec invenias: et credenduln, ubi inveneris:
et nihil amplius nisi custodiendum, quod credidisti: dum insuper credis, aliud non esse
credenduan. Cap. 14: Caeterum manente forma ejus (regulae fidei) in suo ordine, quantum libet quaeras et tractes, et omnem libidinemn curiositatis effundas, si quid tibi videtur
voel ambiguitate pendere, vel obscuritate obuanbrari.  Est utique frater aliquis doctor,
gratia scientiae donatus: est aliquis inter exercitatos conversatus aliquidtecum, cuTiosius
tamen, quaerens: novissime ignorare melius est, noe quod non debeas noris. Fides, inquit,
tua te salvum fecit (Luc. xviii. 42): non exercitatio scripturarum. Fides in regula posita
est, habens legem  et salutem  de observatione legis: exercitatio autem in curiositate
consistit, habens gloriamn solam de peritiae studio. Cedat curiositas fidei, cedat gloria
saluti.  Certe aut non obstrepant, ant quiescant. Adversus regulamnihil -scmie onania
scire est. A decided rejection of all secret tradition, ibid. c. 22: Solent dicere (haeretici),
non omnnia Apostolos scisse: eadam agitati dimentia, qua rursus convertunt, omnia quidem
Apostolos scisse, sed non omnia omnibus tradidisse. In utroque Christum reprehensioni
injicientes, qui anLt minus instructos, aut parum simplices Apostolos miserit. Cf. cap. 25
and 26.




228                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-3524.
letters which  refer for the  most part to matters  of church  government and  discipline.4    There  is still preserved  a  perfectly
orthodox work de Trinitate,5 by his cotemporary Novatian, a
Roman presbyter and founder of a sect. Eighty moral precepts
in verse by the African Commnodianus (about 270) are not unimportant in the history of morals.6    Arnobius, a rhetorician in.
Sicca, formerly  an  enemy  to  Christianity, wrote  (about  303)
his Disputationes adv. Gentes libb   vii.7    His pupil in rhetoric.
L. Caelius Lactantius Firmianus (Cicero  Christianus) an Italian by  birth, wrote  in  Nicomedia, during  the  Diocletian persecution, his Institutionum   IDivinarum  libb. vii.8    He was afterward preceptor of Crispus,: eldest son  of Constantine the  Great,
(t about 330).
The tendency  of the western  church  to  a stable unity  could'
effect so  little  in  the  province  of dogmatic theology, that even
gnostic  doctrines  were   still. in  many   instances  tolerated  as
4 Vita et passio Cypriaini per Pontium ejus diaconum scripta, in Ruinart, and prefixed
to the editions of Cyprian. Jo. Pearsonii Ainnales Cyprianici, prefixed to Pell's edition~.
Prudentii MIarani vita S. Cypr. prefixed to Baluzinss edition.  La vie de St. Cyprien (par'
Jacq. Gervaise). Paris. 1717. 4. Th. C. Cyprianns, dargestellt von D. F. W7. Rettberg.
Gdttingen. 1831. 8. Biihr's christl. r6mische Theologie, S. 50. M~6hler's Patrologie, i. 809. —
His works: tn the year 246: Lib. ad Donattum.-,247: de Idolorum vanitate. —248: Testimoniorum  ad Quirinum  adv. Judaeos, libb. 3  de Habitu virginurn.-251: de Unitate
ecclesiae; de Lapsis.-252: de Oratione dominica; de Mlortalitate; Exhort. ad Mlartyrium.
— 253: Lib. ad Demetrianum.-254: de Opere et Eleemosynis.-2-55: de Bono Patientiae.o
-256: de Zelo et Livore. Besides these 83 letters, Opp. ed. Nic. Rigaltius. Paris. 16.18.
fol. Joannes Fell. Oxon. 1682. (Bremnae. 1690. Amstel. 1700,) fol. Steph. Baluzius,
Paris. 1726. (Venet. 1728.) fol. Opp. genuina cur. D. J. H.I Goldhorn. P. ii.  Lips. 183F.
39, 8.
5 Ed. Ed. Welchmann.  Oxon. 1724. (iter. 1728.) 8. Also appended to Rigalt's editioe
of Tertullian. Bdhr, S. 47.
6. InstrTetiones, ed. Nic. Rigaltius.  Tulli Leuc. 1650. 4. Bibl. PP. L-ugd. t. xxvii. p.
12, C. S. Schurzfleisclh. Viteberg. 1705.
7 Hieron. Cat. 79, in Chronico ad ain. xx. imperii Constantini.  His work ed. cum~.
recensione viri celeberrimi (Cl. Salnasii) et integris omnium commentariis. Lugd. Bat.
1651. 4-recogn. Jo. Conr. Orellius, P. ii.  Lips. 1816. Additamentum.  Lips. 1817. 8.
Des Africaners Arnohb. 7 Bficher wider die Heiden, fibers u. erliutert v.- E. A. v. Besnard.
Landshut. 1842. 8. P. K. Meyer de ratione et argnmento apologetici Arnobiani. Havniae.
1815. 8. Bighr, S. 66.
8 Besides this: Epitome div. institt., de opificio Dei, de ira Dei. In a MS. Colbert.
Baluzius found Lucii Cecilii liber de Mortibus persecutorum, and first published it inMIiscellan. tom. ii. p. 1 (1679). He correctly pronounced it the book of Lactantius, which
Jerome mentions, Cat. c. 80, as de Persecutione lib., and therefore it has been taken into
all the later editions of Lactantius.  Against le Nou7ry (Lucii Cecilii lib. de Mortibus
persec. ad MS. denuo emendatus, aec. dissert. de libri auctore. Paris. 1710. 8), who wishesto distinguish this Lucius Cecilius from Lactantius, see particularly N. de Lestocq disquis;
in the edition of le Brun prefixed to tom. ii. p. 48, ss.  Opp. ed. J. L. Biinemann.. Lips.
1739. 8. Jo. Bapt. le Bran et Nic. Lenglet Dufresnoy. Paris. 1748. Tom. ii. 4. 0. Yt
Fritzsche. P. ii.  Lips. 1842, 44. B. fBhr, S. 72.




itHAP. II. —CATHOLIC THEOLOGY. TI. IN THE NVEST. B 6s.   229
harmless.   It is true  that Ierm            o ogenes, when  he  asserted  the
eternity  of matter too  strenuously, found  an  opponent in  Tertullian;9 but Arnombius gave utterance  to Platonie  and gnostic
opinions respecting the soul and evil, without being mnolested;,0,and his disciple Lactantius taught a suspicious dualism,ll   withiout  being   attacked   on  account  of  it.    As  this  indicates  a.certain  theological rudeness  in  the  iwestern  theology, so  is the
same  peculiarity  also  exhibited  in  the  sensuous mode of treating  the  traditional  doctrines.    Even  in  definitions  of the  essence  of God, the western  writers  of this  period  are not able
ito disentangle themselves from  the forms  of a sensuous conception.   They  thought of the  Deity  himself as corporeal, and of
~he soul as literally  his breath.12    They  also firmly  maintained
9 Tertullianus adv. Herimogenem. Ritter's Gesch. d.. christl. Philos. i. 178.
0 For example, Arnobius, ii. c. 15: Nihil est, quod nos fallat,-quod a novis quibusdam,dicitur viris, —animas imirnortales esse, Deo elrum ac principi gradu proximal dignllitatis
genitore illo ac patre prolatas, etc.. Cap. 62: Servare animas alius nisi Deus omnipotens
non potest: nec praeterea quisquam est, qli longaevas facere, perpetuitatis possit et spirit-,mrn subrogare. (Comlp. Platonis Timaeus, ed. Bip. p. 325. Justinus, Tatianus, Theophilus,
see Muinseher's Doglsaengescl. Bd. 2, S. 101, ff.)-Cap. 46, it is called immanis et scelerata
persuasio, nt-Deus —aliquid fecerit claudumn: and hence it is inferred, ut in sacrilegae
mimrnen impietatis incurrat, quisquis ab eo conceperet hominiem esse prognatumn. Cap. 36:
iDiscite aB eo, qui novit et protulit in mediuml, Chsristo, non esse animas regis nmaximi filias,:.ec ab eo, quemadmodutm  dicitur, generatas coepisse se nosse;-sed alterum quempiarm
genitorulm his esse, dignitatis et potentiae gradibus satis plurimis ab Imperatore disjuncturn, ejus tarmen ex aula et emninentius  nobilem  sublimitate nataliuns  (doubtless the
Logos). Cap. 47,: Noll enim, si negellus, mulscas, scarabeos, et cimices, uitedulas, cu'r(culiones, et tineas omnipotentis esse opus regis, sequaciter postulandues  a nobis est, ut,quis ea fecerit, institueritque dicamus. Possimus enin nulla curn reprehensione nescire,
quis et illis origineim dederit, et obtinere, non esse Deo a superiore prolata tam supervacua,
tanm vana, tam  ad snillas pertinentia rationes, quinimo aliquando et inoxia, et necessarias.;lmportantia laesiones.:Cf. cap. 48, 58, 61, 62. Comp. above, ~ 44, notes 4, 5. On the the-!ology of Arnobius see Meyer de ratione Apol. Arnob. p. 278.
1 Lactalt. Institutt. dlv. ii. 8: Deus —alteqsuamu  ordiretur hloc opus slsundi produxit
similem sui spiritumn, qui esse virtutibus Dei Patris praeditus.  Deilde fecit alterurn, in
quo indoles divinae stirpis non permlansit. Itaque suapte invidia tanquamn veneno infectus
est, et ex boneo ad maluml transcendit, suoqlue arbitrio, quod illi a Deo liberam  datum
suerat, contrarium sibi nlomen ascivit. lUnde apparet,;cunctorusm malorumn fontem  esse
livorern. Invidit enim illi antecessori suo, qui Deo Patri perseverando cum probatus, turn,etiam carsus est. Hsunc ergo ex bono per se nmalumn effectum Graeci dtdrBo23ov appellasnts
nos criminiatorea vocamus, quod crilnina, in quae ipse illicit, ad Deum  deferat.  God,divided the dominion of thle world with lim, so that there fell to his share occidens,
septentrio, tenebrae, friigus, etc., c. 9. H. J. Alt de DualismUo Lactantiano diss. Vratislav.
1839. 8.
12 Tertull. adv. Prax. 7: -Quis enim negavit, deuem corpus esse, etsi deus spiritus est?
Spiritus enim corpus sui generis in sua effigie. Sed et si invisibilia illa, quaecuntle sunt,
habent apud deum et snllu   corpus et suam formam, per quae soli deo visibilia senYt::
qluanto magis quod ex ipsius substantia missurn est (namely the 2s6)of), sine snbstantia
non erit?  C. 5: Es aninal rationale, a rationali scilicet artifice:0lon tantuum factus, sed
tjetiana ex s.bstantia ipsius animatus.  Lactant. de ira Dei, c. 2: Aliter de unica illa




2'3~-               FIRST PERIOD; —DIV. Il1. —A.D. 193-32~;
the resurrection of the same body, the millennium, which appear;
here  almost in its most sensual form,l3 the  condemnation  of all
who  are  not Christians, and  the  eternity  of hell punishmeneits
With  regard to  the  Logos, they  retained  the  old  emanistic  notions, both as to its origin, which was conceived for the most part
in a Very coarse form,l4 and also as to its relation to the Father.5:
majestate sentiunt,.quana veritas habet,.qui aut figuram negant habere ullam Deunm, aut
nullo affectu commoveri putant (he holds the doctrine of God's wrath to be a fundamental
truth of religion). In tllis the S:toics had set the example, who regarded every thing which
had efficiency as body. Comp. Tennemann's Gesch. d. Philol. iv. 39, 253. Seneca Epist.
106, 117, quod facit, corpus est. The soul was universally looked upon as corporeal; witi.
the exception of Origen.
1_ Comnmodiani Instruct. 43, 44, 80, ex. gr..Instr. 44:De coelo descendet civitas.in anastasi prima,Venturi sunt illi quoque sub A:ntichristo qui vineunt
Robusta martyria, et ipsi toteo tempore vivunt,Et generant ipsi per- annos mille nubentes.
Jnstr. 80:Digniores, stemmate et generati praeclaro.
Nobilesque viri sub Antichristo devicto,
Ex praecepto Dei rursum viventes in aevo
Mille quidem annis ut serviant sanctis et Alto,
Sub jugo servili, ut portent victualia collo,
Ut iteruin autetn judicentur regno finite.
Comp. Lactant. Institutt. div. vii. c. 14-25;. Among other things he says, c. 14: Tunm quit
erunt in corporibus vivi, non morientur, sed per eosdem mille annos infinitan multitudinem
generabunt, et erit soboles eoruml sanleta et Deo cara. Qui autem ab inferis suscitabuntur,
ii praeerunnt viventibus velut judices. Gentes vero non extinguentur omnino: sed quaedam
relinquentur in victoriam Dei, ut triumphentur a justis, ac subjugentur perpetuae servitut,.
14 Cf. Lactant. Instit. divin. iv. 8: Quomodo igitur piocreavit?  Prim-um  nec seiri a
qtoquam possunt, nec narrari' opera divina, sed tameen sanctae literae docent, in quibus
cautum  est, illum Dei filium esse Dei sermoneml, itelnmqule ceteros angeles Dei spiritus
esse. Nam sermo est spiritus cum voce aliquid signilicante prolatus. Sod tamen quoniamn
spiritus et. sermo diiersis partibus proferuntur, siquidem spiritus naribus, ore sermo procedit; magna inter unec Dei filium ceterosque angelos differentia est. Illi enim ex Deo
taciti spiritus exielunt, quli non ad doctrinam  Dei tradendam, sed ad ministerilum creabantter. Ille verb quum sit et ipso spii'itus, tamen cu1e  voce ac sono ex Dei ore processit.
sicut verbum, &c.-Merito igitur sermo et verbum Dei dicitur, quia D'eus procedentem de
ore sue vocaleml spiritum, quem non utero sed mlente conceperat, inexcogitabili quadam
majestatis sua virtute ac potentia, in effigiem, qnae proprio sensu acc sapienolia vigeat,
comprehendit, et alios item spiritus sues in angeles figuravit.
15 Tertull. adv. Hermogenem, c. 3: Et pater deus est, et jndex dens est: non tamen
ideo pater etl; jindex semper, quia dens semper. Naml nee pater potuit esse ante filiunm,
nec judex ante delictuin. Fuit autem tempus, cum  ei delictum  et filius non fuit, quod
judicem et qui patrem dolminum faceret. CGap. 18: Ut (Doens soplhiae) necessariam sensit
ad opera mundi, statim earn condit et generat in sometipso. Adv. Praxean, c. 26: Nulla
res alicujus ipsa est, cujus est.-Et ideo spiritus Deus, et settno Dens, quia ex Deo, non
tamen ipse ex quo est. Quodsi dens, Dei tanquam substantiva res, non erit ipse  ensus
(aviro6eo9): sed lactenus deus, quia ex ipsies Dei substantia, qua et substantiva res est;
et ut portio aliqua totius.-Patrem et ipse adorat-ignlorans et ipse diem et horam ultimamj
soli patri notam: disponens regnmta  discipulis, quo tmodo et sibi dispositult dicit a patre,
etc. Adv. Marcionem, ii. c. 27: Q.uaecunque exigitis Deo digna, habebunftur in patre
i'visihili, incongressibili, et placido, et, ut ita di-xerim, philosopholrum  Deo.. Quatecquqe!




CHAP. IV.-ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE.  g 67.                            231
A remarkable stage of development as concerns this dogma, is
exhibited by Dionysius, bishop of Rome (259-270) whose
education was Grecian, and who unites the Origenist idea of an
eternal generation  of the  Logos with  those emanistic notions.l6
FOURTH CHAPTER.
ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE.
~ 67.
Tile  changes  in  ecclesiastical  life  originated  especially  fiom
certain  ideas, the  germs  of which  appeared  in  the  second  century, though  not completely  developed  till the third.   The  idea
of one  catholic  churchl  out of which  there  is  no  salvation, received  its  full  development  from   Cyoprian,l and  strove  to  give
autem ut indigna reprehenditis, deputabuntur in filio, et viso, et audito, et congresso,
arbitro patris et min-istro, etc.  Comp. Martini Gesch. d. Dogma v. d. Gottheit Christi in
d. vier ersten Jahr. S. 100, fE: With Tertullian agree Cyprian (see Martini, S. 248, ff.),
Novatian (1. c. S. 257, fT.), Lactantius (1. c. S. 268, if.).
16 Dionysii Rom. Adv. Sabellianos fragmentum (apud Athanasius de Decretis Nicaen.
syn. e. 26: also in Constant. Epist. Rom. Pont. ed. Schoenemann, p. 194, ss.  Routh.
Reliqu. Sacr. iii. p. 175, ss.). First of all he rejects roi  d&latpoOvrac icati cararervovrac
-7 v ylovapXiav eis rpeTp   dSvvduetfC rltva  cat jeptteptcpiEvac v'ocrdaectf icaci  e6r7Teaf rpEic,
and asserts in opposition:'HvCdocOa  y2p cavyI(7C r7T  OECJ TChV 52 O'2v TOv Oecov  6oyov'
/eiouto X(PEZV de' rC OEC Icaci ivdTCaleT aCt dler rT  ayo v 7rVeOa * i    /calt 7c Tve OcEav rpldCda
ei iEva, (cJrTep ei Itcopvq)7yp rlva (r6v eOeb  rTCOVC'v    roev rreavTcpdrocpopa  6yw) cvylcec2a2ato0cyai re nac cvEvdyeerOat rzca (6v(iyic7. Then he censures TroVf oi7cya 7rv vUCv eCvat
dodeovraTc, /cai yeyopvvaC rTO  IcpleOV, JaCTrep Ev TC OTvroc yCevo,uEvov, Vo#C;vraef.-B2a'-9
~lCov oUVP OUr ro TVXv, tsy7Gtrov [tiV ov, Xetporroiprov Tpo TTP rtOV  v2lyetv rOy V KIptov.
Ei y.ap y)yovev vCiS, Civ 8TE Oc/c:~v'  rci rcl Iv, ec ye Ev rT  iarpi  eUTCv,   05 aiSv6C on7ct,
tcac ei 26yof Icai aoQia cai i &svayts d Xpltr7. —racra dE' hvv(tuetl oevatc Tro eoeD rvyxrvova'V- eC roivvV ykyovev b vbCp, 3v 6re o0lic q v ravia'   ijv apca Icatpbc, 6re XcpiC TOTror
Ov 6J ef'- (teo7rraov dE rootO. The expression iciiploC iCTCi Ite dpXVv Cq tldv acdrov,
Prov. viii. 2-2, means: enre'9caoe r7oTc v'r' avTro7  yEyeov6dcv EpYOCt, yeyov 6 6 de r' cavci
oi veioi. —'Q2 tloiccvrvdvvot i(rOpo rot c! i7rolna 6 76r 6rpo7coKf nTrCcp I7crcere,  6 ec y'acarpbc
nrpi  [o5o6pov yevvpdeif (Ps. cix. 3), o elrSnv (Cs aoqoia (Prov. viii. 26)  w7po de' irivrov
f3ovvJcv  yevve, Ire; tcat n roa2Xov (E6 TrV OeiOv 2oyitOv yeyevvc6alt, a?2,' ovi yeyovevat
TOb VVOV  2ey6/evov  iEpotl tf tIv. WVe should therefore believe eiS Oebv craerpa,ravroxpt6ropa, /cai eif XptICrv'ITJoov cierv vTbv aI ToV, ca' eip to 7   ytov 7rvefi,uca  v7eOdcdca 66 T12J
OeO 7t'v 8C2L( Vo Tbv  6 yOV'  6'7 y(dp, 0lqt, clai Vb  eTrar~p  v',iuecv (Joh. x. 30)' cai i yo EIv,) erepip, cit  6 O rc7M7'p iv pntoi. OGro 7ytp av Icaci s Oefa Tptal, icai r7i aytOov ic-7pvyua Tg
flovapXtai  rltaerotro.  Comp. Martini, 1. c. S. 227, if. Baur's Lehbre v. d. Dreieinigkeit,
eo 311.' There are eertaiinly found, even in the older fathllers, strong passages to the effect that




232                  FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
itself an outward  expression in the unity of every  thing belonging to the church.           Since religious faith was made interchangable with  the intelligent expression of it in  doctrine, men began
also  to  consider  the  unity  of  the  latter  as  necessary  to  the
unity  of the  church, and  to  limit freedom   of inquiry  more  and
more.  How an endeavor was made to carry out an agreement
in regard to ecclesiastical usages, with this very view, may be
seen from  Victor's conduct respecting  the  celebration  of Easter
in  Asia  (~ 59); and  after his example, the  constant  effort to
bring  about uniformity, even  in  external usages, is  obvious,
particularly  in  the  western  church.   The  idea  of this  unity
naturally led still farther, to a closer external union among the
separate  churches;  and  since  the bishops, as successors of the
apostles, were looked upon as the center of ecclesiastical unity,
that connection was effected by their more intimate attachment
to  one another;  and  the  episcopal dignity  obtained  not a little
elevation in consequence.  Another idea which exerted much
influence on ecclesiastical life was this, that the constitution of
the Christian church was a nobler copy of the Jewish templeworship, and therefore, that the  Mosaic laws relative  to  public
worship, particularly the priesthood, were still valid in the
church  (~ 53).   No less fruitful in  alterations in  the  worship
of God was finally the idea of a disciplizna arcctzi2 which began
to be current toward the conclusion of the second century.   After
the  Christians had always been compelled to keep  their worship
salrv:ti.on is to be foiund only in the catholic church.  Even Origen I-om. iii. in Josuarn,  5,
says: Nemo semetipsum decipiat: extra hanc domum, i. e., extra ecclesiam nemo salvatir. Nam  si quis foras exierit, mortis suae ipse fit reus. See Rothe die Anf'ange der
christl. Kirclhe, i. 578. He expresses himself elsewhere, however, more snildly, just as
Clement of Alexandria. See Rothe, i. 624. Thus, while he does not allow to the virtuous
heathen and the Jews vitam aeternam or regnum coelorum, which can be obtained only
through faith in Christ, he yet asserts, Comm. in Ep. ad Rom. ii. 7: Tamen gloria operum
ejus et pax et honor poterit non perire. On the other hand CypriaaLus de Unitate ecclesiae:
Quisquis ab ecclesia segregatus adulterae jungitur, a promissis ecclesiae separatur. Nec
perveniet ad Christi praemia, qui relinquit ecclesiam  Christi. Alienus est, profanus est,
hostis est. Habere jam non potest Deum patremn, qui ecclesiam non habet matreml. Si
potuit evadere quisquam, qui extra arcam Noe  fuit, et qui extra ecclesiam foris, fuerit,
evadet. —Ta!es etiamsi occisi in confessione nominis fuerint, macula ista nec sanguine
abluitur.-Esse  martyr non potest, qui in ecclesia non est. Occidi talis potest, coronari
non potest, etc. H. E. Scbmieder on Cyprian's treatise respecting the unity of the church
in Stiucllin's and Tzschirner's Archiv. f. Kirchengesch. v. ii. 417. Rettberg's Cyprianus,
S. 297, 348, 355. Rothe, i. 635. Cyprian's Lehre, v. d. Kirche von J. G. Huther. HaImb.
u. Gotha. 1839. 8.
2 This appellation of the Christian mysteries is new, and appears to have been fi-st
used by G. Th. l\Ieier de Recondita veteris ecclesiae theologia. Ihelust. 1679. 4.




CHAP. IV.-ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. ~ 68.                        233
private, through fear of persecution and profanation; they now
began  to find a reason  for this  secrecy  in  the nature  of their
holy transactions, by  virtue  of which  they must be kept secret
as mysteries from  all unbaptized persons (resXTai, Orig. c. Cels.
iii. p. 147),3 an  idea which  arose  out of, and was  fostered  by
the preference for mysteries exhibited at this period, and the
example  of the  heathen  mysteries  (see ~ 37).   The  so-called
apostolic constitutions4 may be considered, after deducting later
3 Tertull. de Praescr. haeret. c. 41: Non omittam ipsius etialn conversationis haereticae
descriptionem, quam futilis, quaml terrena, quam humana sit, sine gravitate, sine auctoritate, sine disciplina, ut fidei suae congruens. In primis, quis catechumenus quis fidelis, incertum est: pariter adeunt, pariter orant, etiam ethnici, si supervenerint: sanctum canibus,
et porcis margaritas, licet non veras jactabunt. Cf. Apologet. c. 7. But this secrecy was
still limited to the non-admission of the unbaptized to holy ordinances. The fathers of the
third century speak without reserve as yet of these transactions, as of all the doctrines of
Christianity, and Tertullian even reproaches the Valentinians in the following language,
adv. Val. 1: Nihil magis curant quam  occultare, quod praedicant. It was not till the
fourth century when this mysterious tendency became general, that even the positive doctrines of Christianity began to be treated as mysteries. Catholic writers have been
inclined to explain the non-appearance of their peculiar institutions and dogmas in antiquity
by the aid of this disciplina arcani. This is done particularly by Erm. a Schelstrate de
Disciplina arcani. Rom. 1685. 4. Of late works see Th. Lienhart de Antiquis liturgiis et
de Discipl. arcani. Argentor. 1829. J. A. Toklot de Arcani disciplina, quae antiqua in
ecclesia fuit in usu. Colon. 1836. 8. Comp. on the other side, G. E. Tentzel Diss. de
disciplina arcani in his Exercitt. select. Lips. 1692. 4. G. C. L. Th. Frommann de
Disciplina arcani, quae in vetere Ecclesia christ. obtinuisse fertur. Jenae. 1833. 8. ItR.
Rothe de Disciplinae arcani, quae dicitur, in Eccl. christ. origine. Heidelberg. 1841. 4.
Besides this disciplina arcani excluded only the unbaptized, and is, therefore, of a different
nature from that disciplina agreeably to which, Clenlent of Alexandria and Origen wished
to withhold their gnosis even from Christians. (~ 63, note 4, ff.)
4 The Apostolic Constitutions and Canons (the best edition of them is in Cotelerii Patr.
apostolicis, vol. i.) are records of the ecclesiastical customs regarded as apostolic, in the
form of apostolic prescriptions (cf. Hieron. Epist. 52 ad Lucinium; Unaquaeque provincia
abundet in sensu suo, et praecepta majorunl leges apostolicas arbitretur. Augustin.
contra Donatist. iv. 24: Quod universa tenet ecclesia, nec conciliis institutum, sed semper
retentum est, id nolnisi apostolica auctoritate traditium certissime credatur). The apostolic
constitutions, darefretC r7cv'An7rooT6?ov, consist of eight books, and probably belong to
Syria. The fiust six books presentinginstructions embracing the entire range of Christian
life, were written toward the end of the third century, and are probably the books which
Eusebius, H. E. iii. c. 25, quoted as dtdaxat ruVd'A.roar76ouv, Athanasius in Ep. festali;
and in Synopsi sacrae Script. as d&daXy TSV'Arogr62owv.  The seventh book is an independent shorter manual of the same kind. Hence it generally treats of the same subjects
as the first six books, and probably belongs to the beginning of the fourth century. The
eighth book refers solely to the holy transactions (i pv-irt./cd), contains agenda in addition
to the appropriate canonical prescriptions, and was put together in the middle of the
fourth century as a pontifical book for the use of the clergy. This book had the title
dtarTetfS, which, after the work had been soon after put along with the other books, was
transferred to the whole. Epiphanius often quotes it as dtarodetg or dl&draitS ic)-'Aroart62iov. After Epiphanius there must, however, have been some interpolations, the
most important of which are those by which the prescriptions respecting the festival of
Christ's birth (v. 13), and the easter festival (v. 17, cf. Epiphan. Haer. xxx. 10), have been
altered agreeably to the later form of observance. Krabbe assumes that after Epiphanius




234                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
interpolations, as an  evidence of the  constitution of the church
at the  present time.   Thle acpostolic canons belong to the  fifth
and sixth centuries.5
~ 68.
HISTORY OF THE HIERARCHY.
After the number of the Christians had greatly  increased  in
the country, separate churches in the country were now frequently  formed which  attached  themselves either to the district
(7rapotcia) of the  nearest town-bishop, and received  from  him   a
presbyter or deacon;1 or chose their own bishops (Xwpe-,rriamoroL)
who, however, soon  came, in  part, to  be in  a certain  state of
dependence  on  the  nearest town-bishop.2    The  power  of the
many interpolations were made, even doctrinal ones, favorable to the Arians and the Macedonians, and that the eighth book was first appended after the time of that father; but in
opposition to his opinion see Drey, p. 154, 177. Comp. Dr. O. Krabbe iiber den Ursprung
u. den Inhalt d. apost. Constitutionen des Clemens Romanus. Hamburg. 1829; especially
Dr. J. S. v. Drey's neue Untersuchungen fiber die Constitutionen und Kanones d. Apost.
Tiibingen. 1832. 8. According to Baur (fiber den Ursprung des Episcopats, S. 125, ff. 131,
if.), the constitutions are of Ebionitish origin and anti-Pauline tendency, and originated in
Rome (p. 134.)
5 Canones Apostolorum, Kcavovef iclcnc-LacaVlIoi   7'v daylOv'A'ocr6Xdov among the
Greeks 85, among the Latins 50. Every ecclesiastical fuindamental law, whether recorded
or not, was at first called Kavccv dcioro2L70tc6 (Alexander Ep. Alex., about 318, in Tbleodoret. H. E. i. 3), /cavjv (Conc. Nicaeni Can. 5, 9), /cavyv EICKc2itaaclTltc6f (ibid. Can. 2, 10):
in this sense the expression ol d'rouroo'Lcot ICavovEf was also used at the Council of Constantinople, ann. 394, without, however, supposing that our present collection is meant.
(Drey, p. 396.)  The first fifty canons were gathered soon after the middle of the fifth
century, under the name of Clement (who, known as the organ of the apostles, by means
of the Clementines and Recognitions (~ 58), appeared the most suitable person for this
purpose), from the apostolic constitutions, and from the canons of several synods of the
fourth century (in particular the Synod of AIltioch, 341). Dionysius ExiguLs translated
them, and the Latin clhurch holds fast by them alone. But after the commencement of the
sixth century, 35 were added amnong the Greeks, the canons were appended to the constitutions, and tlhe name of Clement transferred to these also. Drey, p. 203, if. M. E. Regenbrecht de Canonibus Apostolorum et codice Ecclesiae Hispanae diss. Vratislav. 1828. 8.
O. Krabbe Diss. de codice Canonurn qui Apostolorum  nomine circumferuntur. Gotting.
1829. 4.
1 Thus mention is made by Dionys. Alex. ap. Euseb. H. E. vii. 24, 4, of irpeC,3Vre'pov gV
/cai dracKcdovf Tz-Cv Ev TaTG /c6[aC a' eLTdelavJ: by the Cone. Illiberitanum, ann; 305, can.
77, of Diaconum regentemr plebem  sine Episcopo et Presbytero: Cone. Neocaesar. ann.
315, can. 13. of EtxeopGovi  w7peCvrfpovg.
2 Thus they are called in the Epist. Syn. Antiochl. ann. 270, apud. Euseb. H. E. vii. 30,
6, ETreac67i'ovC r7eP  m6pcWv aypdv. In the Cone. Ancyr anum, ann. 315, can. 13: XpopetL-7'cd-rTozf #z/'e va, wpEa,3vrEpovg ~ d8taLc6vovf XeipOTOveLV. Cf. Bingham, i. p. 192, ss




CHAP. IV.-EC'CLESIAS-TICAL LIFE.  ~' 68. IEARCItY.                       23'5
}ishops  was  enlarged, not only  by  this  enlargement  of their
districts, but also  by  an  institution  which  now  arose, in  consequence  of which  the  bishops  came  into  a  closer and more  regular union  among  themselves.   We allude  to  Provincial' 8ynods, which  were  always  becoming  more  frequent since  the  end
of the second century, and were held in several provinces once
or twice in the year.3 As they were for the most part convened  in  the  principal  city  of the  province, under  the  presidency  of the  bishop  of that city;  and  since  the  latter was, as
it were, the medium  in  relation  to the other smaller bishops, by
which  alone  they  stood  in  connection  with  the  rest  of  the
church, the bishops of the  principal cities (yrTpo7ro24iT7n, Metropolitanus)4  came gradually  to  obtain  a kind  of superintendence
over the other bishops of their province (6irapxia).   As yet, however, this metropolitan constitution was general only in  the east.
In  the west, it is true, Rome was elevated to be the ecclesiastical
Planck's Gesellschaftsverf. i. S. 73, If. In Africa, where the country bishops were particularly numerous, they were not at all distinguished from others, not even by a peculiavr
name. Cf. St. A. Morcelli Africa christiana (Partes iii. Brixiae..1816. 4), P.. I. p.. 43.
3 Firmiliani Epist. ad Cyprian. (in Epist. Cyprian. 75): QOua ex causa necessario apld
nos fit, ut per singulos annos seniores et praepositi in unum  conveniamus ad dispolendea
ea, quae curae nostrae commissa sunt, ut si qua graviora sunt communi consilio dirigantur.
What had hitherto been usual only in some provinces, was made a universal regulation by
the Council of Nice, Can. 5: KaOLi2 Exetv tdosev,,cidacrov evtavvroD caO' ciciirryv fVraptiay
df r7o' irovr ocvv6dovr ytvecOat.  On the origin of Synods see above, ~ 53, note 6. The
regular provincial Synods had, in most of the provinces, their natural type in the Kotv6v,
Commune, i. e., the union of the civitates of the provinces which met from time to time, by
deputies, in the metropolis, and gave advice in common matters.  So we find frequently on
coins Kotv6v'Afiaf, K. BetOvviag, etc., see Eckhel Doctrina numorum vett. t. iv. p. 428,
ss. Such assemblies were also called concilium, provineiale concilium, see Cod. Theodos.
lib. xii. tit. 12, and Gothofredi paratitlon prefixed to this title. Dirksen's civilistische
Abhandl. Bd. 2, S. 16. And vice versa the ecclesiastical provincial synod is c.alled, Can.
Nic. 5, r  o viotv  Tirv'Eyrrcc6,reov.
4 The principle which gradually arose by custom  was afterward expressed iil the
Cone. Antiocheni (341) can. 9: TofS IcaO' KcaeTsV  Tr-apXiav 6 wir^o.6rovf Eidreva  Xypi, rY
ev 7' lv-pOOi6EL zrpoerTiTa  eriricorov tcai Ti-v ~povTrida  evad&xegOatl 77rJof r7lYf irapxiaf,
dit TO Ev ri' oyurpor62el 7raVTaX60E vvrpv CrVVT iV TaVTaf Trovg rpiyuara EXo'vrf.  "OOev
doare coai r, Tr/7,rpoyyEZrcOa afrbv, mttdv ie rrpdirITEiv  7rreprv roivf Zot7rovif frrig/c6nrovavev avrof, cai- rTbv idpXalov  partoavra TOV w7arepuv /yzSv cotavova. ra TraO y6va oaa?I i9iTov Elrtilaect irapotlciC, Ico  TaZf vir  aevrTjv X6jpat'g IcaGrov y)'p eriucorros
ECovaiav X' etv riC Eavrob 7rapociaCaf, dstoucerv -re icarca T7SrV iEK(OTrJ e'rlTtda ovoav e/udioetav,
cal rrp6votav 7rotefaeOat i6ryi yC  XP5i S %paOf ri, ro' Trv Eaovrod rr7l6tv, 6  Kcai Xetporovei,
7rpEGavy'povf Icac dalc6roovf, aCi lezit KpioerS Ilcaurae d&aoa iivenv ~ epayripro itp   / yd/v,rpiT rreictv'ritietpev d6iXa Tro  rTi/ ijUTrporO6iief   riuztac6-rov, /ryde av)rov [vev V T7f 7Tiu
i.overOv yv6rizo. Bacchinii libb. iii. de Origine hierarchiae ecclesiasticae. Mutinsae. 1704.
4. A histo'y of the metropolitasl constitution in W. C. S. Ziegler's pragmat. Geschichte
der lKrchl. Yerfassunvsformen in den. ersten 6 Jahrb. der Kirche. Leipzig. 1798. P.U
61-184t.




236                  FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324..
ametropolis of a great part of Italy;  and  even in  Africa a some.
what  similar,  though  peculiar, provincial constitution had  been
adopted;5 but in the remaining parts of the west, the Christians
had  not yet reached  such  hierarchical associations, on  account
of the small number of Christian  churches.6
By this establishment of large ecclesiastical bodies, the entire
organization of the church became more compact and united.
Through the medium  of the metropolitans the testimonials and
papers of the separate  churches7 were  better attested  and  more
safely forwarded; accounts of all important ecclesiastical events
and resolutions were more expeditiously and generally circulated;
and thus each community was always acquainted with the state
of the whole church.
The bishops of the three great cities of the Roman empire,
Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch, had, at the same time, the
largest provinces.   Hence  they  were  regarded  as the  principal
bishops of Christendom; and  their assent in  all general affairs
was looked  upon  as of special importance.    Still, however, at
this time, great stress was laid on the fact that all bishops were
perfectly  alike in dignity and power;  and  that each  in  his own
diocese was answerable only to God for his conduct.8  They
5 Every African province had a primate at the head of it, who, in Mauritania and
Numidia was usually the oldest bishop (not always the oldest, see Hiillmann's Urspriinge
d. Kirchenverfassung des Mittelalters, Bonn. 1831, p. 101), (hence senex see Bingham,
vol. i. p. 214, Hiillmanm  p. 106), and in proconsular Africa was the bishop of Carthage.
This last was at the same time the head of all the provinces, and could summon general
councils.  Cf. Cypriani Epist. 45: Latius fusa est nostra provincia: habet enim Numidiam
et Mauritaniam sibi cohaerentes.  Ziegler in Henke's Neuemn Magazin, i. 172, if. Mainteri
Primordia Eccl. Afr. p. 43, ss. This regulation was copied from the political one, because
all these provinces were under the proconsul in Carthage, under whom the two Mauritanias
were managed by procTarators. See Mannert's Geographie d. Grieclhen u. Ri6mer, x. ii.
233, 391.
6 Comp. the Ballerini Observatt. ad GQlesnelli diss. v. p. ii. in their edition of the Opp.
Leonis, tomni. ii. p. 1030, ss. Ziegler's Gesch. der kirchl. Verfassungsformen, S. 79, ff.
7 Literae communicatoriae appear first in the Concil. Illiberit. can. 58, but their use is
certainly much older. The Icavovu/cd ypaciuaTa (df) KeaTa Icav6va ytv#eva, Zonaras ad
Can. Laodic. 22), literae formatae  ecf. formalis epistola, Sueton. in Doimit. c. 13, cf.
B everegius ad Can. Apost. 12), which served as testimonials for individuals, were partly.ErecTrrroa   avarrtTcai, partly eiplvtlKa   (literae pacis), partly  rowTvrlucai (literae dimissoriae). There were besides EtLaTOXai to vwvKcai (literae communicatoriae), (afterward
EvOporla-rLcaci), brlgtroe2a cvvod/cai, yic'~xicZtos (literae circulal'es), etc. [F. B. Ferrarii de.Antiquo epistolarum ecclesiasticarum genere libb. iii. Mediol. 1613, (ed. G. Th. Meier.
lelmst. 1678. 4.) Ph. Priorii de Literis canonicis diss. Paris. 1675. 8. J. R. Kiesling
de Stabili primitivae ecclesiae ope literarum communicatoriarum  connubio.  Lips. 1715. 4.
8 Cyprian. de Unitate ecclesiae: Quam unitatem firmiter tenere et vindicare debemus,
ma-xime cepiscopi, qui in ecclesiae praesidemus, ut Episcopatuml quoque ipsum unum atque




CHAP. IV'.-EOCLESIASTIcIAL LIFE. 8 6:8. HIERARCHY.                     237
could the  less believe  in  the  superior authority  of the  Romish
bishop, because the  idea of his being Peter's successor just began to be developed;~ and besides, no  higher power was attributed  to Peter than to the other apostles.'~   In the west, indeed,
indivisum probemus.-Episcopatots ounus est, cujus a singulis in solidam pars tenetlr. Ej.
Epist. 52: Episcopatus anus episcoporam  multourm concordi numerositate diffuisus. Ej.
A&llocutio in Conec. Carthag. (in the year 256: Superest, ut de bac ipsa re quid singuli
sentiamus, proferamus, neminemi judicantes, alat a jure communionis aliquem, si diversum.
senserit, amoventes. Nleque enim quisquam  nostrum  episcopum  se esse episcoporum
constituit, ault tyrannico terrore ad obsequendi necessitatem collegas suos adigit, quando
habeat omnnis Episcopus pro licentia libertatis et potestatis suae arbitrium  proprium,
tanquam judicari ab alio non possit, cum nec ipse possit alterum judiceare. Sed expectemus
universi judicium domsini nostri Jesu Christi, qu-i unus et solns habet potestatem et praeponendi nos in ecclesiae suae gubernatione, et de actn nostro judicandi. Comp. his letters
to two Pon;man bishops, ad Cornelium  (Ep. 55, see below, note 11), ad Stepbanurn  (Ep.
72): Caeterum scimus, quosdanm quod senel imbiberint nolle deponere, nec propositum
sunm facile mutare, sed salvo inter collegas pacis et concordiae vinculo quaedam  propria,
quae apud se semel sint usurpata, retinere.  Qua in re nec nos vim cuiquam facimus aut
legem damus, quando habeat in ecclesiae administratione voluntatis stae arbitriunm liberutl
anusquisque praepositus, rationem actus sui Domino redditurus.
9 The fiction of Peter being first bishop of Rome proceeded from. the Clementines (8 58,
note 9), and was propagated in the Catholic Church by tble Recognitions.  Cyprian is the
first who designates the Romish chair the locam Petri (Ep. 52 ad Antoniannum) and Petri
cathedram; but at the same time he takes all bishops to be successors of Peter (see note
10). Thus he was of the same opinion as Etusebius, Rufinus, and Epiphanius (~ 27, note
6), that Peter during his stay at Rome, had the suprenme direction of the church there,
without having been connected with it as bishop. In Rome itself, however, many went
farther, as may be seen from Firmiliani Ep. ad Cyprianumn (Ep. Cypr. 75): Stephanus quit
sic de Episcopatus sui loco gloriator, et se successioneml  Petri tenere contendit.
10 Comp. Clemens. Alex. above, ~ 26, note 4. Origenes ad Matth. xvi. 18 (Comment. in
Mlatth. t. xii. B 10): IUTrpa ycap irdf O XptTrod iaOTr1jf-I-cai E7rn,rcaav zrv rotamrfv
ir rpav oiltodo/ELraet o'bt/7oelcaGrlt/f Ordgf 2'6yo, lcad  i4 aTr' avcv- ro-  rearia.    11: Et di
Er TO rv  6Ja'/cEnvov HllTpeom vOy/ietf io rTo OeOe  Oico l olcono/eCO a7V TrCv -rdaav  uCKc2Jacia
p6vov, ri aiv yaefal nrepi'Icdvvov trov?f,(povr7yC viod, g idcrruov rTCv'Arooar62ov;'AXwag re Tapa Troij/arOuev akyetv, 8rt IlgTpoV /ulv lioca 7r7Xat a' ov ovd aretaXcovot
rTv 6  Xol7rodv'ANroa76Jaov, /Cai rlv rEielerv IcartGXo6oovnv; ipa 6  rT C   Irkpp pO6vJo
MOiovract ir roD iCvpiov at 1ce/lef Trif Prv oipavdv /act2AEuafe, 0at oiEtif Trepo  Vrciv,taecaplov avCTif?qrberat; HIapdvvpotr y(ip rErTpae irdvref ol ptyuTati Xptarod.  XpXTrot0,olE    5evEf -reap3vv/leO lZXppa/drCtaav XpGTLaevol',,rptc 6tp  ITI Tpot. Ktai 7rpof rdvraO TrofT
TroCorovf U, iv yOTo Iero Tzoo auTo pof ri) acyov' a El TIErpoC /cai r'  fS. Hence ~ 14:
AiEMeTa: Tr.  IlTrpo icat iravra Tl neTpo.  Cyprian. Ep. 27: Dominus noster-episcopi
honorera et ecclesiae suae rationem disponens in evangelio loquitur et dicit Petro: Ego
tibi dico, quia tu es Petrus, etc. (Matth. xvi. 18, 19). Inde per temporum et successionum
vices episcoporum ordinatio et ecclesiae ratio decarrit, ut ecclesia super episcopos constituatnur, et omnis actus ecclesiae per eosdem praepositos gubernetur: —Cyprian. de Unitate
ecclesiae: Loquitur Dominus ad Petrum: "Ego tibi dico," inquit, "quia tu es Petrus,'
etc. (Matth. xvi. 18, 19). [Et iterum eidem post resurrectionemn suam dicit: "Pasce oves
meas" (Joan. xxi. 15). Super illium unum aedificat ecclesiam suanr, et illi pascendas
mandat oves suas]: et quamnvis Apostolis omnibus post resUrrectionem n  suam  parean
potestatem  tribuat et dicat: "sicut misit me pater," etc. (Joh. xx. 21, 23): tamen ut
unitatem manifestaret [anam cathedraim constituit, et] unitatis ejusdem originem ab Uno
incipientem  sua auctoritate disposuit. Hoc erant utique et caeteri Apostoli, quod fiit
Petrus, pami consortio praediti et honoris et potestatis: sed exordiumn ab unitate proficiuci



FI~RST PERIOD. —DIV.  II.-A.D. 193-324.
a certain  superior  honor  was  paid  to  the  Church  of Rome as
the  largest and  only  apostolic  church;  but actual rights over
the:other churches were by  no  means  conceded to  it."    Still
less,  of course, was this the case in the east.l2
tar [et primatus Petro dattar, ut un.a Christi ecclesiae et cathedra una mionstretur.  Et
pastores sunt omnes, et grex anus ostenditur, qui ab Apostolis omnibus unanimi consensione p-ascatur], ut ecclesia Christi una monstretur.-Hanc ecclesiae unitatem  qui non.tenet, tenere se fidemn credit?  Qui ecclesiae renititur et resistit [qui cathedram Petri,
super quem  fundata est ecclesia, deserit], in ecclesia se esse confidit?  The passages in
brackets are wanting in the oldest MSS., and are Roomish interpolations. See especially
IRigaltii Observatt. ad Cyp. p. 162, ss., and Baluzii notae 11-15 to the libb. de unit. eccl.
(which last, however, have been very much abridged by the Benedictine editors). Even
thle words still admitted by Rigaltius: super illuma unum aedificat ecclesiaml, are wanting
in the oldest MSS. Cf. Edm. lRicberii Defensio lib. de eccles. et polit. potestate, i. p. 115.
These additions have quite another sense in the mouth of Cyprian than the interpolators
meant. For example, what is denoted by the expression in Cyprian, priimatus Petro datur,
is clear from his E:pist. 71: Nam nec Petrus, quem primum Dominus elegit, et super quem
*aedificavit ecclesiam suam, cum secum Paulus de circusmcisione postmlodum disceptaret,
vindicavit sibi aliquid insolenter aut arroganter assumsit, ut diceret, se primatum tenere,
et obtemperari a novellis et posteris sibi potius oportere.
x5 Cypriani Epist. 55, ad Cornelium Episc. Romanum, who had received the excolmmunlicated Felicissimus as embassador of the Carthaginian archbishop Fortunatus:-Satis
miratus sum, cum animadvertissem, te minis atque terroribus eorum, qui venerant, aliquantunm  esse commotum, cum  te, secundum  quod scripsisti, agressi essent, cum  sumnma
desperatione comminantes, quod si litteras quas attulerant non accepisses, publice eas
recitarent, et rmulta turpia ac probrosa et ore suo digna proferrent.  Quod si ita res est,
frater carissime, ut nequissimormn timeatur audacia —actum  est de episcopatus vigore,
etc. Quibus etiamn satis non fuit ab evangelio recessisse-foris sibi extra ecclesiall et
contra ecclesiam constituisse conventiculum perditae factionis.-Post ista adhue insuper
pseudoepiscopo sibi ab haereticis constituto navigare audent et ad Petri cathedram, atque
ad ecclesiam principalem, unde unitas sacerdotalis exorta est, a schismaticis et profianis
litteras ferre, nec cogitare, eos esse Romanos, quorum fides apostolo praedicante laudata
est (Rom. i. 8), ad quos perfidia habere non possit accessum.  Quae anteae causa veniendi
et pseudoepiscopum  contra episcopos factum  nuntiandi? Ant einm'placet illis quod
feceruist: et in suo scelere perseverant: aut si displicet et recedunt, sciunt quo revertantur. Nam  conm  statut-lm  sit ab omnibus nobis, et aeqlum  sit pariter ac justumn, ut
uniuscujusque causa illic audiatur, Lbi est crimen admissum; et singulis pastoribus portio
gregis sit adscripta, quam regat unusquisque et gubernet, rationem  sui actus Domino
redditurus: oportet utique eos qulibus praesumus non circumcursare, nec episcoporum
concordiasm cohaerentem sua subdola et fallaci temeritate collidere, sed agere illic causam
snam, ubi et accusatores habere et testes sui criminis possint; nisi si pancis desperatis et
perditis minor videtuar esse auctoritas episcoporum in Africa constitutormn, qui jam de illis
judicaverunt. Jam  causa eorum cognitia est, jam de eis dicta sententia est: nec censurae
congruit sacerdotum mobilis atque inconstautis animi levitate reprehendi, cum Dominus
doceat et dicat: Sit sermo vester, est est, non non (Matth. v. 37). Cyprian, in his letters,
constantly calls the Roman bishops frater and collega. What gave the latter a predominance in the west is evident from Synodi Arelatensis (in the year 314) Epist. ii. ad Sylves
tram  Papam: Placuit etiam  ante scribi ad te, qui majores dioceses tenes, et per te
potissimum omnibus insinuari.  Quid autem sit, quod senselimus, scripto nostrae mediocritatis subjunximus.
12 Firmiliani Ep. ad Cypr. (1. c.): Eos autem, qui Romae sunt, non ea in omnibus
observare, quae sint ab origine tradita, et frustra Apostolorum auctoritatem praetendere,
scire quis etiam inde potest, quod circa celebrandos dies Paschae et circa multa, alia




CHAP. IV. —ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. 5 6s. HIEPARCHY.                     239
As all bishops were  supposed  to be perfectly  alike in dignity
and power, so also  they  believed  that they  had  the same general duties toward  the  whole  church  in  addition  to  those  peculiar duties they  owed to  their respective churches.13    Accordingly they  all asserted  equally the right of interfering, in cases
where  other bishops  had  departed  from   the  fundamental rules
of the  church, by  admonitions,  reprimands,  and  even  ecclesiastical  punishment.14    This  common   right  was  of  course
principally  exercised  by  the  most distinguished  and  powerful
bishops.
divinae rei sacramenta videat esse apud illos aliquas diversitates, nee observari illic omlnia
aequaliter, quae Hierosolymis observantur.      I
13 See especially Cypriani Epist. 67, below, note 14.'- IL. E. du Pin de Antiqua Ecclesiae disciplina dissertt. hist. Paris. 1686. p. 141, ss.'For example the condemnation of Paul of Samosata (~ 60, cf. du Pin, p. 154). Reprimand
of Dionysins of Alexandria (g 64, note 8, du Pin, p. 152.) With reference to Marcian,
bishop of Arles, who had gone over to the Novatians, Cyprian. Ep. 67, ad Stephan. Ep.
Rom. writes: Cui rei nostrum est consulere et subvenire, frater carissime.  Quapropter
facere te oportet plenissimas litteras ad coepiscopos nostros in Galliis constitutos, noe
ultra Marcianum pervicacem-collegio nostro insultare patiantur, quod necdurn videatur a
nobis abstentus.-Dirigantur in provinciam et ad plebem Arelate consistentem a te litterae,
quibus abstento Marciano alius in locum ejus substituatur, et grex Christi, qui in hodiernum
ab illo dissipatus et vulneratus contemnitur, colligatur. Sufficiat multos illic ex fiatribus
nostris annis istis suporioribus excessisse sine pace. Vel ceteris subveniatur qui supersunt. Iccirco enim, frater carissime, copiosum corpus est sacerdotum concordiae mutuae
glutino atque unitatis vinculo copulatum, ut si quis ex collegio nostro haeresim  facere et
gregem Christi lacerare et vastare tentaverit, subveniant caeteri, et quasi pastores utiles
et misericordes oves dominicas in gregem colligant.  Quid enim si in mari portus aliquis
munitionibus suis ruptis infestus et periculosus esse navibus coeperit, nonne navigantes
ad alios proximos portus naves suas dirigunt, ubi sit tutus accessus et salutaris introitus et
statio secura?  Quod nunc esse apud nos debet, frater carissime, ut fratres nostros, qui
jactati Marciani scopulis petunt ecclesiae portus salutares, suscipiamus ad nos prompta et
benigna humanitate. Nam etsi pastores multi sumus, unmn taiuen gregem  pascimus, et
oves universas, quas Christus sanguine suo et passione quaesivit, colligere et fovere
debemus, etc. In the matter of the Spanish bishops Basilides and Martial (in the year
256), Cyprian, called upon to interfere, declares the interposition of Stephanus, bishop of
Rome, in favor of those deposed bishops to be exceptionable, Epist. 68, ad clerum et
plebes in Hispania consistentes: Nec rescindere ordinationem  (Sabini) jure perfectam
potest, quod Basilides post crimina sua detecta et conscientiam etiamn propria confessione
nudatam, Romam pergens, Stephanum collegam nostrum longe positum et gestae rei ac
veritatis ignarum fefellit, ut exambiret reponi se injuste in episcopatum, de quo fuerat
jure depositus. Etsi aliquli de collegis nostris exstiterint (namely, Stephanus), fiatres
dilectissimi, qui deificam disciplinam negligendam putant, et cum Basilide et Martiale
temere communicant, conturbare fidem nostram  res ista non debet, etc. Cf. du Pin,
p. 150.




440                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III. —A.D. 193-324.
S 6 9.
(CONTIJATION.) HIERARCHY IN THE SEPARATE CHURCHES.
After the idea of the Mosaic priesthood  had been  adopted in
the Christian church, the clergy, as was natural, elevated themseclves far above the laity.   A  peculiar mystic influence was ascribed  to  the old rite  of consecration, when considered as an ordinzatio;  and they now  appeared in the character of persons appointed by God himself tobe the medium of communication between Him  and the Christian world.'
For the inferior services of the church particular offices were
appointed, different, however, in the Greek and Latin  churches.
in  the  former,'brrjperat (or v7ro&ddCovot), ~baurwsoc  (or  bd2Zrat),
avayvDarat and  trv2lopoi:2  in  the  latter,  Subdiaconi, Acoluthi,
Cypriani Epist. 55: Nam crnm scriptum sit: Qui dixerit fiatri, suo, fatte, etc. (Mattlh.
v. 22), quomodo possunt censlram Domini ultoris evadere, qui talia ingerulnt, non solenm
fratribus, sed et sacerdotibus, quibus honor tantus do Dei dignatione conceditur, ut quisquis
sacerdoti ejus et ad tempus hic judicanti non obtemperaret, statim necaretor. Neque
enim aliunde haereses obortae sunt, aut nata suet schismata, quam inde quod sacerdoti
Dei non obtemperatur, nec llllus in ecclesia ad tempLs sacerdos et ad tempus jndex vice
Christi cogitatur. Epist. 69, ad Florent. Pupianumn: Animadverto te-in mlores nostros
diligenter inquirere, et post Deum judicem, qui sacerdotes facit, te velle, non dicalll do
me (quantus enim ego sum?) sed de Dei et Christi judicio judicare.  Hoc est in Deum
non credere, hoc est rebelleo  adversus Christum et adversus evangeliurn ejus existere, nt
-tu existilmes, sacerdotes Dei sine conscientia ejus in ecclesia ordinari.-Q auamnobrem,
frater, si majestatem Dei, qui sacerdotes ordinat, cogitaveris, si Christeunl, qni arbitrio et
nutu ac praesentia sua et praepositos ipsos et ecclesialmn cum praepositis gubernat, aliqlando respexeris, si temeritatis-tuae agere vel sero poenitentiam coeperis, si Deo et Christo
ejus-plenissime satisfeceris; communicationis tuae poterimus habere rationem: manente
taamen apud nos divinae censurae respectu et meptu, ut prius Dominumn  meumn consulam,
an tibi paceln dari, et te ad communicationem ecclesiae suae admitti sta ostensione et
admonitione permittat. Memini einim, quid jam mihi sit ostensum, immo quid sit servo
obsequenti et timenti de dominica et divina auctoritate praeceptumn: qui inter caetera
quae ostendere et revelare dignatms est, et hoc addidit: Itaque qui Christo non credit
sacerdotem facienti, et postea credere incipiet sacerdotem vindicanti.  Cf. Epistt. 45, 52,
65. On the dignity of the priests, and particularly of the bishops, see Const. Ap. ii. 26,
ss. As spiritual fathers, they are to be regarded as higher than earthly parents, c. 33,
highler tlhan kings and princes, c. 34: Todrovof  pXovroa r/zSv Icai /3aoteLfI   yEaSeOaI
Vo/Ui;ere, /cdaoee g ato5 rf /fa5ac eVG t 7-poaiESpETe. "Oa() roVivv  ibvXi   go/LarTof oCpirTr)V, rogoVro lepwaip vWl  eatGef4a * dea/jEte yp'p avTr/ Icat Zet  rof TOV ropinag i (OZfelwmf
cizovf'  6tl0 TOsV  ii-eCSoTrov ~sEpyEtV  QE6iETre Sf wirarpa, o3efaOat e (Sf ga3tXZea, rlcIv dsf
iCdptov.
2 So Constitott. Apost. iii. 11, vi. 17.  Those who are called in the first six books
Vrwp-Tras  are denominated V57rod8idcovot in viii. 28 (Vrrqp87ao yCip Elat dtalc6Svv): a
S~0rodi3covoc is also named by Athanasius in Epist. ad solitariamn vitam agentes. iMany




CHAP. IV.-ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. ~ 69. HIERARCHY.                       241
Exorcistae, Lectores, and  Ostiarii3  (afterward  called  ordines
minores).   All oppressed and helpless persons, especially widows,
orphans, and virgins,4 were referred to the clergy for assistance.
The bishop (Papa, Tert. de Pudic. 13.   IIdcra iepscra-ro, Gregor.
Thaum. Epist. can. i., Praepositus, Cyprian, note  1) exercised
this support, as well as the administration of the entire wealth of
the church, by the deacons.5   In  like manner, supported by his
clergy, he was umpfire in all disputes between the members of
his church.6    Tho bishops  greatly  increased  in  reputation  and
revenues, both  by  the  enlargement of their  dioceses  and  the
clergy  subject to  them, and  by  the  operation  of synods.   But
in  this very way many were now  led  astray  unto  pride, ambition, and avarice; 7 sometimes even into an immoderate ostentacommuiities, however, had different reg,ulations. In the enumeration contained in Const.
Apost. ii. 28, the vTrrpEra7t are wanting, in the eighth book the rrv2Lwpoi.  On the other
hand, in viii. 11, the deacons have to watch the doors of the men, the subdeacons those of
the women (of. Conc. Laodic. in the fourth century, can. 22: "Or- ov dEi VT7rppOTEV 7rS
OpaC iylcaarecardvetv).  Thus the vTrodlcicovot and the 7rv2uGpoi were sometimes the
same, sometimes different individuals. Respecting the readers and singers, see Socrates
Hist. eccl. v. 22:'EV'AreEavdpeia avayvdcrraat Icai hVo,/3oxEZf Uho0opov, EdTE KaeiXOVZrEvot rEicV, Eite 7rrot. The Greek church never adopted Acoluthi and Exorcists, comib
Constit-xtt. Apost. viii. 26:'E'rop/clar7g ov XFeporove7zia t.  His gift is a free favor
bestowed by God; and should he wish to assume the clerical office, he is ordained a
bishop, presbyter, or deacon.
3 First the Lectores mentioned in Tertullian de Praescr. 41. The others are found first
in Cyprian and in Epist. Cornelii (bishop of Rome, 252) ap. Euseb. vi. 43, according to
whose account there were in Rome, 46 presbyters, 7 deacons, 7 subdeacons, 42 acoluthi,
and 42 exorcists, lectores, and ostiarii.
4 Const. Ap. ii. 26: A' rE yjpat Icai opoavoi Eif TrVjOV reO  Owvtacr7piov  X2Eboy-aicdav
vuIv   a'  re 7rapOevo  iSf -r'ov MoD v Outearwpiov 7rerr,uj'cOaeav caeC reo OVttLzda7rof.
5 Constitt. Apost. ii. 44: "Em-o 6'( dt(dCovoe  reo iw rtc6rov a'oed, Icai 6OOae cb icai:
or6ya, Kapdia eE cKai  bvxym,'va ie g, Ti2 ro7 a' uerpt/yvCv ob EriCaEco7rof, ic2L?   yos6va rh
cvplt repa.
6 As the Jews were accustomed to decide their disputes by umpires chosen from among
the people, agreeably to the Mosaic law (Jos. Antt. xiv. 10, 17, xvi. 6), so from the beginning the Christians also, according to 1 Cor. vi. 1, ff., in order to establish the relations
subsisting among them by the gospel, not by a heathen tribunal.  The Roman jurisprudence favored generally procedure by arbitration, as Digest. lib. iv. tit. 8: De receptis,
qui arbitrium recepeount, ut sententiam dicant, and in order to make the arbitration sentence secure, prescribed a penal clause to be inserted in the compromlise. The Christians
were accustomed to choose their bishops as umpires. Their decisions required no such
safeguard, but were sufficiently protected by religious awe. Respecting this point, see
Const. App. ii. 45-53. According to chapter 47, Monday is said to be the episcopal
judicial day on which the bishop, surrounded by his presbyters and deacons, hears the
contending parties, and also complaints regarding unchristian conduct. First of all, the
other clergy attelmpt to reconcile the parties, and if this proves ineffectual, the episcopal
sentence succeeds. But tlhe bishop hv rC 6tr a(r-rpi[ arJIVbsgeo v fx et caci  vzeVropea rg
dKnif rov XpLTO'V T'Or  e0o5.
7 Origines in Exod. Hom. xi. l 6: Quis autem bodie eorem, qui populis praesunt, non
veO,. I.-16




242                  FIRST PERIOD. — )Iv. III.-A.D. 193-3j04.
tion.1'   Still, however, their power continued  to be restricted  in
many  ways.   Although  the  provincial bishops exercised  a decided  influence  on the choice of a. bishop, yet the  election  depended  in a great degree  on  the  church.9    The  bishop himself,
it is true,  nominated the inferior clergy, but the presbyters had
dico si jam aliqua ei a Deo revelata sunt, sed in) legis scientia aliquid meriti habet, consilium dignatur inferioris saltem  sacerdotis accipero? nedum dixerill laici vel gentilis.
Idem  in Matthaeum, tom. xvi. g  8 (on Luke xxii. 25, 26):'HsefGr-7-rolto-roi OuZaev, tdg
Eviore cat 7zv rTov KaZcg(f (tpXOVrov EV  OS o Z   ve)Cv VTrEP'pid,P2et2v -rdiov, KIaoi jovovovX1;rtre/Tv jSg ol /3aotlesr   dopvoi6povC, Ica0 Oo/EpoVfS lavwrovi   Kat dlGTrpo'rovfg t52ltcrTa roi.
rETvl1 C KTac1lcevdcov-re, roto- ToL  EkcEO v O zp6  aWvTOc5 Evfyv/ityvovToa ijttv, 1Kai wept: TpCtvWv
('oOVXTavS,  So ocvdI' Oi r7dpavvot, Kcat lrU6-Epot -TO1v apXOvTOP'rpSc Trob cC~Taf. Kal Ct'UT
ye Leipv Ev  ro wUoaCf vo/tsoltvatC5  iCtK72aioatl, Kcal' Tdo' a ratf rSv - EL t6v(Jv 7r62ov,
roif 1/yo/LzJ0vov5f 75 kao  roTov Ceoo [/rudedaoa icoosoyiav E7lrTprPTOVaf, EG' lye nao rong
IcalU;g7WoTs T-P'I17o  O yaO'qri7v, e2vat irpSO  aoTSovi.   cat' TOaVTa MlrvTa   ce XlStEo carzS
flovo/16vo  OaT- T'Pv )26yov 02raparr-ogTal, 0re o0V /tI/l7Tf OV T, 5) SPXOV7 Tic EC-? caiaC T7iv
popXovma  Cipv eOVSC,:. r. X.  Cf. ejusd. in Matth. Commentariorum series, ~ 9: Sicut
autemn  super cathedram  Moysi —sic et super cathedram  ecclesiasticam  sedent quidamz
dicentes, quae facere oporteat unumquemaque, non autem facientes, et alligantes onera
gravia et imponunt super humeros holminur, ipsi nec digito volentes ea movere (AIatth.
xxiii. 2, 3). Ibid. ~ 10, 12, 14, 61, in Numn. Iom. ii. 1, in Esaiam Hom. vii. 3. Cyprian.
de Lapsis: Episcopi plurimi, quos et bortanmento esse oportet caeteris et exemplo, divina
procuratione contemta, procuratores rerum  saecularianm  fieri; derelicta cathedra, plebe
deserta, per alienas provincias oberrantes, negotiationis quaestuosae nundinas aucupari;
esurientibus in ecclesia firatribus, habere argentum largiter velle, foundos insidiosis fraudibus
rapere, usuris mnultiplicantibus fenus augere.
8 Compare the objections which were made to Paul of Salmosata, in the writing of
the synod at Antioch, which had been assembled against him, ap. Euseb. vii. 30. He
drew from his episcopal jurisdiction unlawful gain, in the exercise of it imitated civil
rulers, by causing to be erected for himself a il/3l, Kate Ope vov v 1V)u;6v, by having a
aSlcplp7To, like worldly judges, and frequently giving himself up to the greatest violence.
In the church he caused applause to be dealt out to him by tle waving of handkerchiefs
and clapping of hands. This was justly condemned; but since the clapping of hands, by
way of applause, was universal in the fourth century, it may be assumed that Paul was
not the only bishop of his time who willingly put up with it.
9 Coump. ~ 30, note 12. Cyprian. Epist. 68: Plehbs ipse nmaxime habet potestatem vel
eligendi dignos sacerdotes, vel indignos recusandi.  Quod et ipsum videm-us de divina
auctitorate descendere, ut sacerdos plebe praesente sub omniurl  oculis deligatur, et
dignus atque idoneus publico judicio ac testimonio comprobetur, sicut in Numeris Domilus MAoysi praecepit dicens: Apprehende Aaron fratrem et Eleazarum  filium ejus, et
impone eos in montern coram omni synagoga, etc. (Num. xx. 25.) Coram omni synagoga
jubet Denus colstitni sacerdotem, id est, instruit et ostendit, ordinationes sacerdotales non
nisi sub populi assistentis conscientia fiere oportere, ut plebe praesente vel detegantmu
malolum crimina vel bonorum meritsa praedicentur, et sit ordinatio justa et legitima, qua e
omnaium suffragio et judicio fuierit exanminata. Propter quoed diligenter de traditione divinea
et apostolica observatione servandum est et tenendum, qulod apud nos quoque et fere per
provincias universas tenetur; ut ad ordinationes rite celebrandas ad eam  plebem, cul:
praepositus ordinatur, episcopi ejusdem provinciae proximi quique conveniant, et epis.
copus deligatur plebe praesente, quae singulorum vitam plenissime novit, et uniuscujusqueactumr de ejus conversatione perspexit. Origenes in Levit. Hoem. vi. c. 3. Hence in
Cyprian: Episcopus factus de Dei et Christi ejus judicio, de clericorum testimonio, de
plebis suffragio (Epist. 52, cf. Ep. 41), ef. Lamprid. in Sev. Alex. c. 45 (~ 56, note 6)  F.
A. Staudenmaier's Gesch. der Biscllofswahlen.  Tiibingenm. 1830. S, 20.




id1UiiP. I1.-ECCL'SIASTICAL LIFE., 69. HIERARCHY.    2413
first to  be  approved  by the church.l~   In  the  discharge  of his
duties the  bishop  had  not only to  consult his presbyters," lbut
even  in  certain  cases to  ask  the opinion of the whole  church.'2
There were even yet cases in which laymen learned in the Scrip-:lures  publicly  taught  in  the  church  with  permission  of the
bishops."3
10 Cypria.n. Ep. 635. Diaconi ab episcopis flUnt. Ep. 33, ad Clerunm et plebem. Carthag..
In ordinationibus clericis, fratres carissilmi, solemus vos ante consulere, et mores ac merita
singalorum communi consilio ponderare. Cornelii Ep. ad'Fabium (ap. Euseb. vi. 43, 7),At the ordination of Novatian as presbyter o6 E'rficTcoTroC (taaccovtvoevof 6vw;o r gavro roT
icXepov, a~iid 2c C1aZai'cClv ro2v, #turoE  UvyXOp76O9vai a'v,     r  OTOV rOy 6VOV XEtpuoov070 5aalo
"Cf. Vales. ad h. 1.
Il In Cyprian often, consulere presbyterium, consilio comnmuni res tractare, etc. Comp.,
Cone. Carthlagin. gener. iv. v. J. 398, can, 23 (Mansii, iii. p, 953): Episcopus nullus causaml
audiat absque praeseztia clericorun.u suorum: alioquin irrita erit sententia Episcopi, nisi
clericorum sententia confirmetur. Concerning the right of voting at synods, see Ziegler
in Henlke's Neueml Magazin, Bd. 1, S. 165, ff.
12 Cyprian. Ep. 5, ad Presbyt. et Diac.: QuLando a primordio episcopatus mei statuerim,
nihil sine consilio vestro et sine consensu plebis mea privatim sententia gerere. So particularly at the readmittance of the lapsed. Cypriani Ep. 11, -ad Plebem: Exspectent
(lapsi) regressionem nostram, ut —convocati episcopi plures secundum Domini disciplinam,
et Confessorurl  praesentiam, et vestram quoque sententiam beatorum martyrum litteras
et desideria examinare possimus.  Ep. 13, ad Clerum: Hoc enim  et verecnndiae et
disciplinae et vitae ipsi omninL  nostrum convenit, ut praepositi cum clero convenientes,
praesente etiam stantium plebe, quibus et ipsis pro fide et timore suo honor habendus est,
disponere omnia consilii communis religione possiimns. Ep. 17, ad Presbyt. et Diac..
Q.uae res cume omniunm nostrum consilium  et sententiam exspectet, praeLjudicare ego eo
soli mihi rem communem vindicare non audeo. Ep. 28, ad Eosdem: Cui rei non potui
me soleum judicem dare, cum —laec singulorum  tractanda sit et limanda plenius ratio,
non tantum cum collegis meis, sed et cunm'plebe ipsa ulniversa. That the same principles
were acted on at Rome is clear from Ep. Cleri Ror. ad Cypr. (Ep. Cypr. 31).-Cypriai
Ep. 9, ad Clerum: Presbyters who have admitted the lapsed to church communion must
agere et apud nos, et apud confessores ipsos, et apud plebem universam causam  suam..
Cf. du Pin de Ant. Eccl. disc. p. 246, ss. J. H. Boelhmeri xii. Dissert. juris eccl. ant. ed. ii.
p. 149, ss.
13 Epist. Alexandri Episc. Hierosol. et Theoctisti Caesariensis ad Demetrium Alexandr.
(ap. Enseb. vi. 19, 7). In the case of Origen: HIpoidjtcagJ: ro6 f yprgeytaa,, orL ro7ro
OddiV8  rorE  tcoVUOft, oVdE8 vVv yeyEV)' T'a, TO, 7, wap6vr7v EuT7Gtc6wSrv 2auilCOtV 6/1.tiev, Oc-d
od6'  friog 7rpoQlavdf Ocic i??6eOid Ryov.  07ov yotv ElspiacovTa' oc iwtsd etor rpot    f'(J
XLde2eiv roiCS  daEagodtf, caci  apaecaloOvra7 ri  2a0 rTpouojltE,,ev vTI 7ri   v  /yicwv Etwa
/c6wroev' giJrep Ev Aapdvdols E erciXtf ti-I NEovof, Icai iv'Ilcovio  HIav2ivo,rbii KeXcov,:acesC Ziv  vvv6iiotOr Oe cC&POc Vi7i'Ar7cKO rc-v,ttalcap&)ov &e.lX&,v' - ei'Kdb d& Kcai Ev Citotg
760rosS o70ro yivecOat, 3i/a di &id/ eldevat. So also Constitt. Apost. viii. c. 32:'O dcda,eov, EC KaCi Zaiblc   ), / 7retpog di' Xod  -6yov,,ai nbv 70 p6ov  ae/ vbS,  daedcvrc'   d ovTra
yaip qrdEvrie E dalcroi Oeo (Jo. vi. 45): anlld Cone. Carthag. gener. iv. c. 98 (,anlsi, iii. p'959): Laicus praesentibus clericis nisi ipsis jubentibus docere non audeat.




244                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324,
~ 70.
DIVINE SERVICE.
In  the  third  century  the traces of buildings devoted  exelu.
sively to Christian worship become more frequent and obvious;'
and as early  as the  peaceful times between  the  Valerian  and
Diocletian persecutions, splendid edifices had been erected for
this purpose.2    These were called 7pooevfci- piov,  itvptaK6oY, dominicum, obcos  ei twofaiag and  simply  E/ChsQt~aa.   From  the time  of
Constantine  they  were  also  styled  va6d, templum, but never
fanumn and delubrum. In imitation of the temple of Jerusalem,
a part of the  interior was  inaccessible  to the  people (&yiayaFua,
/3fita, chorus), where  the wooden  table  for the  Lord's Supper
pad-rea, mensa sacra) stood beside the seats of the clergy  (/CaOs
dpa, Opovot).3   Though  the Christians were fond  of certain  religious symbols on many of their household  utensils,4 yet nothinig of this kind was allowed in the churches.5
At the time of Origen, the Christians had no other general
festivals besides Sunday, than  the pa-rasceve  (preparation) the
passover, and  the  feast of pentecost.6    Soon, after,  however,
there appears to have been  added to  them  the  feast of the ascension  (j'op-r-  T4'vasjbserow   ovo Kvpiov).7   So  also  in Egypt,
1 Under Severus Alexander (~ 56, note 6) then in Cyprian, Dionysius of Alexandria, etc.
Comp. above, ~ 53, note 10.
2 Euseb. H. E. viii. 1, 2: tMyda/ud  frTt roiGS rraratoiF olxodoyjtacrv Cdpicou/Evot,
epEiafo elf 7r2ciro  fvl a ridcraf rdf r6;etulf EK OgEalteiwv CVlf(t)ov ici/cOLcaiaC.
A prescription respecting the planning of churches is found in Constitt. Apost. ii. 57.
A description of the chmuch at Tyre apud Euseb. x. 4, 15, ss.
4 So on the seal-rings, a dove, a ship, a lyre, an anchor, a fish, etc. Clem. Alex. Paedag. iii. p. 289. Tertullianus de Pudic. c. 7, mentions the picturae calicum representing
the ovis perdlta a Domino requisita, et humeris ejus revecta, but does not seem (cap. 10),
to approve of it. Mfinter's Sinnbilder der alten Christen. Heft 1, S. 7, f.
5 Can. Illiberit. 36: Placuit, picturas in ecclesia esse non debere, ne qcuod colitur et
adoratur, in parietibus depingatur. The older Catholic theologians, for example B aronius,
Bellarmine, Perronius, etc., tried many ways of evading the force of this canon; on the
contrary, the true meaning of it, with its historical consequences, has been acknowledged
by Petavius Dogm. theol. lib. xv. c. 13, no. 3. Pagius Crit. ad ann. 55, no. 4. 18, especially
Natalis Alexander ad Hist. eccl, saec. iii. Diss. 21, Art. 2.
6 Origen. contra Cels. viii. p. 392.
7First mentioned in the Constitt. Apostol. v. 19; and considered by Augustine (Ep. 118
ad Januar.) as an ancient festival. See Krabbe fiber die apost. Constitutionen, S. 176, fT:




CHAP. IV.-ECCLESlASTICAL  LIFE.  ~ 70. DIVINE  SERVICE.   245
toward the end of the third century, they beg-an  to observe, after
the  example  of Basilides' followers,8  the  epiphanzy  (Ta  =Zrv'Ldta)
on the sixth of January, but according to the orthodox view of
the  appearance  of the  Logos on  earth  (  Erofavla) not simply
as  the  festival  of his  baptism, but also  as  that of his  birth.
The arrangement of Divine worship at this time is found in the
Constitt. Apost. ii. 57.   At the  agapae, the  clergy  and  poor
were particularly  remembered  (1. c. ii. 28).
The  respect paid  to  martyrs  still maintains  the  same  character as in  the  second  century, differing  only  in  degree, not in
kind, from the honor shown to other esteemed dead.  As the
churches held the yearly festivals of their martyrs at the graves
of the  latter,9  so  they  willingly  assembled  frequently  in  the
burial places of their deceased  friends,1~ for which  they  used  in
many  places even caves (cryptae, catacumbae).1l    At the  cele8 Comp. ~ 45, note 2. So also Jablonski de Orig. festi nativ. Christi diss. i. ~ 7. (Opusc.
ed. te Water, iii. p. 328, ss.) Differently Neander ghost. Systeme, S. 49, 81, and Kirchengesch. i. i. S. 519. On the other side see Halliscllhe A. L. Z. April, 1823, S. 836.
9 Comp. f 53, note 46. A remarkable accommodation of Gregory Thaumaturgus, see
Vita S. Gregorii Thaumat. per Gregor. Nyssenum (ed. G. Vosii, p. 312): Zvvtd&v 5rl rfal
aodartlcaZg Ovuriydtaf r,  repi r i eM 6oAea lr2avp lrtape/lvEL r  v/rt)7lref T iCV x'To2 v ca i
(iraidcrvTev- (f  v rbo rpo??youtevov  rrEf Ev aevTrog [IulrTa CaTpOO0tiV 7f TO rpbo iOyV
Oeb0V avr7 rTSv  UTaraOvP Ce3acLcyrTV2 /'32LrTrElV, E16rC. ev avrof Traf ridlv ayiov /UapTrprOv
EaGoatdpdveaOat /viueatg cat ErirexaOfv Iat ciadyc2reOat.
10 Constitt. Apost. v. c. 8: Z2vvaOpo[rea0O   Ev Trof colr,uUlrpftotf, rT??yV dvryurocov T7)
iep 3v g/t,32iev  roto/UEvote, cKai  bd7alo vregf  r)ip r6v oC/cotUr//zveiv /Ita)Vprov acai  dvriov
7rv &r' aiivooS a/yi(Jvc, 3 aZ C-&v g (eop) x / &V rdSv e v   cvpi9 ItElvotrporpuvrv-  ftcaT  r?v
VTlV7-0v-ov zob gaatGelov UJ6/U(tro C Xp7T'OV &/r7V 6  EXapltar7av wpO9~ep'TE    E V rE raTf
Elc.cZjeatgS Vi'yv, caci Ev TroC cojurl?7ippotf. Hence Aemilianus, governor of Egypt, said
to the Christians brought before him in the Decian persecution (Dionys. Alex. ap. Euseb.
vii. 11, 4): OVdeayGC dE' ra 6a -t  p v —-  uvvO6ovf oroiefaOae, V elf r7 Icaao/ueva lcoyUn1-pta
E/:.tSvlao. So also the proconsul of Africa (Acta proconsularia S. Cypriani, c. 1). Gallienus
removed this prohibitory rule (see above, Q 56, note 14); but Maximinus afterward renewed
it (Euseb. ix. c. 2). These burial-places were called XoqziorTptov, dormitorium.'~ Christian catacombs are found in Rome, Naples, Syracuse, and IMalta. In the year
1844 they were also discovered on the island Melos. Respecting the IRoman catacombs,
Hieronymus in Ezechiel. c. 40: Dam essem  Romae paer, et liberalibus studiis erudirer,
solebam cum caeteris ejusdem aetatis et propositi diebus dominicis sepulchra Apostoloruom
et Martyrum circuire: crebroque cryptas ingredi, quae in terrarunm profunda defossae, ex
utraque parte ingredientium per parietes habent corpora sepulturarm1m, et ita obscura snit
omnia, ut propemodum illud propheticum compleatur: descendant ad infernum viventes,
etc. Cf. Prudentius wrepi orrce. hymll. Si. Passio Hippolyti, v. 153, ss.-Modern descriptions
of the catacombs in RoIme, Panli Aringhi Roma subterranea novissima. Paris. 1659. 2
vzoll. fol. Mi. A. Boldetti Osservazioni sopra i Cimiteri de SS. Martiri, ed anitichi Cristiani
di Romna. 1720. 2 t. fol. See farther the works of Bottari, Ciampini, etc. (see MCinter's
Sinnbilder d. alten Christen. Heft. 1, S. 24).  Vollilann's histor. krit. Naclhriclten v.
Italien.  (Leipz. 3 Bde. 1777), iii. 67. A  description of the city of Rome by Platner,
oBunsen, lGelhard, and Rtostell (Stuttgart and Tiibing'en. 1830. i. 355); Respecting those




246                  FIRST PERIJOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 19'3-324..
bration  of the Lord's Supper, both the living who brought obIations, as vyell as the  dead, and the  martyrs  for whom   offerings
were  presented, especially  on  the  anniversary  of their  death,
were  included by  name  in  the  prayer of the  church.l2    Inasmuch  as  the  re-admission  of  a  sinner  into  the  church  was
thought to stand in close connection with the forgiveness of sin,
an opinion was associated with the  older custom  of restoring to
church communion the lapsed who had been again received by
the martyrs,. that the martyrs could also be serviceable in obtaining  the forgiveness of sins.l3    In  doing  so they -set out in
part with the idea, which is very natural, that the dead prayed
for the living, as the living prayed for the dead,'4 but that the
intercession  of martyrs  abiding   in.  the  society  of  the  Lord:
would be of peculiar efficacy on behalf of their brethren:1"  while
they  partly  thought that the  martyrs:. as  assessors in  the last
decisive judgment, were particularly  active  (1  Cor. vi. 2, 3).1'
in Naples: Pellicia, de Christ. ecel politia. tom. iii. P. ii. Diss. 5. Cbr. F. Bellerman:l
fiber die iltesten christl. Begrdfbnisstitten, u. bes. die Katakombenl zu Neapel mit ihren
Wandgemlilden. Hamburg. 1839. 4.: Respecting those in Sicily, see Bartel's Briefe fiber
Calabrien u. Sicilien. (Gdttinl. 3 Th. 1787-91), iii. 203. Mfinter's Nachrichten v. Neapel;
uind Sicilien, S. 344.-By the " Conregation of Relies and Indulgences," the symbol of
the palm and the pretended blood-vessels (which were more probably used in the celebration of the eucharist) have been established as marks of the graves of martyrs; but that
they are not sufficient marks is shown by Eusebius Romanus (Mabillon) de cultu Sanctorum ignotorum.  Paris. 16S8. 4. In~ the second; edition, however, he was obliged to
yield. 1705. (The church in the Catacombs, by Dr. C. Maitland. London, 1846. 8vo).
12 These registers of names, since they were not always the same, were inscribed foreach occasion on the writing-tables then used (diptycha, diTrrvxa), and afterward erased.
Hence the appellation diptycha was used of the lists of names of persons to be mentioned
at the communion service, though these lists afterward assumed a more permanent
character after all the offerentes were no longer called by name. This, and thle peculiar
names diptycha episcoporum, dipt. vivorum, dipt. mortuorumn, first occur in the fifth cenfury. Chr. A. Salig. de Diptychis veterum tam profanis quaml sacris. Halae. 1731. 4.
13 Against this notion great zeal is shown by Tertull. de Pudicitia, e. 22: In. ipsa,
securitate et possessione martyrii quis permittit homini donare quae Deo reservanlda
Sunt? —Sufficiat mnartyri propria delicta purgasse. Ingrati vel superbi est in alios qcuoque
spargere, quod pro nmagno fuerit consecutus. On the other hand, even Cyprian, Ep. 12
and 13, admits, Christianos auxilio Martyrum adjuvari apud Dominum in delictis suis posse.
14 Cypriani Epist. 57 ad Corneliume: Memores nostri invicem simus,-utrobiqan e pro nobis
semper oremus,-et si quis istinc nostrum. prior divinae dignationis celeritate praccesserit,
pye-rseveret apud Domininum nostra dilectio, pro fratribus et sororibus nostris apud misericordiam patris non cesset oratio.
15 Cyprian wr.ites to confessors, Ep. 15: Vox illa purificatione confessionis illustris-impetrat de domini bonitate quod postulat; and Ep. 77: Nune vobis inl precibus efficacior
sermo est, et ad impetrandum quod in pressuris petitur facilior- oratio est.
16 Cyprianus de Lapsis: Credimnus quidem  posse apnd judicem  p!urimum  Martyrunm
ss.erita et opera justorunm: sed cem judicii dies venerit, cumn post occasum saeculi hujus et
aoundi ante tribuhal CGhristi populos ejus adsteterit. Martyrs are, according to Dionysius




CHAP. IV.-ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE.  ~ 70. DIVINE  SERVICE. 247
Origen attributed very great value to that intercession, in expecting from  it great help toward sanctification;17 but he went beyond
the ideas hitherto  entertained  in attributing to martyrdom  an importance  and efficacy similar to the death of Christ.l8    Hence he
feared the cessation  of persecution as a misfortune.l9    The more
the opinion that value belonged to the intercession of martyrs was
established,2~ the oftener it may have happened that persons recommended themselves to the martyrs yet living for intercession, i. e.
after their death.2'   On the other hand,  no trace is found  of inAlex. ab. Euseb. H. E. vi. 42, 3: 01 vDrov 7   XptaroO  crdpe6(po Icat 70Tf PaciaSeaf avrov
Ktovwovoe, tca2  7TroXo  Tr7f ICpiGaeOf avTrov,:ac  avvdlcdt(ovr76f aVT7.
17 Origenes in Cant. Cant. lib. iii. ed. de la Rue. t. iii. p. 75: Sed et onlnes sancti, qui de
hac vita decesserunt, hbabentes adhuc charitatem erga eos qui in hoc mundo sunt si dicantnr curam gerere salutis eorumn et juvare eos precibus suis atque interventu suo apud Deum
non erit inconveniens.-In libr. Jesu Nave, Homl. xvi. 5: Ego sic arbitror, quod onlnes illi,
qui dorminierut ante nos, patres pugnent nobiscumn et adjuvent nos orationibus sullis. Ita
namlque etiani quemndam de senioribus magistris audivi dicentem in eo loco, in quo scriptaum
est in Numeris (xxii. 4), quia ablinget synagoga illa hane synagogamn, sicut ablingit vitulus
iherbal  viridem in campo. Dicebat ergo: Quare hujusmodi similitudo assumpta est, nisi
quia hoc est, quod intelligendum est in hoc loco, qrlod synagoga Domini, quae nos praecessit in sanctis, ore et lingua consumit adversariam synagogalm, i. e., orationibus et precibus
adversarios nostros absumit?-in epist. ad Rom. lib. ii. 4: Jalll vero si etian extra corpus
positi vel sancti, qui cum Christo sunt, agunt aliquid, et laborant pro nobis ad similitudinem
angelorum, qui salutis nostrae ministeria procurant: vel rursum peccatores etiatm ipsi
extra corpus positi agunt aliquid secundum  propositumn mentis suae, ad angelorum nihilominus similitudinem  sinistrorum, cum  quibus et in aeteriunum  ignem  mittendi dicuntLur a Christo: habeatur et hoc quoque inter occulta Dei, nec chartulae committenda
mysteria.'s Origenis Exhort. ad Martyr. c. 30:'Er'o[royov el Tro /arti  Toi uaprdpLov 0irrrtaoa,
9a2rep ri6 rod aror)7poS ucaedpaoov yeyove zod ic6a/zov, icai avro T,;rt oroZoudv Oepa7reiat  cafatlp6evov yiverat. iS yup oal oi  icaTri TOv Mwooadg v6pov OvsvaLarepiU  rTpoOedprEOVrEg
laKoverVy Ed66covv il' aLeuaTOrf avpi)v icai 7pUywv d EsV  a6.U'/uapTtpjLrav  tCesVotfY oVrtOg at
~voxa 7i TsyV'TErrE6erICraYtvrov eVeEceV r7f tyaprvpiaf'Iaobod p  tpdTv TC0 bv ovpavolf OvalaaTripi) orEapEpevovrca dCa COvaoroDt Trogf EvXXouvotr iiErOv aiyaprudrTav. Cap. 50: Taxa de
tcai iovrep - tl[ adayarr Too'I7lryoo Vyopdcr0PeoJrV,-oV7S Tr  r     a'atrl f 0 v,uap7ripav
iyopaaOdGiovraT rMlvE. Cf. in Numeros Horn. xxiv. 1.
19 Origenes in Num. Roe1. x. 2: Et quidem quod Dominus noster J. Chr venerit, ut tolleret peccatullm  mundi, et morte sua peccata nostra deleverit, nullus, qui Christo credit,
ignorat. QOuolmodo autem et filii ejus auferant peccata sanctorum, i. e., Apostoli et Martyres, si poterinmus, ex scripturis divinis probare tentabimus. (He appeals to 2 Cor. xii. 15,
2 Tim. iv. 6, Apoc. vi. 9.) Unde ergo vereor, ne forte, ex quo Martyres non flunt, et hostiae
sanctorum  non offeruntur pro peccatis nostris, peccatorum nostrorunm relm-issionemn non
mereamnur.  Et ideo etiaml diabolus, sciens, per passionem Martyrii remissionemi fieri peccatoruom, non vult nobis publicas Gentilium persecutiones imovere.
20 The Origenist Eusebius refers on this point, Praep. evauig. xii. c. 3, first to Plato de
Legg. lib. xi., then: Kai EV, Tv oigPfa  (2 ricSv Macraofaiov (2 Mace. xv. 14) eyeyrat'IepEaUf 6 o7rpo7Trjg /erT T7ys)v Xr2aiayov rob Piov ErX6evoS f opdac0at orsp fTOD Xa0O, eSf bpOvrida, rotootevog Tp EtrC i yfS vdpeop(rovv. Anei di Opat I/at o6 HIiriov roTroiT'rry-eeztv.
21 So Eusebius de Martyr. Palaest. cap. 7, relates that a mlaiden, Theodosia in Caesarea
was added to tlle Martyrs expecting their death, fuod ~0ioopovovapta, /at ola Eilcog virsip
OD F.VpOoevl'eoetvs ao s c f irpc rTo v KplOv ye vosEiovg -raarcal oaua.




248                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III. —A.D. 193-324.
vocation  of the dead, since the idea was not yet entertained  of
the living  being able to make known their requests to them.
g 71.
CHURCH DISCIPLINE.
Memorials of the ecclesiastical discipline of this period exist in the Epistolae canonicae of
Dionysius bishop of Alexandria, of Gregory Thaumaturgus (both about 260), and Peter,
bishop of Alexandria, A.D. 306; the canons of the councils of Illiberis (305?), Aries
(314), Ancyra (315), and Neo-Caesarea (315). All these are found in collections of the
councils, and in Routlh's Reliquiae Sacrae.
AftJer the holiest transactions of public worship  began  to be
treated as mysteries, the mode of admission to Christianity naturally  assumed  another form.   A  preparatory  course  preceded
it, in which  the  catechumens (afarTXosveavot) were instructed  by
suitable teachers (catechistes, doctor audientium)  and prepared
for baptism  through different classes (aKpou4yevot, audientes, yovv-,hiVovre7', genuflectentes, pa-rrtLt yevot, rwoT6ftsev ot, competentes).2
The condition of catechumen usually continued several years;
but the catechumens often deferred even baptism  as long as possible, on account of the remission of sins by which  it was to be
accompanied.3    Hence  it was  often  necessary  to  baptize  the
sick; and  for them   the rite of sprinkling  was introduced  (baptismus clinicorum,, rCv rkivLr@v).4    The baptism  of children was
more common.5   The exorcism  of those about to  be baptized is
1 At this time tlhe positive doctrines had not yet been kept secret from the catechlumens.
See the rule respecting their instructions in Const. Apost. vii. 39.
2 In Tertullian and Cyprian the audientes and catechnmeni are synonymous. In Origen
contra Cels. iii. 481. ed. de la Rue, Boehmer christl. Kirchl. Alterthumswissenlschaft, ii.
287, and Rothe de Disciplinae arcani origine p. 13 find three classes of catechumens. See,
on the other side C. F. WV. Hasselbach de Catechumenortm ordinibus, quot fuerint in
yetere Ecel. graeca et lat., 1839, and Rledepenning's Origenes, i. 358. The yovvc2ALiovreV
are first mentioned by Cone. Neocaesar. can. 5. Nicaen. can. 14. Tob. Pfanner de Catechumenis antiquLae ecclesiae. Francof. et Gotlh. 1688. 12. Bingham Antiquitt. lib. x. (vol. iv.).
Disapproved, Constit. Apost. vi. 15:'O &d 26yGOv, 0rt racv rkerEvrr, PaTir7TsoyaL,'va
~  [teappr7ayo Ica' IvWravco' rOb /37rrtrla, OVTOf (iyvotav, yet Oreo, fcat r7iS Eavroe  SCvvecJ
~r' t2OC  wTVyXiVet.
Cf. Cypriani Ep. 76. ad Magnum, that the baptism of them ought not to be regarded
as invalid, eo quod aqua salutari non loti sunt, sed perfusi.
5 Comp. ~ 53, note 20. Origen found the sbaptism of children already existing in his circle, and defended it. Walli Hist. B aptism. Infant. P. i. p. 72, ss.-F-idus, an African bishop,
believed, considerandam esse legerm circumcisionis antiquae, ut intra octavum diem eum,
qui nlatus est, baptizandum  et sanctificandnsn non putaret.  On the other hand, Cyprian,




CHAP. IV.-ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. ~ 71. CHURCH DISCIPLINE. 249
now  distinctly  mentioned;    and all baptized persons, even  children, received the eucharist.   When the congregations became
larger presbyters and deacons baptized in addition to the bishop.
In the west, however, the baptized had to receive from  the bishop
the imrnposition of hands.7   In  the  east the baptizing presbyters
performed this ceremony.8
As those who were excommunicated were universally supposed  to  be under the  dominion  of the  devil,9  as  much  as the
unbaptized, they had to undergo, as poenitentes, a similar though
more scYre probation-period than  the catechumens, before they
could be again received (pacem dare, reconciliare)."0 The Nowith his provincial synod (Epist. 64 ad Fidum), a baptismo atque a gratia Dei, qui omni
bus et misericors, etbenignlus, et pius est, neminem per nos debere prohiberi.  Wall. 1. c
p. 94, ss.
6 Comp. ~ 53, note 24. Vincentins a Thibari (in Conc. Carth. ill the year 256): Ergo
primo per manes impositionema in exorcismo, secundo per baptismi regenerationeam, tune
possunt ad Christi pollicitationeml venire.
7 Cyprianus Ep. 73. ad Jubajamum: Nlunc quoque apud nos geritur, ut qui in Ecclesia baptizantur praepositis Ecclesiae offerantur, et per nostram orationerm  ac manus impositionem
Spiritum Sa-nctum consequaantur et signaculo dominico consummentur. Cone. Illib. can. 38, 67.
8 Constit. Apost. vii. 43, 44.
9 The expression xrapadoOvaL re;aravd, 1 Cor. v. 5, 1 Tim. i. 20, referred to excommunication. Origines in lib. Judic. Hom. ii. ~ 5, il Jer. Hom. xviii. ~ 14, Selecta in Jer. xxix. 4.
10 In what relation this admission was supposed to stand to the forgiveness of sins may
be seen from Firmiliani Ep. ad Cypr. (Ep. Cypr. 75): Per singulos annos seniores et praepositi in unum convenimus, —ut si qua graviora sunt, communi consilio diligantur, lapsis
quoque fratribus et post lavacrum salutare a diabolo vulneratis per poenitentiam medela
quaeratur: non quasi a nobis remlissionerm peccatorum consequantur, sed ut per nos ad intelligentiam delictorum suorlum convertantur, et Domino plenius satisfacere cogantur. Cyprian. de Lapsis: Nemo se fallat, nemo se decipiat. Solus Dominusmisereri potest: veniam
peccatis, quae in ipsum commissa sunt, solus potest ille largiri, qui peccata nostra portavit.-Homo Deo esse lnon potest major; nec remittere ant donare indulgentia sua servus
potest quod in Dominum  delicto graviore commissum est, Dominus orandus est, Domilus
nostra satisfactione placandus est, qui negantem negare se dixit, qui omne judiciuml de
patre solus accepit.-Confiteantur singuli, quaeso vos, fratres dilectissimi, delictum suum,
dum adhuc qui deliquit in saeculo est, dum admitti confessio ejus potest, dum satisfactio et
remissio facta per sacerdotes apud Dominuum grata est.-R-ogamus vos, ut pro vobis Deum
rogare possimus. Preces ipsas ad vos prius vertimus, quibus Deum pro vobis ut misereatur, oramus. (Later, Leo I. about 450, Ep. 89: Sic divinae bolitatis praesidia ordinata, ut
indulgentia Dei nisi supplicationibus sacerdotum nequeat obtineri). Farther Cypriani Ep.
52: Pignus vitae in data pace percipiunt: -accepta pace commeatus a Deo datur. Comp.
abeve, ~ 67, note 1. The reconciliation was no actus ordinis, but jurisdictionis, and could
the efore be transferred from the bishop himself to a deacon. Cypr. Ep. 12, directs, ut qui
libellos a martyribus acceperunt, et praerogativa eorum apu-d Deum adjuvari possunt (Ep.
13, et auxilio eorun adjuvari apud Dominum  in delictis suis possunt), si incomnmodo
aliquo et infirmitatis periculo occupati fuerint, non expectata praesentia nostra, apud
presbyterurm  quemcunque praesentem, vel si presbyter repertus non fuerit, et urgere
exitus coeperit, apud diaconum quoque exomologesin facere delicti sui possint: ut mann
eis in poenitentianl imposita veniant ad Domlinuml cum pace, quaml dari martyres litteris
ad nos factis desideraverunt.




250                 ]FIRST PERIIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
vatian  disputes occasioned the orientals to  appoint a 7rpEso3Vrepog
Eni r1S TgEravofag in  the separate  churches;    and  this seems to
have had an influence in bringing it about that public pen ance,
even at the end of the third century, had a succession of grades
similar to the probation-period of the catechumens.l2    The four
gradus or stationes poenitentiae were  7rp6aoKAaatV, dyp6auta, ~v'r67rwoatl, avo-raaul  (7rpourafovareg, XEqpa'oETg, flentes,  hiemantes,
dcrpodtuEvot, audientes, TovvtficXvov.Ef, V6 lTotrrrov7-E, genuflectentes,
substrati,  ovvtlarTdevot,  consistentes).   Excommunication   fell
only  on  public, gross offenses.   Other sinners were  referred  to
the admonition of the more experienced brethren.!3
1l Socrates, v. c. 19:'AO' ovi Navartavoi rTg EfCICOcG/iaa  dtelcpiO?b1av,-o  reiG/iC07OoL 7o
Eciccrotaarlllc6 icavovt TOV  TpEfireo   pOvT ErTO 2 foiTf fLEroVia CrpoagfeEav, o'og Uv of
[zeTa TO 3alr3i6toyCa 7raiCTEa'avTef eTOo To,po,032 VTOf rTToV.lrpEa,3vorpOv E o/ZoO yvr7at
Tra [,uapr/OaraT.    Cf. Sozomenus, viii. c. 16.
12 Cyprian knows nothing ofthese grades. He sets forth the arrangement to be pursued
with the penitent, Epist. 11i: Nam cum in minoribus delictis, quae non in Deum committuntur, poenitentia agatur justo tempore, et exomologesis fiat inspecta vita ejus qui agit
poenitentiam, nec ad conmmunnicationem venire quis possit, nisi prius illi ab episcopo et clero
manus fuerit imposita: quanto magis in his gravissimis et extremis delictis cante omniaobservari oportet: In like manner they are not found in the course prescribed for penitents
in Const. Apost. ii. 16. The grades are first mentioned in (since Gregor. ThaLunat. Epist.
canonica, can. ii., as Morinus de Poen. lib. vi. c. 1, ~ 9, has shown, is spurious, and arose
from Basilii Epist. 217, or Canonica, iii. c. 75, see Routh Reliqu. Sacr. ii. p. 458, ss.)
Cone. Ancyr. c. 4. Cone. Nicaen. c. 11. J. Morinus de Disciplina in administratione
sacramenti poenitentiae. Paris 1651. fol. J. Dallaeus de Sacraminentali s. auriculari Latinorum confessione. Genev. 1661. 8. Sam. Basnagii Annales politico-eccles. t. ii. p. 475.
Bingham, lib. xviii. in vol viii.
13 Origenes in Psalmn. xxxvii. bom. ii..   6: Oportet peccatum non celare intrinsecus.
Fortassis enim sicut ii, qui habent intus inclusam  escam indigestam, aunt humoris vel phlegmnatis stomacho graviter et moleste immanentis abundantiam, si vomuerint, relevantur: ita
etiam hi qui peccaverunt, si quidem occultant, et retinent intra se peccatum, intrinsecus
urgentur et propemodum suffocantur a phlegmate vel humore peccati: si autem ipse sui
accusator fiat, dum  accusat semetipsum  et confitetur, simul evomit et delictum,.atque
omnem morbi digerit causam. Tantummodo circumspice diligentius, cui debeas confiteri
peccatum tuum. Proba prius medicumr cui debeas cansamn languoris exponere, qui sciat
infirmari cun infirmante, flere cuml flente, qui condolendi et compatiendi noverit disciplinam: nt ita demum, si quid ille dixerit, qulf se prins et eruditum  medicum ostenderit et
misericordem, si quid consilii dederit, facias, et sequaris, si intellexerit et praeviderit, talem
esse languorem tunm, qui in conventu totius Ecclesia exponi debeat et curari, ex quo fortassis et ceteri aedificari poteLrunt, et tu ipse facile sanari: multa hoc deliberatione, et satis
perito medici illies consilio procurandmn est. Of course applicatiosn was especially made
to the clergy: hence Origenes in Levit. Hom. ii. ~ 4: Est-per poenitentiam  remissio
peccatorum, cum lavat peccator in lacrymis stratum suLm, —et cum non elubescit sacerdoti
Domini indicare peccatumn suum, et quaerere medicianm. In Levit. Hom. v. ~ 4: Discant
sacerdotes Domini, qui Ecclesiis praesunt, quia pars eis data est cum his, quorum delicta
repropitiaverint. QOid autem est repropitiare delictum?  Si assumseris peccatorem, et
monendo, hortando, docendo, instruendo adduxeris e-um ad poenitentiam- ab errore correxeris, a vitiis emenedaveris, et effeceris eum3 talem, ut ei converso propitius fiat Deus pro
delicto, repropitiasse diceris,




CHAP. IV.-ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. 5i 71. CHUIRCH DISCIPLINE. 257
Thle time of penance  usually continued several years-sometimes even to the hour of death.l4    In  Africa and Spain, re-admission was forever forbidden in case of certain offenses.5  This
strictness was relaxed only when confessors interceded  on behalf
of the  lapsed."6    But during  the Decian  persecution, the martyrs in Africa abused this privilege granted them  by custom, so
nuch  that  Cyprian  was  obliged  to  oppose  them.'7    Yet this
14 The determinations Constitt. Apost. ii. 16, 21-24, are distinguished by great mildness,
Comp. Drey uber die Constit. S. 51.
15 Clomp. ~ 53, note 39, ~ 59, note 10. So also Cyprian before the Decian persecution,
Testim. adv. Judaeos, iii. c. 28: Non posse in ecclesia remitti ei, qui in Deum deliqueril;.
On the contrary in Rome the penitent lapsi were admitted on the sick bed. Ep. Cleri
Rom. ad Cler. Carthag.  Among Cyprian's letters, Ep. 2.
16 Comnp. above, ~ 53, note 44. Dionysius Alex. ap. Euseb. HI. E. vi. 42, 3: 01 Oesot
dapTrvpef, -ol vviv roiv Xplaroio) 7rdpedpot caG rf taacLtEial aevroi icotvevoi, ltcat /eroot
I7]f KpiGESf aVTroV, Ca o dtvwClaovre f aVT&, rv reaparErrivrrwerc6ri ddela v Ev — rsv  Gstrrpo~pv Keael erd~,votav i66vref, dEICT'jv re yEVgaOat dvvaetEvv -r,   Oei-doet,udacavre, ele6davro lcaG ovvvyayov lca acvvcrraryav, tcal 1po0evXv aedrotf ca lartadeov leotvwjvceav. —
rTi /Lv' TpalCr7ov; osVrlJoo Kca'eel 6ooyvwS/ovef avrotf IcaraarTyev, /cat 7v  Kprlrtv aVreTP)
eae r7jv XydptV  SvdwEZv, tca  roZbf 0Ee OeFe, vir' adr?V Xpa7reva(eteOa; 1O r??Tv eKplg
avr&)v  deiKcrov 7rotrl6Otee0a, ca doictgeardf adro6v ri7f 7 lelvov yvDwSi   wterrooe,tev
0ca1 Trjv Xp7ar16r7rra Xv7rov6ttev; ica r7v r6etv hzvaecevniu/czev;
17 On these cases see Cypriani Epist. 10, 1.1, 14, 29. Epist. Lueciani (Cyprian. 21)Gum benedictus martyr Paulus adhuc in corpore esset, vocavit me et dixit mihi: Luciane,
coram Christo dico tibi, ut si quis post arcessitionem mleaml  abs te pacem petierit, da in
nomine meo. Epist. 16: Universi Confessores Cypriano Papae, Salutel! Scias, nosuniver.
sis, de quibus apud te ratio constiterit, quid post collmmissum egerint, dedisse pacerm, et
hanc formam per te et allis Episcopis innotescere voluimus. Optamus te cum sanctis
Martyribus pacem habere. Praesente de Clero et Exorcista et Lectore, Lucianus scripsit.-Cyprian. Epist. 22, ad Clernm Romalam: Quae res majorem nobis conflat invidiam,
utnos cum singulomem causas audire et excutere coeperiemus, videammu  multis negare,
quod se nine c ones jactant a Martyribus et Confessoribus accepisse. Denique lujus se.
ditionis oligo jam coepit.' Nam in provincian -ostra per aliquot civitates in Praepositos impeo.
tus per rmultitudinem factus est, et paceme, Luam semlel cuncti a mcartyribus   et Confessoribus datamn clamitabant, confestim  sibi repraesentari co6gerunnt, territis et subactis
Praepositis suis, qui ad resistenduum  minus virtute aniemi et robore fidei praevalebant,
Apud ins etiaml quidam turbilenti, qui vix a nobis in praeteritum regebantur, et in nostram praesentiam differebantur, per hanc epistolam (Confessorem Ep. 16) velut quibusdam
facibus accensi, plus exardescere, et paceem sibi datem extorquere coeperunt.  Cyprian's
decisions regarding the praerogativa Martyruma (see Ep. 12, above, note 10.) Lib. de Lapsis: Credieus quidees posse apud judicem plurimoum  MartyrLun merita et opera justorum:
sed cuel judicii vies venerit, cum post occasum saeceli hujus et lundi ante tribunal Christi
populues ejus adstiterit. Caetereumi si quis praepropera festinatione teeneraniues renmissio
nesi peccatorum dare se cunctis putat posse, aut audet Domini praecepta rescindere, non
tantum nlihil prodest, sed et obest lapsis. Provocasse est irain non servasse sententianl
nec misericordiaml prius Dei deprecandnm nputare, sed contempto Domino de sua facultato
praesumere.-Mandant llartyres aliquid fieri? sed si justa, si licita;-ante est,.ut sciamnus
illos de Deo imlpetrasse quod postulant, tune facere quod manudant.  Cyprian deferred the
final decision respecting the lapsed to a council which was to be held after persecution
had ceased, and after his return (Ep. 9, 11); but he allowed that before this those laps;
furnished with libellis pacis might be readmitted on the sick bed. Ep. 12, 13, see above%
note 10,  Comp. Rettberg's Cyprianus S. 64.




252                FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
dispute, as well as the great number of the lapsed, occasioned a
renunciation of the principle, of always refusing reconciliation
with  the  church  to  the  lapsed, immediately  after  the  Decian
persecution, in  Africa.18   On  the  other  hand, this  Montanistic
rigor continued in its greatest extent beyond this period, in
Spain.19
1s Respecting thle Synod held at Carthage on this account, 251, anl in justification of it,
see Cypriani Ep. 52 ad Antonianum: Et quidem primulll, quoniarn de o nquoqule acta
motus videris, mea apud te et persona et causa purganda est, ne me aliquis existimet a
proposito meo leviter recessisse, et cum evangelictnl  vigorem primo et inter initia defenderim, postmodum videar animutmn meum a disciplina et censura priore flexisse, ut his,
qui libellis conscientiam  suanl maculavelint, vel nefanda sacrificia commiserint, laxandam pacem putaverim. Quod utrumque non sine librata diu et ponderata ratione a me
factum est. Nam cum-proelium gloriosi certaminis in persecutione ferveret, toto hortatu
et pleno impetu militum vires fuerant excitandae, et maxime lapsoruml  mentes-fortiter
animandae, ut poenitentiae viaml non solum precibus et lamentationibus sequerentur, sed
-ad confessionis potius ardorem et martyrii gloriam nostris increpiti vocibus provocarentur.-Secundumn quod tamen ante fuerat destinatum, persecutione sopita, copiosus Episcoporum numerus-in unum convenimus, et scripturis divinis ex utraque parte prolatis,
temperamentum salubri moderatione libravimus, ut nec in totum spes communicationis
et pacis lapsis denegaretur, ne plus desperatione deficerent, nec tamen rursus censura
evangelica solveretur, ut ad communicationem  temere prosilirent; sed trahleretur diu
poenitentia, et rogaretur dolenter paterna clementia, et examinarentur causae et voluntates et necessitates singulolarno.-Ac si minus sufficiens Episcoporum in Africa numlerns
videbitur, etiam Romulam super hac re scripsimus ad Cornelium collegam nostl-un; qli et
ipse cnm plurimis co6piscopis habito coucilio in eandem nobiscurm sententiam pari gravitate et salubri moderatione consensit.-Nec putes, frater carissime, hinc aut virtutemn
fiatl'um  minui aut martyria deficere, quod lapsis laxata sit poenitentia, et quod poenitentibus spes pacis oblata.-Nam et moechis a nobis poenitentiae tempus conceditar et pax
datur (comp. ~ 53, note 39, S 59, note 4). Non tamen iccirco virginitas in ecclesia deficit,
etc.-Miror autem quosdam sic obstinatos esse, ut dandam non putefnt lapsis poenitentiam,
aut poenitentibus existiment veniam denegandam, cum scriptum sit: Memento unde
cecideris, et ag'e poenitentiam, et fac priora opera (Apoc. ii. 5).  After quoting many
similar passages: Quod legentes scilicet et tenentes neminem putamus a fructu satisfactionis et spe pacis arcendum, cum sciamus juxta scripturarum divinarum fiderm, auctore.et hortatore ipso Deo, et ad agendam poenitentiamn peccatores redigi, et veniam  atque
indulgentiam poenitentibus non denegari. In this sense it was even made a general
church law by the Cone. Nicaen. c. 13:'2QCre, 7Zi rg isOoCeOI, OoV reTevrTaiov iat Aivayicato7rOrov  Eodiov [7 aroarOcTEpeOeal.
19 Comp. Concil. Illiberit. above ~ 59, note 10. So says Pacian, bishop of Barcelona,
about 370, in his book of capital sins: Paraeneticus ad poenitentiam (Bibl. PP. max. t. iv.)
peccatis capitalibus: Reliqua peccata meliorurn operum  compensatione curantur. Haec
quicunque post fidem fecerit, Dei faciem non videbit. Cf. Inlocentii I. Epist. 6, ad Exsuperiuml Episc. Tolosanum (in the year 405) c. 2: Et hoc quaesitum est, quid de his observari oporteat, quli post baptismumn omni tempore incontinentiae voluptibus dediti, in ex;taemao fine vitae suae poenitentiam  simul et reconciliationem colmm-nunionis exposcunt 
De his observatio prior duarior, posterior interveniente misericordia inclinatior.  Nam
consuettdo prior teluit, ut concederetur poenitentia, sed commaunio negaretur.




CHAP. IV. —ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. ~ 72. SCHISM  OF'ELICISS/IMUS. -253
~ 72.
(CONTINUATION.) CONTROVERSY CONCERItNG MATTERS OF CHUIRCH
DISCIPLINE.
1.  The  schism   of Feliczssimnuv  in   Carthage.'   A   party
alheady  dissatisfied  wvith  the  selection  of  (Zyprian  as bishop,
afterward  continued  in  a  divided  and  hostile  relation  to  the
bishop, who was extremely jealous of his dignity.   The Decian
persecution  put an  end  to  the  dispute arising between  Cyprian
and  the  presbyter  _lYvalucts.2   But  during  that trying  time,
some  presbyters  readmitted  the  lapsed  (Cypriani Ep. 9) solely
on  the  strength  of the libelli pacis of the  martyrs, which were
too  freely  granted, without regard  to  the  bishop  of Carthage,
who had been obliged to leave his church.   Cyprian found fault
with  this.   But the  party  of the  dissatisfied  increased in  consequence, at whose head the  deacon _Felicissimuzs appeared, and
to which  several confessors also  were now  added.   This party
now refused to obey the commands of the bishop, who had fled
from  persecution,3  and  went on  adding  to its numbers  by  the
reception of the lapsed.4 After Cyprian's return (251) they
were excommunicated, and  chose  Fortunatus for their bishop,
but do not appear to have long survived.
1 Sources: Cyprian. Ep. 38, 39, 40, 42, 55. Walch's Ketzerhist. ii. 288. Rettberg's
Cyprianus, S. 89.
2 At the time of the Novatian controversy Cyprian says of him, Hp. 49: Idem est Novatus, qui apud nos primum discordiae et schismatis inceldium  seminavit, qui quosdanm
istic ex fratribus ab Episcopo segregavit, qui in ipsa persecutione ad evertendas fratruim
mentes alia quaedam persecutio nostris fuit. Ipse est, qui Felicissimum satellitem stum,
Diaconum, nec permittente me, nec sciente, sua factione et ambitione constituit.-Urgentibus fratribus inminebat cognitionis dies, quo apud nos causa ejus ageretur, nisi persecutio
antevenisset.
3 In particular, Felicissimus withstood a commission sent by Cyprian to inlquire about
the condition of the poor. Cypr. Ep. 38.
4 Cypriani Epist. 40 ad Plebem: Conjurationis suae limemores, et antiqua illa contra
Episcopatum rmeurm, imo contra suflfagium  vestrum et Dei judicium venena retinentes,
instaurant veterem contra nos impugnationem  suam, et sacrilegas machinationes insidiis
solitis denuo revocant. Hi fomenta olim quibusdamn confessoribus et hortamenta tribuebant, ne concordarent coin episcopo suo, ne ecclesiasticam disciplinam cum fide et quiete
juxta praecepta dominica continerent, etc. —lunc se ad lapsoruim perniciem venenata sua
deceptione verterunt, ut aegros et saucios-a medela vulneris sui avocent, et interrmissis
precibus et orationibus, quibus Dominus longa et continua satisfactione placandus est, ad
exitiosaml tesneritateim mendacio captiosae pacis invitent.




254                  FIRST PEtTIOD. —DIV.  I.-A.D. 193-324.
2. Novatian schisfm.5   The presbyter NTovatian (in Eusebius
Noova'ro) was dissatisfied with  the choice  of the  bishop  Cornelizs at Rome (251) because  Cornelius, in  his opinion, had  conducted himself with too great lenity toward the lapsed.   In the
controversy  that now  ensued, in  which  the  Carthaginian  presbyter Novatus proved particularly  active in favor of Novatianj6
the  latter returned  to  the  old  principle  that none of the lapsed
vught to be admitted to church communion.7  Hence arose a
division  in  the  church.   Novatian  was  chosen  bishop  by  his
party  at Rome.   Though  the  other  bishops, particularly  Cyprian  at Carthage, and  Dionilsius at Alexandria, stood on  the
side  of Cornelius, yet many  in  different countries joined  the
strict party.8 At first the Novatians (KcaOapoi) declared themselves  only  against the  re-admission  of the  lapsi;j  but  afterward they fully returned  to the old African  notion, that all who
had defiled themselves by gross sins after baptism should be forever excluded from  the church,l~ because the church itself would
be  tainted  if they  were  received  again.   In  accordance  with
5 Sources: Cyprian. Epist. 41-52. Cornelii Romr  Ep. ad Fahbium Antioch. (ap. Euseb.
vi. 43), Dionys. Alex. Ep. ad Novatianum (ib. c. 45), et ad Dionysiunm Riom. (ibid. vii. 8),
Walch's Ketzerhist. ii. 185.
6 Although he had formerly ordained Felicissimus deacon (note 2), it does not thence
follow that he afterward was of the same opinion with him regarding the readmission of
the lapsed, and still later that he came over to the opposite view at Rome. See Mosheirm
de rebus Christ. ante C. M. p. 518. Perhaps it was even dissatisfaction with his party
that urged him to go from Carthage to Rome.
7 Formerly Novatian's opinion was milder, in the letter written by hnm, Epist. Cleri
Roem. ad Cypr. (Ep. Cypr. 31), ef. Cypr. Ep. 52.
8 Even Fabius, bishop of Antioch, was WrolcaraZLstvJEVof r,5 T XicrtIgTC (Euseb. vi. 44),
and at a Synod in Antioch roo Noovdrov lcpaTrdvesv   slV  EtiEXEtpoOVV a70 uXiua  (1. c. 46).
Cf. Socrat. iv. 28. Respecting Marcian, bishop of Arles, see ~ 68, note 14.
9 So Novatian, in a circular-letter, required all the churches (Socrates, iv. 28), 1tt
decaOat TOV7f 7LrtOVKc6ra  elf ri vc uVarTpla'    aa 7,rpOTpVrcEl     /e'V avroT70 f ei t Leravolav,;rjv d6  avyX6py7ltv EfrtrpEtElV Oe, rNC   dvvas'vo ca ee a ovuaiv PXOVTL avyxyOpe[Z' ayap1-mtta)ra. Hence Cyprian, Ep. 52, accuses Novatian of inconsistency: Aut si se cordis et
renis scrutatorumm  constituit et judicem., per omlnia aequaliter judicet, et-fraudatores et
utoeclhos a latere atque a comitatu suo separet, quando multo et gravior et pejor sit
moechi quam libellatici causa. O frustrandae fraternitatis irrisio, O miserorun —caduca
deceptio!-hortari ad satisfactionis poenitentiam, et subtrahere de satisfactione snedicinam: dicere fratribus nostris: plange et lacrimas funde, et diebus ac noctibus ingemisce,
et pro abluendo et purgando delicto tuo largiter et frequenter operare, sed extra ecclesiam
post omnia ista morieris: quaecumque ad pacem pertinent facies, sed nullaml pacem, quam
quaeris, accipies.
10 Acesius, a Novatian bishop, at the Council of Nice, says (Socrates, i. 10): Ov XpO
-ro70 g j    rpE fi d vi) 73rrmsa e tapTroc6rae (t/taprTav, Vv rpof Odcvarov caobvaslv aci eZal ypae ai,
rg Kol)vviag risv Oeiov vscVr7pi&v aoo iioOea  dat- -' a' i L'rETed7Votlav t2v aaVroVT   7rpTor7etV,
t2Zrilda de 7fra   0cinrerC g tJi 7rapa r7v iep-sov, fs2u2a  eap' roe  Oeoe bIcdseoatr, 7od  vlvaugvov etel Povaiav PXovro.g avyopeFv Pue ap eroiaa.




CH. IV. —ECCL. LIFE, ~ 72. CONTIR. ABOUT BAPTISM  OF HEE iETICS. 255
this view they declared all other churches to have forfeited the
rights  of a  Christian  church;  and  baptized  anew   those  who
came  ovei  to  them.'l          This  party  was  widely  extended, and
continued  for a long  time.12   In  Phrygia  they united with  the
remnant of the,l ontanists."3
3.  Controversy  concerninog   the baptism   of heretics.l'                  The
custom   prevalent in  Africa, Egypt, Syria, and  Asia Minor, of
regarding  reclaimed  heretics as unbaptized, was considered  objectionable  at Rome,15 where  they  were prepared  for re-admission  without baptism, by passing  through  the  rgadus poeniten.
tiae;  especially  since the  time  the  Novatians began to re-baptize the Christians who had joined them.   In  Africa, too, there
arose doubts regarding it;  but two Carthaginian councils (255,
~256)  confirmed  the  old  practice.   When  the   second  council
informed  Stephen, bishop  of Rome  (253-257) of its decisions,
in  a  synodical letter  (Ep. Cypr. 72), it received  from   him   a
haughty  reply, disapproving  of them.'6    This  led  to  an  interchange of violent letters between  Stephen  and Cyprialn.7   The
" Such also was the practice of the African church. So Tertullian de Baptismo, 15, do
Praesc. 12, de Pudicit. 19, and a council in Carthage under Agrippinus, about 200 (Cypr,
Ep. 71, 73). Cf. Miinteri primordia Eccl. Afric. p. 150, Ss.
12 Constantine's forbearance toward them, Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi. tit. 5, 1. 2: Novatianos
non adeo comlperimus praedamniatos, ut iis, quae petiverunt, crederemus mininme largienda,
Itaque ecclesiae suae domos, et loca sepulchris apta sine inquietudine eos firmiter possidere praecipimus, etc. (A.D. 326). The mildness of the Nicene council toward them, Can,
INic. 8: KaOaeoef XetpoBrov Eovovf  / yEvev o v'thof'v r,~ 0ciplpp,
13 Comp. especially Socrates, iv. 28. The Phrygian Novatians forbade second marriage
(ibid. v. 22), and celebrated the passover with the Quartodecimani (iv. 28, v. 21).
14 Walch's Ketzerhist. ii. 310. Rettberg's Cyprianus, S. 156.
15 The testimonies for Africa, see note 11. For Egypt Clemens Alex. Stromll. i. 375:
T% fo67rrrctua rT alpeTlroc   dic ooicetov Icai yv,1t0lov V(dop. Comp. Dionysius Alex., below,
~note 20. For Syria, Constit. Apost. vi. 15, For Asia Minor, the two councils in IconinUin
(in the year 235, see Firmilian. in Epist. Cypr. 75), and Synlada, cf. Dionys, Alex. ap.
Euseb. vii. 7, 3.
16 Cyprian's principle was (Ep. 70): Nemninem foris baptizari extra Ecclesiam  posse,
cum sit baptismsa unum  iil sancta Ecclesia constitatuma.  On the other hand Stephen (Ep.
74): Si.quis ergo a quacurnque haeresi venerit ad vos, nihil innovetur nisi quod traditum
est, ut nianus illi imponatur in poenitentiani.-Oui in nomilne Jesu Christi ubicunlque et
quomodocunque baptizantur, innovati et sanctificati judicentur. Cyprian adds: In tantunm
Stephani fratris nostri obstinatio dura prorapit, ut etiamn de Marcionis baptismo, item
Valentini et Apelletis, et caeterorum blasphemantitm  in Deuml  patrem  contendat filios
Deo nasci.
17 The earlier letters of Cyprian on this affair are Ep. 70-73. Notices of thle controversial
writings between him and Stephen are found in Cypr. Epist. 74, ad Pompeium and Firmiliani Ep. ad Cypr. (Ep. Cypr. 75). Cyprian says of Sthphen's letter (Ep. 74): Caetera
vel superba vel ad rem non pertinentia, vel sibi ipsi contraria, quae imperite atque
improvide scripsit, etc. —Quae ista obstinatio est, quaeve praesumtio, humanum tradi^
tionemo  divinae dispositioni anteponere, nec animadvertere, indignari et irasci Deure,




FIRST PElRIOD.-DIV. III. —A.D. 193-324.
former broke off all communion with  the Africans;  but notwith.
standing  this they  repeated  in  the most emphatic  terms  their
opinions at a third council at Carthage (lst Sept. 256).18    Frmilian, bishop of Caesarea, in Cappadocia, assured them   (Epist.
Cypr. 75) with bitter observations on  Stephen,l9 of the full assent of the churches in his province;  and Dionysius also, bishop
of Alexandria, decidedly  condemned  the  conduct of Stephen.z2
After  Stephen's  death, peace was  immediately  restored  to  the
quoties divin-a praecepta solvit et praeterit hbumana traditio.-Nec consuetudo, quae apud
quosdam  obrepserat, impedire debit, qulominus veritas praevaleat et vincat.  Naml consuetuido sine veritate vetustas erroris est.  On the other hand (Ep. 75): Non pudet Stephanun —Cyprianum  pseudochristumn et pseudoapostolum et dolosum operarium dicere.
The consequences to be deduced from this controversy respecting the papal supremacy
afterward asserted, may be seen in J. La Placette Observatt. historico-eccl., quibus
eruitur veteris ecclesiae sensus circa Pontif. Rom. potestatem in definiendis fidei rebus.
Amsterd. 1695. 8, p. 102, ss.
18 The Acts of it in Augustini de Baptismo contra Donatistas, lib. vi. et vii. —Also in
Cypriani Opp.
19 Ex. gr. gratiam referre Stephano in isto possumus, quod per illius ilnhlmanitatemn
nune  effectum  sit, ut fidei et sapientiae vestrae experimlentum capereimus.-Sed haec
interim, quae a Stephano gesta sunt, praetereantur, ne dum  audaciae et insolantiae ejus
meminimus, de rebus ab eo improbe gestis longiorem moestitiam nobis inferamus.-Atque
ego in hac parte juste indignor ad hanc tam apertam et manifestam Stephani stultitiam,
quod qui sic de Episcopatus sui loco gloriatur, et se successionem Petri tenere contendit,
super quem fundamenta Ecclesiae collocata sunt, multas alias petras inducat.-Lites et
dissensiones quantas pardsti (Stephane) per ecclesias totius mundi? Peccatum vero quamin
magnum  tibi exaggerasti, quando te a tot gregibus scidisti?  Exscidisti enim  temet
ipsuln: noli te fallere. Siquidem ille est vere schismaticus, qui se a communione Ecclesiasticae unitatis apostatam  fecerit (consequently not frorm  a RoIman centrum  unitatis).
Dum enim putas omnes a te abstinere posse, solrum te ab omnibus abstinuisti, etc. This
letter, so unpleasant to the Romish see (extant in 26 codd.), was purposely omitted in the
edition of Cyprian. Romae ap. Paul. Mallnutium. 1563, and first printed in that of Gail.
Morellii. Paris. 1564, who is bitterly censured for it by Latinus and Pamelius.  Christ.
Lupus (ad Tertull. libr. de Praescr. Bruxell. 1675. 4) first denied the authenticity of the
letter. A Franciscan Raimund Missori (in duas celeberr. epist. Firm. et Cypr. disputt.
crit. Venet. 1733. 4), the Jesuit R. J. Tournemine (Memoires de Tr6voux de 1734, p.
2246, ss), the Franciscan Marcellinus Molkenbuhr (in two dissertations.  Mlinster. 1790
and 1793. 4), and A. Ant. Morcelli Africa christiana, ii. 138, declare, moreover, that
Cyprian's letters respecting the baptism of heretics are forged. These arbitrary assumptions, which none else has thought fit to repeat, have been refuted by J. H. Sbaralea germana
S. Cypr. et Afrorum necnon Firmiliani opinio de haereticorum baptism. Bonon. 1741. 4,
and in Academic dissertations by G. G. Preu. Jenae. 1738, aud D. Cotta. Tuib. 1740.
20 Dion. Ep. ad Sixtumn II. (successor of Stephen, 257) ap. Euseb. vii. 5:'EEiedrarcee
(Z1Eeavof) 1Ev o v irp6rTpov xai rtEp''EEfvov Icat wept P'p/tlutavov O aV otirV7ov TOV Tre
diod 7if KZclafi cata Kaeriracodo/ciao ca IraarifaC, kca ir7vrcav rW v 7 Ey (e/opovZdVV7o  (V]S1,
OCf od  EE:EvoteSf IcovaovUV ditd -rv avr7v TraeJrfv aiiTav, ietrEd  TOVgf alpErtLo Cf, ~~atv,
vaatwrti'ovgt.  Kai acd67re r7T tyey,0of TO  7irpdytarof. "O'r )e yap d6y,/ara wrep TrooTrov yEyoveV EV Tailf yEyiTralsf 7Sv  ei'troc67rwv cvv6dotf, WS TrvvOdvosal,  T-rE rTOv
irpoaeovvrag ai'rd aeipiaecv irpocear/txnyOvTaf, etra &cTroo eScOat ocat (tvaecaeaipeoaat rdv
TSC -,rawat(2iC cad  caOdprov  /VYpV  15d7rov.  KaG  rep  TTroTrov aOvroT  7ravrcov d6E6Evor,
&ergawrEtXa. Hieronymus Catal. c. 69: Dionysius-in Cypriani et Afiicanae synodi dogma
consentiens de haereticis rebaptizandis.




Cl-lAP. IV.-ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. ~ 73. DONATIST SCHISM.  257
church,21 although  difference  of opinion  on the  disputed  point
continued  for a long  time.22    In  the  mean  time, even now, an
intermediate opinion  had arisen in the western  church,23 which
afterward became the prevailing one.
4.  Mfeletian   schism.   During   the   Diocletian  persecution,
Meletius, bishop  of Lycopolis in  Thebais, maintained  that the
lapsed  should  not be  admitted  to  penance before peace should
have been restored. On this ground he withdrew from his meotropolitan Peter of Alexandria (306), and began to assume the
duties  of the  metropolitan's  office  among  the  churches of his
party.24 This schism continued more than a century.
5. Donatist schisn.25    As early  as the  Diocletian  persecution  there  arose at Carthage  a fanatical party  in  opposition  to
the bishop  Zlensurius and his archdeacon  Caecilianus, because
they had contended  against the perverseness with  which  many
Christians  sought for martyrdom   partly  from   fanaticism, and
partly from  still more impure motives.26    When, therefore, after
21 Pontius in Vita Cypriani, where he speaks of his martyrdom: Jam de Xisto (successor of Stephen), bono et pacifico Sacerdote, ac propterea beatissimo Martyre, ab Urbe
nuncius venerat.
22 Accordingly, the Greek fathers, even of the fourth century, reject the baptism of
heretics. See below, ~ 101, note 10.
23 Can. Arelat. 8: De Aftis, quod propria lege sua utuntur ut rebaptizent, placuit, ut si
ad ecclesiam aliquis de haeresi venerit, interrogent eum symbolum; et si perviderint, eum
in Patre, et Filio, et Spiritu Sancto esse baptizatum, manus ei tantum imponatur, ut accipiat
Spiritum Sanctum.  Quod si interrogatus non responderit banc trinitatem, baptizetur.
24 Some original documents relating to this controversy, especially a letter from four
Egyptian bishops to Meletius, have been communicated to the public by Scipio Maffei
Osservazioni letterarie, t. iii. p. 11, ss. (Verona. 1738). The account of Epiphanius Haer. 68,
wlhich is favorable to Meletius, agrees best with this letter. Different, but partial against
Meletius, is the representation of Athanasius Apologia contra Arianos, ~ 59, which Socrates,
Sozomen, and Theodoret for the most part follow. Walch, iv. 355. Neander, ii. i. 463.
25 Sources: Optatus (bishop of Mileve about 368) de schismate Donatistarum libb. vii.
(vi.?) ed. L. E. du Pin.  Paris. 1700 (in which edition also: Monumenta vetera ad
Donatist. hist. pertinentia and historia Donatistarum). Augustinus in several works (all
contained in the 9th part of the Benedictine edition, in its appendix are also Excerpta et
scripta vetera ad Donatistarum hlistoriamn pertinentia), for example contra Epistolam Parmeniani libb. 3, de Baptismo libb. 7, contra literas Petiliani libb. 3, contra Cresconium
libb. 4, breviculas collationum contra Donatistas libb. 3, etc.-Cf. Valesius de schismate
Donatist. diss. (appended to his edition of Eusebius).  Melchior Leydecker Historia
Eccles. Afiicanae. Ultraj. 1690. 4. p. 467. Historia Donatistarun ex Norisianis schedis
excepta in H. Norisii Opp. om. ed. a Petro et Hieron. fratribus Balleriniis. (Veron. 1729.
1732. 4 t. fol.) Tom. iv. Waleb, iv. 3. Neander, ii. i. 387.
26 Comp. the contents of a letter addressed by Mensurius to Secundus, bishop of Tigisis,
in Augustin. brevicul. collat. diei iii. c. 23, note 25: Eos, qui se offerrent persecutionibus
non comprehensi, et ultro dicerent, se habere scripturas, qclas non traderent, a quibus
hoc nemo quaesierat, displicuisse Mlensurio, et ab eis honorandis eum prohibuisse Christianos. Quidam etiam in eadem epistola facinorosi arguebantur et fisci debitores, qui
vOL. I. —17




258                FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324i,
Melsurius's death  (311), Caecilianus was chosen his successor,
this party set up in opposition to him  XMajorinus, who was soon
succeeded  by  Dolzatizs the great (313).   In  this  proceeding
they were supported by the Numidian bishops, particularly Secundus, bishop of Tigisis, and Donatus, bishop of Casae Nigrae.
The pretext was, that Caecilianus  had  been  consecrated  by  a
"traditor,"' Felix,  bishop  of Aptunzca.   This  parts  aC}jorini,
afterward  called pars  Donati,.Donatistae,  who'gained  many
adherents in Africa, on account of their attaching great value
to purity in the church, brought their complaint against Caecilian before Constantine: the first example of spiritual affairs
being laid before a civil ruler for his decision.   Constantine at
first intrusted  Miltiades,  bishop  of Rome,  along  with  three
Gallic bishops  (313) with  an  inquiry  into  the  affair; and  afterward a council was assembled at Arles for the purpose of investigating  it (314).   Both  decisions, as well as the judgment
of the emperor himself (316) occasioned by a new appeal, proved
unfavorable to the Donatists. But though severe laws also had
been passed against them, yet they persisted in their opposition,
and  continued  full of enmity toward  the  catholic  church, for
more than a century in Africa.
g 73.
ASCETICISM.
In this division of time, we still find in the church a living
consciousness of Christian freedom, which was manifested, espeoccasione persecutiones vel carere vellent onerosa multis debitis vita, vel pargare se
putarent, et quasi abluere facinora sua vel certe adquirere pecuniam, et in custodia
deliciis perfrui de obsequio Christianorum. With this coincides what had been objected
to Caecilian immediately after his election (1. c. cap. 14, no. 26): Coro esset diaconus,
victum afferri martyribus in custodia constitutis prohibuisse dicebatur. There is manifestly
great exaggeration in the Donatist Actis Saturnini presbyteri, Felicis, Dativi, Ampelii et
aliorum, c. 17 (in B aluzii Miscellan. t. ii. p. 72, du Pin Monumenta, p. 156: On the other
hand, this appendix is left out in the Actis SS. and apud Ruinart where he is called):
(Mensurius) tyranno saevior, carnifice crudelior, idoneum sceleris sui ministrum diaconum
suum elegit Caecilianum: idemque lora et flagra cumo armatis ante fores carceris ponit,
ut ab ingressu atque aditu cunctos, qui victum potumnque in carcerem martyribus afferebant, gravi affectos injuria propulsaret.  Et caedebantur a Caeciliano passim  qudi ad
alendos martyres veniebant, sitientibus intus in vinculis confessoribus, pocula frangebantur ante carceris limina, cibi passim lacerandi canibus spargebantur, etc.




CHAIP. IV. —ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. ~ 73. ASCETICISM.                   259
cially at the beginning of the period, in opposition to the ascetic
precepts  of the  Montanists.'   Fasting  continued  to  be left to
the free choice of each;  except that ecclesiastical custom   had
determined  certain  days as especially  appropriate for that purpose, which were very different in different churches.2    Besides,
on particular  occasions the churches were  summoned  by  their
bishops to  a  general fast;3 and  in  like  manner certain  fasts
were imposed on the penitents.4    External asceticism   generally
1 Tertull. de Jejuniis, c. 2: Certe in evangelio illos dies jejuniis determinatos putant
(Psychici), in quibus ablatus est sponsus, et hos esse jam  solos legitimlos jejuniorum
Christianorum, abolitis legalibus Qt propheticis vetustatibus.  Itaque de caetero indifkferenter jejunandum, ex arbitrio, non ex imperio novae disciplinae, pro temporibus et
causis uniuscujusque.  Sic et Apostolos observasse, nullum  aliud im ponentes jugunm
certorum et in commune omnibus obeundorum jejuniorumn: proinde -nec stationum, quae
et ipsae suos quidem  dies habealit, qu-artae feriae et sextae, passive tamnen currant, neqlue
sub lege praecepti-cum  fides libera in Christo ne Judaicae quidem legi abstinentiam
quorundam ciborum debeat, semel in totum macellum ab Apostolo admissa, detestatore
eorure, qui sicut nubere prohibeant, ita jubeant cibis abstinere a Deo conditis: et ideo nos
(the Montanists) esse jaml tune praenotatos in novissimis temporibus abscedentes a fide,
intendentes spiritibus mundi seductoribus, doctrinis mendaciloquorulm inustam habentes
conscientiam (1 Tim. iv. 1, 2). Sit et cumn Galatis nos quoque percuti ajunt observatores
dierum  et mensium  et annorum (Gal. iv.'. 10, cf. c. 14: Galaticamur plane). Jaculantul
interea et Esaiam pronunciasse: non tale jejunium Dominus elegit, id est, non abstinentiam  cibi, sed opera justitiae, quae subtexit (Is. lviii. 5, 6). Et ipsum  Dominum  in
Evangelio ad omnem circa victum scrupulositatem compendio respondisse, non his coinquinari homineml, quae in os inferantur, sed quae ex ore proferantur, cum et ipse manducaret et biberet usque in nationemr: Ecce homo vorator et potator (Matth. xi. 19). Sic et
Apostolum  docere, quod esca nos Deo non commendet: neque abandantes, si edamus,
-neque deficientes, si non edamus.(1 Cor. viii. 8). Comp. Neander's Antignosticus, S. 279, if.
2 Origenes Hom. x. in.Levitic. ~ 2: Habemus enim quadragesimae dies jejuniis consecratos. Habemus quartam  et sextam septimanae dies, quibus solemniter jejunamus.
Is this translation of Rufinus correct? Cf. Dionys. Epist. can. ad Basilid. can. 1: MId1E
&C   T                               d) r vtv V/sGELr  TFEdpa~f aoo,  ol Qy iroGr Tirvref dtae-vo vlv' aZX' oi 0ev cai
irucaf VirrEprTtd0acv (i. e., fasting all days successively. Respecting these VnrepOEaelt,
superpositiones see Bingh am, vol. ix. p. 229. Ronth Reliqu. Sacr. ii. p. 419), ctrtrot
htaeaOcvref  i ol 6dd, o  6/ d Tp8o, o i dde TCetfapq, oi d  apa,  d d  dueav. —El od 7tvEg Ocx
i'rmfg odVX VrEpTt0OdevotC, ad22a #tsE' v67tiJiaavEf f) waol rpviUavrPe-C T'ir irpoayocvaac
rTieapaS, edra E'ZO6vre~ uEri rig rE2LEvrcaag dOe.Uao  ydpvag s/tpag, aTrias  rerprtlOvresf,,Ti/v TE nrapacaeviv tcKa r0  adcdarov,  ya rt ia.t iae 2aetrpOv 7rotev voe uiovacrtv, aev iXpt'1df go dtea/Eji~v6ov, T70orToV  Oc octatt ri/v Zic hOi/w 7-rey rotmaOat Torold r-hg r.;teiovag
iWedpag Trpoei/cirIKo-t. Const. Apost. v. 18:'Ev rael  /Epatf odv Tro  HdIIxa Vt7i6emere
a-ipX6/ztvot irob dEvr7paf /tljpt Trr  t apaatcviCv icat gap,36rov d: Vydpas, it. r. 2.
3 Tertull. de Jejan. c. 13, comp. ~ 53, note 33. The bishops sometimes showed themselves ambitious even here.  Origenes in Matth. Commentariorum series, ~.10: Qui
doecent etiam  abstinere a cibis, et alia hujtLsmodi, ad quae non omnino oportet cogere
hominles fideles, alligant per verbum  expositionis suate onera gravia, citra voluntatem
Christi dicentis: Jugurm  meum suave est, et onus meuln leve est: et imponunt ea, quantum ad verbum suum, super humeros homninum, curvantes eos et cadere facientes sub
pondere gravium mandatorum eos, qui bajulare ea non sufferunt. Et frequenter videre
est, eos qui talia docent, contraria agere sermonibus suis, etc.
Even it would seem, of forty days, in imitation -of Jesus. Petri Alex. can. 1.




260                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
was  progressively  and  increasingly  valued;   and  there  were
very many ascetics of both sexes, although they were bound by
no  irrevocable  vow.6   The  Alexandrian  distinction  of a higher
and lower virtue had a special influence in recommending this
asceticism.7    It is true  that the  renouncing  of sensual enjoyments  (yeKpareia),  according  to  Clement  of Alexandria,  was
only the means for attaining  to that higher virtue, i. e., to  that
passionless  state  (7radOeta) whereby  man  is  made  like  to  God
and united to Him;8 so that whoever has reached this point
has no more need of that renunciation  of sensual gratification;8
but afterward, the opinion that the higher virtue must manifest itself especially  in  external asceticisma0  obtained  currency,
after the  example  of Origen, in  the  Christian  school at Alexandria, as well as among  the  new  Platonists.1l    To- the  high
5 Cf. Cyprianus de Ilabitu virginum; Methodii convivium decem virginun (in Combefisii
Auctarium novissimum.  biblioth. Graecorum Patrum. P. i. p. 64,. ss.), and the two supposititious letters to virgins that pass under the name of Clement of Rome, which probably
appeared about this time, and were first communicated to the piublic in the Syriac
language by Wetstein N. T. tom. ii.  (Moehler, Patrologie, i. 67, declares them genuine'.)
6 Cypriani Epist. 62: Quod si (virgines) ex fide se Christo dicaveruant, pudicae et
castae sine ulla fabula perseverent, et ita fortes et stabiles praemiumr virginitatis exspectant. Si autem perseverare nolunt, vel non possunt melius est ut nubant, quam in ignem
delictis suis cadant. Certe nullum fratribus aut sororibus scandalumr faciant, etc.  Concil.
Illiberit. can. 13, is directed against the lustful excesses of the virgins, quae se Deo
dicaverint, and consequently does not belong to our present purpose.  On the other hand,
Cone. Ancyran. can. 19   "Ocoet rapOeviav wr7rayyeR6,auecvo,'Eeroo't rjv ta.rreyyea av, rdv
irxdv dlyaO'v o'pov lLrylpQpoer7oa v.  Bigamists according to Basilii. Ep. can. iv. were
subjected to the penance of a year.                      7 See above, ~ 63, note 25.
8 See ~ 63, note 27. Daehne de yvScret Clementis, p. 107.
9 Clem. Alex. Strom. iv. p. 626 of the yvoarc6cof: Ovec EyicparTS   OV7eO prl, XR  EZ' Lvet
ydyovev ti-raOEcaf.  vii. p. 874: AtO Kaca e'0iet Keae  rive, icea yaea (b yvoarTlCef), oV 7po21yov/zdvof d2ML   bvaycKaio(.   ro yaapev d&, -Ev o6 X6yoc, dp,    cay l   S e tKaOeld e l. Irevr6pevoC
yap rEdZeXo    (maritus) eiKc6vaf dXEt 70oV'Aorocrr62ovf, taC rT  OVTC a5iVlp OVK1 E7V r.& YovYpd,reavEadOatC dreicvvrat f1iov, d2LX' EteaZvor vdpaS vicd, 6 y~p~ kae waedoororta, ela  r7 to
olcov orpovoa, aivpd6vwgf re 7Ka cavrvroC elyyvjveaoeLevof, per  r of,  oTov /Oc'eK 0 OV 1'07 via6 0
cadtdirarof r  roif T EO   yv6/zevog ay6or7wv, at,7T'?o7f KaTre6ava rdiETvof riepaf, rTOf dt&
rEKvov eiae yvvatKbf, OlKertv rE Ktel ethtfTrV, orpoc0epotrvnEf. T,65 de aoiy r2' oro2Aa
elvaL avjupql tcKEv  z'eilpdaro.  Cf. lib. iii. p. 546, etc. Deo Wette Geschicht. d. christi.
Sittenlehre, i. 224.                 10 Tzschirner's Fall des Heidenthumus, i. 435, ff.
11 Origenes in Ep. ad. Rom. lib. iii. (ed. de la Rue, iv. p. 507: Donec quis hoc facit
tantum  quod debet, i. e., ea quae praecepta sunt, inutilis servus est (according to Luc,
xvii. 10). Si autem addas aliquid praeceptis, tune non jam inutilis servus eris, sed dicetur
ad te: Euge serve bone et fidelis (Matth. xxv. 21). Quid autem  sit quod addatur
praeceptis, et supra debitum fiat, Paulus Apostolus dicit: De virginibus autem praeceptum
Domini non habeo: eonsilium  autem  do, tamquam misericordiam consecutus a Domino
(1 Cor. vii. 25). Hoc opus super praeceptum est. Q(ui ergo completis praeceptis addiderit
etiam hoc, ut virginitatem custodiat, non jam  inutilis servus, sed servus bonus et fidelis
vocabitur. Et iterum praeceptum  est, ut hi qui Evangeliumn  annunciant, de Evangelio
vivant. Paulus tamen dicit, quia nullo horum usus sum; et ideo non inutilis erat servus,




CHRAP. IV.-ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE..  i 73. ASCETICISM.                    26]
estimation  of celibacy, increased  by  the  cause  just mentioned,
which sometimes bordered almost upon contempt of the married
state,12 was attached  very  naturally  the notion  of its being especially  becoming  in  priests  to  renounce  the  marriage  intercourse."3    And  though  no  general ecclesiastical law   was  yet
enacted  on  the  subject,'4  yet as  the priests had  already  been
forbidden, to marry a second time (~ 53, note 28), a regulation
was now made in addition, that they should only keep the woman whom   they  had  married  before ordination;  while in  office
itself, they should not marry;5  and that the person whom  they
sed fidelis et pr1dens. Euseb. Demonstrat. evang. i. c. 8: O0 teaO7rae (rov Xpzrrod)Oca zE.v Crse rlzPv fctv dgafleftc6at 7rpSo roy reaaiov  dldae-cidaov,rapiyye 0ro, rabra rol7
o'loil re XopElv rrapErldovv *'   a.6  roe 6rt raig f2  bvXdC /urraatsc, ca Oepareicafs deo/yvos~
~eapI6zcv 6vre7LeZlavov, roarara  vytcarL6vre7 %s r? v   2rXes6vcov  raOev-eia —fvlcrrev
T rapeSidooav' [ware i6y KcaG ri- Xps0rod El'cueaia 6do iocv vevofoOereOeaa   7p6rrovf p rOV;Pv wrepoviv, cai rijg Koctvg Icait avOpdo'rwTCS oro2LTeLr aS'irrlcetva, ov y7dovS, ov rraedo'rolae,
ovi' IcTpcrlV, ovd  rreptovafiag'vrapstv r7rapa(EX61cEvo vo, O2 ov  RT d6' 0tLoy r Ic KcoLVc ticat.avVOov  aTsrdvrnov avOprJswv &ayowyif 7rapn2L.Aayu#vov, icat  p6vy   7  rto  QOeov OEparecia
rpoovoIcestoFvov icaO' vrep[oajv Eporoc opeavcov.  O ik r6vde /E7t6vreCf Tbv,p6ozov,
rav Ov7rrdv Jev  rEsOvceva, doicodvreg, cal avroi-  u6vov T6 aSLZa ~Qpovref ert Yyfj, ~pov'Casrt
E rt#v VmXyv e'iS orpavdv ETE-rCsvEyCEZVOL, old rvef Oeo', rOVY rV daV0pdrrov lEopdat 3lov,
I6n'p tod T'avrPT  yevovgf iEprwCvos r& ir~ rXcvT'rwv Oe., ov piovOvacas   Kata aiuaacv,d67yuaauet  d&pfofS (6o l ao     evepeiaega, 4WXvz  Tre d&adegce Kcraeap/pfJ.v, xatL w'poelrl TOCS
~aar' CpeTrv  IpyosT re'ca eyotS.  ofSf rT  Oseov Ef5:eov/e1vot, Tr2 I'rp boiv avrTv rcaa',riv aCoolv dFoyevsv (rioreroai6ov lepovpyiav. To6sade yei o0v )tcaOKerTicev 6 ivrerj?
T7?rf carT  Triv  XptartlaVcOV tipro~rTeiag rp7.rof.'O 6' dvroi3e/flic6S dvOpWrtrvdCrepoS, olo~;ica y6Cosf avylcarsdvaL auDpoal  ca,ratdo7rotlaef, tc. r.. 2l.-Kai  Tf TroVrotf 6Trepog
Evaefvejag awreve/gOj7 fi3a6/6f, Ic. r. J.
12 Origenis in Numn. Hom. vi. (ed. de la Rue, t. ii. p. 288): Ego, licetr non usquequaque
pronunciem, puto tamen quod sint nonnulla etiam  communium  hominum gesta, quae
quarmvis peccato careant, non talmen digna videantur, quibis interesse putemus Spiritum
sanctum. Ut verbi gratia dixerim, conlubia quidem legitima carent quidemn peccato, nec
~tamen tempore illo, qulo conjugales actes gerntur, praesentia sancti Spiritus dabitur,
etiamsi propheta esse videatur, qli officio generationis obsequitur: naimely, Comm. in
Matth. t. xvii. (t. iii. p. 827), Ev [ovZC0/m& lrlof (Ovrpv TVal caOapicsa Trtv rev XpoUEyvwv
lopodlotfsg.
13 Euseb. Demonstr. evang. i. c. 9: Xp7va  y7ip, 0lut'v od  6yog, riv  E7riitcorov
yeyovevat,tia~ 7yvvatlcbf avdpa. 7r2Lyv &2/h ro[~ 2ep&)2/Tvotf, /cat r ept rryv rou OeoO
OepaTreiav  oaXo2tov1svotg 6vc;etcv aotsrwov a&fg avroavf Wrpo  1IceH r7T  yaetlcjig d/tZiae.
14 It was only the rigid council at Illiberis that ordained, Can. 33: Placuit in totulr
prohibere episcopis, presbyteris et diaconibus vel omnibus clericis positis in ministerio,
abstinere se a conjugibus suis, et non generare filios: quicunque vero fecerit, ab honore
clericatus exterminetur. The meaning is ambiguous, but the true sense is probably this,
that conjugal intercourse is forbidden bishops, presbyters, and deacons wholly (in totum),
and to the inferior clergy as long as they are engaged in the active service of the church.
These latter might live together with their wives, can. 65: Si cujus clerici uxor faerit
moechata, et —maritus-non eamn statim projecerit, nec in finem accipiat communionem.
Examples of malTried bishops and presbyters, belonging to this period, may be found in
Calixtus de Conjugio clericorlmn, ed. Henlke, p. 201.
15 Const. Ap. vi. 17, Canon Ancyr. x.: AsdaKovot, dOoct caOtr-aveca, -ap' adV,-cv rT).esaTdTaralv ei ~lappeoavro eKai E~acav Xppvae  y0a/Lsj, ay dvvdevos oireef /1ivIEVe




262                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
had married must have been a virgin.16  Among ascetics, the
dangerous practice arose of taking to themselves virgins for the
purpose of living with them  in pure spiritual communion, vanquishing  all temptations.    They  called  them   diE&Jpat, sorores,'7
Others gave  them  the appellations avveva tcaa ot,'8 subintroductaey
aya7ryrai,  extraneae.   Against  this  practice,  which  prevailed
principally among the unmarried clergy, Cyprian first declared
himself, and after him  several synods."l
Hitherto  the  ascetics had lived scattered  among  other Christians without external distinction;  but the  Decian  persecution
was the cause of some Egyptian ChristiansP~ fleeing into the
desert, and there in solitariness giving themselves up to an asceticism   in  the  highest degree  extravagant (p11ij[ral, tLovaxoL).
This new asceticism began to make greater noise, when, during Maximin's persecution  (311), the  hermit AntAony2l appeared in  a wild procession  at Alexandria.   But a  season  of perseOV7oet  M E   ravra  ya/U sraaVrEf,          VMW5 e E p, fdroaV  iV rO 6idpera, &d  ro t rsr7panr-ai  adroi  V7r iO
70ri eirtcc67rov. TOiro    E e rtVE  ct&)7r17Craavref, sca  iicarnade4d/sevot Ev,t XtEpOTOYvia
ueveWv ov'rof, /IETr  ra' ra j102oov  17  ya/yov, vresravcOrOa  av7ro0vf r5  d&asoviag.  Can.
Neocaesar. 1: Ilpe,83irepof E-iv y7/u, rW s raewSfC avrToP /ErariOeaOae.
16 According to Const. Ap. vi. 17, not gralpav, )  olcirEv, )i Xjpav,` C 2/LgeBLLyvnv,. as
well as Levit. xxi. 7, 14. Ezek. xliv. 22.
17 So previously among the Gnostics. Irenaeus, i. 1, ~ 12, says of some Valentinians:'2 /,LLE  d2' BdeXJLov crpOyrotovevot cvvocKEtv, TrpOO6vrof o70  Xp6vov t?2yXyOoav, iyexi6ovor
7rf  e6eXOg   VTir zrov dde2oo1 yevyOeioayg.  Perhaps also in the case of Marcion. See
Hall. A. L. Z. April, 1823, S. 850. Epiphanius, Haer. 47, c. 3,. accuses tlhe Encratites of
the same thing.  The first trace of it among the Catholics is in Hermae Pastor, lib. iii. sim
ix. ~ 11, where the virgins say of Hermas: Nobiscum- dormies ut frater, non ut maritus:
frater enim noster es, et de caetero tecum habitare paratae sumus: valde enim carom te
habemus, &c. Tertullian also, de Jejuniis, c. 17, appears to blame the catholics for the same
reason: Apud te agape in cacabis fervet, fides in enlinis calet, spes in ferculis jacet. Sed
major his est agape, quia per hane adolescentes tui cum sororibus dormiunt (an allusion to
I Cor. xiii. 13). From the time of Cyprian the thing occurs more frequently.  See below,
note 19. Those ascetics appealed to the example of Jesus, John, and the apostles (Lib.
de Singularit. cleric. c. 20. Epiphan. Haer. 78; c 11), and named the young women, after
1 Cor. ix. 5, Sorores (Conc. Ancyr. c. 19, Cod. Theodos. xvi. 2, 44). Comp. Observationum
selectarum, tom. vi. (Halae. 1702) p. 230, ss. Dodwell Diss. Cyprian. iii. L. A. Muratori
Anecdota graeca, p. 218, ss. Heinichen ad Euseb. H. E. excurs. xiii. t. iii. p. 418, ss.
18 Euseb. vii. 30, 6: T    aCtlvetsadcrovg yvvalicas, dg'Avrtoxes7C O'vod'owv l. Perhaps
the 7reptlacroi, 1 Cor. ix. 5, gave rise to that appellation proceeding firolm Antiochian wit.
Perhaps, too, it originated from John xix. 27; eZa,3ev aVr1v eli r&i Td Sda i. e., cvvetcrlyayev.
19 Cyprian. Epist. 5, 6, especially 62. Can. Illib. 27, Ancyr. 19, Nicaen. 3. The two
Syriac letters falsely attributed to Clement also censure this abuse (note 5). The later
work, de Singularitate clericorum, in Opp. Cypriani, is directed entirely against the
practice.
20 Conmp. Dionys. Alex. ap. Euseb. H. E. vi. 42.
21 He lived on a rock in the mountain desert at the Red Sea, a day's journey from it_
See vita S. Hilarionis by Jerome, Et. Quatremere Memoires g6ographiques et historiqtues,
sur l'Egypte.  (Paris, 2 tomes, 1811) i. 152.




CHAP. IV.-ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. Q 74. MORALITY.                       263
eution, which  so  readily  engenders  fanaticism,  in  addition  to
enthusiasm, was peculiarly adapted to procure approbation even
for such  oddities.   Hence, Antony  found imitators;  and, since
the following time favored such undertakings, in another point
of view, he was  in  the  sequel regarded  as the  father of Monachism.22
~ 74.
MORAL CHARACTER OF CHRISTIANITY IN THIS PERIOD.
Though Christian freedom at this time had been fettered only
by  a  few   ecclesiastical laws, and  the  teachers, for the  most
part, were still able rightly to distinguish the essence of Christian virtue from  its forms, yet it can  not but be perceived, that
germs were already developed in the church, from which its
moral corruption afterward arose. The notion of the church's
external unity, with  its consequences, led men  to  set too  high
a value on orthodoxy of the letter,l and on external connection
with the church.  Heretics were universally hated as men
wholly corrupt and lost.2    On the contrary, even  an Origen was
of opinion that, in the communion and at the intercession of
the  church, even gross sinners might be accepted of God.3   To
22 Sozomenus H. E. i. 12, 13. Vita Antonii by Athanasius (either spurious or greatly
interpolated, see Oudini Comm. de scriptor. eccles. ant. vol. i. p. 358).
Origenes in Matth. Commentar. series. 33: Et malurn quidem est, invenire aliquem
secundum mores vitae eirantem, multo autem pejus arbitror esse in dogmatibus aberrare
et non secundum verissimam regnlam scripturarum sentire.  Quoniaim sicut in peccatis
mortalibus, puniendi sumllus amplius propter dogmata falsa peccantes.
2 Orig. Selecta in Job. ed. de la Rue, p. 501: Ka bo alperCLICOf rayv EvSe7ral —urav do/?a
/Karca-rpiO0at, r6rTE EIf reOg aTroeLrat 27 yap ev',7 a'roV 2oyi8eraL atr& Eif tyLaprTav.
Cyprian. de Unit. eceles.: Tales etiamsi occisi in confessione nominis fuerint, macula ista
nec sanguine abluitur. Esse martyr non potest, qui in ecclesia non est. Comp. the vota
at the council of Carthage in the year 256 (in Cypriani Opp. ed Baluz. p. 334, ss.): Lucius
a Thebeste: Haereticos blasphemos atque iniquos-execrandos censeo. Vincentius a
Thibari: Haereticos scimus esse pejores quam etfhnicos. Lucianus a Rucumla: Si potest
luci et tenebris convenire, potest nobis et haereticis aliquid esse commune. Heretics are
called, Const. Apost. vi. 13: revd6xpt7rot tcal'bevdoyrpo7/at, cat Vb Evdea&6rroaoot, r'dvot
/at ~0opeci, duricov  Epi6ef,cat xauaatiov /raTEaOcv6v ipavtarai.  C. 18: O  dtaOe~iporVTer   TO rOt/vLOV, tKai uo[vovreV 7rg Tv tIc2ypovolyav, ol doC6ao~bot lcat rTay/r6vypoz.
Hence it was thought that heretics must have only the worst motives, and be guilty of the
worst deeds. This was the source of so many distorted descriptions and fabrications
respecting tlelm.
3 Origenes in libr. Jesu Nave, Hom. x. 1, on the narrative of the Gibeonites, Jos. 9:




264                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 193-324.
this was added the error of estimating many virtues as well as errors too much according to external circumstances, since the temptation  was easy to  confound  the ecclesiastical estimate  of them,4
which could only proceed upon the external form of the transactions, withi the  moral standard.   The  distinction  between  a
higher and lower virtue did not, indeed, develop for a long time
all the  germs of corruption  which  it bore  within  itself;  yet it
must even already have perplexed the ideas of morality, since
men began to place the higher virtue chiefly in certain external
asceticism.5 As too great value was attributed to this external
asceticism, so also the steadfast endurance of persecution  for the
sake  of Christianity  was  overvalued.6    Although  it is certain
that many had worked themselves up to undergo martyrdom,
from  motives not wholly pure,7 and although  the confessors also
were not always morally good men,5 yet it was a general opinion
that by the external fact of suffering, they not only blotted out
Isti ergo veniunt ad Jesum  cur omnibus vetustatibus suis, et orant ab eo hoc tantum ut
salventur. In quorum figura tale mihi aliquid videtur ostendi. Sunt quidam in Ecclesia
credentes quidem et habentes fidem in Deum, et acquiescentes in omnibus divinis praeceptis: quique etiam  erga servos Dei religiosi sunt, et servire iis cupiunt, sed et ad
ornatum Ecclesiae, vel ministerium satis promti paratiqule sunt, in actibus vero suis et
conversatione propria obscoenitatibus et vitiis involuti, nec omnino deponentes veterem
hominem cum actibus suis-praeter hoc, quod in Deum credunt, et erga servos Dei, vel
Ecclesiao cultum videntur esse devoti, nihil adhibent emendationis vel innovationis in
moribus. Istis ergo Jesus Dominus noster salutem quideal concedit, sed quodammodo
salus ipsa eorum notam non evadit infamiae.  Cf. c. 3. In Matthaeum  commentariorum
series, c. 120 (ad Matth. xxvii. 15): Illud quaeramus, si tale aliquid fiat et in judicio Dei,
ut omnis Ecclesiae petere possit aliquem peccatorem, Lit solvatur a condemnatione peccati,
maxime auteml si quando habeat perditionis caetera opera, ad benefaciendum  autem
Ecclesiae impiger sit. Tales enim invenies saepe in potentibus constitutos, alias quidem
peccatores, tamen pro Christianis, quantum  possibile iis est, multa agentes. Hoc si
videtur alicui dignum requisitione, requiret.  Qluod autem manifestum est, omnes curare
tentemus, ut ex petentibus inveniamur esse, et in ordine eorum, quli bene vixerunt, magis
quam ex illis, pro quibus petitur, quasi pro hominibus malis. Nam etsi concedatur aliquis
peccatorum ad preces Ecclesiae, non tamen justum est gloriam et beatitudinem consequi
eum, qui hujusmodi est: sufficit enim quod a poena dimittitur.
4 Comp. especially the Canones Illiberitani, de Wette's Geschichte der christl. Sittenlehre. Erste Halfte, S. 176, if.
5 See ( 73, note 11.
6 De Wette, 1. c. S. 184, if.
7Clem. Strom. vii. p. 871: 01 yev y7dp OtZocdo~sa (1cEvovatv 5,uojoyia), ot dE' EVit;aera
oMacraCEf &a2gc dptgvr7kPa, oa 6 det( rIlag Ijrovaf Icat EVopocaVPa~ riig /tira Ovarov
r7ro/YvocTreg, iar6ei   Ev 7ri[Corc.  Comp. above, ~ 72, note 26.
s Cyprian de Unit. eccl.: Caeterum  fnmqanam in confessoribus fraudes ct stupra et
adulteria postmodum viderimus, quae nnec in quibusdam videntes ingemiscimus et dolemus.
Epist. 7, ad Rogatianum presb. et caeteros confessores: Cull quanto enim nominis vestri
pudore delinquitur, quando aliquis temulentus et lasciviens demoratur, alius in eam
patriam; unde extorris factus est, regreditur, ut apprehensus non jam quasi Christianus
sed quasi nocens pereat. Cf. Epist. 6, ad Clerun suum.




CHAP. IV.-ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. ~ 74. MORALITY.                     265
their own sins before  God, but were likewise able to  atone for
the sins of others.9    Hence, the fanatical self-devotion  to  martyrdom (profiteri) always found admirers,~0 although it was disapproved  by  most."1    On  the  other, hand, in  times  of peace,
many  attached  themselves  to  the  church,l2  allured  in part by
external advantages, who were internally at a distance from  it,'3
both regarding their relation to it as a thing simply external,
and showing themselves lukewarm  and indifferent.14
While we can not overlook these moral defects, we still find
9 See above, ~ 70, note 15, fF.
1o Comp. above, ~ 53, note 48. Euseb. de Martyr. Palaest. c. 3. eccl. vii. c. 12.
11 Comp. ~ 53, note 49. Cyprian. Ep. 83. Petri Alex. Epist. canon. c. 9. Mensurius,
bishop of Carthage, see ~ 72, note 26. Can. Illiberitan. c. 60: Si quis idola fregerit, et ibidem fuerit occisus, quatenus in evangelio scriptum non est, neque invenitur ab Apostolis
unquamn factum placuit in numero eum non recipi martyrum.
12 Origines c. Cels. i. p. 53: Tb ovoua roV'IuoD —broteZ Oo avzyaiav rLva rrpar7Tra,
Kat Ktararo2X-v rov ~0oov, cKa ~iXeavOpwnrtoav, Kao Xpar6rTra,  cat nllEp6rTra    Ev rotf
ljU dui r  t3mortcaI   y rtvaf Xpeia9 &vOpporotl/Ca  virolcptvajZ votf,  da2t  7rapade~atuvoof
yvcatouS rbv wrepi eoCO tcao  Xptlrod aca rijf Eoyuvtgf Kptcerf 2X6yov.
1s On the time before the Decian persecution Cyprianns de Lapsis writes: Dominus
probari falmiliaml suamn voluit, et quia traditam nobis divinitus disciplinam pax longa corruperat, jacentem fidem et paene dixerim dormientem censura coelestis erexit.-Studebant augendo patrimonio singuli, et-insatiabili cupiditatis ardore ampliandis facultatibus
incubabant. Non in sacerdotibus religio devota, non in ministris fides integra, non in
operibus misericordia, non in moribus disciplina.-Jungere cum infidelibus vinculum matrimnonii, prostituere gentilibus membra Christi: non jurare tantum temere, sed adhuc etiam
pejerare, caet. Origenes in Jerem. Horn. iv. 3: Kai aui'6S6  eC'av apivojrEv   r& 7rpdyyaoT a
&d2Oeia, tcal pft 6,2Otg,-o-&)6ouO8a vv, S oalc E~/v rlorro.' *a  T rrTE  )aav ertoGroi,
Cre r2a yapripla  r, yEve.  Eyivovro, C. r...-T6re 7jcav irtaroi obyoL y/Ev, rtcrXo 6
2X10Cgf.-Niv 61, 6re yeyovaoev Troa02o, —ac roo 7r28Oovf Trv E7rayyel2Xoy/dvmv 0eo0GfErav yoo6dpa ElaZv O52iyot, o0 acaravTrvref 1ert TVy 7 ZiO),'v zroo NEOv Ca  ri V jCoa -
pt6or7'a. On the peaceful times before the Diocletian persecution, Eusebii H. E. viii. 1:
"AtLag Edir' dt2UatG r'poaertO0kev Kalcaas.
14 Origenes in Gen. Horn. x. 1: Ubi vel quando vestruin tempus inveniam  (ad distribuendan in tempore tritici mensuram Luc. xii. 42)? Plurimum ex hoc, imo paene totum
tenmpus mundanis occupationibus teritis in foro, aliud in negotiatione consumitis: alius agro,
alius litibus vacat, et ad audiendum Dei verbum nemo, ant pauci admodum vacant. Sed
quid vos de occupationibus culpo? Quid de absentibus conqueror?  Praesentes etiam et
in Ecclesia positi non estis intenti, sed communes ex usu fabulas teritis, verbo Dei ve]l
lectionibus divinis terga convertitis.-Sine intermissione orandumn Apostolus praecipit.
Vos, qui ad orationes non convenitis, quomodo impletis sine intermissione, quod semper
omittitis?-quid faciunt hi, qui diebus tantum solelllnibus ad Ecclesiam conveniunt?  In
Num. Hom. xii. 2: Aliqui vestrum ut recitari audierint, quae leguntur, statimn discedunt.Alii ne hoc ipsurn quidem patienter expectant, usque quo lectiones in Ecclesia recitentur.
Alii vero nec si recitantur, sciunt, sed in remotioribus dominicae domus locis saecularibus
fabulis occupantur. Homn. xiii. 3: *Quanti modo hic praesentes sumus, et sermio Dei tractatur? Sunt, qui concipiunt corde, quae lecta sunt, sunt, qui omnino non concipiunt, quae
dicuntur, sed est mens eorum et cor aut in negotiis, aut in actibus saeculi, aut supputationibus lueri: et praecipue mulieres quomodo, putas, corde concipiunt, quae tantum garriunt, quae tantumn fabulis obstrepunt, ut non sinant esse silentium? Jam quid de mente
earum, quid de corde discutiam, si de infantibus suis, aut de lana cogitent, anut de necessariis dom.us?




266                 FIRST PERIOD.-DIVI. III.-A.D. 193-324.
in  the  church  a  living  Christianity  prevailing, and  in  consequence  thereof, fine moral phenomena which  are sought for in
vain  out of its pale at this period.15    In particular, that philanthropy  which Christianity awakened in its professors,l6 deserves
so much  the more honorable  mention,17  as it was not confined
15 Origines c. Celsum, i. p. 21: El 6' 6 Evyv o/L6vycof Talra Kaoravoiv UvyacraOe,7EraT
rp, n#/5v     Kper-rov Ev acvOp67rotg yeyovivat ciOeeI' r6ac  w2iov r' Troao7rov 7rEpi roil'Il7aoD OaCO50v  aLTrooaveTrat, avvE1erTCi)'v ~ron2.dv r'poaepXoqtOVOV  a-roov Tr)  o6y
tipxacorepovg f3iovgc Lerayevearipotg, Kcai Kearavoiiv, iv OiaaLc tEv cdcoaciatg, okarg
6  adacleafc  Kal i'Xeove[atgf caa7ro  r~Tdv'de n7rv,  pvI, L   1j7at Kk2Laog,- Trar70C&att'i}S ov6 d&  rapEtZiOaaUt 7rv  o6yov, riva rp6rrov yeyovatcv trleTEcn6repot KlCa EvareaOarepot; P. 50: O  Kcar-),'opoL Tro  Xplcrtavtawovd oXV 6p&tvv,  eov r r'dOi, cal 06eav
Xratf tatlf Tia caTraacreaerat, IcaL eov a7ypta  Onrl 7IjtpoTrac zrpoq0etl roo  206yov.
Arnobius adv. Gentes, ii. 4: Nonne vel haec salterl fidem vobis facriunt argumenta credendi, quod jam  per omnes terras in tam brevi temporis spatio immensi nominis hujus
sacramenta diffusa sunt? quod nulla jam natio est tam barbari moris, et mansuetudinem
nesciens, quae non ejus amore versa mlolliverit asperitatem suam, et in placidos sensus
assumpta tranquillitate migraverit?
16 Thus the Roman church, in the middle of the third century, had (Cornelius Ep.
Rom. ap. Euseb. vi. 43, 5,) Xzpa~ a-cvv 0ifo#ukvolte  rp  rg2 X72fiag revraecoaiae, olg
raVre g  7 tro  dETer6rov Xiptc KeaL OtRavOpwnia dGlarp~oEt, and sent help besides even
to the churches in Syria, Arabia (see Dionys. Alex. b. Euseb. vii. 5, 1), and Cappadocia
(Basil. M. Ep. 70). Comp. above, l 53, note 9. Cyprian in exile, Ep. 36, ad Clerum:
Viduarum infirmorum et omnianm pauperum curam peto diligenter habeatis. Sed et peregrinis, si qui indigentes fuerinllt, sunlptus suggeratis de quantitate mea propria, quam
apud Rogatianum  compresbyterumn nostrum dimisi.  Quae quantitas ne forte jam universa erogata sit, misi eidem-aliam  portionem, ut largius et promptius circa laborantes
fiat operatio. Epist. 60. He sends to the Numidian bishops to ransom the captive brethren from the barbarians, sestertia centum  millia numnlorumn, which he had collected in
his church. Et optamus quidem nihil tale de caetero fieri:-si tamenl-tale aliquid acciderit, nolite cunctari nuntiare haec nobis literis vestris, pro certo habentes, ecclesiam
nostram et fraternitatem  istic universanm ne haec ultra filant precibus orare, si facta fuerint, libenter et largiter subsidia praestare. Epist. 61, ad Enchratium, bishop of Thenis,
in reference to a converted actor who had been obliged to give up his employment:
Quod si illic ecclesia non sufficit ut laborantibus praestet alimenta, poterit se ad nos transferre, et hic quod sibi ad victumn atque ad vestitum necessariul faerit accipere.
V Comp. Vita S. Cypriani per Pontiulm  Diac. c. 9, on the conduct of Cyprian and his
church on occasion of a desolating plag0ue: Aggregatanm  primo in loco uuo plebem de
misericordiae bonis instituit, docens divinae lectionis exemplis, quantum ad promerenduln
Deum prosint obficia pietatis. Tunc deinde subjungit, nlon esse mirabile, si nostros tanturn
debito caritatis obsequio foveremus: eum perfectum posse fieri, qui plus aliquid publicano
vel ethnico fecerit: qui malum bono vincens, et divinae clerlentiae instar exercens, inimicos quoque dilexerit: qui pro persequentiumn se salute, sicuti, Dominus monlet et horatur,
orarit. Oriri Deus facit jugiter solem suum, et pluvias subinde nutrieldis semilnibus impertit, exhibens cuncta ista non suis tantum, sed etiam alienis: et qui se Dei etiam filium
esse profitetur, cur non exemplum patris imitatur? iespondere, inquit, nos decet natalibus nostnais, et quos renatos per Deum constat, degeneres esse non congruit; sed probare
potius in sobole traducem boni patris aemulatione bonitatis. Cap. 10: Multa alia, et quidem magna praetereo.-Quod si illa gentiles pro rostris audire potuissent, forsitan statira
crederent.  Quid christiana plebs faceret, cui de fide nbomen est?  Distributa sunt ergo
continuO pro qualitate hominum atque ordinum ministeria. Multi qui angustia paupertatis beneficia sumtus exhibere non poterant, plus sunm-tibus exhibebant, compensantes proprio labore mercedem divitiis omnibus cariorem. —Fiebat itaque exuberantiun operom




CHAP.' IV.-ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. ~ 74'. MORALITY.                         267
merely  to  the Christian  brethren, but manifested  itself in  noble
traits toward the heathen.
largitate, quod bonum est ad omnes, non ad solos domesticos fidei, etc. Dionysius Alex.
ap. Euseb. vii. c. 22, gives a similar account of the conduct of t3he Alexandrian Christians
at the time of a pestilence. Among other thhigs, oi yovv reCaroItOL rdv 6dde02v'Iuv dL'
vwrepjcad;ovcav aiy'Tri7v Kaci  ~teade2Xiav dc0etdoivref tavTCSv Kat d'LXyaov ei'x6evot,
ertaizo7oOvref a&v2ZKTrof rovi  vocoiovrar, 2tlrapdG  d7rlpero' evoL, OepaprewovrEf h
Xplotr, cvva7rrl2drrovro0 bIcEVOtf a/t tev6arara rov 7     rap' Ernpwv  dvalrtui7rd/uevot
ircdOovg, /cat r7v v6Oov "o' EtavroWc 12,ovrer aird ro v  ir2Lrqiaov, cKai Kic6vrEf  cvanuaarc6yzovot riif   y ayld6var —T   d6' ye M0vy wrdv rodvavriov   Kaci voraev a4pXotZ-vovg aoroOo70ro, caci airEdEvyov ro 70   lt2r6rovg, KCv rTal 6Ocoolg p15iTTrrov v,ulOv7raf' KaiZ veIcpoVg
(tr6q.ovf Creavrwcvai;ovro, rv TroV Oavdirov dlcdoatv Kaci Kozvwviav EKrpeer6/8evo,.




268               SECOND PERIOD. —DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
SECOND PERIOD.
FROM CONSTANTINE TO THE BEGINNING OF THE CONTROVERSIES
CONCERNING IMAGE WORSHIP. A.D. 324-726.
For the general history of the lmiddle ages: Ed. Gibbon History of the Decline and Fall
of the Roman Empire. London. 1776-88. 4to. Translated into German with reimarks,
by F. A. W. Wenk, K. G. Schreiber, and Ch. D. Beck..Leipz. 1788-1807. 19 Theile
Svo. —F. Ch. Schlosser's Weltgeschichte inl zusammenhhngender Erzahlung. Franlllf.
a. M. 1815, ff. 8. from the second volume onward. Fr. Rehm's Handbuch. d. Geschichte
des Mittelalters, 4 Bde. Marburg. 1821-39. 8. H. Leo's Lehrbuch der. Gesch. des
Mittelalters, 2 Theile. Halle. 1830. 8.
FIRST   DIVISION.
TO THE COUNCIL OF CHALCEDON. A.D. 324-451.
SOURCES.
1. Greek ecclesiastical historians: The  continuators of Eusebius:  Socrates Scholasticus, of Constantinople, Hist. Eccl.
libb. vii. from 306-439. Hermias Sozomenus, lawyer in
Constantinople, Hist. Eccl. libb. ix. 323-423. (Both edited
by  H. Valesius.   Paris.  1668.   Mogunt.  1677.   Amst.
1700. fol.)   Theodoretus, bishop of Cyprus, Hist. Ecel. libb.
v. 322-429 (in Theodoreti Opp. ed. Jac. Sirmondus.   Paris.
1642, ss. fol. tom. 3, p. 2-in  edit. Schulzii cura  J. A.
Noesselt, t. 3, p. 719, ss.   Halae. 1771. 8).1   The Arian
Philostorgius, Hist. Eccl. libb. xii. 318-425 (preserved only
in  the extracts of Photius  Cod. 40. ed. Jac. Gothofredus.
Genev. 1643. 4.)
Fartller  continuators:  Theodorus  Lector  in  Constantinople
made extracts from   Socrates, Sozomen, and  Theodoret, in
two books, and continued the history in two books more till
A.D. 518.   (Fragments of the  continuation  have been preF. A. Holzhansen comm. de fontibus, quibus Socrates, Sozomenus, ac Theodoretus in
ocribenda historia sacra nsi sunt, adjuncta eorusn epicrisi. Gotting. 1825. 4.




SOURCES.                             269
served  chiefly  in  Nicephorus Callistus, who, about 1330,
compiled a church history in twenty-three books down to 911,
of which history the first eighteen books, reaching to 610,
are extant.  Ed. Fronto Iucaeus.  Paris. 1630. 2 roll. folo
Old and new fragments in J. A. Cramer aneecdota Graeca, e
Codd. Paris.  Oxon. 1839. ii. 101.)  Evagrius Scholasticus
in Antioch, Hist. Eccl. libb. vi. from  431-594.'  Editions.
Theodoreti et Evagrii Schol. Hist. Eccl. item  excerpta ex
historiis Philostorgii et Theodori Lectoris, ed. H. Valesius,
Paris. 1673.  Mogunt. 1679.  Amst. 1695. fol.  Euse.
bii Pamlphili, Socratis Schol., Herm. Sozomeni, Theodoreti
et Evagrii, item Philostorgii et Theodori Lectoris, quae
exstant graece  et latine.  H. Valesius emendavit, latine
vertit, et annotationibus  illustravit:  criticis plurium  eru.
ditorum  observationibus locupletavit Gull. Reading.   Can~
tabrig. 1720. 3 t. fol. (a faulty  reprint, August. Taurin
1747.)
Chronicon Paschale (falsely called Alexandrinum) from  the creation  of the world  to  628, ed. Car. du  Fresne, Dom. du
Cange. Paris, 1688. fol. ad exemplar Vatic. ree. L. Dindorfius, voll. ii.  Bonnae. 1832. 8.3
2. Latin ecclesiastical historians: Severus Sulpicius, presbyter
in the diocese of Agen, Histor. Sacra, libb. ii. a mundo cond.
-400. p. C. (opp. ed. Jo. Clericus. Lips. 1709. 8.  Hieron.
de Prato, Veron. 1741, 44. 2 voll. 4). Rufinus, presbyter
in Aquileia, translated Eusebius in nine books, and continued
the history in two books, to 395 (Socrates H. E. ii. 1, pronounces a judgment on the continuation), ed. P. Th. Cacciari.  Romae. 1740, 41. 4.-Historia  tripartita, libb. xii.
compiled by Cassiodorus and Epiphanius Scholasticus, about
550, from Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret. This, and
Rufinus's church history were the historical sources for the
middle ages; published together by Beatus Rhenanus. Basil.
1523, and frequently in the 16th century.
2 G. Dangers Comm. de fontibus, indole et dignitate librorum, quos de hist. eccl. scripserunt Theodorus Lector et Evagrius. Gottingae. 1841. 4.
3 According to the opinion which originated with Luc. Holstenius (ed. Bonn. ii. 16), the
proper Chron. Pasch. reaches only to 314, while the following part belongs to a later contineator. But even in that first part we find very many allusions to later persons and
things, so that it must have suffered a thorough interpolation. For example, the festival
of the annunciation is mentioned, i. 373; Chrysostom, and under this very name too, 437;
Eutyches, 445; Cyrillus, 450, etc.




27O0            SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. i.-A.D. 324-451.
Hie onymi de Viris Illustribus lib. (written 392) and the continuation under the same title by Gennadius (about 495),
both  in J. A. Fabricii Bibliotheca Ecclesiastica.  Hamnb.
1718. fol.
3. Latin chronicles: Jerome translated the Chronicon of Euse.
bius into Latin, and continued it to 379 (in Eusebii Chron
ed. Jos. Scaliger. Ludg. Bat. 1606, and Amstelod. 1658. fol.).
After him we have) in succession the chronicles of Prosper of
Aquitania to 455 (444?), of the Spanish bishop Idatius, to
469, and of Marcellinus Comes, to 534.  The contents of
these chronicles are arranged according to years, from 379
till 455, and published in Chronica medii aevi post Eusebium
atque Hieron. res saec. iv. v. et vi. exponentia, ed. Chr. F.
Roesler. t. 1.  Tubingae. 1798. 8.
4. Acts of councils in the Collect. Concill.  The canons of the
councils in H. Th. Bruns Biblioth. eccles. vol. i.  (Canones
Apostol. et Concill. saec. iv.-vii. in 2 Part.).  Berolini. 1839.
8.  G. D. Fuchs Library of the ecclesiastical councils of the
fo-urth and fifth centuries.  Leipz. 1780-84. 4 parts, 8vo.
Synodicon vetus, a short account of the councils up to the
year 869, prim. ed. Jo. Pappus.  Argent. 1601. 4, also in
G. Voelli et H. Justelli Bibl. juris canon. veteris, t. ii. p.
1166, ss., and. in Fabricii Bibl. graeca vol. xi. p. 185, ed.
nov. vol. xii. p. 360, ss. belongs here from cap. 34-90.
5. Imperial decrees: Codex Theodosianus (compiled in 438,.
partly lost) cum comm. Jac. Gothofredi, cur. Jo. Dan. Ritter.
Lips. 1737, ss. 6 voll. fol. with the recently found books and
fragments edited by G. Haenel. Bonnae. 1842. 4.-Codex
Justinianeus compiled by Tribonianus in 529, codex repetitae praelectionis 534 (in the numerous editions of the Corpus
juris civilis).
6. Heathen historians: Ammianus Marcellinus, Rerum  gestarum libb. xxxi. only libb. 14-31 are extant (from  the year
353-378), ed. Jac. Gronov. Lugd. Bat. 1693. fol. J. A. Ernesti.  Lips. 1773. 8.-Zosimus, i-Topla v/a libb. vi. (to
410), ed. Chr. Cellarius. Cizae. 1679. 8.  J. F. Reitemeier.
Lips. 1784. 8.4
4 There are different opinions concerning the historical value of Zosinmus's history. It
is very favorably judged by Jo. Leunclavius (Apologia pro Zosimo in his Romanae hist.
scriptt. minores. Francof. 1590. fol., reprinted in the edition of Cellarins) and Reitemeier




CHAP. I.-STRUGGLE WITH PAGANISM.  i 75. CONSTANTINE.  271
FIRST CHAPTER.
STRUGGLE BETWEEN CHRISTIANITY AND PAGANISM,
J. G. Hoffimann Ruina superstitionis paganae variis observatt. ex. historia eccl. saec. iv.
et v. illustrata. Vitemb. 1738. 4. S. Th. Riidiger de Statu et conditione paganorum
sub. Impp. christianis post Constantinum. Vratislav. 1815. 8. Histoire de la Destruction du Paganisme en Occident par A. Beugnot. 2 Tomes.  Paris. 1835. 8 (a Prize
Essay).: 75.
THE FAVORS SHOWN TO CHRISTIANITY UNDER CONSTANTINE
AND HIS SONS.
Martini fiber die Enffihrung der christl. Religion als Staatsrelig. im r1m. Reiche durch d.
Kaiser Constantin. Mfinchen. 1813. 4. S. 29, if.
Although  Constantine, after his victory  over Licinius, gave
full toleration to all religions,' protected the heathen priests in
their prerogatives,2  reserved to himself the dignity  of a pontifex
maximus,3 and not till shortly before his death (t 337) received
the  rite  of baptism  from   Eusebius, bishop  of Nicomedia;4  yet
he openly professed Christianity immediately after that victory,5
seeking  to  make it more  acceptable  to  his  subjects  by  recommendation and persuasion,6 and attractive toward the Christians
(disquis. de Zosimo prefixed to his edition): quite unfavorable is the judgment of the older
church historians, and of Guil. de Sainte-Croix Observations sur Zosime in his M6moires
de l'Acad. des Inscriptions, t. 49 (1808), p. 466, ss.
1 Eusebius de vit. Const. ii. 56, 60.
2 Cod. Thleodos. xii. i. 21, A.D. 335, and xii. v. 2, A.D. 337.
3 See below, ~ 78, note 2. Constantine appears on many coins with the insignia of the
pontifex maximus, see Mionnet de la raret6 et du prix des medailles romaines (Paris.
1827. 2 vol. S.), ii. 236.
4 Eusebius de vilta Const. iv. c. 61, 62.
5 When later heathen asserted (Juliani Caesares, at the conclusion, Zosimus, ii. 29,
Sozomen, i. 5) that a conscience, troubled on account of the murder of his son Crispus, and
his wife Fausta, impelled the emperor to Christianity, which was the only religion that
promised full forgiveness of sin, even chronology is against the assertion. Comp. Manso's
Leben Constantins d. G. Breslau. 1817. 8. S. 119. Hug's Denlkschrift zur Ehrenrettung
Constantins d. G. in d. Zeitschrift f. d. Geistlichkeit des Erzbisthl. Freiburg. Heft 3, S. 75, fE.
6 See his rescripts to the oriental provinces in Euseb. de vita Const. ii. 24-42, 48-60.
Respecting his speeches in recommendation of Christianity, cf. iv. 29, 32, 55. The one
which he wrote, ov EypaebE e4 rc5v a)dyov cvZlR6yo, is appended to Eusebius's life of him.
In it he lays peculiar stress on the prophecies of the Sybil, and the fourth ecloue of Virgil,
which he also refers to Christ.




SECOND PEItIOD. —DIV. I. —A.D. 324-451.
by  favors;7  engaging  with  zeal in  the erection  of many, and  in
part, splendid  churches,8  and  in  furnishing  them   with  revenues
out of the common fund  of the cities.9    Since paganism  continued to prevail in  Rome,               hlie  transferred  the  seat of his govern.
ment to Byzantium, and changed this city  into  a chiefly  Christian NVew-Roome (aftRerward Constantinople)."1  But yet the
7 Euseb. de vita Const. iv. 28: Tael T' ~aclZoicTatf roil Oeob aaO' vrepox?v Esailpe0ro1
rfaeLc0' o'aa 7rapEXyev   E de pVi dypOdf, dLa o6O0 dl o trodocaic, ~rl  Xopyyia rerv rov
evydpSv, raradoav r' opoavdv, c. r.. Comp. the emperor's direction to the bishops, how
they should use the new means put into their hands for the conversion of the heathen, 1. c.
iii. c. 21: O  lcuv ydp 5g wrpob rptp X    IPoV    r   OV8evo   0 deo 6g r rpocractag
orp3Xect)v et(lOaeOv'    u?Lo, roic 6edt6aertEac   2Lolpoovovov oVf diWdvraOeal- /ca' Eevoltfg
Trtj6levoet cyerOTCv fTepoL' hipaXEltf 6' ol O6),(ov ad2/0gtf paoral, ca ordTavtOg av o rIfg
tjiZVEal   ~Oi2of. Atl  rplgS irrVaTf a6pyrreao0ul dEl, iarpob d6lcpv  Kdaorr  rda Xvotren2o'TrpOf owrMpiav iroptoyevovcg * rT' E' drravrof rTV a&oniptov r apa roig erarol do/d6Eca'a
didaaocaaiav. In this way he himself converted the pagan inhabitants of Heliopolis in
Phoenicia, 1. c. iii. 58: JIpovodv-d-7rof v dYr2iEtov   7irpoCtiolv r0;t6yp, -da rrpof E-/covpiav
rSv vrrevorov  /lcwrsea -roapetxE, Kao  raCry,rporpTreoiX eri riv arrv ptov o E rt.rEdv dltacaMiaev  ovovovovov    r,& ~d5vrt 7rapa7rw2 aloS  Egtrv UYe Ca' aorlo' a' 6geire rpoduaet, eh'7
62ulegq Xptror' /carayyeXZsaOro (Phil. i. 18!)."  Rewards bestowed on the places which
declared in favor of Christianity, 1. c. iv. 38 and 39.
s See his letter to all bishops, Euseb. de vit. Const. ii. 46, in which he directs them,
arovcd;Etv 7rept rd lp)oa rlve EKtcaca at.ov  Kao i` EroavopOoVo0ao  ra o5vra, ) eri pei;zova
aV:etv, i E` voea dv Xypea  rralTri, cav'i'rote v.  Ail'aiEt  dE-ra avayacata 7rapa re rd?,1
I7yejtwov, at 7  ry  lrCapXtic?lf TrIerof'  rovrot ydp Eree6rd(Z6, 7rdavG rrpoOvpla iv5rn7p Er77caao0a'rots v'roT rTf afS 0b6T0r?1TOf 2eyo/UvotI.  On the rescripts to tho Praesides
Prov. see ii. 45.-Churches which Constantine himself caused to be built: one at the holy
sepulcher in Jerusalem  (r0 MapTrplov  1/' ]Kac/fXca T7OCf tov   riporf ava7ar6c EoC, built
from 326-335.  Euseb. i. c. iii. 25-40; iv. 43-45.  Comp. E. F. Wernsdorfi Hist. templi
Constantiniani propter resurrectionis Christi locum exstructi, and de Templi Constantiniani
etc. solemni dedicatione. Viteberg. 1740. 4.), on the Mount of Olives and in Bethlehem
(both built by Helena, 1. c. iii. 41-43), in Nicomedia and Antioch (iii. 50), in Mambre (iii.
51), in Heliopolis (iii. 58), many churches in Constantinople (iii. 48), especially the church
of the Apostles (iv. 58-60). Cf. Jo. Ciampinus de Sacris aedificiis a Const. M. exstrnctis.
Lomae. 1693. fol.
9 Sozomenus, i. c. 8:'Eac d6 rI?/  oVc7y'wToodpov 5'/f /    caO' 0 K0CaT17?V /Or6Lv lI:e2dv o70.dlUtolov 1T/)rv rZELof, Tfa iCaTd r T67rov Z'acK ciagatlf iCat ic2potlf Uarveete, Ical -rv dopede,
ig rV drTavora XP6vov cvptiav elvat evopYo0.rye7 v. c. 5:'El TrV reC Tdarlf RZreoSf 6pov
ra dpapol7ora (shortly before it is called 72 alrypoita, ap. Theodoret. iv, 4: cveraCf airov)
srpof wrapaaeEZccv i'7rrT?Ecv arTEVEq r,S ro7g  ravraroV IC2Lpotf. The unfortunate consequences of these measures and the exemption of the clergy, on the state of lunicipal
affairs, are shewn by F. Roth de re musnicipali Romanorum, lib. ii. Stuttg. 1801, p. 32,
cs. Hegewiseh  hist. Versuch fiber d. r6m. Finoanzen.  Altona. 1804. S. 324, if.
10 In tile year 33i the temple of Concordia was restored by the senate. The erection,
also, of several altars happened at this time. Comp. Beugnot Hist. de lat destruction du
Paganisme, i. 106.
n Euseb. de vita Const. iii. 48: TIv r62otv —ca0cpeEltv Eld&olo~ai-piaa ddr,2ocf idetcaiov'
dg pldopJaleoS  oaiveaoat Ev aiori, rdv vo/Cpoallz(vv Oev d   ydhlgara kv iepoZg Op/acevOp6EZa,
ad   OE' ovdd  1/1ir06o  XOpotf aliuTroev ltatvou/vovo, ov'  Oovaa  d2'o/caovrov/dvaE  -rvpl, o1
dauzovtcaig Eoprac, odd' ErEpdv  TI rdSev ovveZoev ro70   detazdaiU/optv.  Constantine besides
beautified his new city with worls of art, even with statues of tile gods, which were
every where pillaged anld brought together here.  The vaool do, with the images of




CHAP. II.-STRUGGLE WITH  PAGANISM.  ~ 75. CONSTANTINE. 273
greater  number  of the  principal  families  of the  kingdom   remainecl pagan  still, and  hence  he was  obliged  to  have  many
heathen  about his person, and  in  the  higher offices  of state,l2
although he most readily advanced Christians to posts of honor.l3
The more violent measures of Constantine against paganism
were confined to his confiscating  in the east many less frequented temples, whose revenues he converted to the use of Christian
churches, or the building of Constantinople,l4 and his prohibiting
the  rites of worship  connected  with  immoralities.l5    The  law
by  which he is said to have interdicted  all sacrifices was not at
least carried  out into  operation."'     After his death  he was, according to custom, placed by the senate among the gods.17
After the death of Constantine II. (t 340) Constantizus ruled
Rlhea and the Fortuna Romae, ap. Zosimus, ii. 31, were probably only niches. When
Constantine caused his gilded statue to be set up at the dedication of the city, with the
T'XV TiC 7r2uOe6) on the right, which was to be honored at the yearly festival of the
birthday of the existing emperor (Chron. paschale, p. 285): this merely proves that as yet
no suitable Christian symbolism had been formed for such solemnities (comp. Manso, 1. c.
S. 77). It is anl analogous case when we find frequently on the coins of the first Christian
emperors Victoria with the Labaralm. The later tradition (ap. Zonaras, Cedrenus, etc.),
that Constantine dedicated his city to the mother of God, is ridiculous.
12 Euseb. 1. c. ii. 44: ToZg tear'  rrTapxig dlp6tpu/vorS ftErVeo y?7jwegvag scaTrErere, rIT
6orc7p~c  irsret tcaOWUtWeCorsvovg rvoire 7rZeovg'  deeaor c' 6  yviyev  do66covv, TOViOtlf OVat
arEiprro (cf. iv. 52).,3 Cf. Iidiger de statu et conditione Paganoram, p. 14, ss.
14 Euseb. 1. c. iii. 54. Libanius in several passages (see below, note 16). Martini, S5
38. Rtifdiger, p. 21, ss.
15 So the worship of Venus in Phoenicia, Euseb. 1. c. iii. 55, 58, iv. 37, 38, the scandalous
worship of the Nile, iv. 25. So also he threw downi the temple of Exeulopius in Cilicia,
on account of the fraud carried on there, iii. 56. Martini, S. 36, f.  Ifidiger, p. 23, ss.
16 As Constantius (below, note 18) refers to such a law, so Eusebius, 1. c. ii. 45, speaks
expressly of a v6yoo  etpy o   rTa jtvcapd r7S-cid&ooaerplag, 6dS Itire e'yepaelS y odvitdv
7roltesaOaL roZyFa, i7rE yav7reitat Kat reag 2at 2Tef reptepyiateg irTXEpEV,   8Zte js  Oetvee
caeO62ov u ldva.  In like manner, iv. 23, 25, and the following Christian writers, the later
of whom, ex. gr. Tleophanes, spealk even of capital punishments which Constantine
enacted against heathenism. See Martini, p. 34. Annot. 67. On the other hand, it is
striking that this law is nowhere to be found, and that only expressions of his are extanlt
which assure toleration to heathenism (see note 1), and that Libanius asserts of him, Orat.
pro templis, ~ 3 (ed. Pueiske, vol. ii. p. 161): Elf tiev ryV Trr rIT6laSf,,repti Vie ETarosjddae,
i       rotv iro  lepoiG  XpcTaro  Xpi /aet,?/f Kcare  v6tyovc de OEpaereiae ibevyaev oidi' Iv.
According to Gothofredus (ad. Cod. Theod. lib. xvi. tit. 10, 1. 3) such a law was actually
passed, but in the last years of the emperor. Martini, p. 40, is of opinion that Constantine
and Eusebius in those passages refer merely to the laws against immoral rites    uidiger
thinks that a general prohibition of sacrifice was issued by Constantine, but afterward
recalled.  Perhaps it was published shortly before his death, and was not therefore
carried into execution.
17 Eutropii Brevia-rum, x. 4: Inter Divos meruit referri.  There is still a calendar
existing in which the festivals instituted in honor of him are enumerated. See de la
Bastie in the Mimoires de l'Acad. des Inscr. xv. 106. Beugnot Hist. de la destruction
ldu Paganisme, i. 109.
vOL. I' — 8




274                 SECOIND  PERIOD.-DIV. I. —A.D. 324-451.
the  east,  and  Conzstans the  west.   Both  declared  themselves
decided opponents to paganism.18    Constans, however could not
proceed very strictly in opposition to it in the west, but had to
act with some respect toward  Rome in particular, still addicted
as it was  to  the  sanctuaries  of the  ancient religion.19    But
under these emperors the  Christians sometimes forgot the prin.
ciples of religious toleration on which they had so loudly insisted
during former persecutions,20 and fanatical voices calling  for the
violent  extinction   of  paganism   were  raised   among   them.21
TWhen the whole empire devolved on Constantius after Constans' death  (- 350), all sacrifices were prohibited for the first
time on pain of death.22    This law  could not, however, be fully
18 Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi. tit. 10, 1. 2 (A.D. 341): Cesset superstitio, sacrificiorumn aboleatur
insalia. Nami quicunqne contra legem divi principis parentis nostri, et hane nostrae mansuetudinis jussionem ausus fuerit sacrificia celebrare, competens in eum vindicta et praesens
sententia exseratur.
19 Cod. Theod. xvi. 10, 3, ad Catullinum  Praef. Urbi (A.D. 342): OQuamquam omnis
superstitio penitus eruenda sit, tamen volumus, ut aedes templorum, quae extra muros
sunt positae, intactae incorruptaeque consistant. Nam cum ex nonnullis vel ludorum, vel
circensium, vel agonum origo fuerit exorta, non convenit ea convelli, ex quibus populo
Romano praebeatur priscarum solennitas voluptatum. About 347 an unknown traveler
(Vetus Orbis descriptio, ed. J. Gothofredi. 1628, p. 35) found in Rolme not only seven Vestal
virgins, but the worship of Jupiter, Sol, and the Mater Deum still entire, Comp. Gothofiedi, note p. 40, ss. Testimonies respecting the Pagan worship at this time may be
derived from inscriptions in Beugnot Hist. de la destruction du Paganisme, i, 154.
20 For example Justin. Apol. mlaj. c. 2, 4, 12. Tertull. ad Scapulam, c. 2. So also as yet
even under Constantine, Lactant. Institt. v. 19: Religio cogi non potest: verbis potios
quam verberibus res agenda est, ut sit voluntas. Nihil est tal  voluntarium, quam religio.
C. 20: Nos non expetimns, ut Deum nostrum, qui est omnium, velint nolint, colat aliquis invitus: nec, si non coluerit, irascimur. Epitome, c. 24: Religio sola est, in qua libertas
domicilium collocavit. Res est enim praeter caeteras voluntaria, nec imponi cuiquam
necessitas potest, ut colat quod non vult. Potest aliquis forsitan simulare, non potest velle.
21 Julius Firmicus Mlaternus lib. de errore profanarum religionum, dedicated to the two
emperors, between 340 and 350 (ed. F. Miinter. Havn. 1826. 8. p. 118). Among other things
it is said: Vobis, sacratissimi Imperatores, ad vindicandum et puniendulm hoc malum necessitas imperatur, et hoc vobis Dei summi lege praecipitur, ut severitas vestra idololatriae
facinus omnifarium persequatur. Audite et conmmendate sanctis sensibus vestris, quid de
isto facinore Deus jubeat. (Here follows: Deut. xiii. 6-10. Then it is added:) Nec filio
jubet parci, nec fratri, et per amatam conjagenm gladium vindicem ducit. Amicum quoque
soblimi severitate persequitur, et ad discerpeuda sacrilegorum corpora omnis populus armatur. Integris etiam civitatibus, si in isto fuerint facinore deprehensae, decernunter excidia: et ut hoc Providentia Vestra manifestius discat, constitutae legis sententiam proferanm, etc.
22 Cod. Theod. xvi. 10, 4, (A.D. 353): Placuit, omnibus locis atque urbibus universis
claudi protinus templa, et accessu vetitis omnibus, licentiam delinquendi perditis abnegari.
Volumus etiam, cunctos sacrificiis abstinere.  Quodsi quis aliquid forte hujusmodi perpetraverit, gladio ultore sternatur. Facultates etiam peremnpti fisco decernimus vindicari,
et similiter affligi rectores provincialism, si facinora vindicare neglexerint.  Comp. L. 5,
(A.D. 353,) and L. 6, (A.D. 356). However the heathen priesthood were restored in cases
of vacancy, xii. 1, 46, (A.D. 358). —A prohibition of the adoption of Judaism, Cod. Th. xvi. 8,




C0HAP. I.-S'TRUGGLE NVITH  PAGANISMI. $ 75. CONS'TANTINE.  275
carried out in Rome  and Alexandria.23    Every  where else hea-,thenisnm  from  this time forward  was obliged  to conceal itself in
the country, in remote corners 24 (hence Pagani. Paganismus).O'
Constantius died in  361.
These  violent measures  had  certainly  the  effect of opening;
the  eyes of the  heathen  people to the impotency  of their  gochd
and the fraud of their priests;26 but with nobler patriotic spiritthey  tended rather to  increase the prejudices against Christianity, so partisan as it appeared  to  be, and favored by measures so
ulnjust.   Whatever truth they discovered in it appeared  to then
to have been already taught by the ancient philosophers.27   They
regarded the positive doctrines of it as barbarian superstitions,
while  the  theological controversies  concerning, these  doctrines
brouoght suspicion  on Christianity, and turned its professors into
7, (A.D. 357): Si quis, lege venerabili constituta, ex Christiano Judaeus effectus sacrilegis
coetibLs aggregetur, curi accusatio fuerit comprobata, facultates ejus dominio fisci jussimus
vindicari.
23 The prefects of the city at this time were heathen.  See itidiger p. 31, s.-Symnmachns, lib. x. Ep. 61, (also in Opp. S. Ambrosii, ed. Benedict. t. iii. p. 872. Comp. the
remarks of thle Benedictine editor) says with reference to the presence of Constantius in
Rome in the year 357: Nihil decerpsit sacrarumn  virginum privilegiis, decrevit nobilibus
sacerdotia, Romanis caeremoniis 0on negavit impensas, et per omnes vias aeternae urbis
laetum secuttns senatum, vidit placido ore delubra, legit inscripta fastigiis deum nomins,
percontatus est templorum origines, miratus est conditores. CDnlque alias religiones ipsc
sequeretur, has servavit imperio. A calendar of the year 354 (in Graevii Thes. anticqi.
Romn. viii. 95,) gives all the heathen festivals as constantly observed.
2" Especially on account of the spies which now appeared, curiosi, see Valesius ad
Ammian. Marc. xv. 3, 8.
25 The expression is first found in a law of Valentinian, A.D. 368, (Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi.
tit. 2, 1. 18,) and about the same time in Marius Victorinus de /jZoovoip recipiendo (Graech,
quos "'EXZyvag vel Pagainos vocant, multos Deos dicunt), and in his comm. in Ep. ad Galatas in A. AlMaif Script. vett. nova collectio, t. iii. P. ii. p. 29. Under Theodosits this name is
the usual one. For the explanation of it see Paulus Orosius (about 416) histor.. praef. qui ex
locorumn agrestium colmpitis et pagis pagani vocantur. Prudentins (about 405) has for it
Peristeph. x. 296: pago dediti; in Symmachumn, i. 620: pago inmpliciti, cf. Severi Sancti
Endelechii (about 400) Carmen de mortibus bornm, v. 105: Signum, quod perhibent esse
crucis Dei, magnis qui colitur solus in urbibus. See T. Flav. Clementis Hymn. in Christum  servatorem. Sev. Sancti Endel. Carmen bucol. de nmortibts bouLm, ed. F. Piper (Gottingae. 1835. 8). p. 85.
26 Eusebius de vita Const. iii. 57: Ihivref 6' ot rpi'v  tcdaioovgef, rbv 0Aeryov.ryo
aOVTWV rZdv'yf av7raOf 0ipectv bpdevrEf, TO) 0',rav7raAoO  veMv  rTe tao  idpvd(7rwv   p),!
ErcEvot ir-v Epwg[iaev, 0oi /gv r6 aOrTpIp wrporSEevyov 26y7, ot 6, ei sta 70070 Ott tirpa7o70, 7r7  yo1o)v rarp)af careyyivotacov gLaratol6-rof, E'ytyov  re /a Kat areycwv r7v rcd2as
votioe/vw&v aV7)ro C EI V.
27 Augustinus Ep. 34 mentions libros beatissimi Papae Ambrosii,-quos adversus nonniullos imperitissimos et superbissimos, qui de Platonis libris Dominum profecisse contendunt, (de Doctr. christ. ii. 43: qui dicere ausi sunlt, omnes Domini nostri J. Chr. sententias,
quas mirari et praedicare coguntur, de Platonis libris eumn didicisse) diligentissime et copi.
osissime scripsit.




276                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
ridicule.28   On the other hand, paganism  gained  in  this respect;
that the  ancient classic culture  and  literature, containing  a religious doctrine at once pure and national, seemed chiefly to belong' to it and to be intrusted  to its keeping.29    The most celebrated schools of rhetoric amnd philosophy in Alexandria, Athens,28
ete., had heathen preceptors.    The new  platonic philosophy was
silently  working  in  favor  of paganism,31  fanblbch/us  (t 333)-,
the  great orators  Libanius  (t  395),  Iimneriuts  (t  390),  and
Titemistius  *(t  390),  were  heathen;32  while  there  were  fewv
Christian  scholars who  could  rival them, like  the  two  Apolli-,laris in  Laodicea in Syria;  and these had to struggle with  the
prejudices  against  all heathen  learning, which  were  increased:
by monachism.33    Thus the most distinguished  spiritual orators
among the Christians were obliged to receive their education in
heathen  schools.
Under these circumstances it can not appear strange that we
should find most attachment to paganism  in the higher ranks; 3
28 Etnseb. de vita Constant. ii. c. 61. Elf rocaov roe d(i2avvev arorlafr g T(2  yLtvolt'-v,.
0(ra ([ ir' ji7 Ev aVTrotf /0olOlf T()V Ca7trro)V Ot'TpoICf rT2  e/8lv2 Tf T7 )0eV dtdao/caliaSf Ti/v
y ai sTrivv /TroGt/vEt1v xkEV.   Gregor. Naz. Orat. i. p. 34: Mwtaor/eOa'v reoi  /O'evat'-(2
xar' (2tLA;?3ov  wltvooSlEV, tKaTra irvrOW   Xovov     Kat y7eyovayev Oaerpov  lcatvOv-T-ract
lwtcpoV TroZC Tovy?poeC, xa i  iTrn rTavrr  KcatlpoO  cal T6rOov, ~V dyopa gf, Ev r6Trot. —701C  M?rpo0?XWoeycv Kcai, yXpti rTif C1ciV7if, —cai Ei rT( v ('ETo XyeaeTaT)v yEru6jceOa, Kae  odVdv
oeiro i rep-7rwV0V iS, V KOVovIaOv Clai OEaydronv, (dj Xpirtai,be e   ItcepddoVevoof, TarTa 17/V O
aTpbf  72r,6ao.'t 2'r6e/Lof, K. T. X.
29 Libanius in' his Apologeticus, ed. Reiske, vol. iii. p. 437, dates from the persecution of
heathenism  by Constantine rr-v cir  r7Sv Iepdv'rZ rTief ToSyovf (oTtr/ltiav. —o e/Ee.a yap,
otil, ecav GyryevV raVra,u~6repa, lepd cal  6yoet-.
30 Respecting them see Schlosser in his Archive fiir Geschichte nnd Literatur, Bd. 1.
(Frankf. a. M. 1830,) S.. 217. On the school at Athens see Ullmann's Gregorius von
Nazianz. (Darmstadt 1825) S.- 27, if. Gregorii Nazianz. Orat. xx. p. 321, (ed. Bened. Orat.
xliii. p. 787): BZafSEpai  r/ev —'AyOvat, rT 8elf iVXi~V  e Kai yap Xo20VroV70 t TbV ecacov,rrJo8rov, ri ecdoa,, idX2Zov Tf'2,2Sg'ET2,ddof, olCa xa?ei-rbv tt acvvapoTraa0.vat Trof TOVTOW,
lavfTraevaf eai ovvjy6Opotf.
31 Eunapius in vita Aedesii (in the beginning): KivaravrTvogf 3eaaiZeve, 7i  re rTPV
/epdSv E7rteavaTrara KaTracrp/o0wv, Kai ra T2v XpCaTrtavVv aveyeipSov, olC/ara *r' r2-  d 
tOaf KaOl rTO TZv o/t;;ljTOv   aptorov irpbOf tVCTi/ptlJXdl TVd act'Wy:zVv, oat i Epoeavr7Ktv  XervOiav 8Ert7e'rg 721V KaIC  VVCeC/iCTro.
22 See an account of them in Dr. A. Westerimann's Gesch. d; griech. Beredsamkeit.
(Leipzig. 1833). S. 239.
a3 They were for some timle excommunicated because they kept up intercourse with
the heathen sophist Epiphanius, and had been present when he read a hymn to Bacchus.
(Socrates, ii. 46. Sozom. vi. 25.)
34 Comp. the steadfastness of Alistoplhanes in heathenism, Libanii Orat. pro Arist. ed.
Reiske, vol. i. p. 447, s. Hence the rhetorician Victorinus did not venture at first to
malke his conversion public: Augustini Confess. viii. 3: Idolis sacrisque sacrilegis tune
ti:oa fere romana nobilitas infliata inspirabat pplulOS;. 4: Amicos suos reverebatur offendoere superbos daemonicolas, quorum ex culnine babylonicae dignitatis, quasi ex cedrisi




CHAP. I.-STRUGGLE  WITH PAGANISM.. 75. CONSTANTIUS.  277'r that we should hear even  from  Christian -vwriters, that among
the  great numbers which certainly passed over to Christianity  at
this time, the majority  were unfortunately led to that step
merely  by  external considerations.35    Others, on  the  contrary,
wavered between the old and new religion, hoping to find the
truth between.  From this tendency even new sects sprang up,
of which  the  Massalians  (Euchites, EuphheLites, Osoac.3.s) in
Phoenicia  and Palestine, 6  and the  Iyhpsistari  in  Cappadocia,"'
Libani, quas nonduni contriverat Dominus, graviter ruituras in se iniinicitias arbit;.'a
batur.
35 Eusebius vita Const. iv. 54: Kae y2'p oev   V7rDOS sveo xaeOcr a raSta,cara reo6f 6Zov-:,IEVOc.Tro2rovg l/at atdvr  fcarevcvoaalevj' ETrrtrptsjv  rZs7icrrv Icua aoXyOe pSpv   6vdpvp r6v
TrTavva Xv2atvo dtkevUov  iocv'  e povegav r' UX7EtoV r 7Ov rv TKcxRVaiav V9reodvotv.rCov scai
z6 Xpeortavscv ETrw7rziBTuX g f   7Learsto, EUVov'voLa-.  Ti 6' a7eoD (Kovara7vrivov) 0ft1dVOpoTreOv IcaGi ~76iya0ov-E-'vyev CaVbv qrtirveetv T  c;'j/LzaTs Tu rV Xptartavwv eiva tVOatsOtEvov. Such apparent Christians are described by Libanius Orat. pro templis (ed. Reiske
vol. ii. p. 177), in the church: Ka'ravarie  (E elC                               UvrY  mTOa  ra rOv   eiXozuvov, 6 odebva  IceZO rasV, ) re'oJ OEOlS, OV Ktca fC Iev  Etc r     TOV otorov    Xiopeov, iaXoOatl 6(' OVY. "2oTep ocl
ev raf rpaeyqdisatg 6,e bv rTvpavvov eltOydV OVIC 6'lr7 Tipavvog, 2L6' OrTErp?v 7rpd rov0l'poeoTreiov. oevrw  Kai tKiceivov Eiccrmarof -rTpeGi uv aVirlv ciiVr7ov, o Oc 6E re rSrotf cetctviGCqat.'6 Epiphanius Haer. lxxx. ~Mqassralianorun1, ~ 1. Maeoaaltavoe, Elvi0Z6at-E-S'EXZ4vuv
Jp[5tivro, eO. e'Iov 6aEct/  TrpoaaveSXoverEf, OVere Xptlartavoi -76ripovref, orE rib e   a/lap-'trTCv, 0i2,s [t6v ov`EXqvEr 6vrr 76tev'    itcau Oeaf fv ie yovree, cty d8EVZ  irv 7lerpo icivvovreEf, vt 66 y 6vov 60 7EV ro a,l3ag veIovr7ec  ca IcaXoevvrerf 7ravrolcpdr7opa e rtvnCg 66 olcovc
eavotig tcaTarKEsvrcaVrcf, 76 r6rovUf T7rivaTr, o6prov dicKvV, TrpooaECXtaT'-ra raf  Cieov. c   2.:'Ev  2o.IG.e 7-6 rogot  uCrs et icalletg.le poa-Evx. )'EvciCcaiea  6cotluart teavroef 7rotGav7ref
icaO''aTrrpav icdi Kar` 7rV &O,  E6iTO& 7ro2UT/f Zvxvai/afg ica  07TOuV uvvaeOpote GevotL, urc
~roZi -re itcaraEyLLTLdta [leg. icara2i7ystudta cantiunculas]  etva vi7rib rv 7rap' aerom f a 9ov~eai&v, icat EVrl/i af rTV'Gf d5fiv eig TCv OEav 7irotoSrevo t —s7TErp  Ebv itXreo/evo l EeavroVo
IaIarTsitV.  Cyrillus Alex. de adoratione in spiritu es veritate lib. iii. (ed. Auberti, t. i. p. 09)
says of the religion of those who were not the children of Abraham in the old world, Jethro,
Melchisedek, etc.  llpouelclvovv tev yap —ipsyr='eO, —rpoEcc6XOVrO 66 Ica i rEpo'oc
Tuxa -ov OeOdlg, EvaptOsOVe7Tc ars) i- EsrC iatperea 7Tv icti-CsaruTv, Y7V 7E ica oipavbv, e o 2 cv
mcai uce)vev, ica r7i i-rv ai)arpWov E'rtltarurepa.  Kael rZy7pl,,u gseta   gpu v spxaro v   E Lr-  cdre
icara~Oopa cac  ridwvegtf, dtlicet 6E tial Eig drepo cKa  Tapare Lver iEat'   Qpovoiat yscp adA
wirapulajpo vrre  Et Ty  iv rV   eOiticp o iCal llaXatecsTi    rstv', oi oalo&  ctEt aevorfg OeecF3rei
Ovo,uyovstv, o oto  6  -rtsva Oplcicceta 6da57reiovCst ISeCV, OviE  rOei'IovdSalov EOest icaOapisC, OV7r roZg'EZULvcv epomrpetUevote, elg 6i0so 66 SerTrep dltaotsTOrVo 8eViot tca  UpEyeptauvoy.  To these, too, Libanius perhaps refers, Lib. Ep. adPriscianumn Praesidem Palaest.
(ed. Vales. inlote ad Socr. 1, 22. Lib. Ep. ed. Wolf, p. 624): Oi T3cOV 2tov  oeroV  Oeparelo7ves (svev atiarog, icat rtli(Jvreg Oebv s rpop yopiga dEVripa, c Kac rv yaerr pa Ifcocstov re, ica'
ev icpdset orototsevoe ri-V 7Tg re78revii?  7rbpav, roe;ouaXo  v Ei del rSg 7Cg,  riTavTaxyo  6v.Suiyot, Caci itsIsolc juEv oVelva, 2vroevrat 68 I7r' e'vLwv  BoelSouat 66-T'OV Eg Inaealu
rTie ro7ruv dtarptpov:ag r7djv ev LV ipErTV:Xetv scaraevydv, ical clvaI oastv ii&teav, ica"'s ive evati 70g iSPO"vOetVOIg Eci  airoer %/3pietv. Valesius supposes the Maniclaeans to
be meant here..37 Concerning this sect, see especially Gregory of Nazianzumn in'the funeral oration on
his father Gregory; who had at first belonged to them, Orat. xviii. (al. xix.) ~ 5. He
designates the party as Ilc dvoiev IvavrtuosrOtV C vycetcpa,plev?, 2c'Asvtcg  re rldvig /icalt
vo,UcscIg repaereag sev  d 07ol Wrpve    ra uipi07  cvyov, El~ tspuov Cvverr')l  rvg  sCv  yap i-r,culesa fCe, cg 6O'viag':TooetC6,utevots, ytslpt 70  l'p tcaGi 2-u ai x.   r:g, C ri` -6 agS,(arov




'278                 SECOND PERIOD.-D1V. I.-A.D. 324-451.
of nearly  the same sentiments, appeared  in  the  first half of the
fourth century.  Toward the end of the same century, the Cae-!icolae in Africa arose,38   None of these parties, ho-wever, attain.ed to much  importance ox continued  long.
76.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE..A. Neander fiber denl Kaiser Julianus ulad sein Zeitalter;  Leipzig.. 1312. &. (Compare
Schlosser's review in the Jen. A. L. Z. Jan. 1,813. S. 121, ff:) Neander's Kircnhengesch.
ii. i. 75. C. Ullllmlnn's Gregorius v. Nazianz, der Theolege. Darmst. 1825. 8. S. 72, ff
C. H. van Herwerden de Juliano Imp. relig. christ. hoste, eodemqnve vindice. LudgB-at. 1827. 8. Julian d. Abtrunnige, v. D. G. Fr. Wiggers,. in Illgen's Zeitsclr.. f. hist.
Theol. vii. 1, 115. Gfirhrer's Kirchengesch..ii. I, 155.
The injustice which Julian had to. endclr-e froom the fi'si Chris-tian  emperors, the  strict   education  by  which  Christianity  waqs
attempted to  be forced upon h!im, and his: early private acquaintance  with  newu-platonic  philosophers, especially  iJaxignaus, had
early disposed him  toward heathenism, wllhose dead for'ms he
-;aw  animated with  so ruch  Iife by the  newr-platonlists.1    When
he  attained  to  the  imperial dignty  (361l, Rhe declared  himself'do'isesvot,  tca'i rcv vrEpi ra 7rpdf3aT-c (leg. z.bi. rrepi r,:jlpdS'ra)'o- ra  poAtoyiav, r/t,
p,1sI-eptrosjv &Ctd,U ovoa.'TaL-avdptot sreog 7acertvof.f 6vol.g c ae, cea 6' av'otepdrop 6d  y6vof
bVrosCf cfdGo,uCtos. Gregerius Nyss.. contra Euanm. (Opp. i-. 12)::'TYtorstavv aVrt? Erari
ilj 7'pcg ovg XpcTaravocif dGtaop6, 7s0 Obisv /fv aeVroVig 6/a0oyEZv evaci Tva, ov 6vo/i6ov-,stv vWj starov, p ravro7cpdcropa'   irae-pa 6d  abV'rv ectvat Iy 7rcpadCfacOat-. Information.
sespecting the Hypsistarianls, Massalians, Oreoce,&CrS, etc.: C. Ullmalinn de Hypsistariis
comilm. Heidelb. 1823. 4. Guil. Boehinmer de Hypsistariis, opinionibusque quae super eis,
propositae sunt. Berol. 1824. 8. Ullmann  in the Heidelb. Jahrb. 1824, no. 17. A reviewer in the Jen. A. L. Z. Dec. 1824.. S 4.55. UllaanI1i  Gregorius v. Nazianz. Darmst..
35. S 558. Bdhmer einigie Demerl ungen zu den v. d.. H. Prof. Ull1iaann and rLmi aufge-,stellten Ansichten fiber den Ursptang und den Charalter der Hypsista-ier,   Hamlnburg.!826. 8. Ullmhnann explains the origin. of the Hypsistcaii fi'om- a blending together ofs Jtdaisim  and P'arsism; Bo61ner, follovwing   yril (see above; note 3&), regards them  as the,:.ame party as the Massalians and Oeoaeefg, and perceives: in them  the rcmnant of a.
mLonotheism:  derived from  primitive revelation, but afterward disfigured by Sabaeisa.x.
Gesenius Monum. Phoeniciae, i. 135, ii. 384, puts. along with them the,.bellonii, ap..nnugustin. de Haer. c. 87. MD''YLy:3   from JI;,:i,,; b-at the Abellonii are  nanifes;:.
x. Christian sect.,s There are two laws of Honorius against thear% Cod.. Theod. lib. xvi. tit,. 5,1. 43, A.D1.
408 (Caelicolae, qui nescio cujus dogeatis novi conventus habent), and lib. xvi. tit. 8, 1.
101, A.D. 409. Comp. Gothofredus on:i c last law, and J. A. Sclhmid Huist. Ca.elicolarlnua.
-elmst. 1704.
Henke de theologian:, liani diss. 1777 (reprinted- in; his Opusc. aadelm. Lips. 1.80s, n
3533. a.S)..




CHAP. I.-STMUGGLE WVITH PAGANISM[.  ~ 76. JLULIAN.                    279
openly in favor of the  ancient national religion, to which he endeavored  to  impart a more  moral and religious  form, even by
introducing  many  practices borrowed  from   Christianity,2 while
he himself thought that he was only  restoring  the  worship  of
the  gods  to  its  original purity, and  practiced  it with  greater
zeal.3    He  took away  their privileges from  the Christians,4  and
forbade them  to appear as public teachers of the national literature;5 but he promised  them   full toleration  in  other respects.
He was guilty, however, of many acts of injustice toward them,
often, it is true, provoked by their intemperate zeal.6    But they
2 Juliani Epist. 49, ad Arsacium Pontif. Galatiae, on the imorals and conduct of priests
(comp. especially Fragmentum in Juliani Opp. ed. Spanh. p. 298. Ullmann's Gregor. v.
Nazianz, S. 527, if.), support of the poor, and erection of houses for the reception of
strangers.  Ep. 52, concerning penitents.  Julian established hierarchical gradations
among the priests (Ep. 62), and wished them to receive higher honor than civil officers
(Fragmentum, p. 296, Ep. 49). Sozomenus v. 16 says of him:'TYroao3dv, riov XptarLav19u/v r7Yv GeVracr v XeLZtv EIc roi,3iov ioai rgf TroXreiao  7doCv avirv yEzLroVr7v, &devoeZro,ravraxy TroVi  E2,ryvuLcovg vaoiVf 7r7 wrapaaCEvI ltca, Td EL rSf Xptarotavv  qOpcrxecag
dlaicoatelv   3pjleaac rE, tcaoL rpoEdpiatg, iad  eIZZvtKov d6oya&r(jv tca   rrapaoviceiov
didaactidoig re ical &vayvUdraocg, 6pdv Tre /pyrv Ical qU/epCv rEroay/tevalgf Evxra, Opovrcarn7pioic re MvdpSv ica y7vvauccdv  t2oooE~cv EyvoK6r7o&V (Julian led even an ascetic life,
cf. Misopogon, in Opp. p. 345, 350. Ammianus Marcellin. xxv. 4), Kca  Kaaraysyiot:l~vov
KaZ  rTidoXyiv, Kao  rp Jat   r7 xT repi rog dreo/vovgf ltXavOpria %i0 W vslov d667uCyac
aSevivvatn - IovCric rVE Kac dciovaCioiv d/naprV/itrov Icar7  r)v riV XpItavtaiSv roapdidocv
rIC terayTO2eZeiaf a#iUerpOc  Trst oagpOt oyS6v-.   0Z ilirtca &d i~ZCSuaao   Uyerat i&t
cvvO8/a-ra rdv EtaoKruc07oe ypo payu6rov, ic.. r.. Cf. Gregorii Nazianz. adv. Julian. Orat.
iii. p. 101, Ss.
3 In a manner too zealous even for cultivated heathens, Ammianus Marcell. xxv. 4:
Praesagiorum sci.)c.tationi nimiae deditus-superstitiosus magis, uaml sacroruram legitimus
observator, innumeras sine parsimonia pecudes mactans, ut aestimaretur, si revertisset de
Parthis, boves jam defutoros.
4 The law concerning the restoration of possessions held by them  in the cities has
strangely enough found its way into the Cod. Theod. lib. x. tit. 3, 1. 1. Cf. Sozom. v. 25.
5 Juliani Epist. 42: "Arorov elval [tot oivrlave    d Sdarceav v  iKEVa -oVig aV0PdJrovf, aca
zn voplto  lnv i EV'o  afXetV''i jI e V O/LOVorat uOQc, dv Ecltv   s,l ra'`), 1ao  dv Dcirsp
Irpo00rat icddc0vract, (toiTrooav aVTi(v  rpTrov rjv eif  ro  OcEObg c aOeLtv-. El dI [del.
EiC] 70gf rTirdn7roVgf vro2ToXajaivovat Trer2TavicOato,,3dic6vr7o v eiif Taf r7v railabaiov
ElcXlc7riac, i'cyqr6ojcvot MarOae~ov cal AovKcdv, c. r.;t. Socrates, iii. 12, 16. Sozomenus,
v. 18. Ammnian. Marcellin. xxii. 10: Illud autem  erat inclemens, obruendum  perenni
silentio, lquod arcebat docere magistros rhetoricos et grammaticos, ritus christiani cultores
(cf. xxv. 4). The sacred national literature appeared to him to be profaned by tle contradictory and scoffing Christian interpretation. But there is no ground in this to attribute to
him  the design of degrading the Christians into a state of ignorance, as has been frequently done by writers. For there were so few Christian grammarians, on account
of the prejudices with which they had to contend among their brethren of the same faith
(see ~ 75, note 27), that Christians had almost their only opportunity of studying the ancient
literature under heathen preceptors, a thing. which they might yet do without prohibition.
In the mean time, however, some Christian authors, -especially the two Apollinaris, and
Gregory of Nazianzum, were led by that prohibition to attempt imitations of heathen
woiks in poetry and eloquence witl biblical materials, Socrat. iii. 16. Sozom. v. 18.
Juliani Ep. 58, ad Bostrenos, concerning the Christian bishops: "Oe i7tj TVpspavE'




2SO                  SECOND PERIOD. —DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
had still more to suffer from  the heathen governors and people.
Hence it was natural that many who had hitherto been Christian  professors for the  sake  of external advantages, should  now
go back to heathenism firom  the same motives.7  The Jewish
religion  was respected  by  Julian  as an  ancient national faith;
and on his march against the Persians, he even gave permission
for the temple at Jerusalem  to be rebuilt, though it was soon after
destroyed.8  On this same expedition he composed in Antioch,
where he bore. tile scoffs of the Christian populace with philosophical indifference, his work  against  Christianity.'   Soon  after
this he was killed in  a battle  with  the Persians (363).10
Ey'eartv avTrof, —rapoS vvo/e-vot 1rdrTa attvoVat ZiOov, ca2i avvrapTrreEv tV   /IOCt Ta
Wrka/ti, cat' crat6abtev. —OVd6va yoev a/Trv dV IovTa,rpbf  guo/of e'e/ cav cKEaOac di&)/5.1dsv 6d av7otg Trpouayopevopev,   E 7tf Eciov XEpvif3wv icat crov&dv, iuv MOkXeC IcotvoVEtIv, tcaCpata rpom~kpeaOat 7rpOdrov, /cai 7robg drzopoirai ovt [/ere/Etv Qeo~jf.- 2T yOpV,rsjail r7  irap  riCSv XEyoF1vo)w  KXyptvcDLv C' iiTrarvt /va -rpvcp6 ov Orf raV7 TaSf  i6cpOeEicag
arartcitet  r  adetEaf. 01 yap Elf rOV7O  rervpavvpfac6rf, —roOofevf d e r7iv arporipav
dvvaaeav, 0r7 OT    d/ocvV  E6rtv aOro ica Eypet aLca O, ICat ypmkvtv dtatO, tca2 dJX2orpiovg
U08erepikeaOat /c Vpovf, icat  7ir ruvTa EavrofS 7rpOGV[/IELV, 7ravrta ICuVvoltv (douae/aC
IC62Ov -Eif 6&CTaOatV 7y6ovaEf ri ar' v O.
7 Of tllen speaks (sometimes in the marnner of Julian) Asterius ep. Am1aseae orat. adv.
avaritiasl (ii fClmlmbfisii Auctar. novuon p. 56)j: Aao6vref V'ocEyectf 7-api  a-C)v idO&ov FaL
e-nw,  1/ (,njg uPOuaTtu,    /  i dPx o vCf  r 7rTpF5tovt acf T/f  Itc tauav Tf O1V, txoear p  UartOV,
Taxcwf Ti/V Opqaje-CIav Ie/ET~lbaE-aVTo.-07It yap 06 /ao30CEZVf ~/eVof-o-ar6f T    aCvadgS
lovev 6ac/oGve, Kat roCf Tro/ro 3OV2OtEo/VOt wotfECv r   o0U(2 arpOer077O tr2 ylpa, z-6egaoc T V
IcicraOia'v - Cd0reVf  r Crt TOVf /govt ef dpa/ov;  r6,ot 6de, rO.Sv acsit/cr/t6Tev dnuEap
El6iediCeVYO, YCET' iECEiVov lcaT'-i ovrtov.  7Tf T  apapacpESdr.f  /ctg7arpov;  Cf. Themistii
Oratio consularis ad Jovianun, ed. Petav. p. 278:'E72eyX6,aO0a rcavv ynEoinof iXaovpycdaS,
oiv OEov 0epa-rEvovrfe, ca  /5/ov E//piarov /uera/2a.u6FEnot T'C OyWaTe ac. acat actZoat geEI Ol/paetvPf, vv 6 iirar7vTg c60opvot, Ltcpo/ teiv X20f Ev TOiC d6/ca, jl/yepov 6 iEv 7TOf
T7rEVTr/COV7a, o0 aVTrot,rpbS frow/bSo, arpog ipe'Otfl,   rpgS a',y6d2aag,, arpbg rparsCnlSc.
8 Juliani Epist. 25.-An earthquake and flames of fire prevented the workmlen. Gregor.
Nazianz. Orat. iv. Chrysostomus  lomllil. iii. adv. Judaeos. Amnmianus Marcellinus, xxiii.
i. Socrates, iii. 20. Sozom. v. 22. Theodoret, iii. 15. In like 1manner, fire burst forth
when Herod wished to penetrate fartber into the sepulcher of David (Joseph. Asntiq. xvi.';. 1.) These phenaomena are explained by the bitunlllinos soil.  Comnp. Michaelis on0 the
vaults lunder the temple-mountain in Licbtenberg's and Forster's G6tting. Magazin, 3tem
Jahrg. (1783) S. 770.
9 According' to Hieron. Ep. 84, ad Magnum   7, and CyrillLs adv. Jul. prooeil. 3 books.
Fragments in Cyrilli Alexandr. adv. Juliantum libb. x. published separately: Ddfense du
Paganisme par l'empereur Julien par M. le Marquis d'Argens. Berlin. 1764. ed. 3. 1769.
8. (Comp. the review in Ernesti's n. theol. Bibl. Th. 8. S. 551, if.)
10 Comp. Amianlnus Ma'cellinus, xxv. 3. Eutropii Breviar. x. 8, both of whom  acconipansied the expedition.-Libanius ErCTct/ojf ear''Iov2tcav/ (ed. Reiske, vol. i. p. 614) hints
that he was killed by a Christian, of. Sozomenus, vi. 1, 2. Juliani Imp. Opera (Orationes
viii. Caesares, MtlaonSryov, Epistolae 65) et Cyrilli contra impium Julianum  lib. x. ed.
Ezechiel Spanhemius. Lips. 1696. fol.




CHAP. I.-STRUGGLE WITH PAGANISM. S 77. TOLERATION. 281
~ 77.
GENERAL TOLERATION TILL 381.
The reign  of Jovian (t 364) was in  so critical times that he
found  it advisable to  allow  full freedom  to all religions,' although
he himself was a zealous Christian.2    But this very  disposition
of the emperor encouraged the Christians in many places not
only  to  demand  restitution  for injuries actually  suffered  under
the preceding reign, but also to  exhibit their hatred  against the
pagans, which had been increased by Julian's measures.3  The
legal toleration  of all religions  also  continued  under the following  emperors, Vcletzlinian  I. (in the west f  37'5),4  and  Valens
(in the east - 378 5), although they forbade bloody sacrifices; 6 in
like  manner,  in  the  first years  of the  emperors  Gratian  and
Vaclentinian  II. in  the  west, and  Theodosius in  the  east, till
the year 381; while the  continued  irruptions of barbarous nations and internal commotions compelled them to avoid every
thing by which disturbances might have been increased still
more.
I Themistii Oratio consularis ad Jovianurn, ed. Petav. p. 278: Ta rTe ai&Za avroipcircop
6v Te iKai Etr rE'iXo Ead6Evog, Tb r77g (iyTEreiag   pogf iravTrosf Evae vouoOerEg'  tiai ro`Tro
V c7Xov Tbv Obv iif ro /Ev 5    tXELv TrrpO EVGEdtiav',rtrjlrieog,?7rF ~iarEOf icKOtvbv EirOi[a r7Cg
vOprWorivyf' TrV rp6rov dei Tzg OepayreiaS E i'te  fr/ iv EKicior) 3ovXCErSog.
2 He restored all rights to the churches and clergy, Sozom. vi. 3, also the ctb7vrar roD
aroTv (comp. ~ 53, note 9, ~ 76, note 4), but by way of preliminary only the third part, on
account of a firnine. Theodoret. iv. 4.
3 To this refers Libanius Epitaph. in Julianurn ed. Reiske, vol.. i. p. 619. The shutting
up of the temples, and tile withdrawment of the priests and philosophers, of which
Socrates, iii. 24, speaks, was the consequence of fear.
C God. Theodos. lib. ix. tit. 16, 1. 9. (A.D. 371): Haruspicinam  ego nullumn cum maleficiorum  causis habere consortium judico, neque ipsam, aut aliquam praeterea concessam
a majoribus religionem genus esse arbitror criminis.  Testes sunt leges a me in exordio
imperil mei datae, quibus unicuique, quod animto imbibisset, colendi libera facultas tributa
est. Nec hartspicinam  reprehendinms, sed nocenter exerceri vetamus.  Cf. Ammlian.
Marcell. xxx. 9. Rildiger de statu Pagan. p. 42, ss. Evidences of heath;len worship at
this time may be derived from inscriptions.  Beugnot, i. 270.
5 Themistii Oratio ad Valentem  de religionibus, known only in the Latin translation
of Andreas Duditius (ed. Petav. p. 499), with the similar contents of the Orat. ad Jovin.,(note 1).
According to Libanii Orat. de templis, ed. Reiskle, vol. ii. p. 163: Tb NOeZv iepelgacroaiO1 srap u, 7oiv 4'ocidro.v, UXX' oVD TO 24,3avor6v.




282                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
~ 78.
SUPPRESSION OF PAGANISM BY THEODOSIUS.
ifidiger de statu Paganorum sub Imupp. christ. p. 47. Jan. Henr. Stuffken Diss. de
Theodosii M. in rem. christianam meritis. Lugd. Bat. 1828. 8. p. 16. A. Beugnot Hist.
de la d6stluction du Paganisme en Occident, i. 345.
After Theodosius had secured  the east against the Goths, he
directed his greatest energies to the suppression of paganism.
In the same year in which he summoned the second oecumenical
synod  at Constantinople  (381), he  forbade  apostasy  to  paganism,' but still allowed  the  other rites of heathen  worship  to  be
practiced  except sacrifice.   The two  emperors of the  west followed his example.   Gyratian  laid  aside the dignity  of pontifex
maximnus,' commanded the altar of Victoria to be removed from
the senate-house, and  took  away  all privileges from  the  pagan
worship,3 although  he was obliged  to  allow   in  Rome the  sacrifices elsewhere  forbidden, as Theodosius  had  to  do  at AlexanI Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi. tit. 7. 1. 1: His, qui ex Christianis PagaIni facti sunt, eripiatur
facultas jusque testandi. Olne defuncti, si quod est, testamentum, submota conditione,
rescindatur.  Gratian and Valentinian made the same regulation in the west. L. 3 (382).
-Lib. xvi. tit. 10. 1. 7 (381): Si qui vetitis sacrificiis, diurnis nocturnisque, velut vesanus
ac sacrilegus incertorumn consultor (anihnum) immerserit, fannumque sibi aut templeu  ad
hujuscemodi sceleris excusationem  assunienduni crediderit, vel putaverit adeu ldum,
proscriptioni se noverit subjugandum, cum nos justa institutione moneamus, castis Deum
precibus excolendum, non diris carminibus profanandum.
2 According to Zosimus, iv. c, 36, who alone speaks of the circumstance, he might have
refused it as soon as it fell to him, that is, after the death of Valens (for only the first
Augustus was pontifex maximus). This supposition, however, is contradicted by the fact
that Gratian bore the same title for some time. See Ausonii Gratiarum actio pro consulatu,
and the inscriptions in Orelli Inscriptionumn latinarull amplissima collectio, vol. i. p. 245.
The usual assumption that Gratian merely declined the priestly dress offered to him, but
yet bore the title, is arbitrary; for Zosimus speaks in express terms of the refusal of the
dress and of the title. Hence, it must be maintained that Gratian wore that dignity for
some years, and then laid it aside. J. A. Bosius de pontificatu mnaximo Impp. praecipue
christianorum, in Graevii Thesaur. antiquitt. Rom. t. v. p. 271, ss. De la Bastie du
souverain pontificat des empereurs Itomains in the M6moires de l'Acad. des Inscr. t. xv.
p. 75, ss. Jos. Eckhel Doctr. numor. vett. P. ii. vol. 8. p. 386, ss. Birger Thorlacius de
Imp. Rom., qui religioni Christi nomen dederunt, pontificatu maximo. Havn. 1811.
3 He took away Vestalium virginum praerogativamn, Sacerdotii immunitatem  (which
Valentinial I. had confirmed even in 371, Cod. Theod. xii. i. 75) caused the real estates
belonging to the temiples (agros virginibus et ministris deficientiunn  voluntate legatos) to
be drawn into the exchequer (cf. Theod. xvi. 10, 20), and deprived the vestal virgins and
priests of victurn modicuin justaque privilegia. Symmachus, lib. x. Ep. 61. Ambros,
lp. 17




CHAP. I.-STRUGGLE WITH PAGANISM. < 78. THEODOSIUS. 283
dria.4   In  Rome, paganism   continued  to  be  plredominant,5  particularly  among  families  of distinction;6  but yet the  attempts
made by the prefect of the city, Q. Aurezlius ~Spymachus, to
[lave these imperial decrees abolished, and in particular the altar
of Victoria  re-erected, had  no  influence  upon  Gratica   (f 383),
Valentinian  EL., and  Thleodosius.7   In  the east, the Christians
proceeded  far  beyond  the  imperial  ordinances.   Enterprising
bishops led  mobs of hirelings or fanatics  against the  temples;a
and  the  monks  especially  often  combined  for  the  destruction
of all heathen  sanctuaries.'   The  appeal vrr-p  r-v iepwv  (3884 Libanius Herlp rvI tieplv (ed. Reiske, vol. ii. p. 181): 07') rovvV rlj'P/,l  6vov
"'v2,X iO     e rb  Ole tvra  vol 7    apirtog,  r ap,  r   rol   -re eae /jeydk  Kca wr2s0o~
IEteK7e1_V/  VEL3eV, d'   l6lv toWl V'lrased V  VeOpT6r6)rV 7-OSE! r7Tv rilrC Al/tyrrov  rgopd.   AVr'
de' p/yov ToV Neriov, -vs, NeiA/ov d& Cart dlaVal3avetv kEr, Taf Udpospaf erelocaa.   v ov0,TtovzEVeov, ire re;pp, tcat xap' 6v, ovd' Uv aiv'ro'C ElelOtEev, i /ot IOKontv eld6rTEf ol.fat arOra civ VedJcf clv26vrer OVc  &vcEi ev, L22.' dLOevat iev rora#BOv Er'XeicOat rolf:alXatoTf vo/,uolf, ETrl JsTsCa v5 eiO6Ert.
According to Hieronymus in Epist. ad Gal. iv. 3, the Romans were omniunm superstitionumn sentina.
6 Respecting the heads of Paganism  at Rome, Praetextatus, Symmnachus, Flavianus,
Caecina Albinus, etc., who are introduced speaking in the Saturnalia of Macrobius, see
Alph. Mahul sur la vie et les ourvages de Macrobe in the Classical Journal, xxxi. 81.
Beugnot, i. 438.
7 Two embassies, with Symmnachlus at the head, the first in 382 to Gratian, t1he second
in 384 to Valentinian II. See Symmachi Epist. lib. x. Ep. 61.  On the other side,
Amnbrosii Epist. 17 and 18, ad Valentinianum.  Respecting the two later equally fruitless
embassies, the one to Theodosius, when he was staying at Milan, the other to Valentinian.,
see Ambros. Ep. 57, ad Eugenium. Beuginot, i. 410.
s So Eulogius, bishop of Edessa (see Libanins pro templis, ed. ]Reisli, vol. iI. p. 192, ss,
Gothofredus ad Cod. Theod. xvi. 10, 8), Marcellus, bishop of Apamnea (Sozom. vii. 15.
Theodoret. v. 21); but particularly Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria. See below, note 12.
Riidiger, i. c. p. 58, ss.
9 Libanius r7Elp v(Iv lepO)v (ed. Reiske, vol. ii. p. 164):    peS olQv  olvO' iepei,tcexKEueajs
(CEcglevaac), o7re FjsEva srpocev-t' oVre  tIp,, o7re ZtQvtov, oVrE f- agr b ri v  DAZ&Cov
OvteladurtoJ rujsl Eg XaclaarYC;v'e vCe, oVd' rclv 1w3swv.  ol dl.,pe2oaeEtsOVOveJVEf OV7ro
tcai v,-Eitt esv rijv'12eiedvTroe'ciovreC, tr6vov 6 IriapEXov7ef r,) irlt~0Et    ireV l(w/lY76V
oZ id' 6,;tCtip vV aVl7OlC wrapacigpr/eovct r7 erorev, VYKlCprOV7oef del reaVtba (sXpOl57rt vi7
ls a Vjf aVrotv CV7Of 7r'optCVi?   vo l',       ell, Kal 1tTp7olo70g vol0 epov,,  paov, otv
Ei' iep(, %V,.a Oipovref Ica it0ov'f lca atlsdplv, ol dl Kai eivev roesrIv, yEZpag Kacl 7-6dao..TeLy7a Mvaclv Xeia toaolatppoziceav bpo~cv, Karacrcawopl0tvv TOIXto'v, KataeCTOWt/V)vV
i7aZyetftrlv, vacrCsoplEvuV wwSl. vT.Orl' iEpeig dE } sl,.YdeV, 7) eOVatel    dJET. vT7v'rtpaTrWV
de ICaetslEvV, 6pol'f sr7 v(i (ElVrepa Kal' rppva.  Cal rTpO6aia 7porO-algf eovaveia 7,e( vO,tue.
ovveipeat. 7'o2,tvrat YE V olciv  vc  rfair 6iR2ese, vr rtoX CoI" Ev vroig aypof.. P. 6.'Euin'
d oVrogf Ob 7etof or6pol  rTCv / erv rcZS vaoe f E'tgyaesulwveV, vCeV dl v  Oevra trol,'a2Lati-tpool
(ye7epyots) apeaelvvtrMv, v6 rye CtieuEVa aV7'o7tf tiri v7rf y'K5, ael ii Tp7~ovev, (Jir' (iTepxoovraL
Oipovre~ ol lETe O6eV7Ef vrL rv  EIeoKTEooplcplEo.V-. voiGC 6' oV/Ce ipacel  vavea, (tDikI a}
yijv eevTepGpov-rat, 7rjv vol dElVOf 4eplyV elvat teyovreS, tcal  solt ol viV. arcvapoWv e'lCe7pgv'a,
s' Ovluta7o~ O'l C          O7p00o'. o dE itC vIV Ev pOV  vpvCUClt cKaoCyV, Ot Tv'ii EeVeV, Sf 6Calc,
rOV arCjv OEoa-e'eel o'v,-c OedEv.  7/v dle ot 7rewropOs7y'VOt rTapt rov  IV (t'vEt tOipVea
(CaZorct ycp orvtor  ivdpa ov  t6lcv Xpi7)r6v), Vv ovv l'EOe6veg c Olpo'vvea, iEyovr7Eg I
t.oiatvras, d6 e:otAV ovrog ro~Sr sftV'lrveCEC, vrolf &E  i7rfiacev, WS~ Ev v, pzj,feLS




2z4,SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324 —i5i.
390)10~ of the  eloquent Libanius, addressed  to  Theodoasius, had
no effect; the heathen were immediately afterward forbidden by
imperial laws even to repair to the temples; 11 and the destruction
of the splendid temple of Serapis 391) 12 by the violent Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, after a bloody contest, announced the
total overthrow  of paganism  in the east.
When Theodosius had become sole master of the entire Roman empire after the  death of   aclentinian  II. (1  392), he forbade  all  kinds  of  idolatry  by  the  most  severe  punishments
(392);13 and during his abode at Rome (394) he brought pubrrereovOivaz Icercepdalcrag' tcalrot r7f-,#ev u6g adpyf, 6 iCaL2tEf, Ka oa o.ro0t, o6o07r)  d?6.XpljUL)TrepOt r7OW UtdlKCOVT6ov aVra7oi, o096  TSv 7   UPYOvrOv) o0  py1a6/OIevoL. O' #1V0 y?'p
ai'g t[ea2irTatg, o0 cdl rotg K7171iCtv loicaeot. tIciv CICoVoa(t)Cv (ypv IXeIV    T7 pOV wpracOovatz.Avvaulvov, EV'iOi ovrogf lv Ovuiatg f  l7 Krt, tcat doetva. wot, cat dei a-rpaoeiac  e'" avr7v,
icael rdpEtatv o awCupovWlrai, 1c. f.;2. Cf. Theodoretus, v. 21.
lo Still incomplete in Reislhe, but complete for the first time in Novus SS. Patrum
Graecorum saeculi quarti delectus, rec. et adnotatione instruxit Lud. de Sinner. Paris.
L842. 8.
it Valentinian's law for the west, of the 27th February, 391. Cod. Theodos. xvi. 10, 10 -
Nemo se hostiis polluat, nemo insrontemn  victimam caedat, nemo delubra adeat, templa
perlustret, et mortali opere formata simulacra suscipiat. Judices quoque hanc forrmam
contineant, ut si quis-templum uspiam-adorlaturus intraverit, quindecim  pondo atui
ipse protinus inferre cogatur. The same was decreed for the east by Theodosius, L. 11,
17th June, 391.
12 Socrates, v. 16. Sozom. vii. 15. Theodoret. v. 22. Eunapius in vita Aedesii, ed.
Schotti, p. 63, ss. Zosimus, v. 23, especially Rufinus, who was at that time in Palestine.
Hist. eccl. xi. 22-30. Many impositions of the priests were hereby detected, Theodor.
1. c., Rufinus, 1. c. 23-25. The heathens were particularly and deeply impressed by the
circumstance that the expectation, quod si humnana manus simulacrum illud (Serapis)
contigisset, terra dehiscens illico solveretur in chaos, caelumque repente rueret in praeceps,(Rufin. 1. c. 23), had not been fulfilled at the destruction of the statue, and the fear which
still remained, Serapin injuriae memorem aquas ultra et affluentiam solitam non largiturun,(Rufln. 1. c. 30., f. Libanius, above, note 4), was contradicted by an ample inundation of.the Nile..
23 Cod. Theodos, xvi. 10, 12. Impp. Theodosius, Arcaditu et Honorius AA. ad Rtufinum,
Pf. P.: Nullus omnino, ex quolibet genere, ordine hominulia, dig-nitatum, vel in potestate
positus, vel honore perfanctus, sive potens sorte nascendi, seu humilis genere, conditione,
fortuna, in nullo penitus loco, in nulla urbe, sensu carentibus simulacris vel insontem victimam  caedat, vel secretiore piaculo larem  igne, mero genium, penates nidore veneratus, accendat lumina, imponat thura serta suspendat. ~ 1. Quodsi quispianm immolare
hostiam sacrificaturus audebit, aut spirantia exta consulere, ad exemplum majestatis reus
licita conctis accusatione delatus, excipiat sententiam  competentem, etiamsi nihil contra
salutem principuml, ant de salute quaesierit. Sufficit enim ad criminis molem, naturae
ipsius leges velle rescindere, illicita perscrutari, occulta recludere, interdicta tentare, finem
quaerere salatis alienae, spem  alieni interitus polliceri. ~ 2. Si quis vero mortali opere
facta et aevum passura simulacra imposito thure venerabitur, ac, ridiculo exemplo metuens
subito, quae ipse simulaverit, vel redimita vittis arbore, vel erecta effossis ara cespitibus
vanas imagines, humiliore licet muneris praemio, tamen plena religionis injuria honorare
tentaverit,'is, utpote violatae religionis reus, ea domo seu possessione multabitur, in qua
eum  gentilitia consterit superstitione famulatum.  Namque omnia loca, quae thuris
cnstit.rit vapere faumasse (si tamuen ea in,jure fuisse thurificantium  probabuntur), fisco




C1HAP. I. —STRTUGiGLE WITH  PAGANISPfM.  O 79.                    28'5
lie sacrifices to an end by interdicting the defraying of them  otit
of the imperial treasury.   At that time, he even called upon  the
senate  to  declare themselves  in  favor of Christianity;  but the
slavish  tokens  of subjection with which  they responded  to  him
had  so  little  serious  consequenceel     that even  heathen  honors
were offered to this zealous Christian  eimperor after his death,'
7 79.
TOTAL SUPPRESSIOTN OF PAGANISM IN THE EAST.-ITS STRUGGLE IN
THE WEST AFTER THEODOSIUS.
Rudiger, 1. c. p. 70, sse Be-agnot, 1. e. ii. 1, ss.
Paganism was at present only an external ceremonial, which
retained its hold  upon  a few  noble spirits with  a feeling  of panostro associanda censemus. ~ 3. Sin vero in templis fanisve publicis, ant ll aedibus
agrisve alienis tale quispiam sacrificandi genus exercere tentaverit, si ignorante domino
usurpata constiterit, xxv. libraram auri mulctae nomine cogetur inferre, conniventem vero
huic sceleri par ac sacrificantem poena retinebit. ~ 4. Quod quiderm ita per judices ac
defensores et curiales singularula  urbium volmnus custodiri, ut illico per hos comperta iin
judicium deferantur, per illos delata plectantur. Si quid autem ii tegendum gratia, aunt
incuria praetermittendu-mi esse crediderint, commotioni judiciariae subjacebunt.  Illi vero
mloniti si vindictam dissimulatione distulerint, xxx. librarinum auri dispendio mulctabuntur;.
officiis quoque eorum damno parili subjugandis. Dat. vi. Id. Nov. Constantinopoli, Arcadio.
A. II. et Rufino Coss.
-4 COImp. the narrative Prudent. in. Symnlachuni, i. 409, ss. Especially from 699, ss.:
Adspice, quam pleno subsellia nostra senata
D)ecernant, infame Jovis pulvinar et omne
Idolium lange purgata ex urbe fugandum:
Qua vocat egregii sententia principis, i]luc
Libera tum pedibus, tum corde frequentia transit.
A different account, and one more accordant with later phenomenla, is given by Zosimnus,
iv. 59, in his representation of the effect of Theodosius's discourse in the senate: Myldevof
6, r - vrapai/,oie 2 TElaaOvro f, crlpjE ioE.'Ovo TVc Cit' OnrTp 2 7-6kZSf  ctCOf mrcapaedEdoq/lVV
aCvrotf 7rarpov ivaXcowpcat, Icaoi 7porPtrcat eroTroyv 0koyov avycard0eoatv (ilceZva yev
yip dOvMdoavraCg M1 d&aecociop /cat' Xaiolt   aXedbiv fre7V C&rr6pOI/ov TV, rr62tv odles6v'
irepa 6d dcvrTi rVoWro  iuasoLa Vozvp 7i e1f/p1u[cov   I  yvosv)  v6-T6e d677   OEdda6tfo
flapivecOat rb v 7Odu6atov [ keye     rTEpit  I Ep  Iu ca  irf Ovlaoap datrdvp,,foJctE0aO  re
raoraY 7rEpte'Z'v, IC.... (That is to say, the usurper Eugenius had given back again the
legacies of the heathen sanctuaries (see note 3) which had been confiscated by Gratiain.
See Ambros. Ep. 57, ad Eugenium). The consequence, Zosim. v. 38: "Ore Oeod6octo 6
arpe,8Jrvpr7, *-v EVYEvGov IecaeueZV rvpavvcda, v#v'P6/jciv  TcarCaOlE,, caae Tr/  lepai
iltylareGaf o  verof7ae rIereZv 6tey7Piav, -rv  /ociauav doarTivVv riOt Tepa Ot Xopnyecv ipvGae#np1:o, airpnkaovovro  reiv lepe9 Icat iepetat, IcasreuqtidveTro    de 7cdTpC iepovpyiaf ra velvtl.
15 Betugnot, i. 487. Hence tlhe heathen poet, Claudianus de tertio Consulatu Ionorii, v.
162, ss., who lived at this tinme, represents the deathll of the emperor as an ascent to the
gods.




218 6               SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
triotism; but with the mass it was kept up merely from unrefleeting  custom   or superstitious  fear.   With  almost all, however, its ancient doctrine was obliged to sink under the pressure
of new  ideas.'   Hence the victory of Christianity over paganism
internally  dead, could  not be  matter of doubt;2 although  the
former often  carried  on  the  contest more  by  external mneans
than  by its inward  power.3   Many  neathen   could  not  resist
1 Orosius Hist. vi. I  Deum quilibet hominurn contemnere ad tempus potest, nescire in
totum non potest. Unde quidam, dum in anrultis Deum credunt, mlultos Deos indiscreto
timore finxeruint. Sed hinc jam vel maxime, curn auctoritate veritatis operante, turn
ipsa etiam ratione discutiente, discessum est. Quippe cum et philosophi eorulr-unum;Deum auctorem omniuml repererunt, ad quen unum ollnia referrentur; unde etiam nunc
pagani, quos jam  declarata veritas de contunmacia magis quam de ignorantia convincit,
num a nobis discutiun'tur, non se plures Deos sequi, sed sub uno Deo magno plures ministros venerari fatentur. Restat igitur de intelligentia veri Dei per multas intelligendi suspiciones confusa dissensio, quia de uno Deo omnium paene una opinio est. The heathen
said (Augustini Enarr. in Psalm xcvi. ~ 12): Non colihnus mlala daemonia: Angelos quos
dicitis, ipsos et nos colimus, virtates Dei magni et ministeria Dei magni. The heatlen
grammarian, Maximus of Madaura, writes to Augustine (August. Ep. 43): Olympuml
montem Deorum esse habitaculum, sub incerta fide Graecia fabulatur. At vero nostrae
urbis forum salutarium numinune froequentia possessum nos cernim us et probamus. Equi.
dem unilm esse Deum summum sine initio, sine prole, naturae ceu patrem magnum atque
magnificum, quis tam demens, tam mente captus neget esse certissimum?  Hujus nos
virtutes per mundanum  opus diffusas multis vocabulis invocamus, quoniam nomen  ejus
cuncti, proprium videlicet, ignoramus. Nam Deus omnibus religionibus commune nomen
est. Ita fit, ut, dum ejus quasi quaedam meombra carptiml variis supplicationibus prosequimur, totum colere profecto videamur. No one could endure that the Christian martyrs
should be preferred to these deities, qui conscientia nefandorum facinormrn, specie g loriosae mortis,-dignurm moribus factisque suis exitum maculati reperiunt.-Sed mihi la.
tempestate propemodum videtur bellum Actiacum rlrsus exortum, quo Aegyptia monstrs
in Romanorum  Deos audeant tela vibrare, minillle duratura. In Macrobii (about 410)
Saturnaliurm, i. 17. A Praetextatus (comp. ~ 78, note 6) declares the sun to be the one
supreme God. Si enim sol, ut veteribus placuit, dux et moderator est luIlinumn reliquorum, et solus stellis errantibus praestat; ipsaruna vero stellaram cursus ordinem rerum
hlumanarum-pro potestate disponunt:-necesse est, ut solem, qui mloderatur nostra mnoderantes, omnium, quae circa nos geruntur, fateamur auctorem. Et sicut Maro, cumn de una
Junone diceret, Quo numine laeso, ostendit, unius Dei effectus varios pro variis censendos
esse numinibus; ita diversae virtutes solis nomina Diis dederunt; uncde ev ro xiriv sapieonturn principes prodiderunt.
2 Cbrysostomus de S. Babyla contra Julianum et gentiles ~ 3. (Opp. ed. Montf. ii. 540),'Trr' ov dEvbg kvox2r0e8c! dore 7r f'Eo26r vtiicc  eturetdatoovfioaf    r 72dv] Lf' Eavr7yf
EiajfoOy/, cai mrepi eavorv  &9drrcr, ico dzrp nv ctuTeo'e, caep  r O itCl(5O6vt 7roapadoOeYTra
aiccp i, meKal tdrevfc ai'rafi Pgdrcrovro r aVor6uara 00eiperao, Kcaol  oaZvepvr7a  caria.lcpOv toavirerat.
3 Augustinus in Evang. Joannis tract. 25. ~ 10: OQuam multi non quaerunt Jesum nisi
ut illis faciat bene secundum tempus! Alius negotium  habet, quaerit intercessionera
clericolrm: alius premitur a potentiore, fugit ad ecclesiam: alias pro se vult interveniri
apud eum, apud quem parum valet: ille sic, ille sic: impletur quotidie talibus ecclesia.
Vix quaeritur Jesus propter Jesum. Cf. Id. de Catechizandis rudibus c. 17. Hieronymus
Comm. in Esaiam, lib. xvii.: Quod sequitur: Et venient ad te curvi,-quli detraxerant tibi
(Es. lx. 14), de his debemus intelligere, qui non voluntate, sed necessitate sunt Christiani,
et metu offensae regonantium timentibus animis inclinantur.




CHAP. I. —ST!1UGGLE WITH PAGANISAM.  % 79.                        287
the external advantages presented by it.  Few were ready to
suffer for their religion.4    But it is  true, that in  this manner
also the number of merely external Christians was increasedmen who still entertained heathen modes of thought and disposition; and the value of Christianity was by no means so generally  manifested  in the  practices of its confessors as before.5
In the empire of the east (Arccadius, 395-408, Theodosius If.
till 450), which was less disturbed  from  without, the ordinances
of  Theodosius  against paganism   could  be  strictly  enforced.6
Crowds of monks were sent about through the provinces with
full power from the emperors, for the purpose of destroying all
traces of idolatry.7  Even misdeeds and murders were allowed
to pass unheeded by the emperors; such as the horrible murder
of the female philosopher Hypatia in Alexandria (416).8   The
new-platonic philosophers at Athens, and among them even the
celebrated Proclus (t 485),9  were  forced  to  conceal themselves
most carefully, because they rejected Christianity. As early as
4 Augustini Enarr. in Psalm. cxli. ~ 20: Quis eorum comprehensus est in sacrificio, cUrn
his legibus ista prohiberentur, et non negavit?  Quis eorum  comprehensus est adorare
idolom, et non claimavit, non feci, et timuit ne convinceretr?  Tales ministros Diabolus
habebat. He then contrasts with them the steadfastness of the Christian martyrs. Chrys.
ostom de S. Babyla, ~ 7, says of the heathen priests, 1,uly2ov dEUTrorwjv lca  T r(Sv eil&2eov
&d  avridv -rov  flacctbEcg Oepa7aerovct, and describes the neglected state in which the
temples, altars, and images of the gods were, in consequence, under Christian emperors.
5 Thts Augustinus Enarr. in Psalm. xxv. g 14, makes a heathen reply: Quid mihi persuades ut Chlristianus sim?  Ego fraudem a Christiano passus sum, et nunquam feci:
falsum mihi juravit Christianus, et ego nunquam.  Chrysostom. in 1 Epist. ad Tim. Hoem.
r.  3. (Opp. xi. 602): OVSedi Civ 7v "E 2Mtyv, Ei'Lteci Jytev XptartCavo, C)5 de!.-OVBECi
~rpcaetrov.  oi y'p  daleoc6stevol 7rpObs  r7v r'v lacaKtoi v adper7dnv opo-i. itc osrav
tMcoat Koa i r]mgC TrV avrrv Eer lOvd tv/tovr'ag,-7rov apmEv, rov rtFcuOat, rCd  deC vvGov7at
Oavyztaat rbv Xptrvtlavtelzv;'OpCet fiovc'tsT7lbitU ovf, l/)vyag y/ivas, K. r. A.
6 Cod. Theod. xvi. 10, 13, ss. By L. 14 their privileges were taken from the priests.
7 So Chrysostom (Theodoret. v. 29): MaOoyv TriV  OtVKicV Ettv  t   rept rs- rv dcatYt6vCov
re7kE'Ts-  yettevIVat, IatcIrrSp uisV  i/3X,  Oe6i6 7rvprTouoevov ov  cevvd2eSe, v6totc dJ  a-ropg
0oricaSC fiavticlcoT, i    sa- -o r dv eiokAicdov biS71rol reo/lveov. These v6Oyot are without
doubt Cod. Theod. xvi. 10, 16, A.D. 399: Si quli in agris templa sunt, sine turba ac tumultu
diruantur.  Cf. Chrysostom. Epistt. 28, 51, 53, 54, 55, 59, 69, 123, 126, 221.  Chrysostom
worked in the same way in other countries also. See Procli (Episc. Constantinop. 434445) laudatlo S. Jo. Chrys. (Orat. xx. in Combefisii Nov. auctarium, i. 468): In Epheso
artem Mldae nudavit, in Phrygia Matreln quae dicebatur deorulm sine filiis fecit, in Caesarea publicana meretricia honoris vacua despoliavit, in Syria Deum impugnantes synagogas evacuavit, in Perside verbum pietatis seminavit.
8 Socrates, vii. 15. Damascius ap. Saidam, s. v. Hypatia. The article Hypatia of Alexandria in E. Muinch's vermischte hist. Schrifte. Bd. 1. Ludwigsburg. 1828. 8.
9 Vita Procli scriptore Marino ed. J. A. Fabricius.  Hamb. 1700. 8. His eighteen  mrtXetpye-ara Karc' Xptaoravsev are contained and refuted in Johannis Philoponi libb. 18, do
Aeternitate mundi (graece ex Trincavelli officina. Venet. 1535. fol. lat. vert. Job Mahatius. Lugd. 1557. fol.).




288                 SECOND PERIOD.-D AIV. I.-A.D. 2-'
423,  all  visible  traces  of paganisL                 had  disappeared  in  the
east.'0
It was otherwise in the west, notwithstanding the want of all
living attachment to paganism  in this quarter of the world also,
So  little  hold had it on  the minds of the  people, that even  in
Rome,  its continued center, where many  families of note were
still heathen, and many of the highest places were still occupied
by  heathen, " sacrifices were t'otally discontinued, after the cost
of public oblations had ceased to be defrayed by the state.   Under the feeble reign  of Honorizus  (395-423), the  earlier laws
against paganism   still remained  in  force,  and  were  even  increased  by  the  addition  of several new   enactments;  but the
emperor was obliged  at times to  limit their operation,l2  to  acknowledge  heathen  priesthood  as public  offices,13  and  to  put a
check to the destruction  of temnples,'4 for the sake of preserving
some  degree  of tranquillity.   The  struggle,  however,  between
Christianity and paganism  often proceeded here and there to  acts
of violence, in which the one party prevailed: at one time, the other at another.15   As the heathen had always been accustomed  to
10 Theodosius II. in Cod. Theodos. xvi. 10, 22. (A.D. 423): Paganos, qui supersunt,
quanquam  jam  nullos esse credamus, promnulgatarumn legum  jamdudum  praescripta
compescant.
n1 Thus Florentinus, A.D. 397, and Flavianus, 399, were Praef. urbis, Valerius Messala,
396, Praef. praet. Italiae, Atticus Consul, 397 (Beugnot, ii. 6). Praefecti urbis were Rutilius Numatianus, A.D. 413, Albinus, 414, Symlmaclhus, 418: Praef. praet. Ital. 429 Volusianus (1. c. p. 127).
12 Honorius had issued, in the ye'ar 408, the law Cod. Theod. xvi. 5, 42: Eos qui Catholicae sectae sunt inimici, intra palatium  militare prohibemus. Nullus nobis sit aliqua
ratione conjunctus, qui a nobis fide et religione discordat. But when he afterward wished
4o nominate the heathen Generidus commander in Rhoetia, the latter did not undertake
tbe office &og 6 i PacrlabV, aidoi re /gLa cal Xpeita CvvwodOigEvof, ETravaev i:rv TCret rbv
v6/ov,,dirnodorg bciart, r71  avro ZvrTL J6dfg,   %pXEctv re icai CrparT EEcaOa. Zosimus,
v. 46.
13 Cod. Theod. xii. i. 166 ad Pompejanum Procons. Africae, A.D. 400.
14 The African bishops resolved at the Concil. Africanum, A.D. 399, to make tlhe followving propositions to the emperors, Can. 25 (Cod. Eccl. Afric. c. 58. Mansi, iii. p. 766):
Ut reliquias idolorum per totum Africam jubeant penitus amputare-et trempla eorum,
quae in agris vel in locis abditis constituta nullo ornamento sunt, jubeantur omnimodo destrui. Can. 27 (Cod. Afric. c. 60): Ut quoniam contra praecepta divina convivia multis in
locis exemcentur, quae ab errore gentili attracta sunt-vetari talia jubeant, etc. But thereupon Honorius, Al.D 399, enacted two laws of an opposite character, Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi.
tit. 10, 1. 17: Ut profanos ritus jam salubri lege submovimus, ita festos conventus civium
et communem  omnium laetitiam  non patimur submoveri. L. 18: Aedes, inlicitis rebus
vacuas, nostrarutn beneficio sanctionum, ne quis conetur evertere.
15 Regarding the destruction of temples which Martin, bishop of Tours, A.D..q75-400,
undertook, with violent opposition on the part of the heathen, see Sulpic. Severus de vita
b. Martini, c. 13-15. In Anaunia, a valley of the Rhoetian Alps, the missionaries Sisill




CHAP. I.-STRUGGLE WITH PAGANISM. ~ 79.                         289
lay the blame of all misfortune  on the Christians, so since the
west of Europe  had  been  inundated  by  barbarous people, and
even Italy had been several times devastated by such hordes,
they  were  especially  loud  in declaring  all these disasters to  be
punishments  sent by the gods,l6 and  in- predicting  the  speedy
downfall  of  Christianity.'7   Against  these   accusations  the
writings  of  Augzustine"   and   the   Spanish   presbyter   Oronius, Martyrius, and Alexander, were horribly murdered, A.D. 397, by the heathen during
the Pagan festival of the Ambarvalia, and the church built by them destroyed. See Acta
SS. (ad d. 29 Maj.) Maji, t. vii. p. 38. In Suffecte, in Africa, the Christians had demolished a statue of Hercules, and the heathen killed sixty of them for it (August. Ep. 268
ad Suffectanos). How at Calama, in Numidia, the heathen, during one of their festivals
in the year 408, attacked the church there, and persecuted the Christians, may be seen in
Augustin. Ep. 202 ad Nectarium.'s When the Gothic king Rhadegaisus, 405, broke into Italy, the heathen said (Augustin. de civ. Dei, v. 23), quod ille diis amicis protegentibus et opitulantibus, quibus immolare quotidie ferebatur, vinci omnino non posset ab eis, qui talia diis Romanis sacra non
facerent, nec fieri a quoquam permitterent. When Rome was subsequently besieged by
Alaric, 409 (Sozom. ix. 6), Pvaficalov td6tcet rofl EWlq2vioaots 7i1-  avyY2.CroOV, (OELtv I,'
reCi KIa-rzt72p act t-rCof 62Lotg vaoef. And Zosimus, v. 41, asserts:'O d d'Ivvolcivrtof
-ir/v iri  ir66erSf oTr Iptaiv ibtwrpOC0ev T71f / OticetaS xrotl7oevof d6sg,  23n(pa  ~tdllcev
alvroCe  irotsev 2TrEp CaCLatv. Comp. Beugnot, ii. 55. Zosimus, iv. 59: Te Ov yro2tcol
OeatzoV  yiuavrof, can  ruv  u awv, oca T7C iraTptov rrapadoacErof jv,'v tUE Eeit KErttevEOv,;I'Poutaiv ti brttpdretea Ktar - s'pof E'Xarrou Efccaa, iap/dptov oic7r7ijptov yyove,
0 cla  rkeov e airCeoVae rmuv o0zKTar6ppov E1f e70re cartr7 ax/etarf, OjcYre  ldt  roviw
r67rovs, ev oeg yEyovaotv at 7r62etf, ELrtytev6arcetv.
17 Many Christians believed that Christ should return 365 years after his first appearance, and the end of the world take place. Philastr. Haer. 106: Alia est haeresis de
anno annunciato ambigens, quod ait Propheta Esaias: Annuntiare annum Dei acceptabilem et diem retributionis. Putant ergo quidam, quod ex quo venit Dominus usque ad
consulimmationem saeculi non plus nec minus fieri annorlnm numerum, nisi ccclxv. usque
ad Christi Domini iterum de'caelo divinam praesentiam. To this Christian expectation
the heathen gave another application. Augustin. de civ. Dei, xviii. 53: Excogitaverunt
nescio quos versus Graecos tanquam consualenti cuidam divino oraculo effusos, ubi Christumn
quidem ab hujus tanquam sacrilegii crimine faciunt innocentem, Petrnm autem nmaleficia
fecisse subjungunt (namely, scelere magico puer, ut dicunt, anniculus occisus, et dilaniatus,
et ritu nefalio sepultus est), ut coleretur Christi nomen per ccclxv. annos, deinlde completo
memorato numero annorum sine mora sumeret finel. In the work de Promissionibus et
Praedictionibus Dei lib. (inserted in Prosper's works, and written by an African, about
450), it is related, P. iii. prom. 38, how the bishop Aurelius at Carthage had converted the
long-closed temple of Caelestis (the Phoenician Astarte) into a Christian church, which,
however, soon after (420) had been destroyed for the purpose of obviating a heathen
illusion. Cum a quodamn paganoe falslum vaticinium, velut ejusdem Caelestis proferretur,
quo rursum et via et templa prisco sacrorum ritui redderentur-verus Dens-sub Coilnstantio et Augusta Placidia, quorum inunc filius Valentinus plus et christianus imperat,
Urso insistente tribuno, oneia ilia ad solumn usque perducta agrum reliquit in sepulturam
scilicet mortuorum.
18 Augustin. Retractat. ii. 43: Interea Roma Gothorutn  irruptione agentium sub rege
Alarico, utque impetu mlagnae cladis eversa est, enjus eversionem deorum falsorum multormnque cultores, quos usitato nomine Paganos vocamus, in christianam  religionema
referre conantes, solito acerbius etnarmarius Deum verum blasphemare coeperunt. Unde
ego exardesgcens zelp domus'Dei, adversus eorum blasphemias vel errores libros de
TOL..-  19




290                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
sius 19 could do but little; but they must have become dumb of
themselves when even the German conquerors became converts
to Christianity, and persecuted heathenism.20    Hence even Val
entinian  III. (423-455), with  all his powerlessness, could appear again  as a decided  opponent to  paganism.2'   Still it was
kept up more or less privately amid the confusion of migrations.22
civitate Dei scribere institui.  Hoc auteml de civitate Dei grande opus tandem xxii.
libris est terminatuml.  Quorum quinque primi eos refellunt, qui res humanas ita prosperari volunt, ut ad hoc multorumn deorum  cultulm, quos Pagani colere consueverunt,
necessarium esse arbitrentur: et quia prohibetur, mala ista exoriri atque abundare contendunt. Sequentes autem quinque adversus eos loquuntur, qui fatentur haec mala nec
defuisse unquam, nec defutura mortalibus, et ea nunc magna, nunc parva, locis, temporibus, personisque variari, sed deorum multorum cultum, quo eis sacrificatur, propter vitam
post mortem futuram esse utilem disputant. His ergo decem libris duae istae vanae
opiniones christianae religioni adversariae refelluntur. Sed ne quisquam nos aliena tantum redarguisse, non autem nostra asseruisse reprehenderet, id agit pars altera operis
hujus, quae libris xii. continetur.  Duodecim ergo librorum sequentium  primi quatuor
continent exortum duarulm civitatum, quarum est una Dei, altera hujus mundi. Secundi
quatuor excursum earun sive procursum.  Tertii vero, qui et postremi, debitos fines.
Augustini de civitate Dei lib. xxii. cull commentario Jo. Lad. Vivis. Basil. 1522. fol.;
cum. comm. Leon. Coquaei. Paris. 1636. fol.; curo comm. Vivis et Coquaei sullt. Zach.
Hertelii. Hamburg. 1661. 2 tom. 4. Jo. van Goens Disp. hist. theol. de Aurel. Augustino
Apologeta secundum libros de civitate Dei. Amstelod. 1838. 8.
19 Pauli Orosii adversus Paganos historiarum libb. vii. rec et illustr. Sigeb. Havercampus.
Lugd. Bat. 1738. 4. Tl. de Moerner de Orosii vita ejusque hist. libris. Berol. 1844. 8.
20 So the Goths under Alaric at the sacking of Rome, 410 (Augustin. de civ. Dei, v. 23),
qui-ad loca sancta confugientes, christianae religionis reverentia, tuerenitur, ipsisque daemonibus atque impiorum sacrificiorum ritibus-sic adversarentur pro nomine christiano,
ut longe atrocius bellum curm eis quam curn hominibus gerere viderentur. Cf. i. 1.
21 Cod. Theod. xvi. 5, 63, A.D. 425: Omnies haereses onmnesque perfidias, omnia schismata
superstitionesque gentililum, onmnes catholicae legis inilllicos insectamur elrores.  It is
decreed, sacrilegae superstitionis auctores, participes, conscios proscriptione  plectendos.
22 So in upper Italy Maximus Ep. Taurionesis (about 440, ed. Rom. 1784. fol.) Serm. 90,
p. 655: Ante dies commonueram caritatem vestram, fratres, ut-idolorum omneem pollutionem de vestris possessionibus auferretis, et erueretis ex agris universum  gentilium
errorem. Nec se aliquis excusatum putet, dicens, non jussi fieri, non mandavi-tacendo
enim, et non arguendo consensum  praebuit immolanti.-Tu igitur, frater, cumr tuum
sacrificare rusticum cernis, nec prohibes immolare, peccas. Cum cellam ingressus fueris,
reperies in ea pallentes cespites, mortuosque carbones.  Et si ad agrum  processeris,
cernis aras ligneas et simulacra lapidea. Culr maturius vigilaveris, et videris saucium
vino rusticum, scire debes, quoniam, sicut dicunt, aut dianaticus (a worshiper of Diana),
aut aruspex est:-talis enim sacerdos parat se vino ad plagas deae suae, ut dum est
ebrius poenamo suam ipse non sentiat. Nam ut paulisper describamus habiturnm vatis
hujusce: est ei adulterinis criniculis hirsutum caput, nuda habens pectora, pallio crura
semicincta, et more gladiatoroln-ferrum  gestat in manibus, nisi quod gladiatore pejor
est, quia ille adversus alterumrn dimicare cogitur, iste contra se pugnare com pellitur. So
also Maximus contra Paganos (Opp. p. 721) is directed against the still existing idolatry.
Comp. his Sermo 77, p. 610: Principes quidern tam boni christiani leges pro religione
promulgant, sed eas executores non exerunt competenter. In Gaul, Cone. Arelat. ii. ann.
443, c. 23: Si in alicujus Episcopi territorio infideles aut faculas accendunt, aut arbores,
fontes vel saxa veneraltur, si hoc eruere neglexerit, sacrilegii reum se esse cognoscat.
Here persecutions of the Christians must still have talen place once and again, for chapter
10 contains pesnitence-decisions de his qui in persecutione praevaricati sunt,. si voluntarie




CHAP. L.-STRTCGGLE WITH PAGANISM.'~ 79..29
Particular heathen customs, which had become of value to the
people or had gained their superstitious confidence, were maintained, notwithstanding all the conversions to Christianity.23
fidem negaverint; and chapter 11 respecting those, qui dolore victi et pondere persecationis negare vel sacrificare compulsi sunt. In Africa: -de Promiss. et Praedict. Dei libb.
P. iii. prom. 38 (comp. above, note 17): Novi quoque ipse, in quadam parte Mauretaniae
provinciae de spelaeis et cavernis ita antiqua producta simulacra, quae fuerant absconsa
ut omnis illa cumr clericis in sacrilegio perjurii civitas teneretur. In Corsica Paganism
continued predominant, and sacrifices were publicly offered. A female Christian named
Julia was crucified by the exasperated heathens (between 440-445), because she would
not take part in a sacrifice. See Acta SS. Maj. viii. 167 (ad 22 Maj.).
23 In Rome, too, such practices as had a certain political importance were kept up.
See Salvianus (presbyter in Marseilles, about 440. Salv. et Vincent. Lir. Opp. ed. Baluzius.
Paris. 1684. 8. Bremae. 1688. 4) de gubernatione Dei lib. vi. ed. Brem. p. 106: Numquid,
non Consulibus et pulli adhuc gentilium sacrilegorum more pascuntur, et volantis pennae
auganria quaesrntur, ac paele omnia fiunt, quae etiam illi quondam pagani veteres frivola
atque irridenda duxerunt?-haec propter Consules tantum flunt. The fights with wild
beasts were continued, Salvianus, vi. p. 105: Nihil ferme vel criminum, vel fiagitiorurn
est, quod in spectaculis non sit; ubi summum deliciarum genus est mori homines, aut,
quod est nlorate gravius ac;erbisque, lacerari, expleri ferarum alvos humanis car-nibus,
conledi homines cum circumlstantium  laetitia, conspicientium voluptate.-Atque ut hoe
fiat, orbis impendium est; magna enim cura id agitur et elaboratur.-Sed haec, inquis,
non semper flunt.'Certuml est, et praeclara erToris est excusatio, quia non semper fiulit!
P. 113: Si quando evenerit,-ut eodem die et festivitas ecclesiastica et ludi publici agantur,
quaero ab omnium conscientia, quis locus majores christianorum virorum copias habeat,
c-avea ludi publici, an atrium Dei?-Non solum ad Ecclesiam non veniunt qui Christianos
se esse dicunt; sed si qui inscii forte venerint, dum in ipsa Ecclesia sunt, si ludos agi
audiunt, Ecclesiam derelinquunt.-Maximus Taurin. Hom. c. p. 334: Ante dies plerosque
-circa vesperum tanta vociferatio populi extitit, ut irreligiositas ejus penetraret ad caelum.
Quod cum requirerem, quid sibi clamor hic velit; dixerunt mlihi, quod laboranti lunae vestra vociferatio subveniret, et defectumr ejus suis clamoribus adjuvaret. It was believed
(Hom. ci. p. 337), lunam de caelo magorum carminibus posse deduci. The heathen festival
of the Kalendae Januariae was universally observed.  Alabrose, Augustine, Leo the
_Great, and Peter Chrysologus, bishop of Ravenna, expresv themselves with zeal against
it; also Maximus Hom. ciii. p. 343: Quis sapiens, qui dominici Natalis sacramenturn
colit, non ebrietatem condellnet Saturnalium, non decoinet lasciviam Kalendarum? —Sunt
plerique, qui trahentes consuetudinem de veteri stperstitione vanitatis, Kalendarum diem
pro summa festivitate procurent.-Nam  ita lasciviunt, ita vino et epulis satiantur, ut qui
toto anno castus et temperans fuerit, illa die sit temulentus atque pollutus.-Illud autem
quale'est, quod surgentes mature ad publicum culr  munusculo, h. e., cum strenis Unusquisque procedit, et salutaturus amicos, salutat praemio antequam osculo? caet. Most
striking is that which Salvianus de gob. Dei viii. p. 165, writes of Africa: Quis non eorunm,
qui'Christiani' appellabantur, Caelestem illam (see note 17) aut post Christum adoravit,
ant, quod est pejus multo, ante quam Christum? -Quis non daemoniacorum sacrificiorum
nidore plenus, divinae domus limen introiit, et cum foetore ipsorum daemonum Christi
altare conscendit?-Ecce qlzae Afrorumn, et maxime nobilissimorum, fides, quae religio,
quae christiauitas fuit!-At, inquis, non omnes ista faciebant. sed potentissimi quique,
ac sublimissimi. Adquiescamus hoc ita esse, caet.




292            SECOND PERIOD.-DTV. I.-A.D. 324-451.'
SECOND CHAPTER,
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY.
J. Chr. F. Wundemann Gesch. d. christi. Glaubenslehren vom Zeitalter des Athanasius
bis auf Gregor. d. G. 2 Theile. Leipz. 1798, 9~9. 8. Munscher's Do nuengeschichte.
Bd. 3, 4.
so0.
NIITRODUCTI0CN.
The universally received articles of the Christian faith in
the beginning of this period were still so simple as to admit of
ince to reason for free inquiry.  How manifold were the theological views which  arose, may be seen particularly from  a
comparison of the different schools, the speculative Origenist5
the traditional, and the historico-exegetical, which now first be.
gan.  And a still greater contrast of systems might be expected
from the inclination of the Greek Christians to speculation and.
argument,1 when external tranquillity was afforded them, after
the cessation of persecution.
Thus theological controversies were unavoidable,, though they
would have had none other than a salutary influence on the development of reason, if patties had abided by the old distinction
between 7irrtGt and yvTatg with clear consciousness; and if debated questions belonging to theology had not been drawn into
the province of religion and the church.  But the very simplicity
of the older articles of faith frequently invited the disputants to
appeal to them in their own favor, and so to aeeuse their opponents of deviating from  the faith.  If the accused also wished
to lay claim for themselves to that freedom  of speculation on
the basis of the riarLf, the hierarchy, on the other hand, was a
natural enemy to such liberty as would withdraw from its guardianship any department affecting the church, and had, of course,
an interest in bringing all theological matters of debate from the
Cicero de Orat. i. 11: Graeculos homines contentionis cupidiores qiuam veritati-i;




CHAP. II.-HISTORY OF THEOLOGY. Q 80. INTRODUCTION. 293
province of theology into the province of religious faith, in order
to be able to lay claim  to the right of decision.  This interest
now appeared the more reckless in proportion as opposition to the
heathen  ceased to be a formidable thing, requiring a forbearing
patience within the church, and in proportion as the hierarchy
was now supported by worldly power.
Thus religious controversies assumed at the present time a very
different character.  While they were forerly limited to particular provinces, the whole Christian world was gnow divided by theological disputes into two parties.   To put an end to the division
by a final ecclesiastical decision the emperors called general coun-,cils (aVovoJ   oicovELew.ttai), elevated  their decisions into laws of
the realm, and  applied worldly power to enforce them  universally. In earlier times, the councils summoned against heretics
contented themselves merely with warding off,the false doctrine
by denials.; but now the general councils, feeling their ecclesi-;astical importance, and supported by the imperial power, began
to exalt positive decisions regarding disputed points, into ecclesiastical articles of faith.2   Thus the development of doctrines
proceeded more rapidly, while the field left to free speculation
was always narrowed  in  proportion.   On  this very  account,
too, opponents presented  a  much  more  obstinate  opposition,
and  the schisms became greater and more  stiff-necked.  The
struggle had the most important influence on the development
of the internal relations of the church., and was even of great
political moment, from  the circumstance of the emperors themselves taking a share in it.   Hence, from this time forward, the
history of theological disputes forms the central point not only
of the whole history of the church, but sometimes also of the
political history of the Roman smpire.
2 Hilarius de Trinitate, ii. 1: Sufficiebat quidem. credentibus Dei sermo,-cum dicit
Dominus: Euntes nune docete omnes gentes, baptizantes eos in normine Patris et Filii et
Spiritus sancti, etc.-Sed compellimur haereticorum et blasphemantium vitiis illicita
aere, ardua scandere, ineffabilia eloqui, inconcessa praesumere. Et cum sola fide exipleri quae praecepta sunt oporteret, adorare scilicet Patrenm, et venerari cum eo Filium,
sancto Spiritu abundare: cogimur sermonis nostri humilitatem ad ea quae inenarrabilia.sunt extendere, et in vitium vitio coarctamur alieno; ut quae contine'i religione mention
-o'ortvusset, nune in pericalum humnani eloquii proferantur.




294                SECOND PE'RIOD.-D- IV. I.-A.D. 324-4R5.
I. PERIOD OF THE ARIAN DISPUTES.
WValch's Historie der Ketzereien, ii. 385, if. J. A. Mdhler's Athanasius d. Grosse u. d',
Kirche seiner Zeit, bes. il Kampfe mit demn Arianismus. 2 Th. Mainz. 1827. 8. Baur"n
Lehre von d. Dreieinigkeit u. Menschwerdung Gottes in ihrer geschichtl. Entwickelung,
i. 320. G. A. Meier's Lehre von der Trinitdt in ihrer histor. Entwickelung, i. 134.
Ritter's CGesch. d:. christl. Philssophie, ii, 18..
~ 81.
BEGINNING OF THE ARIAN CONTROVERSY TO THE SYNOD OF''
NICE (325).
Storia critica della vita di Arrio, scritta da Gaetano Maria Travasa, Cler. Reg. Teatino,
Venezia. 1746. 8. Der Arianismus in s. ursprungl. Bedeuttng u  Richtung von L. Lange,
in Illgen's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol. iv. ii. 75.
W~hile endeavors were made in vain to reunite the Donatists
and Meletians with the church, the progressive development of
the doctrine of the Logos gave rise to a new controversy, which
soon  became  more  general and violent than  any that had preceded it.   The common  doctrine of the Logos, after the expulsion  of the  Monarchians, was, that he  is the  mediator of all
Divine agency in the finite, by the will of the Father, and less
than he.   Regarding his origin, the emanistic idea had been by
far the most general.   In opposition to it, the school of Origen
represented him as an eternal ray of the Divine glory. This
bringing forth of the Logos outside of the Divine essence by
thile will of the Father was still, however, a creation; and  that
this creating  could  not be  eternal, was already perceived, when,
Dionysius of Alexandria, in opposition to Sabellius, gave greater
prominence  to  the  fact that the  Son was  created.'   But the
emanists also took offense at this conclusion;  for with them  the
Logos was eternal, though  not as a person, yet still in the es.
sence of God from whom he had proceeded. Dionysius at that
time  prevented  a  controversy  by  yielding; but now  Arius,, a
~ S'ee Divis. I. ~ 64, notes 7, 8, ~. 66, note 16. The Jiomish Dionysius merely inlers from
the expressions of the Alexandrian the non-eternity of the Logos; the latterdenies this, a
proof that he did not express it as his opinion. If, however, the Logos was a creature, he
was not eternal. Hence the Arians referred even to Dionysius in favor of this doctrineSee ~ 14, note 7. Athanasius de sententia Dionysii endeavors to excuse him.; but B.ae
the Great, E.p.. i2, finds in. him. the germ of Aria.nism,




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY.  I. ARIAN PERIOD.  ~ 81. TILL 325.    295
presbyter in Alexandria, who, in the school of Lucian, by a historico-exegetical training had received the love of intelligible
clearness, wished to remove the latent contradiction in Origen's
doctrine, by teaching that the Logos is a created, and consequently not an eternal being.2 When he fell into a dispute
2 Writings of Arius: Epist. ad Eusebium Nicomediensem ap. Epiphan. Haer. 69, ~ 6,
and Theodoret. Hist. Eccl. 1, 4, Epist. Alexandrum  ap. Athanasius de synodis Arim. et
Seleuc. c. 16, and Epiphanius Haer. 69, ~ 7, OaX2cia (#Dqeptg r, XavvO6r7t 7oZtf Xtortdov
Vcaoaotrv, Sozom. i. 21), not extant, except fragments in Athanasius.  According to Athanasius c. Arian. Or. ii. 24, Arius, Eusebius, and Asterius, in their works, inculcated these
sentiments respecting the creation of the world 65d  ucpac Oto6)v o Oe~o rgv yEvY7irv icreat
u~atv, dwretdiG &6Spa i  dvvoay/tv7v awr7v  ETtaaXEa v rig rov raT rpbc dacprov (XrEtpof), Keat
rig 7rap' aVrod  7/ltovpyiae, rotfei Icai ICKr[et rp6togrS /6vog uovov dva Ica,caeE ro Tfrov
viov Icai 2oyov, y'va rodrov Ltaov yEvorevov  orcogf kotwrv ica 7ri2 wrvra dI' aedro  yevroOat dvv0r.O.  Arius's own explanations, Epist. ad Euseb.: "Ort 6 vi10 oeVtC ortv ayE'tvvYroe, o6d ji/por aiyevvjTrov  Car' ov(5Eva rp6wov, oVdd  /  droicctycvov rtv6r'- 6t2' Ort
OeXijyeart icae p3ovk  9 V7ErkarT  rpo Xp6vtov icat wrpe airvov rrw2vjpV  Oeog, ttovoyevrr, avaocXol/orog, Icad wrpi  yevvrOr9, 7rot,crtoOpI, 90    ptoO,, 7 Oe/eLCEtoW0, oedc itv' *y/Vr7rOf yap
Oedc  vP. dIOIc6teOa, rOT  e drayev, aipXiv dXel 6 vdbf, o6 6  Qe Oif  viapX6f Eort.   6t TOVTO
d&toc6eOiEa. icae drL enraejev, 0rt: oedit'rvrrwv dordv. orrtf 6d eiwrayer, icaO6rt oddd O0/'pog
(Eod, od6d E' dTroicett/vov rtv6g. Epist. ad Alex.: Odla/Eev Eva Oe/v, 116vov iy/Evv?jlrov,TOerov  0edv y~evvrcavra vILov pyovoyev  wpo Xp6vtdv alovrov, dt' ovb ca roov  al/vac, Iatc
T2 tot 7r wewo7rOi/ce'  yevvaoavra &6 oed doICtEet, Miiu' 6XL0Eian, v7rorCoazvTa dC  id3o Oe21uarl, trTpe7rrov KcaL CvalUoiwtrov, criaica Trov Peoeo  r/etov, tdZt' oeX t  gv drTtv Kartcurdrt(), y.vvr7tCa, Ct'2'       0oXv tg Edv rv  yevvwdrtorv, odt' Jg  Odbaevrgvog rVpoiori v Tr
yervriya Tov  warpapg'deoyutrG6ae v, od6' 6g  6o Mavtlafog /lEpof 61toovtorov to  7rwarpof ro
yevwrr a et/oyYaaaro, oVdd' tjS Z.ea/2ktof rv r oveadc.a dtatphjv, v0wltrrOpa E -rEv, Odu' (jS
"IeptKag 2Ldrevov  wrc6 XdXvov, i) tog Xa/wadda elg ddo, oVdd  rrV 6rVa r p6repov, Varepov
yEvvwOEv ra, ) EtKiCrtoi)vr7a e f vO6v r —tl22L' tdg ~aaetv, OeX2Jiart T70o  EO  rTpb Xp6OVWV icai
w     6p  v aiDvCv CirtoOEV7a, IcaL rTb (,v Ka r6 eglvat rapa TOo wrarpob eril96Ora, icat rTa/ d60a
cavvwTooroaavrof aVdrto rod  arpbf.  oV yap O wra7rp, dovS a'r& wrdvrTv  rjrv IcKZpovo[erav, e'orpGrloev Eavrbv, hrv iyevvrr 6)og dXet Erv Oavr&C.   wly) yYdp Earit rtzvrov.  2aOre
rpeCg Elat2V V7OwrTacetG, Icat 6 iEdv Oebf arto10C rov wivrtorv rvyxavcv, Ecrtv uvapXog
yovTraTroo.  6 dE valbg dXp6vrwS yevvr70Eif dTw  rov rarpbf, Kcat wpob ar6vwv KTtrCOEIf icai
OEEGUXtto0EC, OeIC  V wprp  reod yevv7r0vac  oV56d   ydp Eortrv'1deoS, ) cvvaitdog, i ovvayevvlroe  rT 7Tarpi. —el 67 ro  Edd avrov, Kat rO iK ya-rpbg, icae r7 tec reod warpbC E/ u0eov icae
71tt,             70Sg t/poeg edrdo dooeedov,   icad  7g srpoefor dwr6 rtvov voe trat, adGveroS Eoarat 6 wair-p xad dai/perof, itcu rpejr-rb, icae uCtua tear' adr7o0, icaed r doev rw' earo70  r/ai uC6dov0a
ajtiart wrcXitov, o dao3jiarog Oe6o.  From the Thaleia (ap. Athanas. contra Arianos, Orat.
ii. c. 9): Odic (tE' O 0Ef wrar/p r'V, at2k' varepov y/yovev. oele (tied' v O v/Sg, oe y7p /v,
7rpdv yEvV71O.  OeK iG rtvlC dOi te rarpof, 5iZt'    Oed oet ovrov d7rEirTi Kai  ardTg. oeic EcrTv
ldtog riSg 7TO  warpg oedToiaf, iC7cr/ta ydtp ErCt ai ceodrwia(t.  Icat oVtK Edorvy  di'Ojtv 9 PE9 6O
Xpt7r6c, d2Ja' prero0X  Kaic  avdrogf EOeo-'otOPi' o-diC od ra rv ardpa aIcpltfCg 6 vdfg, Oere
o6p  6  67yog rTOv   rar/pa reUetog, icea  OVTe oVrter, OVTE yLtl5oicet aicKptjig 6 Z 6yog rov
war/pa'  oilc Eortv 6 a  d0tlvSg icat' a6vor  avrd   70rTO  7Irarpog  6yog, DAL2' dv6dart  006vov
Xuyerat  6yoSg tc a oo//a, Ica  X(tptrt 2uyerat vibS icea dsrvautg oelc CTarv aiipeTtro, cg
o6  ar//p, kit2i   rpewcr6g tort ~doet, 65g r' icr/rteara, CcKae  r/wet avri7  ErSg d ardc'lybtv
rov yvc3vat re2ie/o)f rOv 7rar/pa. When the Son is sometimes called rpewTr6f, sometimes
drperwrog, that is explained by a preceding fragment (Orat. ii. c. 5): Tn, /u`v  doaet,
o7E0o 7wdvrTES, ovrio ixa   avrrbf ~6  6yog tart   pewrrg8, 7r  d/ id/1o avreovaio, ~EoS
Oedraeat,  /vet i~cak6Sg.  d5re  gvroit OPX/et, dvrarata rpwecOat ticai adrfg, 6cjTep Kai
IleZCg, rpewTrig  r u  doetgf.  Atal  robr7 yip, aiot, tcad wpo7ytrvSockov 6P OebS &oeeOat




296                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
with  his  bishop  Alexander on  the  point (;318), who  excluded
him  and his followers from church-fellowship, many bishops in
Syria and Asia Minor declared themselves in favor of Arius;
some, especially Eusebius, bishop of Nicomzedia (1vuO uovKtavtara,
Arius ad Euseb. ap. Theodoret. i. 4, see above, ~ 65, note 5),
because they  adopted his views;  others, as Eusebius, bishop of
Caesarea,3 because they  held  that the  faith  of the church  was
at least not violated  by  the  doctrine  of Arius.    The  most important writer who endeavored to defend the Arian principles
was the sophist Asterius of Cappadocia, also a disciple of Lucian (t about 330).4  Thus the controversy communicated
itself to  the  whole  east.   After Constantine  had  in  vain  endeavored to induce the contending parties to give up the dispute,
by rational representations,5 he called the first oecumenical
council at Nice (325).6  As the number of Arian bishops was
much smaller than that of their opponents, the party of Alexander prevailed, their cause being pleaded by Athanasius, deacon
in Alexandria, and Mlarcellus, bishop of Ancyra.  The Arian
doctrine  was  rejected;  but  the  ancient enmanistic  notion  was
cdnfirmed,  and  was  merely  developed  farther  by  the: decision
IaXbv avdrov, 7rpo2api3v raer7v avr6j rv 66ev av ddaIcev,,uv  aIc tc res  gS cpersi5  [Xe
urrt 7aVrar.
3 Conmp. the fragment of his letter to Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, in the Acts of
the Conl. Nicaeni ii. ann. 787. Actio vi. ap. Mlansi, xiii. p. 316.
F4 ragments of his cavrayca in Athanasius.
E5 pist. Constantini ad Alexandrum et Ariumn in Eusebii vit. Const. ii. 64-72. Among
other things we find, c. 69: Ovre e'prdarv v7rdp r&V roc70eorov [ a4PXg,rpoelcov nv, OVre
epuorr3c[vov 6uroepivectaOt. r'g y7 p rotairraeg'r7rrUetC, 6'cr6aagS tt v6joov rcvOC iUv'ycrc,poci(rritTr, a2l' l avwe2uog &cpyiae  [pcxebia iXrpocriyortv, Ec Kcai QvatlcKc  rtvbs yvcvaciaar venca yyvoltro,  cgdu boeikZojev Edaro rdC dlavoae  4y7cceieltv, scaGi 3  rrp6,oipwo Eic
dgtoiaG aCvw vdov6  fccipecv,  1yd3E raiZ rdv      oa     rpv 4rVof [ccoegr aerpeoT 6 gro c7retv.-C. 70:
ActOrep caci'p67rcral'  yciripokalTcrO7C, KaC d7rd6cptetgf iTrpov6O71rof ic2v &ZliXatcf avrtld6rocav'9t' cKarTp( cvyywvjc3v.-C. 7t: Kai ~yac readra, oipx [9  rvaycciroyv'fct  Ediravrog rF7 2ieav einlOet, Icai oia  i 7rore'ertv i ceiGl c j  T4a7CtIS, avvrisOeaOa. dvearct yaip
ioa  rb r-tC azivO6dov rTjtov ivttv [Kcepaeiwg  3ea6OCat, salC tica tcat V avirv Icara TrcvraTv
sotvwvia r?jpdcu0at, liaV   i (rlaudZTc  rgtf etv ltpCet 7rpg dCf atU'Xovf icttv v7irep iecaXGiro V
dtaowviae yvqTrat.
6 According to Eusebius de vita Constantini, this council numbered mlore than 250
bishops. In later times 318 were usually reckoned to it, and it was called the council of'l. Th'l'e hrst persons who have the latter number expressly refer to the 318 servants of
Abrahllam, in whom  Barnabas, so early as his day, had found a prediction relating to
Christ, c. 9, Hilary de Synodis, c. 86: Et mihi quidem ipse ilie numerus hic sanctus est,
in quo Abraham victor regum impiorum ab eo, qui aeterni sacerdotii est forma, benedicitur. Liberius ap. Socrat. iv. 2. Ambrosius de Fide, lib. i. prolog. ~ 5. Doubtless this
sacred number was arbitrarily assumed for the purpose of conferring honor on the council
of the Nicenes. Gelasius, however, Hist. Cone. Nic. and an anonymous author in the
Spicilegium Romanum, t. vi. (Romae. 1841. 8.) p. 608, give the number 300.




CHAP. II.-THEOLOG(Y.  I. ARIAN PERIOD. ~ SL TILL 325.    297
that the Son  is of the same essence with  the Father (o,Uooo3tos
rC  7Trarpi).7    This expression, which had been till now  regarded
as Sabellian, was very suspicious in the eyes of the oriental
bishops.8    The  most of them, however, yielded to the imperial
authority, and subscribed the new creed.9 None but the two
Egyptian bishops Theonas and Secundus refused, who were
therefore  banished  with  Arizs to  Illyria.   The Nicene decrees
were universally proclaimed as imperial law; and when the
bishops Eusebius of Nicomnedia, and Theognis of Nice, departed from  them, they  were sent into exile to  Gaul (325).
7 The history of the Nicene Synod, written by Maruthas, bishop of Tagrit in Mesopotamia, at the end of the fourth century (see Assemani Bibl. Orient. t. i. p. 195), is no longer
extant. Gelasii Cyziceni (bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, about 476) ortvray/za rtv
icari rmv e'v NtEcaa adyiav aivodov  rpaXOvrTav, libb. 3 (tlhe third lost), prim. ed. Rob.
Balforeus Scotus. Paris. 1600. 8, also in the collection of the decrees of Councils ap.
Mansi, ii. p. 759, (translated in Fuchs, i. 416).-Th. Ittigii Historia Concilii Nicaeni (ed.
Christianus Ludovici). Lips. 1712. 4.:Fuchs Bibliothek der Kircllenversammlungen des
vierten u. finften Jahrh. i. 350.-Symbolum Nicaenull (cf. Chr. G. F. Walchii Bibliotheca
symbolica vetus. Lemgov. 1770. 8, p. 75, ss.): IITlareoopEv ilf Eva 06ev, raerepa wravroKpdropa, *Trvrd7v oparv  E rie Eat opaTr   rov 7rotyrv. Kat elr  Eva tVptov'Ivi oIov XpcriOVy, rOv vTOV tov OrEO, yevvOJevra     tol  rapo  uovoyev,  rovr, o ivr, TC   oiociag
ro0 rrar-pig, 0e20v Eltc 0eo, Qof  E c ~OrW7C, OerEv it2lOtvbv tic OEOd ai2Lu5tvob, yevvrt0evIa,
OV irotOlvrra, 6poovatlov 7  7rap drp.        OV r2 7iraVT  Etyvero, rd re 7 v eVlO otpavti Kai
r- tV r7, ~ y. rov dc' iyuiS  roar dvOpuirrovS   c C2 C ai &aY r 7repav aorsjpiav tcareor6vra
Ecae  aapicwOEvra, Kal Evavdpoy7rcravar,  craO6vra Kta avaCadvra 7r T pir ptT iupa,  vera -
06vra Eig roVS ovppavoVf, Kae EpX6yevov KpevaC (Svraf Kat verKpotg. Kai eig rfa iayov
srverila. Toer di Xiyovrac, ort?Iv irore  0rE oVt 7v, Eae 7rpiv TEuvvn7Oiva  otiC ivv, Kea
Tt t' Oie OVTi V E78yve70, r     E' Etrtpag troaroTUdeUg p ovaaco  lacOcovTra  Etval, V ertCrOV, rpenrTov, 7) dkolortbv rbV vI6v too 70eoOi, ravaOSearinet    a asOo2utci) tEKYclla. Concerning the composition of this creed: Athanasius Epist. de decretis synodi Nicaenae, and
Eusebii Caesar. Epist. ad Caesarienses, most complete as appended to Athanasii Epist.
cit. and in Theodoreti H. E. i. 11. The eSg Oebg is here the Father alone, consequently
the sameness of essence between Him and the Son is not a numerical unity of essence.
See Mbalnscher fiber den Sinn der Nic. Glaubensformel, in Henke's neuem  Magazin, vi.
334. Even here the sentiment, that the Son exists by tle will of the Father, and is less
than he, is not spoken against.
s See Divis. I. ~ 60, note 13.
9 How actively Constantine employed his influence in accomplishing it mlay be seen in
Eusebius vita Const. iii. 13. Since his view had previously been different (see note 5),
and his great object was simply the restoration of peace, Gfr6rer's (K. G. ii. i. 210) con
jecture is not improbable that he had been gained over by Hosius, and the letter during
his abode at Alexandria; consequently the epithet 0/zooVatog was of Alexandrian origin,
where it had been already set forth in opposition to Dionysius (Div,. I. ( 64, note 8), and
had been again rejected expressly by Arius. (See above, note 2.)




298                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
82.
OPPOSITION OF THE EUSEBIANS TO THE NICENE COUNCIL TILL THE
SECOND SYNOD AT SIRMIUM  (357).
H. J. Wetzer, Restitutio verae chronologiae rerum ex controversiis Arianis inde ab anno
325 usque ad annum 350 exortaruml. Francof. ad M. 1827. 8.
The opponents of Arianism declared it to be polytheism. On
the contrary, the Arians charged the 6o'oovalog with Sabellianism,1
and succeeded in spreading this view in the east so generally
that Constantine thought he could effect a general union on the
disputed dogma only by giving up the expression.   Accordingly,
the  banished  were  recalled, not only  Eusebius and  Theognis,
but Arius too (328-29) his orthodoxy being acknowledged by
the emperor, as expressed in general terms, in a confession of faith
which  he gave in.   Eusebius  of Nicomedia obtained  a decided
influence  over Constantine.   Several bishops  who  obstinately
adhered to the Nicene decrees, and refused  to hold church  communion  with  the  recalled, were  banished, particularly  Eustathius, bishop of Antioch (330).2 Athanasius himself, now
bishop  of Alexandria, was deposed  by  a council held  at Tyre
(335), and banished into Gaul by Constantine; and Arius, immediately after, was solemnly received again into church communion at Jerusalemv.   He died not long  after at Constantinople (336).3 Thus the east was separated from the western
church;  the  latter  adopting  the  6[1ooO5ato~, and  espousing  the
cause of Athanasius, which  the former rejected.   This division
continued  after the  death  of Constantine  (i 337), when  Con1 Socrates, i. 24: 01  FiZv roi  6 oovaoiov TV 2utv IlcICivovref r-v ZapfEieiov Scai
Movravoe d6(av elmaye-aoOal avriv 7roiv   p 7rpoaJEXouvovC bv61(ov, cat dli T Troro Pi3a2OijovS iia(i'ovv, gf civatpoOvraa   77r>  rw'ap~tv ioio viol) ro- Ooe. ol de''r(idltv rO dJ/oovai. IrpooItcifievot, rTO2vvOEiav Elad'yetv rovS ETrPOvCS voi'ovrref, 6SC'E2pvtrtbOyvY ECladyovrag )r87p70'ovro. Augustin. Opus inlperf. v. 25: Ariani Catholicos Sabellianos vocant.
On the other hand, Athanasius Expos. fidei (ed. Ben. i. 100): OdrE yap vioirderopa OpovOdlEcv, Cdg  ol l aftiatotl,?Xyovrec ytovooVairov icat oix d/sooeraov, sa2 v ioauu9 &viatpoDvre ri- eevat vi6v. So far as the Nicenes also explained Stooartof by -ravroovato~,
as Theodoret. Dial. v. in fine (cf. cone. Ancyr. below, ~ 83, note 5), they strengthened the
suspicion of Sabellianism.
2 Socrates, i. 24. Sozom. ii. 19. Theodoret. i. 21. Athanasius Hist. Arian. S 4, of
RE!usebius de vita Const. iii. 59, ss.
3 On the death of Arius see Walch's Ketzerhist. Tb. 2. S. 500-511.




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY. I. ARIAN PERIOD. ~ 82.                         299
stlns had become sovereign of the west, and  Constantizs of the
east,  and  that  all the  more  readily,  inasmuch  as  Eusebius,
bishop of Nicomedia, gained the same influence over Constantius
as he had formerly  over Constantine, and was appointed  bishop
of Constantinople  (338).   The  prevailing  doctrine  of the  east
respecting  the Son was the old emanistic doctrine,4  as had been
set forth  at the  council of Antioch  (341), according  to  which
both  the  Arian  formulae  and  the  Nicene  56joo'awof were looked
upon as objectionable extremes.5 The Arians, of whom there
4 The confession of faith of the first council at Antioch is thus prefaced (,ap. Socrat. ii.
10):'H/zEcZ ovre aK62aovOot'Apeiov yeydvajuev (irCg yap EwriaKorot VrVEf  teOao02ve O/eZv
rpeafvr7po;) OVrE d7 2t& v rtva rwiartV  rap  T?Irv E: aPX7f E'Kr6E0eaav 6EYeduE oa.  An
the four Antiochian formulae in Athanasius de Synodis,,~ 22-25. Cf. Walch Bibl. symbol.
p. 109, ss. Fuchs Biblioth. d. Kirchenvers. ii. 76. In the formula Antiochena i. we read:
Elf Eva vlOv Too Oeod   yovoyevO, rrpO crdvrcov ruv ai6vwv vTrapXovra Kcaat evv6v7a ir
yE8EVVICOTI6 avrdv,rarpi, Vt' ov r  7radvra eyEvero, It. T. X. In the formula Ant. ii.: Elf
eva IcKptLOv'Iyaodv XperT O, rovd viav aDrod, rcv!tovoyevf OEav, &it' o  ira iravraV, irb
yEvvdEiv-ra trpO ri-v anveov Etc Troo ratrpo, Oeav E  dOeeO, d25ov E 6 dov, y6vov.c yd6vou,
Tr2EeOV EIC resteCov, PaarLtEa tic PacXE2Sg, KczpoOv' KVPLOV, Xoyov  Oicvroa, ooaiav O'caav,
~psg r;LOLtvdv, 0c, O3dv etav, vidarcaac, 7rwoqegeva, ddpa,, i-rpeTrr6v re cai aevaXi2oCToro
r-f OE6rTrog, ovaiaS re icta Povfig, Kcai dvvtjeSg Kac  dd66:gf oi-o  rarpdr drapdicXa KTrov
Ei6va' rnv crpwr6r7OKov 7raCaSC 7-fS Tcriaeog, 7rv ovra Ev aPpx- 7rpgS -rbv dOev, dOev 26yov,
ICTar TO Elp9loVe  Ev) rT  eVIayyelob'    "tKalt deg O  6 067yo." i0' O-V ra  eivra fyE7ETO, /ca
Ev  r& )   i7rivra  vvearjae' T   roev er' C axro   i-v T jtEpV v eareZOd6Vra dvtOdEv. E rtc r apd
yv Vdylt 7iVc ypa0Cv 5pdv iariartv dLdaiKet, 2EyOv,  y Xp6vov,  eCatpbv, V) aiva   ElIval,
f yeyovovaLt rpo toe yevvdaiyvat rav vlov, 6v60dea/a earo'   cal i eL  ig yEL e i-OV Vl vv CriaSPA
cdf V 7-dV 1crTa7ro v, 0 ytvvfe/a Sif Bv rS-v yevvuL/c7rov, 6  uo.lypa 6d  Ev r-cv Irote1nrtiv —
dvdOe/u a Cearo. In the formula Ant. iii. (Theophronii Episc. Tyanensis): El roiv vibV
avrov idyv ueovoyevO, OEdov 26yov, Bdvalttv Kat ao~fav, ri-v KCptol vIUCV'IV0aoev XprT6bV,
V1' oV ir 7wvrVa, irOv yevvc0dEvra'EK eTO  7warpbg irpo rcv aldvwv, Oedov rketlov itc OeOe
reLciov, cat ovra 7irpogf irv Oebv ev i7oaroeT(cet, Erc' EaX7rov de  rCv i /ep-)v KCarE2Oi6via.
El 6E rTtf erap  rairwlv iv irtiarlv  ddadcVKet, 6 fe e bZ avTrZ, avdevdea E6ro. Kca MapicDX2ov Tro'AyilcpaS, 6) YaPeZ3 Lov, 6) HIav2reov voe layocar7Ei, avdOc/ea fcrn cat aVCrf, eael
rrdvreg ol  Krotvovovreg avr~i. In the formula iv. (sent to Constans in Gaull some nmonth.s
after the council): Eif rObv eovoyevO avi-ro  vi6v, TrOb  KVptov  LtCv'IycovdV XPI-Tev, rTo
rpo  rriVroJV riCv atlvov be ro'   raTpog yEvoeEdcra, ebv fI Oeed, OeC) tntc dr7eo,   t',  oe'yevero r-ai rrd-ra cv roZe orpavoZl KcaL e7rl tg y7 f, ri' bpai-  Kacezi 7  6d6para, 26yeov  cri-z
eat ceoliav, ecaei dvaytlv, cKat 6rlv, Kait d~ ('t2rltvv-. ToV'e  de' 2i~yeOVrea f oCt O)7(r'V i-V
vCOv  ) Ef5     erpat VfroTrae S       e, OCKaV /ue irc y  E  eog dic Odir f,   ori XV OVC,  opg
o6cev    KCaOoe02tlKl  Kibccaia. According to Sozomen, iii. 5 (where only two Antiochian
formulae are mentioned), the second was given out as the Symb. Luciani Martyris (Div. 1.
~ 65, note 6); and from Theodoret it is clear that this is the still so-called formula Antioch.
ii. Athanasius, Hilary, and Socrates, who give the formulae, say nothing of it. Tle
anathema at the end is therefore a later addition.
5 Comp. Eusebius de Fide adv. Sabellium (in Sirmondi Opp. 1. u. Bibl. PP. Ludg. iv.)
written according to Philo fiber die Schriften des Euseb. v. Alex. u. Euseb. v. Emisa.
Halle. 1832. S. 64, 76, by Eusebius of Emisa (A.D. 341), ap. Sirmnond. i. 11: Confitere ea,
quae de Patre et Filio scripta sunt, et noli curiosius ea, quae non sunt scripta, requirere.
Utinam  autem solum legeremus! utinam solis scripturis contenti essemus  et lis nulla
fiebat. Cf. p. 18, 20, 27. Comp. Cyrillus Hierosolym. in his catacheses held about the
yeax 348, ex Gr. Cateclh. ad Competentes, xv. ~ 9: Ncv de farne   V eurro-rae.a. tpix.a er.cir



300                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
were certainly  many, must have  concealed  their peculiar sentiments  behind  emanistic  formulae.G    Thus  the  Orientals  were
unjustly  styled Arians by the  Nicenes.   l More  appropriate was
the title Eusebians,7 from their head Eusebius, bishop of Nico-media.   In  order to  remove  the schism   between  the  east and
west, Constantius and Constans united in summonintg  a new
general council at Sardica  (347).8   But here the matter went
so  far as to  issue  in  an  entire  separation.   The  westerns  remained  alone in  Sardica;  the orientals assembled in the neighboring town Philippopolis.    Both parties confirmed their former
acts; and in the east Eusebianism continued as prevalent under
Constantius as the Nicene faith  in the west under Constans.
The prejudice of the Eusebians, that Homousianism led to
Sabellianism,9 was not a little favored by the case of  acrcellus,
bishop of Ancyra, one of the principal defenders of the  Nicene
council.   By  representing the  Logos as the  eternal wisdom   of
God, and contending that the incarnate Logos alone could be
called Son of God, this bishop  manifestly  came near Sabellianism; and when deposed from  his office (336), was nevertheless
declared  orthodox  by  the  westerns, and  taken  under their protection.10    A  pupil of Marcellus, Photinus, bishop of Sirmium,
yap oti vOp6nrot rC bpp  Si7r lare-fw'     Kai o0 jtEv vioiaropiav tcarayy6X2ovctv, oi d rTdV
XplarTV  i oVIC iiOrov eig Trb ebva  irapEvCeX0vra XEyeV ro/UCt.   Kat' rTp6repov,Ute'
icav   eavepoei oG aperl-coi, vVv &d 7rexrejpurat V dscXalca a oceicpv/tzgsvov  alperttcr v.
Compare Touttee on this passage, and his Diss. i. cap. 4, ~ 17, ss., prefixed to his edition
of Cyril.
6 Respecting the Oeov bE GEoO in the Antiochian fornulae they said (Socrat. ii. 45):
Oviro   eppreat r7 ie  OoEeO, 6S  epp2reat,papa r7'AereoTr62,' r    de,raVra hE reo Oeoe (1
Cor. xi. 12). Only tile Nicene Ei rvS- oevaiag t0o  Oeoe  was not susceptible of an Arian
import.
7 So Athanasius frequently oe 7rept Evacfetov.
8 That it was held in 347, not 344, is proved by Wetzer Restit. verae chron. p. 4'7, against
Mansi Coll. cone. iii. 87.
9 Even Hilarius de Synodis ~ 67, confesses: Multi ex nobis ita unam  substantiam
PatTis et Filii praedicant, ut videri possint non magis id pie quam  impie praedicare:
habet eninm hoc verbull in se et fidei conscientiam, et fraudem paratanm.-Unum, in qno
par significatur, non ad unicum vendicetur.
10 Marcellus's clief work was de Subjectione domini Christi.  (Fragments of it in
Marcelliana ed. et animadvers. instruxit Chr. H. G. Rettberg.  Goett. 1794. 8). He was
answered by Asterius, Eusebius of Caesarea, Acacius (fragments in Epiphanius Haer 72,
~ 5-9j), Apollinarius and Basil of Ancyra.  Of these are extant only Eusebii contra Marcellun libb. ii. and de Ecclesiast. theologia libb. iii. (both appended to Eusebii Demonstr,
evang. Paris. 1828. fol.)  His orthodoxy was acknowledged by Julius, bishop of RLome
(epist. ad Episcop. Eusebianos Antiochiae congregatos, in Athanasii Apol. contra Arianos,
n. 21-35), Athanasius in several passages, and the Synod of Sardica. On the contrary,
lhe later catholic fathers, Basil the Great, Chrysostom, Sulpicius Severus, and others,
judged of hio2. unfavorably. The majority of the moderns, B aronius, Petavius, Schelstrate,




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY.  I. AhRIAN PERIOD. Q             82,          30]
taught Sabellianism   in a fully  developed form.l1    His doctrine
was rejected  not only  by  the  Eusebians at the  second  council
of Antioch  (345),12  but also  by  the westerns at a council at
Milan  (347); and at the first council of Sirmiucn  (351),"3 he
was deposed  by  the  Eusebians.   The party  of the Photinians
continued, however, till the reign of Theodosius the younger.
In the mean time, Constans had died (350).   Constantius became master of the whole Roman  empire, after his victory over
fc]agnentius (353), and now  endeavored to introduce Eusebianisml
by force into the west also.   At the synods of Arles (353) and
i7iclan (355), the bishops were forced to subscribe the condemnation of Athanasius; all who refused being deposed and banished.
Among these were lzlcifer, bishop of calca ris; JilCariy,, bishop of
Poictiers; and  Liberius, bishop of Rome.14
&c., hold him also to be a heretic. His most important defender is Montfaucon Diatr. de
causa Marcelli Ancyrani(iin ej. Collect. nova Patrum, t. ii. p. 51, ss. Paris. 1706. fol.; reprinted in J. Vogt Biblioth. hist. haeresiologiae, t. i. fasc. ii. p. 293, ss. Hamlb. 1724. 8).
Comp. WValch's Ketzerhist. iii. 229. Klose's Gesch. n. Lehre des Marcellis u. Photilus.
Hamburg. 1837. 8. Baur's Lehre v. d. Dreieinigkeit, i. 525.
I' Walch, iii. 3. Klose and Banr, 1. c.
12 In the formula Antioch. FaKcp6c-rtXog (ap. Athanasius de Synodis g 26, and Socrates
ii. 19, cf. Walchii Bibl. symb. p. 115): BdEXvoacutOea d irpbr roVro7lt Kai  vaeOeyaTcri(oev
cai  rovtg 6Zyo  piv t6V evov aoritv plt;ibv Tro  Oee Kcaci?avvrcapctrov Elrtr2drraS f Kca.ovr7a,
Iv  rpy'ni rOIvat. Xov-ra, Vv  tIL VV iv c) TOv Trpo0optK0CbV   y/61evov 5i7r6 rntv&v, vvv d(E 6C 7 V
v6l606erov- Xptcarv d acriVOV Kat vltv Toe Oev o Kcac i IECirv7 Kaci EL'dva roV 0deO sp ehveat
srpo aclvov dO2ovrag, acZX' Eirocre XpIarCv avrov yEyovvat v ca vciiv rov OeoD, F oV ntv.ieervEpav EIc rf irapdEvov cpcpKa hei(ZqE2, 7rpo ErpaccoCiotv ovX dOtv Er7jv. EK7rove yap
rov XpLrTiv 4dpXyv fiactEac Ee aX rjcEvact EOdovCt. cca r7Eog 9Setv acvT7Zrv  er2 rTjv cvvrk-.'ctav  icai rv Kpictv.  TotCoroC 6d elactv oc01 iri  Mapice2'Xov cai (D&Tretvo   (Athan.
ZKOreMvov)   v'AyKcvpoyaaarc v, o' rTiv vrpoatcvtov v vrap~cv roo XptcrfOd  cai  hv V
0e6r7ra cKai 7nv anre2eurTrov avireo  [actLEav 5moiauc'Iovdaiotcl tderorcCv, tri utrpodaiet
trod avzviaaoa S   doIceiyv'rj hovapXia.
13 Baronius placed the first Sirmian Synod in the year 357. On the other hand,
Petavius (in Annot. ad Epiphan. p. 300 and Diss. de Photino haeretico ejusque damnatione, annexed to the third edition of the Rationar. temp. Par. 1636) correctly in the year
351. See his controversy on the subject with Sirmond, who defended Baronius. Petavius
has been followed by Matth. Lorroquanus (de la Roque) Diss. duplex. i. de Photino haeret.
ii. de Liberio Pontif. Rom. Genev. 1670. 8. P. de Marca de tempore syn. Sirlm. in his
dissertatt. ed. Francof. p. 319.  Pagi and Tillemont.  Mansi, on the contrary, in the
treatise before cited (note 8), places the Sirmian Council in the year 358. The confession
of faith of the first Sirmian Synod (ap. Athanas. de Syn. ~ 27) is the formula Antioch iv.,
to which, however, instead of one, twenty-seven anathemas are appended. Of these,
Nos. 4-22 ale directed against Photinus. Among other things, No. vi. says: EG rtc rijv
oeacav rov Oeoe  qrearvveOatL i evarT2?ecOacLt edacol, bvddcpta E cr7.  vii.: E  TrtC
rt'acrvvott6v?2v Tr7v  o    vicv  0ooV Tdeeo   v    eitbv X~yOL rTOceiv,  7 nbv irZarveuiLv r7i oVaiac
a broe  vtbv 6vopaCol, c. L  viii.: E'c rtgS EvdcETOev ") TrpoeoptLcCv X;dy ov yOi riv viitv
14 Many others, both those who were banished and those who yielded, are named in
IFaustini et Marcellini Libellus precum ad Impp. in Bibl. pp. Lugd. v. 654.




3f02              ]SECOND PEORIOD. —DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
O 83.
DISSENSIONS AMONG THE EUSEBIANS TILL THE SUPPRESSION OF
AIIANISM (381).
After the Eusebians had become the predomninant party, and
those who were internally separated were no longer held together
by the necessity of contending together against the iHomousiasts,
the variety of their opinions, which had been hitherto concealed,
began to appear. A strict Arian party came forth among them,
which was named sometimes after its leaders, Aetis' of Antioch
(a0so),l Eunomius of Cappadocia,2 and Acacius, bishop of Caesarea; sometimes from   its  principles  ('Av6zoIoto,'Eoovo6v tot).3
In  opposition to it, the majority, under the leadership of Ba8il,
bishop  of Ancyra, and  Georgius, bishop  of Laodicea, held  fist
by the old emanistic doctrine, adopted the farther development of it which had formerly appeared  among  the Eusebians,
viz., that the Son is of sivzilar essence  with the Father (I/otov.
atlo~ 7   irarpt), and  were  hence called'OQotovatiarat,'H[Udpeto.,
Semiariani.   The  emperor  Constantius  was  attached  to  the
Semiarians; but a powerful party about his court exerted themselves with  no less cunning  than  perseverance in  favor of the
Anomoeans.   And  because  they  could  not publiely  vindicate
their formula, they persuaded the emperor that in order to restore peace, the formulas of the two other parties also must be
prohibited; which measure they brought about at the second
A avvrajyc'rtov by him may be found in Epiphan. Haer. lxxvi. 10. Other fragments
in A. Maji Script. vett. nova collectio, vii. i. 71, s. 202. Respecting him and Eunomius
see Select Homilies of John Chrysostom, translated into German by Ph. Mayer. Nirnberg. 1820. p. 147. Lange in Illgen's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol. v. i. 33. Baur's Dreieinigkeit, i. 361.
2 Concerning him see Basnage in Canisii Lectiones antt. vol. i. p. 172, ss. Ullmann s
Gregorius v. Nazianz. S. 318. if. Neander's Kirchengesch. ii. 2, 852, if. Mayer, Lange,
and Baur, see note 1. Klose's Gesch. u. Lehre des Eunomius.  Kiel. 1833. 8. His
EcOeuItf -rC riorEw9  prim. ed. H. Valesius in notis ad Socrat. v. 10 ap. Basnage, I. c., and
in Fabricii Bibl. gr. vol. viii. p. 253.'A7ro?%oy-rtic6~ e cod. Hamburg. prim ed. Fabricius,
1. c. viii. 262 (prologus and epilogus e cod. Tenisoniano also in Cave Hist. lit. i. 220). A.
fi'agment bc roV 7rept vtob rpirov 2X6yov ap. Majus, vii. i. 202.
3 According to tbe church-fathers, these Arians rested for support particularly on the
Aristotelian philosophy. So also Baur, i. 387. Of a contrary opinion is Ritter Gesch. d.
christl. Philos. ii. 65, who denies emphatically that Eunomius was an Aristotelian.




CHAP. II, —THEOLOGY. I. ARIAN PERIOD. ~ 83.                        303'
syizod of Sirmium (357).4  On the other hand, Basil, bishop
of Ancyra, called together a synod  at Ancyr'a (358), which es.
tablished  the  Semiarian  creed  in a copious decree, and rejected
the Arian.5    Constantius allowed himself to be easily convinced
that that Sirmian formula favored the Anomoeans; and therefore the confession of faith adopted at the second must, now be
rejected at a third synod of Sirmium (358), and the anathemas
of the synod of Ancyra be subscribed.6  The Anomoeans, for
4 Formula Sirmiensis ii. (in the Latin original ap. Hilarius de Synodis ~ 11, translated
into Greek, Athanas. de Synod. ~ 28. Walch. Bibl. symb. p. 133, comp. Fuchs, ii. 196):
Unum constat Deum esse omnipotentem et patrem, sicut per universrum orbem creditur,
et unicum filium ejus Jesum Christum, dominum salvatorem nostrum, ex ipso ante saecula
genitum.  Quod vero quosdam aut multos movebat de substantia, quae graece usia adpellatur, id est, ut expressius intelligatur, homousion aut quod dicitur homoeusion, nullarn
omnino fieri oportere mentionem, nec quemquam  praedicare: ea de causa et ratione,
quod nec in divinis scripturis contineatur, et quod super hominis scientianl  sit, nec
quisquam  possit nativitatem filii enarrare, de quo scriptum est: generationem ejus quis
enarrabit?  Scire autem manifesturn est solum patrem, quomodo genuerit filium suum, et
filium, quomodo genitus sit a patre. Nulla ambiguitas est, majorem  esse patrem. Nulli
potest dubium  esse, patrem honore, dignitate, claritate, majestate et ipso nomine patris
majorem  esse filio, ipso testante: qui me misit, majore me est.  Et hoc catholicumn
esse, nemo ignorat, duas personas esse patris et filii, majorem patrem: filium subjectumrn
curn omnibus his, quae ipsi pater subjecit.  Patrem  initium  non habere, invisibilem
esse, immortalemn esse, impassibilenm esse. Filium autem natum esse ex patre, deum ex
deo, lumen ex lumine.  Cujus filii generationem, ut ante dictum  est, neminem  scire, nisi
patrem suum, caet.
5 The decrees of this Synod ap. Epiphan. Haer. 73, ~ 2-11.  Comp. Fuchs, ii. 213. ~ 9:''2f Ev 6/ouolwarT  vOpP7rdo, /ca Ev 6olotS#art crapplcb  /loapriaf, ovlc ro' r'v ravVr6r7ra
1yero TroV MVip67rov, a2,' ir T'rlv rt Ca    oaaf eaotrya oo oaro IUOLO77a Oroc o7dl 6 v'bCI, 62otof
ila-r' oviaiav yev6/EVO f r.i  yevvGaavrT   naTrpt, elf raV7r6ryra  SroElt T rO prarpo  rv Eavro
ovoeeav, act2' i'T rTV 7,uoLT6rTyr.   S 10: Kat Et rgtf-,nj —lt V 6zot6r7ra a Ka  Kaar' oiiav
Tro  vloe 7rp69 nrar7pa  LoLoyoip7o, (SOf %e4v&ov~w/ro 2,ye r76v nrar'pa cal rTb  vlev, Kat
IurcE 7ararpa 2eyrov  2us6Oidf jSire  vibv,  2Xar ICt#reaoV Kart e-crla-avddea a lro. g 11:
Kali E rrtS r 7ecrtiCe Ie, tcat t r  yEV5 ytE Trap' aVTroV (&tKoOV, 7r  yevv.a f#E /17  it' Too
avimro  Ical Kar' ovacav evvoec, ait/la ravrov iXkyOt rb y~eevva yLE ri araTIaE I-E, C ulzj 2lycOv
rov vlev r7v airaidg rieltov EIC rdV dviO  6voaruov, TOV EareCT    e!8 Kat tro  yevvla Fe,
Kricpa tGvov 0'o,2oy@v tcal /lCaeTC Vwoe, vi   rapadidwicerv  coo~ia EiK mdCv Odo eVaiEPi    S riv
evvotav, a. ". Kal E c to v0o  VWoV r7iv UElV ear' o'ciav 7rplS r7v Eavro7 ranrlpa o6/ot6ryra
n,, Iv 6aroKacV6rnTro Vf, Vd' ev ~qllm  6ToaEp yip 6 7ra7orp iG6v E'xc E'v Eavri), OVirof- Kao r75
vGI ilKoce to#v  EElv lev bEavr7  (Joh. v. 26) rilev de tear' lElpyElav, V!' cv wrat6EdEC' t  yp
Yv o rrar?/p ro   aV, raira Icao o vlbf floiwo  7rrote (Job. v. 19), 6ive2v r7v Kar' Evipyetav
l/ot6rrjra tCdoei0, 7Tif Kar' oValia, V EGrt rToIaTo ICEoaoato&a7rov V'v rFC TniarCToeS, iTrourepoil7 r7v vibv-a-. E. (so according to a correction). El r7tf-a-V6oo01V 2iyOt Kar' oVciav
rbV vCiv r7 rnarpi, a. E. Ei rltf rev  rarEpa nrpECilErpOV Xp6ve, e Xyot Tro  ti~ avro7i
iovoyevoyeo   viol, veijrEpov  l Xp6vp roev vlov 7ob -rrpOf, 6. 1. But also finally: Et r7t
t'lovai~ Kat oialq 29ywov rov raTerpa narlpa t70   viO, V /tooaov eE dl  ravrooitlov Z yoc
rov viv  re niarpt, a. E.
Concerning Liberius, bishop of Rome, who in the year 358 subscribed two Eusebian
formulas in succession, for the purpose of regaining his episcopal dignity, see Larroquani,
g 82, Diss. cited, note 13, and Jo. la Placette Observationes hist. eccles., quibus eruitur
veteris ecclesiae sensus circa Pont. Rom. potestatem in definiendis fidei rebus. Amstel,
1695. p. 137-150.




~304                SECOND PEIRIOD. —DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
the purpose  of uniting  in  appearance with the  Semiarians, and
yet establishing their own doctrine, now adopted the formula,
T7b   vliOv  [tOWo 7  r         arptpa rcar7a vra,      at ayiat ypac ai taeyovai o e
tai chica/tov'at,7 and succeeded in convincing the emperor that all
parties might be most easily united in it.   For this purpose all
bishops were now prepared, and then the westerns were summoned
to a council at Ariminumn, the easterns to  another at Seleucia,
simultaneously  (359).   After many efforts, the emperor at last
succeeded in getting  most of the bishops to  adopt that formula.
But along with  this  external union, not only  did the internal
doctrinal schism   continue, but there  were  besides  differences
among such as had been like-minded, according as they had gone
in with that union or not.   Thus Constantius at his death left all
in the greatest confusion."
The  interference  of enmperors,  so  foreign  to  the  object  in
discussion, now  ceased, at least for some  time.  JieZican  (361363) was of course equally indifferent to all Christian sects, and
restored all banished bishops to their sees.'   Jovian also (t 364)
and  his successors  in  the west,  Valentinian  I. (t 375), then
Grnatian and Valentinian II. maintained general toleration.   On
the  contrary, Valens, emperor of the  east (364-378), was a
zealous Arian, and persecuted the Homousiasts and Semiarians.
Since the last years of Constantius, various causes had been
always tending to increase in the east the number of adherents
to the Nicene council.   When, in its greatest strictness, Arianism  wished  to regain  the  ascendency, the  majority  of the ori-'7 The same is found in the formnula Sirmiensis tertia, which was composed by some
Arians at Sirmium, and was submitted at Ariminum (in Athanasii de Synodis Arimini et
Seleuciae celebratis epist. c. 8), in the formula Nices condita which was received at the
end at Ariminum (in Theodoreti Hist. eccl. ii. 21) in the formula Seleuciensis (ap. Athanas.
de Syn. c. 29) and the Constantinopolitana (ap. Athanas. 1. c. c. 30), all belonging to the
year 359. Comp. Fuchs, ii. 201, 259, 271, 273.
8 There is a correct estimate of his character in Amminan. Marcellin. xxi. 16: Christianam
religionem absolutam et simplicem anili superstitione confudens; in qua scrutanda perplexius, quam componenda gravius, excitavit discidia plurima, quae progressa fusius aluit
concertatione verborum: ut catervis Antistitum jumaentis publicis ultro citroque discurrentibus per Synodos, quas appellant, dum ritum ornsem ad suum trahere conater arbitrium
rei vehiculariae succideret nervos.
9 Ammian. Marc. xxii. 5: Utque dispositorum roboraret effectum, dissidentes Chris
tianorun  Antistites cume plebe discissa in palatium  intromissos monebhat civilius, ut
discc(rdiis consopitis quisqule nullovetante religioni suae serviret intrepidus. Quod agebat
ideo obstinate, ut dissensiones augente licentia, non timeret unanimantem postea plebem;
nullas infestas hominibus bestias, ut sunt sibi ferales plerique Christianorum, expertus.
Saepeque dictitabat: Audite me quem Alemanni audierunt et ]Franci.




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY.  I. ARIAN PERIOD. ~ 83.                        305
entals, who  held  fast by  the  emanation  of the  Son  from   the
Father, must have felt a most decided aversion to it; while the
Nicene decrees were  naturally  allied  to  those  older notions, as
fuller developments of them.   Besides, the unity of the Nicenes,
as contrasted with the constant wavering of the Eusebians,
could  do nothing  less than  make  a most favorable  impression.
To this was added, finally, the  influence of monachism, which,
having  now  arisen in Egypt, and speedily excited universal admiration, was  closely  connected  with  Athanasius;  and  in  all
countries where it was diffused, was busy in  favor of the Nicene
counlil.10
First of all, JlIeletius declared himself in favor of the Nicene
confession, immediately  after he had  been nominated  bishop  of
Antioch, A.D. 361."1  But the old Nicene community which
had still existed in Antioch from the time of Eustathius (~ 82,
note 2), and was now  headed  by  a presbyter Paulinus, refused
to acknowledge the former Eusebian  as bishop;  and this    eletian schism  12 soon found a ground for itself also in the doctrinal
distinction  that the Meletians believed they must abide by three
Hypostases in the Trinity, while the old Nicenes would only
acknowledge in it three Prosopa.13                The council of Alexandria,
10 Hence the frequent persecutions of the monkls in Egypt by the Arians. Cf. Athanasii,
Encyclica, c. 3, Hist. Arianolrm, c. 70, 72, and often. In like manner under Valens,
Socrat. iv. 22 and 24. Thus the the monks'of Cappadocia, in the year 363, broke off'church communion with Gregory, bishop of Nazianzum, father of the theologian, because
he lhad subscribed an ambiguous formula. See Ullmann's Gregor. v. Nazianz. S. 61.
Gregory of Nazianzum, Orat. xxi. p. 388, says of the monks in reference to that occurrence: O  lcav rTZUa (atv eltp0VKO0 tE t KaC yeLrptot, Tror6 ye obv ~povotv'lCrtKEttCf E2ivIt,
Oebv 7rpoMdd6vaot 61t 7l/f iavXiaf-.  02al Kaa 2iav Eiciv ivraaOa uro32EbtItooi TE /ae dolbaxo L
— cau OCarTov iv ro71 3 oov rapaectvooatev,  3 6Gov vrapaia-pTOtEv.
11 Epiphan. Haer. lxxiii. c. 28, 34. Socrat. ii. 44. Sozom. iv. 26. Theodoret. ii. 27.
Soon after (363) many otlher Semiarian bishops joined him in a Synod at Antioclh (Socrat.
iii. 25).
12 Respecting this schism, see Walch's Ketzerhlistorie; Tb. 4, S. 410, ff.
13 The Nicene Synod considered oiaia and'lr69oraltg as synonymous when it anathematized the formula Ei ET-paS viroarcoeroS i7 ovataf Elvut. The old Nicenes, the Egyptians, and Westerns, held fast by this. So Athanasius Ep. ad Afros, c. 4:'1-1 Vn-6raatf
ov)aia f 7t, Kai ot6i6iv;iito aEOatv6zOevov 6Iet, V arTO rTo' ov' 7yp Vrr6cratcl  KCa1    0 o0vaa
Trrap~ff eTo7vy.'T7l )'2p Kat vTwdpxet.  Gregory of Nazianzum (Orat. xxi.) derives this
interchange of the terms from the poverty of the L atin language, which certainly translated
both by substantia. We might venture to suppose here that the Nicene creed originated
especially under the influence of a Latin, Hosius (see ~ 81, note 9). Hence the expression
Tperf fvrovTovEot, as well as Trpefo ovaiat, in Rome and Alexandria was regarded as Arian,
and Meletius and Eusebius, bishops of Samosata, were here accustomed Togf'Apetoooaviratlf vycrao-ptOujc0ato (Basil. Ep. 266). Basil may be considered the representative of
the opposite view. Ep. 236: OVaoa otai v6r6oraatS raTv7Tv'Xer Triv 6dlaopaiv, yv XEt rTo
VOLt. I.-20




306                 SECOND  PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
assembled by Athanasius (362), sought, indeed, not only to
smooth the way generally for the Arians to join their party by
mild measures, but endeavored particularly to settle this dispute; 4 but Lucifer, bishop of Calaris, gave firm  footing  to the
nMeletian schism about the same time, by consecrating Paulinus
as bishop  of the Eustathians.   Although lzuc/ifer, from  dissatisfaction  with  the  mildness  of the  Alexandrian  synod, separated
with  his followers fiom   the  church,l5 he had  nevertheless put  a
great obstacle in the way of uniting the old and new  Nicenes by
the step taken in consecrating Paulinus.  The westerns and Egyptians acknowledged Paulinus; the oriental Niecenes, Mffeletius,
as the orthodox bishop of Antioch.  If the emperor Valens (364Iroltvv  TrpOb   ricae' icaarov.  (Comp. similar explanations by others in Maji Scriptt. vett.
nova coll. vii. 1, 11.) He declares it therefore to be a matter of the highest importance to
acknowledge 7perg svroordoaetf, since even Sabellius taught tioav vIrncrdraltv and,-pia
7rpr6onra.  Comp. especially Basilii Ep. 38: also Ep. 125, 210, 214. (Klose's Basil. d.
Gr. S. 28.)  Consequently he is delighted with his explanation ro 7-perg svayycziov eivat
rTi vdroerdUEtg 5Fo;loyrev, Epist. 258 ad Epiphanium. In Epist. 263 ad Occidentales, he
accuses Paulinus of a leaning rpdb  rb MapcWZZeov d66ya, oVCe vilv Ev 1ib  dro7acrtct
zoyooyoiv, adcZi  rrpoevEXEOvra, tci a  ratp v7roTarpfoi ava Eif r7ov dOev 7rpo2uOev. The
Orientals generally had entertained the same suspicion against the Latins. See Basilii
Ep. 69, ad Athanasium, A.D. 371:'E7trl7reral de ct'celvo 7'ap  rutvuv rSv 7ErevOEv
ivaylcaion, jSg icat avroiog  //iTv iKaraoaivetrat, 7-O -rv, Maphcil2ov  a'ipeatv avroV70   (Occidentales)-E-'opiaat.  tirei,tuXpt ro-o, vdv Ev  rdatv oo Qi7g Ererr2ovaVt ypapuact rov #ev
dva6vvlUov'Apetov Uvo icai tcro aivae/ltearovrE7o — o' dtace-riovat.  Maplcid2ua  d, 7r
Klara 6tdtETrpov CiCEvo r7-/v atceietav E7rtdesayvop,, Ica  et.g a'v7dv T7-v  {brapZ tv Trg tOo
CmVoyevoetS EOe67r7O  C (Eelcaavr7t-oVde#ava v   ctuVtov ElrieveylcVrTEg aCvovrat.  A milder
judgment is given by Gregor. Naz. Or. xxi.: TrgS llc o)aca  Cai rS-tv rpiSo  T7O-C7aeWnV?eyotovwnv tPov d' V~to dv Eae3fi g voovonvov  6  icaci  roap  ro7-og'Ira2oWg  dyoingS, aix?' o0
dvoa,udoCg d' acrEvo67rra rg  orap' avrog yi7Zrrwg Icci dvoocrov wrevicav  dteeavo  rb drg
odvaia  r7/v   r6oaraazP, Kca  di 7ro007ro   avreayoyodg 7? wrp6goo'ra, n'va y'e  rpeCS oevicat
rrapa6ExOtat'  7ri yivrract dg  icav ye3oov` E2teetv6vO; 7ri7re6g0 d8oSe dtaeopi I 7,repi 7rbv
xov aFL tcpokoyia. 
1t Epistola synodica Cone. Alex. (ap. Mansi, iii. p. 345, ss.): IIdorac  roi7vvv -rovg
feov~oFuvovo  eppovelctv irpdg 1' dg, tdttara rodg  ov rg -re2uct5 v ooceovg (the Male(3vlo#uE~vovs~  EiP71V6ElV rpoS jjM(is, #ticPra  T,  EV  7r ~racal gvvayotCtvol)C (thel  Meletians) cai rov  tr O7r riv'ApetlavSv, wrpooKaiaaaOe   orap' Eavro7f, /caci gf sev r arErpegf viOV
irpoa2(iea OBE   g,  dfE  dtg ChCaaot. Kal r1de1t6vEc  rodriO aOe, cEi ct cat avvCtavres  davrofg roiC
iyaeroreig'tcSv ro  ur 7rEpi HIavZLvov, [Utdeov rwtetov iraeTr)re xrap' avrT(v, V` a&vasE6tar(Cetv
lov 7rV'Apelavov acipeatv, puootoyrev dE 7r2  irap' at'-rtCv ayiov orar7pov bpyo2oyOeiccoav'v
Ntcaia nriartv.  Then an explanation of the dispute respecting the hypostases.  The one
party teaches that there are three hypostases di  TO e  aig dyioav rptda  rtcarevetv odvc
5voj6art rptdoa 16vov,'t2i'  7l0tSg ocoav cKaci  rearuoav, 7rardpa re ia0jSg d)vra tcai
rlor67ra, Icaci vibov  a0Tg Ev toO  dov 3vra caci V0ear6tra, ccai 7rveF/a iytov  erbc CTO cai
vn-rpXov. The others, on the contrary, taught that there was ose hypostasis, i/yoi/pevot
raerov elvat  etTetv v nroracatv tcat ovioav.  Those who were present of both parties
might have mutually acknowledged one another as orthodox and agreed, rPEXr7ova Icai
acKptflearpaco Elval,rov'v Nlccaia irapa rov iracripo(v,uo02oyLOe7rav 7-a-rttv, cKa  to?
2ot0rov Troig ravr7C a[plcetaOt t(iyXov Kaci pal    Oact 6ueaaltv.
15 On the Luciferian schism see Walch's Ketzerhist. Th. 3, S. 338, ff. E. A. Frommanni
de Lucifero Calaritano olim praesule epistola.  Coburgi. 1767. 4.




cHAP. IL.- -TH'  OLOGY... AIAN PERI'OA. P           8.            307
4378), had  now  favored  the  Semiarians  instead  of the Arians,
he might, perhaps, have considerably checked the further spread
of the Nicene party; but since he tried to make Arianism
alone  predominant by  horribly persctting all who thought differently,l6  he drove  by this means the Semiarians who  did  not
sink under persecution, to unite still more closely with the Ni~
cenes.'Thus a great part of the  Semiarians (or, as they  were
now also called, JlIacedonians, from Macedonius, bishop of Constantinople, who had been deposed at the instigation of the
Arians, 360),'7 declared  themselves, at several  councils of Asia
Minor, in favor of the Nicene  confession, and  sent an  embassy
to PRome to announce their assent to it (366).18  However
much the Arians, supported by the emperor Valens, endeavored
to  counteract  this  new   turn  of affairs, yet  the  Macedonians,were always passing over more and more to the Nicene creed;
and for this the three great teachers of the church in particular,
Basil the Great,,Gregory of Nazianzumr, and Gregory of
Nyssa, began now to work.  These new oriental Nicenians did
not believe  their faith  changed  by  their assent to  the  Nicene
formula, but thought they had merely assumed a more definite
expression  for it  in  the  rightly  understood  o65oovlto?1 9   They
16 The 26yog 7rpoafwvv7rruc', by which Themistlas about 372 in Antioch is said to have
disposed the emperor to milder measures, Soceat. iv. 32, Sozom. vi. 36, is lost, and must
not be confounded with the Orat. de religiopibus (~ 77, note 5), Neander, ii. 1, 149, A.
17 Socrat. ii. 45.
18 Socrat. iv. )12. e6 f./sdov xa? fia  r7EvoOqppoVUEvot, KcaTO sr6etfG dterrpe6i eov0ro;Tpbof aU2Lovg, dyOvTEef dELV El UI'ayta1f earaCetaeyatv Tepi rae 7rv 6eadeR6v -roD fla~ct2;i
(Valentinianum I.), icat  rti AtSpLtotp rtg WPyD~s'Eirictco7rov, a7rracOaeaO  rTe Tv G)ceivrov
taTLVrtsv /62xuov    s KOtvoveV 7ro~C irepi Ed66otov.  Cf. Sozom. vi. 10,
1s Syn. Antioch. ann. 363, Epist. ad Jovianunm (ap. Socr. iii. 25): Ta dogo'ov S'vov rtoiv'voya, ri0 reo TO    oScuoov sighnifies, OTt,  T7f oli'aga ToV irarpo6  O vbi IyaeVZiyd, ao lirt
oIoloS Kar'   o6o4av rO   Irarpt. Those sent by Macedonius to Liberius (Sozom. vi. 10) rb
bOgoostov oopa dEXovrat, (  rT  btogp lctar' oi aiTav'  aTvbra a7saevov.  In like manner
Basilius Ep. ix. ad Maximumn:'Eye d — T-b.Uotov Ocar' ovaiav —d,xocat 7rV 0&ovv, ti'f
e I r a7Tv Trf) Ioovai) Okpovaav, KOaru Trv V'7ts dA.ov6rt 7OV 500ooiOv dL'OCav. B0asil
hat belonged to the Semiarians (Klose's Basilius d. G. Stralsund. 1835. S. 21), and
with its leaders, such as Basil of Ancyra, and Eustathius of Sebaste, had been active at
the theological disputations in Constantinople, 359.  (Gregor. Nyss. contra Eunom. i.
p. 30i. Philostorg. iv. c. 12.) He writes, however, of himself, Epist. 223, ~ 3: "Ev yrs
TOeTO 702ro2L5) 1avXOaO  Ev rvp~)%, OTr  ovi6 7rOTrE 7Erar2eavvrl /vaf'GO EOV Tf 7rept Oe0.iTOZo4ELtS,   C Tr'poC ~povSv erUtatOov eiicTpov.-'"9257ae  yap rO airikplia aeav6evov
tieZ(OV Erv Lal7o.l/t'po yYivetal, ravTrOTv  i  7arttl v  avr7(), o0) Itaeri y'vog [teraiaXo3 6evaoVV,
2 f KcarT' atiacVClv  aare7lovevov'   OTor  2oyio/al kai  eiol Trb   aiTrv  Z6yov dcTi' Tf
srpoicosrxf r}v'5'r0a,,, ovixi 6C (itvri T70oo i apXTg  Tvro  Toy 70V    iiTrCpXovTa yeyevicOat.
In this sense Athanasius, de Synodis ~ 41, passes judgment also on the Semiarians:
lIpbg 6d  rog ai'rodyoydvovg a yetv da2a2a rdvTa Tri3v ev Ntcaai ypa~cvruv, 7Frepi &
pY6vov r  6 poo6atov C~i~3dZlXoAorac, XPg ft 6~C vrpb pIEXOpovig dltaerae-'o - ca yap icag




308                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
abided by the three hypostases of their Semiarianism, and attached  themselves to  the Meletians;  but on  this very account
they could not keep church communion with the old Niceness,
notwithstandirng all the  efforts made by Basil to effect that object.20    Since  they  supposed  that they  had  unchangeably  remained  steadfast to  their faith, they  also  continued  to consider
their Eusebian  and Semiarian forefathers as orthodox, although
condemned  by the  old Nicenes.2'   Thus the canons of the  oriental councils held  during  the  schism, constantly  remained  in
force, particularly  those  of the council of  Antioch, A.D. 341,22
i/loeT oedX dgS 7rpbg'Apstoyavirrag, ovd' (5oC iaXopuevovC o rpb    rodf,ra7paf C'voarc/oe0a,
da2L' c d&der0o0i trp op U6EZobgS d6a2tey6Oe0a,, riv adrivv #Iov'yTv dtdvotav X"ovrai, rrEp2
o0h ri ovota,6ovov dtari;ovrac. In like manner Hilarius de Synodis, g 76, ss.
20 Comp. Basilii Ep. 69, ad Athanasium, Ep. 70, ad Damasum, both A.D. 371 (see Garnier
vita Basilii, p. 94, prefixed to tom. iii. Opp. BIas.). Then A.D. 372, Ep. ad Occidentales;
Ep. 91, aa Valerianum Ill}ric. Episc., Ep. 92, ad Italos et Gallos (Gamaier, p. 110).-A.Dm
376; Ep. 242, Orientalium  ad Occidentales, Ep. 243, Basilii ad Episc. Italos et Gallos
(Garnier, p. 159). —AD. 377: Ep. 263, Orientalium ad Occidentales (Garnier, p. 165). Concerning-tllese negotiations with the avrtlco!C Basil affirms, Ep. 239, ad E'useb. Episc:
Samosatorum, A.D. 3.76.'Eyoi tyE  y7ap 7r  ro0  Atotdotvc (Iliad, ix. 698, 699) ErEprXErat
EiyEtv'- p  OE 5ZEr RiorascOat. dt6Vt, ~uaiV, ey1Vrop ariV  ( diVjp. T51 OvrT y7p OEparaev6/LEva   TO    apqlava'jd-   Vra vrepoprr'oreoorrpa yivECoat 7riEv E.  KIat yap e'pv E'iv
t aa0,  V/I~v O6 nSipof,;,roiao,'hpaeg r-poaO0KycV dvE6OEOa; Ehv di Eol}roEaiv,   ) 5pypy  ro5 08Ooi.roia /oOeoa jlotv rCjG   drof vr1i b5piog; O'er r5 dkd0i OZEd'aagtv oavrE /ae'v vE,ovorat,
~pevdrOy d. V&rovoiatg TrpOEt4YiVeZm,?ttova 7reteiao vdo, eVa   O  TrpTEO pov e7n  MapltC  Zwo.
orpg zjuv 7-odg r71ev 0dIOetav avroeg (erayy,0LXovrae  f0t20VettIceaV7rf.  frjv de ape otv do',iavrdov,3elatGeoavreC-'Eyc. iEyv jyp avrOc, rvev  7 ooVo KoGVOV uxuaroc, /3eov26u,tt1v adr'v'taretibZae 7r5 KtOpvqanil,'ep i, v  to r7v E rXX71l7talrtt71v OdEiV,  I elj OOY ov rapatvoiaoaOa,
ort ore   t ouE  ac  rdv erap' Tlv 7 rv (i  Octaev, oveI re 5dolv, do' og (dv oaevOdvotev, IcaradiXOVrat. J. E. Feisser Diss. de vita Basilii M. Gronllll. 1828. 8; p. 96, ss. Klose's Basilius
d. G. S. 183, 201, 238.
21 The Bishop Dianius, one of the predecessors of Basil in Caesarea, had played a
principal part among the Eusebian bishops at the councils of Anltioch and Philippopolis;
yet Basil praises him very much notwivtlhstanlding, Ep. 51, and assures us, Ep. 140: "'Ec,
vroivvv oe ira-repov  /owtorvoEtvg r7,) ocIoCoada 2Iv   ypape.ea,napa rdv (7y0o0v  arT6prov  i7.rtg rdov icard TrV Nitatav uvveo06vrvo.   In like manner Gregor. Naz. Orat. iii.
Sozom. v. 10, Theodoret, H. E. iii. 3, praise the Seminarian Marcus bishop of Arethusa as
a Christian martyr under Julian.
22 Innocentius I. Ep. 7, ad Constantinopolitanos, A.D. 405, designates these 25 canons as
composed by heretics,-non solum non sequendos, verunl etiam una com haereticis et
schismaticis dogmatibus condemnando.s: yet tle orientals held them fast. The council of
Chalcedon appeals to them, Act. 4. Soon after they were translated in the prisca versio.
with the Greek Codex Canonum, were transferred for the greater part into the Canones
Apostolorum (See Divis. I. ~ 67, note 5), and enjoyed from this time forward, even in the
west, undisputed authority.  Pope Zaclarias, Ep. 7, ad Pipinum, calls them beatormn.
patrum sanctiones; Nicolaus I. Ep. 9, ad MAichaelem Imp. venerabiles Antiochenos et
sacros canones. On this account modern Catholic historians have wished to malke two
Antiochian councils, a Catholic and a Eusebian one. Eman. a Sclhelstrate sacr. Antiochenum concil. pro Arianorunm conciliabulo passim habitum, nune vero primuam ex antiquitate
auctoritati suae restitutuln. Antverp. 1681. 4. P. et H. fiatres Ballerinii de antiquis
collectionibus canonumn, P. i. c. 4, ~ 2 (in the appendix to the Opp. Leonis M. Venet. 1757.




CHAP.'II.-THEOLOGY. I. ARIAN PERIOD. g 83.                       309
und of Laodicea  (perhaps A.D. 363),23 which  canons afterward
passed  over from  the  oriental to the occidental church.
During this time new schisms had been made by new disputes on points of doctrine.   The  doctrine of the Holy  Spirit,
amid the controversies respeeting the Logos, had for a long tihne
remained untouched, and very different views respecting it were
in  consequence  eu.tertained.24    But when  in  the east not only
the  Semiarians, but also  many of the new  Nicenians could not.get rid of the Arian idea that the Holy  Spirit is a creature and
servant of God,25 the  other Nicenes took  great offense at this7
and opposed these errorists as IIvevuapa-ojdovg.28s    But they were
Re.printed in A. G-allandii de Vetustis canonlnu collectionibus dissertationurn  sylloge
Venet. 1778. fol. Mongunt. 1790. tomi ii. 4.
23 Because Gratian Decreti, P. i. Dist. 16, c. 11, says of the Laodicean canons: Quorum
auctor maxime Theodosius Episcopus extitit, Gotbofiedus ad Philost. and Pagi Crit. ann.
314, note 25, conjecture that the Eunomian Theodosius, bishop of Philadelphia in Lydia,
brought about this synod. Cf. Philostorg. viii. c. 4.
25 Gregorii Naz. Orat. theol. v. de Spir. S. ~ 5 (Orat. 31, formerly 37): TvP de icaS'
tagf cod70v o t yev bvlpyemav ro7ro (ro 7rve/ua d),tov)e6vir~la,(ov, ol dl' ic-roay,  ol de SEOv,
oiZ dl oc  yjvocav d r6TrEpov roetr6ov, aldoi 7rf ypaijfS, Sf.aglv, d f odlv ErEpov uaoeS
J1dyoda'qlf. —o i lyv &XPt dtavoiaf aicv deUefiEeZ, Ot dE TrO2&CgV Etv  aeI raofS XeiZetLv, K. T. 2X. Hilarius de Trin. ii. 29: Coum dicunt, per quem sit (Sp. S.), et ob quid sit,,vel qualis sit; si responsio nostra displicebit dicentium: "per quem  omnia, et ex quo
omlnia sunlt, et quia Spiritus est Dei, dolunm fdelium;"' displiceant et Apostoli et Prophetae, hoc tantum de eo quod esset loquentes. On the following dispute see Baur's
Dreieinigkeit, i. 490.
25 Fragm. Arianum xiv. in Maji Script. vett. nova coll. iii. ii. 229: Spir. S. est primumrn
et majus Patris per Filium opus, creatum per Filium. Maximinus, Ep. Arianus (about
382), in G. Waitz fiber d. Leben u. die Lehre des Ulfila. Hannover. 1840. 4. S. 19:
Spiritum Sanctum —a Patre per Filium ante omnia factumn-ab ingenito per unigenitum
in tertio gradaicreatum, is proved by Johll. i. 3: Omnia per ipsum  facta suont, and 1:Cor.
viii. 6: Unus Deus Pater, ex quo omnia, et tlus daminus J. Chr., per quem omni-a.
26 They were first attached by Athanasius Epist. iv. ad Serapionem Episc. Thmnuitanum
(between 358 and 360), after Serapion had informed him (E.pist. 1. init.) lSf &erO6vrov l,-v
rltvov iais  r Sv'Apetavmv dta r1v Icara r  oe voe r7o  OSzov P  acarsav, ~povovr0cov dV.caTar ron  ITieov lrvenjaaroCf cai 2ey6vrnov avbrb py? p6vov scrbia, Ba,2  Icat'a rv EItnovpyI-.c      vuv revrv p v aroVT  Elvat, icait 3aOte, ltovov aVTO d6ta~pEtv 7rSv ayy'Jmv.  Epist,
Synod. Cone. Alex. A. D. 362,-Basilii M  de Spiritu S. lib, ad Amphilochium, A. D. 374.Gregorii Nazianz. Orat. 37 et 44 (.comp. Ullmann's Gregorius v. Naz. S. 378, if.) Epiphanius adv. Ilaer. (about 374) Eaer. lxxiii. rSv'H/utapEiov.   1: Oi~  ad'rot Kat arep
rov ayiov Erveyatrof Wtcof TroT IvevvaeropdaXolt Edciv lIovrer. Haer. lxxiv. riv uIvevFaro7LdXov.        W 1.'Aro ro yTOVT,'V(H HLutapeprfv, cat  vrb 69pSod66rov rtlvf, (  EClwriE,
7rpaS c-tac [leg. rEpdartot] yevvvnec vE vOp vpo()rrot —2.Baclpzo-c   b 7r Otve/za Tr di.ytov.
Philastrius (about 380) de Haeresibus, c. 67: Semiariani sunt quoque. Hi de Patre est
Filio bene sentiunt-Spiritum  autem  non de divina substantia, nec Deum vermn, seil
factunm atque creatum Spiriturn praedicantes, ut eum conjungant et colrparent creaturae.
In all these writers Pneumatomachi is still the exclusive appellation of these errorists.
On the contrary the Semiarians were at that time called Macedonians. At the tille of:he first council of Constantinople (381), Constantinople was the chief seat,of the Semiari-;:3 (f. Gregorii Naz. vita a Gregor..Presb..conscripta. Socrat. ii. 45: Q0 7repi Matced6ovto




3tIG    I           SECOND PERIO D.-DIV. L.-A.D. 324-4'51
not yet al1 prepared. to  style  the  Holy  Spirit God.27   Finally'
the number of sects was increased  by  a zealous, adherent of the
Nicene  council, Apollinaris, bishop  of Laodicea, who, misled,
perhaps, by his aversion to  Origen,28 believed that he was necessarily  obliged  to  concede  to, the  Arians  the positionX29 that the
Logos in  Christ supplied  the  place  of the  rational soul ~roig or?vvxs  Xoyt`,3"0  and  from   about 371  gathered  round  him. the  adesl;c rv'E2zaXO7rO rov rreovdZ'ovatz). Hence: the appellations Seimiariani, Pneuematomachi
and MacedonianSi (can. 1 and 7) were used as synonymous by this council. ITasmuch as;
the peculiarity of this party regarding the doctrine of the Son was unimportant, nothing
but their views of the Holy Spirit; remained to make them heretical.  Hence, by an easy
transition, Macedonius came to be considered the authori of this: heresy, as is the case soe
early as- Sozom. iv. 27:'Errelid Moaxed6,LO  d6,Pjpplt  r1' K avaravtvovw.n e r kclsaiav,.eiCrlyEr.ro r3v viOYv 0Oev.  vIla, tcnai  rrvTraV  re at KaTr' oaiaa- 6,uotov r7  7arpip rT  6~
aytov rrverDca u totsov ruv aVr7dcV rproeaFeinv 6cire0aiverjo dltovoa  rci 6at vrrpcEv tca2u(l),
at oca,: 7repi ri-v Oeiov ayyan'rv lywv ri      v rC o dv' aYv 6prot. Hence, from this time onward the usual name for those who were heretical in their views of the Holy Ghost wasMacedoniani, instead of Pneumatomachi; although it is unquestionable that Macedonius,.
though he. entertalned those sentiments, like all the Semiariaans, was not the author of them..
27 Eustathius,..bishop of Sebaste, who had been at the he.di of that Semiarian embassy
to Rome (see note 18),. and had since become a Nicenian, declared:'Eyd ov-"re Oedv
Ovo/i aetv  7  7YErve5#a Tro 7ytov aipo'a,, o-ire ai-rizc  icaXuZlv. ro.joaaty/ (Socrat. ii. 25)..
It is true that subsequently the orientals accused him  before~ the Occidentals of. having
gone over to the Arians,. and having become'rpnroar-ri'-y  ri9 t-OCv  r.vevyuaroerXc v
atlpaeoC (Basilii, Ep. 263, ~ 3). In conformlity with that earlier declaration of E-ustathius.
was the conduct also of his friend at that timne, Basil the Great.  He- would have all
admitted, to church-fellowship, Ep. 113, 7roiSg /  Xyovra2 f y rogrAac ro rvsiuya rdo. adyov.
But he himself abstained from calling the HI-oly Ghost God, on which CGaegory of Nazianzum was obliged to hear reproaches (Gregor..Ep. 26, ad Basil.), and exculpated Basil in
this way:. IIo&rg reapi alr7rcv  o ir62 etog, (prodvrov Xa[l~cOat rdv alpeCarSv' yv'vv  T7ri
wov0?g (namely qrepb. 70oe  rve tarog, dSC Egl Oe60) —t'' O6 tcv 1a0aOi- rgC'a2uy0aa,  taoO,
d  r6b xaocbv ~v r- -rr6et..  So also in his. laudatory address to Basil, Orat. xx. p. 3640
The monks in Caesarea were particularly indignant against Basil,: but in opposition to.
them he  was justified by Athanasius Ep. ad Palladiun,: Adr7dg Fv ydp, &iS rSdi,r5llca.
-rogf  a0evobatv &Oevrg yiEnrat, iVca rogS CaOeverC ICEpdia?.O. Cf. Ga'mier vita- Basilii
p. 95, ss. That B-asil made up his view of the Holy Spirit from,. Plotinian ideas of the
ideal world, and the world of son], is shown by A. Jahn,. Basilius Magnus plotinizans.,
Bernae 1838.. 4. When Gregory of Nazimazum  preached the deity of the Holy Spiriz.
openly, it was objected to him (Orat.. theol. v. de Spir. S. 6;. 1): -11.0ev ]iu/zv inreadciyegt
-.vov 0ev caci dypafov; an-d he admitted,. E: 26:'Earpvaae Cavepdi  i) -raZat2  rpv.
Iarepa, iray Tiov a' vdp6repov  louavgpwraev 7 caltv  7iav Ttibv, dVrrrte ts rvi I1.'eatouaop
r.v Oe67rTra' 7 ro2ltreCerat vOv 7Orb 1Eipa, aaOearipa.v'p,uZv rrap  xov 7vc gaa7rov dijlootev.
28 See below,  S4,. note 24.
29 Cf. Eud.xii Ariani fragm. (in'aji Scriptt..vett. nova col.- vii. 1, 17).: Itrrovuev —.
eif eva lcptpov,-capooO9vra,. oViC lecvav0pa7rOavr.a'  o-re yap iPvx.~v v4eproyriv Ua'e vXir~eV, &a'lib acrp. y&yovev' —o   deo SodaEl' E're' ) rUe   /0 reg. Tv dVOpeOrrao..2' Cver /V)X/,,j
eob y ev  ap.r'  Lucii Alexandrini Ariani fragmi. 1. c..: At ro70ro,B0oa r7i LiOy earBavi'ttwdvvlg'- o6  6yo~ adapi Eyver-o,. ivre'  ro, OCnverVEl  captlc, oV /74v  6bX0. —EF  de eca
Pvx7jvi eiXEev,-l - xeraet iT-i  vIiaraOa 0eo acaci 3pvX1C  av7OKtirOV e  YP To70e7T   itc7repov,
xcai -rpo E'vepye-iaf &ao6povS ay6Levov. Fragm. Arian. xiii. Majus, 1. a. iii ii. 228.
30 Comp. Baur's Dreieinigkeit, i. 559. So early as in the epist. synod. Cone. Alex. A.Do
362, in which even. delegates of Apollin.ris took part,: we find, hut. without: the, name  oea




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY.  I. ARIAN PERIOD. ~ 83.                        311
vocates  of this  sentiment (Apollinaristae, Xvvovqtaarai, AtClOtptrat.)31
Thus Theodosius, who as a Spaniard was a zealous adherent
of the Nicene council, found at his accession to the throne, in
the latter, the polemic declaration:'&2yo2,6yovv yap  atai roTro, rtl oV cipea cbvXov,
oh6' AvaiacOrov, ov6' &v66rov ltXEV b aor wp. This opinion is also contradicted by Athanasius, especially in Epist. ad Epictetum (371), contra Apollinarium libb. ii. (372), yet
without naming Apollinaris (see Mohler's Athanasius, Th. 2. S. 263, if.), although Epiphanius Haer. 77, considers those works as refutations of it. Basil the Great heard of the
heresy of Apollinaris in 373 (Ep. 129 ad Meletium), and wrote about it 374 (Ep. 264 ad Occidentales, and Ep. 265 ad Aegyptios). Fragments of the writings of Apollinaris belonging to the present subject (rep  i vaaplucraeof, repi z'iarewS) are preserved chie-fly in
Gregory of Nyssa and Theodoret. Fragments of several epistles of Apollinaris are found
in Leontius Byzant. (about 590) adv. fraudes Apollinaristalum libb. 2. (ex. lat. vers. Turriani in Canisii Lectt. ant. ed. Basnage, i. 608, ss. Gallandii Bibl. PP. xii. 706). Scattered fragments of every kind are in Majii Scriptt. vett. nova coll. tom. vii. P. i. Answers
to Apollinaris were written by Diodorus Tarsensis, Theodotus Antiochenus, and the two
bishops of Alexandria, Theophilus and Cyril. Still extant are Gregorii Naz. Ep. ad Nectarimll, or Orat. 46, and Ep. ii. ad Cledonium, or Orat. 51 and 52 (Ullmann's Greg. von
Naz. S. 401, if.): and the far more important Gregorii Nysseni  vrtrp~Tlucogf rpogf Tr'Aro lrtvapiov (prim. ed. Zacagnius Monim. veter. eccl. Gr. and in Gallandii Bibl. PP.
vi. 517). Nemesius de Natura hominis, c. 1. TtviS jziv, cdv enTl ti cac llo)rvof, aX32nJv
elvaL riv  ibvyvyv, IcaZ ot 2ov 7TP vo~v doy/ariTaavref, iK rpUtv rObv avOpurrov avveardvat
fOoOmiovvrat, auta7rof, icaCi -IVXf, Kao voil.  O'if KtcooOl8lae cKa'Awo22Utvdptof, o rTyg AaodLeriaL yev6ftevogf rico'rorg'   rofirov yaip ry#esvogf rbv OeAiovr tg tlCag d6M,   aol Tra;oct7rd  rf)poc5lod6t/e'ICKaT  7ri  oiLceiov d66yta. Apollinarius ap. Greg. Nyss. c. 35:'O
(itOpwro0of elf Ertv EK rveCVOarOf KaCt 1bvnXg Ica cJuaorof. —C.  9: Toi 6 -,rver/ia, rovrcarc
rov vodv, OEiv igXrv 6 Xptarbfc se7ra ~ivXy  /cat aOtnyarof, ei67rwcf odvporog kE odpavo8.)/,erac (1 Cor. xv. 47, ss.)-C. 7:  Oebg zfiv (iort) r*  mvervartc T7 acapcepoO 7v-t, evrOpidror
dE rT ~i  redo*  O eoI 8rpoaeypiOiaC  acapaci.-C. 23: Ok e dvOporof, -d2   dgSf [v pov-og (Phil.
ii. 7), dc6rc od0X 6/oodutog -f r  dvOp&Drp KcarT7 r  cvptlcraov. —C. 39: Ecl avOpw7r,  reXeuOi
avvrOqO  e8ig rg etofg, d6dO av VaCav.-C. 42: ElS yeZv ~aet vtugS 0eof, Erf di OeTr6.-C. 48:
El [ac rdcvrrv rT(v l:J r o v lV  rc6 TO gof XOEKOigf   Ei0roVpdiVtOf v0pwmrof (SurEre   ca  rb.rvei6a iaov  XEltV Trof Xoiccoif), oVKd'ovpdvtogf, O2uX'  irovpaviov Oeoil doxelov.-C. 44:'H rcap5 roV Kvpiov  rpoaKcvveZrat, KaOd iev ErGT,'po6aoTrov tcKai  v   eov   ET' aVrTO.
Mqyi6v roivyga 7rpoKevyVrirV 70 Err froi Kvpiov, 6dg 6i crpO ai0roi. From this resulted the
principle of one nature in Christ, Apoll. fragm. ap. Majum, vii. i. 16: Mtd d c  tvyKpvrc
-r,'eu dvOpT)ror 7v r icptov C     )'yoEcv, Izat d6e avyKpdrcJ Tr ~7 el captcllcO re eai OEil,.
In another fragment Apollinaris designates the entire spiritual principle in man as qbvgy,
and makes the place of it in Christ be supplied by the Logos. Ap. Majum, Vii. i. 203:'O'10dvvry —eIrcv, 5drt 6, 6yog ap~ iyiveroo, ovi Yr'po 6aOCe,    at' dbvxO'  d6vaerov yap 6do
voep& cal OeavrelK  iv rt  arc ICarotaceiv, yEva tZ   ro rTEpov ica roia To  rpov avrctrparet7Trat diL r7Sg o0eiao OeaeoGEgS icai E'vpyEcag. OieaOV Ov ob pvyXv    avOpoprivgS EiEdfi,3erO
b,66yof, acd2Q  f6vov aeriptaerog'A,3pac,u-'   r yap TOi actdarog'Ilaov vaeiv 7rpodlEypabev
o aimvXof Icai e vovgS ecal i602E3g TOU  OtO)V7rOfr va6g.  Some of his disciples, especially
Polemius (Polemiani) taught Eic riS  o'pavSv tcareVv0evava e roo Kvpiov Ti aedna, 4cOeoVacOV 7i OSCa r. Xp. r?,1 OeTr7Trt. Epiph. Haer. 77, ~ 2, 20. Theodoret. Haer. fab. iv. 9.
Chr. A. Salig. de Eutychianismo ante Eutychen.  Guelpherb. 1723. 4. —From  this time
forward the threefold division of man began to be considered heterodox. Keilii Opusc.
acad. t. ii. p. 641, ss.
31 IwovataCa7aC, because they taught, wvvova&iacv yeyevrOat  cKat Kipa1cr riy    OE6r7lrog cai roT aedacroC (Theodoret. Haer. fab. comp. iv. 9). Hence Theodotus of Antioch,
and Diodorus of Tarsus, wrote ica7  Xvvovlactardv. Dimoeritae apud Epiphan. Haer. 77.




312                 SECOND PERIOD.-.DIV. L —A.D. 324-451.
the west (379) universal toleration; in the east Arianism prevalent,  the  Homousiasts persecuted, and besides them  the parties
of the  Photinians, Macedonians, and  Apollinarists, with  innumerable  older sects.   After  conquering  the  Goths, he  began
forthwith  to declare Homousianism  to be the catholic faith, and
to persecute other parties.32 The more effectually to remove
existing evils, he summoned a general council at Constantinople (381),~3 by which the schism  between the Nicenes was
peaceably  removed,34 and the Nicene creed  enlarged with  additions directed against heretics who had risen up since its origin.35
32 A law of the year 380, Cod. Theod. xvi. 1, 2: Cunctos populos, quos clementiae nostrae regit temperamentum, in tali volumus religione versari, quam divinum Petrum Apostolum tradidisse Romanis religio usque nunc ab ipso insinuata declarat, quaomque pontificem Damnasum sequi claret, et Petrum Alexandriae episcopum, virum apostolicae sanctitatis: hoc est ut secundum apostolicam disciplinam evangelicamque doctrinanm Patris et
Filii et Spiritus Sancti unam deitatem sub parili majestate et sub pia trinitate credamus.
Hanc legem  sequentes Christianorum  catlbolicorum nomen jubemus amplecti, reliquos
vero dementes vesanosque judicantes, haeretici dogmatis infanliam sustinere, nec conciliabulo eorum ecclesiarum nomen accipere, divina primurm vindicta, post etiam  liotus
nostri, quem ex caelesti arbitrio sumserimus, ultione plectendos. Ullmann's Gregor. v.
Naz. S. 220, ff. Stuffken Diss. de Theodos. Mi. in rem Christ. meritis. Lugd. Bat. 1828.
8, p. 135, ss.
33 o0 pv'. Respecting it see Fuchs Bibl. d. Kirclhenverf. ii. 390. Ullmann, S. 238.
Sttdffken, p. 142.
31 To this Synod Meletius, as bishop of Antioch, was summoned, not Paulinus, with
whom the westerns communicated, and was even a wrp6edpof of the council (Gregorii Naz.
Carmen de vita sua, v. 1514). When he died during the council, Flavianus was appointed
to succeed him, without reference to Paulinus (Ullmanln, S. 245). The schism did not
entirely disappear till A.D. 413 (Theodoret. v. 35).
35 Symb. Nicaeno-Constantinopolitanum: IHtlareTVo/  EriGf eva 0eov, 7rarepa iravrolcpc)ropa, 7rotnTpv olpavov Icae yMf, opa7rt v re sraivrov Kai c opdrwv, caG eig ~va KtVplov'I4aovv
XptroTv, rov vilv Trob 0rO  roiv /ovoyev71, rov'cK Tov ~rarpbof yEvvYOEvra  rpo Crdavrov
ricv aitdvwv, 0fptg Et 0~ord, Oev d;kdtleV  EIC dOrl ti2Btvol, yEvyvd0EVTra oV irotyOlera,
duooVotov  ri rtarpi Pt' oV rfi 7tVrdVa E'vE7ro.  Toy vt' /Ul f rovS aivopt&rrovr Ka dctZi r7'v
/,UErr.pav ucrpplfav KaredOvra EiC rJdv ollpavC)v, itca aapcedo vrra   I c rrvel/aro7 atyiov Ka'
Mapiar r7r i-rapOEvov, cal levavdppor7aavra'  aravpodevra 7e vTrep &iv Ceyi  IlHoVrov IItrTorv, Kai aTaO-vrra tca r'a~lvra Ktae dvaardvra v 77r, rpir? ij/pa itartr r2  ypa~cn'     Kal
dvead06vra ESI r70iS oevpavoidC, Icai icaKdOE6/EOvo Eo tc eStV dT rol warpa, Kicat (tilv  pXp6/.eVroV yra d66,iS cplvaet (vrar cai veltcpol'- ov rg I[3arteL~a2 oetc OKEratl trlo.  Kat eri
rib iytov r-veula, rT  Ktptov (according to 2 Cor. iii. 17. See Theodoret. ad h. 1.), rb C(oarotbv (according to Joh. vi. 63), ri blc rov 7ra-rplb ic-opev6oyevov (according to Job. xv. 26),
ri aVv 7rarpl Kat vIC. gvar-poocvvoVlEvov   Icat avv&ofa[6/evov, r7b.aOcav dlta rdv arpoogrdV'    i ef!av a'ylav icKaotlKVv kca a-rovro7tlvcv Elcvvaiiav.'O/zouoyou/,ev Ev fla-rrttr/ea elf
(co.etlv iduaprtiv'- arpordo cdKoev avdaracrtv vepcdv icat t)v rol olJg2ovro f aoidvog''AAt~v.
J. C. Suicer Symbolum Nicaeno Constantinopol. expositum et ex antiquitate ecclesiastica
illustratum. Traj. ad Rhen. 1718. 4. Already,. about 375, a Roman synod under Dansasus
had declared Sp. S. cum Patre et Filio unius potestatis esse atque substantiae (Mansi, iii.
482), and an Illyrian synod, Pptoovatov Elvat 7Vv rptdda [Iarpbf, Tiol Kat dyfov I veuarof
(Theodoret. iv. 8): But in Constantinople they did not yet venture to give utterance to any
unbiblical formulas respecting the Holy Spirit, in order not to stir up new controversies in
the east, where there were still so many opponents of his deity. —Immediately after the




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY. I. ARIAN PERIOD. ~ 83.                       313
Valentinian II. allowed the Arians in the west to enjoy freedom
of religion some years longer; 36 but the case was quite altered
by Tlheodosius,37 and a universal suppression of the sect ensued.
The last traces of its existence in  the Byzantine empire appear
under the emperor Anastasius at Constantinople, 491-518.38
The subject of the controversy was merely the point of sameness  in   essence  between  the  three  persons.   The  unity  and
equality  of the persons, which necessarily resulted from  holding
sameness of essence, was not fully acknowledged  at once even
by thle Nicenians,3'  but continued to be more clearly perceived,40
until at last it was  expressed  by  Augustine  for the first time
with decided logical consequence.4'
close of the council, Theodosius passed the law of the 30th July, 381. (Cod. Theodos. xvi.
1, 3): Episcopis tradi omnes Ecclesias mox jubemus, qui unius majestatis atque virtutis
Patrem et Filium et Spiritum Sanctum confitentur, ejusdem gloriae, claritatis unius; nihil
dissonum profana divisione facientes, sed Trinitatis ordinem, personarum adsertionem, et
divinitatis unitatem: quos constabit communione Nectarii Episc. Constantinopolitanae
Ecclesiae, Timothei neenon intra Aegyptum Alexandrinae urbis Episcopi esse sociatos:
quos etiam in Orientis partibus Pelagio Ep. Laodicensi, et Diodoro Ep. Tarsensi; in Asia
necnon proconsulari atque Asiana dioecesi Amphilochio Ep. Iconiensi, et Optimo Ep.
Antiocheno (of Antioch in Pisidia); in Pontica diobcesi Helladio Ep. Caesariensi, et
Otrejo Meliteno, et Gregorio Ep. Nysseno; Terennio Ep. Scythiae, Marmario Ep. Marcianop. communicare constiterit: hos ad obtinendas catholicas Ecclesias ex communione
et consortio probabilimn sacerdotum oportebit admitti, etc. In like manner there followed
laws against heretics, which Were often repeated. See Cod. Theodos. xvi. 5, de Haereticis L. 6-14, 16, 17, 19, 21-23.
36 At the instance of his Arian mother Justina, Cod. Th. xvi. 1, 4 (A.D. 386), cf. Ambros.
Epist. 20, 21, 22. Ruofini Hist. Eccl. ii. 15. In the mean time, however, but a small number of Arians had gathered around the empress at Milan. Cf. Epist. ii. Cone. Aquilej.
ann. 381, ad Impp. ap. Mansii, iii. p. 623: Per occidentales paites duobus in angulis antum,
hoc est in latere Daciae Ripensis ac Moesiae fidei obstrepi videbatur.
37 When driven away by Maximus, he found refuge with Theodosius. His law against
the heretics, A.D. 388, see Cod. Theod. xvi. 5. 15. Cf. Gothofred. ad h. legem. Soon after
evei an Arian in the west wrote in defense of his doctrinal creed. See tole interesting
reliquiae tractatus in Lucae Evang. and fragmenta sermonum in Aung. Maji Scriptorum
veterunm nova collectio, t. iii. P. ii.
38 Theodorus Lector, ii. p. 562, fragm. p. 582.
39 Comp. especially Hilarii de Trin. iii. 12: Et quis non Patrem  potiorem confitebitur,
ut ingenituml  a genito, ut Patrem a Filio, ut eum qui miserit ab eo qui missus sit, ut
volentem ab eo qui obediat? Et ipse nobis erit testis: Pater major me est. iv. 16: Dicit
ergo fieri Dens ex quo omnia sunt, et facit Dens per quem omnia (according to 1 Cor. viii.
6). Haec distinctio jubentis Dei, et facientis Dei.
40 Athanasius had rejected the old proposition that the Son exists by the will of the
Father, Orat. adv. Arianos i. (formerly ii.) 29: Tb 6d yevvr/ta oe flov2o7aet voiw6aetrat,
UtA(it T. oVoeiaf EGrTiv  6OT?6rlf.
41 Augustinus de Trin. vii. 11: Non major essentia est Pater et Filius et Spiritus Sane
tus simul, quam solus Pater, aut solus Filius: sed tres simul illae substantiae (Vrnoardcet:) sive personae, si ita dicendae sunt, aequales sunt singulis: quod animalis homo
non percipit. 12: Pater, et Filius, et Spiritus Sanctus unus Deus. Id. contra sermonem
Arianorum ~ 4: Unus Deus est ipsa Trinitas, et sic unus Deus, quomodo unus creator:




314                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451
~ 84.
HISTORY OF THE THEOLOGICAL SCIENCES DURING THE ARIAN
DISPUTES.
Among the theological schools of this period the most distinguished were that of Origen, and the  Syrian  historico-exegetical, whose  origin  belongs to  the  preceding  period.   Origen
enjoyed the highest esteem, and it is to be attributed to the
wide-extended  influence  of his writings  that  notwithstanding
these furious theological disputes, some freedom in theology was
still preserved.   In the great question  of the time, both parties
could appeal to him.' When the Arians referred to the declaration in his own writings, and in those of his disciples Dionysius
and Theognostus, that the son is a creature, Athanasius, on the
contrary, drew from the same source arguments for the eternal
generation of the Logos.2    Men were the less perplexed by contrary passages in  his writings, inasmuch  as they  knew  and  already practiced many expedients for the purpose of making such
expressions of the fathers as were contradictory to the more
modern views, powerless and void.3 Thus Origen had adherents
among both parties. Among the Eusebians, he had in particular  Eusebius  Pamphili,  bishop   of  Caesarea,  in   Palestine
(t 340), a man distinguished alike for his love of peace and his
merits as a church historian.4 Among the Nicenians, were
quid est quod dicunt, jubente Patre creasse omnia Filium, tanquam Pater non creaverit,
sed a Filio creari jusserit?  Formant sibi in phantasmate cordis sui quasi duos aliquos,
etsi juxta inviceml, in suis tamlen locis constitutos, unum jubentem, alterum obtemperantern. Nec intelligunt, ipsam jussionem Patris, ut fierent omnia, non esse nisi Verbum
Patris, per quod facta sunt omnnia. Against the old opinion that the Father is absolutely
invisible, and that the Logos alone can appear, see de Trin. ii. 15, ss. Cf. ~ 35: Ipsa
natura, vel substantia, vel essentia, vel quolibet alio nomine appellandum est id ipsum
quod Dens est, quidquid illud est, corporaliter videri non potest: per subjectam vero
creaturam non solunm Filium vel Spiritum Sanctum, sed etiam Patrem  corporali specie
sive similitudine mortalibus sensibus significationem sui dare potuisse credendum est.
1 Hence the contradictory opinions concerning him. Epiphanius Haer. 64, c. 4, declares
him to be the father of Arianism; and Socrates, vii. 6, wonders how Timotheus could have
been at the same time an admirer of Origen and an Arian, since Origen  ),uaisdov 7ravraxoov d/osoye2  rbv vtov 5T6  rarpi.
2 See Div. I. ~ 63, note 18. Compare Miunscher's Dogmengescllichte. Bd. 3. S. 416,
418, if.
3 See Miunscher, 1. c. S. 156, if. 422, if.' His biography, composed by his successor Acacius (Socrat. ii. 4), is lost  He is called




CHAP. II.-THEOL, 1. A.  IAN PERIOD.            ~ 84. THEOL. SCIENCE. 315.
Athtanasius, the  father of orthodoxy, from  the year 3288 bishoF
of Alexandria, frequently banished and again recalled (t 373);5
Basil the  Great, from  the year 370 bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia  (t  379);  his  brother  Gregory,  from   370  bishop  of
Nyssa in Cappadocia (t about 394);' Gregory of Nazianzzumn,
~ 0e620oyog, the intimate friend of Basil, bishop of Constantinople
all Ariatn by Athanasius, Epiphanius, ffilary, Jerome, etc., defended by Socrat. ii. 21, and
Gelasius Histor. Synod. Nic. ii. 1. The first are followed by most historians, as Baronius,
Petavios (Dogmat. theolog. de trin. lib. ii. c. 11), Arnold, Jac. Basnage, etc. On the contrary,
he is declared to be orthodox by Valesius, Bull, du Pin, Sam. Basnage. There was a controversy on the subject between Jo. Le Clerc, who accuses him of Arianism (Bibliothdqne
univers. tomn. x. p. 380. Epistolae criticae s. Artis criticae, vol. iii. p. 28, ss.), and WCave, who, on the other hand, defends him (Diss. de Eusebii Arianismo in the append. ii..
Hist. literar. script. eccl. p. 42, and Epist. apolog. ibid. p. 61, ss.) A more correct opinion
is given by Chr. D. A. Martini Eusebii Caes.. de Divinitate Christi sententia. Rostoch.
1795. 4. J. Ritter Eusebii Caes. de Divinitate Christi placita. Bonnae. 1823. 4. Writings: Hist. eccl. lib. x. Chronicon s. ravroda7.r   iaropia (ex. vers. Armen. ed. J. B apt..
Aucher.  Venet. 2 t. 1818. 4.  ALg. Majus et J. Zohrab. Mediol. 1818. 4, integrius et
emendatieus ed. Ang. Majus in Scriptt. vet. nova coll., tom. viii. Romae. 1833. 4). IIpoirapaKcevy redayyeRuutc libb. 15, ed. F. Vigerus. Paris. 1628. fol. F. A. Heinichen. 2 t.
Lips. 1842. 8.  Ev)ayye8ttKn  &r66eidtf lib. 20 (of this- lib,. i.-x. ed. Par. 1628. fo].  The
beginning of the first and close of the tenth book, which are there wanting, have been
supplied by J. A. F abricius in his Delectus argunentorum et syllasbus scriptt. qui veritatem
relig. christ. adseruerunt.  Hamb. 1725. 4. p. 1, ss.).  Contra Hieroclem  liber (C. Gu..
Haenell de Euseb. Caes. religionis christ. defensore. Gottingae. 1843. 8):. Contra Marcellum libb. 2. De Ecclesiastica theologia libb. 3 (all appended to the Delonstr. evangel./
IEpi rtS  rowTulv'v r,   Oifa ypa~y (cum. vers. Hieronymi ed. J. Clericus. A st. 1707.
fol.)  Oratio de laudibus Constantini. De vita Constantini lib. 4 (annexed to the Hist.
eccl.)  Canones sacr. Evangeliorum  x. (in bibl. PP.) Comum. in Cant. Canticorum, il
Psalmos, in Esaiam. Eclogae propheticae e cod. Vindebon. prilunm ed. Thom. Gaisford..
Oxon. 1842. 8. Cf. Fabricii Bibl. Gr. ed. Harles. vol. vii. p. 335, ss.
5 See particularly'Airo2loyrMcKof Kara'Apetaves (about 349).'Arro.oyia 7rpof r7v
0aoloE0a    KovCravrlsov  (356).'Arro2oyia wrepi rg ~vyif avirod (357).'EirrTro?]j 7ro0G 7'bv
yovspy Piiov Ud,'coaC s. historia Arianerum ad Monachos (358),.. Kara'Apeeav&v 267yot d' 
T'Ertaro2j rrepi risv yevopfvov ev r7'ApTivp r 17'IraCLaf Kai Ev ZeXaevcEri 7-i'Iaevpiar
cvv6dov (359), etc. Opp. ed Bern. de Montfaucon. Paris. 1698. 3 t. fol. N. A. Justiniani.
Patav. 1777. 4 t. fol.  Cf. Fabricius-Harles, viii. 171. J. A. M61hler's Athllaasius d. G. u..
die Kirche seiner Zeit. 2 Th. Mainz. 1827. 8.
6'Av7rqlPT Grucrf rt'AMroloyrtloi rtoo 6vCCfiEogf Edvvo/iov  libb. v. Hlep  7rod dyiov
rrvevlaarog (comp. ~ 83, note 27). Homilies (C. CGu. van der Pot de Basilio M. oratoresacro. Amstel. 1835. 8. Paniel's Gesch. d. christl. Beredsamnskeit, i. 464). Ascetic writi'ngs, letters. Opp. ed. Fronto Ducaeus. Paris. 1618. 2 voll. fol. Jul. Garnier. Par. 1721,
ss. 3 voll. fol. ed. ii. cur. L. de Sinner. Paris. 1839. 3 tomi 8. A. Jahnii Animadversiones
in S. Basilii M. opera. Bernae et S. Galli. 1842, fasc. 1. Cf. Fabricius-Harles, ix. 1. J.
11. Feisser Diss. de vita Basilii M. Groningae. 1828. 8. Basilius d. G.. nach s. Leben u..
s. Lebre dargesteilt von Dr. C, R. W. Klose. Stralsund. 1835. 8.
7 Kard Edvvom-ov libb. xiii. Contra Apollinarem, see ~ 83, note 29. I ep2 rrj Ed ao/ powv
A6yog /ca7ors1jrts~ g 6 0uyaS. (Oratio catechetica, rec. G. Krabilger. Acc. ejusdem Gregorii oratio funlebris in Meletium Episc. Antiochenum. Monachii. 1835. 8). De anima et
resurrectione (ed. Krabinger. 1837). De Precatione oratt. v. (ed. Krabinger. 1840). HeCspecting his homilies see Paniel, i. 520. Opp. ed. F.  Morellius. Paris. 1615. 2 voll. Ap.
pend. add. J. Gretser. Ibid. 1618. fol. Cf. Fabricius-Harles, ix. 98. Gregor's des B3iscb v.
Nyssa Leben u. Meintungen, von Dr. J. Rupp. Leiplzig. 1834. 8,
The " Festal Letters'" make this date certai;~.




3 10                SEGOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
from  380-381  (-t 390);' and  Didymus, president of the cateehetical school in Alexandria (t 395).9    Even  toward the west
also, where they were accustomed to derive their knowledge uninterruptedly from  the Greek literature,'0 Origen's influence had
extended, and the most important occidental writers of this period, IiZary, bishop of Poictiers from  A.D. 350, living an  exile
in Phrygia from  356-360 (t 368);11  the Luciferian IJilary, deacon in Rome (about 380),12 and Aqzbrose, bishop  of MIilan from
374  (t_ 397),13  honored  and  employed  him   as  a  teacher.    So
also  the  two  distinguished western  monk-s living  in Palestine,
yracnnzilus Rufinus  of Acuikeia,'4  who  had  been  sis  years  a
pupil of Didymus in  Egypt, but, since  the  year 378, had  led
an  ascetic life  on  the Mount of Olives (t 410), and oS9/rroniz.Esebius Jlieronymnus  of Stridon, thil   first scriptural expositor
8 Regarding his orations (among which must be particularly distinguished de Theologia
oratt. v.), see Paniel. i. 493. Letters, poems. Opp. ed. F. Morellius. Paris. 1630 (Colon.
1690) 2 voll. fol. ed. Clemencet, tom. i. Paris. 1778. Tom. ii. ed. D. A. B. Caillau. Paris.
1840. fol. Cf. Fabricius-Harles, viii. 383. Gregorius v. Nazianz, der Theologe, von D. C.'Ullmanl. Darmstadt. 1825. 8.
9 Respecting him see Guerike de Schola Alex. P. i. p. 92, ss. His biblical commentaries, and his Comm. in libros Origenis 7repti apXbpv, are, with many other writings, no
longer extant. Still extant: Lib. de Spiritu S., according to the Latin version of Jerome
(in Hieron. Opp. ed. Martian. t. iv. P. i. p. 494, ss.); lib. adv. Maniclhaeus (gr. et. lat. in
Combefisii auctarium graec. PP. P. ii. p. 21, and in Canisii Lectt. ant. ed. Basnage. vol.
i. p. 204, ss.); de Trinitate libb. iii. (prim. ed. J. A. Mingarelli. Bonon. 1769. fol.); brevis
enarratio in epistt. canonicas, preserved, in the Latin translation composed at the request
of Cassiodorus, by Epiphanius Sehblasticus (see Cassiod. de Instit. div. scr. c. 8), among
eothers in the Bibl. max. PP. t. iv. p. 319, ss., best of all in Lilcke Quaestiones ac vindiciae
Didymianae. Gotting. 1829-32. 4 particulae. 4, where it is accompanied by the Greek
text, partially restored from the Scholia of Matthaei.'0 Paniel's Gesch. d. christl. Beredsamkeit, i. 663.
1' De Trinitate libb. xii. Ad Constantium lib. De Synodis adv. Arianos. De Synodis
Ariminensi et Seleuciensi (fiagments).  Various commentaries.  Of the comm. in
Psalmos plurimos, Hieron. Cat. c. 100: In quo opere imitatus Origenem, nonnulla etiam
de suo addidit respecting the treatises no longer extant called tractatus in Job: quos de
Graeco Origenis ad sensum transtulit, of. Rosenmiuller Hist. interpret. libr. sacr. in eccl.
christ. P. iii. p. 301, ss. Paniel, i. 697. Bahr's christl. r6mische Theologie, S. 113. Opp.
edd. Monachi Congreg. S. Mauri (P. Coustant). Paris. 1693. Sc. Maffeus. Veron. 1730.
2 voll. fol.'2 The author of the Comm. in xiii. epistt. b. Pauli in the works of Ambrose (hence
Ambrosiaster), and probably, too, of the Quaestiones vet. et novi test. in the works of
Augustine (in the Appendix of tom. iii. P. ii. Benedictine edition).  Comp. I. Simon
-Hist. crit. des principaux commentateurs du N. T. p. 133.
13 De Officiis ministrorum libb. 3 (ed. Dr. R. O. Gilbert. Lips. 1839. 8). Hexadmeron
(ed. Gilbert. Lips. 1840. 8). De Fide libb. 5. De Spiritu Sancto libb. 3. A useless
commentary on some of the Psalms, in Lucam libb. 10 (cf. Rosenmniller 1. c. p. 315, ss.).
Epistolae 92, etc. Opp. edd. MBon. Congreg. S. Mauri. Paris. 1686, 90. 2 voll. fol. Comp.
B13/r, S. 142.
-4 Respecting his writings, see below, ~ 85, note 4.




CHAP. II.-TItEOL.  I. ARIAN PERIOD. ~ 84. THE OL. SCIENCE. 5"7f
of his day, who lived at the head of a society of monks in Beth-i
lehemn  from  A.D  386 (t 420).'
In  addition to the Origenist sehool, the Syrian  historico-exegetical school in the east had  many friends.l6   To it belonged,
almong  the  Eusebians,  Theodore, bishop  of Heraclea  (t  about
358),17  Eusebius, bishop of Emesa (t 360),"1  and  Cyril, bishop
of Jerusalemn, who afterward. adopted the decrees of the Nicene
council, and was present at the council of Constantinople (381)
(-  386)."1     Among  the oriental Nicenians, Apollinaris, bishop
s' At that time Jerome wrote to Paula respecting Origen (Rufin. Invectiv. in Hieron.
lib. ii. see Hieron. Opp. ed. Martianay, vol. iv. t. ii. p. 68 and 480): Quis enim unquam
tanta legere potuit, quanta ipse conscripsit: Pro hoc sudore, quid accepit pretii? Damzatur a Demetrio episcopo: exceptis Palaestilae et Arabiae et Plhoenices atque Achajae
sacerdotibus in damnationem ejus consentit (add. orbis): urbs Roma ipsa contra hune cogit
senatL-m, non propter dogmatam novitatem, non propter haeresin, ut nune adversum eumll
rabidi canes simulant, sed quia gloriam eloquentiae ejus et scientiae fer-e non poterant, et
illo diceinte omnes muti putabantur. See a notice of his writings in 5~ 85, note 5.
16 Cf. J. A. Ernesti Narratio crit. de interpretatione prophetiarum messian. in Opp. theol,
p. 498, ss. F. Mfinter iber die antiochen. Schule in Staudlin's and Tzschirner's Archiv,
f. Kirchengesch, i. i. 13. - Caes. a Lengerke de Ephraemi Syri Arte hermeneutica lilber.
Rtegirmontii Pruss. 1831. 8. p. 60.
17 Hieronymi Catal. c. 90: Theodorus Heracliae Thraciarnm  Episcopus, elegantis
apertique sermnonis, et magis historicae intelligentiae, edidit cnb Constantio Principe
coimmentarios in Matthaeum, et in Joannem, et in Apostolunl, et in Psalterium. The
commlentary onl the Psalms in Corderis Catena in Psalmos. Antv. 1643: other exegetical
fragments in the Catenae. The most are to be found in Corderii Catena in Matthaeunrne
Antverp. 1642. H. F. Massmann (Skeireins, Auslegung, d. Ev. Job. in goth. Sprache
Miinehen. 1834. -4) considers the fragments published by him to be the remains of a Gothic
version of Theodore's commentary on John. Of a contrary opinion Dr. Julius Loebe
Beitrhge zur Textberichtigung u. Erklirung der Skeireins. Altenburg. 1839. 8. S. 4.
is Respecting him see Socrates, ii. 9, and Sozomenus, iii. 6. Both say of him:'Tnrn/etve
di Kca aev.r~S /gfbtv, df r7a,ao/e3clov Qpovidv. On the contrary, he is called in Jerome
in Chron. ad ann. x. Constantii: Arianae signifer factionis. Cf. Hieron. Cat. c. 91:
Eusehius Emesenus Episcopus, elegantis et rhetorici ingenii, innumerabiles, et qui ad
plausum populi pertinent, confecit libros, magisque historiam secutus, ab his qui declalmare volunt, studiosissime legitur: e quibus vel praecipui sunt adv. Judaeos, et Gentes,
et Novatianos, et ad Galatas libb. x., et in Evangelia homiliae breves sed plurimnae. His
exegetical character is more distinctly drawn, c. 119 (see below, note 22)}  Thilo (fiber die
Schriften des Eusebius v. Alexandrien u. d. Eusebius v. Em.esa. Halle. 1832. 8)} shows
that the three discourses published by Augusti (Euseb. Emes. quae supersunt Opuscula.
Elberfeldi. 1829. 8) do not belonlg to Eusebius of Emesa, but, along with many others, to
one Eusebius of Alexandria, belonging to the fifth or sixth century (an old life of this
Alexandrian and several discourses are extant in the Spicilegium Romanum, t. ix. Romae.
1843. 8). Among the extant writings of Eusebius of Emluesa (on them see Thilo, p. 56), the
most important would be the two books de fide adv. Sabellium  in the Opuscula, xiv.
Eusebii Pamph. ed. J. Sirmond, Paris. 1643 (also in Bibl. PP. Lugd. iv. 1), if it could be
proved that they really belong to him. Thilo makes it probable, p. 64.
19 Catecheses xviii. ad Competentes, Catecheses im-ystagogicae v., probably delivered
in the year 347 (their authenticity has been denied especially by Oudinus de Scriptt. eccl.
ant. vol. i. p. 459, ss.), but proved by Touttle (in the Dissert. Cyrill. p. xciii. prefixed to his
edition), ed. Th. Milles. Oxon, 1703. fol. A. A. Touttde. Paris. 1720. fol. Comp. J. J. vant




S3 8      ~:SRC'OD    PER0OD.-MDV.. —A.D. 324-451;
of Laodicea (between 370  and 390),2~ known  by his heresy respectifig the person of Christ; Ephracem, deacon in Edessa, the
prophet of the  Syrians (t 378);21  and  Diodore, presbyter in
Antioch, bishop of Tarsus from   378  (t before 394),22 were attached to it.  From  the school of the latter proceeded John  CArysosomn, deacon from  381, 386 presbyter in Antioch, from  398 bishop.
of Constantinople (t 407),23 and  Theodore, presbyter in Antioch,
Vollenhoven Spec. theol. de Cyrilli 1Hier. catecchesibus. Amstelod. 1837. 8. Paniel's
Gescll. der christl. B eredsamkeit, i. 419. Against the Semiarianism of the saint, which is
-acknowledged by Touttde Dissertt. Uyrill. p. xi. ss. (which Epiphanius Haer. lxxiii. c. 28,
also expressly attests) appeared the Jesuit Mdmoires de Trevoux (mois de Dec. 1721), but
they were refuted by (Prudentius Maranus) Diss. sur les S6lmiariens. Paris. 1722. 8,
reprinted in Vogt Bibl. hist. haeresiolog. ii. 115. Respecting his exposition of Scripture
in the Catecheses, see Catech. xiii. c. 9: fvv22Eai6Oc0aev Y7p, oeV ypaclnv'~r ycatv
SeOpdrl.rt'cv 7rotdaagOat vbv, (2Ua 7rcitoron'otVlOvat td2u~2ov Errpi Ov 7rerrzerrdcactev. Cf.
Pabricius-Harles, viii. 437. Tzschirner Opusc. acad. p. 253, ss. v. C6iln il Ersch u. Gruber's
Encyclopidie, xxii. 143.
20 His writings (adv. Porphyrium, libb. xxx., contra Eunomium, etc.) are all lost. Many
of his interpretations of Scriptutre are preserved in the Catenae. Philostorgius ap. Suidam,
s. v. Apollinaris prefers him to Basil and Gregory of Nazianzum: O0ror y'p dr:cat r7i'ETipacdor dJa./crov  Eaattev ol6f re Ov. Cf. Fabricius-Harles. vol. viii. p. 588, ss.
21 Homilies (cf. Tzschirner Opusc. acad. p. 262, ss.), Ascetic writings, Hymns. Partidularly imllportant are his Syriac cowmmentaries on the Old Testament. Cf. Caesar a
Lengerke Comml. crit. de Ephraemo Syro S. S. interprete. Halis. 1828. 4, Ejusd. de
Ephr. Syri Arte hermeneutica lib. RIegimontii Pruss. 1831, 8. Paniel's Gesch. d. christi,
Beredsamkeit, i. 438. Opp. graeca et syr. ed. St. Evod. Assemanus. Romae. 1732-45.
86 voll. fol. Cf. Fabricius-Harles. vol. viii. p. 217, ss.
22 Hieron. Cat. c. 119: Diodorus Tarsensis Episcopus, dum Antiochiae esset presbyter,
nagis claruit. Extant ejus in Apostolum commentarii, et multa alia, ad Eusebii magis
nEmeseni characterem pertinentia: cujus cumt sensum secutus sit eloquentiam imitari non
potuit propter ignorantiam saecularium litterarum. Socrat. vi. 3: loai,2 &,332fia avveypatce, bLt   -i, yppU/art rOv 08eov 7rpoaerXov ypacO)v, i-f OEwpiaC avir7Cv Elcrpe7per6vof.
For his orthodoxy, which was afterward called in question, see Facundi Ep. Hermianensis
(about 548) pro defensione trium Capitulorum lib. iv. c. 2. His writings, which have been
all lost, and among them commentaries on most of the biblical books, whose loss must be
chiefly regretted, are enunmerated by Theodore Victor ap. Suidas, s. v. At6GoWpog, and by
Ebedjesu in Assemnlai Bibl. orient. iii. i. 28. Cf. Fabricius-Harles, ix. 278, ss. Fragments
are found in Marius Mercator, Photius (Cod. 122) and others. Among the Chaldean
Christians, who held him in great repute (see Assemani, iii. ii. 224), many of his writings
may have been preserved in translation.
23 Although he had been previonsly distinguished by similar honorable surnames (thus
he is called in Proclus, bishop of Constantinople after 437, lrept 7rapaSd6arEf  ~ry  OeiaF
2tETrovpy1ia, in Gallanldii Bibl. PP. ix. 681:   rTv y2STr'avc)  Xpvc'OVg'Iwivvy?g), yet the
surname Chrysostom first occurs in Johanmes Moschus (about 6830) pratum spirit. c. 131,
and is generally employed after Concil. vi. in the year 680. His works are: Orations,
among which the homilies on the New Testament writings are also of exegetical importance. Comp. Des Joh. Chrys. auserwihlfite Homilien (v. d. Unbegreiflichkeit Gottes, 5
Hom. wider die Anomner (fibers. u. mit einer Einleit. fiber Joh. Chrys. den Homileten
von Dr. Ph. Mayer. Niirnberg. 1830. Paniel's Gesch. d. christl. Beredsamnlkeit, i. 590.
Ascetic writings, letters. IIepi 1epoabv1g libb. vi. (ed. J. A. Bengel. Stuttg. 1725. 8,
fibers. v. K. F. Hasselbach. Stralsund. 1820. 8. von. J. Ritter. Berlin. 1821. 8). Opp. ed.
B. de Montfaucon, Paris. 1718-38. 13 voll. fol. ed. 2. emendata et aucta. Paris. 1834-39.




CHAP. I. —THEOL.  I. ARIAN PERIOD.  S 84. THEOL. SCIENCE. 319
from 393 bishop of Mopsuestia (t- 429),24 the most eminent exegetical writer of the Syrian school.
The difference of the exegetical principles of the two schools
gave expression to itself even in controversial writings.25   This
dispute however had an entirely scientific character, and did not
prevent them  recognizing each other's merit.   As the Origenist
Jerome made diligent use of the interpreters of the Syrian school,
so also  Origen  for the most part stood in high estimation with
the  Syrians.26   But small traces of doctrinal controversies are
13 Tomi. 8. Cf. Fabricius-Harles, viii. 454. A. Neander der Ih. Joh. Chrysostomus u. d.
Kiiiche bes. des. Orients in dessen Zeitalter. Berlin. 1821, 20. 2 Bde. 8.
2* His noted biblical commentaries have been unfortunately lost with the rest of his
writings, except some fragments. Recently, complete works of his have been published
in the original. See Comm. in Prophetas, xii. minores taken from a Vienna MS. in:
Theod. Antiocheni Mopsv. Episc. quae supersunt omnia, ed. A. F. V. a Wegnern, vol. i.
Berol. 1834. 8. from a Vatican MS. in A. Maji Scriptt. vett. nova coill. t. vi. p. i. Romae.
1832; and Comm. in epist. ad Romanos, edited by Angelo Mai in the Spicilegium
Itomanum, tom. iv. (Romae. 1840. 8) p. 499. The Chaldean Christians who call him, by
way of eminence, the interpreter (Assemani, 1. c. t. iii. P. i. p. 36), and have declared in
the decrees of councils his expositions to be a standard (Assem. I. c. t. iii. P. ii. p. 227),
have still much of his in translations. A catalogue of his works by Ebedjesu ap. Assemani,
iii. i. 30, cf. Fabricius-Harles, x. 346. R. E. Klener Syimbolae literariae ad Theodorum
Antiochenum  Mopsvestiae Episc. pertinentes. Gotting. 1836. 8. 0. F. Fritzsche de
Theod. Mopsvesteni vita et scriptis comm. Halae. 1836. 8. Respecting Theodore as an
interpreter, see Ernesti Opuse. theol. p. 502, ss. Rosenmfiller Hist. interpret. iii. 250.
Miinter in Stfiudlin's und Tzschirner's Archive f. K. G. i. i. 17. F. L. Sieffert Theodorus
Mopsv. veteris Test. sobrie interpretandi vindex comm. Regiomonti. 1827. 8. Comp.
among the accusations of Leontius against Theodore (in Gallandii Bibl. PP. xii. 686, s.):
xii. aggreditur-glorianm Spiritus Sancti, cum omnes quidem scripturas altas, quas sancti
afflatu ejus tradiderunt, hulmiliter et demlisse interpretans, tunm vero a rnumero sacracutn
scripturarun-m-eas separans. xiv. Epistolam Jacobi et alias deinceps aliorum catholicas
abrogat et antiquat. xv. Inscriptiones Hymnorumn, et Psalmorum, et Canticorum penitus
ejecit, et omnes Psalmos judiace ad Zorobabelem et Ezechiam retulit, tribus tantum ad
Dominum rejectis. xvi. Immo et sanctorurn sanctissimum Canticum Canticorum —libidinose
pro sua et mente et lingua meretricia interpretans, sua supra modumn incredibili audacia
ex libris sacris abscidit. xvii. Duos libros Paralipomenon-et insuper Esdram repudiavit.
25 The Origenists endeavored, after the example of Origen to prove the insufficiency
of the grammatical interpretation, and the necessity of the allegorical. For example
Gregorius Nyssenus Prooem. in Cant. Cant., Jerome in many places. On the other side
wrote Theodore according to Suidas s. v. At6dwpof' Tif uaeopd OrEdpitaf ca d6J2oyopiaf.
Comp. on this treatise Ernesti Opusc. theol. p. 499. Still more energetically did Theodore
of Mopsuestia attack the Origenists (Facundas, iii. c. 6): in libro de allegoria et historia,
quem contra Origenem scripsit, unde et odium Origenianorum incurrit. Ebedjesu cites
among Theodore's works quinque tomos adv. Allegoricos (Assenmani, iii. i. 34, cf. p. 19).
26 So with the author of the'Arp1,ropaReCf'rpbd rof pOod6O:ovf in Justin Martyr's works,
who belongs to Syria, about the year 400 (D. W. Gass Abbandlung iber diese Schrift, in
Illgen's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol. 1842. iv. 34. Comp. S. 143, 103), and with Chrysostonm
(see Ernesti Opusc. theol. p. 512, and the programm by J. WV. Meyer de Chrysostomo
literarum sacr. interprete, p. i. Altorf. 1806. 8. De Ch. 1. s. i. ejusque interpretandi mode
in V. T. libris hist. obvio. Norimb. 1806. 8. Nova comm. de Chr. 1. s. i. p. ii. Erlang.
1818, 15. 4, respecting his exposition of the poetical books of the Old Testament).




320                  SECOND PERIOD. —DIV. I. —A.D. 324-451.
now to be found between the two schools.27   Those orthodox
Origenists did not adopt all the peculiar doctrinal sentiments of
their imaster;  nor were these doctrines  all reckoned  damnable.
A  pretty wide field for free investigation was still left to reason,"2
and  the passion  with  which  the  question  of the  relation  of the
Son to the Father was discussed, made this doctrine so mnuch
the test of orthodoxy,  almost indeed  exclusively  so, that they
never thought during the Arian controversy of limiting freedom
of inquiry on other subjects. Gregory of Nyssca 29 and Didymus 30
were  known  as Origenists.   Many  others held  to  single  points
of Origen's  creed31 without  being  attacked  on  that  account.
Chalcidius 32 and  Synesius came to adopt still mbre remarkable
opinions  by  joining  new-Platonism   with  Christianity;  yet the
latter was consecrated bishop of Ptolemais by Theophilus, bishop
of Alexandria,  although  he  gave  public expression  to  his convictions (410).33    The  belief in  the  inalienable  capability  of
27 Theophili Alex. lib. paschalis, i. Hieronymo interprete (Hier. Opp. ed. Martian. t. iv.
P. ii. p. 694): Licet (Apollinaris) adversus Arianaos, et Ennomianos scripserit, et Origenem,
aliosque haereticos sua disputatione subverterit, tamen, etc. So Apollinaris also defended
millennarianism in a work srepCi varrdsCTrE. Basil. Ep. 263. (al. 74) ~ 4, Hieron. Prooem.
in libr. xviii. Jesaiae. Epiph. Haer. lxxvii. ~ 36.
28 Gregor. Naz. Orat. 33 (de Theol. i.) in fine: 4stcoa6el ytos rrepi tcw6cyov i' ic6cy,uov,
rrepi  X?1f, rTpI 4bvXyf, 7rTpi XoyucdCv 0ldeeov /EJrt6mvcsv re scai Xelp6vov, rrepi uvaarGdreof, aCp[eruS, av7rasod6auroC, Xpt7'rov;rarlsr7rv.'Ev'roE'Totf yap 1cati rO 6SrtrvyXvetv or c:i'tXpYlarov, Ica' rb dstauaprdvetv cbcivvdvpov. Even in the west the doctrine
of the pre-existence of souls was not yet regarded as heretical. Augustine de Libero
arbitrio, iii. 21: HarunL  autem  quatuor de anima sententiarum, utrum  de propagine
veniant, an in singulis quibusqule nascentibus novae fiant, an in corpora nascentium jam
alicubi existentes vel mittantur divinitus, vel inde sua sponte labantur, nullam temere
aflirmare oportebit. Cf. Hieron. Epist. 126 (al. 82), ad Marcellinam et Anapsychianm.
29 See Jo. Dallaeus de Poenis et Satisfactionibus hlumanis (libb. vii. Amst. 1649. 4), lib.
iv. c. 7, p. 368, ss. Miinsller's Dogmengesch. iv. 439, 465. rAundemann's Gesch. d. christl.
Glaubenslehren, ii. 463.  Ltupp's Gregor v. Nyssa, S. 243.:O On this theology see Guerike de schola Alex. P. ii. p. 332, ss., especially on the preexistence of souls, p. 361, and the possible conversion of the devil, p. 359, 368, especially
Liicke QOaestiones ac vindiciae Didymianae P. i. p. 9, ss. Against the -former, Gregory
of Nazianzuam declares himself very decidedly (see Ullmann; p. 414, ffi).
31 The doctrine of Hilary regarding the humanity of Chiist, de trin. x., was made up fiom
the opinions of Clement of Alexandria and Origen. See my Comm., qua Clementis Alex.
et Origenis doctrinae de corpore Christi exponuntur.  Gotting. 1837. 4; that of C. Marius
Victorinus philos. (about 368) in Comm. in ep. ad Eplhes. i. 4 (Maji Scriptt. vett. nova collect. iii. ii. 90, 93, s.), animas nostras et ante mundi constitutionem faisse, qlaippe cum sta
substantia in aeternis semper extiterint, is Origenistic.
32 Cf. Chalc. Comm. in Timaeuml  Platonis in Hippolyti Opp. ed. Fabricius, ii. 225
Mosheim ad Cudworth Syst. intell. p. 732, regards him as a heathen syncretist. See on
the other side Fabricii bibl. lat. i. 556, Brucker Hist. philos. iii. 477.
33 Synesius Ep. 105, ad fratrem Eaoptimn announces why he felt it a hazardous thing,
to assume the office of a bishop, which lhad been offered him. Among other things, it is




CHAP. II.-THEOL.  I. ARIAN PERIOD.  5 84. THEOL. SCIENCE. 321
improvement in all rational beings, and the limited duration of future punishment34 was  so general even in  the west35 and among
the opponents of Origen,36 that, even if it may not be said to have
arisen without the influence of Origen's school, it had become entirely independent of his system.   On the other hand, millennarianism, although it had been abandoned by most theologians, had
still many friends among the people, without their being  considered as heretics on account of it.37
said: Xaeieir6v earTv, el  Kai saG  iav adcvarov, elg PvgYv rfa Vi' 7'rtar9L7 f Elf aur66eto~:v
Ei0O6vr( d6(6yara aaevO8ivat- oiaOa'd' drt iro2tga btZocooQia roZe OpvX2Xovjoivotf rovTroI
ivrTdairTerTrrat d6yyuaclv. C61#2et rov  kvX7sv ovl'c Ui&cu 7irore  ardaror 6VarEpoyEv0
voi('et'v r'iv f c6so ov ovd 0ad  cai r7d22La / py aovvdta~oeipecOat' rsv  caOuzItU2L7psvjv
ci6c7actv itp6v it xcaci air6b/51rov 7y?/ualt, icat wroXi3oi 61  Tralf To7  7r2X 0ovC iVrro73ecltv
6io2toyizaat. —n roof rolaXltdat rb ar c670rof d0e2tZ6revpoV, raer?  caci ra 7jeidoS o6e2aof
elvat TriOEiat du)o, Kai,tAaafepiv riv i28Oelav ro0   okil iOrIXovltv Iva7revicat e rpbO 7rV
Tr7 -ov VrWv Vpy eav.      raira cac ol rat f' ae'  s07  ieplosivKS evyrxporlv eoit v6joot,
dvvavlpv v iev ipdcOat, Td Yv otihcot itXoao~6)v,'rS 6' Ew  0tiXoeuv6dv. —o' fpo2Xo/ati 61
caraeeterq)aic rtva grepi IEyoi Xoyoiv, (43 ayvoOfcg sip7mrca 7-v Xetporoveav Lal~L' eidgb 6
deooetZ7ara roe,rairp 0 eI6oc0o, Kcat G  TT7ioraraat, caaC1s puo  /rotlaa, oroVT piovlEvac&(o
irepi peyo. Cf. Evagrius, i. c. 15. Photius Cod. 26. Conmp. Synesius des KyrenLiers Rede
an Arkadios, griesch. u. deutsch v. Krabinger.  Miinchen. 1825. 8. Einl. S. xix., ff. Even
when bishop, Synesius continued true to his philosophical system.  Cf. Luc. Holstenii diss.
doe Synesio, in the app. of Theodoretus, etc., ed. Valesii, p. 202. Aem. Th. Clausen de
Synesio philosopho, Libyae Pentapoleos metropolita. Haffiiae. 1831. 8.
34 Hieronymus ad Gal. v. 22: Nullam rationabilium  creaturarum  apud Deum  perire
perpetuo.  Cf. ad Eph. iv. 16. Ambrosiaster in Eph. iii. 10. J. A. Dietelmair Commenti
fanatici de rerum omnium'Arroartcaradcet hist. antiquior. Altorfii. 1769. 8. p. 160, ss.
35 Augustini Enchirid. ad Laurent. c. 112: Frustra nonnulli, immo quam plurimi, aeternam damnatorun poenam et cruciatus sine intermissione perpetuos humaneo miserentur
affectu, atque ita futurum esse non credunt: non quidem scripturis divinis adversando, sed
pro suo modo d'ra quaeque molliendo et in leniorem flectendo sententiam, quae putant in
eis terribilius esse dicta quam verinus. Non enim obliviscetur, inquiunt, misereri Deus, aut
continebit in ira sua miserationes suas. (Ps. lxxvii. 10).
36 In Diodore of Tarsus and Theodore of Mopsuestia, whose expressions on the subject
have been preserved by Salomo, bishop of Bassora (about 1222), in Assemani Bibl. Or.
iii. i. 323. Respecting Theodore comp. Photii Cod. 81, Marius Mercator. p. 346, ed. B aluzii.
37 Hieronymus Prooem. in lib. xviii. in Esaiam: Nec ignoro, quanta inter homines
sententiarum  diversitas sit. Non dico de mysterio trinitatis, cujus recta confessio est
ignoratio scientiae: sed de aliis ecclesiasticis dogmatibus, de resurrectione scilicet, et de
animarum  et humanae carnis statu, de repromissionibus futurorum, quomodo debeant
accipi, et qua ratione intelligenda sit Apocalypsis Johannis, quam si juxta literam  accipimus, judaizandum  est; si spiritualiter, ut scripta est, disserimus, multorum  veterum
videbimur opinionibus contraire, Latinorum  Tertulliani, Victorini, Lactantii, Graecorum,
ut caeteros praeterinittam, Irenaei tantum  Lugdunensis Episcopi faciam  mentionem.
Adversum  quem vir eloquentissimus Dionysius Alexandrinae Ecclesiae Pontifex elegantem scribit librumn, irridens mille annorumn fabulam.-Cui duobus voluminibus respondit
Apollinarius, quem  non solum  suae sectae homines, sed et nostrorum  in hac parte
duntaxat plurima sequitur multitude, ut praesaga mente jam cernam, quantorum in me
rabies concitanda sit.  Cf. Idem. lib. iv. in Jeremiaml (on Cap. 19): qua (millennarian
opinions) licet non sequamnur, damnare tamen non possumus, quia multi ecclesiastioorum
virorum et martyrum ista dixermlt. Unusquisque in suo sensu abundet, et Dolmini cuncta
reserventur judicio.
vOL. I.-  21




322                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
A   thorough  opposition   between  the  two  schools was estab.
lished by the circumstance that the Syrian. school acknowledged
Holy  Scripture  alone as the  source  of doctrine,38 while the dis.
ciples of Origen advocated their Gnostic tradition as a second
source.39    But they  did  not attain  to  a scientific  examination
of these  two  positions, since all scientific free movement in the
province of theology was soon checked from  another quarter.   In
the  same  degree  as monachism   prevailed, there  spread  also  a
prejudice against having any thing to do with worldly science
and heathen  writers.40   By this means there was formed and
strengthened  a crowd  of traditional theologians, who, inimical
to all free inquiry, would endure no opinion which  could not be
pointed  out in  the  fathers.    Epiphanius,   bishop  of Constantia
in Cyprus, from the year 367 (' 403),11 may be regarded as the
representative of this tendency.   Even  in  his Panarion  (Haer.
63 and 64), he made himself known as a bitter enemy -of
Origen; and when the Arian controversy was at an end, he
began an  opern  war against Origenism.   While this contest put
a stop to all free inquiry in the east, the western world was
contemporaneously bound in spiritual fetters by Augustine;  and
free science  every  where  banished  from   the  church  as a  thing
which causes mischief.
38 Cyrilli Hieros. Cat. iv. c. 17: Ael yap 7'Epi Trdv OPeiov ca2 ady/wv r.g' irTreog   7/vaOrypinCov  gdE    TVXOV V dvev 7'&v OetOv rrapadidouOat ypalcdt, /cai /zy   w2L'  ars nOtav6rgcL ical
26yncv IcartaerevaoZ   reapappecaOa. M9t& ivo) re7 rat7ci  Uot iEyovr7L a&rX3Cgf rrerrcr,1
e'av -r v  i'rx6detpv r7pv lcaayyc2L20o1tov v  0r' r7dv OctCV!' 2(,i3?f ypaudv. So in many
places of his catecheses. See Toutt6e Diss. ii. prefixed to his edition of Cyril, p. 129, s.
In like manner, it is said in the workr de fide (see above, note 18) lib. i. (Sirmoildi Opp. i.
11), which probably belongs to Eusebius Emesenus: Confitere ca, quae de Patre et Filio
scripta sunt, et noli curiosius ea, quae non sunt scripta, requirere.-iUtinam solis scripturis
contenti essemous! et lis nulla fiebat. Lib. ii. p. 20: Si quid scriptum non est, ne quidem
dicatur: si quid autem scriptuam  est, lie deleatur.
39 Comp. Div. I. S 63, note 4. Basilius de Spir. S. c. 27: Td /v'v'Ectcayigc a cicv-?ayjtsvov doydcirnv  et cat pc7ypvydrov Tr tev eic 7) iyypfd~ov detraaica gaC  Xoglev, rii de
etc rix riv'Aro7r6Xov wrapad6aecS 61aedoOEvra?11u/v Ev 1/v0rTlp~g TrapeE&dtc80a, dcrep
6t1u6repa irv avTlrv iacexu t,~e  prpbg roiV eibcoEav. Thus also Gregory of Nazianzum
Orat. theol. v. ~ 1 (see ~ 83, note 27) could assume that the doctrine of the Holy Spirit
had now come over from the obscurity of gnostic tradition into faith (7rigrlf).
40 As it is expressed in the dream of Jerome, viz., that he was punished with stripes
before the most high judge, because he had read Cicero too often (Hier. Epist. 22, ad Eustochium). Comp. Mhnscher's Dogmengesch. iii. 47.
"s His writings:'Aysvpor6f s. de fide serimo. HIavadpov s. adv. haereses.-Opp. ed.
D. Petavius. Paris. 1622. (Colon. 1682.) 2 voll. fol.




'CHAP. 11. —THEOLOGY.  I. i       8t[. OR.;OI ENISTIC CONNTROVERSY. 323
[I. PERIOD i OF THE;ORIGENISTIC AND PELAGIAN CONTROVERSIES.
~ 85.
OORIGENISTIC:CONTROVE RSIES.
WValch's Hist. d. Ketzereien. Tb. 7. S. 427, if.
Shortly after the termination of the Arian controversies, Palestine was the chief seat of Origen's followers.   Among them  the
most distinguished  were Johln, bishop of Jerusalem   (386-417),
and the two monks,.Rjinus and Jerome.  Here Epiphanius
made his appearance  in  the  year 394, and demanded with zeal
the condemnation of Origen.   John  and  iufinus resisted  himi
while Jerome, who was anxiously alive to his orthodoxy, yielded,
and broke off communion with the church of Jerusalem.l  By
the efforts of Theophilus, bishop  of Alexandria, he was indeed
induced to renew  it, 397.   In the ineal time, in the same year,
Rufinu-s went back to Rome, and endeavored, by a revised translation of the writings of Origen?2 which were as yet little known,
to procure   a more  favorable opinion  of him  in  the west.    By
this means a violent controversy  was created  between  him  and
1 Cf. Kimmel de Ruflno Euzsebii interprete (Gerae. 1838). p. 57. Hieronymi lib. ad
Pammaclhium contra Joann. Kiieros. (ap. Martianay Epist. 38). Here the following erroneous doctrines are attributed to Origen (comp. Div. I. ~ 64, note 15): 1. In libro rrp2i
pdpXv (i. 1. ~ 8) loqijur: SicLt elimn incongrufrn  est dicere, quod possit filius videre
patrerm, ita inco1nvCnielns est opinari, quod spiritus s. possit videre filium, 2. quod in hoc
corpore quasi in carcere sunt animae religatae, et, antequalm homlo  fieret in paradiso, inter
rationales crcaturas in coelestibus conmmoratae suot, 3. quod dicat, et diabolumn et daemones,ituros poenitentiam aliquando, et cuom sanctis ultimo temnpore regnaturos, 4. quod
tunicas pelliceas humana corpora interpretetur, quibus post offensalln et ejectioneml de
paradiso Adamn et Eva indti sunt, 5. quod carnis resurrectionem, membrorumnque cornpagem, et sextor, quo viri dividirmur a foeminis, apertissime neget, 6. quod sic Paradisum,
allegorizet, ut historiae auferat veritatem, pro arboribus angelos, pro fluminibus virtutes
coelestes intelligens, totamque paradisi continentiam tropologica interpretatione subvertat,
7. quod aquas, quae super caelos in scripturis esse dicuntur, sanctus supernasque virtutes;
quae super terram et infra terram, contrarias et daemoniacas esse arbitretur, 8. quod
imaginem et similitudinamn dei, ad quam homo conditus fuerat, dicit ab eo perditam, et in
homine post paradisum non fuisse.
2 Anastasii I. Epist. ad Job. Hierosol. A.D. 401 (ap. Coustant, p. 719): Origines autenm,
cujus in nostran linguamr [RLufinus] composita derivavit, autea et quis fuerit, et in quae
processerit verba, nostrml propositum  [studium?] nescit. Augustini Ep. ad Hieron.
40: Illud de prudentia doctrinaque tua desiderabam, et adhuc desidero, ut nota nobis
facias ea ipsa ejus [Origenis] errata, quibus a fide veritatis ille vir taiitus recessisse convincitur.




324                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
Jerome.3  Origen, however, having been condemned in Egypt,
Anastasius, bishop  of Rome, condemned  him   also.    Rufinus
retreated  to Aqluileia, and  continued his  meritorious  services in
the  translation  of Greek works (t 410).4   Jeromrne, on  the  other
hand, gained for himself great merit by his  continued labors on
the  translation  of the  Bible  into  Latin, and  his  commentaries
(t 420).5
Soon after these controversies in Palestine, the ambitious and
violent T/heophilus, bishop  of Alexandria (385-412), came forth
as the enemy of Origen.6   The Nitrian  monks were divided into
two parties, tile  Origenists and the Anthropoq2           OrphistS.    Iloved
by  iersonal hatred  to  some individuals of the  first, and  afraid
of the fanaticism  of the latter, Theophilus caused Origen  to be
condemned  (399, 400),7  then  demanded  the  most noted  bishops  to  do the  same, and  persecuted,8  with  the  greatest cruel3s  ufiili Praefatio ad Orig. arepi dpXdv.-(Pammachii et Oceani Ep. ad Hieron. ap
AMartianay Ep. 40, ap. Valla.si Ep. 83). Hieronymus ad Pammachium  et Oceanum de
elroribus Oiigenis (Martian. Ep. 41, Vallarsi Ep. 84.)-Rufini Apologia s. invectivarum in
Hieronym. libb. ii.-Hieronymi Apologia adv. Rufinum libb. ii.-(Rufini Ep. ad Hieron.
lost).-Hieronymi Responsio s. Apologiae 1. iii., cf. Kimmel de Rufino, p. 64.
4 Origenes libb. irept apX-v et homilite, Painphili apol. pro Origene, Josephi Opp.Eusebii Hist. Eccl.-Clementis Recognitiones. —Basilii M. et Grecor. Naz. Opp. nonnnulla.-Vitae Patrum. Besides Expositio symboli apostolici, Hist. Eccl. libb. ii., Comm.
in Hoseam, Joel, caet.-Comp. Jo. Franc. B. Mar. de Rubeis Monumenta eccl. Aquilejensis. Argentinae. 1740. fol. p. 80, ss. Idem de Turannio s. Tyrannio nRufino. Venetiis.
1754.
5 Revision of the Latin translation of the New Testament (cf. Epistola ad Damasum s..
Hieron. in Evangelistas ad Damasum praef.).-Psalterium Itomanum (382). —Psalterium
Gallicanum: —New Translation of the Old Testament (385-405). —Comm. in Ecclesiasten,
Prophetas, in Evang. Matthaei, in ep. ad Galatas, Ephesios, ad Titumn ad Philemonem.Catalogus script. eccles. A.D. 392 (in J. A. Fabricii Biblioth. eccles. Hamlt 1718. fol.). Interpretatio nominum Hebraicorum. (388). —Polemic worlks: adv. Helvidium; Jovinianum,
Vigilantium, Luciferianos, Pelagianos, caet.-Letters, translations: Euseb. de Situ et
Nominibus locorum Hebr. (gr. et lat. ed. J. Clericus. Amst. 1707. fol.), Chronicon. Origenis
Homil. ii. in Cant. Cant.-Letters of Theophilus and Epiphanius. Opp. ed. Jo. Martiaiay.
Paris. 1693-1706, t. 5. fol. Dom. Vallarsi. Veron. 1734-42, voll. xi. fol. with sinllgle inmprovements. Venetiis. 1762-72, t. xi. 4.-Jerome's Life by John Stilting. (Act. SS. Sept.
t. viii. p. 413, ss.), best of all by Vallarsi, in tom. xi. of his edition. Comp. v. Cd5lln in Ersch
and Gruber's Encyclop. Sect. ii. Th. 8. S. 72.
6 Sources for the following history: Palladii Episc. Helenopolit. Dial. de vita S. Job,
Chrysostomi (prim. graece ed. Emer. Bigot. Paris. 1680. 4, in Chrysost. Opp. ed. Montfaucon, t. 13). Socrates, vi. 3-18. Sozomenus, viii. 7-20.-Jolb. Stilting de S. Chrysostomo
Comm. bistoricus, in Act. SS. Sept. t. iv. p. 401, ss. Neander's Chrysostomus, ii. 163.
7 Theophilus, according to Palladius ap. Montfaueon, xiii. 20,. had the distinguishing surname'Apga7ud6i.
8 Theophili Epist. synodalis (rather encyclica) ex vers. Hieronymli, first edited from an
Ambrose MS. by Vallarsi (Hier. Opp. vol. i. Epist. 92. Mansi Conec. coll. t. iii. p. 979).
The judgment of Postumianus ap. Sulpic. Sever. Dial. i. c. 6, 7, is mrore moderate.-The
disgustful triumphing of Jerome Ep. ad Theophilunm  (Martianay, Ep. 57. Vallarsi, Ep




CHAP. II.-THE'OLOGY. II. ~ 85. ORIGENISTIC CONTROVERSY. 325'ties, the  monks who  had adopted the  peculiar  vie'ws of Origen.'These  unfortunate  persons  repaired  at last to  Constantinople,
where John Chrysostom of Antioch had been bishop, contrary to
the  wishes of Theophilus,9  since  398, as much  beloved  by  the
better part of his clergy  as he was hated  by the more corrupt,
by  the luxurious court, and the eampress Etdoxia.    Theophilus
directed  his deadly hatred against Chrysostorm, because the latter
received the banished, and made representations to Theophilus
on  their behalf, and  because by their complaints they  procured
from the emperor a summons commanding the bishop of Alexandria to appear in pearson at Constantinople  before Chrysostolm.
After some delay, Theophilus appeared in Constantinople (403),
and there succeeded  in  uniting  the  foes of Chrysostom, in  procuring false accusers, and causing sentence of deposition and exile
to be pronounced upon him at a synod (Syn. ad. Quercum).10  It
is true  Chrysostom  had to be recalled in a few  days, on account
of an uproar among the people, but he was as quickly displaced,
chiefly  through  the influence of Eudoxia,"  and died in exile at
Pontus (t 407).12  Though the Roomish bishop Innocent greatly
condemned these acts of violence, he could not succeed in bringing Theophilus to  account.3   I1n consequence' of such  conduct,
86): Breviter scribimus, quod totus mundus exultet, et in tuis victoriis glorietur, erectumque Alexandriae vexillum crucis, et adversus baeresin trophaea fulgentia gandens populoruma turba perspectet. Macte virtute, macte zelo fidei! Ostendisti, quod hucusque
taciturlitas dispensatio fuit, non consensus. Libere enim  Reverentiae tuae loquor.
Dolebamns te nimium esse patientem, et ignorantes magistri. gubernacula, gestiebamus
in interitun  perditorum: sed, ut video, exaltasti manum  diu, et suspendisti plagam, llt
ferires fortius. Jerome translated into Latin all the writings that appeared against the
Origenists (in particular Theophili Libri paschales, iii., with a new catalogue of Origen's
heresies). -These translations, with the correspondence between Jerome and Theophilus,
are most fully given in Vallarsi, vol. i. Ep. 86, ss. How little Theophilus acted on this
occasion according to his conviction is proved even by his subsequent condtct to Synesius.
See ~ 84, note 33.
9 Socrates, vi. 2. Palladius, p. 18.
10 An extract from the Acts of this Synod is given in Photii Bibl. cod. 59.
11 Beginning of a sermon of Chrysostoim (according to Socrat. vi. 1:. Sozom. viii. 20):
M1dtlv'Hp(udtof  laivErat, irdibtv rapdaaErat, irdlv bpxelrat, vrdi2v   rt~ -rtvalct rTv
icepaZrv'1cadvvoev  lrEi 2La,3ev.
12 ChrysoBstom's own account of the events in Constantinople, Ep. ad Innocentiuni I.
A.D. 404 ap. Palladius Ep. ad eundem, firom exile A.D. 407 (both in Constant. Innoc. P.
Epist. 4 et 11). Isidore, abbot in Pelusium, passed a judgment on these proceedings soon
after Chrysostom's death (lib. i. Epist. 152):'H yerrov Aiyv7rro0f aUvv0Sf v6juic, MO~aga w'apatroveUvVr, Orb), 4apae  obIcecovuvtvYr.-Tdv 2tOoavO tsae Xpvaoiarpsyv irpo/3aX2o-,ugvr  Ose6iotop, r7Craapao  avvepyouf, ) yaZ2Lov crvvarrorrdra tf OXvp(o68vra, rTO  tOeol0 p
ecai OEoX6yov tcare7ro2Lazpaev  v0pwrrov. —'Aa2' obtcoC Aa3id icpar7torOrat, acrOevel d b6.s;oS  aoal.:3 H.is e pstles and tkoseo fHonorius:are in Manlsix Conc. coll. ii. 1095




SECOD PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451,i
Rome broke off all church communion with ConstantinopIe; and
in  the  latter  city  itself, a  great part of the chmrch  remained
faithful to Chrysostom  (Johannites), and kept themselves apart
from  his successors, whom  they looked upon as intruders, until
the wrong that had been done to him  was atoned by the solemn,
bringing back of his bones (438).
CONTROVERSIES WVITH HERETICS IN THE WEST'.
During  the  Arian  disturbances, the  Manichaealns  had  been
silently  spreading  in  the west, because for the most part they
conformed  externally  to  the  catholic church.    In  Spain, they
coincided with the Gnostics,l  and from  contaet with them  arose:
the doctrine with  which Priscillian  (about 379) came forth in
Spain.2    His most violent opponents,. the  bishops Idacius  and,
Ithlacius, first obtained the condemnation of his doctrines at the,
synod of Caesarangusta (380).; and next they prevailed on the;
usurper  M/aximzus  to  put him  to death  at Treoes (385.).   The' Jerome often alludes to the: spreading of Basilides's followers into Spain (Comm. iln
Esaiam lib. xvii. ad Es. lxiv. 4, Ep. 120, ad I-edibiam: B asilidis Iaeresin et Iberas naenias. Prolog. in Genesin: Iberae naeniae. Comm. in Amos. c. 3: Iberae ineiptiae), and
in Ep. 53 ad Theodoram  derives the doctrine of Priscillian from, him. VMTith him agrees,
Sulpic. Severus, ii. 46, representing Priscillian's doctrine as derived from Egypt (infamis
illa Gnosticorum haeresis), as first brought to Spain by one Marcus, a native of MlIemphis,.
communicated by him to Agape and H-elpidius, and as having comIne through them to.
Priscillian. It is not denied hereby that a new development of doctrine originated with,
Priscillian, and it is expressly acknowledged by others that Manichaeism had an influence
upon it. The emperor Maximus, in Ep. ad Siricium  ap. B-aronius 387, no. 66, calls the,
Priscillianists nothing more nor less than Manichaeans; Hieronymus Ep..43, ad Ctesiphontem, calls Priscillian partem  Manaclhaei; Augustinus Ep. 36 ad Casulan, says that thePriscillianists were very like the Maniclhaeans, and de Haeres. c. 70: Maxime Gnosticoranm2
et Manichaeorum dogmata permixta sectantur. There were many, however, who were
inclined to perceive orthodox doctrine under a strange garb. Hieronylrus Catal. c. 121:
Priscillianus a nonnullis gnosticae, i.e., Rasilidis et Mrarcionis haereseos accusator, defen,
dentibus aliis, non ita eum sensisse ut arguitur.
2 His history Sulpic. Sever. Hist. sacr. ii. 46-51, who calls the Priscillianists Gnosticorulom
haeresis. Something of their doctrine, but unsatisfactory,. is found in P. Orosii Consultatio
s. Commonitorium: ad Augustinumr de errore Priscillianistarum et Origenistarum, and ill,
Leonis M. Epist. 93 ad Turibium Episc. Asturic. Priscilliani canones (doctrinil colsequences) ad S. P, auli Epistt. ctnu prologo, published in the Spicilegium Romanum, t. ix.
(Romae. 1843) P. ii. p. 1, have been altered by a bishop called Peregrinns juxta sensumn
fidei catholicae, and accordingly are no longer a source whence we may derive a knowi]
edge of Priscillian's doctrine. Walch's Ketzerhist. iii. 378. Neander,. ii, iii.- 1477. Dr.
J. H. B. L ibkert de haeresi Priscillianistaram. HEaviiae. 1840, 8,.




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY. II., 6G. MANICHAEANS.                      327
Priscillianists, however, continued to exist in spite of all persecutions till the sixth  century.
At the same time, the persecution of the  Manichaeans, who
were  especially  hated  for various  reasons, was  also  renewed.
Valentinian  I., who  tolerated  all other sects, forbade  them   to
assemble in  public  for their worship, in  372; and  succeeding
emperors enacted new  and still more rigorous laws against them.3
But their most zealous adversary was Aurelius Autgustinus, born
at Tagaste, in Numidia, who had himself belonged to the MVanichaeans for a considerable time, but had been converted at Milan
by Ambrose (387).  Afterward, as bishop of Hfippo Regius in
Numnidia  (fiom   395 to 430), he became as formidable  an  opponent of heretics, as lhe exercised an incalculable influence on
his  own  and  subsequent times, by  his  doctrinal and  polemical
writings.4   His energies were directed in  a high  degree  a.gainst
3 Lex Valentiniani I. A.D. 372 (Cod. Theod. xvi. 5, 3): Ubicunque Maniclaeorum  conventus, vel turbna hujusmodi reperitur, Doctoribus gravi censione multatis, domus et habitacula, in quibus profana institutione docetur, fisci viribus indubitantur adsciscantur.
Theodosii M. A.D. 381 (eod. tit. i. 7): Manichaels, sub perpetua justae infamiae nota, testandi ac vivendi jure Ronmano omnem protinus eripimus facultatem, neque eos ant relinquendae ant capiendae alicujus haereditatis h/bere sinimus potestatelm, etc. L. 9, A.D. 382:
Caeteruml quos Encratitas prodigiali appellatione cognominant, corn Saccoforis sive
Hydroparastatis (namely the electi of the Manicbeans)-summo supplicio et inexpiabili
poena jubemus affligi. L. 18, A.D. 389: Ex omnii quiderm orbe terrarumi, sed quam maxime
de hac urbe pellantur sub interminatione judicii. Honorii. L. 35 A.D. 399. L. 40, A. D. 407:
Volumus esse publicunl crimen, quia, quod in religionem divinam committitur, in omnilum
fertur injuriam. Quos honoraum etiam publicatione persequimur, quae tamen cedere jubemus
proximis quibusque personis, etc. L. 43, A.D. 408, Theodosii II. L. 59 and xvi. x. 24,
both A.D. 423. xvi. v. 62, 64, 65.
4 Besides the numerous writings against heretics, biblical commentaries (cEf Clausen
Aurel. Augustinus sacrae script-urae interpres. Hafn. 1827. 8.), [Davidson's Hermeneutics
p. 133], sermons (Panliel's Gesch. d. christl. Beredsamieit, i. 781), Ascetic writings, letters,
the following are to be especially noted: de Civitate Dei libb. xxii. (comp. ~ 79, note 18).
De Doctrina christiana libb. iv. (ed. J. Chr. B. Teegius. Lips. 1769. 8. C. H. Bruder, ed.
stereot. Lips. 1839. Paniel, i. 684). Confessiones libb. xiii. (c. praef. A. Neander. Berol.
1823. 8.) Retractationes libb. ii. Opp. ed. Monachi Benedictini e Congreg. St. Mauri. Paris
1679-1700. xi. voll. recus. cumn appendice cura Jo. Clerici. Antwerp. 1700-1703. xii. voll.
Venetiis. 1729-35. xi. vol. fol. Operum supplem. i. cura D. A. B. Caillan et D. B. SaintYves. Paris. 1836. fol. Opp. emend. et aucta. Paris 1836, ss. xi. voll. 8. The more all
parties had occasion to appeal to the writings of Augustine, in consequence ofthe high authority in which they stood, the greater was the danger of their undergoing intentional and unintentional corruptions. Even so early as the ninth century Hincmar (about 860), de non trina
deitate (Opp. i. 450), unjustly accuses others of what he is disposed to do himself, i. e., of corrupting them. The doctrinal position of the editor had its influence also on the earlier editions. It is even proclaimed in the title of the Opp. Venet. 1584: In quo curavimus re-:loveri ea omnia, quae fidelium mentes haeretica pravitate possent inficere.  The Benedictines were the first who proceeded critically in their edition, but by this they gave offense
to the Jesuits, who asserted tleyhadfalsified the Codd. Corbejenses. On the other side wrote
Mabillon Supplementum libri de re diplomatica c. 13. On this came forth the Jesuit




328                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
the  Manichaeans.5    Several were  converted  by  him, but many
still remained  in  Africa.    Even  in  Rome, there  were  secret
Manichaeans at that time; but their numbers were very much
increased  there  after  the  conquest of Africa  by  the  Vandals
(429).  Hence Leo the Great, bishop of Rome (440-461),
exerted himself to the utmost to detect and convert them.6   His
zeal, supported  by  imperial  ordinances, was -not ineffectual;7
but yet single  Manichaean  opinions  continued  to  exist till far
into the middle ages.
There  were still more  furious controversies in  Africa  in  the
fourth  century  against the Donatists,8  among whom  the fanatiBarth. Germon de veterum regum  Franc. diplomat. discept. ii. p. 314. (App.) Now, too,
the Benedictine Pet. Coustant Vindiciae Codd. MISS. Paris. 1707. Onl the contrary side
B. Germon de vett. haereticis ecclesiasticorum Codd. corruptoribus. Paris. 1713. 8. And
again P. Coustant Vindiciae vett. Codd. confirmatae. Paris. 1715. 8. The life of Augustine
uy his disciple Possidius, completed in Caillau et Saint-Yves, Suppl. i. On his life and
character see Wiggers Darstellung des Augustinismus u. Pelagianismus (Berlin. 1821) S. 7
[translated byEmerson. Andover, 1840. 8]. Ritter's Gesch. d. christl. Philosophie, ii. 153.
E. Bindemann's der h. Augustinus, Bd. 1. Berlin. 1844.
His writings against the Manicliaeans, see Div. I. before B 61.
6 Leonis Opp. omnia (sermones et epistolae) ed. Paschas. Quesnell. Paris, 1675. 2 voll. 4.
Petr. et Hier. fratres Ballerini. Venetiis. 1755-57. 3 t. Ubl. Against the lManichaeans
sermo iv. de Quadragesima: Among other things he writes: Nemo ambigat esse Masiichlaeos, qui in honorem solis ac lunae die Dominico et secunda feria deprehensi fiuerint
jejunare —Cumque ad tegendum  infidelitatem suam nostris audeant interesse mysteriis,
ita in sacramentorum commanione se temperant, ut interdum tutius lateant: ore indigne
Christi corpus accipiunt, sanguinem autem redermtiones nostrae haurire omnino declinant.
Quod ideo Vestram volumus scire Sanctitatem, ut vobis hujuscemodi homines et his
manifestentur indiciis, et quorum deprehensa fuerit sacrilega simulatio, notati et proditi
a sanctorum societate sacerdotali auctoritate pellantur. Sermo iv. de Epiphania, after enumerating the most striking of the Manichcean doctrines: Nihil ergo cum hujusmodi hominibus commllune sit cuiquam  Christiano, neminem fallant discretionibus ciborum, sordibus
vestiuml, vultumque palloribus (cf. Hieron. Epist. 22, ad Eustochium: quam viderint pallentem atque tristem, miseram et Manichaeam vocant). Sermo v. de Jejunio decimi mensis:
Residentibus itaque mecum Episcopis ac Presbyteris ac in eundem consessum Christianis
viris ac nobilibus congregatis, Electos et Electas eorum jussimus praesentari. Qui cum de
perversitate dogmatis sui, et de festivitatum suarum consuetudine multa reserarent, illud
quoque scelus, quod eloqui verecundum est, prodiderunt. Quod tanta diligentia investigatum est, ut nihil minus credulis, nihil obtrectoribus relinqueretur ambiguum. Aderant enim
omnes personae, per quas infandum facinus fuerat perpetratum, puella scilicet, ut multurn
decennis, et duae mulieres, quae ipsam nutrierant et huic sceleri praepararant. Praesto erat
etiam adoles centulus vitiator puellae, et Episcopus ipsorum detestandi criminis ordinator.
Omnium par fuit horum et una confessio, et patefactum est execratum, quod aures nostrae
vix ferre potuerunt. De quo ne apertius loquentes castos offendamus auditus gestorum documenta sufficiunt, quibus plenissime docetur, nullam in hocsecta pudicitiam, nullam honestatem, nullam penitus reperiri castitatem, in qua lex est mendacium, diabolus religio, sacrificium turpitudo. Cf. Leonis Epist. viii. ad Episcopus per Italiam, Epist. xv. ad Turibium. Papst Leo's Leben u. Lehren v; Ed. Perthel. Jena. 1843, S. 15.
7 Valentiniani III. Novell. tit. xvii. ed. Haenel, v. t. 445,.
8 Sources and works see Div. I. ~ 72, note 25,




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY. II. 9 86. DONATISTS.                       329
cal Agonistici, called by the catholic Christians Circumcelliones,
appeared, for the purpose of rendering their cause victorious by
external force.'   The most formidable opponent of the Donatists
was Agtustine,'~ who  at last effected, by the emperor's interference, a conference with them  in  Carthage (411),11 at which
they  were   completely  vanquished,  in  the  judgment  of  the
9 Concerning the tille of the origin of the Agonistici or Circumcelliones, see Optatus,
iii. c. 4: Veniebant Paulus et Macarius (sent by the emperor about 348), qui pauperes
ubique dispungerent, et ad unitatem singulos hortarentur: et coun ad B agajensem
civitatem  proximarent, tune alter Donatus-ejusdem  civitatis Episcopus, impedimen.
tumr unitati et obicem venientibus supra memoratis opponere cupiens, praeconis per vicina
loca et per omnes nundinas misit, Circumcelliones Agonisticos nuncupans, ad praedictum
locum ut concurrerent, invitavit: et eorum illo tempore concursus est flagitatus, quorum
dementia paullo ante ab ipsis Episcopis impie videbatur esse succensa. Described by
Augustini de Haeres. lib. c. 69: Ad hane (Donatistarum) haeresim in Africa et illi pertinent, qui appellantur Circumlcelliones, genus hominumr agreste et famosissimae audaciae,
non solum in alios immania facinora perpetrando, sed nec sibi eadem  insana feritate
parcendo. Nam per mortes varias, maximeque praecipitiorem et aquarum et ignium, se
ipsos necare consuerunt, et in istum furorem alios quos potuerint sexus utriusque seducere
aliquando, ut occidantur ab aliis, mortem nisi fecerint comminantes. Verumtamen plerisque Donatistarum (non) displicent tales, nec eorum collmunione contaminari se putant.
Idem contra Crescon, iii. ~ 46: Quotidie vestrorum incredibiliapatimur facta Clericorum et
Circumcellionum, multo pejora quam quorumlibet latronum atque praedonum. Namque horrendis armati cujusque generis telis, terribiliter vagando, non dico ecclesiasticam, sed ipsam
humanam. quietenm pacemque perturbant, nocturnis agressionibus clericorum catholicorum
invasas domos nudas atque inanes derelinquont: ipsos etiam raptos et fustibus tunsos, ferroque concisos, semivivos abjiciunt. Insuper-oculis eorum calcem aceto permixto infundentes
-exeruciare amplius eligunt quam citins excaeGare. ~ 47: Circumeelliorum vestrorum.
nobilis furor horrenduml  praebens vestris clericis satellitium usquequaque odiosissime innotuit. Idem contra Gaudentium, i. ~ 32: Cum idololatriae licentia usquequaque ferveretisti Paganorum armis festa sua frequentantibus irruebant (cf. Epist. 185, ~ 12: quando
adhue cultus fuerat idolorum, ad Paganortm celeberrimnas sollemnitates ingentia turbarum
agmina veniebant, non ut idola frangerent, sed ut interficerentur a cultoribus idolorum:
doubtless in the time from Julian to Gratian).-Praeter haec sunt saxa immania et mon.
tium horrida praerupta, voluntariorum creberrimis mortibus nobilitata vestrorum; aquis et
ignibus rarius id agebant, praecipitiis greges consunmebantur ingentes. Quis enim nescit
hoe genus hominum in horrendis facinoribus inquietum, ab utilibus operibus otios Lim, crudelissimumn in mortibus alienis, vilissimum in suis, maxime in agris territans, ab agris vacans
et viCtus sui causa cellas circumiens rusticanas, unde et Circumeellionum nomen accepit?
Ejusd. Enarratio in Psalm. cxxxii. ~ 3: Quando vos recte haereticis de Circumcellionibus insultare coeperitis-illi vobis insultant de Monachis. Primo si comparandi sunt, vos videte.
Comparentur ebriosi cum sobriis, praecipites cum consideratis, furentes cum  simplicibus, vagantes cum congregatis. Q 6: Fortasse dicturi sunt nostri non vocantur Circnucelliones: vos illos ita appellatis contumelioso nomine. Agonisticos eos vocant. Sic eos, inquiunt appellamus propter agonem. Certant enim, et dicit Apostolus: certamen bonum
certavi (2 Tim. iv. 7). Quia sunt qui certant adversus diabolum et praevalent milites
Christi, Agonistici appellantur.' Utinam ergo milites Christi essent, et non snilites dia.
boli, a quibus plus timetur Deo laudes quam fremitus leonis. Hi etiam insultare nobis
audent, quia fratres, cum vident homines, Deo gratias dicunt. Vos Deo gratias nostrum
ridetis: Deo larudes vestrum ploranthomines (cf. contra literas Petiliani, ii. ~ 146: considerate paululum, quam multis, et quantum luctum dederint Deo laudes armatorum vestrorumin).
LO Adr. Roux Diss. de Aur. Augustino adversario Donatistarum. Lugd. Bat. 1838. 8.
LI Gesta collationis Carthagine habitae prim. ed. Papirius Masson, Paris 1589. 8, accord



330                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-45'.
imperial commissioner.    This  victory,  and  the  imperial ordinances12 that followed, very much weakened the party, though
remnants of it are found as late as the seventh  century.
~ 87.
PELAGIAN CONTROVERSY.
G. J. Vossii Hist. de controversiis, quas Pelagius ejusque reliquiae moverlnt libb. vii.
Lugd. Bat. 1618. 4. auct. ed. G. Voss. Amst. 1655. 4 (in Vossii Opp. t. vi.). Henr.
Norisii Hist. Pelagiana et Dissert. de Synodo v. oecumenica. Patavii. 1673. fol. (in
Norisil Opp. t. 1. Veron. 1729). Job. Garnier diss. vii., quibus integra continetnr
Pelagianorum  Hist. (in his edition of Marii Mercatoris Opp. 1, 113, Praefatio in tom. x.
Opp. Augustini edit. Monach. Benedict. Walch's Ketzerhistorie, iv. 519. Wundemann's Gesch. d. christl. Glaubenslehren, ii. 44.  Miinscher's Dogmengesch. iv. 170.
G. F. Wiggers Pragmat. Darstell. des Augustinismus u. Pelagianismus. 2 Th. Berliin.
1821, 33. 8. Neander's Kirchengesch, ii. iii. 1194. Ritter's Gesch. d. clhristl. Philos. ii. 337.
Augustine exerted the greatest influence on the  theology  especially of the occidental church, by his system of the relation
of Divine grace to  the  human  will, which  he developed  in  the
Pelagian  controversy.   The freedom  of the will, the evil consequences of the fall, and the necessity of Divine grace, had always
been admitted in the church, without any attempt having been
made  to  define, by  ecclesiastical formulas,  the  undefinable  in
these doctrines.'   Since Tertullian, an opinion had been peculiar
to the Latin fathers which was wholly unknown to the Greek
church, that the sin of Adam  had been transferred  as a peceable
principle to his posterity, by  generation  (tradux  animae, tradux
peccati).   This must necessarily have had some influence on the
doctrines of free will and Divine grace.2    Pelagius and Caelesing to the corrected edition of B aluzius in du Pin Monimn. ad hist. Donatist. p. 225, and Mansi
Concil. coll. t. iv. p. 1. Augustini breviculus collationis cull Donatistis (Opp. t. ix. p. 371).
12 After several other laws against theml, Cod. Theod. xvi. 5, 52, Honorius ordered a general fine to be exacted of thlem. Also: Servos etiam dominoruinm admonitio, vel colonos.
verberum  crebrior ictus a prava religione revocabit.-Clerici vero ministrique eorLunL  ac
perniciosissimi sacerdotales ablati de Africano solo quod ritu sacrilego polluerunt, in exilium
viritim ad singulas quasque regiones sub idonea prosecutione mittantur, ecclesiis eorumn
vel conventiculis praediisque, si qua in eorum  ecelesias haereticorem  largitas prava
contulit, proprietati potestatique Catholicae (sicut jam dudum statuimus) vindicatis. In
addition to all this, 414 L. 54: Evidenti praeceptione se agnoscant et intestabiles, et
nullam potestatenm  alicujus ineundi habere contractus, sed perpetua inustos infamia, a
coetibus honestis et a conventa publico segregendos.
Horn. Comm. de sententiis eorum Patrum, quorum auctoritas ante Augustinum pluri.
mum valuit, de peecato originali.  Goetting. 1801. 4. Wiggers, i. 403, fl. How ground
lessly Augustine appealed in support of his theory to Gregory of Nazianzum is shown by
Ullmann in his work Gregor. v. Naz. S. 438, iF. 446, if.
3 Hilarius Pictav. in Matth. c. 18, ~ 6: In unius Adae errore omne hominulm  genus




CEHAP. IT.-THEOLOGY. II. Q 87. PELAGIAN CONTROVERSY.  33 
tius, two monks universally  esteemed for their  morals, had disfinguished  themselves  even  during  their  abode  at Romze  (till
409), by giving peculiar prominence to the doctrine of free will
for the promotion  of personal virtue.3    Afterward they  repaired
to Africa (411), whence Pelagius soon passed over into Palestine.
But Caelestius, when  he became  a  candidate  for the office of
presbyter in Carthage, was accused of various errors which had
proceeded from  the tendency to exalt free will,4 and was excluded
from   church  communion  by  a synod  at  Carthage  (412);  on
which he went to Ephesus.
Thae doctrines of Caelestius, however, had gained many friends,
and therefore Augustine was induced  to oppose them, although
personally he had no share in  the transactions of the synod  by
which Caelestius was condemned.  His attention was soon drawn
to the writings of Pelagius, as the teacher of Caelestius, which
he refuted, but always  as  yet with  respect and  forbearance.5
But after Jerome, in  Palestine, had  begun  to  raise suspicions
aberravit. Ambrosius Expos. Evang. Lucae, 1. vii. p. 434: [Fuit Adam, et in ilo fuimus
omnes. Periit Adam, et in illo omnes perierunt. L. vii. ~ 27: Dens quos dignat vocat,
quos vult religiosos facit. Comp. Neander, ii. iii. 1188.
3 Particularly did Pelagius disapprove the address to God, in Augustini Confess. x. 29:
Da quod jubes, et jubes quod vis, see August. de Dono perseverantiae, c. 20.
4 Marius Mercator has preserved from the Gestis Concilii the seven points of accusation
(Commonitorium i. ed. Baluz. p. 3, Comm. ii. p. 133): I. Adlam m ortalem factum, qui sive
peccaret, sive non peccaret, fuisset moriturus. II. Quoniam peccatum Adae ipsum solum
laesit, et non genus humanum. III. Quoniam infantes, qui nascuntur, in eo statu snnt,
in quo Adam fuit ante prevaricationem. IV. QOoniam neque per mortem vel praevaricationem Adae omne genus hominuml moriatur, neque per resurrectionema Christi omne
hominum genus resurgat. V. Quoniam infantes, etiamsi non baptizentur, habeant vitam
aeternam. VI. Quoniam lex sic mittit ad regnnm  coelorum, quomodo et evangeliumn.
VII. Quoniamn et ante adventuni Domini fuerunt homines impeccabiles, id est sine peccato
(p. 3: Posse esse hominem sine peccato et facile IDei mandata servare, quia et ante Christi
adventum fuernnt homines sine peccato). Cf. Augustin. de Gestis Pelagii 11. Caelestius's
defense of the second and third points in Augustin. de Pec. orig. c. 3, 4 (from the Synodical
acts): Dixi, de traduce peccati dubium me esse, ita tamen, ut cui donavit Dens gratiamn
peritiae, consentiam; quia diversa ab eis audivi, qui utique in ecclesia catholica constituti
sunt presbyteri. Sanctus presbyter Rufinus (perhaps the celebrated, see Norisius Hist,
Pelag. i. 2, and de Syn. quint. c. 13) Romae qui mansit cum sancto Pammachio: ego audivi
illull dicentem, quia tradux peccati non sit.-Licet quaestionis res sit ista, non  aelresis,
Infantes se;mper dixi egere baptizari: quid quaerit aliu.d?
5 Augustine's controversial writings till 415: Sermones, 170, 174, 175, 293, 294; Epist,
140 ad Honoratum; 157 ad Hilarium (in reply to his information of Pelagians in Sicily in
Epist. 156); especially de peccatorum meritis et remissione (s. de baptismo parvnlorum),
libb. iii. ad Marcellinum (in the third book against Pelagii expositiones in Pauli Epist.);
and de spiritu et littera ad eundem. These writings from 412-414. De natura et gratin3
against Pelagii lib. de natura (Ep. 169, ~ 13, adversus Pelagii haeresim) and de perfectionoe
justitiae hominis Epist. s. liber ad. Eutropitm et Paulliun, againsat Caelestfi ldefinitioe. o
both in the year 415.




332                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
against Pelagius of being an Origenist,6  for he hated  him  from
some trifling  causes;  and  after  OrosiUs,7 a  presbyter sent by
Augustine, had failed in his attempt to procure the condemnation of the Pelagian doctrine, with John, bishop of Jerusalem,
and also with the synod at Diospolis (Lydda, 415),8 Augustine
laid aside all forbearance, and opposed Pelagianism  severely and
bitterly  in  many works.9    The  African  bishops solemnly  condemned  the  heresy 1' at the  synods  of Mileve  and  Carthage
(416), and Innocent I., bishop of Rome, fully agreed with them."
After Innocent's death (t 417), Pelagius and Caelestius applied
to his successor Zosimus, by whom  they were declared orthodox;12
6 Hieron. praef. libri i. in Jerem.: Nuper indoctus calumniator erupit, qui commentarios
meos in epistolam Pauli ad Ephesios reprehendendos putat (cf. Augustin. contra Julianumn,
ii. 36: De illo sancto presbytero (Hieronymo) —non solet Pelagius jactitare, nisi quod ei
taquamin  aemulo inviderit). Praef. lib. iv. in Jereim.: Subito haeresis Pythagorae et
Zenonis  yraOciaS Icaei Jvaseap-rna of id est impassibilitatis et impeccantiae, quae olim in
Origene, et dudunm in discipulis ejus, Grulnlio, Evaglioque Pontico, et Joviniano jugulata
est, coepit reviviscere, et non solum  in Occidentis, sed in Orientis partibus sibilare.
Jerome wrote against Pelagius the Eppist. ad Ctesiphoiltem (ap. Martianay Ep. 43, ap.
Vallarsi Ep. 133) and the dialogi contra Pelagianos, libb. iii. in the years 414 and 415.
Against the dialogues, although the doctrinal system in them is much nearer the Pelagian
than the Aexgustinian, wrote Theodorus Mopsvestenus rrpoS rolC f 2uyovraf, puaue, Ica odv
yvd/,tn, 7rraietv roiv cavOprovg, libb. v., cf. Photius Cod. 177, and Ebedjesu in Assemani
Bibl. Or. iii. i. 34. Latin fragments in Marius Mercator ed. Baluz. p. 339, ss.
7 August. Epist. 169, ~ 13: Scripsi etiam librum ad sanctum presbyterum Hieronymum
de animae origine (is Ep. 166), consulens eulo, quomodo defendi possit illa sententia, quam
religiosae memoriae Marcellino suam esse scripsit, singulas animas novas nascentibus
fieri, ut non labefactetur fundatissinma ecclesiae fides, quae inconcusse credimnus, quod in
Adam omnes moriuntur, et nisi per Christum liberentur, quod per suum Sacramentum
etiamn in parvulis operatur, in condemnationem trahuntur. Occasiones quippe cujusdam
sanctissimi et studiosissimi juvenis presbyteri Orosii, qui ad nos ab ultima Hispalnia, id
est ab Oceani littore, solo sanctarum scripturarum ardore inflammatus advenit, amittere
nolui, cui, ut ad illum quoque pergeret, persuasi.
8 See the narrative in Orosii Apologeticus contra Pelagium de arbitrii libertate.
9 In the year 416: de Gestis Pelagii s. de Gestis Palaestinis (at the same time the
chief source respecting the Synod of Diospolis). 418: contra Pelagium et Caelestium
lib. ii. i. de Gratia Christi ii., de Peccato originali, a standard work. 419: de Nuptiis et
Concupiscentia libb. ii., de Anima ejusque origine. 420: contra duas Epistolas Pelagianorum libb. iv. ad Bonifacium  Rom. eecl. Episcopum. 421: contra Julianumll haer. Pelagianae defensorem libb. vi. 426, 427 (compare below, note 45): de Gratia et libero arbitrio
ad Monachos Adrumetinos. De Correptione et gratia ad eosdem (in which the doctrine.of predestination is most plainly brought forward).  417-430: contra Secundam Juliani
responsionem imperfectum opus, libb. vi.
10 A synodical letter to Innocent I. fromr Carthage, in Epist. Augustini, Ep. 175, from
Mileve in Ep. 176. Both also in Coustant.
E' His reply to Carthage August. Epist. 181, to Mileve Ep. 182, and in Constant.
12 See especially Caelestii symb. ad Zosim. below note 19. The three letters of Zosimus
ad Aurelium et caeteros Epist. Afiic., the first two of Sept. 417, the third of 21 March,
418, may be found in Coustant. In the first it is said: Ipsum sane Caelestium, et quiaunque in tempore ex diversis regionibus aderant sacerdotes, admonui, has tendicuias,Jqaesftioumn et inepta certamina, quae non aedificant, sed magis destrulnt, ex illa curir




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY. II. { 87. PELAGIAN  CONTROVERSY.  o3g3
but the Africans adhered  still to their judgment in the synod at
cartizage (417),13 and the general sytnod held at the same place
(418),T"  and  succeeded  in  obtaining  from  Honorius a  sacrumn
rescriptzur   against the Pelagians."5   Zosimus now  also yielded,
and  condemned  Pelagianism   in  the Epistola  tractoria."l                     The
Italian  bishops were compelled  to  subscribe  this;  and  eighteen
who refused were deposed.  Among them  also was Julian, bishop
of Eclanum, who  continued  to  defend  Pelagianism   in  various
works, against which Augustine wrote several in refutation.
The  Pelagians did not form   an  ecclesiastical, but simply  a
theological party.   They  had  also no common type of doctrine,
and  therefore  deviated  from   one  another in  particular  points.
Their opinions,'7 which are to be found without disfigurement
only in their own works,8" may be reduced to the following artiitatis contagione profluere, dum unusquisque ingenio sao et intemperanti eloquentia supra
scripta (i. e., Scripturam S.) abutitur, etc.
3 Fragment of the Synod's letter to Zosimus in Prosperi 1. contra collatornm; c. 15:
Constituinmus, in Pelagiuim atque Caelestium per venerabilem episcopum Innocentium de
beatissimni apostoli Petri sede prolataln manere sententiam, donec apertissima confessione
fateantur, gratia Dei per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum, non soliam ad cognoseendam,
verum etiam ad faciendam justitiam nos per actus singulos adjuvari, etc.
14 Mansi, iv. 377. The eight (or nine see Norisius, 1. c. p. 135, the Benedictine preface
in t. x. Opp. Aug. ~ 18, and App. t. x. p. 71) Canones against the Pelagians are in the
collection of the decrees of councils put erroneously as the first of the synod at Mileve,
A.D. 416, ap. Mansi, iv. 325.
15 See Opp. August. ed Benedict. t. x. Appendicis pars ii. continens varia scripta et
monumenta ad Pelagianorum historiam pertinentium, p. 105 (ed. Venet.). The Edictumn
of the three Praeff. Praetorio consequent thereon, p. 106.
16 Fragments of it in Appendix p. 108 and ap. Coustant. That the tractoria was not
issued before the African council and the sacrum rescriptum, as is supposed by B aronius,
Norisius, Garlier and others, but after both, is proved by Tillemont, t. xiii. p. 738, 739, and
the Benedictines, praef. ad t. x. opp. Aug. ~ 18. Hence August. contra duas epist. Pelag.
ii. c. 3: Quin etiam  (Pelagiani) Romanos clericos arguunt, scribentes, "eos jassionis
terrore perculsos non erubuisse praevaricationis crimen admittere, ut contra priorem sententiam suam, qua gestis catholico dogmati adfuerant, postea pronuntiarent, malam hominum esse naturam."
17 Besides the works already referred to comp. J. G. Voigt Comm. de theoria Augustiniana, Pelagiana, Semipelagiana et synergistica in doctrina de peccato originali, gratia et
libero arbitrio. Gottingae. 1829. 4. J. H. Lentzen de Pelagianorum doctrinae principiis
diss. Coloniae ad Rh. 1833. 8. Die Lehre des Pelagius v. Lie. J. L. Jacobi. Leipzig.
1842. 8.
18 Three works of Pelagius have been preserved complete by the circumstance of tlleir
having fallen among those of Jerome, viz., Pelagii expositiones in epist. Pauli, before thle
year 410. (That Pelagius is the author is proved by J. G. Vossius Hist. Pelag. i. 4. Probably Cassiodolrs emended doctrinally nothing but the commentary on the Ep. to the
Romans. Comp. Rosenmifller Hist. Interpret. iii. 505).-Epistola ad Demetriadem A.D.
413 (cum aliis aliorum epistolis ed. J. S. Semler. Hal. 1775. 8. Cf. Rosenmfiller 1. c. p.
522, ss.)-Libellus fidei ad Innocent. I. A.D. 417 (taken into libros Carolinos de imag. culta
iii. c. 1, as confessio fidei, quam a SS. Patribus accepimus, tenemus et puro corde cred'mus;




3I34                SECON1D  PEfitIO D. —Di. I.-A.D.:324-451.
eles.   "' There  is no  original sin.'9    Man  can  by  his free will
choose good as well as evil.20 Every ione therefore can obtain
salvation  (salus  s. vita aeterna).   In  Christianity  a still higher
salvation  is  presented, for which  baptism  is a necessary  condition  (regnum  coelorum).2"    As the  law  was formerly  given  to
as late as 1521 cited by the Sorbonne in their Articulis agai2st Luther as sermo Augustini,
often falsely called Hieronymi Sysmboli explan. ad Damasunm; cf. Jo. Launojus de auctore
vero professionis fidei, quae Pelagio, Hieronymo, Augustino tribui vulgo solet Diss. Paris.
ed. 2. 1663. 8. in his Opp. ii. ii. 302. Walclii Bibl. symb. vetus p. 192, ss.)-Fragments
of Pelagii lib. de natura ap. August. de nat. et gratia. Of the lib. iv. de libero arbitric
and the epist. ad Innocent I. fragments ap. August. de gratia Christi and de peccato originali. Capitnla s. eclogtae fragments in IIieron. dial. i. conltra Pelagianos and ap. August,
de gestis Pelagii.-Caelestii definitiones fragments ap. August. de perfectione justitiae
horinis. Symbolumn ad Zosimum fragments ap. August. de peccato origin. (cf. Walchii
Bibl. symb. vetus, p. 198, ss.)-Juli-ani libb. iv ad Turbantium Episc. contra Angustini
primurn de nuptiis, fragments ap. Anugust. contra Julianurm, and in M. Mercatoris subnotationes. Libb. viii. ad Florumn contra Angustini secundum de nuptiis, fragments in Aug.
opus imperfect. and ap. Marius Mercator 1. c.-A Pelagian creed falsely called by Garnier
Symb. Juliani, see Walch. Bibl. symb. vet. p. 199, ss.
I9 Caelestii iSymb. fragm. i.: Infantes autem debere baptizari in remissioneml peccatorunm secundum regulam -universalis ecclesiae et secundum evangelii sententiam, confitemur, quia Dominus statuit, regnutm  caelorum nonnisi baptizatis posse conferri: quod quia
vires naturae non babent, conferri necesse est per gratiae libertatell. In remissionera
autem peccatorumn baptizandos infantes non idcirco diximus, ut peccatum ex traduce (or
peccatunm  naturae, peccatum naturale) firmare videamur, quod longe a catholico sensu
alienum est. Quia peccatom non cum hlomine nascitur, quod postmodum exercetor ab
lomine: quia non naturae delictum, sed voluntatis esse demonstratur.  Et illud ergo
confiteri congruum, ne diversa baptismatis genera facere videamnur, et hoc praemunire
necessariuml est, ne per mysterii occasionem, ad creatoris injuriam, mealumn, antequam fiat
ab homine, tradi dicatur homini per naturam. Pelagii ep. ad Demetr.  C. 4: Fetat sententiam de naturae bonon ipsa conscientia bona.-Qumid illud obsecro est, quod ad omne
peccatum aut erubescimus, ant timemus? et culpam facti nune rubore vultus, nunc pallore
monstramsus?-e diverso autemn in omni bono laeti, constantes, intrepidi sumus?-Est
enim inquam in animis nostris naturalis quaedam (ut ita dixerim) sanctitas, quae velut in
arce animi praesidens exercet boni malique judiciumn. But comp. c. 8: Neque vero alia
nobis causa difficultatem bene faciendi facit, quam longa consuetudo vitiorum, quae nos
infecit a parvo, paulatimque per multos corrupit annos, et ita postea obligatos sibi et
addictos tenet, ut vimll quodamnodo videatur habere naturae.
20 Pelagius ap. August. de Pecc. orig. 14: Omne bonum  ac malnm, quo vel laudabiles
vel vituperabiles sumus, non nobiscum oritur, sed agitur a nobis: capaces enim utriusque
rei, non pleni nascimur, et ut sine virtute, ita et sine vitio procreamur: atque ante actionern
propriae voluntatis, id solum in homine est, quod Deus condidit. Epist. ad Demetr. c. 3:
Volens namque Deus rationabilem  creaturam voluntarii boni monere et liberi arbitrii
potestate donare, utriusque partis possibilitatem  bomini inserendo proprium  ejus fecit,
esse quod velit: ut boni ac mali capax, naturaliter utrumque posset, et ad alterutrun
voluntatem deflecteret. Hence C aelestii definitiones are proofs, hominem sine peccato
esse posse. Among other things it is said, def. 2: Iterum  quaerendum  est, peccatum
voluntatis an necessitatis est?  Si necessitatis est, peccatum  non est, si voluntatis,
-vitari potest. 5. Iterum quaerendum  est, utrumne debeat homo sine peccato esse. Procul dubio debet. Si debet, potest: si non potest, ergo non debet. Et si non debet homo
esse sine peccato, debet ergo cum peccato esse; et jam peccatum non erit, si illud deberi
constiterit.
21 August. de Pecc. merit. et remiss. i. 30: Seod quia non ait, inquiunt, "Nisi quis




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY. It. ~ 87. PEtAGIAN CONTROVERSY.  335
facilitate the bringing about of goodness, so now  the instructions
and example of Christ, and the particular operations of grace.
The  latter,  however,  always  follow   the  free   purpose  to  be
good.22    God's predestination  therefore is founded solely on his
foreknowledge of human actions."
Though  Augustine had formerly in  his controversy  with  the
Manicheans conceded  much  to  free will, and taken  a very  different yiew   of pi'edestination,23  he  had  long  before  Pelagius
adopted a stricter view,24 which was for the first time developed
in the controversy with the Pelagians 25 in the following system.
renatus fierit ex aqua et spiritu, non habebit salutene, vel vitam aeternam," tantummodo
autem dixit "non intrabit in regnum Dei" (Jo. iii. 5): ad hoc parvuli baptizandi sunt, ut
sint etiam cun Christo in regno Dei, ubi non erunt, si baptizati non fuerint: quamvis
et sine baptismo si parvuli moriantur, salutem  vitamqlue aeternam  habituri sint, quoniam nullo peccati vinculo obstricti sunt. In like manner, Origen ad Rolm. ii. 7, see Div. LI
~ 67, note 1.
22 Pelagius de Libero arbitrio (ap. Aug. de grat. Chr. 7): I-ic nos imperitissimi hominum
putant injuriamn divinae gratiae facere, quia dicimus eam sine voluntate nostra nequaquam in nobis perficere sanctitatem: quasi Deus gratiae suae aliquid imperaverit, et non
illis, quibus imperavit, etiam  gratiae suae auxilium  subministret, ut quod per liberum
homines facere jubentar arbitrium, facilius possent implere per gratiam. Quam nos non,
ut tu putas, in lege tantummodo, sed et in Dei esse adjutorio confitemur. Adjuvat enim
nos Deus per doctrinam  et revelationem  suam, dum cordis nostri oculos aperit; dum
nobis, ne praesentibus occupemur, futura demonstrat; dum diaboli pandit insidias; dum
nos multiformi et ineffabili dono gratiae caelestis illuminat. Ejusdem ep. ad Innoc. (ibid,
c. 31): Ecce apud beatitudinem  tuam  epistola ista me purget, in qua pure atque simpliciter ad peccandum  et ad non peccandum  integrum  liberum  arbitrium  habere nos
dicimus, quod in omnibus bonis operibus divino adjuvatur semper auxilio.  Quam liberi
arbitrii potestatem  dicimus in omnibus esse generaliter, in Christianis, Judaeis, atque
Gentilibus. In omnibus est liberum arbitrium aequaliter per naturam, sed in solis Christianis juvatur a gratia.
23 August. de Praedest. Sanct. c. 3: Quo praecipue testimnonio (1 Cor. iv. 7) etiam ipse
convictus sum, cum  sieiliter errarem, p-utans fidem, qua in DeLm  credimus, non esse
donum Dei, sed a nobis esse in nobis, et per illam nos inpetrare Dei dona, quibus temperalnter et juste et pie vivamnus in hoc saeculo. Neque enim- fidem putabam  Dei gratia
praeveniri, ut per illam nobis daretur, quod poscereimus utiliter, nisi quia credere non
possemus, si non praecederet praeconium veritatis: ut autem  praedicato nobis Evangelio
consentiremus, nostrunm esse propriuml, et nobis ex nobis esse arbitrabar. GQuem meums
errorem  nonnulla opuscula moea satis indicant auLte episcopatunm  menmn  scripta (in particu-lar the expositio quarundam propositionuln in Ep. ad Ronom. c. 60 and 61, other worlks
against the Manichaeans. See Wundemann, ii. 79 and 91. Neander's Kirchengesch. ii.
iii. 1205). Cf. Retractt. i. 23.
24 Comp. lib. de diversis quaestionibus 83 (written A.D. 388-395).  Qu. lxviii. ~ 4-6.
De diversis quaestionibus ad Simplicianum, 1. i. Qu. 2 (A.D. 397). Mliinscher's Dogmengescl. iv. 200.
2S See Wiggers, i. 264, if. Even Duns Scotus (Quaest. in Lombard. lib. ii. Dist. 33)
says: Frequenter sancti extinguendo contra se haereses pullulantes excessive locuti sunt
volentes declinare ad aliud extremum:-sicut Augustinus contra Arilne videtur quasi
declinare ad Sabelliunm et e converso, similiter videtur contra Pelagium declinare ad Arium
(leg. Manichaeum) et e converso. So also Cornelius Mussus Episc. Bitontinus (t 1574)
Comm. in epist. ad Rom. c. 5, p. 270. Cf. Jo. Fabricii Diss. de Scylla theolqgica in ejusd.




336                SEGOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
"' By the sin of Adam human nature became physically and
morally corrupt.26    From  it evil lust (concupiscentia) has come,
which, since it lhas become the inheritance of all men by generation, has come to be original sin, in itself damnatory (peccatum
originale, vitium   originale, vitium  haereditarium),27  and prevails
so much over the will of the natural man that lhe can no longer
will what is good, as he should do, out of love to God, but sins
continually, however his actions may externally appear.28 From
amoenitatibus theoll. c. 9. On the other hand Norisius in the Vindiciis Augustinianis c. 5,
~ 5, seeks to defend him.-The Augustinian system is very differently represented, because
the most opposite parties wished to find their own sentiments in it. It is most correctly
described by the Reformed, the Dominicans, Augustines, and Jansenists; most misrepresented by the Jesuits.
26 Wiggers, i. 106.
27 Comp. especially the books de Peccato originali and de Nuptiis et Concupiscentia.De civ. Dei xiv. 1: A primus hominibus admissum est tami grande peccatum, ut in deterins eo natura mutaretur humana, etiam  in posteros obligatione peccati et mortis
necessitate transmissa. De Peccat. merit. et remiss. i. 9: Ille, in quo omnes moriuntur,
praeter quod eis qui praeceptum Domini voluntate transgrediuntur, imitationis exemplun
est, occuLlta etiam tabe carnalis concupiscentiae suae tabificavit in se omnes de sua stirpe
venientes. De Nuptiis et Concupiscentia, i. 24: Ex hac carnis concupiscentia, tanquam
filia peccati, et quando illi ad t-urpia consentitur, etiain peccatorum mlatre multornm, quaecunque nascitur proles, originali est obligata peccato, nisi in illo renaseatur, quem sine ista
concupiscentia virgo concepit: propterea, quando nasci est in carne dignatus, sine peccato
solus':est natus. De Corrept. et Gratia 10: Qnuia vero (Adam) per liberum arbitrium Deum
desetrit, justum judicium Dei expertus est, ut cum tota sua stirpe, quae in illo adhuc
posita tota cum illo peccaverat, damnaretur (de Peccat. merit. et remiss. i. 10, Rom. v. 12
is cited for'this purpose, in quo omnes peccaverunt, 6E', 7rivref:7 apVrop,, quando omnes
ille unus hono fuerunt). Quotquot enim ex hac stirpe gratia Dei liberantur, a damnationle
utique liberantur, qua jam tenentur obstricti. Unde etiam si nullus liberaretur, justum
Dei judicium nemo juste reprehenderet. Ouod ergo pauci in comparatione pereultium, in
suo vero numero multi liberantur, gratia fit, gratis fit, gratiae sunt agendae, quia fit, no
quis velut de suis meritis extollatur, sed omne os obstruatur, et qui gloriatur, in Domino
glorietur. De Pecc. orig. 31: Unde ergo recte infans illa perditione punitur, nisi quia
pertinet ad massam perditionis, et juste intelligitur ex Adam natus, antiqui debiti obligatione damnatus, nisi inde fuerit, non secundum debitum, sed secundum gratiam liberatus?
Hence the Pelagians accused him of holding the doctrine of a tradux animae and tradux
peccati (Traduciani). Inclined as he may have been to that view, he left the question
of the origin of souls undecided. Cf. de Anima et ejus origine libb. iv. Opus imp. iv. 104:
Arguo de origine animarumn cunctationamn meam, quia non audeo docere vel affirmare quod
nescio (cf. de Peccat. merit. et remiss. ii. 36).
28 Contra duas epistt. Pelagianorum, i. 2: Quis autem nostrum dicat, quod primi hominis peccato perierit liberum  arbitrium de humano genere? Libertas quidem periit per
peccatum, sed illa quae in paradiso fuit, habendi plenam cum immortalitate justitiam;
propter quod nature humana divina indiget gratia, dicente Domino: si vos Filius liberaverit, tunc vere liberi eritis (John viii. 36), utique liberi ad bene justeque vivendum. Nam
libernsm arbitrium usque adeo in peccatore non periit, ut per illud peccent, maxine omnes
qcui cum delectatione peccant et amore peccati: hoc eis placet, quod eis libet. De gratia
Christi 26: Quid autem boni faceremuls, nisi diligeremus? Aut quomodo bonum non facimus, si diligamus? Etsi eniml Dei mandatuml videt-ur aliquando non a diligentibus, sed a
timentibus fieri: tarmen ubi non est dilectio, nullum bonum opus imputatur, nec recte
bonum opqri  o;,:tcatur, quiao3mlne quod lion ex fide est, peccatum est, et fides per dilectionem




CHAP. I. —THEOLOGY.  II. ~ 87. PELAGIAN CONTROVERSY.  337
this corrupt mass of humanity  (perditionis massa) God  resolved
from  eternity to save some through Christ, and leave the rest to
deserved perdition.  Though baptism  procures forgiveness of sin,
even of original sin, it does not remove the moral corruption  of
man.29   Therefore Divine grace alone, and irresistibly, works faith
in the elect, as well as love and power to do good.30   The others,
opelatur. Ac per hoc gratiam Dei, qua caritas Dei difflnditur in cordibus nostris per Spiritum sanctum, qui datus est nobis, sic confiteatur, qui vult veraciter confiteri, ut omnino
nihil boni sine illa, quod ad pietatem pertinet veramque justitiam, fieri posse non dubitet.
Wiggers, i. 121. J. G. L. Duncker Hist. doctrinae de ratione quae inter peccatum originale et actuale intercedit apud Irenaeum, Tertullianum, Augustinunm. Gottingae.
1836. 8.
29 De Nupt. et Concupisc. i. 26: In eis ergo qui regenerantur in Christo, cum remissio
oem accipiLnt prorsus omnium peccatorum utique necesse est, ut reatus etiam hujus lice,
adhuc manentis concupiscentiae remittatur, ut in peccatum, sicut dixi, non imputetur,manet acto, praeterit reatu. De Peccat. de meritis et remiss. i. 19: Caeterum quis ignc.
rat, quod baptizatus parvulus, si ad rationales annos veniens non crediderit, nec se ab illicitis concupiscentiis abstiinerit, nihil ei proderit, quod parvus accepit?  Yeramtamen si
percepto baptismate de hac vita emigraverit, soluto reatu, cui originaliter erat obnoxits,
perficietur in illo lumine veritatis, quod incomimutabiliter manens in aeternum, justificatos
praesentia creatoris illuminat.
30 In the beginning of the controversy Augustine still thought of these operations of
grace as resistibiles, see De Spiritu et Litera, c. 34: Agit Deus, ott velimlus, et nt credamus, sive extrinsecus per evangelicas exhortationes,-sive intrinsecus, ubi nemo habet in
potestate quid ei veniat in mentem, sed consentire vel dissentire propriae voluntatis est.
His ergo modis quando Deus agit cum anima rationali, ut ei credat (neque enim credere
potest quodlibet libero arbitrio, si nulla sit suasio vel vocatio cni credat), profecto et ipsum
velle credere Deus operator in homine, et in omnibus misericordia ejus praevenit nos:
consentire autem vocationi Dei, vel ab ea dissentire, sicut dixi, propriae voluntatis est.
But in his later works they appear as irresistibly acting. De Corrept. et Grat. 7: Quicunque ergo ab illa originali damnatione ista divinae gratiae largitate discreti sunt, non
est dubium, quod et procurator eis audiendum evangelium; et cuon audiunt, credunt; et
in fide, quae per delectionem operatur, usque in finem perseverant; et si quando exorbitant, correpti emendantur; et quidam eorum, etsi ab hominibus non corripiantur, in viam
quam reliquerant redeunt; et nonnalli accepta gratia, in qualibet aetate, periculis hujus
vitae mortis celeritate subtrahuntur. Haec enim omnia operatur in eis, qui vasa misericordiae operatus est eos, qui et elegit eos in filio suo ante constitutionem mundi per electionem gratiae. De Gratia Christi, c. 24: Non lege atque doctrina insonante forinsecus,
sed interna atque occulta mirabili ac ineffabili potestate operari Deum in cordibus hominum non soluln veras revelationes, sed etiam bonas volantates. De Corrept. et Grat. c. 9:
Quicunque ergo in Dei providentissima dispositione praesciti, praedestinati, vocati, justificati, glorificati sunt, non dico etiam nondum renati, sed etiam nondum nati, jam filii Dei
sunt, et omnino perire non possunt. Ibid. 12: Ac per hoc nec de ipsa perseverantia boni
voluit Deus sanctos suos in viribus suis, sed in ipso  l ari. —Tantom  quippe Spiritu
sancto accenditur volnltas eorumn, ut ideo possint, qaia sic volant; ideo sic velint, quia
Deus operattr, ut velint.-Subventum est igitur infirmitati voluntatis humanae, ut divina
gratia indeclinabiliter et insuperabiliter ageretur. Ibid. 14: Non est itaque dubitandum,
volauntati Dei, qui in caelo et in terra omnia, quaeculque voluit, fecit, et qui etiam illa,
quae futura sunt, fecit, humanaas voluntates non posse resistere, quo minus faciat ipse quod
vult: quandoquidem etiam de ipsis hominum voluntatibus, quod vult, cumn vult, facit.
These moral effects of grace Augustine comprehends under Justificatio, cf. Opus imperfect. contra Jul. ii. c. 168: Justificat impium Deus, non solumn dimittendo, qnae mala facit,
sed etiam donando caritatem, quae declinat a malo et facit bonum per Spiritlm  sanctum.
VOL. I.-2 2




338                SECOND PE:ETIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
to whom  the grace of God is not imparted31 have no advantage
from  Chlrist, and fall into condemnation,32 even an eternal one." 33
Such were the opposing systems, apart from the consequences
with which the misrepresentations of the combatants reproached
31 For the most part Augustine uses the expression Praedestinatio only of predestination to happiness, but sometimes also of condemnation. Tract. 110, in Joan. distinguishes
duplicem mundum, unum damnationi praedestinatum, alterum ex inimico amicum factum
et reconciliatum. Enlchirid. ad Laur. c. 100: Haec sunt magna opera Domini, ut, cum
angelica et humana creatura peccasset,-etiam  per eandem creaturae voluntatem, qua
factum est quod Creator noluit, impleret ipse quod voluit: bene utens et malis, tamquam
summe bonus, ad eorum damnationem, quos juste praedestinavit ad poenam, et ad eorum
salutem, quos benigne praedestinavit ad gratiam. Cf. de Grat. et Lib. arbitr. c. 21: Operari Deumn in cordibus hominum ad inclinandas eorum voluntates quocunque voluerit, sive
ad bona pro sua misericordia, sive ad mala pro meritis eornm. Ratramnus de Praedest. ii.
(in Vett. auctorum, qui ix. saec. de praedest. et gratia scripserunt opera, cura Gilb. Mauguin, i. 62) has collected several passages of this kind. Comp. however Wiggers, i. 305.
32 De Peccat. merit. et remiss. iii. 4: QuLoniam nihil agitur aliud, cum parvuli baptizantur, nisi ut incorporentur ecclesiae, id est, Christi corpori membrisque socientur, manifestum est, eos ad damnationem, nisi hoc eis collatumrn fuerit, pertinere. De Gratia et Lib.
arbitr. 3: Sed et illa ignorantia, quae non est eorum, qui scire nolunt, sed eoraun, qui tanquam simpliciter nesciunt, neminem sic excusat, ut sempiterno igne non ardeat, si propterea non credidit, quia non audivit omnino quid crederet; sed fortasse, ut mitius ardeat
(cf. contra Julianum, iv. 3. Absit, ut sit in aliquo vera virtus, nisi fuerit justus. Absit
autem, ut sit justus vere, nisi vivat ex fide. Minus eninm Fabricius quam. Catalina punietur, non quia iste bonus, sed quia ille magis malus: et minus impius, quam  Catilina,
Fabricius, non veras virtutes Labendo, sed a veris virtutibus non plurimnum deviando).De Corrept. et Grat. 7: Ac per hoc et qui Evangelium non audierunt, et qui eo audito in
melius commutati perseverantiam non acceperant, et qui Evangelio audito venire ad
Christum, hoc est, in eum credere noluerunt, quoniam ipse dixit, Nemo venit ad me, nisi
ei datum fuerit a Patre meo (John vi. 66), et qui per aetatem parvulam nec credere potuerunt, sed ab originali noxa solo possent lavacro regenerationis absolvi, quo tamuen non accepto mortui perierunt; non sunt ab illa conspersione discreti, quam constat esse damnatam, euntibus omnibus ex uno in condemnationem. Ibid. 13: Propter hujus ergo utilitatem secreti credendum est, quosdani de filiis perditionis non accepto dono perseverandi
tsque in finem, in fide, quae per dilectionem operatur, incipere vivere, et aliquamdiu fideliter ac juste vivere, et postea cadere, neque de hac vita, priusquam hoc eis contingat,
auferri. De Praedest. Sanct. 8: Clr autem istum potius, quam illum liberet, inscrutabilia
sunt judicia ejus et investigabiles viae ejus (Romae xi. 33). Mlelius enim eti iic audimus
aut dicimus: O homo, ta quis es, qui respondeas Deo (Rom. ix. 20). How much perplexity the passage, 1 Tim. ii. 4, qui omnes vult homines salvos fiere, occasioned Augustine, is
proved by his nunmerous and all very forced attempts to explain it. So de Corrept. et Grat.
c. 14. Contra Jul. iv. c. 8: Omnes i. q. multos; Enchirid. ad Laur. 103: Omnes i. q. omnis generis. De Corrept. et Gratia, c. 15: Omues homines Deus vult salvos fieri, quoniam
nos facit velle. Enchirid. 1. c. tanquam diceretur, nullum hominem fieri salvum, nisi quem
fieri salvum ipse voluerit.
S3 De Civ. Dei, xxi. c. 23. Enchirid. ad Laur. c. 112 (see above, ~ 84, note 35). The
last passage is against those who inferred fiom Psalm lxxvii. 10, that tile punishment co
hell will have an end. Still he concedes to themi: Sed poenas damnatorum  certis temporum intervallis existiment, si hoc eis placet, aliquatenus mitigari. Etiam sic quippe intelligi potest manere in illis ira Dei (Jo. iii. 36), h. e. ipsa damnatio-ut in ira sua, h. e.
manente ira sua, non tamen contineat miserationes suas (Ps. lxxvii. 10): non aeterno sup
plicio finem dando, sed levamen adhibendo vel interponendo cruciatibus. In the Enarrat
in Psalm cv. ~ 2, however, he declares even this conjecture too bold.




CRlAP. I1. — THEOLOGY. IT..   87. PELAGIAN  CONT'ROVERMSY.  339
one another 3  for the purpose of exciting  universal abhorrence
of the  enemy's doctrine.   The  sentiments  of Augustine  wereecclesiastically confirmed by the decisions of African synods and
by Zosimus in the west; although their author himself felt how
dangerous they might be made to morals, and was able to bring
them  forward in  popular instruction in  no  other than  an inconsequential way.3 5   The Greek Church  could not but stumble  at
them;  but it troubled  itself little  about such -controversies.36
The exiled western bishops hoped, therefore, that they would so
34 So the Pelagians palmed on Augulstine the opinion, per diabolum aliquid substantiae
creatam in hominibus (Augustin. de Nuptiis et Concupisc. ii. 34), quasi malum naturale
cum Manichaeis sapiat, qui dicit, infantes secundum Adam  carnaliter natos contagium
mortis antiquae prina nativitate contrahere.  On the contrary, Augustinus contra Juliaamm, lib. i. and ii. But Pelagianism also was not less misrepresented by its opponernts.
August. de Pecc. mer. et rein. ii. 2, designates the Pelagians as tantumt praesumentes de
libero humanae voluntatis arbitrio, ut ad non peccandum nec adjuvandos nos divinitus opinentur. C. 5: Dicunt, accepto semel liberae voluntatis arbitrio nec orare nos debere, ut
Dens nos adjuvet, ne peccemus. Epist. Conc. Carthag. ad Innocent. (Aug. Epist. 175): 6: Parvulos etiam. propter salutell, quae per salvatorem Christum datur, baptizandos
negant-promittentes, etiamsi non baptizentur, habituros vitani aeternam.
35 De Dono perseverantiae, c. 22: Dolosi vel imperiti medici est, etiam utile medica-,mentum sic alligare, ut ant non prosit, aut obsit. One should not say to the church: Ita
se habet de praedestinatione definita sententia voluntatis Dei, ut alii ex vobis de infidelitate, accepta obediendi voluntate, veneritis ad fidem.  Quid opus est dici, alii ex vobis?
-Si enim Ecclesiae Dei loquimur, si credentibus loquimur, cur alios eorum ad fidem venisse
dicenrtes caeteris facere videamur injuriam? crum possimus colgruentius dicere: Ita se
habet de praedestinatione definita sententia voluntatis Dei, ut ex infidelitate veneritis ad
fidem accepta voluntate obediendi, et accepta perseverantia permaneatis in fide? Nec
illlud quod sequitur est omnino dicendum, i. e. caeteri vero qui in peccatorum delectatione
remoramini, ideo nondum  surrexistis, quia necdunm vos adjutorium gratiae miserantis:erexit: cum bene et convenienter dici possit et debeat: si qui autem adhuc in peccatorunl
damnabilium  delectatione remoramini, apprehendite saluberrimam  disciplinam: quod
tamen cum. feceritis, nolite extolli quasi de operibus vestris anut gloriari, quasi hoc non acceperitis; Deus est enim, qui operatur in vobis et velle et operari pro bona voluntate-de
ipso autem cursu vestro bono rectoque condiscite vos ad praedestinationem divinae gratiae
pertinere. Augustine is inconsistent when he, Epist. 194, c. 4, in accordance with his
system, declares prayer to be an effect of Divine grace, and, Epist. 157, c. 2, says, weoreceive Divine grace hurniliter petendo et faciendo, and, Op. imperf. iii. 107: Homines quan-do audiunt vel legunt, unumquemque recepturum secundum ea, quae per corpus gessit, non
debent in suae voluntatis virtute confidere, sed orare potius talem sibi a Domino preparati
voluntatem, ut non intrent in tentationem.
36 Comp. the refutation of Augustine's doctrines by Theodore of Mopsuestia, ap. Marius
Mercator, ed. Baluz. p. 399, ss. ex. gr. p. 342: Nihil horum prospicere potuit mirabilis
peccati originalis assertor, quippe qui in divinis scripturis nequaquam fuerit exercitatus,
nec ab infantia, juxta b. Pauli vocem, sacras didicerit literas.-Novissime vero in hanc
dogmatis recidit novitatem, qua diceret, quod in ira atque furore Dens Adam mortalem
esse praeceperit, et propter ejus unum delictum cunctos etiam necdum natos homines morto
maltaverit. Sic autem disputans non veretur nec confunditur ea sentire de Deo, quae nec
de hominibus sanum  sapientibts et aliquam. justitiae curam  gerentibus unquam  quis
aestimare tentavit, caet. The Greek church historians are altogether silent concerning
the Pelagian controversy.




340                SECOND  PERIOD —DIV, 1.-A.D, 324-451.
much  the  more readily  obtain  protection  inl Constantinople, as
they believed they had wholly in their favor the works of Chrysostom, which were highly esteemed in that place.37   Hence they
applied particularly  to Nestor, who  had been  bishop  of the  see
of Constantinople  since  428.   But since very prejudicial representations of Pelagianism  hadcl  been  disseminated  from  the west,
especially  by  Afarius /       elrrcalor,38   who  was  personally  present
in Constantinople,39 Nestorins saw  the necessity of giving prominence  to  the ruinous  consequences  of the fall and  the  necessity  of baptism, which the Pelagians were said to  deny.40   But
on the other bhand, he found  thle Pelagians themselves who  had;
fled  to  him,. so  little  heterodox, that he  asked  from   the  iRo
mish  bishop  Caelestine  (429)  an  explanation  respecting  the
grounds of their condemnation.41    This very relation  of the Pe37 So Julian appealed to Chrysostom. See August. contra Jul. i. c. 6, s. With the
same view AnnianaLs, doubtless the Annianus Pseudodiaconus Celedensis who is mentioned
by Hieron. ad August. (Augugst. Ep. 202) as a writer in favor of Pelagianism, and who was
also preseint at the, synod of Diospolis (see Garnerii Diss. i. ad Marium Mercat. c. 7),
translated into Latin numerous homilies of Chrysostom, of' which Horn. viii. in Matth.
and Hiom vii. de lau'dibus S. Pauli still exist. Comp. his Prologus ad Orontium Episc.
(who was condemned at Ephesus for being a Pelagian) prefixed to the Hom. in Matth.
(Chrysost. Opp. ed. Montfancon, t. vii. init.): Quid enim vel ad pradentiam  eruditius,
vel ad exercitationlem ignitius, vel ad dogma purgatius nostrorum auribus offeratur, quam
praeclara haec tam insignis animi ingeniique monumenta?  E't hoc maxime tempore,
quo per occasionem quarundam nimis difficilium quaestionum  aedificationi moorum atque
ecclesiasticae disciplinae satis insolenter obstrepitur.  Quid pressius ille commendat,
quam ingenitae nobis a Deo libertatis decus cujus confessio praecipuum inter nos gentilesque discrimen est, qui hominem, ad imaginem  Dei conditum, tam  infeliciter fati
violentia et peccandi putant necessitate devinctum, ut is etiam pecoribus invidere cogatur?
Qtlid ille adversus eosdeol magistros potius insinuat, quam Dei esse possibilia mnandata,
et holmiem totius Vel quae jubetur vel suadetur a Deo capacem  esse virtutis?  Quo
quidem solo et iniquitas ab- imperante propellitur, et praevaricanti reatus affigitur. Jam
vero iste eruditoruml  decus cum de gratiae Dei disserit, quanta illam abertate, quanta
etiam cautione concelebrat?  Non enim est in alteru'tro aut incautus, aut nimins, sed in
utroque' moderatus. Sic liberas ostendit hominuim voluntates, ut ad Dei tameln mandata
facienda divinae gratiae necessarium  ubique fateatur auxilium: sic continuum divinae
gratiae auxilium commendat, ut nec studia voluntatis interimat.  Chrysost. in Epist. ad
Rom. Horn. x. expressly rejects, as an absurdity, the opinion that by Adam's disobedience
another person becomes a sinner. On the relation of grace to freedom he speaks in Epist.
ad Hebr. Hom. xii.
3s Opera ed. Jo. Garnerius, Paris. 1673. fol., better Steph. Baluzius, Par. 1684. 8 (reprinted in Gallandii Bibl. vett. Patr. viii. 613). In the Commonitorium  adv. haeresin
Pelagii et Caelestii vel etiam  scripta Juliani, ed. Baluz. p. 1. Commonitoriumn  super
nomine Caelestii (429, presented to the emperor Theodosius II.) p. i32'.
39 Marius Mercator always gives special prominence to the tenets of Caelestius (see
note 4), though Pelagius had rejected most of them at the synod of Diospolis.
40 Nestorii Sermones iv. contra Pelagium (Latin, partly in nothing but an extract in
Mlarius Mercator, p. 120. The four discourses in the original among Chrysostom's orations
ed. Montfaucon, x. p. 733) are not aimed directly against Pelagius.
41 Mariens Merc. p. 119: Contra haeresin  Pelagii senu Caelestii-quanmvis recta seutiret




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY. II. ~ 87. PELAGIAN  CONTROVERSY.  341
lagians to Nestorius was ruinous to them  in the west;  an internal necessary connection between Pelagianism and Nestorianism
was hunted  out,42 and  at the. third  general council at Ephesus
(431) Pelagianism was condemned along with Nestorianism.43
Yet the Augustinian doctrine of grace and predestination was
never adopted in  the east.44
But even in the west, where this doctrine had been ecelesiashtically ratified,:there  were never more than  a few  who  held to
it  in  its  fearful consequences.   Its  injurious  practical effects
could  not be overlooked, and  appeared  occasionally  in  outward
manifestation.45    The  monks  in  particular were  naturally  opposed  to  a view  which  annihilated  all the  meritoriousness  of
their monastic  exercises.46- Hence  Augustine  soon  found  his
doctrine  disputed  even  by  opponents  of the  Pelagians.47    The
monks of 3Massilia  especially, adopted  a view  of free grace between that of Augustine and that of Pelagius, which seems to
have originated  chiefly with  John  Ccassian  (j-  soon after 432),4S
et doceret, Julianumm tainen ex Episcopo Eclanensi ctrn participi-bus suis hujus haeresis
signiferunm et antesignanmun, olitm ab apostolica sententia exauctoratum  atqne depositum,
in amicitianl' interim. censuit suscipiendum. Speln enim absolutionis promittens, ipsum
quoque Caelestium litteris suis-consolatus est. This writing follows, p. 131. On this
account Nestorius applied, in-the year 429, to the Romish bishop Caelestine, in two letters
(ap. Baronius ad ann. 430, no. 3, ap. Coustant amonsg the Epistt. Caelest. Ep. vi. and vii.).
In the first: Julianus, caet.-saepe-Imperatorem adierunt, ac suas causas defleverunt,
tanquamn orthodoxi temporibus orthodoxis persecutionem  passi saepe eadenl et apud nos
lamentantes.-Sed quonianl  apertiore nobis de causis eorum  notitia opus est,-dignare
nobis notitiam de his largiri, caet.
4-2 See belowv, ~ 88, note 18.
43 See below, ~ 88, note 27.
44 Mfinscher's Dogmenigeschichte, iv. 238.
45 Comp. the memorable controversy among the imonks of Adrunmetum, 426 and 427.
August. Epistt. 214-21:6. Itetractt. ii. 66, 67. Some (Ep. 214) sic gratiam praedicant,
ut negent hominis esse liberumn  arbitrium, et, quod est gravius, dicant, quod in die judicii
non sit redditurus Deus unicuique secundum  opera ejus. They said accordingly (Retr. ii.
G7), neminem corripiendum, si Dei praecepta non facit, sed pro illo ut faciat, tantlnumodo
orandum  (different after all only in the form, not essentially, from  the doctrines of
Augustine!) Others (Ep. 215) asserted, like,the Semlipelagians, secundum aliqua merite
humana dari gratiam Dei. A  strictly Augustinian party stood between. Against the
first Augustine wrote de.Correptione et Gratia; against the second de Gratia et libero
Arbitrio.  Comlp. Walch's Ketzerhist. 245, ff.
46 Comp. fer examAple Cassiani Coll. xix. 8: Finis quidem Coenobitae est, omnes suas
mortificare et crucifigere voluntates, ac secundumn evangelicae perfectionis salutare rllumdatum nihil de crastino cogitare.  QOuaml  pertectionem prorsus a nemine, nisi a Coenobita
impleri posse certissimum est.
47 Joh. Geffecken Hist. Semipelagianismi autiquissilma.  Gotting. 1826. 4. Wiggers
Darstellung des Augustinismus u. Pelagianismus, 2ter Th.-On the differences betweenhim
and Vitalis see August. Epist. 217. Walch, v. 9. Geffcken, p. 40, ss. WViggers, ii. 198.
8- His s-work.l: De institutis Coenobiorum  libb. xii. Collationes.Patrum  xxiv..Do




342                 SECOND PERIOD.-Dr. I.-A.D. 324-451.
a disciple of Chrysostom.49   Augustine received the first-accounn
of these.assilians, or, as they were first named by  the Scholastics, Semnipelagians, from  his zealous adherents  Prosper of
Aquitania, and Hilary  (429),5~ and  attempted  to  bring  themr
over to his views in  his  last two  works  (429,. 430):51    After
Augustine's death, Prosper (t 460)52 continued the controversy
ilcarnatione Christi adv. Nestoriumr libb. vii.-Opp. ed. Alardus G-azaeus. Duaci. 1616
3 t. 8, auct. Atrebati. 1628. fol. (Reprinted Francof. 1722,. and Lips. 1733. foL) —Cf.. F.
WViggers de Joanne Cassiano Massiliensi, qui Semipelagianismi auctor vulgo perhibetur,
Comm. iii. Rostochii, 1824 and 25. 4. The same author's Augustinismus u.- Pelag. ii. 7.
Jean Cassien, savie et ses dcrits, tlhse par L..-F. Meyer. Strasbourg. 1840. 4.
49 Comp. especially Collat. xiii. (according to Wiggers, ii. 37, written between 428 and,
431, according to GCeffcken, p. 6, somewhat befbre 426). Among other things w-e find, in.
e. 9: Propositumn  namnque Dei, quo non ob hoc hominelm  fecerat ut periret,. sed ut in.
perpetuum viverit, manet immobile. Cujus benignitas cuam bonae voluntatis in nobisquantuLlamncunque scintillam  euicuisse perspexerit, vel quam ipse.-tamrnquam.  de dura;
silice nostri cordis excusserit, confovet eamr et exsuscitat,. suaque inspiratione confortat,.
volens omnes honaines salvos fieri,. et ad agnitionerm  veritatis venire (1 Tim. ii.. 4).-Q-ui
eninm ut pereat unus ex pusillis non habet voluntatemn, quomnodo sine ingenti sacrilegio.
putandus est, non umniversaliter omnes, sed quosdam salvos fieri velle pro omnibus?-C. 8:
Adest inseparabiliter nobis semper divina prosectio, tantaque est erga creaturam suanmL
pietas creatoris, ut non solurn cornitetur earn, sed etianm praecedat jugi providentia.-Q-ui
curn in nobis orturnm quendam bonae voluntatis inspexerit, illumninat eanal confestim, atque;
confortat, et incitat ad salutere,, incremnentumn tribuens ei,.. quam vel ipse plantavit, vel:
nostro conatu viderit emersisse.-Et -non. solurn sancta desideria benignus inspirat, sed:
etiaml  occasiones praestruit vitae, et opportunitatem  boni effectus ac salutaris viae
directionern dermonstrat errantib-s. — C. 9: Ut autem evidentius clareat,etiaml per naturae
bonum, quod beneficio creatoris indultumn est, nonnunquam bonarumn voluntatum prodire
principia, quae tamen nisi a Domino dirigantur, ad consulmmationem virtutmun pervenire:
non possunt, Apostolus testis est dicens: Veile adjacet mihi, perficere auterm bonurn non
invenio (Rom. vii. 18).-C. 11: Haec duo, i. e., vel gratia Dei, vel liberumn arbitrium, sibi
quidem inviceln' videntur adversa, sed utraque concordant, et utraqule nos pariter debere
suscipere, pietatis ratione colligimus, ne unuln horutn homini subtralhentes, ecclesiasticaefidei regulall excessisse videamnur.  C. 12: Unde cavendmun  est nobis, ne ita ad Dorninunm
omnia sanctoram merita referamus, ut nihil nisi id quod nialuna   atque perversum est
hulmanae adscribamus naturae.-Dubitari ergo non potest, inesse quideml. omni animaeo
naturaliter virtutum semina beneficio creatoris inserta,. sed nisi haec opitulatione Dei
fuerint excitata, ad incrementulm perfectionis: non poterunt pervenire. Collat. iii. c. 12.
Nullus justorum. sibi sufficit ad obtinendal  justitiam, nisi per momenta singula titubanti.
ei et corruenti fulcimenta manus suae supposuerit divina clernentia. Wiggers, ii. 47.
50 Ep. Prosperi ad Augulst. among Augustine's epistles, Ep. 225, Ep. Hilarii, 2260.
Wiggers, ii. 153.
51 De Praedestinatione S-anctorum liber ad Prosperum. De Donlo perseverantiae liberl
ad Prosperum et Hilarium (s. liber secundus de Praedest. Sanct.)
52 Works: Epistola ad Rufinum de gratia et libero arbitrio..  Garmen de ingratis.
Epigrammata ii. in Obtrectatorem S... Augustini,. all belonging to 429 and 430.-Epitaphium Nestorianae et Pelagianae bhaereseos, 431. Comp. Wiggers,. ii. 169. Against new
opponents (comp. WValch, v. 67.  Geffcken, p. 32. Wiggers, ii. 184): Pro Augustine.
responsiones ad capitula objectionurn  Gallorumr calumniantium. Pro Augustini doctrina:
resp. ad capitula objectionum Vincentianarumn (doubtless Vinc. Lirin.). Pro Augustine,
respons. ad excepta, quae de Genuensi civitate sunt missa.  De gratia Dei et libera,
Arbitrio lib. s. contra Collatoremr (about. 432,, Wiggers,, ii. 138). Besides see Cluonicon?




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY. III. ~ 88. NESTORIAN CONTROVERSY, 343
with  greater  violence,  but  could  not  prevent  the  Semipelagian  doctrines from   spreading  farther, especially in  Gaul.   To
these Semipelagians also belonged Vincentius Lirinensis (t 450)
whose Commonitoriium, composed in the year 434, was one of
the works most read  in the west as a standard book  of genuine
Catholicism.53
III. CONTROVERSIES CONCERNING THE PERSON OF CHRIST.
ss.
NESTORIAN CONTROVERSY.
SOURCES: Nestor's own account (Evagrius Hist. eccl. i. 7) was made use of by Irenaeus
(Comes, then froml 444 to 448, bishop of Tyre) in his Tragoedia s. comm. de rebus in
syncodo Ephesina, ac in Oriente toto Gestis. This last work of Irenaeus is lost; but the
original documents appended to it were transferred in the sixth century, in a Latin
translation, to the Synodicon (Variorumn Epist. ad Cone. Eph. pertinentes ex MS. Casin.
ed. Chr. Lupus. Lovan. 1682. 4, in an improved form ap. Mansi, v. 731, and in Theodoreti
Opp. ed. Schulze, v. 608). Marius Mercator also has many fragments of Acts, Opp. P.
ii. (see above, ~ 87, note 38). A complete collection of all the Acts is given in Manlsi,
iv. p. 567, ss. and t. v.-Account of this controversy by Ibas, bishop of Edessa, in the
Epist. ad Marin Persam  (mostly contained in the Actis Cone. Chalced. Act. x. apo
Mansi, vii. p. 241, ss.). —Liberatus's (archdeacon in Carthage about 553) Breviarum
causae Nestorianorum et Eutychianorum (ed. Jo. Garnerius. Paris. 1675.'8, ap. Mansi,
ix. p. 659, and in Gallandii Bibl. PP. xii. p. 119).-Besides Socrates, vii. c. 29, ss. Evagrius, i. c. 7, ss.
/Valcll's Ketzerhistorie, v. 289. WVundemann's Geschb. d. Glaubenslehre, ii. 265. Miinscher's Dogmengeschiclhte, iv. 53. Neander's Kirchengesebh. ii. iii. 927. Baur's Lehre
v. d. Dreieinigkeit u. Menschwerdung Gottes in ihrer geschichtl. Entwickelung, i. 693.
In  the  Arian  controversy  the  doctrine  concerning  Christ's
person  had been touched  upon, but without being  fully  developed.   When  the  Arians  inferred  from   the  Catholic  doctrine
of a  human  soul in  Christ that there  were  two  persons,l the
(till 454).-Opp. ed. Jo. le Brun de Marette et D. Mangeaut. Paris. 1711. fol. cum var.
lectt. ex Cod. Vatic. Romae. 1758. 8.
53 Commonitorium pro catholicae fidei antiquitate et universitate adv. pro-fanas omnium
haereticor. novitates. Often published among others, cum August de Doctr. christ. ed. G.
Calixtus. Helmst. 1629. 8 (ed. ii. 1655. 4) cum Salviani Opp. ed. St. Baluzius. (Paris.
1633. ed. ii. 1669. ed. iii. 1684. 8) ed. Engelb. Kliupfel. Viennae. 1809. Herzog. Vratisl.
1839. 8, comp. Wiggers, ii. 208. That this Vincentius is the one who was attacked by
Prosper, and that even in the Commonitorium Semipelagian traces are found, has been
proved by Vossius, Norisius, Natalis, Alexander, Oudinus de Scriptt. eccl. i. 1231.
Geffcken, p. 53.  WViggers, ii. 195. On the contrary side, Act. SS. Maji, vol. v. p. 284, ss.
Hist. litt6raire de la France, t. ii. p. 309.
1 See ~ 83, note 28.




:3.4 4              SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
Orientals indeed could not be led astray by this means from
holding fast the human ill Christ, as long as they remained true
to  their historico-exegetical principles;2  but the  Nicenians  in
Egypt and  the  west began  to  give  strong  prominenc:e to  the
unity of his Divine person, for the purpose of obviating that
Arian objection,3 and  to  consider Christ accordingly in all rela2 So Eusebius of Emlesa (~ 84, note 18) in the fragments in Theodoreti Eranistes Dial.
iii. (Opp. ed. Schulze, iv. 258), and in the work de lFide adv. Sabelliunm, in so far as we
can venture to ascribe this work to hiom. See Thilo iiber die Schriften des Euseb. v. Alex.
u. des Euseb. v. Emisa, S. 75.
3 Athanas. de Incarnat. verbi (Opp. ed. Montfaucon, ii. 1, ap. Mansi, iv. 689):'O,uooyo'bzev  Kaa elvae acrebv vibv ToO OeoD KCai Oedv cari Tirvealta, vitv a'v0lpcsrov KcarTa aplca
ov dveo eEEts f Ta  va v lbv, /lav 71rpoacvvVlrtKv  icai Vuciav / t1rpoe'ci/vvsrov  i2'; iaV ayv  7aav
too ieod 26yov aeaaplcctuEvlev, Kaic,rpocKvvovzEvmyv tzer rT/f captbof aoroS Atla crpoaKcvvwjet. Since Cyril, a follower of Athanasius, appeals to this passage (lib. de recta fide
ad Imperatrices, ~ 9), it has by this means the most important external testimony in its
favor. Several writings were assigned to the Romish bishop Julius I., in which the unity
existing in Christ was strongly expressed. There are still extant the Epist. ad Dionysium
(ap. Mansii, ii. 1191. A. Maji Scriptt. vett. nova cell. vii. i. 144), cited as genuine by
Gennadius (about 490), in which the  [zca  vagtf is expressly and plainly asserted; the
Epist. ad Prosdocium (ex. cod. Oxon. ed. J. G. Ehrlich.  Lips. 1750. 4), regarded as
genuine by the council of Ephesus, by Cyril, Marius Mercator, Facundus, and Ephraem
bishop of Antioch about 526 (Photii Cod. 229), which rejects the phrase avOpr7roef irt
Seoo  wpocr2~OeiVf, and three fragments lately published by Majus, 1. c. vii. i. 165, the
first and third of which are mentioned by Ephrael, i. c. How strongly also Hilary was
inclined to the doctrine of one nature may be seen in Minsclher's Dogmengesch. iv. 16.
Baur's Dreieinigkeit, i. 681. By this means the mode of expression in the writings of
Julius is rendered more intelligible from the general tendency of the west at that time.
-After Eutyches and the later Monophysites continually appealed to Athanasius, the
Romlish bishop Felix (270-275), and Julius (337-352), and to Gregory Thaumaturgus, as
unam naturam Dei verbi decerlentes post unitionem, whose testimonia Cyrillus in libb.
adv. Diodorum et Theodorum has put together; (see Collatio Catholicorum cumn Severianis, A. D. p. 531, Mansi, viii. 820; a Jacobite collection of this kind translated from the
Arabic, see Spicilegium, Iom. iii. 694), many Catholics began to assert that these testimonies have been interpolated by Apollinarists (see Collatio, i. c. p. 821. Leontius de
Sectis, act. viii. Justinianus Imp. contra Monophys. in Maji Scriptt. vett. nov. coll. vii. i.
302), notwithstanding Ephraem bishop of Antioch, about 526 )Fhotii Cod. 229), and Eulogius
bishop of Alexandria, about 580 (Phot. Cod. 230), admit the genuineness of the passage of
Athanasius and of the Ep. Julii ad Prosdocium. Leontius (contra Monophys. ap. Majus,
vii. i. 143, s.) appeals to the testimony of Polemon, a disciple of Apollinaris, as proof that
the passage ascribed to Athanasius belongs to Apollinaris. The place in question in
Polemon may be completely put together from the two quotations p. 143 and p. 16, but it
says something quite different. Polemon speaks against the inconsistency of those who
asserted ylav tat  Zov o T  yov oeCeaplcOiC8vrjv, and yet assume in Christ Oebv retetov and
avOpourov Treteov, while Apollinaris had rightly rejected the two natures, and taught
elvat avr0v v10v Toe Oeor (as above in the passage of Athanasius). In short, Polemon
meant to say, Athanasius had borrowed that doctrine from Apollinaris, but fell into an
inconsistency with himself in so doing. Ap. Majus, 1. c. p. 16, there is also a fragment of
Apollinarii Epist. ad Jovian., in which that passage has been interpolated word for word
as above; but it does not at all suit the construction, a sign that it has been inserted.The moderns, however, especially Catholic writers, have retained the view that all those
writings proceeded from Apollinaris. It has been defended in reference to the letters of
Julius, particularly by Muratori Anecdota graeca, p. 341, ss.; and with regard to all those




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY. III. ~ 88. NESTORIAN CONTROVERSY. 345
tions only  as God.4   When  Apollinaris, following this tendency
still farther,. denied to Christ a reasonable human soul, his opponents, it is true, were  united in  asserting  that Christ is perfect
God and man in one person, but in the east they were now accustonied to distinguish the two natures, and the predicates used
to  describe  them, with greater care; and the  two  most eminent
men   of  the  Antiochenian  school, B)iodore, bishop  of Tarsus,5
and  Tf/eoclore, bishop  of Mopsuestia,6 confirmed the  accuracy of
this  distinction  by  their writings, which  were  highly  esteemed
in the whole east; while in Egypt the formula of Athanasius, of
one  Divine  nature  made  flesh, was  maintailied.   On  the  other
hand,7 Amnbroses  and Augustinze   in  the  west endeavored, after
passages above named by Le Quien Dissert. Damasc. ii. prefixed to his edition of Joanies
Damasc. t. i. p. xxxii. ss. Comp. on the other side Salig de Eutychianismo ante Eutychen.
Guelpherbyt. 1723. p. 112, ss. p. 365, ss.
4 Thus Mary is called Oeor6lcoS by Eusebius de vita Const. iii. 43.  Cyrillus Hieros.
Catech. x. p. 146. Athanasius Orat. iii. contra Arian. c. 14, 33. Didymus de Tril. i. 31,
94; ii. 4, 133, and Gregory of Nazianzum goes so far as to declare the man godless who
will not employ this appellation. Heschyius, presbyter in Jerusalem (t 343), calls David
0eorrcrcop (Photius Cod. 275). In many apocryphal writings James is called idedr260eor
(see Thilo Acta Tholmae in the Notit. upon p. x. ss. Cf. Photius Cod. 142).
5 Comp. ~ 84, note 21. See the fragments ap. Leontius contra Entycbianos et Nesto.
rianos, in Canisii Tlesaur. mosnum. eccl. ed. Basnage, i. 591).
6 See ~ 84, note 24. In Theodore's confession of faith (Act. Cone. Ephesini, Act. vi. ap.
MAansi, t. iv. p. 1347, in Latin in Marius Mercator, see Walch Bibl. symb. vetus, p. 203, ss.):
Xp6 (mc /cat arept 77S  oiicovoutia, ~v v7rrp vgf tzer7paf  wor-piea ev r- Karca  ro/v dea7roi7v
Xptlr/v ollcovo/tit 6 dea r6rVp  e(ric7E.ae eorC, eid/vat, ort 6 deorar6T  Oe/C 26yoS  avOpo.
aov ecirT0e  TdXetop, EKc C7rp,uaro  o6vra'Af/paais /cat Aavid, —iec ~/vxOS  re voepad  Ka
aapifc  aGvvear7ria dvOpGmrmivnS mv aivOporrov Ovra icaO' acsZdg r-?v ~iaCtv, TrvreUaroCS ayiov
dvv// Et v rV  T) r rapOEIvov Ierpa deta-r2aaeOvra, yev6tevov 6r,  yvvatr/bS icat yevo6evov
v-ru v6,uov —&'troi/jlrw f o-vv perv,avre. Gavo v pv CTov Icari v6Ioov avOpracov aespacOUvatc iaaolcevucaCg  yE, ycpag e efc veapfCv, cat evayayov elS oupav/v, /cac KaeOaag
EftC d6eSiiv Toy Oreo, OreV 6  Vi7rEPdvmO 7ar-d6g vrappxo)v atpX7g, /Cat Eaoviaeg —r7v zrcap
a-dGjS 7v /r lc KvirrtEG dxrErat arpoaeCevq7tv, );g a1X6tptoC7v a-pV   v Tv OOeiav  uGftv EX6ov 7rvV
ovvdteltav, avaeop  08EOr  icaZ kvvoeCa a-rdag avrv  7rnf tlroiEC 7f7v aporChrKVVtV Ca-rOveuoierang.  Kat ouvre cl6o ~ae/cv vyolC, our/e 60o Kvptovf. /eretdy etf Oeb/ Kica' oevaav u )  ES 6;6dyog —&nrep aVrof avvlu/t8vofS re Kati uereXv/ov Oe6OTr7ou IKOLVvreZ irO-  vioe  -rpoamyyopta
re Kca rt/t'e- ical ic/ptog eaTr' ouvaiav 6 Oe/f M6yor,  4 avvl/uzEvou outrou   otvtoverT r,
rte7gs.- Eva  oi-vvv vov ICapt6v IayEhsv ical acptov'Isoov XptUr7v, dt' ov ra ar-vra
Eykvevro' arpirovror/a-g jv rvv Orebv Myov vOOOUvrE, vb/v iear' ouaiav vi/v OeoS ical KiVplOe,
avve7rtvcOfvrTE 6T 7T v 21OEV,'Ipav  7v0v T 6a -O NuaapO,'Ov CyXptacv o6 Ore/  -rvespavt Ical
6vvd[tet, cg i v r  a-pfS TV/ OE/v 160oyV avvaveia vi6vrvr6  re IyerXovera Kai rcvpt6rVTroS.
"Og icai deJrepog'Adltt aervi arv aicdpteov lca2eurat HIae/ov, i. 7. 2m. Comp. the fragments
of'this confession in the acts of the fifthl general council at Constantinople, A.D. 553, ap.
Mansi, ix. 203, and in Leontii contra Eutych. et Nestor. lib. iii. ap. Canisius-Basnage, i.
585. The latter fragments, published only in Latin by Canisius, were published in the
Greek original by Majus Scriptt. vett. nova coll. vi. 300.
7 Mmscher's Dogmengesch. iv. 32. Baur's Dreieinigkeit, i. 653.
8 Comp. especially the fiagments in Theodoreti Dial. ii. (ed. Schulze, iv. 139).
9 Augtstini Ep. 169, ad Evodium. ~ 7: Homo-in unitatem  personae Verbi Dei —




346                SECOND  PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
the example of the two Gregorys, to avoid the two rocks of this
doctrine, viz. the division into two persons, and the non-recognition of two natures; and thus the Gallic monk ieporius, in Africa (about 426), occasioned the prelude of the Nestorian  controversy, while forced to. retract assertions by  which  the unity  of
Christ's person appeared to be endangered.l~
Nestorius, a presbyter of Antioch, by his elevation to the see
of Constantinople, came into a difficult position (428), as far as
he had both to contend against envious rivals, and was also
obliged, by his extraction  and  position,l1  to  undertake  the  task
of completing  the  incipient restoration  of Chrysostom's  honor,
which Cyril,l2 the nephew  and worthy successor of Theophilus,l"
coaptatus est, permanente tamen Verbo in sua natura incommutabiliter. ~ 8: Sicut in
homine-anima'et corpus una persona est, ita in Christo Verburn et homo una persona
est. Et sicut homo, verbi gratia, philosophus non utique nisi secundum animarm dicitur,
nec ideo tamen absurde —dicimus philosophumn  caesuml, philosophurn mortu-um —CULn
totuml secundum carnem accidat, non secunduin illud, quod est philosophus: ita Christus
Deus-et tamen recte dicitur Deus crucifixus, cumn hoc eum secundum carnem  passumrn
esse, non secundum illud, quo Dominus gloriae est, non habeatur incertun. Ep. 137 ad
Volusianum, ~ 9: Ita inter Deum et homines mediator apparuit, ut in unitate personae
copulans utramlque naturam, et solita sublimaret insolitis, et insolita solitis temperaret.
~ 11: Ergo persona hominis mixtura est animae et corporis: persona anutem  Christi
mixtura est Dei et hominis. Enchiridion ad Laur. c. 34, 36.
10 Comp. epistola Episcop. Africae ad Episc. Galliae and Leporii libellus emendationis
(prim. ed. Jac. Sirmond. Paris. 1530. Mansi, iv. 517). In the latter it is said: Tametsi
Christum filium Dei tune etiam natont de sancta Maria non negaremlus, sicut ipsi recordamini; sed minime attendentes ad mysteriumn fidei, non ipsum Deum  hominem natum,
sed perfecturn cum Deo natumn hominem dicebamus; pertimescentes scilicet, le divinitati
conditionera adsignaremus humanam. His present faith: Confitemur dominrnm ac Deum
nostrum Jesum Christum unicmrn filiur Dei, qui ante saecula natus ex patre est, novissimo
tempore de Spiritu sancto et Maria semper virgine factumr hominem, Demn natum: et
confitentes utramque substantiam carnis et Verbi, unumn eundemque Deum atqne homineml
inseparabilem pia fidei credulitate suscepimus; et ex tempore susceptae carnis sic omnia
dicimus, quae erant Dei, transisse in hominem, ut omnia, quae erant hominis, in Deum
venirent; ut hac intelligentia verburn facturn sit careo, non ut conversione aut mutabilitate
aliqua coeperit esse quod non erat, sed ut potentia diviniae dispensationis Verbum patris,
nunquam a patre discedens, homo proprie fieri dignaretur, incarnatusque sit unigenitus
secreto illo mysterio, quod ipse novit. Nostrum namque est, credere, illius nosse. Ac sic,
ut ipse Deus Verbum, totumr suscipiens quod est hominis, homo sit, et adsumtus homo,
totum accipiendo quod est Dei, aliud quam Deus esse non possit. Cf. Cassianus de lncarnatione Christi, i. 5.
11 Thus, for instance, against Proclus and Philip, presbyters in Constantinople, both of
whom had expectations of being raised to the episcopate. Socrates, vii. 26, 29.
12 His writings: Commentaries of no value. Adv. Nestorium  libb. 5. New controversial works against Nestorius in Maji Nova coll. viii. ii. 59. Contra Julianumm  lib. 10.
Homiliae (among others paschales 30). Epistolae 61, etc. Opp. ed. Jo. Aubert. Paris.
1638. t. vii. fol.
13 The admonition addressed to him by the pious Isidore, abbot of Pelusium, serves to
characterize him (lib. i. Ep. 370): Iaeoov rac tptdae'f ys   [add elr] oilceac vi,3pjco& wjtvvav
iv 7rapii OwV7rTjv tce,'pecirouat, (6Caav  cl al eOv, a av yciev, Kat at16tev a&r X dc6votav tv




CHAP. IT.-TiHEOLOGY.  I'T.       8s.. NE1STORIAN CONTROVERSY. 347
bishop of Alexandria (t 444), considered derogatory to the honor
of his  see.14   He  soon  gave  an  opportunity  to the  malevolent
watcher of his proceedings by  denying  the propriety  of calling
Mary   0EoTrooS1 5g       A   bitter  but  fruitless  correspondence  took
place between them.l6'  Cyril resolved to make a bishop of ConripoXs/tarLt eieeratf  oTaraorcefiae.   It may ref&r to that affair of' Chrysostom, or to tlhe
commencement of the controversy with Nestoriuns
14 The bishop of Constantinople, Atticus, about 420, had been obliged to introduce
Chrysostom's name into the Diptychs, after the. example of Antioch and at the pressing
request of the people, and invited Cyril to do. the same (Attici Ep. ad Cyrillum, in Cyrilli
Op. v. iii. 201). The latter, however, refused to comply with the suggestion, desiring that
the sentence pronounced on Chrysostom should be righteously maintained (I. c. p. 204).
However, immlediately after Nestor's elevation, new demonstrations of honor were added,
Marcellinus Comes (about 534) in Chronico ad ann. 428 (Chronica medii aevi ed. Roesler, i..
262): Beatissimi Joanmis Episcopi dudum  malorum Episcopormn invidia exulati apud
Comitatum (at the imperial court) coepit memoria celebrari maense Sept. d. xxvi. That
Cyril continued to regard the condemnation of Chrysostom as a righteous measure is showsl
by his Epistola ad Acaciam  (ap. Mansi, v. 832. Theodoreti Opp. ed. Schulze, v. 699).
15 Extracts from Nestor's discourses in the Greek original are given in the Actis Syn.
Ephesin. b. Mansi, iv. 1197. Nestorii Sermones in. a Latin version ap. Marius Mercator
(ed. Baluz. p. 53, ss.). From the first address: Orortkof i. e., puerpera Dei s. genitrix
Dei Maria, an autem ('vOpwor6Scof i. e. hominis genitrix? 1iabet matremi Deus? Ergo
excusabilis gentilitas matres diis subintroducens. Paulus ergo maeendax de Christi deitate
dicens f'7rcirop, /9yTep, (vevr yeveaXoyiaf (Hebr. vii. 3). Non peperit creatura increabilem, sed peperit hominem deitatis instrumentum. Non creavit Deumn Verbum Spiritus
sanctus-sed Deo verbo templum fabricatus est, quod habitaret, ex virgine (according to
John ii. 21). Est, et non est mortuus incarnatus Deus, sed illum, in quo incal'natus est,.
suscitavit: inclinatus est elevare, quod ruerat, ipse vero non cecidit. Si jacentem elevare
volueris, ionne continges corpus corpore, et te ipsnm illi conjungeindo elisum  eriges, atque
ita illi conjunctus ipse manes quod eras?  Sic et illlld incarnationis aestima sacramentum..
Propter utentem illud indumentum, quod utitur, colo, propter absconditurn adorans quod
foris videtur: inseparabilis ab eo, qui oculis paret, est Deus. Divido naturas, sed conjungo
reverentiam. Dominicam, itaque incarnationem  intremiscalnus, -r9v OeoMdXop -iQ Oe0
26y) oavvOeo2oyusev puoperv, i. e. susceptricemr Dei formanm una ac pai qua Deumi Verb,
um deitatis ratione venereimur, tanquam divinitatis vere inseparabilis s-hmulacrum, tanquam imaginem absconditi judicis. Duplicem confiteamur, et adoremus ut unum: dupluml
enim natuarlrum unum est propter unitatem. Sernzo iii. (ib. p. 71): Ego naturm et mortuum Deum et sepultum adorare non queo.  Qui natus est et per partes incremlentorum
temporibus eguit, et mensibus legitimis portatus in ventre est, hic hunmanai habet naturam, sed Deo sane conjunctam.  Aliud est autem dicere, qulia nato de Maria conjunctus
erat Deus ille, qui est Verbum patris, caet.  Comp. the extracts in the Actis Syn. Eph. p.
1197: "Orav ocvv ) OEa ypaod? gAX, 2 yeyEuv 9)  YVVtrnV ToU  XpLTroO V sv  c Mapiaf Trif
srap0Evov, 9 Odvarov, ov&dbov Qaiverat rT leZaca  Orda, ef2 Xl' 9) Xp-tarr, 7'O vlc,'/ hplto.
ro 7rpoe2Oe6v rTv Oc6v?26yov'x r7S  Xpta-ror6rov  o    vpap0ovpov, roapa u. O Oea   L.dhiOqa,pao9)g  -r' R y.vvrj04/vao OEBv PF ae i'r9, obdoUo YdtddyQiqr.
16 Cyril proclaimed Nestor's.rroneous doctrine on all si(les. Thushe said to Acacius,
bishop of Berhoea, that a zealous adherent of Nestorius had said in a church of Constantinople: et' rtg  y'rye OEor6o/cov ir-)v Maplav, JvPOerza Eaior. The hoary A cacius sought irn
vain to exorcise the storm (Epist. ad Cyril. in Cyrilli Opp. v. iii; 63)' it was the duty of
bishops, rcararEiZat a V re 9~ayye0Zeraav Jov7)v, orgf j/ trprp(autc do0019 -oif daoc'laeXitv
sKa ctaro-@velv r7)v 6ccAlta7oa v Tro OVod'o7irOi f iXovut. TMany in Constantinople avvrlyoperv do0coimSt nrr 1 ~n7C.)t. atvSf    Vavn-i5, o o vng   ntvnr crD dtcovav ue7.. w' rontoi.;sr e*t, et-.




S4(3               -SE3COND'PERITOD. —TIV. T. —-.A.D.  34-451i..stantinople  once  more  feel the  superior  weight of Alextndria..By misrepresenting  the doctrines of Nestor to Caelestine, bishop
of Rome,17 he created  the prejudice  among  the  westerns, or at
least strengthened it, that Nestorianism  was only  an offshootaof
PelagianismAl8  which  at once sealed  Nestor's  fate  in  the  west.
17 Cyrilli Epist. ad Caelestium  and Colnmonitorium datum Possidonio (his mnessenger)
ap. Mansi, iv. 1012, ss. and p. 548, and ap. Coustant. In this last we.read:'H NewTopnOV
riri,       o,             TZIZov  a V tCazCoOo yva, r a iv iet iv 6ddva -, nv.  q? 7i'p ori 6 Oe4b  26yocS rpoeyvolCSg, rit 6 Ot'iCS d y/ag ap0/vov  yevv jevog diyion  dCrat crani yeyaC, els roig'  %eXgAearO
avrov, icati rapenucseeaae Iyv yevvoOl 7vat d/[a cvdpbC etc ro7 srapfiPvov, /xap/cacno d avr7,
Tr IcaEG2aOata.roZg avrou ov6Woaaiv, cai iyietpEv aivro6v.  t'Qg2e cadp EvavOporrVa-a //ynrat
6   eovoyev/'g rov OGeos X67yoS, 0rt L vvOv    sLi, Cg ivOpTrrO  dyia rr  Eic rijg 7rapO0vov, dit
ro-ro nXyEraT Evavepci7rVreat. "2'Qarep 66E Cvvrlv Tro7c 7rpoiflrateg, OV7, o yroi, ai, Tca  rorT
ciara tte~lova ovvdileav. Ata roOTo Teyi),et wavraxoV rTo eye  rv ovoatv, &luX' Ovoyzd(et
aovvdCietav, cacrep Eartv dS  i&Oiev, ical d5 av d eoyp nrpbS'Ipaodv, drt icaO' gS iv oIerT
Mdod)n1, oirs7C Eacizat ter8T anod (Jos. i. 5). KpvTrrnov 6 rov U/arietav Riyet, rt ic IE 7if-pag
zvvOv aVrTC. Ata ro-ro  ori-e Orev iojlitvbv a/VrrbC Ecvat Xeyet, )Xa' SC yo EVE6OlCa TO70
0eon K/eICrtsEpVOV onriog' ucdov lCsplOpg [VOizdaOi, Odriog Crdztv aVTrOP 3O/evTat ld/pt.ov, dg
tod Oeov Z6yov xaptcaaU vov acvT/r  rob caexafatc Kal OVtri-. Mj 7raiv, ori-, do'ep X/yoiev,
UTrnOfavEZv Vidrp   vido TOrV ViO  TOO OeoV, Icai dvaasruvati  6 d'vOpwnroc   wreave, cal  5
ifv0poWon JcvaES-, sai oVd'ev Trofiro TPST rbv Tro  OeoD lo6yov. —cKa E roet fiVaT7lpiO0tg aiU
EatCiv  dpps0nov rb x'pnodeue'vov n iz E. E   rti-L6reiotev, 6rl roO S6yov Eor' dc adp' (0-irotElo
asCrnovaa dld roTwro, orTl TO Too    rrcivTa nooronOnvron   O6yov  y/yove cap9 /cai acya. Nestor
replies to this (Synodicon, c. vi. Mansi, v. 762): Ille vero (Cyrillus), omittens mihi per
epistolam deelarare, si quid ei tainquam blasphemumr vel impilum videbatur debere notari,
convictionum terrore permotus, et adjutrices ob hoc perturbhationes exqnuirens, ad Romanlum
Caelestinuml convertitur, quippe ut ad simlpliciorenm quan qui posset vim dogmaturn subfilius penetrarte.  Ed ad haee inveniens viri illius sinmplicitatem, circumfert pueriliter
aures ejus illusionibus literarum, olim quidem nostra conscripta trausmittens, quasi ad
demonstrationem  convictioneml, quibus contradici non posset, tanquam  ego ChristuLm
purum hominem definirem: qui certe legeml inter ipsa meae ordinationis initia contra
cos, qui Christum purum hominem dicunt, et contra reliquas haereses innovavi (Cod. Theod.
xvi. v. 65). Excerptiones vero intertexens sermonum conscripta composuit, ne societatis
compactione detegeretur illata calumnia, et quaedam quidem allocutionibus nostris adjiciens, aliqutoram vero partes abrumpens, et illa contexens, quae a nobis de dominica humanatione sunt dicta, velut de puro ea homine dixerimus, etc.
18 In the ySear 430 Cassian wrote, desired by the Romish archdeacon (subsequently
bishop) Leo, his libb. vii. de Incarn. Christi adv. Nestoriunl (cf. Wiggers de Jo. Cassiano,
p. 28, s.), although it is probable he was acquainted with Nestor's heresy merely from that
Egyptian description of it. Lib. i. c. 3, he says of a new heresy which had broken out at
Bellay (Beligarum urbe), to which, according to chap. iv., Leporius also belonged: Peculiare re proprium supradictae illius haereseos, quae ex Pelagiano vixisse, eo progressi
sunt, ut assererent, homines, si velilt, sine peccato esse posse. Consequens eniml  exist/-nabant, ut si hoDaO solitarius Jesus Christus sine peccato fuisset, omlnes quoque homnines
sine Dei adjutorio esse possint, quicquid ille homno solitarins sine consortio Dei esse potuisset.-Unde advertit novus nunc jam, non novae haereseos auctor, qui Doluinum  Salvatoremque nostrum solitarium hominem natumn esse colntendit, idem se omnino dicere, quod
Pelagianistae ante dixerunt: et consequens errori suo esse, ut qui utique sine peccato
solitarium hominem Jesum Christum vixisse assenrit omnes quoque per se homsines sine
peccato posse esse blasphemet.-Nec dubium  id est, re ipsa penitus declarante.  Hine
enim illud est, quod intercessionibus suis Pelagianistarumn querelas fovet, et scriptis suis
causas illorum  asserit, quod subtiliter his, vel ut verius dixerim, subdole patrocinatur, et
sxa l.aghgahae sibi improbitati iZproho suffragatur affectu, etc.  Comp. g 87.,!ote 41.




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY. III. ~ 88. NESTORIIAN  COiTROVEtRSY. 3:
In vain did Nestor represent to Caelestine that he rejected  thle
expression 0coT6cog only in  its false acceptation.T"    He was deelared a heretic at synods held at Rome and Alexandria (430),
and  Cyril published  twelve  anathemas, in  which  he sought to
establish  the  trun    doctrine  of Christ's person  against Nestor's
heresy.20    These anathemas were not only  answered by Nestor
Hence Lib. v. c. 1, haeresim illam Pelagianae haereseos discipulam atque imitatricem; and
c. 2, to Nestor: Ergo vides, Pelagianum te virus vomere, Pelagiano te spirita sibilare. In
like mauner Prosperi epitaphium Nestoriani et Pelagiani:
Nestoriana lues successi Pelagianae,
Quae tamen est utero progenerata meo.
infelix miserae genetrix et filia natae,
Prodivi ex ipso germine, quod peperi, etc.
19 Nestorii Epist. iii. ad Caelestin. (ap. Mansi, iv. 1021, v. 725, ap. Coustant, among tha
Epp. Caelest, no. vi. vii. and xv.)  From the Epist. 1: Unde et nos non modicam coriuptionem orthodoxiae apud quosdam hic reperientes, et ira et lenitate circa aegros quotidie
utimur. Est enim aegritudo non parva, sed affinis putredini Apollinaris et Arii. Dominicam  enim in homine unionem ad cujnsdam contemperationis confusionem passim commiscent: adeo ut et quidam apud nos clerici-aperte blasphement Deum Verbum Patri
homonusion, tanqunamn originis initium de Christotoco virgine sumsisset, et camrn templo suo
aedificatus esset, et consepultus. Carnem dicunt post resurrectionem stam noln mllansisse
carnlem, sed in naturam transiisse deitatis.-Si quis autem  hoc nomen Theotocon propter
natam humanitatem  conjunctam Deo Verbo, non propter parientem  proponet; dicimus
quidem  hoc vocabulum  in ea, quae peperit, non esse, conveniens (oportet enim verane
matrem de eadem esse essentia ac ex se natum).: ferril tamen potest hoc vocabulum-eo
quod solum nominetur de virgine hoe verbum propter inseparabile templum Dei Verbi ex
ipsa (natumn), non quia ipsa mater sit Verbi Dei: nemo enim antiquiorem se parit. From
Epist. iii.: Ego autem ad hanc quidem vocem, quae est Oeor'cof, nisi secundulm  Apollinaris et Arii furorem ad eonfusionem naturarunm proferatur, volentibus dicere non resisto:
nec tamen ambigo, quin haec vox 6eor6icog illi voci cedat, quae est Xpta0TorFoc, tamqnam
prolatae ab Angelis et Evangeliis.-Placuit, vero, IDeo adjuvante etiam  synodum inexcusabiliter totius orbis terrarumn indicere propter inquisitionemn aliarum rernm ecclesiasticarum-: nam dubitatione verboruin non aestimo habituram inquisitionemn difficultates, nee
ilmpedimentum esse ad tractatum divinitatis Domini Christi.
20 Withl thle synodical letter relating to the same in Cyrilli Opp. v. iii. 67. Mansi, iv.
1067. Baulmgarten's theol. Streitigk. ii. 770. Cf. Salig de Eutychianismo ante Eutychen,
p. 324: i. El tig o0vx dguoyoy/eZ OEav ecva tecard 64?0etav nrv'Ey/oavovVj, icai  tid rro7ro
eordKov riv adyiav orapevov- yeyevvice y7p cap tclitKisi  (pca yeyov6ra rbV Et 00oo
a6yov'  av6ie/ga tarws. ii. El rlt oiXY 5/toXoyeZ, capIci ica' Vn'6araCTov  oveiaoai rTOv ieS
Oeoi warpbgf A6yov, lva re eTvat Xp(iarv gYerd -rf r   idiaf capcif, TOv a-irv (Y8?ov6Ort OO6v
re 6o ol tca' LvOppwrov, 4L. E. iii. El rtfig Er rod Etvi  XPtoGT-o  itatpe rdg Vn'ocrGrdgetf giETa
rYv evioctv, tu vp  avvro        r svva0eia ro tcard rtjv dfieav,'yovv avOeverav    dovvaorelav, cKa oix  d 67 u12ov avvdca66d  rf, caO' evioClv Ovaclctv, d. E. iv. Elt rtg rpoeiTroml
dvaeV, yOV   V Trorardiect, rif re tv rogf dEVayyE2ticolf icai troaroelCuoif avyypzgwczc
dlavtuet iov&g, ij E7ri Xpacr,4 orapd( rv  dy'oev ZEyoetva', ) 7rap' alro0d  repEpi eavrov, cKa
rg gev Gb  cd)fvtp7ror qrapd rdv  c Odeod 6oy7ov tdcGKCej voovgEv'rpocidTrrie, rag dC 65g 00rpeTriecg g6vp?r  eKc eod warTpdgS 1o6y, dl. ". v. EZ rit r7o2a  eYyetv deo06pov ai'Vopwov
Tnv XpsTuoV, icai oiXti d~ lga2lov dOev Elcat Katrd &dOetvavc, jg viov eva ccai ~iaet, KcaO
ytyove ua'p — 267yog, ccai ceiCotvLvqce rcapar2ty7togf CLiZv aac'aro tcaci aptcog, a. e. vi. El
rt.gc roaZug 2yeltv Oeov' degror67v elvat reo  Xptcroe  rov ec dieod  racrpbrg 2oyov, iat oivXi
t6  tadsXov riv aVnV igeoaoyE   OeEOv itgOV re cKai avdpoov, gf yeyov6rog aCapcif red




,,35SO -SCOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
in  as many  anti-anathemas,2' but they  also  excited  great corn.
amotion among the Syrian bishops.  Nestor had explained himself satisfactorily  to  Jolzn,  bishop  of Antioch,  concerning  the
admissibility  of the expression OeoTIxoS:   while  Cyril seemed  entirely  to  do  away  with  the  distinction  of  natures  in  Christ.
2,6yov Icar r7'a y7paf, 6.. vii. E' ric  la'v, 6S avpovov EvepyiaOa; crapt     r   O 0eor
Z6yov rrv'Iyeoiv, Kat rs-v'oe  p/ovoyevoifS doci[av 7reptCU0La, 6g grepov 7rap' a-6LVV
vnrdipXovra, a. E. viii. EI vc rtg roZ2 y Xetv, rov ava~R7~O8vra dvOparonov lv/zrpotevvElo —
Oat d&Ev r7  Oen, 26y70, tcat evvdoaS:6eaOat cat avyxpouaiir'EWv 06bv, G"S.repov Eripo (7i
yap " Zv"'  ei 7rpoartrleEvov, irolro  voeZv ayvaytc(sEe) tcat ovXc 6b iu2L2ov [ta  crpoalcvvrorE  rtCtl rOv'Elavov72L, tcat ciav aClr&  ev  dooaboyiav  lva7rz r'et, KcaOb ykyove a'ap~
v6 26yo, a. E. ix. El rtSg 0rlat, rvO  iva mCVPpOV'IJyBovv Xp8rvv dEdo LaOat wrap  ToVi
-rvevyaroC, 6g 6X~Zopgca dvvo rrE1 T? dr' abroV  Xp&FEvov,  ica' rap' avrtov  a,S6vra rb
Evepyelv dl6vacOa Icart r' vevrLruarcv aKca06prOv, ica rb 7rnTapoav Eic avOpOdnrovf raC OaeocrueGaCa, IEa  oVXGi d'? si a&2ov  lov aaro5 rb etve/rsri rlL, 13'C     eel ov Ia   PYcEr TrSg OE0o -;ue[iag, a. E. x.'ApXEtpea ca  aqir6aoro2Lov 7gC 6oAoyi7ag i tacv yEyEvviUaOat XptarYv j
OEia 2yEt y/pacl), rporriecceaucevat rE y7rP?pa v    EV averbv eil blrlv Ebod6iag Tri O  c Kat
rarpL  ei rt rTOivvv apXtepEa p cap  a'cr6alro5ov Vj /v    yeyevvvaOai 07la7v op v  aivrv Tbv T x
OEOl O65yov, Ore yfvove acapF tcac tca' 4p/gf Icvlpcrwof,  2,/a' Id irrepov irap' av'rv ilKCSg
vOlproTov E&c yvvaulc6'      ei rtS i tyEt, Kcal lar'p'avrol rrpoaevEyicev actvv vriv urporGopyv, kcat o 6x6  j?,uad2ov arlp F6v&v 7/v'  oeV yip av  0re/0ql wpo0'op5af O6 lt eilie c&iapriav'- ZE.  Ni. xi. Ei/'rtS oux /oLoyo T7eV vO t)VPiOv  p(tlCa  roorotbv EyVat, icat iCdiav
avaroD vol ic OEo r~ rarpg 2.6yov, o'vX Igf Er7pov  rlvbgf rap' a'rbv, aovvyguvov   t/Zv
aVrla  scare& vv (ifav, qyovv ISg tz6veyv OEiav'VOaK1CtIV E~a,~lcOg'  IaI Oex1i dl UivOuv
oorrotlv, I 6EOrlp ev, 5i, r y     a yovrv      oola  o  26 yo i7 v ro a 7rdvra COoyoverv iacXvovvog, 6. 6.
xii. E' rti OVlX 6to2oyeE iIyV tol Oeor  266yov rraO6vra aapei, Icat ElaravpFe/vov aapli,
cat Oavdarov yevadt/evov capCi, yeyov6ra ie irpTOr6roKOV acn rv velcpev, itcaOb'eo rvE leri
cat (rorotbf o  ig MEif,.   C. Cyril's own doctrine is most apparent from his second letter
to Succensus (Opp. v. iii. 141). The Logos became a perfqct nman, but continued notwithstanding nsaltered, one and the same. The two natures mast be distinguished only Icarea
u6v7v yr) v v ewppav. P. 145: "E7ro de' Vtdv eitf rnapddetyua oe lcaO'zIg ivOpevrog.  dio:lv yvp nw' aerol vooeaev r2e ~'6etf, taev  lyv fr  hvxl,'rTpav 6d Teo  ccparof~  - U'
iv  itaXeZf dlerL6vreg EvveiaOa-ovlc 6va2 /ep  iOf giOelev 7f r aegtG-(IuX' Evbf deval vooev8ry'  drE 7acr (g o d  ptcr  ev,   c-Pvat dIo, t' la0oiv   67 rI Ev rTOrEZeiaIat  0eov. OVCOv.V
xlv el 2aLyotev (vpowr6rrarogC  Oacv Kcat Oe6rrgor  Etr' tol'E/yyavovj2, a2u2X' J aIvOpsor6qgf
yiyovev idia tol 2t6yov, cat rfg vtib voeZrael eav anv',.
21 Ap. Marius Mercator, ed. Baluz. p. 142, ss. Baumgarten's theol. Streitigk. ii. 774.
1. Si quis eum, qui est Emmanuel, Deum verbam esse dixerit, et non potius nobiscult
Deum, hoc est, inhabitasse earn quae secundum nos est naturam, per id quod unitLs est
massae nostrae, quam de Maria virgine suscepit: matrem etiam Dei verbi, et non potius
ejas, qui Emmnanel est, sanctam virginem nuncupaverit, ipsumlque Deum verbum in carhem versum esse, quami accepit ad ostentationem Deitatis suaae, ut habitu inveniretur ut
homo, anath. sit. II. Si quis in verbi Dei conjunctione, quae ad carnem facta est, de loco
in locum rmntationlem divinae essentiae dixerit esse factam; ejusqule divinae naturae carneem capacem dixerit, ac partialiter unitam carni: a-Lit iterum in infinitum incircumscriptae
naturae coextenderit carnemn ad capiendum  Deum, eandemque ipsamn  aturam  et Deum
dicat et hominem, anath. sit. IV. Si quis eas voces, quae tam in evangelicis quam in epistolis apostolicis de Christo, qui est ex utraque natura, scriptae stnt, accipiat tanquam de
una natura: ipsique Dei verbo tentat passiones tribuere, tam  secundum carnem, quam
etiam deitatem, anath. sit. VI. Si quis post incarnationem Deum verbulln alternm quem
pianm praeter Christumn nominaverit; servi sane formnam initium non habere a Deo Verbo,
et increatamn, ut ipse est, dicere tentaverit, et non magis ab ipso creatam confiteatur, tamquam  a naturali dom-ino et creatore et Deo, qnam et sLscitare propria virtute promisit




CHAP.'II. —THEOLOGY. III. B 88. NESTORIAN CONTROVERSY.  351.
Hence  Cyril's anathemas  were  generally  rejected  as erroneous
in the east.   Andrew, bishop of Samosata, and Theodoret, bishop
of Cyprus (t 457),22 wrote refutations of them.23
Under these  circumstances,  Theodosius II. called  a general
council at Ephesus (431).24    Cyril hastened hither with a numerous band of adherents.   The bold remonstrances of the honest
Solvite, dicens, templum hoc, et in triduo suscitabo illud (Jo, ii. 19), anath. sit. VIII. Si
quis servi formam pro se ipso,-hoc est secundum propriae naturae rationem, colendam
esse dixerit, et rerum omnium dominam: et non potins per societatem, qua beatae et ex
se naturaliter dominicae unigeniti naturae conjuncta est, veneratur; anath. sit. XI. Si
quis unitam carnem verbo Dei ex naturae propriae possibilitate vivificatricem esse dixerit; ipso Domino et Deo pronunciante: Spiritus est, qui vivificat, caro nihil prodest (Jo.
vi. 64); anath. sit. Spiritus est Dens, a Domino pronunciatum est. Si quis ergo Deum
Verbumn carnaliter secundum substantiam carnem factuml esse dicat (hoc autem modo et
specialiter custodite: maxime Domino Christo post resurrectionem  suam discipulis suis
dicente: Palpate et videte, quia spiritus ossa et carnem  non habet, sicut me videtis
habere, Luc. xxiv. 39); anath. sit.
22 His works: valuable commentaries, especially on the Epistles of Paul- (J. F. Chr.
Richter de Theodoreto Epist. Paulin. interprete comm. Lips. 1822. 8). Historical writings,
Hist. Eccl. libb. 5. 4I66Oeog oaropia s. historia religiosa. Haereticarum fabularum libb,
5. Polemic:'Epaviarj'jrot HIoki/op9of libb. iv.'E2L2LvtKd, v OEparTEv-rtt~ 7raO8lTidroV
disputt. xii. (ad codd. MSS. rec. Thom. Gaisford.  Oxon. 1839. 8). Epistles —Opp. ed.
Jac. Sirmond. Paris. 1642. voll. iv. fol. v. s. auctarium  add. Job. Garnier. Paris. 1684,
Ed. J. L. Sclhulze et J. A. Noesselt. Halae. 1769-1774. t. v. 8.
23 That of Andrew in Latin ap. Mercator, p. 220, ss. Greek fragments in Cyrilli Apologeticus.-That of Theodoret see in his works, Opp. ed. Schulze, t. v. p. 1, ss. In the
latter we read: Ad. i.'H/E/ de —od  a6Cdpca ~daet yeyovevat,  ode e/l ocipcpa  aer6a,3Xd0vat rOv 0-Oov 2dyov   Eoa#.-iitt' C.vdEa,3eE a(ptea Kai  /oic'voiEv eov  tv,,-ovic avrdo
(daet ~EC rTC r'apdOvov yeydvv7rtrat acvOA7e0iS, eca dia2elacaOei, —&Z' iavrT   vabv En v ri
wrapOevxya yaerpi daerZUdafs,  VoVV r.5 2riLaaevrc TLtcai YevvY Ov-or ov Xaipt ica r7v
aylav Eiteiovov  reap0vov Oeor6Kov irpoaayopeo6uev, odvx 5d  Oebv viect yevvucraaav, du'9
S vYopwi7rov, ri) dtca7raiavr t avr7v-v,'vwyolvov OeS. Ad. ii. —Tdv KaO' vr767aao tv v.oClv 7ravr7iractv o.yvoodvev, 6Cf  dvpv. —el dE r TOro0 foXEeraet   yeIv dic Tr1S  Kac' l-7r6.
aratlv Evoraerf o   ravra yevv/ayaf, ds Kp(atic acaptcbf Kaii OedTprof ydyoVEV, dV7orepo/eV
civ,Trdl  rpoOvpiga Ical Tiv fal~kleyi/av }Zeycopev. Ad. iii.;vvodeta tal ai 6voedo  ordecv
dtaepdpovaiv.-Edv /Edv mrpaiorov /cat Eva vtlbv tKa Xptrov o oCoyerv Edaefid'  rYvo dd  d &,c
oEvwOecyaf  roardeGcetC, rTrovv ~iaetIf gZyetv, OeiC iTo17OV, &/i& Kear' altirav (dIEdovOov.
Ad. iv.-Td rev sorpeoTriS EIlpczteva  Kae Tretrpaeyjva r& ti5 26y7,) 7rpoedbo/tev' rTai de'
Taeireitv   Eip~edva Keat aErpayMepa d302ov jiOP~ 7arpoeapgUdaoev. Ad. v. Tbv Oeo~opov
(iv0ptorov, 6(  -2 wodoCf 7rv cityiov 7rearEpov eipyEdvov, od rrapatlro UeOa' —Klaod/iev (d
Oeo~6pov 40dOpirrov, oVX 3 pepiteiv rtva Oefav Xldptv deild/evov,  D2Q' igf irdgav'vo/lvyov
CXovrea T-o  vioO r-v OieT67ra. Ad. xii.'F,raOe  rovi doiZ6ov eiopqi), evvoaVyf advrig dy2ov6Tr TCf zrod Osoe pyop1f,-olCEitovEdvpfg de' di  -i' vv oEiV  7d rTaO2aLraO.  Froml  Cyril's
Apology in answer to Theodoret. Ad. i.-Ecl ayoitlev adplca yevEueOat rbv 2uyov, OV
ay;'vactv, od ~vppbv, OV Trpo7rt, oeiC oviooioatv avpiOvaet roep avrbov Caerv' i/VjGOai dL.tC2i.aov ci5pdeag ro Itaa io lolltdrof  ci/aet VbvXv  xyovTt voepdv. Ad. iii.-"Av0pounrov
avvijOaet Ose  CxeritlC  d8taresivovrTa, atra /Iuotvqv rTiv d(iav,')yovv aveeviTav, tcai Itari&
Triv rT/ vlo,67rof d6ovvpiav. —tcr p, eot' pirtv, TooT'  e rSrtcV, od bXtT9ita5, d Kdarte   0Eltav.
Theodoret wrote besides, Pentalogium s. libb. v. Incamnationi Verbi adv. Cyrillum et Patres Cone. Ephesini (Fragments ap. Mercator).
24 On the history of it, see Salig de Eutychianismo ante. Eutychen, p. 234. Fuchs Bibliothek. d. Kirchenversamml. des 4ten n. 5ten Jahrh. iv. 1.




352                  SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
Isidore, abbot of Pelusium   (t 440),25 had no eftbet upon him; ~
but listening  only to the promptings of revenge he proceeded to
condemn  Nestor without waiting  for the  arrival of the  eastern
bishops.27  When they arrived, however, they assembled with
John at their head, and deposed Cyril and  his principal assistant,
Memnon, bishop of Ephesus.  The weak Theodosius had been
incensed  at Cyril till now, but the  latter not only contrived  to
bring  over to his side the impetuous monkls at Constantinople,28
but also to make many friends at court by bribes and other artifices.   The emperor at first confirmed the three depositions; but
was afterward prevailed on to re-instate Cyril and Memnon in
their offices.   Nestor, on  the  other hand, was obliged  to withdraw into his former cloister at Antioch.
The consequence of these measures was a division between the
east and the other provinces, especially  Egypt.   The  Orientals,
however, were  not sufficiently  united  to  withstand  their opponents, backed as the latter were by the court.   Rabulas, bishop
of Edessa, went over to Cyril's party, and even began to show
25 Isid. Pelus. Epistolarum libb. iv. ed. Conr. Rittershusius.  Heidelb. 1605. fol. Epistt.
hactenus ineditae ed. ab A. Schotto. Antv. 1623. 8, and Francof. 1629. fol. Editions of all
together: Isid. Pelus. de Interpretatione divinae scripturae epistolarum  libb. v. Paris.
1638 (incorrect). Venet. 1745. fol. Cf. H. A. Niemeyer de Isidori Pelusiotae vita, scriptis
et doctrina.  Halae. 1825. 8. Thirteen letters in an old Latin version have been put into
the Synodicon, as bearing on this controversy (prim. ed. Mansi, v. p. 758). See the origi.
nals, lib. i. Ep. 25, 102, 310, 311, 323, 324, 370, 404, 405, 419; iv. 166, 211; v. 268.
26 Lib. i. Ep. 310 (Latin in the Synodicon, I. c.): lfpor'8d80Eta yIEv oV'lc.6vopKCe, (7tlyrr
XdrOeta dI 02lwC oi pX bp.   et:rolvvv E/COa7Tparf J2L/yf goV2et tEa0apeVcat, I' jitaiaf &n'roi
aefg Eic,83i,3ae, d2u2l& KpicEl dtIcapa 7r aTClraf Enirpetbov.  HIIo22oi  yip oe ICwto<.dofct nSv
avvetrE'/LEov &elf "EICeaov, C(d OlCECtav dvv6/lEvov i(Opav, dUL' oV ri'IDGaoo XpGarooi
OpOod6t(onf (7roDvra. Ldd2eA dof k'oT71, qaLv, OEOc tAov, /ztt/LOVEVOf EKeCivov   T?'v yv6Ut?IvY
iJaoErp yip  Zc bcevog paviav aoaoS COarectaCdaeoe    nov Oeo~6pov icati OeootaoP'IocSvvdv, Oiiro7'ltOvr efG KavxtraaOea Kcai orroC, el rcat 7roX3 r pS0v cp/tVO/VtV  r71 T5 deeiopov.  Cf. lib.
i. Ep. 370. Concerning Isidore's own doctrine see Niemeyer, 1. c. p. 173, ss. 22, s. Vater
in the kirchenhist. Archiv. 1825. S. 248, Wi:
27 The sentence may be seen in Mansi, iv. 1212:'O pXaa1Orl reGf nroivvv 7rap' airoD
Krcptoef siuv'I7]aovf Xptcrrbs 5ptaE dtI  SC *rapovSag   6y7torCi7yrf vv6dov,  ZAQ67rptov elvat
rov avirdv Nearo6pov too  *rTtUCO7CrOKO 9V 6tj Tarof, Icat 7ravrof cvvA6yov iepartLicoD.  The
Egyptian party (comp. the decisions p. 1139, ss.) thought they had in their favor the express words of the Nicene creed, namely, Oebv-evavdpori)ecavra, 7raOvvra, etc. Subsequently, the adherents of Caelestius and Pelagius were often condemned with those of
Nestorius, without express notification of their doctrine. See Mansi, iv. 1320, 1328, 1334,
1338, 1472, 1474.
28 From the epistle of Epiphanius, archdeacon of Cyril, to Maximinian the new bishop
of Constantinople (Mansi, v. 987. Theodoreti Opp. ed. Schulze, v. 869), it is clear that
many presents were sent from  Alexandria (evioyiat) to the empress, her ladies, and
influential courtiers. Clerici, qui hic snit, contristaintur, quod Ecclesia Alexandrina nudata
sit hujus causa tulbelae, et debet praeter illa, quae hinc transmissa sunt, A1mmonio Colliti
auri libras mille quingentas.




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY.  III.  ~ 88. NESTOR1AN CONTROVERSY. 353
his zeal by also  attacking  tle writings of Theodor~e of i3lopsuemslia, so much valued in the east, as the proper sources of Nestor's
error.   Even John  made peace with Cyril (433).   The latter accommodated himself so far as to  subscribe  the Antiochene confession  of faith;29 the  former sacrificed his friend Nestor.   The
29 See Mansi, v. 305 (it was the creed put forth by Theodoret in Ephesus, and presented
to the emperor by the Oriental party. Synodicon, c. 17 ap. Mansi, v. 783, comp. Alexandri
Epist. ad Theodoret. in Synod. c. 96, ibid. p. 878):'O/oRoyooluev rotyapoov rov tcpoov
7iv'I)qaovv XpGariv, r  vv rti rooi deov, riov /ovoyevi, Oerov Tr2Ertov Kcao  vOpwTrov rErteov
EKc pV/ySi  XOYyuICl   KUi acjzuaro'  z'rp6 aidvov oIE yv C  TOl 7- arpo i   yEvvYr0V7a IaT  77 rv'
Oe6f-rdra, ei r' GaXrov (7dV Tro yeZpOPv  TOiv avrov dT' (Gi c, tca dtid Tiv) nierTEpav awripav
Mtc MapiaS ri  7rrapdOvov car7    v (TL' OvpworT7nTa'  00oo5tov r5 frarrpi r7ov adrv  cear& 7Tv
OeOr6rr, lcae 4/oortov       a ri5u v iaer  Ti>V apV0cwr6drrea  Sd6o yip ~drrEov &(voaG  ydyove   b d
eva XpaorvO, Evai vlOv, eva ioptov O6azo2oyo/ev. Kara T ravTiv TiYV T7o  c6vyxVrov Eviaceog
Evvotav c/to oZoyo/ev rjv aiyiav reap0ovov OeOTOrcOV, d zdT  r ov Oedv EO6yov vaplccivac
ica EdvaveOpnricat, Icat 6e' aeVriF rilF cr avZi)E C Eovn dat avre   rTov ET   aVeri  2b~OdvrTa
va6v e     r7a d e'dEayyErticCg icad cioroo2TcaS i repi TOV Icvptov  rovof, ic/ev roc Oe0o0.6yovg
avdrpaf, rg' tlkv KcotvoTroltovvrea, r5 d' dvac irporirov, Tag dc &atpoporao, 69 EdTr dVo
avEcv'  lcaG rT2 yev Oeorpererf Katre2a Tiiv Oe6rrTea Too Xpcaroi, rag 6 ra(nretvaf KarT'
ri7v (Zvdpoar6r7?ra avrov rrapa8d6vrTac. Many Egyptians were dissatisfied with this
formula. Liberatus Breviar. c. 8: Culpaverunt Cyrillum, cur susceperit ab orientalibus
Episcopis duarum confessioneml naturnarum, quod Nestorius dixit et docuit. To this must
be referred Isidori lib. i. Ep. 324, ad Cyrillum, because the latter has been taken into the
Synodicon (Mansi, v. 759): Xpi acc, Oavpdcrl, a-perrrov  retvev iec, OVTre 0P6,3  zrpod&l6vra
Tr  opcipvta, odTre aavUTr  EvaYrdov acv6/Evovi. ECi yip 7    V y'p  V  /pa/I va rot ro70g 7rporpoTf (vreSrTilectac, i),colaeceiao  oavrunp vireivvoc, eVXepEldg ia dCid/covo~, uICEVrf pev d&6
iTrrr/cEVO, rS6V jeyCdoioV de' adyOtv (Orv rodg ay iyvar oV /ctttad/evogr, o? riv  Sierara,Biov Edir' Do7porpaS icacovxe~ocata diprctvav, 7r tcalcddo&ov p6dv7?ea Ictav uXpLpC g wv Ea(V cideacSat. Against such charges Cyril defends himself at greatest length in the Epist. ad
Acacium  Episc. Melitenae (Opp. v. iii. 105. Mansi, v. 310: besides in Epist. ad Eulo.
gium Presb. Constantinop. (Opp. v. iii. 123), ad Hufum Ep. Thessalonic. and ad Maximum
Diac. Antioch. (in Maji Scriptt. vet. nova coll. viii. ii. 138). In the two latter he confesses
he had accommodated himself to the prevailing notions. The orientals accordingly perceived in the adoption of that confession of faith a retraction on the part of Cyril. See
Ibae Epist. ad Marin. in Actis Cone. Chale. act. x. Mansi, vii. 247, especially Theodoreti
Ep. ad Joannern Episc. Antioch, A.D. 433 (Ep. 171 in Theod. Opp. ed. Schulze, iv. 1354, a
complete copy in Latin in Synodico, 1. c. v. 747):'Ev icotvq  ivareyvOV7Eg r7  AiyiTrrta
ypdcza-ra, tca:eTrducavrec  aVro ci &KptfiSC iV dlt(VOltav, EVipogev ac V dlova rolf Ecpyjpdotf
(6~' iuiv) r2 E/CE E   rV eareE7aeEva, Kca  ivrt pvrC p vav riav a  Croe d6adeca ice a2ioiCg, otl
iftpt rov  wap6vror, 6(d  k2,lorppotg rif eVduaeflaea, roa/Ovvreg7 dCleT~rcnacFv.'Eicerva
t8V yip EcXE, aapKtcSig ciaplca yeyov6ra rov ix Oeoi Aoyov, Ic. r. 2   r. iTriyyopevre dl Ica
riov irEp  roiO  Kvpiov 0rvSdv ri>v dteapetv.  T2 de vry iV7re8 ua/eyva r7) eeayye2ltcs
evyeveia /icae2uverat' OEob  yap rdtEWLog Kcad (o0Piroo   TrdeItof 6 Kdptogf iUv'I. Xp.
civaeiKtcvr t ev aVdrog' /ca ~6raef d6o, cKa  roorrv dlaoop,' icat ovwcltg revyyvrog —.cae
riov  vaeiv rg  tdl6r7rag aicparg dtaevdci: aaa'c Kac di7;raOed   pov    OreOf Adyof, /cao
arpeirro~, lratryri  d6 o6 va6 c.. r. X. Altera vero diffamata sunt quaedam, quae nos
nimium  turbaverunt. Dicunt enim, quod is, qui hic poenitudine usus sit, non solum
dejectionis s. damnationis subscriptionem a vestra Sanctitate nitatur exigere, sed anathematismuml quoque doctrinae sanctissimi et Deo amicissimi episcopi Nestorii.  Quodsi id
verum est-simile aliquid facit, tanquam si quis vix tandem perductus ad consubstantialem
Deo et Patri Filium  confitendum, mox iterum  anathemate feriat eos, qui hoc a principio
sapuerunt atque docuerunt, etc. Cyril himself says, Cyrillus ad Acacium, ap. Mansi, v.
314, 315, tlat even the Nestorians considered that confession as consonant with their
VOL. I.-23




~354              SECOND  PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
unfortunate Nestor, who had  never, asserted  aught inconsistent
with  that very  confession  of faith  now   signed  by  Cyril, was
first banished to Oasis; then in Thebais was dragged from   one
place of banishment to  another, till his death  about 440.30     To
justify his  condemnation, his  contemporaries  were  obliged  to
misrepresent his doctrinal system,31 and it was so handed down
to posterity, till men  of more  enlarged and clearer views recognized the truth.32
The Syrian bishops were now compelled to assent to the peace
concluded between John and Cyril. The greatest opposition was
made by the theological school in Edessa, which had long been
the place of education for the Persian clergy, when Rabulas prohibited the writings of Diodorus and Theodore.   Several of the
teachers were interdicted, and betook themselves to Persia. One
of them, Barsumas (Barsauma) became bishop of Nisibis (435489) and confirmed the Persian Christians in their attachment
faithl. It is certain that Alexander, bishop of Hierapolis the most violent opponent of
Cyril, was also against that confession, because it had adopted the expression Oeor6Kof
(Ep. ad Theodoret. ap. Mansi, v. 878. Schulze, v. 750: Quia hoc est quasi arx totius ejus
haereseos); but he does not reject it absolutely, but merely expresses his disapprobation
of the doctrinal use of it under existing circumstances (Mansi, v. 875. Schulze, v. 746:
post corruptionem totius orbis, et ex quo praedicari nunc coepit passibilis Dens ab impiis
Cyrilli capitalis, dognmatice poni solain vocem-theotocon, absque illa-anthropotocon, nihil
est aliud, nisi ea quae Cyrilli sunt praedicari). Even the later Monophysites accused
Cyril of apostatizing from his doctrine. See Timothei Aeluri fragm. ap. Mansi, vii. 841,
and Maji Cell. nov. vii. i. 1, 138, which fragment, if not belonging to Timothy (as ~Walch
Ketzerhist. vi. 682, shows), proceeded at least from a Monophysite. Hence when Vater
(kirchenhist. Arclyiv. 1825. ii. 211) and B aur (Dreieinigkeit, i. 786) deny the inconsistency
of Cyril, they have, at least, the universal voice of that period against them.
30 See Nestor's own account, ap. Evagrius, i. 7.
31 Ex. gr. Cassianus above, note 18. Leo in Epist. ad Leonem Aug. (Quesn. 135, Baller.
165): Alathematizetur ergo Nestorius, qui beatam virginerm Marianm nonl Dei, sed hominis
tantummodo credidit genitricem, ut aliam personam carnis faceret, aliam deitatis: nec
unum Christum in Verbo Dei et carne sentiret, sed separatim atque sejunctim alterum
filium Dei, alterum hominis praedicaret. Still more misrepresented is the appendix to
Augustin. de  Haeresibus, c. 91: Nestoriani a Nestorio episcopo, qui contra catholicam
fidem dogmatizare ausus est, Dominum nostrum J. C. hominem taltun: nec id, quod
mediator Dei et hominum effectum est, in utero virginis de Spiritu S. faisse conceptum,
sed postea Deum homini faisse permixtumn, etc. Such were the sources from which the
middle ages drew' their ideas of Nestorianism.
32 First Luther (respecting councils in Walch's Ausg. Th. xvi. S. 2718). After him
many others (P. Bayle, S. and J. Basnage, Christ. Kortllolt, also Rich. Simon, L. Ell. du
Pin, L. Maraccius, and others) reckoned it to be a mere dispute of words. So also P. E.
Jablonski de Nestorianismo. Berol. 1724. 8, and Chr. A. Salig de Eutychianismo ante
Eutychen. Guelpherb. 1723. 4. p. 284, 307. Controversial writings against Jablonski by
P. Berger, J. Wessel, and especially C. G. Hoffmann, may be seen in Walchii Bibl. theol.
iii. 773. Comp. J. Vogt de Recentissimis Nestorii defensoribus, in the Bibl. haeresiol. i
iii. 456.




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY. III. ~ 89. EUTYCHIAN CONTOVERSY.  355
to the doctrinal system  of Theodore, and their aversion to the
council of Cyril at Ephesus.    The  successor of Rabulas in
Edessa, Ibas, (bishop from  436  to 457) was indeed, though at
peace with Cyril, a zealous friend of the views of the Antiochenian theology, and even translated Thleodore's works into Syriac;
but persecution  was afterward  renewed  against the  adherents
of these principles; the school of Edessa was destroyed (489)
and  its few  remaining  friends fled into  Persia.   The  Persian
church had now broken off all connection with the church of the
Roman empire, and the kings of Persia from  Pherozes onward
(461-488) favored this separation for political reasons.   These
Christians, who  had the  bishop  of Selezcia  and  Ctesiphon  as
their Catholicus (Jacelich), were called by tleir opponents NYestorians, though they called themselves C/actldectl aan Chistians, and
in India Thomas- cC     ristianzs.  They have not only diffused thelmselves extensively in Asia,.but have also acquired great merit by
conveying much of the learning of Greece into  that part of the
world, as well as by founding schools and hospitals.   At a later
period they became the instructors of the Arabians.33
S 89.
EUTYCHIAN CONTROVERSY.
SOURcEs: Breviculus historiae Eutychianistarum s. Gesta de nomine Acaciil reachling to
the year 486, according to the conjecture of B allerinus, by Pope Gelasius (ap. Mansi, vii.
1060). —Liberati breviarium and the last pieces of the Synodicon (see notices prefixed to
88t.-Evagrius, i. c. 9, ss.-Collection of Acts of Councils, ap. Mansi, vi. and vii.
WValch's Ketzerhistorie, vi. 1-640. Wundemann's Geschichte d. Glaubenslehre, ii. 305.
Mdinscher's Dogmengesch. iv. 79. Neander's Kirchengescl. ii. iii. 1073. Baur's Lehre
v. d. Dreieinigkeit u. Menschwerdung Gottes, i. 800.
Notwithstanding the external union between Cyril and John,
the internal schism  between  Egypt (which Palestine followed)
and the east, as to the person of Christ, still continued.   Tho
Egyptians perceived Nestorianism2  in  the doctrine of two na33 The leading work is: Jos. Sim. Assemanus de Syris Nestorianis (Bibliothecae orient;.
t. iii. P. ii. 1-tom. 1728. fol.) Ebedjesu (a Nestorian metropolitan of Soba or Nisibis t 1318)
liber Margaritae de Veritate fidei (in Aung. Maji Scriptt. vett. nova coill. x. ii. 317) is a
discussion and justification of the Nestorian faith,
1 Concerning the three editions of this Breviculus, see Ballerini de Antt. collection.
cann. P. ii. c. 12 (in Gallandii Sylloge ed. Mogunt. t. i. p. 457), and Walch's Ketzerhistorie,
Th. 6, S. 23, f. and 891, f.
2 Notwithstanding his subscription of the Antiochenian symbol, Cyril still held fast the




356                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV.   I. —A.D. 324-451.
tures;  while  the  orientals, in  the  doctrine  of one  nature  discovered Apollinarianism.3   The former party, however, continued:
to be favored  by the court;  and of this favor Cyril's successor1
the violent Dioscurus (bishop from  444 till 451) availed himself
extensively  for the  purpose  of putting  down  the  most zealous
oriental bishops as Nestorians, and of forcing the  PEgyptian doctrines on the east.4
On  the  other hand, a zealous adherent of Cyril, the old Archimandrite  (abbot) Eutyches  in  Constantinople5  was  accused,
of holding  these very doctrines, and  condemned  at a orvodoog 8v&dSoi)ca by  his bishop  Flavian  (448).6    Leo, bishop  of Rome,.:Athanasian formula: Miav [ Oatv ro-  Oreod 26yov  e-uapKgoievw.  Cf. Epistolae ii. ad,
SuccessLnm, Opp. v. ii. 137 and 143. Acacii Epist. ad Cyrillum in the Synodicon (Mansi,
v. 860 and 998, and in Theodoreti Opp. ed. Schulze, v. 730 and 880): Cogatur unusquisque
publice anathemlatizare Nestorii et Theodori dogmata, praecipu.e hos, quli dicunt duas
naturas post unitionem, proplie unamquamlque operantem.  A copious declaration in
Acacii Epist. ad Successum  (in the Synod. Mansi, v. 599. Schulze, v. 881). Ex. gr.:Videmus, quod is qui ex Deo patre est sermo, inhumanatus est et incarnatus, et non sibi
ex divina natura sanctum  illud corpus plasmavit, sed magis ex virgine id accepit.
Alioquin quomodo factus est homo, nisi qulia corpus portavit humanlumr?  Advertentes
igitur, ut dixi, inhumanationis modum, videllus, quia duae naturae ad invicem convenerunt unitione indisrumpibili, inconfuse atque inconvertibititer. Et ex duabus naturise
factum fuisse dicentes, veruntamen post unitionem non dividimus naturas ab invicem, nec
in duos incidemus Christumn sed unum  asseritmus filiumy et at patres dixerunt, unalr
naturam  verbi incarnatam. Ergo factus est homo, non hominem  recepit, ut videtur
Nestorio. Eranistes in Theodoreti Dial. ii. (ed. Schulze, iv. 83) says: To 66 y iivDporroeinroica;le2v r-f oicovtikvigi 7iV n6orrtpa, e, ultcpdvetv  ri roVi-  dea6r6srov 7-1s 66dov.  P. 106
and 114:'O 6duo 2.Eywov  VcELt do i6yr  iouetv. P. 114:'Ey6 ir-v Oe6i-7ra 2gyw  eltevyKcivat, tcaai-To0i7vaet l dirnb ai-ni7  i-v vE OpWir6rir7a,  9Sg i' Odaoaca  it7trogf rTpoa6aflooaa'
aray6va.,po6dof yap evfid I?1 uTaybv iCeivy7 yiVerla, 7i -r-C Oa7UTrrTf vdiar, t ayLyV'Uevvr
(the same figure in Gregor. Nyss. Antirrhet. adv. Apollinar.  42. Miinscher's Dogmengescho
Bd. 4. S. 37). Some went still farther. See Isidor. Pelus. lib. i. Epist. 496, ad ConstantinunU: Odc fatty 6 rL 2l6C nov Icer' EwiT-yvtntV.  o70i   r7 Oe6ov eVce,3rCcf irpeairvovTra
tSjiCEit bLGqav'vif, Vyv-iv i rtva lcaL vaicpaCLv lical  poriTyv r?)v eli cpeia Tro  Ofeod 2oybv
KcaTlx-v, i) aZ22otSv irv Oeiav bctv eli cdpca ai ca  oart, i) i-tv tilOeIav rif aeplcdg
Oi0er~ov. Cf. Epist. 419.
3 About this time Theodoret. wrote against the Egyptians his Apologia pro Diodoro et
Theodoro Mopsuest., now lost, and Eranistes (ed. Schulze, t. iv. p. 1, ss.).
4 Deposition of Irenaeus, bishop of Tyre (Theodosii ii. lex. ap. Mansi, v. 417, and Theo,
doreti Epist. 110), persecution of Ibas (Liberati Breviar. c. 10), and of Theodoret (Theodoreti Epist. 79, ss.). Theodoreti Epist. 101: Ildivr(v  god o rietv ri- iava7ro ctg 0eoOIbtea
rcidrv Ertat6rov   r-v Iarfceav i-tv 2otdlopiav ot 7iO-  ievdo'vf ipyadrat, eat rua ediclc~2iaa
5XSlC iEvirklqaav. Epist. 95 ad Antioch. Praefectum:'Enrazvvdo- roievvv aviroig (roSg
irrtc6xirotg) i-r v'repov ldyrefoC, icac rTgS cvo0avrov7C0e2vig Eaacg tci6d61evov, cai r7irnoaroa-uttfc  rpoelyovuevov  iTgcrreoSg.
5 He appears as an assistant of Cyril against Nestorius in Epiphanii Epist. ad hMaxi:
mianum above, ~ 88, note 28.
6 The acts of this synod are in the acts of the council of Chalcedon, actio i. up. Mansi,
Vi. 649, ss. Eutyches complains, p. 700, that he has been accused of saying, rTL ye 6O 7
orpavoe   rtv rOipica o b 0eb  26yof tKarevtvoa'ev, 6(5 avirbf iavei0vvof -rvyXTver i-t  roltairTf




GCHAP. II.-THEOLOGY. III..   89. EUTYCHIANIk  CONTROVERTSY. 357
not only approved:of this proceeding, but in his Epistola  ad Fla.
viaunz 7 gave also:a doctrinal development of the disputed  point,
aotdopicf.'To the question, lp.. _741-:'.Oo2oyefs  FOQO'Gtov 7', iarrpi  card rVjv 0eS6rera
cai OltooV'tov zr: Jurp-pi,eard TIv  vbp'wnr6Tra ai v ad)vv  eva.vliv rdv cptov v UdV'Ingodv Xptycr6v.  He answers:'ETre-CO  d/6o2toy,5 0Edv,#ov, Kai i vptov oeVpavod Icac y~f,.Stf GjLtepov ~vutoXoyecV Ezavrii 0,iK   rtC7pirpiTOr. t O5ooev'tov de' IlzFv Egf  oV odk  E1e1OV
iTp6 TO'erOv, 6/zOaloyyS. Eof 6.)uepo.v ov eierov 7r  c/Spa Teo  Cvpiov cai deoed i/zSv Oy/ooVtov                                O 7tt, zv v     td eiy/av Tap'dvov o2ooy& ti'vact ~l]v oeooJatov, aci orct'C ar gv ecapt.iC0y 6   0eisf / Sdv.  ]When the remark was made clpon this: Tf/ ugpif OyoovJ6tov i/tLiv
eo7Cfs, ~reivTf aci 6 vlc f ooi6 too  tOf  ctv e Tlv, he rejoined:'Ecs af yeEpov oe'C ei'ov'
wTreLtd  yaip 6&ca Oeod ae'7r O/puo2oys (orpOeE`rye), OdfC ezrov o&/ca Mdvdp6rov T b 70  0EOe
S/cua,  svPptI'tvov i'- Ti- aCiua, Kai uot 6e   r if wapdOvov EcapctKd 6  cdptof-.   Ei di dEl
ei'FeZyv,1; Trf rapddvov,  ciat' ooJaCov ouv, 6ca   Todzo;eyc, cpLe.   To the question,:p. 744:'O/uoojacov, cEai IEC 0o d aev e.ov F e p v dV TvavOpt7nev TdrV /cdptov ]j&.V TOV eK
irf  irapdevov 2d)Eetf 7) QCZ, he gave the reply in explanation:'QoCoioyi C   dK.o d 6aeo d v
yeyevvuiCda;, 7o'v Kcptov 7j/tuv erpo Tj evtvec' VFeETt 6d  ]v dv. cv,  /evc,  ee-Ctv p/o2 yOC
iWhen he refised to acknowledge the two natures, and'to anathematize the contrary
opinion, the decision was passed, p.. 748: AtS -redvr7ov  ree.0SpaTact Erzervyxf oi rTi.at
rpE3(-Epoe  caci  ipytc/zavcdpir f-rev Ocav evzevvov   Kac'Awoeltvappov I aecodocav vovcv.
6;0ev dert6adc;pecravr-Ef, Kcac e'evidcSavreg erT zT caveutef eirclueia avdoe, SpIuaplE v det  Toe
*cvpiov c/Stv'Ily6oe  Xpt-.iOd roT    o r' acedVo,eiaeC~yne7?v0of, dAkl6rptav acdr7v Elvut  ravTgf iepa tc KOV rTytarof, Kai Ti/f irp5~ e//tSf cotvtovicaf, Icfi roT 7erpoetartvaet  ovaeTypioev.,Comp. Epist. E  tychetis ad Leonem  Papaml.(in the Synodicon ap. Mansi, v. 1015.
Schulze, v. 89.7): Expetebar duas naturas fateri, et anathematizare eos, qui hoc negarent.,Ego autem metuens definitionena a synodo, nec adimere nec addere verbum contra ex-,positanm fidela a sancta synodo Nicaena (cf. B 88, note 27), sciens vero sanctos et beatos
patres nostros Juliuna, Felicem, Athanasium, Gregorium sanctissimos episcopos refutantes
duarum naturarumn vocabulu.m, etc. Ils the confession of faith annexed (ibid. c. 223): Ipse
Anin, qui est verbua Dee, descendit de coelo sine carne, et factus est caro in:utero sanctae
virgini ex ipsa carne virginis incommutabiliter et inconvertibiliter, sicut ipse novit et
voluit. Et factus est, qui est semper Deus perfectus ante saecula, idem  et homo perrectus in extrerao dieruln  propter.los et nostramn- salutem. None but opponents have
charged Eutychianism with the doctrine of an apparent body, or the transformation of the
Logos into flesh. So Theodoret. Elaer. fab. comp. iv. 13.:Gelasius de duabus lnaturis in,Christo adv. Eutychem  et Nestoriuum.  Eutyches;is defended by the Jesuit Gabriel
Vasquez (Commentarii in Thonmamn. Ingolst. 1606. fol. in part. iii. Thomae Disp. xiv.
~c. 1), Archibald Bower (History of tile Popes, vol. ii. p. 31, 61, ss.) and others.
7 Ed. Quesnell. Ep. 24, ed. Bailler. Ep. 28, c. 2, ap. Mansi, v. 1359: lFecunditatem vir-:gini Spiritus S. dedit, veritas autem corporis sumta de corpore est; et aedificante sibi
sapientia domanm ('rov. ix. 1) Verbum caro factum est, et habitavit in nobis: hoc est, in,ea carne, quam assunmsit ex homine, et quam spiritn vitae rationalis animavit. C. 3: Salva
igitur proprietate utriusque naturae et substantiae, et in unlam coeunte personam, suscepta
lest a majestate humilitas, a virtute infirmitas, ab aeternitate mlortalitas: et ad resolvendaun,conditionis nostrae debiturn natura inviolabilis natura est unita passibili: ut, quod nostris
remediis congruebat, uuns atque idem mediator Dei et hominum, homo Jesus Christus,,et mori posset i:ex uno, et mori non posset ex altero. In integra ergo veri hominis per-.fectaque natura verus natus est Deus, torus in suis, totus in nostris. Assunssit formam.servi sine sorde peccati, humana augens, divina non minunens.  Tenet enim sine defecte,proprietatem  suarm  utraque natura: et sicut formamn  servi Dei forma non adimit, ita,formamn Dei servi forma non minuit.  C. 4: Nova autem nativitate generatus: quia inviolata virginitas, quae concupiscentiam nescivit, carnis materiam ministravit.  Assumnta
est de matre Domini natura, non culpa: nec in Domino Jesu Christo, ex utero virginis.genito, quia nativitas est mirabilis, ideo nostri est natura dissimilis.  Qui enim verus est:Deus, idem,vens.estbhomo:.oet nullum est in hac unitate mendacium, dum invicem sunt




358                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. T.-A.D. 324-451.
which was by no means favorable to the Egyptians.   It is, true
that Dioscurus now  procured the summoning of a general synod
at Ephesus (449) and there, as president, compelled by violent
measures the bishops to pronounce in favor of Eutyches and the
Egyptian  doctrines (gvivodoS  2uzqarptgI, Theophanis Chronograph.
p. 86.-Latrociniuml Ephesinum, Leo ad Puleheriam  Ep. 75,
ed. Quesnel);8 but the death  of Theodosius II. (t 450) altered
at once  the  state of affairs.   The  new  rulers  Pulcheria  and
Marcian, who was elevated to the throne by marrying her, were
as partial to Leo as they were hostile to Dioseurus.9 Hence, a
new  general council was called  at Chalcedon (451), at which
Dioscurus was deposed for many misdeeds, the persecuted eastern bishops, and -with them Cyril, too,10 for the purpose of
sparing the Egyptians, were declared  orthodox, Leo's Epist. ad
Plavianums, made the rule of faith on the point in dispute, and
at the same time a more minute explanation  of it given on  the
part of the council.,1    But though  the decrees of the synod reet hnmilitas hominis et altitudo Deitati;S. Sicut enim Deus Lnon mutatur miseratiole, ita
homol non consumitur dignitate. Agit einim utraque forma crnl alterins communione quod
proprium est: Verbo scilicet operante,. qood Verbi est, et carne exequente quod carnlis
est. Unum horulo  coruscat mlliraculis, aliud succumbit injuriis.  Et sicut Verbum  ab
aequalitate paternae gloriae non recedit, ita caro naturam nostri generis non relinquit.
Unus enim idemque est, quod saepe dicendmn est, vere Dei filius et vere hominis filius.
Quem itaque sicut hominem diabolica tentat astutia,. eidem sicut Deo angelica famulantur
officia. E surire, sitire, lassescere, atque dorm ire evidenter humanum est. Sed v. panibus
v. millia homiiunu  satiare, et largiri Samlaritanae aquam vivam, cujus haustus bibenti
praestet, ne ultra jam sitiat; supra dorsum mllaris plantis non desidentibus ambulare, et
elationes flictuum increpata tempestate consternere: sile ambiguitate divinumn est. Sicat
ergo, ut multa praeteream, non ejusdem naturae est, flere miserationis affectu amicunm
mortulum, et eundem remoto quiatriduanaec aggere sepulturae, ad vocis imperinom excitare
redivivum: ita non ejusdenm naturae est, dicere: Ego et pater unum sumus (Jo. x. 30) et
dicere: Pater major me est (Jo. xiv. 28). Leo here proceeded a little fhrther on the same
path as Ambrose and Augustine. See above, ~ 88, notes 8 and 9. J. J. Griesbach Diss.
locos communes theologicos, collectos ex Leone M. sistens. Halae. 1768. Sect. iii. (in
ejusd. Opusc. acad. ed. Gabler, i. 45).. Epistolam, etc. ed. H. Ph. C. Henke. Helmst.
(The prologue is also in Helnke Opusc. acad. Lips. 1802. p. 59, ss.) Henke properly
calls attention to the circumstance that there is no mention whatever of Nestor in the
letter. Baur's Dreieinigkeit, i. 809.
L8 ewald die sogen. PaRubersynode,. in Illgen's Zeitschr. f. List. Theol. viii. 139..
9 The Alexandrian Sophronius- even accused Dioscurus in Chalcedon of having opposed
the acknowledgment of Marcian in Egypt. (Mansi, vi. 1033), eavrOv y.p ue22,ov paate2teetrv
(Oeee Trf Alyvwrrlatcf dcltoulcrycf. No notice, however, was taken of this accusation by
the synod, nor is there a trace of it to be found elsewhere.
10 How little convinced the prevailing party was of Cyril's orthodoxy is clear fronm
the fact that Gennadius, patriarch of Constantinople, after 458, wrote against his twelve
anathemas. See Facundus pro defens. iii. capitulorum, ii. 4. Salig de Eutychianisme
ante Eutychen, p. 316.
1 Concerning the remarkable circumstances,. and the opposition.of the Roman legatea




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY.  III. ~ 90. OECUMENICAL SYNODS.    359
ceived imperial confirmation  and support by punitory laws, they
were looked upon as Nestorian by many in Egypt and Palestine,
and  this proved, soon after, the beginning  of the  tedious lMonophysite controversy.
~ 90.
OF THE THEOLOGICAL AUTHORITY OF THE OECUMENICAL SYNODS.
In  this period the utterances of the oecuzlenical councils,l  as
the last and highest ecclesiastical decisions, began to assume an
important place among the sources of theological knowledge.
As all synods prior to  the present time were supposed to be under the peculiar direction of the Holy  Spirit, without on that account claiming  infallibility,2  so  also  the  doctrinal decisions  of
general councils were derived from   a special co-operation  of the
Holy Spirit,3 but so far were men as yet from  attributing to them
see the protocol actio v. ap. Mansi, vii. 97, ss.-P. 108: "OpoS rTg Ev XacK7d6vt rerdiprTg
lvv6dov. P. 116:'ETr6tevoL roivvv ro[1 aTyiot 7wra rp&etv, Eva Kal rTbv avrov 7 6vt O yElv
vlOv rTOv icVptov   7lUdv'121ao0v  XptarbvT ov/ vtoVf C ravcrtE EI Cdtddaicozev, TriE2oV TiOV
acTYv Eiv O6TE6rrL /cat re2etov TrOv aOV-rOv   v EV (VOporr6roTrt, Oeav  2uiS0C  icat dv0poirov
2Xa05ii rTov avdrv EIC vvXC aoytlcSf icact cauaro7C, &6oocctoov  T) irarp tcarc& -73v Oe6i-7ra,,Cao iO/ooVov   rotv   aTV r 7v 7Ity tcaOra T7rv ivp)ropr6rTya, tca, r  7r0tvra O1otov 2 7ytCV Xtptc
alapriaf'  rpbo aiJrv(v ruv Elbc TroV Trarpb' yevv70vTra lcari rXv  Oe6ir-rac, Erw' ECXir7ov di
-' C v?,uEpv TOv adrbv, dt' j'Ug ICal dit   T rvY 7termTpav c0Te7plav, ia Mapiag rT1j  Tap0Evov
rd  Oeor6Tcov Icar2 r7yv Cv0pO)7r6rTlra, Eva ca TOrbv aVrT'V XptCari, vlb,   IVPtoV, yortoyEvrv,
itc 0O 0lderOv (leg. Ev dSo CaeoeG) daovyX7rog, rpirrTTrS, (tLtatprTto, tXyopioprto   yvtoptO6pvcrov'  ov5dattoo  Tg' TOSV ~aEOtv dtaloprg aTVpE7;V7   dri rV t   VOciVr, arOiuivg de'
adXxov rOg 1&6idT7TO ro a iTcapac ipcg  tt  ica Eti Ev drp6oawrov, lcaG tiav voir6ractv svvrpetoiasrC, OVKtc Eti do 7rpoa6ewra yEpt6Otrvoev,  dtatpodSevov, a2A' E'va ica TrO  aVrbTv vobv Kcac
iovoyaev), Oeiov 26yov, aKcptOv'InaoOv Xptar6v',caOerep 6vr0ev oGi rpoOidrat rept avro0,,cai arbC c trig 4     6 aciptog'Ilao  Xptrori iEferaidevae, ica ri rdv -'rtarapov i/t  rapacpdote
adV'3oov. That the true reading must be iv dUo  daec-t (as all the Latins have in duabus
naturis) is shown by Mansi, vii. 775. Walch. Bibl. symb. vetus, p. 106, to which we have
also to add the testimonies of the Monophysite Severus Patr. Ant. (ap. Mansi, vii. 840),
Evagrius, H. E. ii. c. 4. Leontius Bys. de Sectis. Actio, v. c. 7. Agathonis P. Ep. ad
Constantem II. (in the Act. Cone. oecum. vi. Act. 4, ap. Mansi, xi. 256). Baur's Dreieinigkeit, i. 820, defends the reading ic. 6. ~.
1 The name aovodoS ollovievgteca  first in Cone. Constant. ann. 381, can. 6.
2 According to Acts xv. 28. Cone. Carthag. ann. 252 (in Opp. Cypriani): Placuit nobis
sancto Spiritu suggerente et Domino per visiones multas et manifestas admonente.  To
what an extent this form of speech proceeded may be seen in Concil. Ephes. ann. 431,
above, ~ 88, note 27. But in a similar formula spake also a partial council at Constantinople, which condemned Eutyches. See above, ~ 89, note 6.
3 Constantini Epist. ad Eccl. Alexandr. (Socrates, i. 9): In reference to the Nicene
council:'O yip rTOT  rptaecociotlg 7peaev'Ertac67rotl, odvdgv CErtV ErepoV, i TOo e060
yvn17L, YLi.ttrrd YE tro  v y r yovretaa,-romo7rv r t rcai TttaodVrWV avdpSv rTai dtavoiac~




360                SECOND  PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
an exclusive infallibility dependent only. upon their conformity to
certain external conditions,4 that they were put in the same rank
with  other orthodox  synods,5 and in answering  opponents, men
did not endeavor to prove that the council was oecumenical, but
that its decision was true according to Scripture and tradition.6
eyic'cEevov, rijv OEiav fOdyVeCtv f~E0 rr7tev. Basilii Ep. 114 (al. 204): O1 -rptma6ctot 6lEca
icaC OIrc —odic viev r' f froV y7ov  ieavroaTo  EvEpyEiao  ElJyeavro (riv irlrtlv).  Socrat.
i. 9, against the Macedonian historian Sabinus, who had pronounced the Nicene fathers
ignorant men: OV Ec vOvzJeirae,  f),  i el aifclSrae faav o TiCf Zvv6dov, icared/UTrTOvro
e' Vi7rb TOre Oof, ical rT? Xadprof TOV ayiov y TrveyaTrog, ovifdayfSC e5 roxlVat rr lch  Oleiaf
Eldvavro. Thus Isidore Pelus. lib. iv. Ep. 99, calls the Nicene council 0EO0ev eJTrvevaeZaa.
4 Epist. Synodi Nicaene ad Alexandrinos (Theodoret. i. 8) in fine: EvXerOe de' Kat VTrep
VuyZv iri'vrTCv, fEva -r caXcg fXetv 66cav vrae i,3ata yzevot d6t  -of ivpiov pecvd'llaofo
Xpt70rof, Kar' Evdolctav yeyeyUeeva, fY 7y Erlcrer1cajtev, roe  Oeof tcac  rTrpig Ev rvecvipart a yin. In Socrates, i. c. 9 this passage has been altered. Augustinus de Baptismo
contra Donatistas, ii. 3: Quis autem  nesciat, sanctam  scripturam  canonicam-omnibus
posterioribus Episcoporum  literis ita praeponi, ut de illa omnino dubitari et disceptari non
possit, utruml verum vel utruml rectum sit, quidququid in ea scriptum esse constiterit: Episcoporum  antem  literas-per sermonem forte sapientiorem-et per alioroul  Episcoporum
graviorem auctoritatem —et per concilia licere reprehendi, si quid in eis forte a veritate
devistum est: et ipsa concilia, quae per singulas regiones vel provincias fiunt, plenariorum
conciliorum auctoritati, quae fiunt ex universo orbe christiano, sine ullis ambagibus cedere:
ipsaque plenaria saepe priora posterioribus emendari, quum aliquo experimento rerum
aperitur quod clausumn erat, et cognoscitur quod latebat, sine ullo typho sacrilegae superbiae, sine ulla inflata cervice arrogantiae, sine ulla contentione lividae invidiae, cum sancta
humilitate, cumo pace catholica, crum caritate christiana.
5 Cosnstantinus Epist. ad Episcopos, qui Cone. Nicaeno non interfuerunt (Euseb. de vita
Const. iii. 20, and Socrates, i. 9) says generally: Ifav yeip, ei rTt e' cv bv rOZig 6ylOtf r-V
TLrztct67rr, v aVV~eplo01  7'pd67r7r7a, TO7rO 7rpbf r2iv Oscav foeafctv f'xet riv avaeopiv.
Thus Athanasius places the Concil. Antiochen. A.D. 269, to which his opponents appealed in
defense of their rejection of the term bzoofVCeov, on an equality with the Nicene in point
of theological authority. De Synodis, c. 43: ZEV/ypo0Evo /fv yaEp lrovrouS rpf Elcevovg
~arpeqrrf' iruvref yelp eolat  raTrpef'  ftaSepve v 6Ev   -rditv, 59 oV7ro  lyev jca6f, c e0vol 6f
irovavr7ib  EipKeaactv, ovX fOCov' ol rdvref y2lp becoGt/079eaV Ev XpTCr7.  O0  XPu de
lt2ovetllCev, ofVel Tiv avvevOE6vtevo rbv e  ptOlev ov/id2iZetvu', tVa tu dOICrygv ot rptaec6ctot
oef D itvroVaf el7KCpkSErrV-oM' of  v  rciitlv rTO  Xp6vov   va0(uerp6ev, tva Ul? doKIoCtv ol
poe(tef6v7rf UidavletO roef  8er raf ra  yEVOyeVOV ov- ol u',i,   yelp cat0e  urpoeipvrae,
lraTfpeg ECrci.
6 Augustinus conltra Maximium Arian. ii. 14, 3: Sed nunc nec ego Nicaenumll, nec
tu debes Ariminense tamquam praejudicaturus proferre concilium. Nec ego hujus auc.
toritate, nec tu illins detineris: Scripturarum  auctoritatibus, non quorumque propriis,
sed utrisque communibus testibus, res cum re, causa cuan  causa, ratio cum ratione con
certet.




CHAP. III.-HIERARCHY. ~ 91. IMPORTANCE OF THE CLERGY. 361
THIRD CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE HIERARCHY.
Plancl's Geschichte der christl. kirchl. Gesellschaftsverfassung, i. 276. C. Riffel's gesch.
Darstellung des Verhliltnisses zwischen Kirche u. Staat. Mainz. 1836. S. i. 114.
S 91.
GROWING IMPORTANCE OF THE CLERGY.
The Christian emperors enlarged the privileges already granted by Constantine to the church  and the clergy  (Div. I. ~ 569
note  30, if.), by  new   tokens  of their  favor.   They  released
church  lands and  the  clergy  from  certain  civil liabilities,' but
by no means from call taxes;2 gave a legal confirmation to the
decisions which  the bishops pronounced in ecclesiastical affairs,3
and which  they also gave  as chosen  umpires in  civil dispul es,4
2 Besides the municipal offices (see Div. I. ~ 56, note 30), both the clergy and church
property were freed from the muneribus sordidis and extraordinariis (cf. Cod. Theod. lib.
xi. tit. 15, de extraordinariis sive sordidis muneribus and Gothofiedi paratitlon), from the
metatis (Cod. Th. 1. vii. t. 8, de metatis), the angariis and parangariis (Cod. Th. 1. vii. t. 5,
de cursu publico, angariis et parangariis), and finally the immunity of the clerici negotiantes from the lustralis conlatio (Cod. Th. 1. xiii. t. 1, de lustrali conlatione comp. Hege.
wisch Hist. Versuch fiber die r6m. Finanzen, S. 307, ff.). Comp. besides the works cited
Cod. Theod. 1. xvi. ii. 8, 19, etc. Comp. Bingilami Origg. eccl. vol. ii. p. 227. Planck, i. 289.
2 Constantine had indeed at first, in the year 315, also released the church lands from
the tributis ordinariis (Cod. Theod. xi. i. 1), but they were soon after again subjected to
this tribute, Tanld when the council of Ariminum (A.D. 359) applied to Constantius, ut juga,
quae videntur ad Ecclesiam pertinere, a publica functione cessarent, inquietudine desistente, he flatly denied the request, Cod. Theod. xvi. ii. 15. Gratian even subjected the
church lands to the extraordinariis collationibus (Cod. Theod. xi. xvi. 15). So also Theodosius, 1. c. 1. 18. Honorius released them from the extraordinaria, 1. c. 1. 21, 22. Theodosius II. subjected them again to the angariis and parangariis.  Cod. Justin. i. ii. 11.
Comp. Ambrosii Orat. de basilicis non tradendis haereticis:  Si tributull petit Imperator,
non negamus. Agri ecclesiae solvunt tributum. Si agros desiderat Imperator, potestatemn
habet vindicandorum, nemo nostrum.intervenit, etc. Riffel, i. 153.
3 Euseb. de vita Const. iv. c. 27. See below, note 4. Comp. the law of Honorius A.D
399 (Cod. Theod. xvi. xi. 1): Quotiens de religione agitur, Episcopos convenit judicare,
caeteras vero causas, quae ad ordinarios cognitores, vel ad usum publici juris pertinent,
legibus oportet audiri.
I Respecting these episcopal arbitration-decisions comp. Div. I. ~ 69, note 6. It had
been always reckoned unchristian to depart from them, and thus public opinion demanded
for them the preference, so that they laid the foundation of an actio rei judicatae. This
privilege has been usually ascribed to Constantine, with reference to Eusebius de vita
Const. iv. 27: Tovi TlrV E'7rital6rOZrv  povg roVf Ev avv6dot droCavOvraof CreaT payiero




362                 SECOND PERIOD. —DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
allowed the clergy to be bound  by these judicial decisions, 5 and
even  put them   in  cases  of discipline  under  spiritual  courts,6
without however conceding  to  the  bishops a civil jurisdiction.7
)f ~ srEZVaet 70oGS 7iy  EOvV apXovCLt, r7 d66avra Trapalietv  ravrf yd7p eZvat 6d1caaro8
rovf Iepef roo70o e6o doIcoCr7povC: in which acvodoC according to Cone. Carthag. iv. c. 23
(see Div. I. ~ 69, note 11) is understood of the presbytery.  These arbitrations, however.
were not pronounced by the collegia, but by the bishop, and by him sometimes committed
to individual presbyters and deacons; by Sylvanus bishop of Troas, even wholly to an
honest layman (Socrates, vii. 37); see Bingham. vol. i. p. 130; and thus that passage
appears to refer to the decisions and sentences of the provincial synods. Sozomen i. c. 9
is indeed more distinct: TSv de'Ertcac6rosv kirtlKaEtcaOat Trv Icptatv cEr6Tpe5pe (Kwvaravrtvof) rofT dKcaO'oytVotC, v gO/VOr&L  -rol TVS 7ro2eTtcoK v  appXovTag  adpaereaOaL'
icvptav 6d  EGval rTv aoi rv VC/)tov, Ica  cpei rrwT Trg v r aW  u Lov dtcaTriv, 6oavei irap&
7oD BaatX6wS E'EvEXOeraav'v    Elf "pyov 6d  Ta Kpt',1oteva ayeet' rogS apXovTac, cKat TOro
dlatovov/zvovg aVT'rof crpartLJagTS' 6erarpkrrrov g re eivat rwv Tvv6&ov rTOVr  6povc.
Still this seems to be only an amplified interpretation of that passage in Eusebius. The
oldest law extant on the subject is A.D. 408 (Cod. Justin. i. iv. 8). Honor. et Theod. AA.
Theodoro P. P. Episcopale judiciumr  ratum  sit omnibus, qui se audiri a Sacerdotibus
elegerint: eamque illorum judicationi adhibendam  esse reverentiam  jubemus, quam
vestris deferri necesse est potestatibus, a quibus non licet provocare. Per judicum quoque
Officia, ne sit cassa episcopalis cognitio, definitioni executio tribuatur.  Cf. Augustin. in
Psalm xxv. ~ 1.3 (about 415): Principes saeculi tantumn detulerunt Ecclesiae, ut quidquid
in ea judicatum fuerit, dissolvi non possit. But as a like privilege was granted to the
Jewish patriarchs as early as 398 (Cod. Theod. ii. i. 10), we may fairly assume that the
Christian bishop"s also were earlier possessed of it. H. M. Hebenstreit Hist. jurisdictionis
ecclesiasticae ex legibus utriusque codicis illustrate, diss. iii. Lips. 1773, ss. 4. B. Schilling de Origine jurisdictionis ecclesiasticae in causis civilibus. Lips. 1825. 4. C. F. A.
Jungk de Originibus et progressu episcopalis judicii in causis civilibus laicorum usque ad
Justinianum.  Berol. 1832. 8.
5 Cone. Carthag. iii. ann. 397, c. 9: Item placuit, ut quisquis Episcoporum, Presbyterorum, et Diaconorum, seu Ciericorum, cum in Ecclesia ei crimen fuerit intentatum, vel
civilis causa fuerit cornmota, si relicto ecclesiastico judicio, publicis judiciis purgari
voluerit, etiaalsi pro ipso fuerit prolata sententia, locum suum amittat, et hoc in criminali
judicio. In civili vero perdat quod evicit, si locum snum obtinere voluerit. Cui enim ad
eligendos judices undique patet auctoritas, ipse se indignum fraterno consortio judicat,
qui de universa Ecclesia male sentiendo de judicio seculari poscit auxilium, cum privatorum Cllristianorunm causas Apostolus ad Ecclesiam deferri, atque ibi terminari praecipiat.
Conc. Chalced. c. 9: E'trif iKAcLptKnb  r-pbc iliyptlcbv 7rpdyza,Xet, U  alz r artwrav6ra o raov
ol/EcZov'Erficouarov, icat rri i  oayuc  dticagr7pta 1cara7xrrpXdrex.-e    rtf roapa raora
7rop7aEt, lcavovtlcoZf V7roIte0ro Erltrtitotlf.
6 Lex Constantii (Cod. Theod. xvi. xi. 12), A.D. 355: Mansuetudinis nostrae lege probibemus, in judiciis Episcopos accusari.-Si quid est igitur querelarum, quod quispiam defert,
apud alios potissimum. Episcopos convenit explorari. Gratiani (ibid. 1. 23,) A.D. 376:
Q.ui mos est causarumn civilium, idem in negotiis ecclesiasticis obtinendus est: ut si qua
smtUll ex quibusdanm  dissensionibus, levibusque delictis, ad religionis observantiam pertinentia, locis suis, et a suae Dioeceseos Synodis audiantur: exceptis quae actio criminalis
ab ordinariis extraordinariisque judi6ibus, aut illustribus potestatibus audienda constituit.
Honorii (ibid. 1. 41,) A.D. 412: Clericos non nisi apud Episcopos accusari convenit. Valenti.
niani iii. (ibid. 1. 47, A.D. 425): Clericos-episcopali audientiae reservamus: fas enim non
est, ut divini muneris ministri temporalium potestatum subdantur arbitrio.
7 The limits of episcopalis audientia are definitely given by Valentiniani iii. novella de
episcopali judicio A.D. 442, (ed. Gothofired. nov. Vel. tit. xii. ed. Haenell nov. xxxiv.): De
episcopali judicio diversorum saepe causatio est. Ne ulterius querela procedat, necesse
est praesenrti lege sanciri. Itaque cum inter clericos jurgium vertitur, et ipsis litiga.toribus




CHAP. III.-HIERARCHY. ~ 91. IMPORTANCE OF THE CLERGY. Q63
But  the  old  ecclesiastical rights  of the  clergy, particularly  the
rigit of superintending   onorals, and  the  duty  of interferenoe
on  behalf of all the unfo>rtunate, received quite another importance  after they  had been  recognized by the  state, by the  elevation of Christianity into the state religion. The persons of magistrates  also  now  became  subject to  them   as inspectors  of the
public  morals;  yea, even  the  emperors  themselves,  as  far  as
they were Christians;8 and the duty of interference on behalf
convenit, habeat, Episcopus licentiam judicandi, praeeunte tamen vinculo compromissi.
Quod et laicis, si consentiant, auctoritas nostra permittit. Aliter eos judices esse nsx
patimur, nisi voluntas jurgantium interposita, sicut dictum est, conditione praecedat: quoniam constat, Episcopos et Presbyteros forum legibus non habere, nec de aliis causis, secundum Arcadii et Honorii divalia constituta, quae Theodosianum corpus ostendit, praeter
religionem, posse cognoscere. Sin vero petitor laicus, seu in civili seu criminali causa,
cujuslibet loci Clericum adversarium suum, si id magis eligat, per auctoritatem legitimam
in publico judicio respondere compellat. Quam formam etiam circa Episcoporum personam observari oportere censemus. Ut si in hujuscemodi ordinis homines actionem pervasionis et atrocium injuriarom dirigi necesse fuerit, per procuratorem solemniter ordinatum
apud judicem publicum inter leges et jura confligant, judicati exitu ad mandatores sine
dubio reversuro. Quod iis religionis et sacerdotii veneratione permittimus. Nam notumn
est, procurationemn in criminalibus negotiis non posse concedi. Sed ut sit ulla discretio
meritorum, Episcopis et Presbyteris tantum id oportet imlpendi. In reliquis sregotiis criaminalibus juxta legum ordinem per se judicium subire coguntur.
s Cone. Arelatense, ann. 314, c. 7: De praesidibus, qui fideles ad praesidatum prosiliunt,
placuit tt, cum promoti fuerint, literas accipiant ecclesiasticas communicatorias (Comp. Div.
I. ~ 41, note 5): Ita tamenut in quibuscunque locis gesserint, ab Episcopo ejusdem loci cura
de illis agatur, et cum coeperint contra diciplinam agere, tum demum a communione excludantur. Similiter et de his qui rempublicam agere volunt. Gregor. Naz. Orat. xvii. p.
271, thus addresses the dvvdoraot cal KapXovref: ~ b ro  Xpo1T7o  v6ypog VPorTV i]tiv Viq/ta r7
#, dvvaoreri  Kaol i4 ~ju:fi~/oart dpxo/zEv yap lca avirror, TrpoaOsow 6d' Sr, cai rt v jie[lova
tao re20e47Epav apT/jv. i 6dE rb irvEVia viSroXopyoao r, T  CapiK, Kal: rocg 7yOiS  T2 r-TOv'pdvta; Thus Athanasius excommunicated a governor of Libya on account of cruelty and
excesses; and B asil the Great assures him (Ep. 61,) after he had made known this excommunication in his church, arorp6ratov advriv 7rivrc  iy]7oovrao,?i wvpig, [0]  (SLaoroc, /rlj
aaceryg aoir? acoitvovoivreg.  Comp. the excommunication whiclh Synesius bishop of Ptolemais, uttered against the prefect Andronicus, SynesiiEpist. 58:'AvdpoviacQ Kao roiC aV'oco
jiydEv &voIyvioOa T/ievog 70o OSEOf'  e    ira~ aV7ro0f lepog SIroEaEitcXe0 sai aolcpIba tSao 7rep[,oOC * oVc/ E'rT r& AtaiOt62, MP'og Ev IHapaoEdeio  OS Kav a O?ba taodiS, ie5raoverai. Ilapaolvi
/1-v ol1v ica l&SITv vraVTr /ca  tpXOvrTl, [tre Oop'lov  aorpo, [rTe 6/orpdUnreov yivea0at'
lepeatI de dlaoep6vrwg, olI' ITrE ivrag avroVg irpocrpo'ol, /?iTE TE2eVT70aaVTaf ov/lrporxeibovalv, ac. 7r.. Cf. Clausen de Synesio. Hafin. 1831. 8, p. 152, ss. The bishops of
Alexandria, in particular, made themselves objects of fear to the officials of that place.
Cyril obtained this see by fighting, although the leader of the army there was against hilmn.
Socrates vii. 7: Kai yap E'aceivov'ETTIcaorn'Abeuavdpeiaog iap2 rTf lepaur'ly
r71elCW Icariddvvcareielv Trjv  payjLdrov Eea,3e rTv - pxiv. Comp. Socrates, vii. c. 13, on
the disputes between Cyril and Orestes, prefect of Egypt:'OpEar7yS d Ia 7a r p6repov yZv
ziaet riv- dvvaaretav iro v eratirc6arwv, Sr  7prappoivro 1rov TC iovaiaCS Tr'v Elac fiaa,leoi
ipXelv reroay/ujvov' dutara  i Sri, cal &rorr7eVeitV avrov rC  aZorvwdoretsg  KiPptiQof
ioov2.ero.-Theodosius I. was compelled to do penance by Ambrose (Rufinus, xi. 19;
Sozom. vii. 25; Theodoret. v. 17. Comp. Neander's K. G. ii. i. 384). Of Theodosius. It
Theodoret, v. 36, relates that a monk came to him, -7repi rtvo' dae6jevog, E7ret-  di roo70
dp&agar ro2d.atcg oVK E7-vXE, ir-S  aIacK.I Carrt aG7 v o Oe. oa vlnaf iK.xvCe, cai trbO.Y erlp




o364               SECOND PER'IOD. —DI. T.-A.D. 324-4'51.
of the  unfortunate  established  a right of intercession  wvith  the
civil power,9 which  often exhibited  itself in  a very stormy  way
in eases where the punishment of death, which  the  Christians
of that time regarded with horror, was decreed.'0   In like manner the acknowledgment of this right of the clergy  facilitated
the transfer of the right of asylzum  from  heathen temples to the,Christian  churches.ll    All these  rights  had  long  since grown.7rtrse' dvwrXct6piae. Nor had the emperor any rest till this fanatic had again freed him
from the sentence.
9 (As the vestals had formerly exercised it, see Cicero pro Fontejo in fine. Sueton. Jul.
Caesar, c. i, Ti-ber. c. 2).  Conc. Sardic. c. 8, below, ~ 92, note 11. Ambrosius de.Offlc.
ministr. ii. c.. 21: Adjuvat hoc quoque -ad profecture bonae existimationis, si de potentis manibns eripias inopem, de morte damnatum eruas, quantum sine perturbatione fieri potest,
ne videamur jactantiae magis causa facere, quam mlisericordiae, et graviora inferre vulnera;
dum levioribus mederi desideramus. Cap. 29: Egregie hine vestrum enitescit miinisterium,
si suscepta impressio potentis, quam vel vidua vel orphani tolerare non queant, Ecclesiae
subsidio cohibeatur, si ostendatis pl.s apud vos mandatum Domini, quam divitis valere
gratiam. M~eniinistis ipsi, quoties adversus regales impetus pro viduarum, immo omnium,
depositis certalllmen subierimus. Comm11iune hoc vobiscum lllihi. Cf. Thomassini Vet-s e'
nova Ecclesiae disiplina de beneficiis, p. ii. 1. ii'. c. 87, and c. 95, 96. Bingham. lib. ii. c. 8.
10 Macedonius, vicar of the diocese of Africa, writes respecting it to Augustine (August.
Ep. 152): Oflicium sacerdotii vestri esse dicitis intervenire pro reis, et nisi obtineatis, of~fendi, quasi quod erat offcii vestri, minime reportetis.'Hic ergo vebementer amlrbigo, utrum
istad ex religione descendat. Nam si a Dosmino peccata adeo prohibentur, ut ne poenitendi quidem copia post prilmum tribuatur; quemadmodum nos possumus ex religiosle contendere, ut nobis qualecumcque Mllud crimen fuerit, dimittatur? quod utiqule, crnm impuniroum volumus, probamus, etc. To this Augustine replies, Ep. 153, ex. gr. ~ 3: Mortnl corrigendorum nullus alius quam in bac vita locus est.-Ideo compellimur humani generis caritate
intervenire pro reis, lie istam vitam sic finiant per supplicium,.t ea finita non possint finire
suppliciumn. Noli ergo dubita'e bhoc officium nostrum ex religione descendere, etc. Comp. the
intercession for the Circumcelliones.who were to have been executed for murders, August.
Ep. 133, ad Marcellinum Tribunum: Si non audis amicum petentem, audi Episcopum consulentem. QOuamvis quoniam Christiano loquar, maxime in tali causa, non arroganter dixerim, audire te Episcopum convenit jubentem. Against violent interferences of the clergy,
as they took place for example in Antioch (Chrysostollli Ep. ad Olynmpiademn and Orat. ad
popul. Antioch. 17,) Theodositus 1. A.D. 392, -and Arcadius, A.D. 398, enacted laws (Cod. Theod.
ix. xl. 15 and 16.) The latter: Addictos supplicio, et pro criminmlll  immanitate damnatos, nulli
Clericorum vel Monachorum —per vinm atque usurpationem vindicare liceat ac tenere. Q.uibus in caus a eriminali humanitatis consideratione,,si tempora suffragantur, interponendae provocationis copiau2 non negamnus.-Reos tempore provocationis emenso ad lourn poenae sub
prosecutione pergentes, nullus aut teneat ant defendat.-Si tanta Clericorum ac Monachorum audacia est, ut bellum potius quam judicium faturmun esse existimetur, ad Clementiam:Nostram eommissa referantur,; ut nostro mox severior ultio procedat arbitrio. Ad Episcoporuma sane culpal redundabit, si quid forte in ea parte regionis, in qua ipsi populo christianae religionis, doctrinae insinuatione, mloderantur, ex his quae fieri hac lege prohibemus,
a Monachis perpetratuom esse cognoverint, nec vindicaverint.
11 At first merely through custom (examples Asumian. Marcell. xxvi. 3. Zosimus. iv. 40;
et.r 8. Gregor. Naz. Orat. xx. in laudem Basilii, Opp. i. 353, etc.) which is referred to as
already in existence in the restrictive laws of Theodosius I. and Arcadius (Cod. Theod.
fx. 45, 1-3), and formally confirmed and strictly defined by Theodosius II. in the year 431
(ibid. 1. 4). Bingham, vol. iii. p. 353 ss. (Abele) Magazin ffir K'lchenrecht u. Kirchengesch. t;. 1.. (Leipz. 1778..) 8. 189, as.




CIHAP' Ii. —HIERARCHY.  91. IMPORTANCE O0' THIE C~LiARGY. 365
naturally  out of the  old  ecclesiastical notions before the emperors began  to confirm  them  severally by laws.'2
On the other side, ecclesiastical possessions became very considerable, partly  by  the  liberality  of the  emperors,'3  partly  by
the  legal permission  to  accept of inheritances and gifts, which
alas, was often abused by the clergy, soi as to become legacyhunting."4    All these external advantages attracted many to the
spiritual. profession,'5 the number of clergy was swelled beyond
rleasure, and  to  the  already  existing  classes were  added  para.
bolani, copiatae.1t   The  emperors  were  obliged  to  meet this
12 So Constantini leX A.D. 329. (Cod. Justin, i. iv. 25): Quae de aLea, sive ut vocant cottis, ac de eorum prohibitione a nobis sancita sunt, ea liceat Dei amicissimis Episcopis et
perscrutari, et cohibere, si fiant, et flagitiosos per clarissimos Praesides provinciarum, et
Patres defensoresqne civitatum ad m.odestiam reducere. IHonorii A.D. 408. (Cod. Theod.
xvi. x. 19), in reference to all kinds of idolatry: JEpiscopis quoque locortnm haec ipsa prohi.
bendi ecclesiasticae manus tribuimus facultatem; A.D. 409 (Cod. Theod. ix. iii. 7), after the
judges had beenl admronisbed to treat the prisoners more humanely: Nec deerit Antistiturn
christianae religionis cura laudabilis quae ad observationena constituti judicis hane ingerat
monitionem. Cf. Cod. Theod v. v. 2; v. vii. 2; xv. viii. 2; cf. C. W. de Rhoer iDissertt. de
effectu religionis christ. in jurisprudentiam Rom. (Fasc. i. Groningae. 1776. 8.) p. 94, ss.
13 Particularly out of the parochial property of the cities (see ~ 75, note 9), the property
of the heathen temples (Cod. Theod. xvi. 20) and of heretical churches Cod. Theod. xvi. v,
43, 52, 57, 65, etc.). Hilarius contra Constantium jam vita defunctumn, c. 10: Auro reipublicae sanc;tum  Dei honoras, et vel detracta templis vel publicata edictis, vel exacta poenis
Deo ingeris.
14 So Gregory Naz. Ep. 80 remarks, while admonishihng ASrius and Alypins to pay the:
legacy of their mother into the church, ort wro2toi Ical O2ov oel/Cov Egr'ozov E'vV Elf'ExitcXaiacf /ve5Cov-ro,  o, 0'cat,iap' EavrSv,reayav 7rpoa7yovro r3v r'eptovciav tcal r7v;cauiaoriv 67rpayaereicaavro prpaylcareiav, yevCo0at ddi 7 Ov E1E)   t xrtoOVTov 7rref PO
roivvv 9'cAipy7TE   ~EtLdojiv6,Sfr, lva rovaoif OaeppalTe,-3-Tavra ua' 3sdovf icati atedprdT7Tof
etrtd6'vrEC,' drod6vfre (  of oiE~oae r rod 0erod. On the other hand, Valentiniani I. lex A.D
370, ad Damasum Episc. urbis Rom. (Cod. Theod. xvi. ii. 20): Ecclesiastici, ant ex Ecclesiasticis, vel qui continentium se volunt nomine nuncupari, viduarum ac pupillarumrn  domos
non adeant: sed publicis exterminentur judiciis, si posthac eos adfines earumn vel propinqui putaverint deferendos. Censemus etiam, ut memorati nihil de ejus muflieris, cui se
privatim sub praetexta religionis adjunxerint, liberalitate quacunque, vel extremo judicio
possint adipisci, et omne in tantum inefflcax sit, quod alicui hortm ab his fuerit derelictum,
ut nec per subjectam personam valeant aliquid, vel donatione vel testamento, percipere, etc,
On this subject Jerome LE pist. 34 (al. 2) ad Nepotianuml: Nec de lege conqueror, sed doleo
cur meruerimus bane legem. Cauteriumt bonum est sed quo mihi vulnus, ut indigeam
cauterio? Provida severaque legis cantio, et tamen nec sic refraenatur avaritia.  Comp.
the laws of Theodosius IL. 1. c. 1. 27 and 28.
15 In a one-sided way Athanasius Hist. Arian. ad Monachos, c. 78, designates only the
Meletian clergy as ol tv' e'lddZuv aO66rev, odd/C 700 -o 0 ovvnlV7piov, aeat/ r/f 7rp/r7Vf
7ro2Ltrena, dtla rv raa.irwopov it2trovpy~ciav KaZ  rwporacriav. Basilius Ep. 54, blamies
his country bishops on account of their subservience to men, r2v -,r2earTov 06,f6. r7/f
arpaToXoyiaf EInrotolvvrtov eavroviSv r,7 irTrpeaig.
16 In the work entitled de Septem  ordinibus Ecclesiae (Opp. ed. Martian. v. 100),
ascribed to Jerome, the copiatae appear under the name fossarii as the lowest order of
the clergy. According to a law of Theodosius II. A.D. 416 (Cod. Theod. xiv. ii. 42) no
more than 500 parabolani were to be in Alexandria. In the year 418 he permitted 600




,166'SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
pressure, which  became  dangerous to  the  state, with  stringent
laws.17
Under these  circumstances the power of the  bishops particularly rose. At the head of a numerous clergy completely subject to them, they'alone had power to decide on the appropriation of the church estates,8 and controlled ecclesiastical legislation by their exclusive privilege of having a voice at synods.
Hence they continued to make the country bishops more subservient to  them;19  to  the  other churches  in  cities  and  in  the
country  (ecclesia plebana, titulus), except the head church  (eccl.
cathedralis)  they  sent according  to  their own  free  choice, presbyters  (parochus, plebanus),2~ to  conduct the  worship  of God,
who were entirely dependent on them even in the matter of
maintenance.  The first person next to the bishop was the
archdeacon,2" who helped him to manage the revenues.  Thle
arch-presbyters,22    an  order which  arose  about  the  same  time,
were of far inferior rankl. All the lower clergy and the presby(ibid. i. 43). The same emperor reduced the number of copiatae in Constantinople from
1100 to 950 (Cod. Just. i. ii. 4).
17 Constantine's law to this effect before the year 320 (Cod. Theod. xvi. ii. 3): Nullun,
deinceps Decurionem, vel ex Decurione progenitum, vel etiam  instructumn idoneis facultatibus, atque obeundis publicis muneribus opportunum, ad Clericorum nonmen obsequiunmque
confugere: sed eos de cetero in defunctorumn duntaxat Clericorusn loca subrogari, qui fortuna tenues, neque muneribus civilibus teneantur obstricti. ConstantiLs allowed in 361
(Cod. Th. xii. i. 49) every curialis admission into the clerical office, curia promente consensum, maxime si totius populi vocibus expetatur: otherwise he should give over his
property to his children, or relatives, or the senate.  This resigning of goods became
afterward a general law (Cod. Th. xii. i. 59, 99, 104, 115, 121, 123, 163, 172, etc.). Riffel,
i. 164.
l8 Iiffel, i. 128.
11 See Div. I. ~ 68, note 2. Conec. Antioch. ann. 341, can. 10: TofS X(dpelrtcrCO67ovf, El
Ical XelpoOeciav Enev   k7rtur/c67rov Ei2067rerf, dofe rv a'yi[g auvvP6e —acOtarnv edvayvfdfraf
Kai io Vodta/c6vovf lcaG &opplartSC,-#7r  6E d7 rpEG&,VT7rEpov  jTE 6liCOVOV XEtporOVCiv troat.v dia -roio iv rT rr76ect irtatc6irov,    r ir6KeCvrat avi-r6 re  Icad V X pa,-Xo/pErc C0rio aV,
de yivveaOaC V7b T70o  rf r  Er6Lerow,, V67r6tcEi7a,, Eartcac6rov.  Cone. Laodiceni (betwxeen
320 and 372) Can. 57:'"Or ovl dae i i-v raig Vceatf, Kcai   i-v racf xOpatcf caOiaracOaet 6iwrxoreovf, 4i ai2Za ireptOede2r    rolf JLevr'  d   xper oi a7-  rTpOKaTaraOva l rLCV rrpdrreTe11) dVeV
7yvjuYf To-  7rttgc67O  roiov 70  ev r, 7r6ca. dcdaairgS d& icat rov'f'rpeglvrepovp     yideV wrpdrEetv dveV T7f  yaCi#ja   troil Eirtarc6reov. Probably it was not meant by this canon to do
away with the existing country bishops, but only to prevent the establishment of new
bishoprics. Accordingly we find frequent mention of country bishops long after. Basil
the Great had fifty in his diocese (Gregor. Naz. de vita sua, p. 8), Theodoret, Ep. 113,
names two of his suburbans, etc.
20 Thomassini Vetus et nova eccles. disciplin. p. i. lib. 2, c. 21, ss. Bingham, lib. ix. c. 8,
vol. iii. p. 590.
21 Thomassini, p. i. lib. 2, c. 17. Binghamn, vol. i. p. 338. J. G. Pertscllh Abhandl. v. d.
lUrsprunge der Archidiaconen, 2 c. Hildesheim. 1743. 8.
22 Thomassini, p. i. lib. 2, c. 3. Bingham, vol. i. p. 301.




CHAP. III. —HIERARCHY.  S 91. IMPORTANCE OF THE CLERGY. 367
ters too were now  chosen  by the bishop  alone.   The  choice of
bishops mostly  depended  on  the other bishops of the provinces,
except when  the  emperors interfered.   Still, however, the consent of the people was required, and  was  not without weight.
especially in the west.23
Under these external advantages, it is not surprising that the
prevailing notions of priestly dignity, and especially of the
bishops' authority rose higher and higher;  and that the bishops
externally  enjoyed  the highest demonstrations of respect, their
claims as the vicars of Christ and the successors of the apostles
being capable of indefinite development.24 Yet their overweening pride often gave just cause for complaint 25
23 The bishop was chosen'Ertiac07rrwv Uvv6do, Vibo~d icrnjpwdiv, alIrEt 2 Jadv (Petri
Alex. Epist. in Theodoreti H. E. iv. 19). The person elected by the clergy was either
accepted by the voice of the people crying out'A~toc, bene meritus, bene dignus; or they
cried'AvdSrto  (Augustini Epist. 110. Philostorgius, ix. 10. Constitut. Apost. viii. 4).
Leo Epist. 10, c. 3: Qui praefuturus est omnibus, ab omnibus eligatur. Thomassini, p. ii.
lib. 2, c. 2 and 3. Bingham, vol. ii. p. 90, ss. Staudenmaier's Gesch. d. Bischofswahlen,
S. 24. Riffel, i. 574.
24 The assertion, so pregnant with consequences, that the priesthood stands above
royalty, in which during the third century nothing but a secret pride could take delight
(Div. I. ~ 69, note 1), was not only repeated (see Chrysost. Homil. 4, de verbis Isaiae, de
Sacerdotio, iii. c. 1, Homil. 15, in Epist. ii. ad Corinth. comp. Gregor. Naz. above, note 8),
but was now also outwardly manifested in the conduct. Standing titles of the bishops
were Dominus beatissimus (comup. Wiggers' Augustinismus, ii. 37) or sanctissimus, reverendissimus, decrTOr6rf o'GTa7Taof, aldEauiTra7rof, Beatitudo, Sanctitas tua, 7 C?? Xprs -
7r6r7-, pascapt6rVf or &yts6Tq/.  Marks of reverence which were paid them  even by
emperors were the dVroe2,ivEtv icecaZtv and tcaraMT0t2E  rgf XEzpae. See Bingham, vol. i.
p. 134. When Eusebia, spouse of the emperor Constantius, did not observe such things
in receiving the salutations of the bishops, the Eusebian bishop of Tripolis, Leontius,
declared to her (Philostorgius, ap. Suidam, s. v. Ae6vr-of), that he would appear before
her only under the following conditions: "Iv' ceirouotu /uEv Ey, ea 6' avirrdca roV Op6vov
tro5 dvJ71Vo KaTripaua, t67T' aldofv  raovra7rcetaf gd/oi, Ica  T7vV icEOaiv dT6oX, f raT
E/kauZ xEpo'v, erdoytCiv  ytov/lzv7'y  /c~7relra cEaoer0eeqv  iie  v Eyd, ab 6' 6dv C'ri?)cotC
ai8ovodvw7, 0dr6rav d   eRcevocatylt, cxaOedov/ivV, d7vilca oi[qv rTO  SvOvrtc.a.   El oViJrrC
alpupn, Ltlco[/1iV rrapd ae, IC. r.-. Comp. the conduct of bishop Martinus at the court
of Maximus. At table the emperor ordered the cup to be first presented to him (Sulp.
Severus de vita Mart. c. 20), expectans atque ambiens, ut ab illius dextera poculum
sumlleret. Sed Martinus ubi ebibit, pateram  presbytero suo tradidit, nulluml scilicet ex.
istimans digniorem, qui post se biberet. At another time the empress waited on him
at table (Sulp. Severi Dial. ii. 6). Comp. generally: Chrysost. de Sacerdotio. The work
de Dignitate, found among the writings of Ambrose, is not by him, but by Gerbert (Sylvester II. about 1000). See Mabillon Analecta, p. 103.
25 Hieronym. ad Tit. c. 1: De episcopatu intumescunt, et putant se non dispensationem
Christi sed imperium consecutos.-Sciat episcopus et presbyter sibi populum conservum
esse, non servum.




3 68                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
~ 92.
DEPENIDENCE OF THE HIERARCHY ON THE STATE.
Notwithstanding these outward  honors enjoyed by the hierar.
chy, they  could  the  less escape from  a dependence on the state
in  many  ways,l as  they  presented  a vulnerable  side  to  it by
their acquisition  of property;2 and as the government of the Roman  emperors, since  the  removal of their residence to the  east,
began to assume an oriental despotic character.3
The first occasion  of interference in ecclesiastical matters was
offered by the hierarchy itself when involved in  an  uninterrupted
series  of controversies.4' The  emperors wished, and also  ought,
according to the desire of the hierarchy, to tolerate only the catholic church;5 but as this name  was  claimed  exclusively  by  so
many parties, the emperors were obliged to decide to which it
belonged, and  what doctrine  accordingly  should  be  considered
the catholic  doctrine.6    To  this end  they  summoned  councils,
allowingo  them   to  consult under  the  superintendence   of their
commissione'     s;7  and  then  gave imperial confirmation  to  their
I The two Luciferians Faustinus and Marcellinus in libello precum first complained of
this (Bibl. PP. Lugd. v. 656): Imperatoris arbitrio Episcopi nune ex catholicis finot haeretici, et iidem Episcopi ex haeretieis ad fidem  catholicaln revertuntur. Isidorus Pelus.
lib. v. Ep. 268, ad Cyrill. Episc.: HIIc2aw  zv s? ilepwCuVpz  Traiovcoav 7rv pa/t3 eiav
ddopOoiro icai  rodp6SvtXe, vvov  le ivr' bcdevVv yeyovev, Ic. r. 2L.  Socrates, lib. iv. Proem.:'AO' ov,pt ara vir'tv   )pieavro (o~ /3avtLbeZ), ra ri'Elclcrliaf rpcpy/aroa VprPro fE
aVrdv, ita i Ci yytrataL'odo rvOrO   T? aVT'v yvbIV  yEyovaui  re Cael yivovrat.
2 Faustinhus and Marcellinus, 1. c. p. 654, respecting the bishops who had fallen away
under Constantius (see s 82, note 14): Non dignantur pro Christo Filio Dei exililum
perpeti, cumon propriis sedibus et Ecclesiarum perniciossimis possessionibus oblectantur.
-Episcopi plns iram regis terreni timuerunt quam Christum.
3 C. NV. de Rhoer Dissert. de effectu relig. christ. in jurisprudentianm Romanam, p. 40, ss.
4 First by the Donatists. See Div. I.
5 Constantine's law, A.D. 326 (Cod. Theod. xvi. v. 1): Privilegia, qUae contemplatione
religionis indolta sunt, catholicae tantuin legis observatoribus prodesse oportet. Haereticos autem, atque schismnaticos non tantum  ab his privilegiis alielos esse volumus, sed
etiam diversis muneribus constringi et subjici.
6 Comp. the law of Theodosius I. A.D 380, Cod.-Theod. xvi. 1, 2, see above 5 83, note 32.
7 Eusebins de vita Const. i. 44:'Eoaiperov ri   c2tr i/Ca  roOV Oeor  rsv imap' aP VroV
wVciOv opovri6a, dtacEpoEvovw  rtvidv 7rpic &au7XXiovc /cara da~o6povc XSpaof, old rzt
tcotvof Tricreoroe kec rOeoO caOCeeravoo, cS vv6dovS rJv roU OEoV 2lcerovpydv cvvesp6oreC.
Constant. Epist. ad Syn. Tyriam  (ibid. iv. 42):'ArgCTretCa T rpbO   ov'f  f3ov?,irlre Tv'v
rtcrwtacfrwv, cYva Trapoayevoevo   t, IoovovamGoLv G / Zv r7Cv T pOvrT1cr1JaToV'  dTeraretc2a Atovaltov  rbv  7rb i viraroticv, 9 Icai TroVsf &bei  ovreaf ef r ov credooov  tictlcurOat IceO' flodv
tro!viacet, icac re v 7rparreoyev v, aoLpfrof de r7ij evreaSiSa icararicoTrof rapCara' eav
ycp rTf,  E6f yLot o lo a pat, r,,'v 7yerrpav 1c2evatv cat vyv  Latlcpovo'aaOat e retp~c,uevof,




CHAP. III.-HIERARCHY. ~ 92. DEPENDENCE ON THE STATE  369
decrees.8  But when the controversy was not terminated by
this means, as usually happened, the emperors were often led
by political, often by religious motives, often by court cabals, to
step  in  with  new  decisions, sometimes taking  a middle  course.
sometimes giving the superiority to the party formerly condemned.9  The party favored by the emperor then appeared to
look  upon  the civil power as exercised only for the protection  of
the church,l~ and none but the defeated mailtained that matters of faith  should  not be submitted  to  the emperor's decision,
but to the bishops.T"
Besides these great party questions, individuals among the
clergy had  also many  particular cases in which  the interference
of the  emperors was  solicited, although  councils  soon  forbade
uj fov2l76/,  crrapayEvEface,  ~.vrreiv xrap' tVuv aocTeorale7at,   EIC iCl fiatC2tOu) rpocrdylaerof ai7rbv Efi33abov dS) oV rrpoecicev opotg aevrolcparopoef Wirip -itf auq0EGaf'eveXOertCv ivrrG-erivetv, ddaSre. The emperor gave full powers to the tribune Marcellinus
to decide the controversy between the Catholics and Donatists, A.D. 411.  See Gesta
Collationis CaLthaginensis diei i. c. 4 (annexed to Optatus Milev. ed. du Pin, p. 247): Cui
quidem disputationi principe loco te judicem volumus residere, omnemque vel in congregandis Episcopis, vol evocandis, si adesse contemiserint, currar te volumus sustinere, nt
et ea, quae ante mandata stunt, et quae nune statuta cognoscis, probata possis implere
solertia: id ante omnia servaturus, ut ea quae circa catholicani legem vel olim ordinavit
antiquitas, vel parenturm  nostrornm  auctoritas religiosa constituit, vel nostra serenitas
roboravit, novella subreptione submota, integra et inviolata custodias.  Comp. Fuch's
Bibl. der Kirchenversammlunlgen, Th. 3, S. 166.         o
8 Epist. Conc. ii. oecumen. (Constantinop. ann. 381) ad Theodosium. Imp. (Mansi, iii. p.
557): Ar6jErOea roivvv r-ij Cig,up66i7rof 7ypi;.uart r-i ac4f eiVe,3af i" rrcvpnoilvat ircvv6dov  r7Pv b00tov  i'p' Sc'errp TroZ rg C IcZcEoCS  yp7djUctaCl Trv dlccnruav reri7/cfaf, oVir7O
/cai -'dp do(dvrT0 v  r7itlopayicnG Tb rieo.  COf. de Marca de concord. Sac. et Imp. lib. ii.
c. 10,   10, ss. lib. vi. c. 22.
9 TThus Athanasiu s Hist. Arian. ad Mon. c. 33, puts into the mouth of Constantius, in
reply to the bishops assembled in Milan (355) these words: "O7rep Eyc7  tovZo/eal, roTro
oCa'or vo/icOaG'  odra y),ap euov ZdyovroT'C rveXovrat o[i rzf.vpiaeg  ey6eryoveo  Etiiworoit.
) Toivvv  TEiaOTre, i cai,UEigf iTrtepptoL yErvGErOE.
10 To the Donatists, who reported the ilperial decisions with the words (Optatus
Milev. i. 22): Qtuid Christianis curean   egibus? aut quid Episcopis curn palatio? and (ibid.
iii. 3): Quid est Imperatori cum Ecclesia?  Optatus replies (1. c.): Non Respublica est
in Ecclesia, sed Ecclesia in Republica est, i. e., in Imiperio Rnoano. —Cum  super
Imperatorurm  non sit nisi solus Deus, quii fecit Imperatorem, dum. se Donatus super
Imperatorenm   extollit, jam  quasi hominum  excesserat metas, ut prope se Deum, non
homeinel aestimaret, non reverendo eum, qui post Deum ab hominibus timebatur.
1: Hosii Epist. ad Constantium  (in Athanasii Hist. Arianorum  ad Monaclhos, c. 44):
M' rZTet ceavrbv  g Etl r  EIClCulotaT6ytlCa, d#ei ciV rreCPi  TO7rOYV?/t v 7rapaKErXEVov'  - Ui2
zdacZov r-ap' kt7Cv ci)  dvOave rTa)TCr. 6o0i,agtiEtav 6 OE B   EVErXEiptaev, yuZfV  T2i rSf
ElcXariaci  ETriaTEve.   rca i lcrep O rT/i v   P'v pXjv viroKrTrtwov ivvrt6EyeC 7& dtroaraalfcev
E' *' oewo fSoTr,       Ic'7'   ci, ct Tia a T r   rg'ktctoK1Cac Elf iavTiv EKv Vr 7regOvvor 7yKbi-t/ar
ErydZC6, yIV-/. So, too, Athanasius, lib. cit. in various passages.  Leontius bishop of
Tripolis said to Constantius (Suidas, s. v. Ae6vrlog): Oav'roZ, 0'7rroc repa oerrales raxOeig,
Er7potg EdrttXEtpEIg, gTrpCtrorticpCV,eV /Ca Ti-oalTtK6Yv 7rpaygcirtv  -poErU7moig,'Ertacr6n'or
6E repTcpi rv Eri  6vovr'ETrLcta6rov~ cI6orvesv dlaearaTr1evof.
VOL. I.   24




370                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
such supplications to the emperor.'2    The clergy indeed endeavored, backed   as  they  were  by  imperial  privileges,  to  make
themselves as independent as possible of the other authorities of
the state,1" but they still acknowledged  the  emperor to be their
highest judge,'4  so much  so that the Roman bishop regarded  it
a  distinction  to be judged  only  by  the  emperor."l     None ventured to call in  question the supreme authority  of the emperor,
as far as it did not violate the rights of conscience;1 and the
imperial laws, even  when  they  touched  the  church, were  received by the bishops with implicit obedience.l7 The great influence exercised by the emperors, partly  in filling up the most
12 Cone. Antioch. ann. 341, c. 12: EL' rtg v7 T  ro  idiov'ETritco6rov KcaOatpeedig' rprEfi9iEpof,  } dti'iovog,  ) Kai'ErioGcoogf mrVb aevv6dov, kvoXiaGat Troe 1rcete -ra'f iaoitXl g
Jucobg, dov cTri peiS;ova'Eeitalc6rwv cavodov rpefre0at, Icai a voli'e  dlticata kXcEv.rpoaavea~ipelv rrTeioacv ErItatc6rotr, cat rTV  cam-r,  ESiTCraiVe TV Icat'itticptltv EtcE6GOeaoa
ECi   rToWy bov WoynpoCf evOXZX7 eviE rt fiaatl4E, Kai troa rev70VJidge evyyvtYJ/r &to0ioOaC,
r/6    p Xapa v,  nro2oyiaf f'elv, ydEI E7risda a'TroKcarard6cEog 7rpoudolcav. This is repeated
by the Conc. Constantin. ann. 381, c. 6.-Conc. Antioch. c. 11, forbids all the clergy to go
to the emperor avev  yv6J/mg  Kai ypaiuiu&rov riv EV T  i &rapXl~a 7i tfc6ronv, Kaci ac1i(iCra
7o0  cort r7y, p/rp6-droLiv,.  Cone. Sardic. can. latinus 8 (graec. 7): Quidam non cessant
comitatum ire Episcopi, et maxime Afri: —ut non solum ad comitatom multas et diversas
Ecclesiae non profuturas perferant causas, neque ut fieri solet aut oportet, uat pauperibus,
auLt viduis, aut pupillis subveniatur: sed et dignitates saeculares et administrationes
quibusdam  postulent. Ilaec itaqune pravitas olim  non solrm  murmnrationes, sed et
scandala excitavit. Honestum  est autem, ut Episcopi intercessionem  his praestent,
qui iniqula vi opprimuintlur, aut si vidua affligatur, aut pupillus exspolietur: si tamen
ista omnia justam  babeant causam,,ant petitionem. Si ergo vobis fratres carissimi,
placet, decernite, ne Episcopi ad comitatml  accedant, nisi forte hi, qui religiosi Imperatoris literis vel invitati, vel evocati fuerint.-Universi dixerunt: Placet, et constituatur.
13 See above, ~ 91, note 5.
14 Thus Athanasius asked of Constantine (Athanas. Apol. contra Arlianos, c. 9), v6jt#ov
ETrcliwordov acvodov Uavycpo0rrOval, Ij Kai avirOv (3actLaZa) defSaaOal 7rv a&o02oyiav, 6n
w7r;yayov acir-, and came for this purpose after the synod of Tyre in person to Constantinople. Socrates, i. 33, ss.
15 Epistola Rom. Concilii ad Gratianum et Valentinianmn Impp. A.D. 378 (in J. Sirmondi
append. Cod. Theodos. p. 78, and ap. Coustant among Damasi Epistt. no. 6): Accipite
alind quoque, quod vir sanctus (Damasus) vestrae magis conferre pietati, quam  sibi
praestare desiderat, nec derogare cuiquam, sed principibus adrogare; quoniam non noovum
aliqdid petit, sed sequitur exempla majorum: ut Episcopus Romnanns, si concilio ejus
causa non creditur, apud concilium  se imperiale defendat. Nam  et Sylvester Papa a
sacrilegis accusatus, apud parentem vestrum Constantinum causal propriam prosecutus
est. Et de scripturis simrilia exempla suppeditant: quod cum a praeside sanctus Ai:stolus vim pateretur. Caesarem appellavit, et ad Caesarem missus est.
16 See Optatus, above, note 10. Ambrosius Apolog. David. c. 10: Nullis David legibus
tenebatur, quia liberi sunt Reges a vinculis delictorum, nec enim -allis ad poelam vocantur
legibus, tuti Imperii Majestate.
17 To the law Cod. Theod. xvi. ii. 20, ad Damasum Episc. urbis Rom. (see above, ~ 91,
note 14) the remark is annexed: lecta in ecclesiis Rom. (comp. the evasive remarks of
Baronius, ann. 370, no. 123). Gothofredus ad h. i. gives several examples of the reading
of the imperial laws in churches.




CIHAP. III; —IERARCHY.     93. IN THE EAST.                      371
important episcopal sees, partly in even deposing and  appointing
bishops without farther ceremony,l8  naturally  secured  to  them
the obedience of the clergy, and with it the direction of ecclesiastical affairs.   The slavish  Greeks now  began  to  attribute  to
themn   a  priestly  character.l9    A   strict  theory  respecting  the
limits  of the  ecclesiastical and  civil power  was  not  yet laid
down.T2
~ 93,
ORIGIN OF PATRIARCHS, ESPECIALLY IN THE EAST.
Trait6 historique de de la Prilnaut6 en l'eglise par D. Blondel. Genuve. 1641. fol.-Jo.
Morini Exercitatt. ecclesiasticae et biblicae. Paris. 1669. fol. (diss. i. de Patriarcharu.m
et Primatum origine).-L. E. du Pin de Antiqua eccles. disciplina dissertt. Paris. 1686.
4. Diss. i.-L. Thomassini Vetus et nova Ecclesiae disciplina lib. i. cap. 7-20.-Bingghaam
Origg. eccl. lib. ii. cap. 17. —J. V. Janus de Origine Patriarcharunm  christianbrmll
diss. ii. Viteb, 1718. 4.-VV. C. L. Ziegler's pragm. Gesch. der kirchl. Verfassungsformen in den ersten secls Jahrh. Leipzig. 1798. 8. S. 164, f. —Planck's Gesch. d.
christl. kirchl. Gesellschaftsverfassung. Bd. 1. S. 598, ff.
In  the  preceding  period  it has  been  already  seen, that the
three  great metropolitans  of Rome, Alexandria; and  Antioch;
is Especially in Constantinople. Thomassini Vetus et nova Eccl. discipl. p. ii. lib. 2,
c. 6. Riffel, i. 589.
19 Assent at the synod of Constantinople in the year 448 (Mansi, vi. 733): IIoHt0a r'd r7?y
r& dpCXtprEi iacItXeL. The later emperors seriously laid claim to the priestly dignity by
virtue of their being anointed. Thnus the abbot Maxinmus in Constantinople 655, is asked
(Mansi, xi. 6): Ergo non est omnis christianus Imperator etiam sacerdos? to which indeed
he replies, Non est. Leo the Isaurian about 730 writes to Pope Gregory II. (Mansi, xii,
976): Bao2ueiS    IcaCi iepeiSt eli/t. The throne of the emperor in the church was at first
beside that of the bishop at the choir, till Ambrose assigned it a place close to the choir,
Sozom. vii. 25). Yet the emperor ventured to lay his oblations on the altar himself,
Conc. QCuinisext. A.D. 692, can. 69.
20 Eusebius de vita Const. iv. 24, relates the following, after he had spoken of Constaotine's activity against Paganism: "EvOev Eri6rof aLrbOf ~v stdSTCrEL rOTE  drECOo/Zeroo
ErTic6rrovC,,6yov 64~lclEvi, 6f Apa ct 5at aVTiro'i7ricEoiorzof. 6cd  t ry ca7roig E1ritS/~v Mag'.,
bQ' ~7rrETpaogS iKoanr k*s' Sric eS o rwv  EiO  r~  EK,?ycraef, eyi pE al ncv   KPT,r.'S
COeo lcaOCaC/Lvoef itGcickozrof  v Ed7v-."  CK6ovca' otv ri X6y9 dtavooo3eVof, ro7'f
poxo/,vov f   cragv7aS   cOxeac67ret,, rTpO7perrT 7e ar'ep rep Co )a dvaottl  v e'r Ie3?e oerCo&6ticesv o  iov. Different explanations of these words of Constantine may be seen in Ch.
G. F. WValch de 70Gf de)'o rg EbIckyioag et ro70ig iKcr  Constanltini M. in the Commeu.
tationes Soc. Gottingensis, vol. vi. p. 81, ss. Heinichen Excurs. iv., annexed to his editioof Euseb. de vita Const. p. 537. Since an expression like iTrirKcorogS rpacydoi owv   canU iC
be pointed out, and there follows immediately after Ictretcorretv UCpxyoevovf, Constantine
probably did not mean rc etr6g, but rovf e croS.  Ot icXr6g and ot adpX6/E rvoo   ral)5E
must be the same, and thus we obtain the following explanation: "Be ye the overseers
of those who belong to the church, and so far as they belong to it: let me be the overseer
of ttose without the church, and in so far as they are out of it (whether it be wholly as
heathen, or partly., i. e., Christians in their civil relations).




372                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
~were distinguished from  the other metropolitans by having several provinces under their oversight.   This institution  came up
for discussion at tlie council of Nice, probably on occasion of the
Meletian schism  in Egypt;  and was confirmed by the 6th  can.'
At the  same time provincial synods were still acknowledged at
this council as the highest ecclesiastical authority.2
But during the subsequent Arian  commotions, the provincial
symods were  too  weak  to  be able to  withstand, in  the  eternal
party-strife, powerful opponents who were often supported by
state  authority.   By  this  means  the  bishops were  induced  to
form   still larger hierarchical associations by which  they  might
individually   obtain  greater  security.   In  the  political, often
I Can. Nic. vi.: T2 dpacyaEa E08 Icpareiro, rci Ev AEYVrr,  Kca AioPV  Kat IlevraTv6XEc,
e8 rbTOv'A2Le@avdpseaf iE'7'iaoTrov widv7oV w ro~7V   xetV Trv Wova avv' -'eltv   Icai rO
v r,) PV'lrcac67r(J 7ro0iro   VVOlf Etarv' d6/oieo dl cai' caa' rTvv'Avrt6XElav, cal Elv
7naeg 0atf  TrapxpiaC 7ig d rpeafeia Ca6CrocOat 7anfS cltraaiatg.  KaeO6ov de' rp6&dp2ov
C;cefvo, d5t ei rIf Xowptf yvF)iU g tOV /Y7rpoTo2Rntov   ytvolro E7'7rio0rof, rov r0otOrov  7/
zey62,V auvodoC tSptae #cr deTv elvat e'TrLiOTwov.  The Romans made what they inferred from
this canon in favor of their church the superscription of it in their oldest Cod. canonumn (see
it ap. Mansi, vi. 1186; comp. Labbei observ. ap. Mansi, ii. 688), which afterward was incorporated with the canon. So the Roman legates cited it at the council of Chalcedon
(Mausi, vii. 444): Ecclesia Romana semper habuit primatum. Teneat autem et Aegyptus,
Libya, et Pentapolis, ita ut Episcopus Alexandriae harum omnium hahbeat potestatem:
quoniam et Romano Episcopo haec est consuetudo, etc. But on the other hand, in the
Prisca, which dates immediately after the council of Chalcedon (Manlsi, vi. 1127): Antiqui
moris est, ut urbis Romae Episcopus habeat principatum, ut suburbicaria loca et omanemi
provinciam suam sollicitudine gubernet. Quae vero apud Aegyptum sunt, Alexandriae
Episcopus omnlium habeat sollicitudinem. Simtiliter autem  et circa Antiochiam, et in
caeteris provinciis privilegia propria serventur metropolitanis ecclesiis, etc. Nicolaus I.
(A.D. 863) Ep. viii. ad Michaelem (ap. Mansi, xv. 206) explains the canon thus: Denique
si instituta Nicaenae synodi diligenter inspiciantur, invenietur profecto, quia Romanae
Ecclesiae nullum eadem Synodus contulit incrementum: sed potius ex ejus forma, quod
Alexandriae Ecclesiae tribnerit particulariter, sumpsit exemplum.  On the other hand
B ellarmine de Romano Pontifice, lib. ii. c. 13: Alexandrinum debere gLbernare illas provincias, quia Romanus Episcopus ita consuevit, id est, quia Romanus Episcopus ante
onjnem Conciliorum  definitionein consuevit permittere Episcopo Alexandrino regimesn
Aegypti, Libyae, et Pentapolis, sive consuevit per Alexandrinum Episcopum illas provincias gubernare. In later times, the only point of dispute has been whether in this
canon, as the Greek canonists Johannes Scholasticus, Theod. Balsamon, and Zonaras
assume, patriarchal rights (so Sirmond, Em. Schelstrate, Natalis Alexander, etc.), or
metropolitan rights (so J. Launoy, Sam. Basnage, etc.), are spoken of. The copious literature on the subject may be seen in Sagittarii Introduct. in Hist. Eccl. ii. 1224, ss.
2 Can. Nic. 4 confirms to the provincial synod its influence in the election of bishops.
Canon 5 recognizes it as the highest court of appeal in cases of excommunication. Cone.
Antioch. ann. 341, c. 15: El rtg LTrieaxooTo  Eing rttv'7yKcaltv  cKaeryop0Oelf, KptOepl viro  dvravr7oen v  r v  nv 6, Trap.l. inac'rrov, riavTrE  nE o5.tiwVOt tav icKa' aVroV'evEUYICOtev Vov' rO/ TOV 0ov gtELt Trap' ETpotl dctlcai'0eaael, t  2h yevetv fEpaGiav Ti/V
aowgwctvo  rmv tirtv Err   apXiae  Ertnrc6errov aTir6oaltv. In case of division among the provincial bishops, the metropolitan, according to canon 14, is empowered to summon bishops
from the neighboring province.




CHAP. III.-HIERARCHY.  ~ 93. IN THE EAST.                         373
ecclesiastical separation  of the  east and  west, this new  hierarchical development  proceeded  in  a  different mode  in  the  two
empires.
In  the east, the  political division  of the provinces had  been
followed  from   the  first in  the  development of the metropolitan
institution,  and  the  fundamental principle  became  more  and
more established, that the  ecclesiastical should constantly follow
the political division of provinces.3' Accordingly, in the formation of larger hierarchical bodies,4 they adhered to the political
distribution  of the realm  into dioceses, which  had been made by
Constantine.5    The bishops of every diocese became more closely
connected with  each  other;  the  bishop  of the  chief city  in  the
diocese was their common  president, and  was elevated  by  this
means above the other metropolitans.   Yet his rights were defined  according  to  earlier  ecclesiastical relations, and  for  this
reason  were not alike in  all dioceses.   In  Egypt, tLe bishop  of
Alexandfria  had  almost monarchical power;G  the  power of the
bishop  of Antioch  in  the east was less;7 less still was that of
3 Conf. Conc. Antiochen. cal. 9, see Div. I. ~ 68, note 4. When Cappadocia was dividled into two provinces, A.D. 371, Basil was disposed to resist the appli:cation of this
principle against the bishop of Tyana, Gregor. Naz. Orat. xliii. c. 58 (ed. Coloni, Orat. xx.
p. 355). Ullmannls Gregorius v. Naz. S. 118, ff.'On the other iland, Conec. Chalcedon.
can. 17: El dd rtg EK c.at2tICtlcf  oovceiaf CctaetvcOf  7r62stf,  aOtf icatvtc0eir, roiZ TroeltrtucoG  icat d7/oc0lo tGf rTV7rot KatCad T 1V clcqlrta6r&lKV 7rapoltctlv fi rTl  dLCOavO7ET(r.
Comp. below, note 14.
4 The first appearance of such larger synods, Cone. Antioch. ann. 341, canl. 12, see above,
~ 92, note 12.
z ZosimU, ii. 33. Notitia dignitatum utriusque imperii, probably written in the reign of
Theodosius II. (conm  G. Panzirolli Comm. in Graevii Thes. antiquitt. Roman. vol. vii. p.
1309, ss.) I. PRAEFECTUJRA ORIENTIS, 1. Dioecesis Orientis (chief city Antiochi); 2. Aegypti (Alexandria); 3. Asiae (Ephesus); 4. Ponti (Caesarea Cappadociae); 5. Thraciae
(Heraclea, then Constantinople). II. PRAEF. ILLYRICI ORIENTALIS, after 379 separated
fiom the west, witls the chief city Thessalonica.  1. Dioec. Macedoniae; 2. Daciae.  III.
PRAEF. ITALIAE, 1. Dioec. Romae (Rome); 2. Italiae (Mediolanum); 3. Illyrici occidentalis (Sirmnium); 4. Africae (Carthage). IV. PRAEF. GALLIARUM,.1. Dioec. Galliae (Augusta Trevirorun); 2. Hispaniae; 3. Britanniae.  Over the prefectures were.placed Praefecti Praetorio; over the dioceses or vicariates Vicarii; over the provinces Rectores, with
different titles, as consulares, correctores, usually praesides.
6 Epiphanius Haer. 68, ~ 1: Toro y0q  0o: OOar, Orv  Ev rn,'Arceavdpel,'ApXlerfialoKov w('cay rE AIy.r7rov Kcai Oyfa'doc, Mapad1rov  re ca i Apt,38g,'AyAovtalcng MapateT8669 re Katc levrarr6eo S XFetv rv  ECICaycrtartVKv 6tilcnutv.- Cf. Clausen de Synesio
EHafn. 1831. p. 173.
I-Hieronymi. ad Pammachium  contra errores Joann. Hierosol. (A.D. 397) c. 15: Ta qui
regulas quaeris ecclesiasticas, et Nicaeni concilii calonibus nteris:-responde mihi: ad
Alexandrinulm  episcopuln Palaestina quid pertinet?  Ni fallor, hoe ibi decernitur, ut Palaestinae Metropolis Caesarea sit, et totius Orientis Antiochia. Aut igitur ad Caesarienseeln Episcopumn referre dehueras-aut si procul expetenduml judicium erat, Antiochiamu,.tins iiterae dibigendae.




J7-4                 SSEGCOND  PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451..
tie  bishop  of Ephesus in the Asiatic, and that of the bishop, of
Caesareca Cappadociae, in the Pontian diocese.  In the Thracian  diocese,  Constantinople  had  become  the  political capital
instead  of Heraclea, and  as it was also the chief city of the  empire, the power of the bishop of Constantinople, supported by his
influence with the emperor, and the consent of the numerous
bishops who were always assembled at court (aivvo6oS i8vWdo   a),a
soon extended far beyond the Thracian diocese; but the degree
of power depended very much on the personal relations of the
reigning patriarch.  Such was the state of things when the
second  gelneral council (381), approved  of those  relations between  the bishops of one diocese (can. 2), elevated the diocesan
synods above the provincial synods so as to be the highest ecclesiastical court (can. 6), and  gave  the bishop  of Constantinople
the  first rank  after the bishop  of Rome  (can. 3).9
Thus in the east the bishops of Constantinople, Alexandria,.
Antioch, Ephesus, and Caesarea, had obtained an important
elevation  above  the  other metropolitans,. for they  had  subjected
to themselves the  other metropolitans of their dioceses.   They
received  the  distinctive  names:  "Efapxog,'Apxstrrialorrog,l0  and
shortly  before  the  council of Chalcedon, the  appellation  llaTpi                     -
8 Anatolius, bishop of Constantinople, says at the council of Chalcedon, actio iv. (ap.
1\iansi, vii. 92): ZvvOeta i v&oOev iceepdyl E,   rovg T d/ o E vov-Tar Ty jzeya Zrow,LupL 7rr62E
uyteroi-aovf  *rtalc6rovC,   ivi~ca Kaltpo  Kc2aZa., irepi CvaKvrrOI6vrv rvi-V(   EC/cCtaaCI6tciCv   7rpayLyirov    vvaevat, Kcac  dtaTrvxroiv   cKaar, caci arocpOieoW    a'.tovev  TovC
6eo/cevoVf.
9 Canon II.: ToVS irkp  do~KCatlv -n7r'lc6rovg raif Vrepopiolft EKKfc1u atl JiUg Eig rva,,
1Cudi avyYetv r7a g eKK1ciafg a- a262 cKai2 roVir ic av6ova  r-v yUv'ASleavdpetag bErilco-ov - r2  Ev Aiy7i~r  /y6vov oicovo/e v-o' Trobe d  ir-i'Avaroig  iirtaoc67rovf i-v'Avar-ouv,6vwyv d&otlrev, ~v7iarropvUv iCV tev -roiS  cav6ct oi-of ca-r  Ntlcalav irpcEfiteV qr,
"AvrtoXESyv xlcXVaia' cai io r  rT-C'Aatav~c    6totcKcireS Eirlc6raovg Ti  c Kard -rv'Acaav,avcqv oLcoovIeZvc' K-at r0o   I-TIOvTIg ll -C' 7T   IIOZLf zYvo v- ica- ro  rci    OpSIcKY,r-  r71TS OpctKclKc   z6vov olcovoCLE[.')vlaiT-Oi-VOV d6 TOo  rpoyEypayyt&Cav  Trepi i-C'
(otLocM ewOv t av'6vo, ESj2ov 6  rC a   icaO' Ecdari-v i r'TapxtapXav 11~ rr rapXiag aSovocdoC tol..cet Kcair- r7i- EV Nlcaia 6Splaeva.  Can. III.: Tov yevrot Kova-rav:-tvov-Tr6XES'wicTaco,
7rov eXEIV i-C rrpea/ieZa i-f  cUtf Ier-a 7iV itg'PjcVy  btriactCrov, dtib 7- eival aer-v
veav'PCizv.  (Cf. P. de Marca de Constantinopolitani Patriarchatus institutione  (in.
Boehmer's edition, p. 155, ss.)  Can. VI.: El di av/3?aib. ddvvar-aat  e' ode i'apXtirag
-rpObf d6pOceay i-Cv c'rtepo/zevo, v iycrK2,UdW-V ri - irtmc67r, r6rE av.bof 7rpotvteat
czilovl cvv66d 7pv C iotf dcOCGEGiWEWS    rtac6rOwV:e~vElf, iTrep  *tf atrag  -raiJrgS cv7Ky-,ovjtgvwv'.
10 According to, the Canon Sardic. vi., every metropolitan is 6 kiapyogC n'- kdrapxiagf.
On the other hand, shortly before the council of Chalcedon, the bishop of Antioch is called
6 e~apXo  7i-iS dcva-roXltgf &dotcltae.S (Conc. Chalcedon. actio xiv.).'ApXteTrrilcoTro first
applied to the bishop of Alexandria, ap. Athanas. Apol. ii. Epiphan. Haer. 68. In the acts
of the first council of Ephesus it is very freqpuently given to. the bishops of Ronme and
Alexandria.




CHAP. III.-HIERAItCHY.  ~ 93. IN THE EAST.                        37b
apXT91 x was appropriated to them  exclusively.   But political relations and  hierarchical ambition  soon altered this arrangement.
The  bishops of Constantinople, favored  by  their position, soon
gained  an  influence  over  the  affairs  of  other  dioceses  also,l2
which  manifested itself decidedly in  the neighboring  dioceses of
Asia  and  Pontus  in  particular."3   At first,  indeed, they  met
with resistance; but since it was of moment to the emperors
of the eastern Roman empire to make the bishop of their chief
city powerful, as being their principal instrumnent in ruling the
church and to make him equal in rank to the bishop of the capital of the western Roman empire, the council of Chalcedon formally  invested  the  patriarch  of Constantinople  with  the  same
rank as the bishop of Rome, the superintendence over those
three  dioceses,'4  and  the  right of receiving  complaints from   all
11 In the fourth century a name of respect given to every bishop.  Gregor. Nazianz.
Orat. 20, 32, 41. Gregor. Nyss. Orat. funebr. in Meletium. See Suiceri Thes. eccl. ii.
640. First to the higher bishops by Socrates, v. 8, then by Cone. Chalced.
12 Theodoret. Haer. fab. comp. iv. 12: Nearoptor-T-    ce tcara KGvrravrtvodwro Itv  r)V
OpOo6osv tcaeOKtrcfg'E/CK7,giaf r1)V 7rpoedpiav lrtareveraT, o8de'v ri 7rrov  caci r0g
OlfCovytvnlV a'7r6fg.
13 Comp. Ziegler, 1. c. S. 184, if.
1 Can. Chalced. 28 (Actio xv. ap. Mansi, t. vii. 369): HIavrraXo  roif r7v a1,0Wv 7r'ar
pwv dpots ET7rdttEvot, icai  Ov caprTiw   vayvro9vre a Icavcva rTv pv' rEoltZEarvc aroV En'gic67rov yvopiov7reg, rT aver Ka' cc erf bpitoleyV, ca'i'r~ t6olze~a 7rEpi rTv wrpcEfE9roi v rTC
(iyt6i7rJyg EbcXrlaca KovaravriVvover6eor)c, vEaS'PWycV.  KaI   yd2p 7T  Op6vQ rO9 7rpea3vr7paSg'PGlC, dig T7 flraa2tLev rt v 7r ktv'tdcEilvpv, oi 7racTpeg ElcrC7Tr  Toroieri/cacrt r7i
irpef36Ea, KcaZ rp  atT9 UIcoW9r ICIVOVECVOt Ol p2'c OOQeotL6TarO t Trirtcorot r2 icea ripe3ieZa
arivetycav 7, T  Tg  4caSg'Pj/ 9g  yt7tITrdyTr  Op6vs, EdL6yw~ tcpivavrgE, r2v fagtceia /ca'i
ovy/cArQ)  TLzyOdEav  rb62av icat rTv  ctowv  Tvirouacovaa v  rpeCa73EicV r7y,TpE3vr7TpaV
pacltit6l IP6/l? (cf. lex Theodos. II. ann. 421, below, ~ 94, note 47), Kcc iv r7o0T  ETkclcZoeas.
tGcoel, t(g'ceivqv,  tcYyaUVveaOat 7rpdayzaat,  evrpav tcLrT' er-iVVv  Trrip,ovryav' c cai
bwrE  rovg rT7  IlovtKcgC, cai'Tr'AortavCg, /cct'i rTC Opqctccrl?   dietiOeICpEcg  tTrpoTroLrtag
A6vovCs, ErT dE Kcai c    ro    Ev ero7Zg  apcaptcOZS }torc67rovC TrOv) iroeetpyefvov dotelcierov
XelporoveTOat,  rb oo 7O rpoertpJ7VOv ayttorarov   Op6vov Tr9 tnTear2 KovOrTavrtvoS5roltv
aytTrtgrcf Cueitccgiaq'    dWady  EIC6t1roTV  ltrpo9roo:Tv TWV 7poetpl7zEVwV oWdtetceov,
ier&a TrIv rF S Erapiac  6rtLac67rroov, Xelporovoe vroe vv roe VSf T  rapxiac  ErtLOc67rovS,
caOdSg rOig Oeiotg Kccv6at dyy6pEvatL'  XEtpoTeove0Oat L, EcaO KS p Epcrat, 7'ro  flTrpOTreoXirag rv 7rpoetpztiuvoWv dotcEOacv orcapai TO  KcVeTavtvOVw172Are   acpXtlertaGcrovl,
Vgl/OwtaTldroV avjtpdvcv, tcara rTO ioC, yevo[ TvOov, ccai  4r' ae'Trov avacEpoetu, oWv. Cf.
Edm. Richerii Hist. Concill. generall. lib. i. c. 8. ( 37, ss. Even here the Grecian
principle ruled that the rank of their bishops should be determined by the political
rank of the cities (see above, note 3). Rome was always  aatXZiC or 3aactxeVovca:
Constantinople, as being Roma Nova, received forthwith the same privileges, but was
yet second in rank, j devripa Pactleebovcra  (Themistii Orat. iii. p. 41). In accordance
with this, the Council of Constantinople, 381, determined the rank of the two bishops (see
note 9). But after the division of the empire, the east Roman emperors would not allow
their chief city to stand behind in any respect (Cod. Theod. xvi. ii. 45, A.D. 421: urbs Constantinopolitana, quae Romae veteris praerogativa laetatur). Agreeably to that opiniorn the
position of its bishop was determined at Chalcedon. Cf. Spanhemius de Usu et praestantia




376                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
the dioceses against metropolitans.l5    Thus the exarchs of Ephesus and Caesarea were put back into the middle rank between
patriarchs and metropolitans.  The bishops of Antioch endeavored likewise to draw over Cyprus into their ecclesiastical diocese, as  it belonged  to  the  political diocese of Asia;  but the
Cyprian  bishops  received  from   the  Alexandrian  party  at the
council of Ephesus the  assurance  of their independence.    The
bishops of Jerusalem, supported by the precedence which had
been  conceded  to  them   at the  council of Nice,16  after  having
long endeavored in vain to shake themselves free of their metropolitan  in  Caesarea, succeeded  at last in  rising  to  the rank  of
patriarchs, by  an  edict of Theodosius II., and by the  synod  of
Chaleedon, the three Palestines were assigned them   as their ecclesiastical domain.l7    At the close of this period, therefore, we
have  four patriarchs in  the  east, viz. of Constantinople, Alexandria,  Antioch,  Jerusalem.l8   In   their  dioceses  they   were
looked upon  as ecclesiastical centers, to which  the other bishops
had to  attach' themselves for the  preservation  of unity;51  and
numismatuln, p. 687. Id. in Juliani Orat. i, p. 30, 75. Jo Massonius  ad Gruteri inscriptiones, p. 1080.
15 Can. Chalced. 9: El de Eaie  K11spKif eXotL'rpaya rrpb     c rbv dtov,ErriaKoro, 0
~rpig Erepoe,  reapi r,-  avrv6p r   ErreapXla  dtica$agO.    eti d' 7rpbf riv r7 g avrig erapTiaf nytrpoTro2LTr7v  riatco'ogf 7  2tOptIcOf /to0pfl73ron7, caera2a f3lavET) rii T rbv 8Eapxov
7r1f dtot/cCCcef,` TyV T-rf faa2rtevovuavf Kvcravrtvov'r6ae(no  Op6vov, Eae kir' avir
6dlca(a0u.  Repeated for a particular case, can. 17. An ecclesiastical oversight of the
west was bestowed on the Roman bishop by Valentinian III. 445. See below, ~ 94,
note 65.;6 Can. Nicaen. vii.:'Errets  avcv)(Oela Kecpdirp7ce Icati 7rapad0olt dpxaia, are -c Ov
Ai2ia  7riaico rov rtadOlat, 4Eiro ri7v  I/co2ovOiav  rTf rctyf, rO sTrpoir6d2eC acooIvov
o70  ohcciov cart6j/arof.  Conmp. Div. I. ~ 68, note 12. Thus the Concil. Constant., A.D. 382,
in its synodical letters (in Theodoreti Hist. eccl. v. 9), calls this church rsv ttrEpa c&raaecv
Tc EICICjbGsc'  ft& 7 rv EV IepoCaoZGotLf.
17 Ziegler, 1. c. S. 240, if.
is Concerning their rights see Ziegler, S. 272, if. Planck, i. 610, fif.
19 Thus Gregorius Naz.'Epist. 22 ad Caesarienses says of the churcb of Caesarea in
Cappadocia (at the time in the highest rank of hierarchical dignity): "H ptlr7p cXedbv'WraacujV  TOCV'EIcKto?7Vjct'v r'E Tr' apXS, cat vVv Ecar Icat votzOiErTale, Icat'rpo  v) TOr
KonvOv f2iirel, C scgvrpo ic~skog 7reptypac/yevoSf.  When the Egyptian bishops at the
council of Chalcedon, after the deposition of Dioscurus, were without a head, and yet
required to subscribe Leo's Epist. ad Flavianum (Cone. Chalced. act. iv. ap. Mansi, vii. p.
53, 55) they declared: lEpi  de' rC E8rtLc7aro7 f o 70d ytyrtoTW ov —AoVTf, taCet  rdrcZE.Oi
iytre7a7ro t /tO)v VWrarpef, ort cv arwaatv acvayevojlev 7v   yv vt7J/v zov,ap'  ij/v  aouTcr6aroV
/'tpXlErraK67rov.-rovro yap  scaC obl ir  r-jg Ntcaedov  y7 tot irarTpef uvvzayyycpcsvo
eicav6vtaav rnt, (iare i tcoovOvEcv  crdicav ti5v AiyVirrtalcYv &co/cctlv TC aPXttercTl/COK6
Trif jeyaeorn62wEo'AXecavdpeiar, ai a'  76ev diXa avrov rpiTrveOat rrapad rtvof r/v VTh'
ai~rj 67rtatc6nrwv.-7repi iriocrreoGE  Crltv 6 (tyCdv. —Tapa yv/7j'v apXtlewt/c6Trov ov dvvciCesca
Wiroypd6bat. And the council allowed them a respite, Can. 30 (Mansi, vii. 372), i(XptS  dv
yeLporov1O7, 6 ors'A2ecavdpEOv aipXteraltcoTrof.




CHAP. III.-HIERARCHY. ~ 94. IN THE WEST.                        377
constituted, along with  their diocesan  synod, the  highest court
of appeal in all ecclesiastical matters of the diocese; while on
the  other hand  they  were considered  as the highest representatives  of the  church, who  had  to  maintain  the  unity  of  the
church-universal by mutual communication, and without whose
assent no measures affecting the interest of the whole church
could be taken.20
~ 94.
HISTORY OF THE ROMAN PATRIARCHS,1 AND OF THE HIERARCHY IN
THE WEST.
Blondel's VWorl, cited ~ 93. C1. Salmasii librormun  de Primatu Papae pars prima, curn
apparatu.  Lugd. Batav. 1645. 4. Archibald Bower's History of tile Popes, 5 vols. 4to.
London.  J. G. Rehr's Gesch.'des Papstthums.  Leipz. 1801, 1802. 2 Th. 8. Planclk.
i. 624, if.
The bishop of Rome stood pre-eminent above all his brethren
at the very  commencement of this period, inasmuch  as he was
bishop of the only  apostolic congregation of the west and of the
richest church,2 metropolitan  of several provinces, viz. the  ten
20 Liberati Breviar. c. 4.  QOuod audiens (namely, the heresy of Nestor) Cyrillus Alexandrinus Episcopus, cui tune dabatur primatus de talibus agendi, venerunt ad eum aliqui
de populo Constantinopolitano, etc. So ELutyches at the Concil. Constantinop.  (Mansi,
vi. 817) dvaysvCoato/eodvpl  z/f KaCUatpEeCCs, ETrefCasaCaro T? riayv aVvodov TOV aoytG trTroV Lrtalc67'ov'Pcuz, Kca'AXe:avdpeiaf cat'IEpoCoZuigsro'v, /cat OEcaaaxovtfcf. Hence
he complained at the second synod of Ephesus that Flavianus had excommunicated him
on his sole authority, KaTroet ylotiZov dbeieXov 7rpb -rdvrsv rog  p cpxyepeacv   rt trrre!t at,
og0li iCa   rIct2eECd/c iv,  namely, the bishops of Rome and Alexandria (Mansi, vi. 641).
Hence flattery invented for them in the fifth century the title universalis Episcopus (the
bishop who has oversight of the entire chlrch), which Olympius Episc. Evazensis first
gives Dioscurus at the Concil. Ephes. ii. (Mansi, vi. 855).
3 Order of succession: Sylvester I., from 314, t 335; Marcus, t 336; Julius I., t 352;
Liberius, banished 355; the Arian Felix, till 358; Liberius returns, 358, t 366; Damasus,
t 384; Siricies, t 398; Anastasius I., t 402; Innocentius I., t 417; Zosimus, t 418; Bonifacius I., t 422; Caelestinus I., t 432; Sixtus III., t 440; Leo I. the Great, t 461.
2 Ammianus Marcellinus, xxvii. c. 3: Damasus et Ursinus supra humanam moodum ad
rapiendam Episcopatus sedem ardentes, scissis studiis asperrime conflictabantur, ad usque
mortis vulnermnque discrimina adjumentis Lutriusque progressis: quae nec corrigere
sufficiens Juventius (Praef. urbi) nec mollire, coactus vi magna secessit in suburbarlum.
Et in concertatione superaverat DamLasus, parte quae ei favebat instante.  Constatque in
basilica Sicinini, ubi ritus Christiani est conventiculum, uno die cxxxvii. reperta cadavera
peremtormn: efferatamque diu plebem aegre postea delinitam. Neque ego abnuo, ostentationem rerom considerans urbanarum, husjus rei cupidos ob impetrandum, quod appetunt,
omzni contentione laterum jurgari debere: cum id adepti, futturi sint ita securi, ut diteatur
oblationibus matronarum, procedantque vehiculis insidentes, circlumspecte vestiti, epilas




378                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
suburbicarian  ones,3 and  at the same  time, on  account of his
residence in  the principal city of the world.   The easterns, according  to  their political principle, could not but concede  the
first place among the bishops, and afterward  among the  patriarchs, to  the bishop of the chief city; while the westerns estimated  the dignity  of the episcopal seat by  another principle,4
viz. the grade of its apostolic descent; and considered the apostolic  seats  as  the  heads  and  centers  of the  whole  church.5
curantes profisas, adeo ut eorimn convivia regales superent mensas. Qui esse poterant
beati revera, si magnitudine urbis despecta quam viciis (conviciis?) opponunt, ad imitationemn Antistitum quorundam provincialium viverent: quos tennitas edendi potandique
parcissime, vilitas etiam indumlentorum, et supercilia humrum spectantia, perpetuo numini
verisque ejus cultoribus ut puros commendant et verecundos. Hieronymi Ep. 38 (al. 61),
ad Pammachium: Miserabilis Praetextatus, qui designatus consul est mortuus, homo
sacrilegus, et idolorum cultor (respecting him see ~ 78, note 6, ~ 79, note 1), solebat ludens
beato papae Damaso dicere: "Facite me Romanae urbis episcopum, et ero protinus
Christianus."  Hence the arrogance of the Roman bishops as the stewards of such rich
possessions, complained of even by Jerome Epist. 101, ad Evangelum, see Psetudo-Augustini perhaps Hilarii Diaconi (about 380) Quaest. Vet. et Nov. Test. (in August. Opp. t. iii.
P. ii. Append.) Quaest. 101: Quia Romanae Ecclesiae ministri sunt, idcirco honorabiliores
putantur, quam apud ceteras Ecclesias, propter magnificentiam urbis Romae, quae caput
esse videtar omnium civitatum. Si itaque sic est, hoc debent et sacerdotibus suis vindicare: quia, si ii, qui inferiores sunt, crescunt propter magnificentiaml civitatis, quanto
muagis, qui potiores, sublimandi sunt?
3 -Suburbicaria loca in the versio Prisca of the 6th Nicene canon, see above ~ 93, note 1.
Rufinus Hist. Eccl. x. 6, gives this canon as follows: Et ut apud Alexandriam et in urbe
Roma vetusta consuetudo servetur, ut vel ille Aegypti, vel hic suburbicariarum ecclesiarLm solicitudinem gerat.-Eccles. suburbic. mean, according to Baronius and Bellarmine,
Eccl. totius orbis; according to Perronius, Valesius, J. Morinus, Natalis Alexander, Eccl.
occidentis; according to J. Gothofredus (Conjectura de suburbicariis regionibus et ecclesiis.
Francof. 1617), Claud. Salmasius, J. Launojus, the two Basnages, etc., only the fbur provinces which were under Praef. urbi (intra centesimum ab urbe lapidem).  On the other
hand Jac. Sirmond (Censura Conjecturae anonymi script. de suburb. regg. et eccll. 1618)
has justly asserted that the provinces subject to the Vicarius  erbis, or the Dioecesis
Romae, were, 1. Campania. 2. Tuscia et Umbria. 3. Picenum suburbicarium. 4. Sicilia.
5. Apulia et Calabria. 6. Bruttii et Lucania. 7. Samnium. 8. Sardinia. 9. Corsica.
10. Valeria. That these constituted the Roman diocese is also evident from Cone. Sardic.
synodiea ad Julium P. (Mansi, iii. p. 41): Tua autena excellens prudentia disponere debet,
ut per tua scripta, qui in Sicilia, qui in Sardinia, et in Italia sunt fratres nostri, quae acta
sunt et quae definita, cognoscant (cf. Syn. Arelat. Epist. Div. I. B 68, note ii.). Comp. du
Pin. de Ant. eccl. discipl. p. 87, ss. Zeigler's Gesch. d. Kirchl. Verfassungsformlnen, S. 113,
Anm. The numerous ancient works on this subject are enumerated in Sagittarianae
Introd. in hist. eccl. ii. 1233, ss. Fabricii Salut. lux Evangelii, p. 358, ss.
4 See Canon Constantinop. iii. and Chalced. xxviii. above ~ 93, notes 9 and 13.
5 The fundamental principle of Augustine is given by Pelagius, i. ad Episcopos Tusciae,
A.D. 556 (ap. Mansi, ix. 716; also in Agobardus de comparatione utriusque regiminis, c. 2):
Beatissimus Augustinus dominicae sententiae memor, qua fundamentum  Ecclesiae in
apostolicis sedibus collocavit, in schismate esse dicit, quicumque se a praesulis [Agob.
praesulnm] earumdem sedium auctoritate vel communione suspenderit; nec aliam mani.
festat esse ecclesiam, nisi quae in pontificibus [Agob. pontificalibus] apostolicarum sedium
est solidata radicibus. Hence against the Donatists Augustinus Epist. 43 (al. 162), ~ 7:
Non de Presbyteris aut diaconibus aut inferioris ordinis clericis, sed de collegis agebatur,




CHAP. III.-HIERARCHY. ~ 9-4. IN THE WVEST.                     379
Hence, even  according  to  this  principle, Rome  stood  pre-eminent, being a church founded by the two chief apostles, and the
only apostolic community of the west.6
The same  need of security which led the bishops of the  dioceses to unite with one another during the Arian controversy in
the  east, procured  to  bishop Julius of Rome  decisions in  the
synod of Sardica (347),7 giving him  the privilege  of appointing
qui possent aliorum collegarum judicio, praesertiml apostolicarum  ecclesiarulom, causaml
suam integram reservare. Idem contra litteras Petiliani, ii. 51: Yerumtamen si omnes
per totum orbem tales essent, quales vanissime criminaris, cathedra tibi quid fecit Ecclesiae
Romanae, in qua Petrus sedit, et in qua hodie Anastasius sedet: vel Ecclesiae HIierosolymitanae, in qua Jacobus sedit, et in qua hodie Joannes sedet, quibus nos in catholica unitate connectimur, et a quibus vos nefario furore sepalastis?  In connection with these
passages the following can only be rightly explained: Contra duas Epp. Pelag. ad Bonifac.
Rom. Eccl. Episcopum, i. 2: Communis ormnibus nobis, qui fongimur Episcopatus officio
(quamvis ipse in ea praeemineas celsiore fastigio) specula pastoralia  Epist. 43, ~ 7: Romana Ecclesia, in qua semper apostolicae,cathedrao viguit principatus.
6 Synodi Sardicensis Epist. ad Julium Ep. Rom. (Malsi, iii. 40): Hoc enim optimum
et valde congruentissimum esse videbitur, si ad caput, i. e. ad Petri Apostoli sedem de
singulis quibusque provinciis Domini referant sacerdotes. Blondel de la Primaut6 en
I'6glise, p. 106, and after him Bower History of the Popes, i. 192, and Fuch's Bibl-oth. d.
Kirchenversamml. ii. 128, look upon these words as interpolated.
7 On the double originals of the canons of this council, a Greek and a Latin one, see
Ballerini de Ant. collect. can. P. i. cap. 5. Spittler in Meusel's Geschichtsforscher, iv. 33.Can. iii. (from the Dionysius Exig. cod. can. ap. Mansi, iii. 23): Osius Episcopus dixit:
Quod si aliquis Episcoporum jadicatus fuerit in aliqua causa, et putat se bonam causamr
habere, ut iterum concilium renovetur; si vobis placet, sancti Petri Apostoli memoriam
honoremus, ut scribatur ab his, qui causam examinarunt, Julio Romano Episcopo: et si
judicaverit renovandum  esse judicium, renovetur, et det judices. Si autem probaverit,
talem causam  esse, ut non refricentur ea quae acta sunt; quae decreverit. confirmata
erant. Si hoc omnibus placet?  Synodus respondit: Placet.  Can. iv.: Gaudentius
Episcopus dixit: Addendum, si placet, huic sententiae, quam  plenam sanctitate protulistis; ut, cur aliquis Episcopus depositus fuerit eorum Episcoporum judicio, qui in
vicinis locis commorantur, et proclamaverit, agendum sibi negotiunm in urbe Roma: alter
Episcopus in ejus cathedra, post appellationern  ejus qui videtuar esse depositus, omnino
non ordinetur, nisi causa fuerit in judicio Episcopi Romani determinata. Can. vii. (in
Graeco v.): Osius Episcopus dixit: Placuit autem, ut, si Episcopus accusatus fuerit, et
judicaverint congregati Episcopi regionis ipsius, et de gradu suo eum dejecerint; si
appellaverit qui dejectus est, et confugerit ad Episcopum Romanae ecclesiae, et voluerit
se audiri: si justuam putaverit, ut renovetur examen, scribere his Episcopis dignetur, qui
in finitima et propinqua provincia sunt, ut ipsi diligenter omnia requirant, et juxta fidem veritatis definiant. Quod si is qui rogat causam snamr iterum audiri, deprecatione sua moverit
Episcopum Romanum, ut de latere suo Presbyterum mittat, erit in potestate Episcopi,
quid velit, et quid aestimet. Et si decreverit, mittendos esse, qui praesentes culll Episcopis judicent, habentes ejus auctoritatem, a quo destinati sunt, erit in suo arbitio. Si
vero crediderit Episcopos sufficere, ut negotio terminull imponant, faciet, quod sapientissimo consilio suo judicaverit. Comp. de Marca de Concord. Sac. et Imp. lib. vii. c. 3; du
Pin de Ant. eccl. disc. p. 103, ss. That this privilege was only granted to Julius personally,
is shown by Richerii Hist. concill. generall. t. i. c. 3, ~ 4. Doubts of the authenticity of
the canons of this council, see Mich. Geddes Diss. de Sardicensibus canon., in his Miscell,
tract. t. ii. p. 415. Sarpi, in Le Bret's Magazin fir Staaten und KIirchelgesch. Th. i. (ITlm
1771) S. 429, if. Comp. Le Bret's remarks on the same point, p. 435, fi:




360                 S _/OND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451..judges to hear the appeals of condemned bishops, should he look
upon them  as well founded.   But when  the  divided  choice between Damasus and  Ursicinzus (366),' although  Valentinian I.
decided  in  favor of the former,9  gave  rise to  a tedious  schism
which spread into other provinces also, and to the greatest bitterness between  two parties;  Gratian  gave Damasus the right
of judging in the case of condemned bishops,'~ in  order that the
schismatic clergy might not be at the mercy of worldly, and for
the most part as yet, heathen officers.l    At the same time the
emperor, at the instance of a Roman synod (378), assured him
of the support of the civil power as far as it might be necessary
for the bishop's purpose..2    Both  privileges conferred  on  Juliuls
and  Damasus were  transitory, as well as  the  relations which
gave rise to them.l3    The rights of provincial synods remained
8 Accounts of it in favor of Damasus, iHufinus Eccl. ii. 10. Hieron. Chron. ad ann. 366.
Socrates, iv. 29, in favor of Ursicinus Faustini et Marcellini libellus precum ad Impp. in
Bibl. PP. Lugd. v. 637. Comp. Ammianus Marcellinus, xxvii. 3. See above, note 2.
9 See the imperial edicts in Baronius 368, no. 2; 369, no. 3.
l, So Maximin, a heathen (Amm. Marcell. xxviii. 1), had been enraged, ita ut causa ad
clericorum usque tormenta duceretur (Rufin. H. E. ii. 10).
"' Epist. Romanii Concilii ad Gratian. et Valentin. Impp. A.D. 378 (first published in
J. Sirmondi Appendix Cod. Theodos. Paris. 1631. 8, p. 78. Mansi, iii. 624 ap. Constant
among the epistles of Danamasus as Ep. 6): A principio-statuistis ad redintegrandum
corpus Ecclesiae, quod furor Ursini diversas secuerat in partes, ut auctore damnato, caeterisque-a perditi conjunctione divulsis, de reliquis ecclesiarum sacerdotibus Episcopus
Ioman-s haberet examen: ut et de religione religionis pontifex culr consortibus judicaret,
nec ulla fieri videretur injuria sacerdotio, si sacerdos nulli usquam profani judicis, quod
plerumque contingere poterat, arbitrio facile subjaceret.
12 The synod (see the epistle referred to in note 11) proposed no new regulation: Statuti
imperialis non novitatell, sed firmitudinem postulamus. Hence the following rescript,
like the earlier one, referred only to the peculiar relations of the time. In this rescript
appended to the epist. already alluded to, Gr. et Val. ad Aquilinuml Vicar. Urbis, we find
these words, c. 6: Volumus autem, ut quicunque judicio Damasi, quod ille cuoi consilio
quinque vel septem  labuerit Episcoporum, vel eorum, qui catllolici sunt, judicio vel concilio condemnatus fuerit, si injuste voluerit ecclesiam retentare: ut qui evocatus ad sacerdotale judicium per contumaci-am non ivisset, aut ab illustribus viris praefectis praetorio
Galliae atque Italie, sive a proconsulibus vel vicariis, auctoritate adhibita, ad episcopale
judicium remittatur, vel ad urbem Romam sub proseecutione perveniat: ant si in longinquioribus partibus alicujus ferocitas talis enmerserit, omnis ejus causae dictio ad Metropolitae in eadem provincia Episcopi deducatur examen, vel si ipse Metropolitanus est,
Roimam necessario, vel ad eos, quos IRomanus Episcopus judices dederit, sine delatione
contendat, ita tamen, ut quicunque dejecti sunt, ab ejus tantum urbis finibus segregentur,
in quibus fuerint sacerdotes.  Minus enim  graviter meritos coercemus, et sacrilegam
pertinaciam lenius quam meretur ulciscimur.  Quod si vel Metropolitani Episcopi vel
cujuscunque sacerdotis iniquitas est suspecta, aut gratia: ad Romanum Episcopum vel,ad concilium quindecim Episcoporuni finitimorum accersitum liceat provocare: modo ne
post examen habitum qunod definitum fuerit integretur.
13 That the canons of the council of Sardica were never applied in practice is sbown by
ie Ia.rmca de Cone. Sac. et Impp. libb. vii. c. 11 and 12,




CHAP. III. —IIERARCHY.  Q 94. IN THE -WESIfT h8:!
still inviolate, and their decrees were  considered as binding  even
by tile bishop of Rome.'4
A  permanent kind of influence was opened up to the latter by
the  custom   of referring  questions  about apostolic doctrine  and
practices to the bishop of the only apostolic and common motherchurch,ls which happened all the  more readily16 as similar questions were  also  referred  to  distinguished  bishops in  the  east.l7
14 So Siricius replied (392) to Anysius,. bishop of Thessalonica, and to the other bishops
in Illyria, when they had asked advice from him respecting Bonosus (Siricii Ep. 9, ap,
Coustant, erroneously given among the epistles of Ambrose, as Ep. 79, and also falsely
ascribed to Damasus, see Coustantii monitum): Conm hujusmodi fuerlit coneilii Capuensis
judicium, ut finitimi Bonoso atque ejus accusatoribus judices tribuerentur, et praecipue
Macedones, qui cum Episcopo Thessaloniconsi de ejus factis vel cognoscerent; advertiinus, quod nobis judicandi forma competere non posset. lNan  si integra esset hodie
synodus, recte de iis, quae comprehendit vestroraum  scriptornum  series, decerneremus.
Vestrum est igitur, qui hoc recepistis judicium, sententiam ferre de omnibus, nec refugiendi vel elabendi vel accusatoribus vel accusato copiam dare. Vicem enim synodi recepistis, quos ad examinandunl  synodus elegit. Ambrose replied to Bonosus: Ormnia
modeste, patienter, ordine gerenida, neque contra sententiam vestram tentandumr aliquid; ut
quod videretur vobis justitiae convenire, statueretis, quibus hanc synodus dederat auctoritatell. Ideo primumn est, ut ii judicent, quibus judicandi facultas est data: vos enim totius,
ut scripsilllnus, synodi vice decernitis; nos quasi ex synodi auctoritate judicare non convenit.
15 Comp. the epistolae canonicae, Div. I. preface to ~ 71, as similar ones were also
issued in this period by thle Alexandrian bishops, Athanasius, Timothy, and Theophilus,
and by Basil the Great, bishop of Caesarea.
16 But not exclusively, cf. Cone. Carthagin. iii. (ann. 397), c. 48 (Mansi, iii. 891): De
Donatistis placuit, ut consulamus fratres et consacerdotes nostros Siricium  (bishop of
Rome) et Simplicianum (bishop of Milan) de solis infantibus, qui baptizantur penes eosdenm, num —parentum illos error impediat, ne provehantur sacri altaris ministri. We have
here at the same time a proof of the fact that they considered themselves bound by such
opinions, as well as by a decision given by arbiters. The two bishops had answered in
the affirmative; but when afterward the deficiency of priests in Africa made another rule
desirable, the Cone. African. ann. 401 (5MIansi, iv. 482), resolved previously to send an embassy ad transmarinas Italiae partes, ut tam sanctis fratribus et consacerdotibus nlostris,
venerabili saneto fratri Anastasio, sedis apostolicae Episcopo, quam etiam  sancto fiatri
Venerio, sacerdoti Mediolanensis Ecclesiae, necessitatem ipsanl ac dolorern atque inopianm
nostraam valeat intimare (ex his enim sedibus hoe fuerat prohibitusn): quo novesint coimmulni periculo providendum, mllaxime quia tanta indigentia clericoruln est, etc.
17 Innocentii I. Ep. 25, ad Decentium. A.D. 416, ap. Coustant, ap. Mansi, iii. 1028: Quis
enim. nesciat, ant non advertat, id quod a principe Apostolorum Petro Romanae Ecclesiae
traditum est, ac nune usque custoditur, ab omnibus debere servari; nec superduci ant introduci aliquid, quod auctoritatemn non hbabeat, aut aliunde aceipere videatur exemplum?
Praesertim  cum sit manifesturn, il omnem Italiain, Gallias, Hispanias, Afiicam atque
Siciliam, et insulas interjacentes, nullum instituisse Ecclesias, nisi cos, quos venerabilis
Apostolus Petrus aut ejus successores constituerint sacerdotes. Aut legant, si in his
provinciis alius Apostolosumm invenitur, aut legitur docuisse. Qui si non leguntt, quia nusqulam inveniunt, oportet eos hoc sequi, quod Ecclesia Romana custodit, a qua eos principium  accepisse non dubiunm est; ne, dumn peregrinis assertionibus student, caput institutionnum videantur omittere. Ambrose, however, says of the practice of feet-washing,
which did not prevail at Rome, but in Milan most probably, de Sacramentis, iii. 1: In
omnibus cupio sequi Ecclesiam Romanamu: sed tasnen et nos homnines sensuls habemusn:
ideo quod alibi rectius servatur,. et nos recte custodimus.




8382               SECOND  PERIOD. —-oDIV. L —A.D. 324-451.
If it was usual in the latter case, so much the more would it occur in the former, especially as it was customary before this time
to  consider the current laws of Rome as a standard  in doubtful
cases of civil jurisprudence.l8    Hence the Roman bishops took
occasion  to issue  a great number  of didactic  letters  (epistolae
decretales),l9 which soon  assumed the tone  of apostolic  ordinances, and were held in very high  estimation in the west, as flowing from  apostolic  tradition.    All these  circumstances  had  the
effect of bringing about such a state of things, that in the beginning  of the fifth  century the Roman  bishops  could  already lay
claim  to a certain oversight of the western church.20
The eastern bishops, it is true, would not allow the least interference  of the  western  in  their  ecclesiastical affairs.   They
gave  a decided repulse  to  Julius  I., when, at the  head  of the
western  bishops, he wished to interfere on  behalf of the persecuted Athanasius,2"    The fundamental principle  of the mutual
18 Digest. i. tit. 3, 1. 32; De quibus causis scriptis legibus non utimur, id custodiri oportet, quod mloribus et consuetudine inductum est: et si qua in re hoc deficeret, tulc quod
proximulm  et consequens ei est: si nec id quidem appareat, tnnc jus, quo urbs Roma
utitur, servari oportet.
19 The first existing decretal is Siricii Epist. ad Himerium Episc. Tarraconensem, A.D.
385, bhut it refers to missa ad provincias a venerandae mlemoriae praedecessore meo Liberio generalia decreta. The expression epist. decretalis first appears in the so-called
decretum Gelasii de libris recipiendis et non recip. about 500. The original designation
is decretunm, afterward statutum, or constitutunt  decretale. Decretrumr, in the original
sources of Roman law, means the decision of a college (decretunm Pontificum, Senatus,
etc.). So also in thle Christian church it denotes the decision of a synod (ex. gr. Cone.
Carthag. ann. 397, in fine) or of a presbytery.  These decreta are also to be considered
as such decisions of the Roman presbytery, or of Roman synods. Comp. Spittler's Geschichte des kanon. Rechts bis auf die Zeiten des falsehen Isidorus.  Halle, 1778. S.
157, if.
0O Innocentii I. Ep. 2, ad Victriciurn, g 6: Si smajores causae in medium  fuerint devolutae, ad sedem apostolicam, sicut synodus statuit, et beata consuetudo exigit, post judiciium. episcopale referantur. Ejusd. Ep. 29, ad Carthag. Concil. (among Augustine's
Epistles, Ep. 181), ~ 1: Patres non humana sed divina decrevere sententia, ut quidquid
quaemvis de disjunctis remotisque provinciis ageretur, non prius ducerent finiendum, nisi
ad hljus sedis notitiam perveniret. The text to which these places refer is Epist. Syn.
Sardic. ad Juliun above, note 6. That thle interpretation extends the sense very mauch is
obvious, doubtless in consequence of the progress and development of new circunstances.
21 The synod of Antioch (341) had first complained to Julius of his conduct in not regardlng the sentence of the easterns church. Extracts frol thlis letter are foand isn Sozomenus,
iii. S. Among other things they had said: gPpesv E~v,e'Icp 7rat 0porly-tzav T'?V'POUeaIOv
EslciXuGav,  f dsauouT7O6ov,opovr7lrzopsov, Ica ebVe,deiaf /j?-p67eOcZtv EA  po'tCf 7eyevmVIyvV). —oV0 rapa eroro d- ra' deveepefa 0ipezv sioovv, rs-t / 0/eyOe$O  0 TrZl~O EtCt/cbCrivaf
rJEeovc/coVeodv, e-f &pesr ical Erpeoatpeet vt/civvef, t. 7. 2u. The answer to this Julii I.
Ep. ad Syn. Antioclhcenam (ap. Athanasius Apol. contra Arian. c. 21, ss. Mansi, ii. 1211.
Coustant-Schoenemann, p. 210, ss.): After having shown the irregularity of the proceedings against Athanasius and Marcellus, he says at the conclusios: E' y7lp caci dZJf, dco
OaTE, VEyOve r- Elf aVroisf &tcdpsprs7a,  cctet cearci svv - leu iZclaoalrcscv   cavdva. Icad -it




CHAP. II. —HIERARCHY. ~ 94. IN THE  WEST.                         383
independence of the occidental and oriental church, was universally  maintained in  the east.22    Still the period of the doctrinal
controversies had a very important influence in promoting the
power of the Roman bishop.  The speculative questions which
split the  east into  factions  excited  little  interest in  the west.
On  this very  account the  westerns united very soon  and  easily
in the opinion to be embraced, in which they chiefly followed
the bishop of Rome, who was almost the only organ of commu.
nication with the east,23 and by means of whom they also beoVrwf yteyEvaOat ryv icpicltv'  det ypaivat  datLv 7ytiev, feva oi'rf 7rapa  rdavrTv
dplata0r   ro dGitatove.'rlaooro yap Vrcav oat 7raXovrer, tat oXore  at rTvXoaat iKlt7aiat
al irdaxovaat, a5d' (id aevroc oa'Ar6cro2ot dt' tavr7Sv  aOay1yaavro,  Atari d&  rerpt
rSf'Ae4avYdpe'wv Elcltci/'caf/ jtalara ovtlc ypdc6ero i/4.v; V eyEoECre oire rotro E0of )ve,
irp6repov ypdeaEOaet 2Zv, erat obirof lyEvOev ppicraOat rit dilcalta; Ecl jiv oev rt TotoVrov?V vro7rrv78v elf rbV nratcoroov ri ov b c, ieet 7rpOb  rev vnrabOa't tC2Xaiav ypa~ovat.
Julius, therefore, did not pretend to pronounce judgment on Athanasius and Marcellus
alone, but in conjunction with all the bishops (comp. below, note 26). This demand grew
out of the western notions respecting the superior dignity of the bishops of apostolic communities (see above, note 5), as those two were. See de Marca de concord. Sac. et Imp,
lib. vii. c. 4, ~ 2, 6, ss. On the other hand the orientals reply in the epist. synodalis Sardicensis (Philippopoli habitae) ad Donatum (in Hilarii Fragm. lib. ii. ap. Mansi, iii. 136):
HIanc novitatem moliebantur inducere, quain horret vetus consuetudo ecclesiae, ut in conl
cilio orientales Episcopi quidquid forte statuissent, ab Episcopis occidentalibus refricaretur: similiter quidquid occidentalium partium Episcopi, ab orientalibus solveretur.  Sed
hoc ex illo suo pravissimo sensu tractrbant. Verum omnium  conciliorum juste legitimique
actorum decreta firmanda, majorumn nostrorufm gesta consignant.  Nam in urbe Roma sub
Novato et Sabellio et Valentino haereticis factumn concilium, ab Orientalibus con-firmatumn
est: et iterum in oriente sub Paulo a Samosatis quod statutum est, ab omnibus est signatum.-Nos vero nulli injuriam facinus, sed legis praecepta servamus. Nam injuriati et
male tractati sumus ab iis qui volebant ecclesiae catholicae regulam  sua pravitate tur.
bare: sed ante oculos habentes timorem Dei, judicium Christi, velsm  et justum considerantes, nullius personam  accepilmus, neque alicni pepercimus, quo minus ecclesiasticam'disciplinam servaremus. Unde Julium urbis Romae, Osium et Protogenem, et Gaudentium et Maximinum a Treveris damnavit omne concilium secundmn antiquissimam legem:
Julium vero urbis Romae, ut prificipem et ducem malorum, qui primus januam communionis sceleratis atque damniatis aperuit, ceterisque aditum fecit ad solvenda jura divina,
defendebatque Athanasium  praesumentur atque audaciter, hominem, cujus nec testes noverat, nec accusatores.
22 Coustantii Imp. Ep. ad Syn. Ariminensem, A.D. 359 (ap. Mansi, iii. 297): Non enim
de orientalibus Episcopis in concilio vestro patitur ratio aliquid definiri. Proinde super
his tantlum, quae ad vos pertinere cognoscit gravitas vestra, tractare debebitis.-Q-uae
cunl ita sint, adversus orientales nihil statuere vos oportet, aut si aliquid volueritis contra
eosdem praedictis absentibus definire, id quod fuerit usurpatuam irrito evanescot eflectu.
At the Concil. Aquilejense, ann. 381, Palladius being accused of Arianism, replied (Mansi.
iii. 602): Absentibus sacerdotibus nostris nos repondere non possumus. Ambrosias Episcopus dixit: Oui sunt consortes vestri? Palladius dixit: Orientales Episcopi.-Cf. Leo
Allatius de Eccles. occid. et orient. perp. consens. lib. i. c. 10. Concerning the appeals
from the east to Rome, see de Marca de Concord. Sac. et Imp. lib. vii. c. 6-10. Du Pin de
Ant. eccl. discipl. p. 156, ss.
23 Augustin. contra Cresconium, iii. 34: Ad Carthaginis Episcopum  Romano praetermisso nunquam orientalis catholica scribit.




384                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. L.-A.D. 324-451.
came acquainted with its controversies.   Thus in  all these con.
troversies the west stood united and steadfast, with the bishop of
Rome  at its head, in  contrast with  the  east split into  parties
and  wavering; and  when  matters  came  to  a  final decision, it
turned  the  scale in  the balance  of parties,  when  merely  as a
heavy weight.  This phenomenon, which was constantly reappearing, was first manifested in the final victory of the Nicene
faith.   When  these doctrines began  to  spread  in  the east likewise, under Valens, it is true  the new  Nicene orientals could
not entirely unite with the west, and believed that they had
much reason to complain of the arrogance of the westerns;24 but
yet the west was their only stay and support in opposition to all
other parties.   And though the council of Constantinople (381),
afterward arranged the affairs of the oriental church without
any reference to the west, and even openly took the part of the
M iletians, whom  the  occidentals had rejected;25 though  not long
after the interference of tho Italian  bishops, in the matter of the
rival bishop  of Constantinople,  Mlaximurs, was  entirely  disregarded;2G yet it could not but be seen, that in the great theological question of the day occidental steadfastness had obtained the
victory  over the  wavering  east.   Blit whatever  influence  the
west gained in the east, it gained only for the reputation of the
Roman  bishop,27  who, at the  head  of the  west, was  the  only
24 Basil respecting the dvrtltc O'p~9V above, g 83, note 34.    25 See above, ~ 83, note 34.
26 Epist. ii. Concilii Italiae ad Theodos. Imp. (prim. ed. in J. Sirmondi app. Cod. Theod.
p. 105, ap. Mansi, iii. 631): Revera advertebamus, Gregorium nequaquam secundum tra.
ditionem patram Constantinopolitanae ecclesiae sibi sacerdotium vindicare.-At eo ipso
tempore, qui generale concilium declinaverunt, Constantinopoli quae gessisse dicuntur.
Nam quinm cognovissent, ad hoc partium venisse Maximum, ut causamn in synodo ageret
suam, quod etiamsi indictum concilinum non fuisset, jure et more majorum, sicut et sanctae
memoriae Athanasius, et dudum Petrus Alexandrinae ecclesiae episcopi, et orientaliurm
plerique fecerunt, ut ad' ecclesiae Romanae, Italiae, et totius Occidentis confugisse
judiciom videruntur;-praestolari utique etiam nostram super eo sententiam  debuerunt.
Non praerogitavam vindicamus examinis, sed consortium tamesn debuit esse communis
a-bitrii.-Nectariumn autem  cum  nuper nostra imediocritas Constantinopoli cognoverit
ordinatum, cohaerere communionerm   nostram  cum orientalibus partibus non videmus.Nec videmus eam posse aliter convenire, nisi aut is reddatur Constantinopoli qui prior
est ordinatu, ant certe super duorum ordinatione sit in urbe Roma nostrum orientaliumque
concilium. The Orientals replied to this in the Synodica Conec. Constantinop. ann. 382 ad
Occidentales (ap. Theodoret, v. c. 9): Ilepi d& riev olKcovo/Lv rv T ara KeT  [Epof EY raZi
EictcXilaa, aaala6f re,'da r irE, 6acy4s iaIcpKar,,cai rnCv  yiwov bv NKcaiga  era7Epov
Opof, icaO' LiaarTqV irapXiav roof 7f EirwapXiaCf-TOtEcZaOL r7TC X8eporov~,a.  Og aicoZovOWf-r/Cf ev Kvuaraevr-tvovr-62-tei-ic2?auci-Neardpsoov     12 i7ri1Io0rov  KEXEItpo-ovii/ca.
uetv. —otf Sdf EvOi Cf icae KaavovtlcrS  rcap' 7/t7v t KEripaTitc6t, tKa0 r Tv V)7erEpav avyXaipetv
-p1acaeo 20VEV EVa,3Eltav.
7 The lcopvoaeof rnSv dvrttSmv, ~ 83, note 20, comp. Theod. xvi. 1, 2, ~ 53, note 32




CHAP. III.-HIERARCHY. 5 94. IN THE  TWEST.                         385
orlgan  of direct communication  with  the east.   From   this time
forth  thlere  was  no  important ecclesiastical controversy  in  the
east in which each party did not endeavor to gain  over the bishop of Rome, and  through  him  the west, to  its side,28 for which
purpose  both  flatteries were applied, and  a presumptuous tone
submitted  to.29    At the  councils, his legates were treated  witl
peculiar  deference.   Chalcedon  was  -the  first  general  council
where they presided.30
As the  west was accustomed  to  estimate  the  dignity  of the
episcopal seat according  to  its apostolic  derivation,"  and  since
the decrees of the council of Sardica imparted  certain  privileges
to the Roman  see out of deference to the apostle Peter; so also
the  Romish  bishops derived  all their claims to  distinction  from
the position that they were the successors of Peter.32   At the sane
time, they  opposed the  opinion  universally adopted  in  the  east,
that they  and  the  other patriarchs  owed their elevation  merely.
28 Socrates, ii. 8, says that there was no Roman legate at the council of Antioch oairot
xcavovooK e',lc#treaoar0o  ICeeVov7rof, t)~ deZv sapd rzv yvdJur7,v roo ETtasc6rrov'Pusj/?
sa -fc/a frlna ta Icavovi'etv.  He borrows this sentence expressly, ii. 17, from Julii Ep. ad
Syn. Antioch. (see above, note 21), and therefore found it in these words of his ~ To'7ro  Idof
i/v, 7rp6repov ypd)cOat rj/ziv, IcaI o,'rowc IvOer 0pt'eaoat rra difcata, in which Sozomen,
iii. 10, also finds too much when he gives as its sense: etvat yrip vov leparlcOv, Ug
(zicvpa droatfivelv  Ta rapit yvdrJsyv  rrpaTri1eva troO'Poativ I, rlraorov (de Marca,
lib. v. c. 12, < 1). Still the practice of the church in the fifth century must have given
rise to such an amplifying mode of interpretation. That there was no law in exist'ence such as these two writers refer to, is plain from Can. Constant. 3 (above, { 93,
note 9), and Chalced. 28 (~ 93, note 14): the mystery is explained by the connection
already pointed out in O 93.-Moreover, we have here a remarkable proof of the manner
in which interpretations, very much extended and heaped upon one another, have obtained
an influence over the constitution of the church as progressively developed and formed.
That passage of Socrates is translated in the Historia tripartita, iv. 9, ap. 19: Non debere
absque sententia Romani Pontificis Concilia celebrari. Hience Pseudo-lsidore has borrowed
this sentence from him countless times, and at length introduced it into the practice of the
church.
29 Comp. the Commlonitorium  (instructions) of the Roman legates for the council at
Ephesus, 431, ap. Mansi, iv. 556: Ad fratrem et colpiscopum nostrum Cyrillum  consilium
vestrum omne convertite, et quicquid in ejus videritis arbitrio, facietis. Et auctoritatem
sedis apostolicae custodiri debere mandamus.-Ad disceptationem si fucrit ventum, vos
de eorumn sntentiis judicare debeatis, non subire certamen.
30 On presidency at the general councils of this time, see de Macca, lib. v. c. 3-c. 6, ap.
Boehmeri Ohserv. ad haec cap. p. 113, ss. Launoji Epist. lib. viii. Ep. 1-6. J. T. Cramer
on J. U. Bossuet's Gescel. d. Welt. Th. 1, S. 612, ff. Planck's Geschichte der. kirchl
Gesellschaftsverf. Bd. 1, S. 683, if.
3' See above, note 5.
32 011 the original signification of Vicarins Petri, see Cypriani Ep. 67, ad. Steph. Ep.
Rom. Servandos est enim antecessorum nostrorum beatorum martyrumn Cornelii et Lucii
honor gloriosus: quorum memoriam culn nos honoremus, multo magis tu, frater carissime,
honorificare-debes, qui vicarius et successor eorum  factus es. Suidas and Phavorinus
explain Bot.cidpof by dt&doXoS.
TOL. I.-2 5




386                  SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
to  the  importance  of the  cities  in  which  they  resided;33  and
therefore they  set themselves so much  against the privileges of
the bishop  of Constantinople, which  rested  only  on this ground.
But though, on tracing back their claims, they supported the
normal authority  of  their  church  on  the  basis of its apostolic
origin, and  its parental relation  to  the  whole western  church,34
they  acknowledged notwithstanding, that the peculiar privileges
of their see did not originally belong to it, but had been granted
by  the  fathers.35    On  the  idea  of Peter having  been  the  first
apostle  they  could  hardly  found  any particular pre-eminence  in
the fourth century, since there was conceded to him only a primatuns  honor'is, in  so  far  as  Christ had  first given  him   alone
those rights which  he  afterward  transferred  to  all the  apostles,
and  through  them   to  all bishops equally.36    And  as, according
33 Epist. Innocentii ad Alexandrum Episc. Antioch. about 415 (ap. Coustant Ep. Innoc.
24): Revolventes itaque auctoritatem  Nicenae synodi, quae una omnium  per orbeml
terrarum nmentem  explicat sacerdotum, quae censuit de Antiochena ecclesia cunctis
fidelibus, ne dixerimn sacerdotibus, esse necessarium custodire, qua super diocesin suam
praedictam ecclesiam, non super aliquall  provinciam recognoscimus constitutam. Undoe
advertimus, non tam pro civitatis magnificentia hoc eidem attributum, quam quod prima
primi apostoli sedes esse monstretur, ubi et nomen accepit religio christiana, et quae
conventuma  Apostolorum  apud se fieri celeberrimum  meruit, quaeque  rebis Romae sedi
non cederet, nisi quod illa in transitu meruit, ista susceptum  apud se consummatumque
gauderet. The same principle was applied in Rome itself to the Metropolitans. Ibid.
Gtuod sciscitaris, utrum divisis imperiali judicio provinciis, ut duae metropoles fiant, sic
duo metropolitani episcopi debeant nominari; non esse e re visnm est., ad mobilitatem
necessitat un mundanarum Dei ecclesiam commutari.
34 Innocenti I. Ep. 25, ad Decentium, see above, note 17.
35 See above, note 20, Zosimi Ep. 2, ad Episc. Afr.      H 1: His accedit apostolicae sedis
auctoritas, cui in honorem beatissimi Petri patrum decreta peculiarem quandam  sanxere
reverentiam. Valentiniani III. Ep. ad Theodosium  Aug. A.D. 450 (among Leonis MI.
Epistt. ed. Ballerini Ep. 55):'O /alcaptOgraroTf EriecoTroeS fg'Pwgaiov w7rLrEoS, 4 r7v
iepuoGa)vev lcar& srdvrmv? &pXg6?V8y a ireap'xe.
3a In the passage Matth. xvi. 18, srTrpa was usually explained as meaning the confession of Peter (Hilary, Gregory of Nyssa, Ambrose, Chrysostom, etc.), or Christ (Jerome,
Augustine), less frequently, the person of Peter (Hieron. Ep. 14, al. 57, ad Damasum),
Cf. Casauboni Exercit. ad Baron. xv. num. 13, ss. Suicer Thes. eccl. s. v. r,-rpa. Du
Pin. de Anlt. eccl. discipl. diss. iv. c. 1, ~ 1. But as to St. Matthew, xvi. 19, the old view
was universally maintained (see Div. I. ~ 68, note 10). Optatus Milev. lib. vii.: Praeferri
Petrus caeteris Apostolis meruit, et claves regni caelorums communicaandas caeteris solus
accepit. Ambrosii de incarnatione Domini, c. 4: (Petrus) ubi audivit: vos autem  quid
me dicitis? statim loci non immemor sui pimnatum   egit: primllatum confessicelis utique,
non honoris, prilnatuml fidei, noll ordinis. Hoc est dicere: nunc nemo me vincat, nunc
meae partes sunt, debeo collpensare quod tacui, etc. Augustinus de diversis Serm. 108:
Has enim claves non homo unus, sed unitas accepit ecclesiae. Hinc ergo Petri excellentia
praedicatur, quia ipsius universitatis et unitatis ecclesiae figuram gessit, quando ei dictun
est: tibi trado, quod omnibus traditum est. Nam ut noveritis, ecclesiam accepisse claves
regni caelorons, audite in alio loco, quid Dominus dicat omnibus Apostolis suis: accepite
Sp. S. et continue: si cui dimiseaifis peccata, dimmitentur ei, si cui tenueritis, tenebuntur




CHAP. II. —HIERARCHIY.    94. IN TH-E WiEST.                       387
to this view, mnen did not scruple to attribute precisely the same
dignity and authority to several of the other apostles,37 the bishop
-Idem in Evang. Joannis tract. 124, l 5: Ecclesiae Petrus Apostolus propter Apostolatus
sui primatum gerebat figurata generalitate personam.-Qn ando ei dictum est: Tibi dabo
claves regni caelorum, caet., universaim significabat Ecclesiam, quae in hoc saeculo diversis
tentationibus —quatitur, et non cadit, quoniam fundata est super petrami. unde Petrus
nomen accepit, non enim a Petro petra, sed Petrus a petra, sicut non Christus a Christiano,
sed Christianas a Christo vocatur. Ideo quippe ait Dominus: super hanc petram aedi-ficabo ecclesiaml  eam, quia dixerat Petrus: Tu es Christus Filius Dei vivi. Super bane
ergo, inquit, petram, quam confessus es, aedificabo ecclesiara meam. Petra enim erat
Christns, super quod fundamentum  etiam  ipse aedificatus est Petrls.-Ecclesia ergo,
quae  fundatur in Christo, claves ab eo regni caelorumL accepit, in Petro, i. e. potestatem
liganldi solvendique peccata.  Hieronymus in Amos vi. 12: Petra Christus est, qui
donavit Apostolis suis, ut ipse quoque petrae vocentur: Tu es Petras, etc.-Hieronynuss
adv. Jovinian. lib. i.: At dicis: super Petrum foudatur ecclesia: licit idipsum in alio loco
super omnes Apostolos fiat, et cuncti claves roegni caelorum  accipiant, et ex aequo super
eos fortitudo Ecclesiae solidetur, tamen p'ropterea unus eligitur, ut capite constituto schismatis tollatur occasio. Cf. du Pin, 1. c. Diss. vi. ~ 1. Launoji Epistt. lib. ii.. Ep. 5. Hence
all bishops were considered the successors of Peter: Siricii Ep. 5, ad Episc. Africae!.,
and Innocentius I. Ep. 2, i 2: Per Petruom et Apostolatus et Episcopatus in Christo cepit
exordiull.  Innocentius I. Ep. 29 ad Concil. Carthag. ~ 1: A Petro ipse Episcopatus et
tota auctoritas nominis hljus emersit. Augustini Sermo 296, g 11: Ergo commendavit
nobis Dominus oves suas, quia Petro commendavit. Gaudentii sermo die ordinationis
babitas: Ambrosius —tanquam  Petri Apostoli successor. Cf. Baluzii not. ad Servatum
Lupum (ed. Paris. 1664) p. 422, ss.
37 Especially Paul: Ambrosii Sermo ii. in festo Petri et Pauli (Sermo 66, is also met
with as Augustini de Sanctis Sermo and Maximi Taurinensis Sermo 54): Ergo beati
Petrus et Paulus eminent inter universos Apostolos, et peculiari quadam praerogativa
praecellunt. Verum  inter ipsos, quis cui praeponatur, incertum  est.  Prto enim illos
aequales esse meritis, qui aequales sunt passione.  Et in quo tandem loco iidem martyrium pertulerunt?  In nrbe Roma, quae principatum et caput obtinlet nationuLm: scilicet
ut, ubi caput superstitionis erat, illic caput quiesceret sanctitatis; et ubi gentiliunm  principes habitabant, illic ecclesiarum principes morerentur.  So, too, ideml  de Spir. Sancto,
is. c. 12: Nec Paulus inferior Petro, quamvis ille Ecclesiae funidamentum (Matth. xvi. 18),
et hic sapiens architectus sciens vestigia credentium fundare populorum (1 Cor. iii. 10).
Nec Paulus, inqulna, indignus Apostolorum collegio cum primo quoque facile conferendus,
et nulli secundus: nam qui se imparem nescit, facit aequalenm (Gal. ii. 7, ss.). Augustinuls
de Sanctis Sermo 25: Etsi Petrunl priorumn, tameen ambos ditavit honore uno. Gaudeutius
Serln. de Petro et Paulo: Quem cni praeponere audeam nescio. Ambrosiaster ad Gal. ii.
11: Nanm quis eorum auderet Petro primo Apostolo, cui claves regni caeloruml DonllDn;us
dedit, resistere, nisi alius talis, qui fiducia electionis suae sciens se non inparem, constanter improbaret, quod ille sine consilio fecerat?  In Theodoret's Comm. in Epistt.
Pauli, the commentary on Gal. ii. 6-14, has been erased in the:Codices hitherto in use,
without doubt, by Latinizing Greeks (see Noesselti corollaiunm  to the praef. in Theodoreti
Opp. t. iii. Halle edition). Out of these and similar passages arose the remarkable view
of Antoine Arnauld, that Peter and Paul were alike the heads of the church (see de
l'autorit8 de St. Pierre et de St. Paul, rdsidant dans le Pape leur successeur. Paris. 1645.
8, and de la grandeur l'6glise Rom. 6tablie sur l'autorit6 de saint Pierre et saint Paul.
Paris. 1645, the first work by Arnauld, the second by Martin de Barcos), a doctrine
which the Romish inquisition, 1647, condemnsed as Jansenite. See Ittigii Diss. de origine
controversiae circa aequalenl  Petri et Pauli prinlatuni in his heptas dissertt., annexed to
the Dissertt. de haeresiarchis aevi apostolici, p. 401, ss. Other apostles, however, were
also made equal to Peter. Hieronymus in Psalm lxvii. calls Petrunm et Andreanm  Apostolorum principes.  Cyrilli et Syn. Alexandr. Epist. ad Nestoritin, ~ 5 (in Actis Conc.




388                  SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451,
of Rome could the less pretend to have inherited from= Peter a peel
e uliar spiritual power reaching beyond that of the other bishops."3'
But after the rights of the Romish bishops had become older
in the west, and their authority had been so much increased in
the  east likewise  since  the  end  of the  Arian  controversy, they
began at Romen in like proportion to enlarge  the notion  of Peter's,
primacy, and to regard all the honors and rights of the Romish
bishop as inherited from  Peter,39 a view  which appears first to lhave
been fully developed by Leo.  In the east they could not concur
with  this representation, because  there they were  accustomed to
attribute  the primacy to  the church  of Jerusalemr  and James, at
least during the first century.4"   In Jerusalem  itself they endeavw
ored even  now  to  establish hierarchical claims  on the  ground of
its being the mother congregation  of the whole church;41 but in
Ephes. ap. Mansi, iv. 1073): IIrpof re acag'IdoCcSvv   irt otyo  s &2t2oUotg.  Concerning
James see below, note 40.
2S Hieron. Epist. 101 (al. 85) ad Evangelum: Nec altera toLmanae  urbis ecclesia, alters.
totius orhbis existilmanda est. Et Galliae, et Britainiae, et Africa, et Persis, et Oriens, ef
India, et omnes barbarae nlationes ununm Christnm adorant: unam observant regulam yeritatlis. Si auctoritas quaeritmr, orbis major est urbe. Ubicunque fuerit Episcopus, sive
l.omnae, sive Eugubii, sive Constantinopoli, sive Rhegii, sive Alexandriae, sive Tanis:
ejusdem  meriti, ejusdem  est et sacerdotii. Potentia divitiarum et paupertatis humilitas
el sublihmioreml vel inferiorerm  Episcopn   non0 facit.  Caeterumi omnes Apostolorum  suc'essores sunt. Sed dicis, quomodo Ilomae ad testimoniumn ditcoui presbyter ordinatur 
toui mnilbi profers unius urbis consnetudinem?  Quid paucitatem-; de qua ortum est super{ —il, in leges ecclesiae vindicas? etc.
19 Thus the Roman legates at the Conec. Ephesin. ann. 43l, ex gr. actio iii. (Mansi, iv.
Q): a) Ovdevs  irto,30o6ov Ecrrt, yzdudov de 7TiO(t T0oT  auc6csv eJyv0n0, rTl 6 dy7tog cai
italcpUtilTeTaOS IIpo  Op, 6 e'5CCapgof ctcaG icea    T-WOv trrToG2crov, 6  iCOwv r" g WriSirig, 6'( Ctof rTlf tcaOouc9l }Ilcgiti'f3oag, (7T'3 TroD  vplov;iCpJV'17opGb XplT-roo-raf C/iszg 7TS.:.rerLgEaf EdF66caT7o'!cai av-r& &60orat  Ec,`}ov[a Troed &/csv /lec  iErZtv (ctcaprac'   OCGTrf
r TC OVOV IC ccaci aEd ev roTf navroD cad6oes lcad', 1ica0  lcCei.'tI Hesychii presb. Hierosolym. (t 343) ap. Photius God. 275: ITC: / yicO,Lg(iorc    TZ V Te0
iotaroe O7dVOev IcaCi 6relCbv, rTO  TriC vEae'Iepovcac/ aiXtpcrp9Tpar7yov, rTOz Tiv ti'v Epo
":tOv'CL'  rTO, a7rroGr67 v 7i'v /capXov, T7iV c'v iceFa3afg iopvov,'rIo ev 2Xvog  V'orepe.f/zovra,   TOa Ov V  rT7poIgf dVrcpqCalvovrac; HI'rpoeg &71yopeei, 022''IiCro,/dSg VO/OOE'rET,,;:c  y b  2u ya   TO T 0,f  rT  To i S'ITgraroc  59vvfecCZav /y7eOo'0   "dy/i) lpicpv uc)  rapEvoXyei'v
cc0 (7  0'r rJv EOvdv" cai Edfg' (Act. xv. 19). Epiphaliuahs Haer. lxx. c. 10:'EXpVv T6Tr')v'Ertriccr)ov c)V   E r cptpeiroj l Vif  ov dv'Iepovaai,IlT lic'raoTTaO0vrWv TrbO 7rtra, Icccjlvuo,OVi'OI avvovr&iTEc0at,-t'va auia rig ys',,?tc'as aittUOvia  I1Ca0 g/a 6,uooyia.  Haer. lxxviii.
a *:   Kas Wrpsrog ovrog ('I!cKoSOg) Eih2lQE TIOv tcaOedpav Trif,ls'zatco're,   ~  eirrtarevcE
lc.,ptof rov Op6vov reVoO EdCr i775g Y/g rIrpsiTr, if Kai  tcaxeZrTO  ~6   Ofa0 reo  fcvp/Ov.
Chrysostomus Holm. 73, in Acta Apost. cap. xv. praises Jamnes in allowing Peter and Paul
to speak first, though himself Trv  pdpxnov y'eXettp1oyCvof. - In the 7rpoa06JV7watf,nrdep TrV,t.UTCvO Constitutt. Apostol. viii. c. 10, the prayers for the three most distinguished bishops
follow each other in this order:'TY7rp roe  C7rtsco'crorv WUOv'IacsJ@:o cKat rcv Tapolrclv
cz-rore  OrjiCluev'- srrp To'  EdLo 7 riccrov  F(v KdoFYevroc Kai rTOv icapollclsv avreo 6dsO/.e''V    dr'p tor tcrla/c670rov'ftiUv Edvodlov cai rTv 7rapoctC,)v av'D ro d 6evO/ev.
lu Juvenalis Episc. Hieros. in Conc. Ephes. act. iv. (ap. Mansi, iv. 1312):'ETvXpOv fl




'CHAP. III.,-HIE RARCY.  S 94. IN  THE  WVEST.                       389)
the  external insignificance  of this  see little  stress could be laid.
on  these  claims, especially  since the  authority  of ckurches genrerally, in  the  east, was not determined  according to  their original importance, but the political rank  of the cities in which they
existed.42
High as was the dignity which'the Roman bishops enjoye 
in  the  vwest, their influence  was yet very  different in the dififer..ent provinces.    They  had  the  full rights of patriarelhs only  in.
-the diocese of Pome.   In the dioecesis i.tczice, the bishop of 2,iifan  exercised  quite  independently  of them    a  hierarchical power
similar to that of the patriarchs;  in addition to whom  the  bishop'of   quileiCa  aIso,43 and at a later period  t1he bislhop of Ravenena,44
raised themselves to the rank of more independent hierarchs.   In:the mean time, the Roman bishops, by a skillful use of opportunities, succeeded  in  attaching FacWst /,gyria  to  their patriarchate.4I
During  the Arian  disputes, Illyria  hlad belonged  to  the  western
*empire, and  the  Itlyrian  church  had  continued  true  to  the  Nitcene council,46 attaching  itself to the bishop  of RPome for its defense, as did  the whole west.    When, therefore, Gratian, A.D.
379,  divided  Illyria,  and  annexed  11i''ricuZ                   Orietcale  to  the
eastern  empire, the -bishops of East Illyria,  who  had  for so long
a time  maintained  no cormimunion'wiith  the  east, could not have
much  incelination  to  attach   themselves  ecclesiastica!lly  to  the'Iu"wdvvv 10v CiSafEaeioaroJ'wiIoeioV) StAvTltCieaf —  0V &wronO t/bwixv Op6dvov gvvedpEi
-ov7Ta I//.v Ti'f ueye/jaf P(u1n7j/f T7trcreat, lCt () T   oCTo2ronftI  reef IEpoGoo0ltov   ctn y ar rov.reo  g/cilicajOciag i7aOTCI, wao rr O /atl.ra,' t Oc aWog iv ircv'Avrtopjroav Op6vov il. f.eoaroZXlncj1f aeo lovOias atea i7lropcdTtoCof ilveu6Oat el giap' 0ac7'.i&fecdca, t.'   (In the editions
t-ypeoat is erroneonsly placed afste 6v-,reaicoo-at.)
42 Even Dioscurus souaht to elevate the see:of Alexandria by appealing to St. Mark.
lTheodoretus Ep. 8(6, ad Flavianuy-m Ep. Constantinop.: "Avw  lcat icac'7'oi /aacap/o0v
MtipuoICOV Tiv  po6vov 7rpolSol eC' c    cai rvnrcia oaQijf Ild&i, ad zTOV #EyaAov IerPOv 7T)
Op6vovv;'AvrTlXytv jterya2Ot67o tf Xlet, 6f ical roi paecapiov Md(pocoev dtddgcalaogf Tv, Kea
roil Xopob 7c-v'A, ro iC76iov 7rp rof tCai  topv fal.o.'A'?/izfES  To0 /uEv Op vov  TO V7i,0f:rtlcTrieOa, caTvroc deca Icat y7tvcasotev tca  per-poil3tev.  Trilv yap ciaroOT lKLtv V T-arEE.";o6pooCvvV  fi'veoev  ateraOjlca/zev.
43.J. F. B. M. de Inubeis Monoumenta Ecclesiae Aquilejensis.  Argentinae. 1740. fol. co
19 et 20. Ziegler's Gesclh. d. Kirchl. Verfassungsformen, S. 321, ss.
44 Since, Honorius, fleeing from  the Goths, had transferred his residence to Ravenna,
Zosimus, v. 30.
45 See especially ]Baluzius in de Marca de Concord. Sac. et Imp. v. c. 19, c. 29, anld.Boehmer's Appendix observ. 15, ss.
G;rWhen TLeodosius was baptized (380) by Ascholius, bishop of Thessalonica, Sozom.
in. 4: I'HoIlh  de (OEod6oto~) ca'iZdvptoZ~  irac  t azl? a/7eayoo6Ct ToV'ApEiov d6fij'.vvOav6evofg d T    rrp    v al'l6wv'Ovbv, Jipt U tv eMaCeedc6vrv Eytw'rIf'lCKKXUgiOfC
otSovo Ei', — -ree'ev de TS 7rp fp    G tod Ca rtev,-ic.:.:.




e0j9                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-45iT.
east, during  the strife, of parties by  which  it was then  disti:n
guished;  w,[ile the  bishop  of Thessalonica,  the  ecclesiastical
head  of East Illyria, must have been  averse to  a union of this
kind, which would have made him  subject -to a superior so near,
viz. the bishop of Constantinople.
Under these circumstances, it was easy  for the Roman bishops to persuade the bishop of Thessalonica to exercise the patriarchal rights, in  the new  prefecture of East Illyria, as vicar of
the  Roman  see.   Damasus  and  Siricius  made  this  arrangement;  Innocent I. looked upon it as already fixed.47    The East
Illyrian bishops, indeed, who by this means were entirely  at the
mercy of the bishop of Thessalonica, remote  as they were from
Rome, soon found cause of dissatisfaction; but their attempt to
procure the ecclesiastical union of their province with the patriarchate of Constantinople by an imperial law  was frustrated.48Another  favorable   opportunity  for  extending   their  powver
presented itself to the Roman  bishops in  Gaul.49  When metro-,politan relations began  to be  established here at the end of the.
47 Innocentii I. Ep. 13, ad Rufum Ep. Thessal.: Divinitus ergo haec procurrens gratia
ita longis: intervallis disterminatis a me ecclesiis discat (leg. dictat) consulendem, ut prodentiae gravitatiqlue tuae committendamn curam causasque, si quae exoriantur per Achajae
Thessaliae, Epiri veteris, Epiri novae, et Cretae, Daciae Mediterraneae, Daciae Ripensis,
M oesiae, Dardaniae et Praevali Ecelesias, Christo Domilno annuente censeant (leg. cen
seams).-non primitus haec ita statuentes, sed praecessores nostros apostolicos imitati, qui
beatissimis Ascholio et Anysio injungi pro eorum meritis ista voluerunt.-Arripe itaque,
dilectissime frater, nostra vice per suprascriptas Ecclesias, salvo earum prilmatu, curam':
et inter ipsos primatus primus, quidquid eos ad nos necesse fuerit mittere, non sine tuo
postulent arbitrate. Ita enim aut per tuaim experientiam quidquid illud est finietur: aut
tuo consilio ad nos usque perveniendumn esse mandamus. The relation was similar to the
political one of a vicar to his praefectus praetorio (see ~ 93, note 5).
48 Cod. Theod. xvi. ii. 45, and Cod. Justin. I. ii. 6: Theodosius Aug. Philippo Pf. P.
Illyrici (A.D. 421). Omni innovatione cessante, vetustatem et canones pristinos ecclesiasticos, qui nunc usque tenuerunt, per omnes 111yrici provincias servari praecipimus: ut si
quid dubietatis emerserit, id oporteat non absque scientia viri reverendissimi sacrosanctae
legis antistitis urbis- Constantinopolitanae, quae Ttomae veteris praerogativa laetatur;
convental sacerdotali sanctoque judicio reservari. At the intercession of Honorius (see
Honorii Ep. ad Theodos. Aug. among the letters of Boni~hce I. ap. Coustant Ep. 10) Thecrdosius II. soon after repealed the law (Theodosii Ep. ad Honorinm, ibid. Ep. 11): Omni
supplicantium Episcoporum per Illyricum  subreptione remota, statuimus observari quod
prisca apostolica disciplina et canones veteres eloquuntur. It is remarklable that this law
is found in two codices, but not its repeal. The Roman bishops were compelled continerally to exhort the Illyrian bishops to obey the bishop of Thessalonica, cf. Bonifacii I. Ep.
14 ad Episcopos per Thessal., Ep. 15 ad Episcc. per Macedoniam, Achajam, etc. Sixti IIT.
Ep. 7 ad Perigenem Episc. Corinth., Ep. 8 ad Synod. Thessalonicae congregandam.
Leonis I. Ep. 5 ad Episcc. Metropolitanos per Illyricmn constitutOS, Ep. 13 ad eosdelm.
(Leo's Leben, v. Perthel. S. 21.)
9 Cooncerning the Vicariatus Arelatensis. se de Malca (Baluzius):l.;.ib. v. c;.30-c,4-cl,.




CHAP. III.-HIERARCHY.  ~ 94. IN THE WEST.                        391
fourth  century50~ the  political principle  of the  orientals had  obtained  at first in  the  distribution  of them.5'   The  bishop  of
Aries  long  endeavored   in  vain  to  make the principle of apostolic origin tell in his favor in  opposition to  the oriental principle.   At last he applied to Rome.   Zosimnus, seizing on the opportunity  (417), declared  Patroclus  bishop  of  Arles his  vicar
in  Gaul, and invested him  with metropolitan  rights in Viennensis, Narbonensis Prima and Secunda."52    The offended metropolitans of Vienne, Narbo, and   l'tassilia, refused, however, to accede
to this arrangement in spite of all threats; and when~, soon after.
the  bishop  of Arles  (418) began  to  strive  after ecclesiastical
dominion  over the seven  provinces (Septimana).,53  of which  his
city had  been  made the  chief, the  Roman bishops also found  it
their interest to take part with  the old metropolitans.54    Hilary
50 Compare the Ballerini Observatt. ad Quesnelli diss. v. P. ii. in Ballerinus's edition of
the Opp. Leonis, tom. ii. p. 1030, ss. Ziegler's Gesch. d. Kirchl. Verfassungsformlen, S. 79, if.
5s Conc. Taurinense, ann. 491 (according to Baronins erroneously ann. 397), can. 2:
Illud deinde inter Episcopos urbium Arelatensis et Viennensis, qui de primatus apud nos
honore certabant, a S. Synodo definitum est, ut qui ex eis approbaverit suam civitatem
esse metropolim, is totins provilcia honorem  primatus, obtineat.
52 Zosimi Epist. 1. ad Episcopp. Galliae: Placuit apostolicae sedi, Lit si quis ex qualibet Galliarum parte, sub quolibet ecclesiastico gradu, ad nos RPomam venire contendit, vel
alio terrarunm ire disponit, non aliter proficiscatur, nisi metropolitani Arelatensis Episcopi
formatas acceperit. —Quisquis igitur-praetermiissa supradicti formata-ad nos venerit,
sciat se omnino suscipi non posse.-Jussimous autem praeeipnam, sicuti semper habuit,
metropolitanus Episcopus Arelatensium  civitatis in ordinandis sacerdotibus teneat auctoritatem. Viennensem, Narbonensem  primam  et Narbonensem  secundam  provincias
ad pontificiam  snum revocet.  Quisquis vero posthac contra apostolicae sedis statuta et
praecepta majorum, omisso metropolitano ]Episcopo, in provinciis supradictis quemquem
ordinare praesulnserit, vel is qui ordinari se illicite siverit, uterque sacerdotio se carere
cognoscat.-Sane quoniam metropolitanae Arelatensium urbi vetus privilegium minime
derogandum est, ad quam primnm  ex hac sede Trophimus summnus antistes, ex cjaus
folte totae Galliae fidei rivulos acceperunt, directus est; idcirco quascunque paroecias in
quibuslibet territoriis, etiam extra provincias suas, ut antiquitus habuit, intemerata auctoritate possideat. Ad cnjus notitiam, si quid illic negotiorum  emerserit, referri censemus
nisi magnitudo causae etiam nostrum  exquirat examen. Ejusd. Ep. 5. ad Episc. Prov.
Vienn. et Narbon. rejects the decision of the Syn. Taurin. as surreptitiously obtained:
Indecens ausus et in ipso vestibulo resecandus, hoc ab Episcopis ob certas causas concilium agitantibus extorquere, quod contra patrurn et S. Trophimi reverential, qui primus
metropolitalus Arelatensis civitatis ex hnac sede directus est, concedere vel mautare ne
hujus quidem  sedis possit auctoritas. Against this assertion of the rights belonging to
the church of Arles, see below, Leo, I. note 56.
a3 After Treves had been plundered by the Germans, Arelate became the residence of
Praefectus praetorio of Gaul, whose dominion extended from this place to seven provinces.
See Honorii constitutio ap. Sirmond. in notis ad Sidonium Apoll. and in Codicis Theodosiani, libb. v. priores ed. C. F. Chr. Wvenck. Lips. 1825. 8. p. 378, ss. Cf. p. 371, ss.
54  When the clergy and people of Lutuba complained to Boniface I. that Patroclus had
forced a bishop upon them, he wrote Epist. 12 ad Hilarium Ep. Narbon. A.D. 422: Quod
nequaquam possumus ferre patienter sanctionum diligentes esse custodes. Nulli etenim




392                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
bishop  of  Arles  finally  forgot his duty  as vicar so far that he
would  not allow  the sentence  of deposition  pronounced  by  him
and  his  synod  against  Celidonius  bishop  of  Vesontio  to  be
submitted  to  a new  examination  in Rome.55   On  this account
Leo  the  ~Great (445)  withdrew   from   him   all the  privileges
which had been granted by the Roman see,56 though he could
videtur incognita synodi constitutio Nicaenae, quae ita praecepit, per unamlquamque
provinciam jus Metropolitanos singulos babere debere, nec cuiquam duas esse subjectas.
Unde, firater carissime, si ita res sunt, et ecclesiam supradictam provinciae tuae limes
includit, nostra auctoritate commonitus, quod quidemn facere sponte deberes, desideriis
supplicantiunm  et voluntate respecta, ad eundem locum, in quo ordinatio talis celebrata
dicitur, mietropolitanii jure munitus, et praeceptionibus nostris fi'etus, accede: intelligens
arbitrio tuo secundum regulas patruml quaecunque facienda sunt a nobis esse conoessa;
ita ut peractis omnibus, apostolicae sedi quidquid statueris te referente clarescat, cui
totius provinciae liquet esse mandatam. Ntoemo ergo eorum  [patrurn] terminos audax
temerator excedat.-Cesset hujusmodi pressa nostra auctoritate praesuirntio eorunl, qui
ultra licitlum suae limitemn dignitatis extendunt. So too Caelestinus Ep. 4, ad Episc. prov.
Vienn. et Narbon. A.D. 428.
a5 Vita Hilarii Arelat. by Honoratus Ep. Massil. (about 490, ap. Surius and Acta SS.
ad. d. 5. Maji) ( 22: Hilary vent himself to Rome and reminded Leo, aliquos (Celidonius,
etc.) apud Gallias publicam merito excepisse sententiam, et in urbe sacris altaribus interesse.  Rogat atque constringit, ut si suggestionem  suam libinter excepit, secreto
jubeat emendari; se ad officia, non ad causam  venisse protestandi ordine, non accu
sandi, quae sunt acta suggerrere: porro autem si aliud velit, non futurum esse nmolestum
Et quia tantorum virorum, praesertiml jam ad supernam gratiam vocatormn, nec in narratione audeo judicia ventilare; hoe breviter tetigisse sunfficiet, quod solas tantos sustinuit,
quod nequaquam mlinantes expavit, quod inquirentes edocuit, quod altercantes vicit, quod
potentibus non cessit, quod in discrim.ine vitae positus communioni ejus, quem culr  tantis
viris damnaverat, conjungi nullatenus acquievit. Auxiliaris, then Praefectus, wrote to
ilm: Sanctos Nectarium et Constantium sacerdotes ex beatitudinis tuae parte venientes
digna admiratione suscepi. Cum bis saepius sum  locutus de virtute animi atque constantia, contemptauque rerulll bumanarlum, quo inter fragilitates nostras semper beatus
es.-Locutus suml etiam cum S. Papa Leone. Hoc loco, credo, aliquantum animo perhorrescis. Sed curm propositi tui tenax sis, et semper aequalis, nulloque commotionis
felle rapiaris, sicut nullis extolleris illecebris gaudiorum, ego nec minimumn quidem factumn
Beatitudinis tnae arrogantiae miemini contagione fuscari. Sed impatienter ferunt homines,
si sic loquamur, quomodo nobis conscii sumus. Aures praeterea Romanoruon quadam
teneritudineo plus trabuntur: in quanm si se Sanctitas tua subilnde demittat, plurimum tu
nilil perditurus, acquiris. Da mihi hoc, et exiguas nubes parvae mutationis serenitate,
compesce. See Papst Leo I. Streit Init d. B. v. Aries, von E. G. Pertlel in Illgen's
Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol. 1843, ii. 27.
56 Leonis TI. Ep. 10 (al. 89) ad Episc. provinciae Viennensis, c. 4: Quid sibi Hilarius
quaerit in aliena provincia: et id quod nllus decessorum ipsius anlte Patroclum bhabuit,
quid usurpat? cum et ipsum, quod Patroclo a sede apostolica temporaliter videbatur esse
concessum, postmodum sit sententia meliore sublatum?  Cap. 7: Suis unaquaeque pro
vincia sit contenta Conciliis, nec ultra Iilarius audeat conventus indicere synodales, et
sacerdotumn Domini judicia se interserendo turbare.  Qui non tantuml noverit se ab alieno
jure depulsum, sed etiam Viennensis provinciae, quam  male usurpaverat, potestate
privatum. Dignum est enim, fratres, anti-quitatis statuta reparari, cumn is, qui sibi ordinationem provinciae indebitae vindicabat, talis in praesenti etiam probatus fuerit extitisse,
ut-suae tantunl civitatis illi sacerdotium, pro sedis apostolicae pietate, praeceptio nostra
servaverit.




CHAP. III. —HIERARCHY.  g 94. IN THE WEST.                       393
not prevent HIilary and  his successors from  asserting  their primacy.57
The  Roma'n  bishops were least successful in obtaining influence in Africa, where the ecclesiastical relations had long  been
firmly  fixed, and  there was on this account an  aversion  to the
new  developient of the hierarchy.58    Their ecclesiastical legislation, too, had been  all along cu7kivated with  an  evident predilection.59    As -early  as the Pelagian  controversy, Zosimus  had
learned  by  experience  how  little  his decision  was  respected  in
Africa (~ 87, notes 12-16).   I6t is true, he procured restoration
to his office for the presbyter Apiarius who  had  been  then  deposed by appealing to the canons of the Sardican council as Nicene; but his successor, Boniface I. (418-423), was reminded
on this account of the humility  suitable to him  under such circunlstances.56       But when  Caeestinz s I. (323-432) wished to
have the twice-deposed Apiarius restored,61 the Africans in  the
57 See de Marca, 1. c. lib. v. c. 33. Perthlel, 1. c. S. 36, iff.
58 Conc. Carthag. iii. ann. 398 can. 26 (Cod. Canonum Eccl. Afric. c. 39): Ut primae
sedis episcopus non appelletur princeps sacerdotum, ant sum-nus sacerdos, aut aliquid
hujusmodi, sed tantuLn primae sedis episcopus.
59 On the so called Codex Canonuml  Ecclesiae Afiricanae (Voelli et Justelli Bibl. jur.
can. vet. i. 320, H. Th. Bruns Biblioth. ecclesiast. i. i. 155) compiled by Dionysius Exiguus
from the acts of the Syn. Carthag'. ann. 419, by which the decrees of former councils were
confirmed, and new ones added: Gallandii de Vetustis canonnum collectionibus sylloge, and
the treatise of Constant, c. 6 (ed. Mogunt. i. 103), P. de Marca, c. 4 (ibid. p. 1.80) Ballerini,
P. ii. c. 3 (ibid. p. 334).
60 Cone. Afric. Ep. ad Bonifac. A.D. 419 (ap. Constant Epist. Bonif. ii.): 6 5. Haec
(namely, the decrees of the Sardican council given out as Nicene decrees) utique usque
ad adventutl verissimoruml exemplariurm Nicaeni Concilii inserta gestis sunl. Quae si
ibi-contincrentur, eoque ordine vel apud vos in Italia custodirentur; sullo moldo nos talia,
qualia commemorate jam nolumus, vel tolerare cogeremur, vel intolerabilia pateremur.
Sed credimus-quod tua Sanctitate Romanlae ecclesiae praesidente non sumnus janl istum
typhllm passuri; et servabuntur erga nos, quae nobis etiam non disserentibus custodili
debeant cuill fiaterna caritate, quae secunduml sapientiam  atque justitiam, quam  tibi
donavit Altissimus, etiam ipse perspicis esse servanda, nisi forte aliter se  ahbeaut canones
Concilii Nicaeni. This mistake was caused by the form of the collection of canons thein
in use, in which those of later synods were appended to the Nicene without distinction.
Quesnell has published such a collection annexed to the Opp. Leonis; also Mansi, vi.
118:3. Hence later canons are often cited as Nicene. See B allerini de Ant. collect. canun.
P. ii. c. 1, a 3 (in Gallandii Syll. ed. Mogunt. i. 311). Spittler in Mensel's Geschichtsforscher, iv. 79. The same author's Gesch. d. han. Rechts, S. 106.
G6 ConC. Afric. ad Caelestinum, A.D. 425 (ap. Constant Epist. Caelest. ii.): ~ 2. Praefato
itaque debitae salutationis officio, impendio deprecamur, ut deinceps ad vestras aures
hinc venientes non facilius admittatis, nec a nobis excommunicatos in communionem ultra
velitis excipere: quia hoc etiamlll Nicaeno concilio definitum facile advertat Venerabilitas
tua. Na-ll et si de inferioribus clericis vel de laicis videtur ibi praecaveri, quanto miagis
hoc de episcopis voluit observari? ne in sua provincia a communione suspensi, a tua
Sanctitate praepropere vel indebite videantur communioni restitui. ~ 3. Presbyteroruim




394                 SECOND PERIOD. —DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
most  express  terms  forbade  all  interference,  and  interdicted
appeals to foreign bishops.62
At the  close of this period  Leo  I. the  Great was bishop  of
Rome  (440-461),63  who  endeavored  theoretically  to  establish
the rights  of the Romish  see by  enlarged ideas  of the  primacy
of Peter,64 and  the  inheritance  derived  from   that  sourcec,5 al:d
quoque et sequentium clericorum improba refugia, sicuti te dignum est, repellat Sanctitas
tua: quia et nulla patruml definitione hoc ecclesiae derogatum est Africanae, et decreta
Nicaena sive inferioris gradus clericos, sive ipsos episcopos suis nietropolitanis apertissime
com0iserunt. Prudentissime eninm justissimeque viderunt, quaecunlque negotia in suis
locis, ulbi orta sunt, finienda, nec unicuique provineciae gratiam  sancti Spiritus defuturam,
qua aequitas a Christi sacerdotibus et prudenter videatur, et constantissime teneatur:
rmaxime quia unicuique concessum  est, si judicio offensus fuerit cognitorum, ad concilia
suae provinciae vel etiam  universale provocare. Nisi forte quisquam  est qui credat,
unicuilibet posse Deum nostrum examinis inspirare justitiam, et innumnerabilibus congregatis in concilium sacerdotibus denegare.  Aut quomodo ipsuml transmarilnum judiciumn
ratum erit, ad quod testiuml necessariae personae vel propter sexus vel propter senectutis
infirmiitatem, vel multis aliis intelcurrentibus impedimeintis, adduci nol potertnt? ~ 4. Nam
ut aliqui tanlquam a tuae Sanctitatis latere mittantUr, in nulla invenimus patrum synodo
constitutum; quia illud quod pridem per eundem  co6piscopum nostrum  Faustinull  tanquam ex parte Nicaeni concilii exinde transmistis, in conciliis verioribus, quae accipiuntur
Nicaena, a S. Cyrillo coepiscopo nostro Alexandrinae ecclesiae, et a venerabili Attico Constantinopolitano antistite ex. autlletico mlissis —non potuimuns reperire.  ~ 5. Executores
etiam clericos vestros quibusque petentibus nolite mittere, nolite concedere; ne funmosurn
typhum saeculi in ecelesiam Christi-videamur inducere.  Cf. du Pin de Ant. disc. eccl.
diss. ii. ~ 3, p. 174, ss.
62 ConCil. Milevitani ii. (ann 416) can. 22 (the canon of a later council, also contained
in Cod. can. eccl. Afiic. cap. 28 and 125): Item placuit, ut presbyteri, diaconi,. vel caeteri
inferiores clerici, in causis quas habuerint, si dejadiciis. episcoporum suorum questifuerint
vicini episcopi eos audiant, et inter eos quidquid est, finiant, adhibiti ab eis ex consensu
episcoporumi suorum.  QuLod si et ab iis provocandumn putaverint, non provocent nisi ad
Africani concilia, vel ad primates provilcimarl'nm suaruml (for this Cod. Can. c. 28: nona provocent ad tralsmarina judicia, sed ad primates suarum provinciarum, aut ad universale
concilium, sicut et de Episcopis saepe constitutum est). Ad transmarina autem qui putavelit appellandum, a nullo intra Africam in communionem suscipiatur. For the genuineness of the addition: sicut et de Episcopis saepe constitutum esst, see de Marca, lib. vii. c.
16, ~ 5. Similar decrees were also issued by other African councils.  Comnp. the citations
of them in Cone. Carthag. ann. 325 (Mansi, viii. p. 644): Conec. decimo, ut episcopi ad
transmarina pergere noll facile debeant; Conc. undecimo, qui in Africa non communicat, si
ausus ffierit in transmarinis, damnetur; Cone. sextodecimo, ad transmarina qui putaverit,
etc. (same as tbhe above Can. Milev.); Colc. vigesimo, ut nullus ad transmarina audeat
appellare.
63 Leo d. G. u. s. Zeit von W. A. Arendt, Mainz. 1835. 8 (a. Catholic apologetic work).
Papst Leo's Leben u. Lehren v. Ed. Perthel. Jena. 1843. 8.
64 Comp. the characteristic expression of Auxiliaris regarding the tenerit ldo aurium of
the Romans at this time, note 55, above.
6s Leonis Ep. 10 (al. 89), ad Episc. provineiae Viennensis: Divinae cultu  religionis
-ita Dominus noster-instituit, ut veritas-per apostolicam tubamn in salutem  uiversitatis
exiret. —Sed hLjus muneris sacramentum ita Dominus ad omnilum Apostolorum officium
pertinere voluit, ut inl beatissimo Petro, Apostolorum omnium summo, principaliter collocaret; et ab ipso, quasi quodam capite, dona suea velit in corpus omne manare: ut exsortem se mysterii intelligeret esse divini, qui ausus fuisset a Petri soliditate recedere. Hune
enim in consortiunm individUae unitatis assumturn, id quod ipse erat, voluit noraintri, dicen.




CHAP. III.-HIERARCHY. Q 9~. IN THE WEST.
also  considerably  extended  the  power of that see, both by  his
own personal qualities and good fortune.   The controversy with
Ifilary, bishop of Arles, led him  to obtain a law  from  Valcenlinian III. (445) by which the Romish bishop became the supreme
head  of the  whole western  church.66    The  catholic bishops  of
Africa, now  oppressed  by  the  Arian  Vandals, attached  themselves the  more closely on  this account to  the Roman  see, and
allowed  Leo  to  act as a patriarch  in their diooeses without opposition.67 At the council of Chlalcedon, Leo, whose legates
had  the  presidency  there, hoped  to  make  good  his  claims  as
head of the whole  church;  but he  met -with  much  opposition
among  the orientals,68 which  at last m-anifested itself decidedly
do: Tu es Petiais, etc., ut aeterni temnpli aedificatio, mirabili munere gratiae Dei, in
Petri soliditate consisteret. Hence Epist. ad Anastasium Episc. Thessalonic. (Quesn. Ep.
12, Baller. 14), c. 1: Curam, quam universis ecclesiis principaliter ex divina institutione
debelmus. C. 11: Magna ordinatione provisum est, ne omnes (episcopi) sibi omnnia vindicarent; sed essent in singulis provinciis singuli, quornin inter fratres haberetur prima sententia, et rursus quidamj in majoribus'urbibus constituti, sollicitudinem susciperent ampliorem, per quos ad unalmn Petri sedem universalis ecclesiae cura conflueret, et nihil usquanm
a slo capite dislideret. Epist. ad Africanos (Quesn. 1, Baller. 12): Solicit-udo, qualm
universae ecclesiae ex'divina institutione dependimnus. Leo's Leben, v. Perthel, S. 22G6.
66 Appended to tle edition of the Cod. Theodos. by Gothofriedus and Ritter Novell
Theodosii, tit. 24, by Hanell Novell. Valentin. iii. tit. 16, in Leonis Opp. ed. Baller. Episl.
11: Curn igitur sedis apostolicae primnatum sancti: Petri mleriturn, qni princeps est episcopalis coronae, et Romlanae dignitas civitatis, sacrae etiarm synodi firmarit auctoritas, n-e
quid praeter auctoritatem  sedis istius illicita praesrumtio attentare nitatur. Tune enim
demum  ecclesiarum  pax ubique servabitur, si rectorem. suum  agnoscat universitas.-, 3. Nec hoc solnm, quod est maximi criminis, submnovellus, verlum ne levis saltem inter
ecclesias ti'rba nascatur, vel in aliquo minui religionis disciplina videatur, hac perenni
sanctione censemus, ne quid tam episcopis Gallicanis, quaml aliarulr provinciarum  contra
consuetudinelll  veterem liceat sine viri venerabilis papae urbis aeternae auctoritate
tentare. Sed hoc illis oninibusque pro lege sit, quidquid saDnxit vel sanxerit apostolicae
sedis auctoritas, ita aut, quisquis episcoporuni ad judicirnm  Romani antistitis evocatus
venire neglexerit, per moderatorern ejusdem provinciae adesse cogatur, per omnia servatis,
quae divi parentes nostri Romnanae ecclesiae detnlerunt.
67 Cf. Leonis Epistol. ad Episcop. African. (Quesn. i. Baller. xii). Leo's Leben,. v.
Perthel, S. 30.
68 In the very beginning of the council the legates had to declare (actio, i. ap. Mansi, vi.
579): Beatissirne atque apostolici viri Papae urbis Rornae, quae est caput olnnium
Ecclesiarum, praecepta liabelllus prae manibus, quibus praccipere dignatus est ejus Apostolatus, ut Dioscurus, Alexandrinorom  ArchiepiscopLs, non sedeat in Concilio, sed audiendus intromnittatur. Hoc nos observare necesse est. Si ergo praecipit vestra magnificentia,
aut ille egrediatur, aut nos eximus. Judicii sui necesse est eum dare rationern, quia cum
personam judicandi non haberet, praesumpsit, et synodurn  ausus est facere (the Robber
synod) sine auctoritate sedis apostolicae, quod nunquamn licuit, nunquarn factum est.'They
were, however, foiled in this proposition by the imperial commissioners, since they counld
not be accusers and judges at the same time. Dioscurus accordingly took his seat, and
thle legates remained.-Subsequently, the Roomish legates withstood the first drawing up
of the decree respecting the question of faith, desiring either that. it should be made t;o
agree more closely with the epistle of Leo,: or that this epistle shoulld be mentioned. in it,




396                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
in decreeing' the bishop  of Constantinople  to  be on  an equality
with  the bishop of Rome.   This measure Leo had foreseen, and
in  vain  attempted  to  avert.69   HI     protested  against it;70 and
Anatolius, bishop of Constantinople, was actually obliged to send
an. humble  letter  to  him,   for  the  oriental  emperor's  sake.71
Still the decrees of the  synod continued in force;  and thus began  the  contest:of jealousy  that lasted  for  centuries, between
the bishops of Rome and Constantinople.
It is worthy of remark, that the Romish bishops were distinguished by no peculiar titles in the west.   In the east, the honor;ble appellation  of patriarchs was certainly  given  them;  but
fthese titles were as yet common to all bishops in the west.72'On this so fearful an outcry arose, that the Illyrian bishops called out (actio v. ap. Mansi.
vii. 105): 01 dLrV7LEyOVref NEaropmOtaoi elcrtV o'   c vTt2EUyovrCrf Eif Pd/lpV CrrT~2OColtv.
69 Comp..above, ~ 93, note 14. The Romlish legates withdrew, actio xv. was adopted,.and they protested (act. xvi.) against it, producing the instructions given them by Leo
(Mansi, vii. 443): Sanctorua  quoque patrum  constitutionem  prolatam  nulla patiamini
-temeritate violari vel immlinui, servantes omnilmodis personae nostra in vobis-dignitatenl-..ac si qui forte,civitatum suarum  splendore confisi, aliquid sibi tentaverint usurpare, hoc
qua dignrum est constantia retundatis. They appealed, moreover, to the sixth Nicene
canon, with the Romish addition, Ecclesia Rtomana sellper habuit primatunm (see t  93,
note 1), but were immllediately obliged to have the canlon read to themi in its original form,
anud wcere-thus repulsed with their protest.
v0 Leoillis Epist. ad M1arcianum, ad Pulcheriamu, ad Anatalium (ap. Quesn. Ep. 78-80.
Baller. Ep. 104-106).
a1 In Epist. Leonis ap. Quiesn. appended to Epist. 1.05, ap. Baller. Ep. 132.
72 In the west the names Papa Apostolicus, Vicarius Christi, Sumimus Pontifex, Sedes
Apostolica, were applied to other bishops also, and their sees (Thomassini, P. i. lib. i. c. 4.
Basnage praef. ad Canisii Lectt. ant. t. i. p. 37. G. S. Cyprian's Belelbrung voin Urspr.:und Wachsthuin des Papsthllus, S. 506, Ef.).  So also Patriarcha, especially to the
MAetropolitans. (dt Pin Diss. i.   5). —Gregory I. (Epist. lib. v. 18, 20, 41, viii. 30), was
mistaken in believing that at the council of Chalcedon the name universalis Episcopus
-was given to the bishop of Romle. He is styled onlcovnz'cc6s pipXtrCeryroro1f7o (MIansi, vi.
1006, 1012), only in the Coin olaints of two Alexandrian deacons against Dioscurus; othew
patriarchs have the same appellation (see above, Q 93, note 20). But in another place the
title was surreptitiously introduced into the Latin acts by the Romish legates.  In the
sentence passed on Dioscurus, actio iii. (Mansi, vi. 1048), the council say, 6 ayt&rarog
_ca yaicapt6Tc ro a' dpXtseIratoiofg 7rjf tey i1g 7ra  rrpedv-reap'P jWgvC A6r&v: on the
contrary, in the Latin acts which Leo sent to the Gallic bishops (Leonis Ep. 103, al. 82),
we read: Sanctus ac beatissimus Papa, caput universalis Ecclesiae, Leo. In the older
editions the beginning of Leo's Epist. 97 (ap. Quesn. 134, Baller. 165), runs thus: Leo
Romae et universalis catlolicaeque ecclesiae Episcopus Leoni sernper Augusto salutem
LQuesnel and the B allerini, howrevel found in all the Codices only: Leo Episcopus Leonli
Augusto. The fable, which is repeated even by the Catechismus Roimanus, p. ii. c. 7, qu.
24, l 4, that Cyril, at the Council of Ephesus, styled the bishop of Rome, Archiepiscopum
totius orbis terrarum Patrem et Patriarcham, first proceeded fi-om the St. Thomae (t 1274)
Catena aurea in Evang. ad Matth. xvi. 18, who also, in his Opusc. contra errores Grae-.corum, falsely attributes mIany similar passages to the Greek fathers..See Launoji
Hpistt. lib. i. Ep. 1-3,.




oCIAP. IV.J-HI TIS'TORY  OF' M ONAGCHIS;!S,    95.-ORIIGIN.             g9IT
FOURTH CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF MONACHISM.
suad. Eospihiarii de Monachis, h. e. de Origine et Progressu Monachatus libb. vi. Tigure
1588. ed. ii. auct. 1609. Genev. 1669. fol.-Ant. Dadini Alteserrae Asceticjfv s. Origg
rei monasticae libb. x. Paris. 1674. 4. rec. ac praef. notasque adjecit Chr. F. Gliick
lHalae. 1782. 8. —Edim. Martene de Antiquis monachorum ritibus. Lugd. 1690. 4. —Ja
Binghamui Origg. lib, vii. (vol. iii. p. 1, ss.) —Hippol. Helyot Histoire des ordres monastiques, etc. Paris. 1714, 19. t. viii. 4. translated into German under the title: Ausfiifhrl
Gesch. aller geistl. u. weltl. Kloster n. Ritterorden. Leipzig. 1753, 55. 8 Bde. 4.-(Musson) Pragmn. Geschichte d. vornehmsten Mbnchsorden aus ihren eigenen Geschichtschreibern (Paris. 1751, ss.) i. e., deutschen Ausz. (v. L. G. Cromne) mit ein. Vorrede v,
Ch. W. Fr. Wfalch. Leipzig. 1774-84. 10 Bde. 8. J. H. Mohler's Gesch. d. Mdnchthums in d. Zeit, s. Entstehung u. ersten Ausbildung, in his Schriften u. Aufsdtzene
herausg'eg. von Dllinger, ii. 165. Neander's Kirchengesch. ii, 2, 488, se.
~  95,
ORIIGIN AND HISTO-RY OF MONACHISM IN THE EAST.
Solitude  and asceticism  were  universally  looked  upon  in  this
age as means of approximation to the Deity.  The New Platonists recommended them.'  The Jewish Essenes and Therapeutae  lived  in  this manner.2     Thus Anthony  (Div. I. ~ 73),
1 After Plato's example in the Phaedo and Theaetetnas. Plotinus recommends the /z'vov
evat, guovov'rpb/ y6vov (Oebv) yevCaOat.  See Creuzer ad Plotini Opp. ed. Oxon. iii. 140,
276, 412. A. Jalnii Basilius Magnus plotinizans. Bernae. 1838. 4. p. 19.
2 Still in the time of Nilus, who lived as monkl on Sinai, A.D. 430. See Nili tract. ad
Magnam, c. 39. (Nili tractatus ed. J. M. Suaresius, Romaae. 1673. fol. p. 279), and de
Monast. exercis. c. 3. (1. c. p. 2), where they are called'Iecraiot.




-Zj 9, 08'SE'COND PERIO0D.-D1IV. I. —A.D. 324-451.
appeared  to  have  set forth  the ideal of a  Clhryistian wise man;
he soon found many imitators, and other hermits fixed themselves in his neighborhood.   Many more were concealed in inaccessible places, of whom one, Paul of Thebes *(t 340), who had
lived in the desert ever since the Decian  persecution, is said  to
have become known to Anthony shortly before his death.3   After
a number of hermits had been brought into a kind of connection
with one another by Anthony, Pachomiuns founded a place of
habitation  where  they  might dwell together (Itotv6otov,  aivdSpa,
elaustrum.-     Kotovo i3b r, Xvvod7-,ng), on  the  island  Tabenna  in
the Nile (about 340), with a system  of rules for the government
of its inmates, by which strict obedience to the president ('Af3oad,'HTyovtevo~,'Apxytavdptijg) was  particularly  enforced.   At the
same time Anmun founded a society of monks on the Nitrian
mountain  (Tr?fo  Nti-pi[aS    po); and    laccarius the elder 4 in  the
neighboring  wilderness of Skelis.5   Both  were soon peopled  by
the monks, and  became  the  most celebrated resorts.   Hilarion
assembled in the desert near Gaza, a company of monks, and
from   thence  the  system   spread  through  Palestine  and  Syria.6
The  Eusebiacn  Eustathius, afterward  bishop  of Sebaste, introduced it into Armenia and Asia Minor.7   The peculiarities of the
nionkish life of this period consisted in solitariness, manual labor,
spiritual exercises,' restraint of the bodily appetites for the pur3 Vita Antonllii by Athanasius, see Div. I. ~ 73, note 22. Vita Pauli by Jerome.
Probably from hill we have the Homiliae spirittales 50, ed. J. G. Pritius. Lips. 1698
and 1714. 8. Comp. Paniel's Gesch. der christl. Beredsamlllkeit, i. 396.
5 Coptic Schift, Greek 2g/cir2S],     aIlsrTf, ap. Ptolemy  egicaOtg, Latin Scetis, Scithis,
Scytiaca, Scytlhium, means chiefly the h/ill on which Macarius settled, then the sr;ozunzdingz
desert. Et. QGOatreml re Mdmoires gdograph. et hist. sur l'Egypte.  (Paris. t. 2. 1.811. 8.)
i. 451.
6 Vita Hilarionis by Jerome. —Aarpat in Palestine.
7 On the first nmonks generally see Socrates, iv. 23, 24. Sozomenus, i. 12-15, iii. 14, vi.
28-34. Palladii (bishop of Helenopolis, afterward of Aspona, t about 420), Historia Lausiaca in Jo. lleeursii Opp. vol. viii. (Florent. 1746. fol.) p. 329. Theodoreti  tZ060eog
iorop[a,
8 Even Tertullian (de Orat. c. 25, et adv. Psychicos, c. 10) and Cyprian (de Orat. domin.
p. 154) recommended the hora tertia, sexta, and nona, as times of prayer, while every
day, morning and evening, church service was performed.  (Const. apost. ii. 59.) Among
the monks different usages arose at first. The Egyptians had, on every day of the wxeek,
only two meetings for prayer (Cassialus de Instit. coenob. iii. 2, vespertinas ac nocturnas
congregationes), and in their cells carried on manual labor, and prayed almost incessantly;
those of the East came together for the purpose of singing psalms, heora tertia, sexta, et
nona (1. c. c. 3), the matutina heora was first introduced at a later period into the monastery
at Bethlehem  (1. c. c. 4). Athanasius de virginitate (Opp. i. 1051, ss.), marks out for the
nuns six seasons of prayer, viz., the third, sixth, ninth, twelfth hours (a more solemn assembly in the church at the last hour), tyeooviCrTov and 7rpbf dpfpov. So also Jeromne,




CHAP. IV. —MONACHISM.   95.  9. 1  THE EAST.                     399
pose of mortifying  the  sensual nature, and  allowing  the spirit
with  less disturbance to be absorbed in the contemplation  of divine things.9    The rules of the monasteries made, indeed, more
moderate  demands on  the abstinence  of the inmates;l0 but the
majority of the monks did more than was required, of their own
free choice, and many  even withdrew  from  the cells of the convents  into  the  desert  ('AvaXopyTrat), that they  might suppress
sensual desires  by  the  most ingenious self-tortures, and  attain
the highest degree  of holiness.   In many  cases these  measures
had only the contrary effect, and temptations increased;11 many
Epitaph. Paulae Epist. 27, 10, Epist. 7 ad Laetam; according to Chrysostom. in 1 Tim.
Horm. xiv. the monks had the same hoers. Basil also, de Inltit. monach. serno, prescribes
these six; but that there may be seven, agreeably to Psalm cxix. 164, the prayer of noon
is directed to be divided into that before and that after eating. When six public hours for
prayer are prescribed to the churches in the apostolic constitutions, viii. 34, the writer follows the view which arose in the fourth century, viz., that in the apostolic churches for
which he pretends to write, a monastic institute prevailed. Even in his day there were
daily but two religious services, as at an early period (Ev i'crEpa /cat Ev w rpwS'a, Chrysost.
in 1 Til. Horn. vi.).
9 Respecting tle EgSyptian monasteries comp. Hieronymi Ep. 18 (al. 22) ad Eustochium
(ed. Martian. t. iv. P. ii. p. 45). Jo. Cassiani Collationes Patrnm, et de Institutis coenobiorum. On the labors cf. de Inst. coen. x. 23: Haec est apud Aegyptum ab antiquis patribus sancita sententia: operantem monachum daemone uno pulsari, otiosum vero ilnumeris
spiritibus devastari. Cf Alteserra, 1. c. lib. v. cap. 7 et S. Neander's Chrysostomus,  B. 1,
S. so, fW.
10 Comp. Pachomius' rule (ap. Pallad. Hist. Laus. c. 38):  vyXOP7pErtg6f &IrcaT4J Kca'
irv d'6veatv  ayeiv /cai irtefv, cac -irpOC rCg dvv(cUet~ 7Tl)v ke96v7oWv avdlPoy'a ca-  r2a
pyea aicrs'v  EyEfip,!Cov, Ica- /zlre vr6revcrac ic o 7A.,  /ae OayeZv.
11 See the confessions of Jerome, Ep. 18, ad Eustochium: Ille igitur ego, qui ob gehennae metunm tali me carcere ipse damnaverani, scorpionum tantum socius et ferarum, saepe
choris intereram puellarum. Pallebant ora jejuniis, et mens desideriis aestuabat in frigido
corpore, et ante hominem suum jam in carne praemortua, sola libidinum incendia bullie
bent. Itaqule omni auxilio destitutus, ad JesLu iacebam pedes, rigabam lachrymis, crine
tergebam, et repugnantem carnem hebdomadarun inedia subjugabals.-Mcmoini me clamantem, diem crebro janxisse cumn nocte, nec prius a pectoris cessasse verberibus, quaDm.
rediret Domino increpante tranquillitas.  Ep. 95, ad Iusticum: Dum  essem juvenis, et
solitudinis me deserta vallarent: incentiva vitiorum ardoremque naturae ferre non poteram: quel  coum crebris jejuniis frangerem, mens tamen cogitationibus aestuabat. Ad
quam  edomandanm cuidam fiatri, qui ex Hebraeis crediderat, me in disciplinam dedi, ut
-alphabetumn discerem, et stridentia anllhelantiaque verba meditarer.  In like manner
Basil admits to his fiiend Gregory, Ep. 2: KarlTur'ov av /   rf V ('lTre  dar-prtla'3gS  (f
/vpf&v  ca-rcx  aieop/r2rr, 6UaV7OTV P6 oiVT( iT-olturErfv'?6vvtO7V. — eT-e oVriv /,yea riC
pzia~ [Trovd,uesOa TravrT7g. On the temptations to lust see Nilus, lib. ii. Ep. 140. (Nili
Epistolarum, libb. iv. Romae. 1668. p. 179.) In the quaestt. et responsiones ad orthodoxos among Justin's works, written after 400, it is asked, qu. 21, whether sensual (dreams
exclude from the supper:'ErcGrrt'roX   art 7Ep ti-proTVroyTV cacl Tirap' aveirdv (Tr()v #ovaXyCv)
i? 1/TrGCtf.  Comp. Nilus, rTepi d&aO6powv wTovlpprv X2oytrorr6v (Tractatus ed. Suaresii,
p. 512). Basilii reglllae breviores, interrog. 22. Comp. the experience of Philo, Legis
allegor. lib. iii. (properly lib. ii.) p. 1102::Eyo Trollui/ctgS caeacltrT)v /yev  rvOprjrovC, CGyyEvEZig, ica-  ifAovg, Kac 7raTrpida, ica Erif'pg?,uiav  (lA)ov,'va rT TroJ ONaf ifav KcaravosCpa,
ovisv  )vziaae'  r'2lni a/copwrtoer O lb,o,,  r2EX0ep 6sXa, cEiv f -ravavria.




400                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
monks were driven to despair by a sense of the hopelessness of
their efforts;2  in the case of others, complete madness was superinduced  by that excessive asceticism, and  by the pride associated with it, under the influence of a burning climate.l3    From
that diseased  excitement of the imagination, and  that spiritual
pride, arose also those strange miraculous occurrences which befel the monks  only  in  solitude.   The  lesser  marvelous  things
which they wrought in the circles of enthusiastic admirers mnust
be explained by the impression they made on the feelings of
reverence  entertained toward the  persons of the mon-ks, and by
the magnifying nature of tradition.l4
"'Er-t 6' 0ire icat v 7qr.O8et tvptivdpra Epga  r#v dtldvoav, Ti-v Pvxyciv oXuov atce6a'
eavrogf Ocoo, Kcai 6dciavr6f sIt, 6rL oV r6rrwv &tasopat r6 re Ev scat Xetpoov epyoi;ovrat,
da2' 6 cKtvdv OEbCf scal Ayov, n iav rrpoatpirat, TO ri-f ijvX~y  OXv/a. Zimmermann on
Solitude, part 2, chapters 6 and 7.
12 So that some, like the circumcelliones (see ~ 86, note 9), put an end to their life, see
Nilus, lib. ii. Ep. 140: TtvSf /ezv airSvi e)v tav vrEf, ca  Sopv/O6?7 vref rOv vo-Dv ke dI'rpoaeaf c Kat c'tdltacptciar, eavfrov b EUoaFav  utaxapfq, TLVeCf 6  Kcarecp/vyvcav Ecavrobv
JOp#-o i2Tcrr Iscat d'7royveo'et UV6aXedvTEfs, 6irepot 6e 7i-  yevvirtCea  6pta cidbaVrE-C,
tcal airoaovevrai eavi-v  ri-  rpoaltpeet yEyov6re0C oa 7ia2'veg,  -,rerEccav r, -'7drrourolca,
spe7, —iaXXot l   E cai yvvtcaKS Eg2aflov cvvapwra0evrem iwieb to  Zarav7.  Gregor. Nastz
Carm. xlvii. v. 100, ss. (Opp. t. ii. 107):
Ovealcovatv iroZo  rpoG wpeodpOvgeS   OCavdTOLf,
Avirol r   V7o rTeP1p6f iT2ra.aUZIg, scat yaarpbS lvdycycp,
O1 66 crara atcozr2tCeov fvOeul Tr'l6 IpPxorf,
Maiprvpes ei-peaslCg''roXi6uov 6' ireo scai urovoevroo
Xaipovarv  06'O7ov i-od' diracVTrdeisE ot.
"IXaOe  Xplare' ava wnlarage Qpeaev dilpadkovtv!
Pachonius says, Vita Pachomii, ( 61 (Acta SS. Maji, iii. 320, the Greek original is given in
the app. p. 41):'H 66 rf Peaei/aft   ioror  i-otO r7v l OpoXv  ikpv edpp rtlvi- ye vri~calov,
i,:lv a    dyacirv  Oeev, —roi-rov adroaElo. Kac ro2Alot OavcirTdcaviav g avoT,  6,sv ElraivwOev  rTpr-pac Evavrbv  5lebar 5s9 Eicrarucio, scal alloc azaxae^ipa lerrrvSev r-v tcotliav
ai-vrov taic ci7rdcavev, sca iAXot  2.cwg. Cf. Chrysostomi ad Stagirium, libb. iii. (Opp. i.
153) to a monk who believed that he had been tempted by Satan to commit suicide.
Others sought assistance in their struggle against desire in immoderate sleep. Nili, lib.
iii. Ep. 224.
13 Hieronymi Ep. 95 (al. 4), ad Rusticum: Sunt, qui humore cellarum, immoderatisque
jejuniis, taedio solitudinis ac nimia lectione, dum diebus ac noctibus auribus suis personant,
vertuntar in melancholiam, et Hippocratis magis folmentis quam nostris monitis indigent.
Ejusd. Ep. 97 (al. 8) ad Demetriadem: Novi ego in utroque sexu per nimialn abstinentiam cerebri sanitatem qluibusdan fuisse vexatam: praecipueque in his, qui in humectis'
et fiigidis habitaverunt cellulis, ita ut nescirent quid agerent, quove se verterent: quid
loqui, quid tacere deberent. Hence his disapprobation of extreme fasting in Ep. 57 (al. 7)
ad Laetaln and Jo. Cassian. Instit. v. 9.
14 Several hints on this subject may be found in the following passages: Hieron. Ep. 50,
ad Rusticum: Quosdam ineptos homines daemonum pugnantium  contra se portenta confingere, ut apud imperitos et vulgi homines miraculum sui faciant, et exinde lucra sectentur.
Sozomenus, i. 14: IIoaM2  d 66 ca  Oearcetac  Tr' avir-  ('Ayo0v) crvy)elf3iSce, ( yizd#ti-a
r~ofc ICar' Ayvrcrov eovaXofg IjKpi3ira-Ta, rrepi 7roa2o2v 7roLovjelvotr, BdadoX  7rapadt6eog




CHAP. IV.-MONACHISM.  ~ 95. IN  THE  EAST.                         401
Very soon in the east monachism was received with enthusiastic  admiration, and  the  number of monks swelled to  an  enormous extent.ls Since there were no more persecutions, and no
lnore  opportunities  of martyrdom;  since  Christianity  had  even
acquired  external dominion;  the  erroneous  notion  was  spread
abroad that there was no longer an opportunity in the world for
the full exercise of Christian virtue.l6    The general corruption 17
or consciousness of individual guilt caused many to seek solitude.
Many  sought escape from  the oppressive circumstances of life.'8
Others wished to make a figure and obtain an influence. Others
were attracted by sloth;"9 and lastly, others were drawn away?/p(d/ ov O    rti,'lr Z&Mf CirO#w/avovErElSv rTi9 rC)V ira;atorp-pwv  CUrKVyrCiv   aperC7i.  Sulpicius
Severus, dial. ii. 4, relates that St. Martin often told him, nequaquam  sibi in episcopatu
earn virtutum  gratiam  suppetisse, quam prius se habuisse meminisset. QOuod si verum
est, immo quia verulll est, conjicere possulllus, quanta fuerent illa, quae monachus operatus
est, et quae teste nullo solus exercuit, cum tanta illum in episcopatu signa fecisse, sub
oculis omnium viderimus. For the physiological explanation of the frequent visions seen
by these anchorites comp. D. Joh. MiUller iuber die phantastischen Gesichterseheinungen.
Coblenz. 1826. 8.
15 Pachomius had in his convent 1300 monks, and in all upward of 7000 under his
superintendence (Sozom. iii. 14). In a monastery at Thebais were 5000 monks (Cass. de
lIstit. iv. 1),'in Nitria were fifty convents (Sozom. vi. 31), etc.
16 A kindred notion may be found in Origen, see Div. I. g 70, note 19.
17 Chrysostomus adv. oppugnatores vitae monast. i. 7:'E/3ovXl6/ylv Ica  av-rf —rCv
tgovaorTpiotv avatpe(fivetl aT-v xpEtav, ica  roaavrriv iv E,atf  r6olet yevEOfat 7Tijv E)vopleav, 59 ys7?dva d(iE?0vae i   r'ore Trlrf eis ToV elpov Kcaraovyr'S  iireitj  de' 7T' e'vro iCUr(
yyove, lcae aci  ev rw62etr-7roX2u?   )iaS'ovut 7rapavoydag Kae c'dtIclaf, ~ 6E  pq7,ula IroX6)
SpiEct T  tOrf ~t/oco~iacf Icapr& oV ovo 01oi rr( ~i2  rTarisf Kat 7Ti rapaxyf i  roiSf wroOiSva
3oV)1oVOVC  eyo  v vove, ao rppoT rIbv)    vGi)   vGaf /Yi/yo vToaf 67 o cpv, iacta, alot)S  (iv Eyicatolro,rap' 3/elyv.
18 Isidorus Pelus. (see ~ 88, note 25) lib. i. Ep. 262. EVorfito  (a bishop) Kao oroiro r0
Trapoucia HI/iXovaiov iroapXero, /3ovv6/osf TCrta, Kal atro6olt, Ica  6dpairEatlf oCICTratf
c7rrp7rWoV gtovaXtcc  uv7r/ti/ryvviaia frae atarob pta, ovdevC tia/tevOertt Ti/V /aovaxlKtiv,
/ tCeretO6vro(, / OljOS dayayrvOrtv, OVdeS O'OS rfigSf ~t2ouo~taO  ravri 7S     / CiCoK06oatv, 7
tEXpt. aXi?/marcS tdcaxdecc.
19!Respecting the reputation which the monks possessed, compare what Chrysostom
says to the heathen father of a monk, adv. oppugnatores vitae monast. ii. 4: 1 Etv e' oV
rO)v cavrov KVPIOC Et 16vov, CIce/VOS (O6 v[6f  ov) d6  T)TL V ScarTC rTIV olovUEVi/v iraracav.
ei 6Ed Ci'r1r9elf,-,relrotaev avTrov tcareaO6vrTa C'ril TOV  povf-C-iy/tCva  rTvi Tt)r3v a0c6dpa
rZovroivrTov  Icai etvlZaCi3v, OrO/Vat Xpvaoo  7raO/Lv,  cov E'OZXcEtC,-Ktca,rpoOv/6OTepoV
6pELt TOV,r2ovTro)vra V',OratcoovTr   ca/ /i Ko/oi;VTra, -) rTOv oicov6wU TV r7TaCV rTcv aC3v.
C. 6: Evp7/oyrev avrov (roTv vc6v cov) ov yp6vov  alzurp6repov OVvra vvv, cU2Ci cal dt'
liceiva Trqur6repov, dt' &rep irT7/ov elvat,)jf tolKav ee1-. eC yap flov2Uet, ureiuavref avroT
urb o)o r ipovf o carEEZVy, wreiolOxe v /ao  elf c'iyopaiv taaeiv, sal 6bect urCiorav EtrtoTpEqO//viV ri/v 7r6Ztv, ica ViirodiEcvVVTrac aVrTOiv'ravrar, Ica)  Oav/irrovoaC, atai ~Ehr2iTrrougvovf, (tf ciyyZov rtVObf 6i oipavoO 7raupayevo/Evov v0v.  C. 7: Tig /acTa ur2-teiovoC
iCov/iaf dtaSeErat flaclt2e, /cal E7lrlT//l/t; 6 TOroVaTra UV K1CeTi/VOf, Ica'vneraOvvoo
(iv 6tBl  raTra ITal TOaf ieiCvov doVoStf, —i   oirof 6 TSV Cetvov XZetpSv avl-epof tv;
6aatLeo)t ulev yap ourot /aditara der XO0O7av /Aer' i':ovifac     o 7IoOaS/,  coLt  ra'vroTv
&yevovro TrOOv  O)rti5COl v   rlcT6f.  C. 8: El raeltvot, cal te raToreLvo v  ivTref TtVi CaypOivoL..-2 — 6




402                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
by mere imitation.20  The measures taken by the emperor Valens21 against the excessive tendency to this state of things were
attended  with  no lasting  consequences, since  the  following  emperors only showed the more respect for monachism.  The most
distinguished teachers of the church, Athacnasius, Ambrose, Basil
the Great, Gregory of Nazianzum, Chrysostom, Jeronme, and Augustine, were the most zealous panegyrists of the new mode of
life  (pt)ooo ooia, dyysl         dta 6taywyi2).22    Examples  in  favor of it
were soon discovered even in the Old Testament;23 and by new
1O1v vtot icat xetporexvnv, ESr -72v ~tl2oaoOtiav TraV7TV EOi-6V7EC, o~irocf lyrovi'o ri-toi
7raotv, f tldirva ricv v  oEv if eytCya2lotl ov(oV L'lJt/aatv alcXvvOivaet,rpbS ro tca-raydytov
-rottrv e'SOeZv, icati 26yov teraaxeTv KtcaZ pari icf' —7roX&,adov, oar STav    Z a/ XarpoO
uev opliOtyevov yevovc —wrpbSf Eceivjv iG&ltv EXO6vra irv SpeTriv, TOVTO Spya-ovral.
Nilus,6yog Saccprlc6f, c. 7 (Opusc. ed. Suaresii, p. 8): The striving of many monks was
even at that time so much directed toward the attainment of possessions, cre 278 oltr
-rov  iroR;loV'C Troptayczv iyecolasac Trv edaffetav, Kat dt' ovdEYv  Cpepot L7rtiLdeSeCgOaL
raov 7rcat 2 icrpadyyova cKai lualcdptov i3eov, 1) 7f rog dt& 7ijC EISri Tr2;t-ov Oeoce/3efag rai
evy  C'Trt6rvovg ZelITOpyECSa 0fyc ycev, Sdetav c(l ScTroXaeaeeSc,roptaaievot, actwrori-c 7 ETr
7i dooOavr   a rag ptaU ECTciEtVeEr, u iET-S tr 7iroa2i   valtXvv7rag icaraca(ovev Etco r  i-v
VTo6&eriprov, Crtl d2 O5rE Kaci 7Sv V'rcepeX6vTrov, wcarep dVcr60ealv rvpavvidoc,  A52/' o*X3%
raCretrLdaweOg cai erletCectaC rOV evacperov fliov Elval voticavre.  Ati roforo Icai 7rapS
riSv cij3eaat cc zat S  ctXu6vr7v  9S Eibcaiog SXYOgS 6prjuact, Kcai-yEc23u cOa,,-odvc Ec
TroutcEiaf, OAiZ' Sc qXiyarog yvwpi(ceaal povl/6pevot.
20 Comp. the judgment of Synesius, at that time still a heathen, afterward bishop of
Ptolemais, in his Dion: OL 5E r-Zeovg oVd' oicoOev  lcvirtOcraav,-SucrTEp de 22U0o i-t r&iv
Ec6Oldocctor-V7V,  Irv yevvaavi aIipetv?3lZt/caot, TrcavrodaTroi iTE OVri-c Tir yEV?1, acci cfar
Xpcrav icca-crot ovvTrci-tcsvot.
21 Cod. Theodos. xii. 1, 63 (A.D. 365): Quidamn ignaviae sectatores desertis civitatum
muneribus captant solitudines ac secreta, et specie religionis cum coetibus monazonton
congregantur. Hos igitur atque hujusmodi, intra Aegyptum deprehensos, per comiteln
Orientis erui e latebris consulta praeceptione mandavimus, atque ad mlunia patriarum
subeunda revocari, aut pro tenore nostrae sanctionis familiarium rerumn carere illecebris,
quas per eos censuimus vindicandas, qui publicaruim essent subituri munera functionurn.
After the death of his milder brother (Orosii Hist. vii. 33: illico post fratris obitam),
Valens became more violent against the monks, see HIieron. Chron. ann. 375: Multi
monachorum Nitriae per tribunos et milites caesi. Valens enim lege data, nt monachi
militarent, nolentes fustibus interfici jussit.  This raised the courage of the numerous
opponents of monachism, and therefore Chrysostom wrote at that time irpbS -odS ro2icEUOiv-cra  of i T-ok   i i tOVdez  vryovatv libb. iii. (ed. Montf. t. i.)
22'0 TiSV  yyYrAwv i0o, ira odpSvtla roa2tv7e8tar a,  7-ro0vCio2/tc0f S  iof (Epiph. Haer
lxi. 4), ]/ djb7X2  0iocoSoai, iepypj tlaZeov    26yy.p caTopOovucyvr  (Gregor. Nyss. Orat
catech. c. 18), 7 Icari -E Oev  ltoaoOSia (Nilus de Monast. exercitatione, c. 8). Serapion,
bishop of Thmuis, about 350, writes in the Epist. ad monachos (Spicilegium Romanum,
iv. p. liv.) to them:'IJa6yye oc c 7ari T- croaLTEi-c   SaTrep yap eSv Ti  arvaardCet i-rv
veCcpiv  eli- yeie/ir o5rec ya     r-tv  o tcovrat, 52' (X5  ayyc2olt elaiv Ev od'pavc  oi Stcatot,
Tov avr-v rp6Trov Kcai vrJtzei  oiro  avu,0itoreiovrie, crpoec2dierei  r   r60  rbi- ECo6/evov.
Entering on the life of a monk is called by Jerome, Ep. 22 (al. 25), ad Paulam: Secundo
quodammodo propositi se baptismo lavare.  Subsequently Dionys. Areop. de Eccles.
hierarch. c. 6, reckons the vow of monks (yvorai-ptov  rovaXtKcg reiAetle/oSE) among the
sacrament5.
23 Hieronymus iu vita S. Pauli (about 365): Inter multos saepe dubitatum est, a quo




CHAP. IV. —MONACHISM.    95. IN THE EAST.                      403.
explanations of detached passages and the help of supplementing
legends, the original condition of the early Christians was shown
to be a completely  monastic state.24
For  a  long  time  the  monks  appeared  to have been  able to
dwell only  in  deserts.   Individuals, indeed, sometimes  showed
potissimumn Monachorum eremus habitari coepta sit. Quidam enim altius repetentes, a b.
Elia et Jobanne sumsere principiurm.  Quorum et Elias plus nobis videtur fuisse, quam
Monachus: et Johannes ante prophetare coepisse, quam natus sit. Alii autem, in qlami
opinionem vulgus omne consensit, asserunt Antonium hujus propositi caput, quod ex parte
verum est. Non enim tam ipse ante omnes fuit;, quam ab eo omaniunt incitata sunt studia.
Amathas vero et Macarlus, discipnli Antonii, e quibus superior magistri corpus sepelivit,
etiam nune affirmant, Paulumn quemdam Thebaeum principem istius rei fuisse, non nominis;
quam opinionem  nos quoque probanmus.  On the contrary, the same Jerome observed,
about 395, Ep. 49 (al. 13), ad Paulinum:  Nos autem babeamls propositi nostri principes
Paulos et Arntonios, Julianos, Hilarioneml, Macarios. Et ut ad sclipturarum auctoritatem
redeam: noster princeps Helias, nester Helisaeus, nostri duces filii prophetarunm, qui
habitabant in agris et solitudinibus, et faciebant sibi tabernacula prope fluenta Jordanis.
De his sunt et illi filii Recllab (Jerem. xxxv.), qui vinumn et siceram non bibebant, qui
morabantur in tentoriis, etc.  Sozomenus, i. 12: Taer-   d6 riSf dppiar7f zLocoQoag
rpWaro, C  1tVIEf 2EyOVw t'v,'Hai f O  inrpoo77jf, Icat'I6)dvvVl  o,Savrtv/r7f.
24 The Therapeutae were regarded as Christians (Div. I. 5 17, note 11), and for this
purpose such passages as Acts ii. 44, iv. 32, ss. were appealed to. Hieron. Catal. c. 11:
Philo-librum  de prima Marci Evangelistae apud Alexandriam scribens ecclesia, in nostrorum laude versatus est (he means Philo repi  Pieo 5OpylrLCOV); non solum eos ibi, sed
in multis quoque provinciis esse commemorans, et habitacula eorum dicens monasteria.
Ex quo apparet, talem primam Christo credentium fuisse ecclesiam, quales nunc monachi
esse nituntur et cupiunt, ut nihil cujuspiam proprium sit, nullas inter eos dives, nullus
pauper; patrimonia egentibus dividuntur, orationi vacatur et psalmis, doctrinae quoque
et continentiae: quales et Lucas refert primum  Hierosolymae fuisse credentes.  Jo
Cassian. Collat. 18, c. 5: Itaque Coenobitarum disciplina a tempore praedicationis apostolicae sumsit exordium. Nam talis extitit in Hierosolymlis omniis illa credentium mul
titudo, quae in Actibus Apostolorum ita describitur (seqq. loci Act. iv. 32, 34, 35).-Sed
cum post Apostolorum excessum tepescere coepisset credentium multitudo, ea vel maxime,
quae ad fidem Christi de alienigenis ac diversis gentibus confluebat, —non solumi hi qui ad
fidem Christi confluxerant, verum etiam illi, qui erant ecclesiae principes, ab illa districtione laxati sunt.-Hi autem, quibus adhuc apostolicus inerat fervor, memores illius
pristinae perfectionis, discedentes a civitatibus suis —et ea, quae ab Apostolis per universum corpus ecclesiae generaliter meminerant instituta, privatim ac peculiariter exercere
coeperunt, etc. Idem de Institut. coenob. ii. 5: Cumo in primordiis fidei pauci quidem,
sed probatissimi, monachorum nomine censerentur, qui sicut a beatae memoriae evangelista Marco, qui primus Alexandrinae urbi Pontifex praefuit, normam suscepere vivendi,
non solum illa magnifica retinebant, quae primitus eeclesiam vel credentium turbas in
Actibus Apostolorum legimus celebrasse, verum etiam his multo sublimiora cumulaverant;
cf. Sozomenus, i. 12. Hence the monlks were said adfroc7ro2ttcV fiov ltofV, Epiphan.
Haer. 61, g 4.-Legends of the monkish chastity of the saints, of Mary especially,
Protevangelium Jacobi, c. 7, ss. From a misunderstanding of Exodus xiii. 1 (2 Macc.
iii. 19?) it was thought that there were in the temple virgins consecrated to God, among
whom  Mary had grown up (Epiphan. Ailcorat. no. 60. Gregor. Nyss. Orat. de sancta
Christi nativitate) with the vow of perpetual virginity (Au0gstinus de virginitate, c. 4).,
Her marriage with Joseph was only apparent, he being eighty years old (Epiph. Haer.
51, c. 10), and according to Epiph. i. c. a widower, but according to Jerome adv. Helvid.
c. 9, a perpetual ascetic. Cf. J. A. Schmidii prolusiones Marianae x. Helmst. 1733. 4,
p. 21, ss.-1 Cor. ix. 5, was referred to female friends of the apostles (Div. I. ~ 27, note 3).




404                 SECOND PEItIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451,
themselves in  cities to  oppose  heat]iens  and heretics, but they
always withdrew  again  very  soon into  their  solitude.25    Basil
the Great was the first who established a company of monks in
the  vicinity  of Caesarea  in  Cappadocia, in  order to  suppress
Arianism, by their influence with the people.26 From this time.
monasteries became more frequent in the neighborhood of cities;
but since there were  as yet no  strict rules, wandering  companies of monks were also found.   Thus their influence in Church
and  State became  stronger, but, at the  same  time, more  dangerous.
It is true that the monks made a strong moral impression  by
their strict life, dedicated to God in solitude. Even heathens,
frequently repaired to them  in numbers, for the sake of receiving
their blessing, and were converted  by  them.27    But the  honor
and  power they possessed  not unfrequently  caused the passions
within them, which  were suppressed  in  regard  to their sensual
manifestations, to break forth  still more strongly in the form  of
spiritual pride,2" and wild fanaticism, against those who thought
differently from  themselves.   From  the time  of Theodosius I.,
they opposed heathenism  with fury and barbabrosness;29 and they
25 Antony z.aid: Tovc yev iXOdag r7-v vypdv ovciav rpdE0tv' yovaxyozf (  c6 K6oov opetv
rhv Epltzov' Erri~s' TroP ro/Vc yi  sypd  a&'ro/oyvovf ro ($,v a'voyt/zTravetv, r6bdg dl rV'
govartLK2cv o6yuvr7Tra a&ro6rvEtv ro70C adG7TECL crpoot6vr7af. Sozom. i. 13.
26 Socrates, iv. 21. Gregor. Nazianz. Orat. xx. in laudem Basilii; p. 358: To  riouvvV
Ep/liyocov,3 caio  cet ro  lyud6dog paXoyfvwv 7rpob a&?/Zovc 6g rr rrooZaP, Icad dlt'Ta/vw)V,r
icai oVderrpov 7rVT  p ro o i t caov, q TO ~a)Lov aie ztcrv r ovTro'V;XOV70- a2'2 roi /zv'cv-'
X1ov dzv oVrog 0uduoV, ICa ilca0erric67dro, c Ka OE& cvvayovroc, od atrdV0ov d dE cld ri ri
aperCTg  aaCfdvaTrov icaci acvyiprTov' roV d& irpa1ructrfC pov) Ucv  tdau,2Aov ical X<pl]/tLrfpov, 7i0 dl 0opv,3ksld  ob 0kEdyOV7TOg' lca TOVrOVS  tplTra  KariT taaev ai'dUJolg cai
avvelKpael, aadc?7Tlptla cKal /lovaC7lpm dct[l/1vog /12, ovap'  EllE  r, O   vr6,6) 6  TV KOtVVtcV
Kac' ptydv, Oed &rarTEp rrEtX4   rtvi s pEc  TaOrTa dla~a,2v, ica a an' 6;2bX2/2O2) Xopiaaft,
&62.d 7r2TXc0ov avvcipae /cati 6tda fca" Eva   nre  rT  lt26aooov  iiCOtv6V7rTOv 9, 17Tre 7'T
paacrtlcav  (itL6ao00ov-. On the Ascetica of Basil, the chief parts of which are ipoe KCarT
rldTrof and dOpol tear' dirlTrojjv (monks' rules), see Garnier in praef. ad Basil. Opp. t. ii
p. xxxiv. ss.                           27 See M6dhler's Schriften u. Aufshtze, ii. 219.
28 Hieronym. Ep. 15 (al. 77), ad Marcum: Pudet dicere, de cavernis cellularumn damnla
mus orbemn, in sacco et cinere volutati de Episcopis sententiam ferimus. Quid facit sub
tunica poenitentis regius animlus?  Catenae, sordes et comae, non sunt diadematis signa,
sed fletus. Idem Ep. 95 (al. 4), ad Rusticum: In solitudine cito subrepit superbia: et si
parumper jejunaverit, hominemque non viderit, putat se alicujus esse momenti. Oblitusque sui, unde, et quo venerit, intus corde, lingua foris vagatur. Judicat contra Apostoli
voluntatem alienos servos: quo gula voluerit porrigit manum: dormit quantum voluerit:
nullum veretur: facit quod voluerit: omnes inferiores se putat: crebriusque in urbibus,
quam in cellula est: et inter fratres simulat verecundiam, qui platearum turbis colliditur.
Comp. Nilus, above, note 19.
29 Comp. Libanius, above, ~ 78, note 9. Zosimus, v. 23. Eunapius in Vita Aedesii:
Movaxodg, dp6verovf yt'  cTar/i ro eldog, b dl f3ioS  avro'c cavedY6, Icai   elf Tro  /Uavg




CHAP. IV.-MONA-CHISM. 8- 95. IN THE EAST.                        405
also  mingled  in  ecclesiastical controversies in a manner no less
violent.   Since  they  despised  all learning, and  founded  their
judgment of orthodoxy merely on an obscure feeling of what
looked like piety, and  what did not,30 it was seldom  difficult for
a superior head to excite their fanaticismn in favor of a certain
view.   Thus the  ambitious bishops of Alexandria, Theophilus,
Cyril, and Dioscturs, knew well how to make use of them.,
partly  to work upon  the people, partly  to  overpower their opponents by acts of violence.31 The rude mass were as easily excited, in a fanatical manner, against a Chrysostom, at the point,of death,32 as against idolaters and Arians.   The limits of civil
law, and the dignity of magistrates, appear to  have been disregarded by them.33  In them  religious fanaticism  was united
with  a cynical indifference  to  propriety  or duty;  and  too often
indolence and vice also were concealed under this mask of piety.34
Contemplation, which was regarded as the most important,duty  of the monk, as though  it led  him  to  an  internal union
with  God, was usually, in  the  absence  of mental cultivation,
either a suffering resignation  to feeling, without a distinct consciousness of it,35 or a play  of anthropomorphic  images  of the
fancy.  Hence anthropomorphism  was very common among
them.36   But incessant occupation with  religious subjects, over-,Eraax6v r-e Kai E 7roiovv avp   tad iica ai,ti0para-.'AIX' 6p(df Troi7-o jfv EnVa'ef 1E6dKer
id  nracapoveiv tro  (o v  rvpavvulO.v ydp etlXev tovEoiav  rdre Srg vdpuoTrof, ys,2atvav
Oopfiv EaOjra, Ka' dquoaia fovXJ6/sEvof caXV/yovecv.
30 Sozomenus, i. 12:'H  rota airr/ OTLorrodia [taO/aL7t6v #jEv 7o)i.v:cat dltaoneIrMTti
TEXvooo;,iag.de2Lu rSf'repEp7yov, fK-a T'V3 Ev oIf aLEiVOryt nrxo2v dqatpOv/sfVsf, 7acc
rpd  bd TlOVZ ioiv  pOfQg oe.dEv ave2LZatsavoq/ev/'  67vC: dy  tivalc,  icai irrqpepye ~)pov)ar,
Tratdee; Tai iravreaXdg ectclayv  vatpovwra, L) pjeiova Epyaro6Eva.  Syn.esius, in his.Dion,
designates them by the names of i-Orv  /IOV(ov, 7.dv gtgos6ywv, Tidr /3ap.ppwrv, T7i,
daireUdv icai v57rep6Trrv.rnOplstcjgS Icaci irotiaEwf, see Clausen de Synesio, p. 48.
31 Witness the insurrection of the Anthropomorphists against Theophilus, Socrates, vi.
7, of the Nitrian monks against Orestes.in favor of Cyril, vii. 13..Destruction of a Valentinian temple, Ambrosius, Epist. 40 (al. 29), ad Theodosiulll.
32 In Caesarea, comp. Neander's Chrysost. Bd. 2. S. 238.
33 They frequently inlterfered violently in behalf of criminals, ex. gr. for disturbers of the
public peace in Antioch, Chrysost. -Orat. 17 et 18, ad popul. Antioch. Theodoreti HI. E. v.
19. Law of Arcadius, A.D. 398. (Cod. Theod. ix. xl. 16), see above, ~ 91, note 1'0.
34 Comp. Neander's Chrysostomus, Bd. 2, S. 108, if.
35 Yet Anthony said (Cassiani'Collat. ix. 31,)J: Non est perfecta oratio, in qua se Mona.,chus, vel hoc ipsum quod orat, intelligit.
36 Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, rejected the anthropomorphism of the monks, in his
Easter letter, 399. Cassiani Coll. x. 2: QGuod tanta est amaritudine ab universo propemodum genere Monachorum, qui per totam provinciam Aegypti mnorabantur, pro simplici-:tatis errore susceptum, ut e contrario memoratum pontificelm, velut haeresi gravissima
depravatuam,pars maxima Seniorum.ab universo fraternitatis corpore decelrneret detestan



406                  SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
strained views, and self-conceit, joined with  the want of cultare,
occasionally led them to other aberrations also from the doctrine
of the Church.37  Audius in Mesopotamia was still worthy of
respect, who  separated  from  the  Church  on  account of its corruption, and founded a sect of monks (Audiani) about A.D 340.38
But the  Messalians  (;'c.x) or EvxiTat,39 who also  arose in  Mesopotamia  (about 360), were  mere  fanatics, wandering hordes  of
beggars, who  supposed  that  incessant prayer  could  alone  blot
out' all sins while they undervalued public worship, and were led
into the most absurd notions by their coarse imagination.   Even
Eustathius, the founder of monachism in Armenia, came to reject
marriage absolutely, and was, on this account, condemned with
his followers by the Synod of Gangra (between 362 and 3 7 0).4
In the mean time monachism  was developed in forms the
most various.   Many monks (Rhemoboth or Sarabcaitae),4  still
continued to live in society 412 like the old ascetics, but were less
dum, quod scilicet impugnare Scripturae sanctae sententiam videretur, negans omnipotentem Deum humanae figurae compositione formatum, cum  ad ejus imaginern creature
Adam  Scripturae manifestissime testaretur.'When Seraphin, an old monk highly esteemed, was convinced of his error, he was so smitten with remorse (cap. 3) eo quod illam
Anthropomorphitarumn imaginem  Deitatis, quam proponere sibi in oratione consueverat.
aboleri de suo corde sentiret, ut in amarissimos fletus crebrosque singultus repente prorumpens, in terramque prostratus, cum ejulatu validissimo proclamaret: hen me miserurn,
tulerunt a me Deum  oneurl, et quem nunc teneam non habeo, vel quem adorern aut interpellem jam  nescio. So the Anthropomorphites generally (cap. 5) nihil se retinere vel
habere credentes, si propositam non habuerint imaginem quandamr, quamin in spplicatione
positi jugiter interpellent, eamqlue circumferant mente, ac prae oculis teneant semper
affixam. On the Anthropomorphism of Abraames see Theodoreti Hist. rel..c. 3.
37 Thus some were led to entertain contempt for public worship and the sacraments, as
Valens and Heron (Palladii Hist. Lausiaca, c. 31 et 32), and the Messalians. One Ptolemy
went even so far with his brooding and dreaming over divine things, as to arrive at last at
Atheism (Palladius, 1. c. c. 33).
38 Epiphan. Haer. 70; cf. Ancoratus, c. 14. Theodoret. H. E. iv. 9; H aer. fab. comp.
iv. 10. Walch's Ketzerhist. iii. 300. Neander, ii. iii. 1464. They were Anthropomois
phists and Quartodecimani.
39 Epiphan. Haer. 80; Theodoret. H. E. iv. 10; Haer. fab. iv. 11. Extracts in Photius
Cod. 52. Walch, iii. 481. Neander, ii. ii. 514.
40 The acts of this synod (ap. Mansi, ii. 10-95) are the chief source for the knowledge of
his doctrines. Socrat. ii. 43. Sozom. iv. 24. WYalch, iii. 536. In the synodical decree it
is also reckoned among their errors in doctrine: HIPEIOvr7poV  yEyal,6rTO   v ViRepOpavoVrTEf,  cai TCv ET70oVpyutv rv V,T' aVrTv ytVo/srO'V UV drr6/EVOl.  Onl the contrary, can. iv.: E  rgtf dtaecpiVOTrO  irap& rpega,vripov yeyael/rofS 7 g,    /7/ Xp2vat 2bEtrovpytcaavro    arVTOV 7rpo0op9 /1e~raa/upAdEev, dav6dOdea E'ar7.  On the time of the
synod of Gangra, see Ballerini de Ant. collect. canonunm, P. 1, cap. 4, ~ 1.
4l Concerning the former, Hieron. Ep. 18 (al. 22), ad Eustoclhim; concerning the latter,
Cassian. Collat. xviii. c. 4 and 7. "Walch de Sarabaitis (Novi commentarii Soc. Gotting,
f. v. Comm. hist. p. 1, ss.).
42 Also with the avveialfcra in Ambros. Sermo. 65. Gregorii Naz. Carm. in several
passages. See Walch, L c p. 23, s. Moreover, there. were still ascetics- who abstained




CHAP. IV.-MONACHISM.  ( 95. IN THE EAST.                        407
highly esteemed.   Others wandered about in companies (Boci6t)41
in Mesopotamia.  Those who lived together in convents were
called  coenobites, each  convent having its peculiar constitution,
among whom  the most distinguished since the fifth century,
were the amol/tATot, watchers, for whom  Studius, in 460, founded
one of the most celebrated convents in Constantinople ( Studitae).44
But among the people, the anchorites were reckoned the most
holy, for they carried their artificial self-tortures the farthest,
and vied with each other in inventing new modes of cruelty
against their own persons.45    The highest point in this art was
reached by  Simeon, who, from  the year 420, dwelt on  a pillar
in  the neighborhood  of Antioch.46   In  this he was imitated  by
others, and  although  at first the example was found by individuals to be doubtful,47 yet it was wondered at by the mass.  Even
so late  as the  twelfth  century, similar pillar-saints (UarV2tiTfl or
U-n8Xii-irS) appeared in the east.
The female  sex  could not imitate  the men in  all these kinds
of asceticism, though  there were  convents for them  as early  as
for the male sex  (Ascetriae, Monastriae, Castimoniales, Sanctimoniales, Nonnae).48
from certain  meats, but not froml marriage (abstivsentes apud Tertullian, see Div. I. 5 53,
note 31); these also were now occasionally styled monks, Athaslasii Epist. ad Dracontium: HIo2oi  rSdv TrtKtoc6rwv ovid yeyaa4/ca, /yovarot de' -arOpef TEriv6v yeyovactv.
Augustin. de Haeres. c. 40: Utentes conjugibus, et res proprias possidentes-habet catholica Ecclesia et Monachos et Clericos plurimos.      43 Sozom. vi. 33. Evagr. i. 21.
44 Nicephori Hist. eccl. xv. 23. J. J. Maller Studium coenob. Constantinopol. ex monum.
Byzantinis illustratum, diss. Lips. 1721. 4.      4S An example in Sozom. vi. 28-34.
46 In like manner in heathen Syria, the  Da2RioSare76  in the temple at Hierapolis
(Lucianus de Dea Syria, c. 28, 29). Respecting Simeon see Theodoreti Hist. relig. c.
25, and his biographies by his scholar Antonius (in Act. SS. ad d. 5. Jan.), and his contemporary Cosmas (in Assemani Act. SS. Mart. Occid. et Orient. P. ii. p. 268), cf. Stylitica:
Simeonis Stylitae seniojs biographiam graecam (a later one derived from that of Antonius),
junioris orationem  gratcam prim. ed. et illustr. H. N. Clausen (in the Miscellanea Hafniensia ed. F. Miinter. tom. ii. Fasc. 2. Hafn. 1824. 8. p. 227, ss.
47 Nili lib. ii. Epist. 114, to the Stylite Nicander:'O viv  a7vriv rarecvcwO*Ceral.
2E  di tdi)Rv Karopidaag'rarvo/s/evov qrpayzua, ecal iedaeaf oeavreov 10' vi710v2o   rov
Gr-sOV, iceai PO/ et teyiTr6v rvyyadvetv EiPnclt' tSVi'   22  Trpoarxe aavr7i, /t~iore  EvraveOa
7rapd divOpcprtov  eOaprdv dUfpar7fS TravetvAeil, cpri&os ro rvucavtara qrapa roi a&00iprov
Oeoi ra2avteOg &OeiwOS  rap'  n'ridag, dt66rt i7rlp ryv aS~av evraeOa EveoopSOsf -rv
avOpoTrivov Kp6rov. Ep. 115, to the same: "Arorov a'v ElO  1' vsi2oi / yev roV sciovof
i'traadOat r7l oeuarr TOf TabGt oatv6oyevov Evdobov,  arso de roioS 2oyyao ZSo a6peraOal,
1dev  /ierov  r7Sv oipaveiwv rpay/acir-v dtavoeso0at fiovX6aevov, yz6vov d  ra~f yvvatliv
igdSf irpooa2ao~vra Ev raTg isEipalf traVr7tg. HpdSpv /zv yayp zro  a[vsdpd6tv is?rpoOvltiaf bE0iyyov, vrv 6d (dS rri rdb rt.Earov  ra yivata 7rpoad6Xn.
48 Pachomius in like manner founded -the first. Pallad. Hist. Laus. c. 34, et 38.Nouna (Hieron. Ep. 18, ad Eustoch.), vovig (Pallad. 1. c. c. 46), were names of honor, as
among the monks Nonnus, according to Arnobius jun. in Psalm. cv. and cxl. the Egyptian




408                SECOND  PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
It is true that the resolution of devoting themselves to a monastic life was now to be declared, and penance was imposed
on those who drew back; but yet the teachers of the Church
looked upon this retractation not merely as possible, without
farther permission, but even advisable under certain circumstances.49
~ 96.
MONACHISM IN THE WEST.
Jo. Mabillon Observ. de monachis in Occidente ante Benedictum. (Acta SS. Ord.
Bened. Saec. I. Praef. p. 7.)
TVlMonachism was first acknowledged in the west by Athanasius, although  it was generally looked  upon  as an  excrescence
of oriental fanaticism, with  a surprise  which  not unfrequently
amounted to contempt and hatred.  Yet it also found numerous
wvarm friends, many of whom went as far as Egypt and Palestine, for the purpose of being  initiated  into  the  new  mode  of
life.'   Ambrose and Jerome were the influential promoters of it
in Italy.   The former established  a monastery  at Milan.2    At
for sanctus, castus, or according to Benedicti regula, c. 63, paterna reverentia: according
to Jablonski Opusc. ed. te Water, t. i. p. 176, properly Ennueneh or Nueneh, i. e., quae
non est hujus saeculi, quae saeculo renunciavit. —The lady president was called mother,
atyydg (Pallad. 1. c. c. 42).
49 Epiphan. Hacr. 61, ~ 7: KpeTrrov roivvv e'ItV 6,bapriav fltav, icai x  r7epLcrpaor7par.
Iper7TOV TEcOVra &rrO dp6tov ~0avepdSf Eavr3 2afCiEv yvviat   Icaarii v6yov, KaCi iarr
7rapOeviaf Tro22(5 Xp6vo UEravoCOaaVra EicaXvtiOvat irdtLv rief -rv'KIClCVlav, jg KicalvCf
Epyaad#levov,,CJ irapaereavdra, icat KctaOivra, tcac xpeiav'Xovra &r7trdiarof, cati l
rcao' bictirrjv'tfpafv f32tecrLt cpV0tOtf K(traTtrpoSalceaact. Hieronymn. Ep. 97 (al. 8), ad
Demetriadem: Sanctum virginum propositum et coelestis angelorumque familiae gloriam
quarundam non bene se agentium nomen infamat. Quibus aperte dicendum est, ut aut
nubant. si se non possunt continere, aut contineat, si nolunt nubere (see above ~ 73, note
6). Augustinus de Bono viduit. c. 10: Qui dicunt talium nuptias non esse nuptias, sed
potius adulteria, non mihi videntur satis acute ac diligenter considerare quid dicant.-F-it
autem per banc minus consideratam opinionem, qua putant lapsarum a sancto proposito
feminarum, si nupserint, non esse conjugia, non parvum malum, ut a maritis separentur
uxores, quasi adulterae sint, non uxores: et cum volunt eas separatas reddere continentiae,
faciunt maritos earum adulteros veros, cum suis uxoribus vivis alteras duxerint. Concil.
Chalced. can. 16: Ilcapdvav cavrTv tavar ecav v rov ri drear6rp O8e  cadeartf d caci K ov6(ovra,
7#i SerEvat yd,o 7rpoaouterv' Ei dE ye eppeOeIev 7roTvr otoOvre, E~rwoav 4cotvGv7rot'
bpiccayev d6e ax evv Tv arviav S Er' avrrofg 0t2avOpwrria g rap     Kcoar' rrov riTarcoTrov.
1 On this account Jerome translated the rule of Pachomius into Latin, as he says in
the preface (Luc. Holstenii Codex regularum, i. 59), propterea quod plurimi Latinorum
habitant in Thebaidis coenobiis et in monast.erio Metanoeae, qui ignorant aegyptiacum
graecumque sermonem.
2 Augustini Confess. viii. 6: Erat monasterium  Mediolani plenum bonis fratribus extra




CHAP. IV.-MONACHISM. ~ 96. IN THE WEST.                         409
the  same time convents for both sexes were founded in Rome,3
notwithstanding the unfavorable opinion of the people; and the
small  islands  near the  coast,4  Gallinaria  (Galinara),  Gorgon
urbis moenia sub Ambrosio nutritore. Id. de Moribus eccles. cath. i. 33: Vidi ego diversorium sanctoruam Mediolani non paucorum hominum, quibus unus Presbyter praeerat, vir
optimus et doctissimus.
3 Hieron. Ep. 96, ad Principiam  de laudibus Marcellae, A.D. 412: Nulla eo tempore
nobilium feminarum voverat Romae propositum  Monachorum, nec audebat propter rei
novitatem ignominiosum, ut tunc putabatur, et vile in populis nomen assumere. Haec
(Marcella) ab Alexandrinis sacerdotibus, Papaque Athanasio et postea Petro, qui persecutionem Arianae haereseos declinantes, quasi ad tutissimumn communionis suae portum
Ronlamr  confugerant, vitam  beati Antonii adhuc tune viventis, monasteriorumque in
Thebaide Pachumii et virginum  ac viduarum  didicit disciplinam.-Hane multos post
annos imitata est Sophronia, et aliae.-Hujus amicitiis fi'uita est Paula venerabilis. In
hujus cubiculo nutrita Eustochium, virginitatis decus, ut facilis aestimatio sit, qualis
magistra, ubi tales discipulae.-Audivimus te illius adhaesisse consortio, et nunquamn ab
illa.-recessisse.-Suburbanus ager vobis pro Monasterio fuit, et rus electum pro solitudine.
Multoque ita vixistis tempore, ut, ex imitatione vestri, conversatione multarum gauderemus ILomam factam Jerosolymam. Crebra virginum monasteria, Monachorunm innumerabilis multitudo, ut pro frequentia servientium Deo, quod prius ignominiae fuerat, esset
postea gloriae. Epist. 54 ad Pammachium, A.D. 398: Pammachius meus —UpXlt-pa7zqyOf
Monachorum.;Augustin. de Moribus eccl. cath. (388, wlitten in Rome) i. 33: Romae plura
(diversoria sanctorum) cognovi, in quibus singuli gravitate atque prudentia et divina
scientia praepollentes caeteris secum habitantibus praesunt, christiana caritate, sanctitate
et libertate viventibus. Ne ipsi quidem  cuiquamn onerosi sunt, sed Orientis more et
Apostoli Pauli auctoritate, manibus suis se transigunt. Jejunia etiam prorsus incredibilia
multos exercere didici, non quotidie semel sub noctem reficiendo corpus, qu-od est; usquequaque usitatissimum, sed continuum tridnum vel amplius saepissime sine cibo et potu
ducere: neque hoc in viris tantunm, sed etiam in foeminis, quibus item, multis viduis et
virginibus simul habitantibus, et lana ac tela victum quaeritantibus, praesunt singulae
gravissimae probatissimaeque, non tantum in instituendis componendisque moribus, sed
etiam instituendis mentibus peritae atque paratae. These fasts which were manifestly
prejudicial to the health, stirred up the people. At the burying of Blaesilla, a daughter
of Paula, a young nun, supposed to have been killed by fasting, A.D. 384, the people cried
out (Hieronymi Ep. 22, al. 25, ad Paulam): Quousque genus detestabile monachorum non
urbe pellitur? non lapidibus obruitur? non praecipitatur in fluctus?
4 Ambrosii IIexaemeron, iii. c. 5: Quid enumerem insulas, quas velut monilia plerumque
praetexit, id quibus ii, qui se abdicant intemperantiae saecularis illecebris, fido continentiae proposito, eligunt mundum  latere, et vitae hujus declinare dubios anfractus'?
Hieronymus Ep. 84 (al. 30), de Morte Fabiolae about 400: Angusta misericordiae ejus
Roma fuit. Peragrabat ergo insulas et totum Etruscum mare, Volscorumque provinciam
et reconditos curvorum littorum sinus, in quibus monachorum consistunt chori, vel proprio
corpore, vel transmissa per viros sanctos ac fideles munificentia circumibat. Comp. the
itinerarium of the heathen Rutilii Numatiani (A.D. 417), i. 439, ss.:
Processu pelagi jam se Capraria tollit,
Squallet lucifugis insula plena viris.
Ipsi se monachos Grajo cognomine dicunt, etc.
and respecting Gorgon, ibid. v. 517, ss.:
Aversor scopulos, damni monumenta recentis:
Perditus hic vivo funere civis erat.
Noster enim nuper, juvenis majoribus amplis,
Nec censu inferior, conjugiove minor,
Impulsus furiis, homines divosque reliquit,




410                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
(Gorgona), Capraria (Capraia), Pal2zari  (Palmarola), on the
west coast of Italy  and  the  islands  on  the  Dailmatian  coast,'
became important seats of monastic  establishments.   Jiiartin6
first established in Gaul a monastery at Poictiers;7 and afterward, when he became bishop of Turonum (375-400), another
in  that city.8    About 400,  ilonoratus founded  the  celebrated
monastery on the island Lerins (now St. Honorat).9 Others
rose on the island Lero' (St. Marguerite), and the Stoechades "
on the south  coast of Gaul.   John  Cassian,'2 who was educated among the Egyptian monks, founded two cloisters in Massilia
(after 410). He died after 432. In Africa, notwithstanding
Augustine's most zealous encomiums on monachism, it found
acceptance  almost entirely  with  the lower classes alone;13 and
the  hatred  of it was  kept up  there longer than  in  any  other
place.1"
Et turpem latebrain credulus exsul amat.
Infelix putat illuvie coelestia pasci;
Seque premit laesis saevior ipse Ieis.
Num, rogo, deterior Circaeis seeta venenis?
Tune mutabantur corpora, nunc animi.
5 Hieron. Ep. 92, ad Julianum: Exstruis monasteria, et multus a te per insulas Dalmatiae Sanctorumn numerus sustentatur.
6 Severi Sulpicii b. Martini vita. Epistolae iii. de Martino Dialogi. iii. de virtutibus
monach. orientaliulm et b. Martini.
7 The monasterium Locociagense, Gregor. Tnron. de miraculis S. Martini, iv. 30.
8 Majus monasterium (Marmoutier).
9 A. F. Silfverberg Hist. Monasterii Lerinensis usque ad ann. 731 enarrata. Havn.
1834. 8. The life of Honoratus, who became bishop of Aries in 426, by his disciple and
successor Hilary, may be seen in Acta SS. ad d. 16. Jan.
10 Plinius Nat. Hist. iii. 5, calls the two islands Lerina and Leto, Strabo, iv. 1, 10, 7
ILapeacia Icat Atpwv. In later authors (Sidonii Carm. xvi. 104, Ennodius in vita Epiphanii) they are called Lerinus and Lerus.'- To the founders of Monachism on these islands, viz., Jovinianus, Minervius, Leontius,
and Theodoretus, Cassian dedicated his last seven Collations, as he had done the preceding
sevenl to Honoratus and Eucherius. Cf. Praefatt. ad coell. xi. et xiii.
12 Respectillg him see ~ 87, note 48.
13 Augustin. de Opere Monscb. c. 22: Nune autemn veniunt plerumque ad bane professionem servitutis Dei -et ex conditione servili, vel etiam liberti, vel propter hoe a dominis
liberati sive liberandi, et ex vita rusticana, et ex opificum exercitatione et plebejo labore.
Neque enin apparet, utrum  ex proposito servitutis Dei venerint, an vitam inopem  et
laboriosam fhgientes vacui pasci atque vestiri voluerint, et insuper honorari ab eis, a quibus contemni conterique consueverant.
14 Salvianus Massiliensis (about 450) de Gubernat. Dei, viii. 4: Ita igitur et in monachis.
-Afrorum probatur odium, quia inridebant scilicet, quia maledicebant, quia insectabantur,
quia detestabantur, quia omnia in illos paene fecerunt, quae in salvatorem nostrum Judaeorum impietas. Intra Africae civitates, et maxime intra Carthaginis muros, palliatum et
pallidum  et recisis comarum fluentium jubis usque ad cutem tonsum videre tam infelix
ille populus quam infidelis sine convitio atque execratione vix poterat. Et si quando aliquis Dei servus, aut de Aegyptioram coenobiis, aut de sacris Hierusalem locis, aut de
sanctis eremi venerandisque secretis ad urbem illaml officio divini operis accessit, simul




CHAP. IV.-MONAACISM. ~ 96. IN THE WEST.                         411
The mode of life of the western monks was far less strict than
that of the  eastern;  partly  in  consequence of the  climate, and
partly out of regard to the general feeling of the people."5 Another important point of difference was that the monks in the
west soon  abandoned  mechanical labor.'6    Here  also there was
not uniformity among them..7  Besides the monks and nuns
who  lived  in  convents, some wandered  about,l8  others  led  an
ascetic life, occasionally at considerable expense, in the cities,"9
others  imitated  the  most striking  asceticism   of the orientals,
frequently indeed. only in appearance.20
ut populo apparuit, contumelias, sacrilegia et maledictiones excepit. Nec solum hoc, sed
improbissimis flagitiosorum hominum cachinnis et detestantibus ridentium  sibilis quasi
taureis caedebatur.
15 Sever. Sulp. Dial. i. 8: Edacitas in Graecis gula est, in Gallis natura. Cassian de
Institut. coenob. i. 11: Nam neque caligis nos, neque colobiis, seu una tunica esse contentos hiemis permittit asperitas: et parvissimi cuculli velamen, vel melotes gestatio
derisum potius, quam aedificationem ullam videntibus comparabit.
16 Sev. Sulp. Vita Mart. c. 10, of the monastery at Turonum: Ars ibi exceptis scriptoribus nulla habebatur: cui tamen operi minor aetas deputabatur: majores orationi vacabant. Yet Augustine de Opere monacholum (cf. Retractt. ii. c. 21), and Cassian de Instit.
coenob. lib. x. recommended the monks to resume manual labor.
17 As in the east, so there were also in the west, tot propemodum typi ac regulae, quot
cellae ac monasteria (Cassian. Institt. ii. c. 2). After Rufilus had translated the rules of
St. Basil into Latin, they were observed in many monasteries.
1s Cassianus de Institutione coenobiorum, x. 23: In his regionibus nulla videmus nionasteria tanta fiatrumn celebritate fundata (as in Egypt), quia nec operum suorum facultatibus
fulciuntur, ut possint in eis jugiter perdurare: et si eis suppeditari quoquomodo valeat
sufficientia victus alterius largitate, voluptas tamen otii et pervagatio cordis diutius eos in
loco perseverare non patitur. Augustin. de Opere monach. c. 28: Callidissimus hostis tam
multos hypocritas sub habitu monachorum usquequaque dispersit, circumeuntes provincias, nusquam missos, nusquam fixos, nusquam stantes, nusquam sedentes. Alii membra
martyrum, si tamen martyrum, venditant, alii fimbrias et phylacteria sua magnificant: et
omnes petunt, omnes exigunt aut sumtus lucrosae egestatis, aut simulatae pretium sane
titatis. C. 31: Illi venalem  circumferentes hypocrisim, timent ne vilior habeatur tonsa
sanctitas quamn comata, ut videlicet qui eos videt, antiquos illos quos legimnus cogitet,
Samueltn et caeteros qui non tondebantur.
19 Hieron. Ep. 95 (al. 4), ad Rusticum: Vidi ego quosdam, qui postquam renunciavere
saeculo vestimentis duntaxat et vocis professione, non rebus, nihil de pristina conversatione mutarunt. Res familiaris magis aucta quam imminuta. E adem ministeria servulorum, idem apparatus convivii. In vitro et patella fictili aurum comeditur, et inter turbas
et examina ministrorum nomen sibi vindicant solitarii.
20 Hier. Ep. 18 (al. 22), ad Eustochium: Viros quoque fuge, quos videris catenatos, quibus foeminei contra Apostolum crines, hircorum barba, nigrnm pallium, et nudi patientia
frigoris pedes. Haec omnia argumenta sunt diaboli.'Talem olim Antonium, talem nuper
Sophronium Reoma congemuit. Qui postquam nobilium introierunt domos, et deceperunt
mulierculas oneratas peccatis, semper discentes, et nunquam ad scientiam veritatis pervenientes, tristitiam simulant, et quasi longa jejunia furtivis noctium cibis protrahunt..




412:SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I. —A.D. 324-451,
9 97.
RELATION OF THE MONKS TO THE CLERGY.
The  monks, as  such, belonged  to  the  laity, the  convents
forming separate churches whose presbyters were usually abbots:standing in the same dependent relation to bishops as did the
other churches with their people. As monachism was considered the perfection of Christianity, it was natural to choose
clergymen from the monks.  At first the stricter monks were
much  dissatisfied  with  this arrangement;2  but the aversion  to
it soon  ceased, and  even  at the  end of the fourth  century, monastic life was considered to be the usual preparation, and mona-.chism the nursery for the clergy, especially for bishops.3
The idea of transferring monachism, as much as possible, entirely  to the clergy, was natural in these circumstances; and it
was especially adopted in the west.   The venerable Paphnutius
had prevented the celibacy of the  clergy  from  being  enacted  as
an  ecclesiastical law, in Nicaea;4 but now  this regulation  took'Alteserra Ascetic. ii. 2. iii. 8. vii. 2.
2 Cassian. de Instit. coenob. xi. 17: Quapropter haee est antiquitus patrum permanens
nune usque sententia, quam proferre sine mea confusione non potero, qui nec germanam
vitare potui, nec episcopi evadere manus, omnimodo monachum fugere debere mulieres et
episcopos. Neuter enim sinit eum, quem semel suae familiaritati devinxerit, vol quieti
cellulae ulterius operam dare, vel divinae theoriae per sanctarum rerum  intuitum purissi-mis oculis inhaerere. Hence lonlks were not seldom ordained against their wilL Epiphan..Ep. ad Joh. Hierosol. Theodoret. HIist. relig. c. 13. Cf. Binghanm, lib. iv. c. 7 (vol. ii. p.
189, ss.).
3 Hieron. Ep. 95, ad Rusticum: Ita age et vive in monasterio, ut clericus esse merearis.
A law of Arcadius, A.D. 398 (Cod. Theod. xvi. ii. 32): Si quos forte Episcopi dedsse sibi.Clericos arbitrantur, ex Monachorum  nlunero rectius ordinabunt. Against the excess of
this principle see Augustini Ep. 60: Ordini clericorum fit indignissilna injuria, si desertores monasterioruon ad militiam clericatus eligantur: —nisi forte-vulgares de nobis jocabuntur dicentes: malus monachus bonus clericus est. Nimis dolendum, si ad tam  ruinosam superbiam monachos surrigamus, et tam gravi contim-elia clericos dignos putemus;
-conm aliquando etiam bonus monachus vix bonum clericum faciat, si adsit ei sufficiens
continentia, et tamen desit instructio necessaria, aut personae regularis integritas.
4 Socrates, i. 11:'Ed6cet -rof E&rtalCrwotf v6/ov veapov eit r7v  efEIC vC~7av elac~petv,
&jarE Tro7   lep6#t6vove, eiyW dE iErtac6orov  icat 3rpeip vrTepov     dsa tat ovovc, 4 acvycaOevJelv rfai  yatertale,     ETr,  Zaitcoi  OvrTE  iydyovro (just as Can. Illiberit. 33, see Div. I.
~ 73, note 14, and flerefore proposed probably by Hosius). Kae brrEt 7rEpl roTrov T oveOV6E0al IrpOvKetTO, &tavaeoarc Ev ptaec  roll av2X6yov riSv'retas6rTw   O6 Habvoirrto, 0El6a
aaKcpd, 7V/ fiaplv (vyov 1lrtOeiva T rof tiepEOiLeotf Cvipdat, 7i,Uteoe Eat 0at r Kiv  acoirev tal
aVOrbv  fuiav7rov rbv ycdov (Hebr. xiii. 4) XLywov, jo  rO VrEp3o2  n? roe cKptieao /ilalZorv
9'3y c) eugaiav irpoo-asijdoCtv - oa  yap   vcra~ dSvyaao at 4Opev fer     f   raOeUaS   r??e, ac.x



cI1AP. IV.-ivLONACHISdI. $ 97,-                         415
root  iln  the  west, first by  the  influence  of Sirieius, bishop  of
Rorne  (385),5 whorm  several councils soon follow-ed.   Eusebiufs,
bishop  of Vercellae  (t  371), and Augustine  went still farther,
and  united with their clergy in adopting a strictly monastic life,6"
atrv, oVdd  togf ~CvaaxOfeQcaOat riv ca  pocdvyv rTs  dIC(tarov yarETfg (cawLpoUvr/v (51
"K~d-2e   K-a, -ri  o1tylOV yavauc4f o i-v cvvEZevatv)'- (LplccraOai re rb'v 0Odcavia Kdpov
rvXEv, tzIEtcr,: E7r2 ya7,ov'pgeaOat, Kara& r/v -ri-f EcrKlbyaiaec apXaeav  prapddoct'v- sre
tov ai'ro;eyvvaOat iavraf, )Ev I     rar  iWd Trp67epov Xaxb S v gydyE-rTO. Kai trar' EiXyev
ire tpoSf ov yadplov, scac  tir,2ug elsrefv yvvaLtc6f.'EtK  raatdbf )' p Ev dascqryp[i   dverE
Opa-mro, cai Enrl oavopoadv,, Ei iail rtif adXof, 7rreptP6yro0 Wv.  IelOerat warS  rd v lepoae0vov sa22oyoo  roif IIHavovriov;6yotl'    d  /scati riv 7repi ro0-rov (ry7alv  deUriyyqaav,,r yvy2f,7 srSV  3ovuO/v(Ev d'rr ceOaeXE    raLf S  tXlaf 7 r3v TayErrv   Kavrarehibavs-rE. So also
Sozom. i. 23. Gelasii Hist. Cone. Nic. ii. 32, and Historia tripartita, ii. 14. —lhe truth of
it is doubted by Baronius, Bellarminus, Jo. Stilting (Act. SS. Sept t; iiii. p. 784, ss.). On
the other side, Natalis Alexander Hist. eccl. saec. iv. diss. 19. Calixtus de Conj, cler. edo
1Henke, p. 213, ss.
5 Epistola ad Himerium Episc. Tarraconensemn, c. 7  Ii vero, qui illiciti privilegii excsatione nituntur, ut sibi asserant veteri hoc lege concessum: novtrint se ab omni eccletiastico honore, quo indigne usi sent, apostolicae sedis auctoritate dejectos.-Quilibet
e piscopus presbyter atque diaconus, quod non optamus, deinceps ftierit talis inventus, jam'
nune sibi ornem per nos indulgentiae aditum intelligat obseratumn: quia ferlo necesse est
excidaantur vulnera. quae fomentorum non senserint medicinlam.-;:C. 9: QOuicumque itaque
se ecclesiae vovit obsequiis a sua infantia, ante putbertatis annos baptizari, et lectoruni
debet ministerio sociari. Qui ab accessu adolescentiae usque ad tricesimumi  aetatis
annum, si probabiliter vixerit, una tantum et ea, qualn virginem communa per sacerdotesmbenedictione perceperit, ukore contentus, acolythus et subdiaconuvs esse debebit; postquea
ad diaconii gradum, si se ipse primitus continentia praeeunte dignum probarit, aocedat.
Unde si ultra quinque annos laudabiliter ministrarit, congrue presbyterium  consequatura
Exinde, post decennium, episcopalem cathedram potenit adipisci, si tamren per haec tempora integritas vitae ac fidei ejus fuerit approbata. —-. 13: ~I[onachos quoque, quos tamella
morusm gravitas et vitae acc fidei institatio sancta comanendat, cleri'corum officiis aggregari'
et optamns et volumnus.  In the middle ages it was constantly admitted that this lex
Ecclesiastica had been ulnkenovwn to the primitive churchl. See Calixtus, 1. c. p. 3, ss. 304.
Many, however, believed it to be the meaning of Cone. Nicaeni, can. 3 (according to
Dionys. Exig. translation~: interdixit per omnia magna synodus, non episcopo,- non presbytero, non diacono, nec alici omnino qui in clero est, licere subintroduetam hahere mulierem, nisi forte ant mlatremn, aut sororem, aLt amnitaml, vel eas tantum personas, quae
suspicionem  effugiunt). Cf. Aelfrici canones, A.D. 970 (Wilkins. Concil. Magn.-Brit. i.
p. 250), c. 5: At the Nicene synod statuerunt omnes unanimi consensu, quod neque episcopus, neque presbyter, neqne diaconus, nec ulluo verus eanonicus habeat in domo sua
sixorem aliquam, nisi m atrem, etc. Benedictus VIII. in Cone. Ticinensi, between 1014 and
1024 (ap. Mansi, xix. p. 344): Nicaeni patres lon solunm connubium, sed etiam cumn mulieribus habitationem clericis omnibus interdicunt.  So also Alfonsus a Castro (t 1550), tit,
Sacerdotium; Consuetudo; juxta quam matrimonio alligatus promovebatur ad sacerdotium,
invaluit usque  ad tempora Nicaeni concilii, in quo, aut fertar, generali decreto statutuam
est, ne aliquis uxorelm habens consecretur sacerdos.  Quod statutmun camn ab aliquibus
minime ut decebat observaretur, Siricius Papa de hac re illos acerbissinme reprehendit.
The Jesuits were the first, in the sixteenth century, who maintained, in opposition to the
Protestants, that the celibacy of the priests originated in apostolic times.  Calixtus, 1. c.
p. 10, ss. 28, ss. J. Gf. K6rner vom Colibat der Geistlichen. Leipzig. 1784. 8. J. A. Theiuer u. A. Theiner die Einfihruang der erzwungenen Elhelosigkeit b. d. christl. Geistlichen
a. ihre Folgen. Altenburg. 1828. 2 Ide. 8.
6 Respecting Eusebius see Ambros, Ep. 63, ad VercelleLnses, ~ 66: Haec enim primus




~411                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
though  at first they found no imitators.   But we may  see how
difficult it was to carry out the law of celibacy, though Jerome,
Ambrose, and  Augustine, strongly  advocated  it, from   the  frequent repetition of the law, and the mildness with which  it was
found necessary  to punish  transgressors.7    Still Leo  the Great
extended the requisition even to the sub-deacons (subdiaconi).9
In the east, on the other hand, the Eustathians were opposed
for their very  rejection  of marriage  in  the  case of priests,9  and
no law of celibacy was generally adopted. It was the custom,
indeed, toward the end of the fourth century, in several provin Occidentis partibus diversa inter se Eusebius sanctae memoriae conjunxit, Ut et in
civitate positus instituta Monachorumn teneret, et Ecclesiam  regeret jejunii sobrietate.
Maximi Ep. Tauriiensis (about 422) Sermo ix. de S. Eusebio, in Muratorii Anecdotis, t. iv.
p. 88: Ut universo Clero suo spiritalium institutionum speculum se coeleste praeberet,
onlnes illos secum intra unius septum habitaculi congregavit, ut quorum erat unum atque
indivisum  in religione propositum, fieret vita victusque conmmunis.  Quatenus in illa
sanctissima societate vivendi invicem sibi essent conversationis suae et judices et custodes, etc. Cf. Sermo vii. p. 82.-Respecting Augustine see Augustini vita auct. Possidio,
c. 5: Factus ergo presbyter monasterium inter ecclesiam mox instituit, et cum Dei servis
vivere coepit secundum modum et regelam sub sanctis Apostolis constitutam, maxime ut
nemo quidquam proprium in illa societate haberet, sed eis essent omnia communia. After
he had become bishop, cap. 11: In monasterio Deo servientes Ecclesiae Hipponensi clerici
ordinari coeperunt. Ac deinde —ex monasterio, quod per illum memorabilem virum et
esse et crescere coeperat, magno desiderio poscere et accipere episcopos et clericos pax
Ecclesiae atque unitas et coepit primo, et postea consecuta est. Nam ferme decemsanctos-viros continentes-b. Augustinus diversis Ecclesiis-rogatus dedit. Similiterque
et ipsi ex illorum sanctorum proposito venientes —monasteria instituerunt, et-caeteris
Ecclesiis promotos fratres ad suscipiendum sacerdotium praestiterunt.  Comp. August.
Sermones ii. de moribus Clericorum (at an earlier period Sermo 49 and 50 de diversis, in
the Benedictine edition, Sermo 355 and 356), ex. gr. Sermo, i. c. 1: Nostis omnes,-sic
nos vivere in ea domo, quae dicitur domus episcopii, ut quantum possumus imitemur eos
sanctos, de quibus loquitur liber Actuum Apostolorum: Nemo dicebat aliquid proprium,
sed erant illis omnia communia,-volui habere in ista domo episcopii mlecum monasterium
clericorum. Ejusd. Epis. 20, 149, 245. Cf. Thomassinus, P. i. lib. iii. c. 2 and 3. It is a
different thing when other monks, elevated to be bishops, as Martin of Turonum, had about
them establishments of monks, and continued the monastic life in them.
7 Siricii Ep. ad Episc. Afr. (A.D. 386) c. 3. Cone. Carthag. (390) can. 2. Innocent. I.
Pp. ad Vitricium (404) cap. 9.  Conec. Taurin. (397) can. 8.  Carthag. v. (398) call. 3.
Toletan. i. (400) can. 1, etc. Cone. Turonense i. (461) can. 2: Licet a patribus nostris
emissa auctoritate id fuerit constitutumn, ut, quicunque sacerdos vel levita filiorum procreationi operam dare fuisset convictus, a communione dominica abstineretur: nos tamen
huic districtioni moderationem adhibentes, et justam constitutionem mollientes, id decrevimus, ut sacerdos vel levita conjugali concupiscentiae inhaerens, vel a filiorum procreatione
non desinens ad altiorelm gradum non ascendat, neque sacrificium Deo offere vel plebi
ministrare praesumat.
L8 eo Ep. 14 ad Anastas. Episc. Thessalon. (A.D. 446) c. 4. Still this was by no mieans
general till the times of Gregory the Great. See Calixtus, 1. c. p. 380, ss.
9 See above i 93, note 39. To this refers also Can. Apost. 5:'Er[iciovoC, Rg Ipec3Vrepof, ~1 Atdtcovogf TV  aZV7TOV yv7valKa /t EKiaX3er7o Tirpo0adEt eVeafietag' Ei(v d2
eKici6,V2L,'doptrgaO'   rtefuvov d  sacOalperio0.  Comp. Drey fiber die Constitut. tmd
Canones der Apostel, S. 339.




CHAP. V.-HISTORY  OF PUBLIC MWORSHIP.  ~ 98.                        415
inces, to  select the unmarried  for bishops;  and in  some of these
this was extended  even  to  the  clergy  in  general,'0  but in  most
parts, all clergymen had the liberty of living in wedlock."
FIFTH CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF PUBLIC WORSHIP.
~ 98.
The church had triumphed over heathenism.  It had acquired
riches, external influence, and  power.   The  effect of this was
seen in the increasing  splendor of its ceremonial.   At the same
time, a great number of those who now pressed into the church
brought with them  that purely external tendency peculiar to
heathen  religions, which  turned  on  the  sensuous forms of worship,  partly   with   a  one-sided   aesthetic   interest,  and   partly
10 In the chief countries of Moilachism. Hiieronym. adv. Vigilantium: Quid facient
Orientis ecclesiae? quid Aegypti et sedis Apostolicae? quae aut virgines clericos accipiunt, aut continentes, aut si uxores habuerint, mariti esse desistunt. Epiphan. Haer. 59,
~ 4. Expos. fidei Cath. f 21. Synesius, when about to be bishop of Ptolemais, wrote,
among other things, even to his brother Euoptius (Ep. 105):'E/loi 5 re Oef, o' re v(61og,
rs I Epi Oeool!ov Xeip yvvaZlca Eld'td9K'c- rpoayoperV  roivvv drraal c:a  tp7po/    at,
(0f ty6d rarola    Ka ooire a&o-pdoto'f atcaBdire  odin O g go7Xo oifn avri  6idpa avvaogaL' 7
/Uv yap 1tcltcra evrefp3, ro d& )/LCt7Ca Vdjujtov' 2lal /ovaotaei -rE Kai eadouac, cvxvad  ot
wreTv  cat XplcrTa yevgcOatl ratdia. Comp. above, ~ 84, note 33. Clausen de Synesio, p. 119.
1z Examples of married bishops in the fourtll century. Calixtus, p. 258, ss. Theiner, i.
S. 263, ss. Gregory of Nazianzum was born when his father was a priest, for he makes
him say, Carmen de vita sua, v. 512:
Odar' roaoGro0 v  EIe/TrpVcaf /tpiov,
"Ogof dtnEOc OwvtOV' e/ot XeYp6vog.
(Evasions of Papebrochius, Act. SS. Maji, t. ii. p. 370, against Tillemont, who explained
honestly the Jesuit M6moires de Trevoux, 1707, Avril, p. 711. Cf. Calixtus, 1. c. p. 261, ss.
Ullmann's Gregor v. Naz. S. 551, ss.) Whether Gregory of Nyssa was married is matter
of dispute. Rupp (Gregor's v. Nyssa Leben u. Meinungen, S. 24), with Clemencet and
others, denies it.  Nicephorus Callistus first mentions this marriage; Tillemont also
recognizes it. St. P. Heyns Disp. de Gregorio Nysseno, Lugd. Bat. 1835. 4. p. 6, defends
it at length, and has even found a son called Basil. Socrates, v. 22: "Eyvwv E6 E'y(d
ai i6repov ftof Ev Oea2Alia-.  rrevOdevocg c2;ptcdf EcEc,'v V06/9 yqaJ tacf irpiv icflptiOf
yevrqrat, [eCrT Tb  o KiptKco yevEOat avyceaOev6drae   av 7rn, c'otclpv/crog  yiverat' r7v Cv
avaro2, crd(vrdov  yv&ut, a7rEXOXpEvo)v, icati r(v  7rtalc6orwv, Eil icai  3o2olvro, ov  t71v
avsac vYOo   xov70 o oro Tot.oxvOYv.  Io;LO i yp aerxdov Eo'xi Kactod xi? 7 rCtloiriC K
raricr'ic -ryg voiuyg ya/Ersxg  rcirotrKjcactv.




416                 SECOND PERIOD, —DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
with  a superstitious veneration.   Even  those who were capable
of higher views yielded to this tendency, either  that the pagans
might be the more readily won over to Christianity, or from a
desire  to  show  honor to  a  supposed  pious intention.'   But in
proportion  as the internal life evaporated  from  the Church, and
its external reputation  increased, the  more usual did it become
to impress the character of a law  externally  binding  on ecclesiastical usages which had been gradually developed. Thus the
entire  ecclesiastical  life  was  overburdened  with  forms  which
were merely  tolerated  at first, but finally converted into laws.2
~ 99,
NEW OBJECTS OF WORISHIP.
Jo, Dallaets adversus Latinorum de cultus religiosi objecto traditionenl. Genevae.1664.4.
Jlarityrdorn,l which presented so strong a contrast to the luke.
warmness of the present time, was the more highly venerated
in  proportion  to  its remoteness.2    The  heathen  converts  naturally enough transferred to the martyrs the honors they had
1 This irruption of heathen usages into the church is acknowledged as early as Baptista
Mantuanus in Fastis mense Febr. et Novembre, Beatus Rhenanus ad Terttll. contra
Marc. lib. v. and de Corona militis, Polydorus Vergilius de Rerum inventoribus, lib. v. c. 1,
Baronius ann. 58, ~ 76, ann. 200, Q 5. It has been shown more at Iength by (Mussard) les
Conformitez des Ceremonies modernes avec les anciennes. (Londres) 1667. 8 (new edition,
Amsterd. 1744); Conyers Middleton a letter from Rome, showing an exact conformity between Popery and Paganism (London. 1755. 8); Jo. Marangonius Delle cose gentilesche e
profane transportate ad uso e ad ornamento delle chiese. Itom. 1.744. 4 (comp. the continuation of the same, 1752, S. 511, ss.); Ge. Christ. Hamberger Enarratio rituum, quos
Romana ecclesia a majoribus suis gentilibus in sua sacra transtulit. Gotting. 1751 (reprinted in J. P. Berg Museum Duisburgense, t. i. P. ii. p. 363, ss.). John James Blunt
Vestiges of ancient Manners and Customs, discoverable in modern Italy and Sicily.
London. 1823.
2 Leo M. Sermo 77, de Jejun. Pentecost. 2: Dubitandum non est, quicquid ab Ecclesia
in consuetltdinem  devotionis est receptum, de traditione apostolica, et de Sancti Spiritus
prodire doctrina.
1 On the increased veneration paid to martyrs comp. Sagittarius de Natalitiis martyrum, cap. 5, } 19, ss. Bossuet's Gescl. v. Welt. u. v. Religion, fortgesetzt von J. A.
Cramer. E rste Fortf. S. 493, ss. Dritte Fortf. S. 285, ss. 3f29, ss.
2 To which even the apologists of the day contributed. Eusebius Praep. evang. xiii. c.
11, cites a passage of Plato concerning the worship of demons, and then continues: I(Ka
raora de app66et Ct   s-'  V 0rrv Oeoot2S cv -crvTrV, oVC asTparts(af i rs   alZsOoiO cVre-fieiaf
OeIc aV a/itapoelf elrTov, rrapaeaufcidv eaat.   "00ev fca e twi  &f O)lcaf avdrsov M0ou yi v
r'aptveat, Icea rsa EbXaf Srapa rSa rEat9 7rotlEua(at, rtzav rE s7ig jaKcapiag as-TIdV 1PvXfh, cdr
eio6yr(f ca ro i-o0V,-v  c'?//lUv  ytyVojZEvov. Comnp. below, note 33.




CHAP.-V. PUBLIC WORSHIP. Q 99. VORiTSHIP OF SAINTS.    417
been accustomed to pay their heroes.3    This took place the more
readily as the scrupulous aversion to excessive veneration of the
creature died away in the church after the victory over heathenism; and the despotic form of government became accustomed
to a slavish respect for the powerful.4 Thus the old custom of
holding meetings for public worship at the graves of the martyrs now  gave occasion  to  the erection  of altarl  and  churches
(Mapr7'Sptov, Memoria)5  over them.   In  Egypt, the  Christians,
following  an  old popular custom, began  to preserve the  corpses
of men  reputed  to  be  saints  in  their  houses;6 and  since  the
3 Respecting the pagan belief that the relics of distinguished men affbrded protection to
cities and countries, see Lobeck Aglaophamus, t. i. p. 280, s. Thus Elilus Aristides (a
rhetorician who lived about 170 A.D.) Orat. ii. ad Platonem, ed. Didorf vol. ii. p. p. 230, calls
the Greeks who had fallen in battle against the Persians, fVrozOoviovgf rtvitf ~2jalcacf ca
avr.paog  r5v'EIT7vcv, restUcztcovf cat r'VT-ra ayaOofig, ca  5veaOai ye /cT7V X2cpav oV
Xevpov r) Jr'v 6'v eKwZeov6 KeieEov Odi-[rovv, ) c TL tf ('2,La0 7ZOV Twer  Xwpao Ev ecatpO roge
Oust KtefaOat TrETriaTevrat. Respecting CEdipus, Valerius Maximus, v. 3, externa 3:
Oedipodis ossa-inter ipsum Areopagum-et-Minervae arcem  honore arae decorata,
quasi sacrosancta, colis. In Greece worship was paid especially to the founders of cities,
which were built for the most part over their graves. Thus Autolycus was worsbiped in
Sinope, Tones in Tenedos, /Eneas by the 2Eneates (Liv. xl. 4). See others noticed in
Voss de Idolol. i. 13, comp. Thucydides, v. 11, concerning Brasidas: O1'A0t7ro!27ralt,
roepep}avrTeC av'ovrO 7' iv7,uZeiov, 6f n'poi re Tv rVTvovrt cav   el KTilf  J&ldcaatv aydvag cai.'TfrovC Ovaiaes, icat 7rv &x'oteca/v 6f olictur?r TrpoaOeaeov.
4 Compare the honors paid to the emperors: t}heir edicts were termed divina, sacra
coelestia: their statues were honored by adoration and frankincense (Zorn, in Miscell.
Groning. vol. i. p. 186, ss.). Consultationumn   Zachaei Christ. et Apollonii Philos. (after
408) lib. i. c. 28 (in d'Archery Spicileg; i. p. 12): Apollonius: Cur imagines hominum
vol ceris pictas, vel metallis defictas sub Regum reverentia etiam publica adoratione
vendramini, et, ut ipsi praedicatis, Deo tantum honorem debitum etiam hominibus datis?
Zacheus: Istud quidem nec debeo probare nec possum, quia evidentibus Dei dictis non
Angelos, nec quoslibet coeli ac terrae vel aeris principatus adorare permittimur. Divini
elim speciale hoc nolen  officii est, et altior omni terrena veneratione reverentia: sed
sicut in hujusmodi malunm primum adulatio homines impulit, sic nune ab errore consuetudo
vix revocat; in quo tamen incautum  obsequium, non aliquem  divinum  deprehenditis
cultum. Sed propter similitudinem amabilium vultaunm gaudia intenta plus faciunt, quam
hi forte exigant, quibus defertur, aut perfungi oporteat deferentes; et licet bane incautioris
obsequii consuetudinem districtiores horreant Christiani, nec prollibere desinant sacerdotes, non tamen Deus dicitur cujus effigies salutatur, nec adolentur thure imagines, aut
colendae aris superstalnt, sed memoria pro meritis exponuntur, ut exemplum  factotum
probabiliumn posteris praestent, aut praesentes pro abusione castigent. A law of Theodosius IL. A.D. 425 (Cod. Theod. xv. iv. 1): Si qu'ando nostrae statuae vel imagines
eriguntur,-adsit judex sine adorationis ambitioso fastigio,-excedens cultura heminum
dignitatem superno nunlni reservetur.  Cf. de Rhoer Dissertt. de effectu relig. christ. in
jurisprud. Rom. p. 41, ss.
s So called at first by Eusebius de vita Const. iii. 48. So also Constantine, on no higher
authority,' indeed, than the liber pontificalis, vita 34, Sylvestri, written about the year.870;
is said to'have built the basilics in Rome over the graves of the apostles Peter and Paul.
Comp. Jerome, below, note 8. Afterward they were called, too,'Ax'o7roe0ov, u IpoQ?)re76ov.
A practice strongly disapproved by St. Anthony. Comp. Athanasius in vita Antonii
fOpp. t. ii. p. 502): TdCv nde ('idO3etr a,LOaoLtCevov.s-Tvat av'rOv Trap' avroCg, KtICEC   TEfeeVOL. I. —-27




418                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
idea of communion with the martyrs was always increasingly
associated  with  the vicinity  of their mortal remains, the latter
were drawn forth from  their graves and placed in the churches,7
especially under the altars.8    Thus respect for the  martyrs received a material object to center itself on, and became in consequence more extravagant and  superstitious.   To  the old idea
of the efficacy of the martyrs' intercession,9 was now  added the
belief, that it was possible to  communicate  the  desires to them
directly; an opinion partly founded on the popular notion that
departed souls still hovered about the bodies they had once inhabited;10 partly on the high views entertained of the glorified
O0vat, olic tvkxero,-dti rovo 6D  /uOtg ra' ol AiYV7rtot ra rov TE;Evr2VT1Or1V Tovdai&v
a6eara, Kat /Uialtgra 7'yv &,yi&)v laprTpWv ltXoGet zPEv OdiTetvE KaCt 7repteCiaaetv d0foviotg,
/7 IcpVirTrelv 6E v7r0 y7Yv,           NOLV' tri cTICt/Tlroe(V rtOeVaot, Icae q/vW2.UTreLV &vrov irap' tavroTC
2,O/(ovreVf e'v rovrTo rt1/vc   Trovf &,reo v2LrTaf.   O d6'AVrTSVO  rrolCiCtC 7repi roierov fcai,rtlalc6nrovg 7i]iov i7rapayy'2aE-tv 7ro07 aog' o6#oiwg de' /cal 2Xaieor  Ev6Erperrev, ecat yvvaltiv
elre7rr7Trrev, 7Xyv, IrrrE v6OlztLov, /I5re  62cd 6atoov dlva, ro7ro. Kai yap rii i-div
HIarptapxdv Icati TSv IIpoq0lr7v Cr cu/ara iEXpl vVbV rr(cer7at ECi yvvizaua, cae avro~ 6  ro
roo!vpio v i acpOta eig,UV7a/eov 8Te7rc-.  Kal reaTa 2llyev  6ebicvvE, 7rapavozEiv TrOv zer&T
Odverov /a 1 Ku? T p1rovTra Ta crJSaTa Trc( Tre ev7TvrJov, adyv aCyta TrvyXdV' ri yaYp,ze Lov V
y"tdrrEpov too Kcvptalcoi c/tlarog; —AVTrS  de rovTro yYv1a2wuv,  ca lo0ovoevog, uvp  ca ro
av TroO'frOtroclv oV7S acTO 2aa, IjirreLev a ov6v, vo,1rvvra1ceVog To1 tv re} ~U) op'Et /lovaXoIC.
In like manner Marcian, Theodoreti Hist. relig. c. 3 (ed. Schulz. t. iii. p. 1147, s.), and
Akepsimas, ibid. c. 15, p. 1221.
7 Translations of tlhe bodies of the saints into churches. The first instances were those
of St. Andrew, Luke, and Timothy (359), at the command of Constantine. Hieron. contra
Vigilant.  (Comp. the discovering and transferring of the bones of Theseus, by Cimon,
Plutarclh in Thes. ad fin.)
s Ambrosii Ep. 22 (al. 85, al. 54), ad Marcellinam sororem, ~ 13: Succedant victimae
triumphales in locum, ubi Christi hostia est. Sed ille super altare, qui pro omnibus
passus est: isti sub altari, qui illius redemti sunt passione. Hunc ego locum praedestinaveram mihi: dignum  est enim ut ibi requiescat sacerdos, ubi offiere consuevit: sed
cedo sacris victimis dexteram portionem, locus iste martyribus debebatur. Hieronymus
adv. Vigilant.: Male facit ergo Romanus Episcopus, qui super mortuorum  hominum
Petri et Pauli, secundum  nos ossa veneranda, secnndunl  te vilem pulvisculum, offert
Domino sacrificia, et tumulos eorum Christi arbitratur altaria?  Sozomenus, v. 9, et 19.
Cf. Goth. Yoigti Thysiasteriologia, s. de altaribus vett. Christt. Hamb. 1709. 8. p. 250, ss.
The passage Apoc. vi. 9, was not yet used, however, in justification of this practice. See
Dallaeus adv. Latinorum de Cultus relig. objecto traditionern, lib. iv. c. 9.
9 See Div. I. ~ 70, notes 13-21.
10 This was the opinion of the heathen.  Cf. Platonis Phaedon; Tibullus, i. 6, 15;
Macrobius de Somn. Scip. i. 9, et 13; Porphyrius de Abstin. ii. 47. Lactantius, ii. 2:
Vulgus existimat, mortuorum animas circa tumulos et corporum suorum reliquias oberrare.
Cf. Wetstenii Nov. Test. i. p. 354. Hence Conc. Illiberitanum, c. 34: Cereos per diem
placuit in coemeterio non incendi: inquietandi enim spiritus Sanctorum non sunt. Among
the spiritual Origenists this idea did not naturally meet with acceptance. Cf. Macarii
Politici (about 370) Sermo de Excessu justorum et peccatorum, in Cave Hist. Liter. vol. i.
p. 259, and in J. Tollii Insignia itineris Italici (TraFj. ad.. Rhen. 1696. 4) p. 196. But comp.
Ambrosii de Viduis, c. 9: Martyres obsecrandi,- quorum videtmur nobis quodam corporis
pignore patrocinium vindicare,-isti enim sunt Dei martyres, nostri praesules, specula.




CHAP. V. —PUBLIC W-OtRSFlIP. ~ 99. WtOIRSIP OF SAINTS.   419
state of the martyrs 11 who alone abide with the Lord.   As Origen first laid the foundation of this new  kind of respect for martyrs, so  the  Origenists were  the  first who  addressed  them   in
their sermons, as if they  were present and besought their intercession."l     But though the orators were somewhat extravagant
tores vitae, actuumqoue nostrorum.-Pseudo-Ambrosii (perhaps Maximi Taurinensis about
430) Serimo vi. de Sanctis: Cuncti niartyres devotissime percolendi sunt, sed specialter ii
veneranti sunt a nobis, quorum reliquias possidemus. Illi enim nos orationibus adjuvant,
isti etiamn adjuvant passione: cum his autem nobis familiaritas est. Semper enim nobiscun snot, nobiscum morantur, hoc est, et in corpore nos viventes custodiunt, et de corporce
recedentes excipiunt: hic ne peccatorurm labes absumat, ibi ne inferni horror invadat.
il So that people attributed to thein a kind of omnipresence, as the heathen did to the
demons' (Eesiodi Opera et Dies, v. 121, ss.); cf. Hieronymus adv. Vigilantium: Tu Deo
leges pones'? Tu Apostolis vincula injicies, ut usque ad diem judicii teneantur custodia,
nec sint cum Domino suo, de quibus scriptum  est: Sequuntur agnum, quocunque vadit
(Apoc. xiv. 4)?  Si agnns ubique, -ergo, et hi, qui cum agno sunt, ubique esse credendi
sunt. Gregorii Naz. Orat. xviii. in laudem  Cypriani, p. 286: 2i d6e -7u/ac e'or'reostg
avaOdev aU'ew, icU2 7r0v ]?E7epov StESdY Oyc  Z6yo' caci,iov, caci  T- iepbv  ro-ro!oivvtov
Iro/toaivotf, i av/e'otlyavotg', tc. r. a. Prudentius Peristephanon hymn. i. v. 16, ss. ix. v.
97, and often. Sulpicius Severns Ep. ii. de Obitu b. Martini (ed. Lips. 1709, p. 371)Non deerit nobis ille, mihi crede, non deerit: intererit de se sermocinantibus, adstabit
orantibus: quodque jam bodie praestare dignatus est, videndum  se in gloria sua saepe
praebebit, et adsidna, sicut ante paullulum fecit, benedictione nos proteget. Ep. iii. p.
381: Martinus hlic pauper et modicus coelum dives ingreditur: illinc nos ut spero custodiens, me haec scribentem respicit te legentem. At first, Vigilantius (404) resisted this
opinion (see below, ~ 106, note 6), and Jerome defended it against him (see above). On
this Augustine also combated it, while he endeavored at the same time to defend independently of it, the practice of prayillg to the martyrs, which Lad been already established.
Cf. Augustinus de Cura gerenda pro mortuis (A.D. 421) c. 13: Si rebus viventium interessent animae mortuorum, et ipsae nos quando eas videmos alloquerentur in somnis; ut
de aliis taceam, me ipsum pia mater nulla nocte desereret, quae terra marique secuta
est, ut mecum viveret.-Isaias propheta dicit (Ixiii. 16): Ta es enim pater noster: quia
Abraham  nescivit nos, et Israel non cognovit nos.  Si tanti Patriarchae quid ergra
populumn ex his procreatum ageretur ignoraverunt, quomnodo mortui vivorun rebus atque
actibus cognoscendis adjuvandisque miscentur?  WVith regard to the martyrs, he is not
indisposed indeed to allow a miraculods exception (cap. 16), but proceeds: Quamquam
ista quaestio vires intelligentiae mete vincit, quemadmodum  opitulentur Martyres iis,
quos per eos certum est adjuvari; autrmn ipsi per se ipsos adsint uno tempore tam diversis
locis,-sive ubi sunt eorum Mesmoriae, sive praeter suas Memorias ubicumque adesse
sentiuntur: an ipsis in loco suis omeritis congruo ab omni mortaliumn conversatione remotis,
et tamen generaliter orantibus pro indigentits supplicantium,,-Deus-exaudiens Martyr-m
oreces, per angelica ministeria usquequaque diffusa praebeat hominibus ista solatia,.quibus in hujus vitae miseria judicat esse praebenda: et suorum merita Martyrum, ubi
vult, quando vult, quomodo vult, maximeque per eorum Memorias, quoniamn hoc novit
-expedire nobis ad aedificandum  fidem  Chbristi-mirabili atque ineffabili potestate ac
bonitate commendet. Res haec altior est, quamn  ut a me possit attingi, et abstrusior,
quam  ut a me valeat perscrutari: et ideo quid horum  duorum  sit, an vero fortassis
utrnnlque sit, ut aliquando fiant per ipsam praesentiam Martyrum, aliquando per Angelos
suscipientes personam Martyrum, defillire non audeo: mallem a scientibus ista perquirere.,Cf. de Civit. Dei, xxii. c. 9. In his sermons he does not attack the usual opinion, ex. gr.
sermo de Diversis 316 (al. 94): Ambo (Paulus et Stenhanus) modo sermonens nostrum
aelditis: amnbo pro nobis orate.
5- Basilii I. Hom..19, in xl.:Martyres,.~ 8: Ovroei CelOgv 0l rTv'oO'  ci- xpas




4 20                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV.. —A.D. 32'4'451.
in  this respect, the poets, who  soon  after seized upon the same
theme, found  no  colors too  strong  to  describe  the  power  and
glory  of the  martyrs.'3    Even  relies soon  began  to work miracles, and  to  become valuable  articles of commerce  on  this  ac —
count, like the old heathen instruments of magic.41
In proportion as men felt the need of such heavenly  intercessors, they  sought to  increase  their  number.   Not only  those
persons who were inscribed  in  the  Diptycha    - for services done
to  the  church, but  also  the  pious  of the  Old  Testament, and
particularly  distinguished  monks,15  were  taken  into  the  catadr&aafd6vref, oioveC rripyot r7tvf avvEXE'i,  ~62deltav Ek rCf T rOv  EvavTriov Karadpoufg
TapeX6,uevot' o'   tvZ Ev  6rr 6a ETavroiu   caaratcAhei eravTEr, OM  rioXXo/g'dy5 r 4'evr)Qvrer
X)Pt0otf, Kat Troaf 7iarTpidaf Icara uoattucavreg. Kati ro rdapudoov, o0 KaO' Eva dtaUeptdv7es Tf c dexoe/vorflg }rt0botT&)tw,. ( 2'  va/txOe'rreg  2,. vcli,2Oltf,   V OvE/vNOfg XopEVovaItv
(t5  ToO 0OaVaVof -!-odrVE DcEi.rciOVGCa rw 6pttC,,  oerE 7  r.eovarcyzv    El'ctXovTat' a av el:ca  OroT avo dej, &,v   Oi cKE'GOV ooptO/zbv O3ic /1c3aivovcav' *'2v eif`v avvaydyg,v,
TreaapdcovTa Kcat OVa /Irvovotl, tara  rriv rov 7rvpb~ ~ozvv'   cai yap 8tc'Gvo tcai irpef
TrV ES7rrovra  8erapaiaeta,  tlca, oa ov'ard   7cap2 r' ~C'pVoT t'  a-' o l  raEaapatcovr a, hca3.cndvr e  ela2v 6doi, ica irdTV7Ef Ela) 7rap' Elc0crc,no'-6 Otf36,e'vog ur rof reWcapaovr a,.
/anrabedyEt, O Ei)paetvr6evog 1r' aViroig a0ro-rpXetl. o6 Iev, 7va 2VcaV  EVpIp 7y1 T(V dvoepv'
6 d1, iva ~vuay(O,  a. r5 rc XpyarBoreppa.  EvrTavOa yvv7, EVciep3/Sp'irip nrlVaW  EvXOl2V.Er
icaTra;2a/uveratl, irwodiuoaiOvrtl Cvdpi  TV eTrarvodov at'oviErvl, aCoaroOvTrt Tijv acowt —
piav'e #ET  /tapiprov yeveiOa r-t a lr/lxaTa  ti6)v -"%2 Xopogf CytoG O!   6 avvrays   Ep6v P
a< arva trlt6ou i! a  tovopi O9VaReg  o yEvovg TC,)V d6vOpi, av! c/ya~ot KOitovvoi ~povei'oV,.
d/EaGC E  V GVEVOpyOt, Wplo-3evral dvvaranarot, aon7peqg 7rc obiov1tlvof-, avOV8 rTrv CIc'0iC7
oatv! v/lctg o'X ('1 iy7 IKarCkTOpvbe`v, a-X' orpavig v7re4ESaro, Ic...X.  Cf. Horn. xxiii. in
Mamantem Martyrem. Gregonii Naz. Orat. xviii. in laudem Cypriani.  Gregorii Nysseni:
Orat. in T-heodorum Mart. Dauiel's Gesch. v. christl. Beredsamkeit i. 281. In the wes'i
Amlbrose goes farther in extolling the martyrs,. Daniel i. 658.
13 S.r especially the Spanish writer Aarelius Prudentius Clemens (about 405. Poemata;
ed. Nic. Heinsius. Amst. 1667. 1. Chr. Cellarius. IIalae. 1703. 8.) in his lib. reipi are&avc6v, containing fourteen hymlns to the martyrs, comp. H. Middeldorpf Comm. de Prudentio et Theologia Prudentiana in Illgelln's Zeitschr. f. hist. Theol. ii. ii. 187; and Pontius;
Paulinus, bishop of Nola (t 431. Letters and poema ed. J. B. le Brun. Paris. 1685, t. ii. 4,
in Bibl. max. PP. t. vi. p. 163, ss.), especially in the ten natales S. Felicis.
1V See Augustine, above, 5 96, n. 18. The law of Theodosius I. A.D. 386 (Cod. Theod. ixo.
xvii. 7):l Humatum corpus nemo ad alterum locurn transferat: nemo martyrell  distrahat,
nemo mercetur. Habeant vero in potestate, si quolibet in loco sanctorum est aliquLis conditus
pro ejus veneratione, quod martyrium vocandum sit, addant quod voluerint fabricarium.
15 Joannes Cassianus Collat. vi. c. 1: In Palaestinae partibus juxta Tecuae vicum —
solitudo vastissimna est usque ad Arabiamn ac mare mortuum.-In hac summlae vitae ac
sanctitatis monachi diutissime commorantes, repente sunt a discurrentibus Saracenorum
latrunculis interempti.  Quorum corpora —tam a Pontificibus regionis illhis qluai  ab universa plebe Arabum tanta veneratione praerepta, et inter reliquias martyrlm comidita, ut
innumeri populi e duohus oppidis concurrentis gravissimum  sibi certamen indixerint, et
usque ad gladiorum conflictum, pro sancta rapina sit eorum progressa contentio, dum:pia
inter se devotione decertant, qauinam justius eorum sepulturam  ac reliquias possiderent,
Diptyclza. In Rees's Cyclopaediaa, Diptycha. are explained to be " a double catalogue,
in one whereof were written the names of the living, and in the other those of the dead.
which were to be rehearsed during the officej'




'CHAP. V. —PUBLIC ~WORSHIP. P 99. WORSHIP -OF SAINTS.    421
logue; -and thus a still more comprehensive saint-wor'ship  arose
out of the veneration  paid  to  martyrs.16    Martyrs before  unknown  announced  themselves,also  in  visions; others revealed
the places where,their bodies were buried.   Till the  fifth  century, prayers had been  offered even  for the dead  saints;17 but
at that time  the practice was discontinued as unsuitable.'8    It
is true that the more enlightened fathers of the church insisted
on  a praotical imitation  of the' saints il  regard to morality  as
the most important thing in the  new  saint-worship,l9  nor were
aliis scilicet de vicinia colllmorationis ipsorum, aliis de originis propinquitate gloriantibus..-Comp. the dispute about the body of James, Theodoreti Hist. relig. c. 21 (ed. Schulz. 3,
p. 1239).
16 Thus Ambrose discovered the bodies of P]ota.sius and Gervasius. Amlbrose, Epist.
22, ad sororem, August. de Civ. Dei, xxii. 8. The populace were inclined to regard every.ancient unknown grave as the grave of a martyr, Sulpicius Sever-us de vita Martini, c. 11.
17 Epiphan. Haer. 75, 5 7: Kat ypdp d&caorv rrotoipue0a r7iv puvyuv, lcai v7rEp aaprl27j~V`' —Vrep di ducCeov, ICa&  Tarerpv, ca  Ieartptoapxlv, IpoqS77iTv, cai'Aorocr62ov,
Kat EV'ayye-tGo Sv, Kci Maprpr(ov, cKai'O[poaoyr V,'E'trc67Wov  e Kai'AvaXA opardv,.ca~t ravrf oo r02) T7Carof,  1)va   t1 K.VpLov'Iaovsfv XptT76V  tOiQpri O)E/v Isrb I179 rOd,uvOpdO3rv  iftEc.sfq —'v ivvei,a ovref, Tir.OVIC tncrtv EfctaovEvof O6 Kcfpto rntv riiv JvO0p6T6rov, 501,e Ecyvpta o cai irrelva Ev d;aoovCV,1 EcacrTOf tvOp'dTwv. Cf. Constitt. Apostol..
viii. c. 12. Cyrill. EIlieros. Catech. Mystag. v. ~ 8. Such intercessions, in their morne
ancient form, are preserved in the liturgies of the Nestorians, ex..gr. liturgia Theodori
Interpretis (in Renaudotii Liturgiarum  orientalium collectio, tom. ii. p. 620): Domino et.Deus neoster, suscipe a nobis per gratiam tuam sacrificiumlhoc gratiarum actionis, fructnus.scilicet rationabiles labiorum nlostrorum, ut sit coram te memoria bona justorunm antiquorsum,
eProphetarum sanctorum, Apostolorum beatorum, Martyrum et Confessorum, Episcoporum,
Doctorum, Sacerdotum, Diaconorum, et ominium  filiorum Ecclesiae sanctae catlolicae,
eorum qui in fide vera transierunt ex hoc mlundo, ut per gratiam tuam, Domine, veniam,
illis concedes omnium peccatorum eot delictorum, quae in hoc _mundo, in corpore mortali,,et anima mutationi obnoxia peccaverunt aut offenderunt coram te, quia nemo est qui non,peccet. So too Liturgia Nestorii ap. Renaudot, 1. c. p. 633. Cf. Binhgham, ]ib. xv. c. 3,
3 16, 17 (vol. vi. p. 330, ss.,).
1s Augustin. Serm. 17: Injuria est enim pro martyre orare, cujus nos debemus orationibus,comlmlendrli (quoted by Innocent MI1., as sacrae scripturae. auctoritas to justify, decretal.Gregorii lib. iii. tit. 41, c. 6, the change of'the old formula, annue nobis, Domine, ut animac
fallmuli, tui Leonis baec prosit oblatio, into the modern, annue, nobis, quaesumus, Domine,
uat intercessione b. Leonis haec nobis prosit oblatio).
19 Augustin. de Vera religione, c. 55: _Non sit nobis religio,cultus bominum mortuorum.quia, si pie vixerunt, non sic habentur, ut tales -quaerant honores; sed illum a nobis cali
volunt, quo illuminante laetantur, meriti sui nos esse consortes. Honorandi sunt ergo
propter imitationem,  non adorandi,ropter:religionem, contra LFaustum, xx. 21: Popalus
christianus Memorias Martyrum religiosa solemlnitate concelebrat, et ad excitandam imitationem, et ut meritis eorum  consocietur, atque orationibus adjuvetur: ita tanen, ut
nulli Martyrum, sed ipsi Deo Martyrum, quamvis in Memoriis Martyrum, constituamus.altaria.  Quis enim  antistituln in locis sanctorum  corporlamm  adsistens altari,.aliquando
dixit: offerimus tibi, Petre, aut Paule, aut Cypriane? sed quod offertur, offertur Deo, qui.Martyres coronavit, ut ex ipsorum  locorum  admonitione major adfectus exsurgat ad.acuendam caritatem, et in illos, quos imitari possumus, et in illum, quo adjuvante possun,uns. Colimus ergo Martyres eo cultu dilectionis et societatis, quo in hac vita.coluntur
t,eqw-cti beromines Dei, quorum cor ad talem.pro evangelica veritatepassionem paratum esso




422                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV  I.-A.D. 324-451..
exhortations to  address prayer directly  to  God  also  wanting;2but yet the people attributed the highest value to the intercession  of the  saints whose efficacy was so much prized.2'   Many
heathen customs were incorporated with this saint-worship.
Churches, under whose altars their bodies rested, were dedicated
to  their worship.22    As gods and  heroes were  formerly  chosein
sentimus. A.t vero ilo cultu, qui graece latria: dicitur, latine uno verbo dici non potest,
cum sit quaedan- proprie divinitati debita, servibus, nee colimus, nec colenduim docemus,
nisi unlUm  Delllllm.
20 Anmbrosiaster ad Rom. iL. 22, against tliose who adored the elemrrents, the stars, etc.:
Solent tamen pudorem passi,. neglecti Dei misera uti excusatione,; dicentes per istos posse,
iri ad Deum, sicut per comites pervenitur ad regenlm.  Age, numquid tamn demens est
aliquis, aut salutis suae immemlor, at honorificentiam regis vindicet conliti, cum de hac re
si qui etiam tractare fuoerint inventi, jure ut rei damnentur imajestatis? Et isti se non
putant reos,. qui honoreml nomlinis Dei deferunt creaturae, et relicto Domino conservos
adorant; quasi sit aliquid plus, quod reservetur Deo. Nam et ideo ad regem per tribunos.
aut comites itur, quia homeo utique est rex, et nescit quibus debeat republic-am credere,
Ad Deuni autem, quem utique nihil latet (omnium enim merita novit), promerendunm
suffragatore non opus est, sed mente devota. Ubicnmque enim talis loqu-tus fueret ei,.
respondebit lfli. Sb Chrysostomus in Matth. lHotm. 52 (al. 53), ~: 3, annexes to the history
of the woman of Canaan (Matth:. xv. 21), the admonition: Zi dg jost,ac6-7re, r)f r7Sv
d(roaT62aov Trr0vrwv K(al ogad dvvacvrwv, avi ri Ovvae. roao1ro   v E'art 7rpoaedpe  e
0X0' icai yshp v'z-rp it(d 72[utEr'pwv 7rap' iSo',  3lo6Lerao 3tso T:lo  v 0irrev 0rdov dtOo5
Oat   - irap' trtpsov Vi7rp /uCSv. Cf. de Poenitentia orat. iv. 4: (o OBed) X)ptS leairo-ov
irapatcaE2r7at.  Comp. Cramer's dritte Forts. and Rossuet, S; 350, ss.
21 Ambrosius de Viduis, c. 9: Aegri, nisi ad eos aliorum precibus medicus fuerit invitatus, pro se rogare non possunt. Infirma est caro,. mens aegra est et peccatormn vinculis
ilpedita, ad medici illius sedem debile non potest explicare vestigium.  Obsecrandi sunt
Angeli pro nobis, qui nobis ad praesidium dati: sunt, martyres obsecrandi, quorum videmur
nobis quoddam corporis pignore patrociniam vindicare. Possunt pro peccatis rogare nostris,
qui proprio sanguine etiam si qua habuerunt peccata laverunt. Isti enim- sunt Dei martyres, nostri praesules speculatores vitae actuumque nostaorlm. Non erubescamus eosa
intercessores nostrae infirmitatis adhibere,. etc. Even Chrysostom recommends (de Sanctis.
martyr. Serm. 68, Opp. v. 872), thle worship of martyrs and their relics as, a means of pro,
curing the forgiveness of sins, and virtues.
22 The churches were still named in different ways, many after their founders (so il,
Carthage the basilicae Fausti, Florentil, Leontii, in Alexandria- the eccl. Aircadii (the old.
Serapeum)., in. Rome the basilicae Constantini and Justiniani),. others from other circum:
stances, thus in Carthage basilica restituta, in Alexandria the Caesaueuln, in Rome theeccl. triumphalis (the old Church of Peter), eccl. Laterana; (because on the site of the
palace of Lateranus, a contemporary of Nero). see Bingham, vol. iii. p. 329. Thus although,
originally the calling of churches after martyrs did not denote that they were dedicated to
them, yet the meaning attached to thle names caume gradually to be so understood, and;
even the distinctions made by Augustine admit of this acceptation, comp. de Civitate Dei,
xxii. 10: An dicent,. etiam se habere deos ex hominibus mortuis, sicut RI'erculemi sicut
Romulum, sicut alios multos, quos in deorum numnerumn receptos opinantur?  Sed nobis
Martyres, non sunt dii.-Nos Martyribus nostris non templa sicut diis,, sed memlorias sicut
hominibus mortuis, quorum apud Deum vivunt spiritus, fabricamus; neque ibi erigimus,
altaria, in quibus sacrificemus Martyribus, sed uni Deo et Martyrum et nostro sacrificia
immolamus: ad quod sacrificium, sicut homines Dei, qui mundum  in ejus confessione
vicerunt, suo loco et ordine nominantur, non tamen a sacerdote qui sacrificat inlvocant-un
D..o quippe, non. ipsis, sacrificat, quamlvis iin.meloria. sacrificet eorum. Cf. vii..27..




CHAP. V.-PUBLIC  WORSIIP.  g 99. WORSHIP OF SAINTS.    423
for patrons, so  patron-saints  were  now  selected.23    And  since
the heathen had been so bitterly accused at an earlier period by
the Christians of worshiping dead men,24 they could not now be
blamed  in  their turn  for ridiculing  the new  saint-worship.25
In  the fourth  century no peculiar reverence above other saints
was as yet shown to the Virgin Mary.  In consequence of monastic ideas (see ~ 95, note 23), the Christians merely attributed  a high  value  to  her perpetual virginity;  and  for this reason began to declare the opinion that she had afterward borne
children to Joseph 26 to be heretical; as, for instance, Epiphanius
23 Theodoreti Graec. affect. curat. disp. 8 (ed. Schultze, t. iv. p. 902): Al #esv yEvvaiat
r7v vtcO6pdv sbvxai lreptTroa2Loat TOv ovpavov, —ri di aiduara, odX Ef Ebvgf aeraKpvTr et
-rtiOof Eicdarov'  is2ac  sr62EStf cat' iccat 7ra)ra (tavet/LacyEvat, aorpac Kcai t bvgv Kat
atcdUriTv, cai larpovi' OvoydaovatC; cKa   6gf TroatoVXovC r7ltUrC caci fbkacaf- Kai XpSouevot
rpeafEvracgS 7rpof rov rO)v                     a 2 erv 6Eaora6rv, drd TOdTcv rfS Qeiag tcoji[ovrat &dpedg.
Page 921: 01 6' ye ryjv tca2Ktviov       aprpv a   a7C coV, a aci rpori tci rcepil/3LErrot, cKat
EyiEet drtarpei'eG, ccai ravrode6atSg 7CreroGctXIpEvot, tcai tcdULovg  ~tvEiVTF7  jzacoapvy6gEr iE ro70Trov oVX T awc7a    dig ye rto rovVS 7 rTEvTclgS  OtrCS,UEv'   uia  ro2 T dKctf E1 trav7y5preig  iLtreT2Vo' rVEV, 1ro2aKZdtct d  kca' iepaf Icct7rr 7 T  ro'dov  Ae-r'6-r  robig AVcVOVv
7rpoa0cporev' Kcai o I tEV Vytaicvovref atircOV   rf vyeiafg r'v ~v2aKqv' o0i d& rTv  v6t o V
racaiovref, r7v ri(v,rcaO8irrT7v wcra2laycv' atirOal dR Kai iiyovot erad6as, cc a rp Crgpat
~r-apatcacoGlr yevEaOat jt77ripef.-tcac   ol fev Eig riva  w'odqpiav areX2t6yevot, 2trtapovGt
zTO7OVg f:VOdotrr6poVS  yeve'a0at, cai rtf 0do0 yje/z6vaC'  Ol re rjf brrav6dov re7rvXYTrerf,
ri-v r7fj XSptrof 6cocoyiav 7rpoo6povcrrv'   oV  X 6f OcEOif aTrogS 7rpOc6Ovref, P2L''  (f OEiovr
tvOpVJ'rovS  (cvrpi3oXovres, cai yeviOat r Trrpe,3evr ag v'rp aqdv  rcapaccacivvref. Ort dt
-rvyxvovtv 5vrrTep airoVitv oG erTrdtSf'ayy77i2ovref, avacavddv  caprvprE rd rerorv
dvacO/Sara, 7rv larpeiav d72yodvra'   oi plv yap dOcacudv, oG dl rrodCv, iXPotL  d XErtprAv
7rpoc0Ecrpov      Etcrv'Juara'   tcaKc oi  yev Ebc XpvgoV, oi 6d E' iRVl;g  apypov rsEro'rjtirvaPage 923: TovC  yap olCeicovS vElcpobg o AeaC7Tryf tvreca:e Tro7G l/cripot ET      Oeoif' Kcai
rrov  #lv ~poEP 0ovd   n'7rEgve, rovi.rrf   d rd  lervov  Tirivetce ),pa'  dvre  yap d6 r7ev Havdiwv, cac Ataigov, cKa Atovviowv, Kcac riev da2oV V dGtdv /oprtSv, IHErpov cai Icadaov icat
Orpd caci lepyiov-cKatc  rSv Actcev yapr7vpov, Errrte2ofvrrat dyzoOotviat, tc 7. 2.  Comp.
Neander's Chrysostomus, Bd. 2, S. 128, f.
24 Arnobius adv. Gentiles, vi. 6: Multa ex his templa-comprobatur, contegere cineres
atque ossa, et functorum esse corporum sepulturas, etc.
25 Julianus ap. Cyrill. adv. Jul. x. p. 335:'"Oa de VUeF7 eSl   -poaErvp'tcare, ero2/Loci
67retdcyovre  rg  7rd2atcr  vetcpj Trodi6   rpoa6drovg vrecpoVS, rig  v rpog dasiavc fde rvratc;
IlUvrca'rA17jpcOrare rvdoqv icati tvi7Srtov. —Ei  ('0cacapaiaf'Iiaoof i1 elevaLt,'Spet  roV5rd7ovc (Matth. xxiii. 27), 7rcg ices er' avTrcIv' rttcaueaOE rbv  e6v; Cf. vi. p. 201. Misopogon, p. 344. Eunapius in vita Aedesii, ed. Genev. 1616, p. 65. Ammian. Marcell. xii.
lI. Comp. Maximus, ~ 79, note 1.
26 Basilius M. Hoem. in sanctam Christi generationem, c. 5 (Opp. t. ii. p. 598), remarks,
however, on Matth. i. 25: Odvc hyivemce aVerbv, 9gof ov  TEcE C TOv vloY aVTrC r7ov 7rprO67rokov the following roero de yd2 vrnr6votav mrape1t, orit yErd ri 6cadapgf VTwperaoiraaUai
rs ryevvsELt reOV cvpiOv r,~.r7trereaeia   dit rod rver) aroc roV dyitov, rd vevoprcieeva
rov y6,cov  ipya t/uy crcapvlcaaytvlf rf Mapiaf'  iptef de', ec cat pydev Ti  r g eref3ieag
cprapa2v zaiverat Z6yo (tLXpt ypap r71g card r7vj oKlovotiav dvrvperiar avayccaia  nrapOrvia,,b 6' ae 7tgrovnrpayt6worovy  rl) 267y  rov [V7T'ipiVo), pUycg dit nrb T   KcaradaeOcrat
rTOiV ~tLoXpirCv rpv 61coCv, 0It 7ror0 8eracnaro Elyat erapdOvog f  OeoroKoc, Eceivac  7yodpeOa rf,luaprvpiaa aevrtipctgf.




421                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I. —A.D. 324-451.
(Haer.  78)  against  the'AvTtScoyaptavtaraT,   in  Arabia  (367);
Jerome  against fIelvidius, in  Rome  (383);27 and the Macedonian bishops against Bonosus, bishop of Sardica (392); 28 while
it was also shown  in what way she did not cease to be a virgin,
notwithstanding the birth of Christ.29    Besides, the teachers of
the Church in the fourth  century did not refrain  from  speaking
of-the faults of Mary;"30 and Epiphanius includes certain enthusiastic women in his catalogue of heretics for their extravagant
adoration  of the Virgin  (KoXXvptdavo~).31    The  Nestorian  controversy first led men to set her at the head of the host of saints,
as the mother of God, 0soT6ko O.
Though  it was the general belief that angels guarded men,
and presented  their prayers to  God, it was still thought unal27 Hieron. adv. Helvidium, lib. in Opp. ed. Martianay, t. iv. P. ii. p. 129, ed. Vallarsi,
t. ii. Concerning the Antidicomarianites and Helvidius see Walch's Ketzerlhist. iii. 577.
28 Siricii Ep. 9 (comp. above, Q 94, note 14). Wralch, iii. 598.
29 Tertullianus de Carne Christi, c. 23: Agnoscimus ergo signum  contradicibile (according to Luc. ii. 34) conceptum et partum virginis Mariae; de quo Academici isti: peperit,
et non peperit; virgo, et non virgo.-Peperit, enim, quae ex sua carne: et non peperit,
quae non ex virili semine. Et virgo, quantumn  a viro; non virgo, quantum a partu. Clemens Alex. Strom. vii. p. 889: Toif 7roA2toCe Kaoi eXptL Vy V docEZ o Mapty/z eXU( et-vat dti
-nv eto  -raltiov yEvrvntv, oV  ovaa EX.'   * cat y'tp 8erTa 7r r eceov aevrv  talowOecaav eaai
ILve-S   rapOdvov erpeOdvat. Epiphanius, Haer. lxxviii. ~ 19, does not hesitate to say, in
reference to Luke ii. 23, Exod. xiii. 2: O0r6c Eartv alYrO.C aivotiyo)v trTpav rlr-p6f.  On
the contrary, Ambrosius, Ep. 42 (al. 81, al. 7), ad Siricium P.: Haec est virgo, quae in
utero concepit: virgo, quae peperit filium. Sic enim scriptum  est: Ecce virgo in utero
accipiet, et pariet filium (Es. vii. 14), non enim concepturan. tantummodo virginem, sed
et parituranl virginemr dixit. Quae autem est illa porta sanctuarii, porta illa exterior ad
Orientem, quae manet clausa; et nemo, inquit, pertransibit per earn, nisi solus Deus Israel
(Ezech. xliv. 2)? Nonne haec porta M'aria est, per quam in hune mundurn rederotor intravit?.. de qua scriptum est, quia Dominus pertransibit per eam, et erit clausa post
partum; quia virgo concepit et genuit. Hieronymus adv. Pelagianos, lib. ii. (Opp. ed.
Martian. t. iv. P. ii. p. 512): Solus enim Christus clausas portas vulvae virginalis aperuit
quae tamen clausae juoiter permanserunt. Haec est porta orientalis clausa, per quamc
solus Pontifex ingreditur et egreditur, et nihilominus semper clausa est.
30 After the example of Irenaeus, iii. 18. Tertull. de Carne Christi, 7. Origines in
Luc. Hom. 17:-Basilius Ep. 260 (al. 317) ad Optimum. Chrysostomus Hom. 45 in Matth.
et Hom. 21 in Job. On the other hand, Augustin. de Nat. et Grat. c. 36: Excepta sancta
virgine Maria, de qua propter honorem Domini nullam prorsus, cum de peccatis agitur,
haberi volo quaestionem,-si omnes illos sanctos-congregare possenmus, et interrogare,
utrum essent sine peccato, quid fuisse responsuros putamus?
31 Concerning them Epiphan. Haer. 78, ~ 23. Haer. 79. Anacephal. c. 79. Comp.
Walch's Ketzerhistorie, iii. 625. F. Miinter de Collyridianis in the Miscellanea Hafniensia, t. i. fasc. 2. Hafn. 1818. p. 153, ss. Their heresy was:'Avri 0eo!  7'ai7v'rapetadyelv
aT7ovd6oYrovE,-S- g eit opvo1,a Tr? aetrrap8Ovov Ico22vpida r7tV  Er7OTre2eaV, Kai avviyeaoat
Eri 7z- avro,-tcai eri  ivouoa aCSrg  iepovpyevf dla yvvatlcrv. This usage is perhaps explained by Jerem. xliv. 19, where the women offer cakes to the Queen of Heaven; perhaps
by Cone. Qluinisexti, can. 79: " The birth of the Virgin was o'26xevrog: hence no cake
(aue/ida2)t shall be presented after the birthday of Christ xTpodaictr T7oC [ orXetC,)v r 7
aiXpvp.rov erapdevoz.'IOropos."




CHAP. V.-PUBLIC WORSHIP.  ~ 99. WORSHIP OF SAINTS.  425
lowable to  address them, because of the passages, Coloss. ii. 18,
Revelation  of Jo/hn xix. 10; xxii. 8, 9.32   Ambrose is the first
who  recommends  seeking  the  intercession  of the  guatccrdian  angel;33 but as yet the Christians had  not adopted a more general
worship of angels.34
The  cross, always  a  highly  honored  symbol among  Christians,35 had  been  more superstitiously  venerated  ever since the
time  when  Constantine  believed that he owed to  it his victory
over Maxentius.36    But after the tradition had spread, from  the
end of the fourth century, that Helena (326) had discovered the
true  cross  of Christ,37  relies  and  even imitations of it began  to
32 Coneil. Laodic. can. 25: "Ort ovb daZ Xptartavooi - y7caira2er retv 7rv E'lcrncaaiav ro0
Oeo e Ica 6i'tlvat lcKa  ayy'2bovC 6vold6etv, f. c-. TR.  Dionys. Exig. translates: Atque
angelos (var. lect. angulos) nominare. Cf. Theodoret. ad Coloss. ii. 18: Ot r7C) Vo,uo CvvnyopOevrEf, eata -rob ayyOxovS ao,3etv avTroZf ela)yovro, d&i arovrov  Zyovref ded6aOat
r-v v6[ov.  etye d' ra7ro ro 70 —dOoC Ev r7 ipvyaG te HtaSdia 1,Xpt 7ro22o'  ov d0
XCdptv cat cvvea2Ooaa ucvodo  Elv Aaodtseia ri7'qpvyiae v61) icEKanvcE TOr 7of oi  ayyEOlt'
rpocEXEnO0a a   e Kcai t ypt 6d  roo vUV, evdrKTpta Tov'yiov MXaeit -,rap' elteivotS  cat roSg
6y6potgS lceivasv E7aiV 16CgE. -rodro Toivvv avve[3pOOZEVov eKeivot yiveaOat,'aaretvopr'oaOvn.
6710ev KeeXp7,udvot, eKa2 Xayov7rf, 65C g6parog O Ti)v O26wv OEaf'valpctr76 re Kca iaKaraX24rToS, cat 7rpocaitca  dtT rTv ayycl7o   v  a OEsav EaV vEltav 7rpay/tareave0aO. Augustini
Confess. x. 42: Quem  invenirem, qui me reconciliaret tibi? Abeundem  mihi fuit ad
angelos? Multi conantes ad te redire, neque per se ipsos valentes, sicut audio, tentaverunt haec, et inciderunt in desideriumn curiosaruom visionum, et digni habiti sunt illusionibus. Cf. Keilii Opuse. acad. t. ii. p. 548, ss.
33 Amnbros. de Viduis, c. 9: Obsecrandi sunt angeli, qui nobis ad praesidiumn dati sunt.
See note 21.
34 Augustini Collatio curn Maximino, c. 14 (Opp. viii. 467): Nonne si templum  alicui
sancto Angelo excellentissimo de lignis et lapidibus faceremus, anathematizaremur a veritate Christi et ab Ecclesia Dei, quoniam creaturae exhiberemus eam servitutem, quae
uni tantumrn debetur Deo? In the time of Sozomen there was, it, is true, a church in Constantinople, named Mqvae/taov, but solely for this reason (Sozom. ii. 3): Kao6rt rae7i7ETEvrat EvsOdde irctiaiveaOat Mtxa/X T76V 8Oeov'Apxdyyeaov.
35 But Minucius Felix, c. 29: Cruces nec colimus, nec optamus.
36 Euseb. de vit. Constant. i. 40; ii. 6-9, 16; iv. 21. Sozom. i. 8, in fine.
37 This story is false. Eusebius de vita Const. iii. 25, relates at great length how the
holy sepulcher was cleared out at the command of Constantine, not of Helena, and the
church of. the resurrection built over it, but says nothin g of the discovery of the cross.
Then not till c. 41, ss. does he speak of the journey of Helena to Palestine, and how she
built churches at the spot where Christ was born in B ethlehem, and on the locality of the
ascension on the Mount of Olives. The Gaul also, who was in Jerusalem A.D. 333, and
mentions all the holy objects in the city in his Itinerarium  (Vetera Rom. Itineraria, ed. P.
Wesseling, p. 593), knew nothing of the holy cross and its finding. The oldest testimony
alleged for it, but which notwithstanding does not speak of Helena, in Cyrilli Hieros.
Epist. ad Constantium, professedly written about A.D. 351, is a later interpolation. It can
not have been known before the fifth century, for Jerome, in Catal. s. v. Cyrillus, does not
mention it, and Ambrose Orat. de obitu Theodosii, Jo. Chrysostornus Hom. 85 (al. 84), Paulieus Nolanus Epist. 31 (al. 11), Rufinus Hist. eccl. x. 7, 8, Socrates, i. 17, Sulpic. Sever. Hist.
sacr. ii. 34, are ignorant of it; since otherwise they would not have related the circumstances of the finding, and especially the recognition of the true cross so differently. The




426                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
work miracles,38 became objects of the highest adoration, and
were finally put on altars.39
Helena set the first example of a pilgrimage to Palestine,
which  was soon  extensively  imitated.40    By  this  means  ideas
of the holiness of that country had increased  so much, even to
the grossest superstition,41  that many  teachers  of the  Church
openly discouraged these pilgrimages.42
Aversion to pictures ceased among Christians in the fourth
century.   They  allowed  not merely  likenesses  of  emperors,43
credulous Sozomen (ii. 1) first speaks of this letter of Cyril. The conclusion of it, in which
the emperor is designated as dodciwv r7gV Oooaov  rptdda is decidedly adverse to its authenticity. For Cyril, in the time of Constantius, was not an adherent of tlhe Nicene faith,
and that this emperor was not so might have been unknown a considerable time after, in
different places. Comp. Dallaeus adv. Latinorum de.cultus religiosi objecto traditionem.
Genevae. 1664. 4. p. 704. Witsii Miscellan. sacra, ii. 364.
s8 Paulinus Nolanus Ep. 31 (al. 11): The bishop of Jerusalem alone could bestow splinters of the cross, ad magnum fidei et benedictionis gratiam.  Quae quidem crux in materia
insensata vim vivam tenens, ita ex illo tempore innumeris paene quotidie homininum votis
lignum suum commodat, ut detrimenta non sentiat, et quasi intacta permaneat.
39 First mentioned by Sozomen, ii. 3, and Nilus. See note 48. Cf. Bingham, vol.
iii. p. 236.
40 Partly in order to be baptized in Jordan (Euseb. de locis Ebr. s. v. BOafBapd),
which was also the purpose of Constantine (Euseb. de vit. Const. iv. 62); but also
attracted by the marvelous and the love of relics. Paulinus Nol. Ep. 11: The holy cross
was shown only at Easter, nisi interdum religiosissimi postulent, qui hac tantum causa
illo peregrinati advenerint, ut sibi ejus revelatio quasi in pretium longinquae peregrinationis deferatur. ]Epist. 36: Religiosa cupiditas est loca videre, in quibus Christus
ingressus et passus est, et resurrexit, et unde conscendit: et ant de ipsis locis exiguum
pulverem, ant de ipso Crucis ligno aliquid saltem festucae simile sumere et habere,
benedictio est. As tur  wood of the cross suffered no diminution (note 38), so also the
footsteps of the Lord at his ascension were not worn away. Sulpic. Sever. Hist. sacr. ii.
33: Cum quotidie confluentium fides certatim Domino calcatv diripiat, damnum tamen arena
non sentit: et eadem adhuc sui speciem, velut impressis signata vestigiis terra custodit.
4r Ex, gr. Augustin. de Civ. Dei, xxii. 8. Respecting the wonderful power of the
terra sancta de Hierosolymis allata.
42 Hieron. Ep. 13, ad Paulinum: Non Hierosolymis fuisse, sed Hierosolymis bene
vixisse laudandum  est.-Et de Hierosolymis et de Britannia aequaliter patet aula
coelestis. —Beatus Hilarion cum Palaestinus esset et in Palaestina viveret: uno tantum
die vidit Hierosolymam, ut nec contemnere loca sancta propter viciniam, nec rursus,
domin-um loco claudere videretur. (On the other hand, Epist. 47, ad Desiderium: adorasse,
ubi steterunt pedes Domini, pars fidei est, et quasi recentia nativitatis et crucis ac passionis vidisse vestigia.) Especially zealous is Gregorii Nysseni Epist. *rrep1 rcv ('Zrt6vr-v
elf'Iepoa6zvpa against these pilgrimages (reprinted also as an appendix to J. H. Heidegger de Peregrinationibus religiosis. Turici. 1670. 8). We see from his letters that
even then Jerusalem; was remarkable for corruption of morals, as places of pilgrimage
usually are: El Tv arZtov V' Xacipt  v Trotg cara'Iepoa62o1a r67ro1Otf ov  aiv iEreXopia
rTOCf kcel dotv 1 st/apTLa. Nvv /yvrot o)lec fertn dicaOapaica Ecdog, 8 i  ro 7Uldrae arap'
ta~roZS, ani orov7piat, /cat yotXecat, iaC /c2lorai, cKat eidooWaorpEcat, ca, oap/ucaKeoat, iKa
086vot, cai Q6rvot.
43 Likenesses of Constantine and his children were affixed to the Labaru.m, Euseb
de vita Const. i. 31, iv. 69, comp. above, note 4.




CHAP. V.-PUBLIC WORSEIPH.  99. IMAGE-WORSHIP.    427
but also  of other distinguished  men.44    On  the- other  hand, it
was still reckoned a heathen practice to represent objects of worship by pictures.45 At first, allegorical representations of sacred
doctrines, and  historical pictures  taken  from  the  Scriptures  or
from the history of martyrs, were allowed in the churches.  Of
these the earliest instances in the  east are mentioned by  Gregory of Nyssa;46 in the west, by Paulinus, bishop of Nola (40944 Thus the Christiaens of Antioch had likenesses of their bishop Meletius (t 381) even
during his lifetime, on the seals, rings, vessels) and walls. See Chrysostomi Orat.
encomiastica in S. Meletium, Opp. ii. 519.
45 See Div. I. S 70, note 5. Euseb. Caesariensis Ep. ad Constantium.  (Cone. Nicaeni,
i. actio 6. Published more complete by J. Doivin in the notes to Nicephori Gregorae
Byzant. Histor. ed. oonn. t. ii. p. 1301):'Eure de' sai tr epi rtvof Ei~&,vogf  f i rod  Xptarod?y6'paoa~, eiz6va flovRjotv]y coat ravr7,v dV',ylv Tr treOivat- riva ZEyet  c Kat roizav
rairzv, )v Psj rod XptUro9 El civa; —reTSpov TViv'62 10l  Kal &aeri;taXasrovv, tKa' 0dase
ro/c av7rod XapatrK7pag 0ipovaav          rv   tv'  ig ave~Xb0, -r-f roo deoXov /4op9?1f.rsEptLWfevogf 7i0 aXia; —i2u2ii 7od rpOb frd  sera,o2Lirg aapiciov avroe 6? trod Ov7roO 7i-V
Etsc6va ~qf'rap',tC)v aireiV,'  ipa yitp ro ri6 as y6vov &d2uaOev ro iaviyvcasa, ev   b6 Osef
3vottoderei p1 j  rotetv ojlouiuya jre8 iT( v, i6a ev r.& ovpav.&, [nrE rav, maa av rv  ys sis-ro.' EOrTyv ire iv iscsij72atga r  ToLOVTO~v,     airs, ) scal,rap' i2tbaov rodro tVKovaa; oZ gii8
scaO' i7fg rnfg oicKovgUivT7f i E~pts-ac Kal 76ria  r&v biusscatrv 7irEvytievra5 t rai T Ua'bTra,
t6votgf Tre plv Its isEZvat vO r7oltrov o rotelv,rap2 nt  E ie /ed6rat; —oVc ocida yip, &irnog
ydvat6v r6 /1era XEtpIa   rore &Sdo rtvaif ~Epovaa sKarayeypaltyvovf,  f iav  tCoa6~aovg.
I S715e I  267yov, igf iv slev Hai2ov sat rod 2rors(po'  oadc  iro 2~ysTv,  odrs ir'6sEv
2af3odaa, oarV'e o0Ev -rodro paocaa' iva nli8 aVrs), mCi ierepot ascavdauL oCvro0,  (Ce*6-,Evof graV r   a7v rnap' eiavrv lscarsEXov, oitx sVyov.lYevof ta2C eX i'Etv ECi irepovr vgoag EicEpECtvn
radra, iva lit  dolsuttev diuiyv Ei&Xo2ao7aarpodvr7vW nv    Oev /,UZV EV Elbc6vt TreptoEPpeLv.
Epiphanius Ep. ad Johannem HIierosol. ex vers. Hieronymi (Epiph. Opp. ii. 317) relates,
that when he had come into the church in Anablatha, a village of Palestine, inveni ibi
velum pendens in foribus ejusdenm Ecclesiae tinctum atque depictum, et habens inlaginem,
quasi Christi, vel sancti cujussdam. Non enim satis lmeminii, cujus imago fuerit. Coun
ergo hoe vidissem, in Ecclesia Christi contra auctoritatem  Scripturarum. homiinis pendere
imaginem, scidi illud, et magis dedi consilium  custodibus ejusde-m loci, ut pauperens
morttuunl eo obvolverent et eflfeaent. He promises them a new velum which he hlerewith
sends and asks John, deinceps praecipere, in Ecclesia Christi ejusmodi vela, quae contra
religionem nostram veniunt, non appendi. Asterius, bishop of Ameasea (about 400. Sea
Homilies in the auctarium PP. ed. Combefisii) Hom. in Divitem et Lazarum: Ms ypdcie
70v Xptar6v. aptcsEl yip adrO s ia r-g EivsatsjareSu rg iretvoepoaivV,`v adOat prtsg
dt'?iguC sarefeiaro   irl ii ri —,p vx- -   aov iaarGd7;(v vosYriS  rnv cd7 a6arov.6yov
SrEpiEsper.  Cf Suiceri Thes. eccl. i. 1014. Jo. Dallaei de Imaginibus libb. iv. Lugd. Bat.
1642. 8. p. 163, ss. Frid. Spanhemii Hist. imaginumn. Lugd. Bat. 1686. 8. (Opp. iii. 707).
Nleander's Chrysostomus, ii. 143.
46 Greg. Nyss. Orat. de laudibus Theodori Mart. c. 2 (Opp. ii. 1011), in describing the.,
church built in honor of Theodore:'Esrixpo)ae de tcai  ypdQofg ri avOy r'ig riXyvg Eiv
elo6vt isaypa,,dtevof, rif aptarEiaf tro  tidprvpof, rig Evarictg, rig' iauy'ld6vag, rai
O8fpt)St f trv rvpivvsv yopecig, rag irqpeiag,  -s)V  Z0bo'orp60ov isKEivsiv, stiL.tvov 7i1v
yaKaptorirs)v TveXe2sitov 0rtv   iOXOZro, TOe iayOvoOirov Xptarod T7gf aivOpArTiVTg7f /yop~b
yrb icrrto'a- rTivrTa'),Uv, gf Eiv fptpfi3M  7tvl y2Xvro66pp 6t Xii Ypol/TGov revE Vpyasditesvos aabig dlty6pevae   roig ayiva  -roeT ytiprvpog.  In the Orat. de deitate Filii et Spir.
S. (1. c. p. 908), he describes a picture of the sacrifice of Isaac.  (Augustin. contra Faustum,.
xxii. 73: Factuia ita nobile, —uft tot linguis cantatum, tot locis Dictum, et aures et ocl.1Qo




428                 GECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
431,  A.D.).47   Such pictures were not intended to be worshiped,
but  were   merely  for  instruction   and   stimulus. 48   The  likenesses of individuals only  were capable of leading  the minds of
the illiterate astray, so as to worship  them.   The first pictures
of this kind which we find in a Gallic Church at the end of the
fifth  century  do not, it is true, imply  that they  were  worshiped;a9 but soon after, superstition  connected itself with  the likenesses of miracle-working persons, which were placed in houses."~
Under Leo  the  Great, we find  the  first picture of Christ in  a
RQmish Church.5'
dissimulantis feriret.)  Comp. Cramer's Forts. v. Bossuet's Weltgesch. Th. 4, S. 442, ss.
M/iinter's Sinlbilder u. Kunstvorstellungen der alten Christen. Heft 1, S. 9, ss.
47 Paulin. Natal. ix. Felicis:
Propterea visum nobis opus utile, totis
Felicibus domibus pictura illudere sancta:
Si forte attonitas haec per spectacula mentes
Agrestum caperet fucata coloribus umbra, etc.
Cf. Natalis vii. et x. Epist. 30 (al. 12). Prudentius n7repi  re0avliv, hymn ix. v. 10, hymn
xi. v. 127. MIinter, i. 18.
48 Nilus (see fi 85, orte 1) advised the Eparch Olympiodorus who intended to build
a Martyrion and to adorn it with a number of pictures (lib. iv. Ep. 61):'Ev 7rT  lpa.TE9
e.iv Kae r 2,avaroo2kS Tro  OelorrTov  rzE'vov f Eeo va tca i.t6vov rvruSat aravp6v  d t''.evo ylip
CardTptdrovrf qravpovb r76  iv T vOp7rn'Ov dtaacu'erat yfvof, tcarof Tof a5ir2,TtJ6oootf EC'Zii
-rvravraxoQ /cpVGJa at ~ i* toaSptv  dli 7ra2Za? f cal.o ac dtaOf(LeL f xVPzldcoat tV(ev lcal devOev,XetPl icaZAicrov'r o yp"ov o av vacbv robv  cytov, &7frog( liV oe #  Eo66TE f 7p.l/tyuara, #p62.vvZi~Evo rTi Ea Of -lvaytvacrleltvO ypaCiaf rI Oewpopia r?/f'ypaoinaf y/v/,yuv 7re aj/diVWCov
rif TiOV yv7p;ioo rTO  ZupOLtvi't OE4 dEdovacvdrco7v  aivdpayaOiaf, Icai TrpoC 7,tttZliLav dtcyeioovr7a T   Orv eSObc2ev cat a otodi/ooov pltprevyfgiroov, dl' v T?jf y4f TrOv olpavbv da2r2ziZ avro.
49 Severus caused pictures of Martin of Tours and Paulinus of Nola to be brought into
the baptistery of the church in Bourges, while the former was probably alive, the latter,
certainly so. Pauli Nol. Ep. 32. Cf. Bingham, vol. iii. p. 305.
50 Thus Augustine mentions pictures of Peter and Paul (de Consensu evangel. i. 10),
but says of them: Sic omnino errare smeruerunt, qui Christum et Apostolos ejus non in
sanctis codicibus, sed in pictis parietibus quaesierunt.  Comp. de Moribus eccl. cath. i
34: Novi, multos esse sepulchrorum et picturarum adoratores. Nunc vos illud admoneo,
ut aliquando Ecclesiae catholicae imaledicere desinatis, vituperando mores hominum, quos
et ipsa condemnat, et quos quotidie tanquam  malos filios corrigere studet. According to
Theodoreti Hist. relig. c. 26 (ed. Schultze, iii. 1272), Simeon Stylites was held in sucl
honor at Rome even during his lifetime,  fc Ev iaraot roTOf TO)v Epyaareypiov' rpo7rv2aiotg
ioOUCvaof avT r  /3pa.xeCt (itva-ericat, VIalc/Ov.tlv rtV  Go'tiv aiVroe tiaG   c etiot cczav v?'EoT-SOe
rropi~ovraT.
51 According to Severianus (about 400) an opponent of Chrysostom, subsequently bishop
of Gabala (Tract. in s. crucem in:8. Jo. Chrysost. de Educandis liberis, lib. etc. ed. Franc.
Combefis. Paris. 1656. 8. p. 129), the cross is    rolf &OavdTrov f3aatXG) etltcjV. In the
churches of Paulinus of Nola, Christ appears only in the symbolic form of the lamb at the
foot of the cross. In the mosaic picture belonging to the S. Maria Maggiore, the oldest
extant, which was made under Sixtus III., 432-440, a throne with a book roll, and behind
it a cross, forms the central point.  In the background, Christ appears only as a child, in
historical representations from the accounts of his childhood. In the Basilica of St. Paul,
which was built under Leo I., in the picture of the triumphal arch he is first made to,cepa.py the e act cepnter as a Sarious (see die bildl. Darstellungen im Sa9anctia.rium d.




CHAP. V.-PUBLIC vWORHIIPi.     1U0. f             1O&   P:Ci,    4t29
~ 100.
PLACES AND TIMES OF PUBLIC WORSHIP.
Since basilicasc  had frequently  been converted into churchesafter the time of Constantine, and  churches had  been built in
the  form   of basilicae,2  the  name basilica  was  also  the  more
readily  transferred  to the churches themselves,3 because it was
susceptible in this instance of a signification so appropriate.
The  churches, now  large  and  splendid, were divided  into  three
parts: the vdpOy15 (irp6vaog, ferula) porch, from  which  the beautiful gates,'rNVat c&paiat (according to Acts iii. 2-10), led into
the  body of the  church, vak6, navis (where was the  pJ3/ov, pulpitum), which again was divided from the Pf3i/a, sacrarium, sacristy, by  cancelli, tqYlcuideg,     a lattice-work.   There were usun
ally other buildings attached to the churches, and especially a
baptistery, [pawrTtLTr ptov, with the font, piscina, fons, IoXv4p3iOpa.
All the  buildings were situated  in  an  inclosed  court  (at'Optov,
avii1, atrium), in  which  was also  a reservoir or large vessel of
water (/rcpiv1, can-tharus) for washing  the  hands before entering
the church, after the ancient, originally Jewish fashion.
clhristl. Kirclen vomr 5ten bis zunm 14ten Jahrh. von J. G. Miiller. Trier. 1835. 8. S. 42,
ss.).'These Salvator-pictures continue for a long time the only ones. Pictures of the
crucified; the Ecce-homo, the dead Christ in the bosom of the mother, belong to the middle
ages.'The caput radiatum  or the nimbus was taken from heathen and transferred to
Christian art. See Schoepflilil Comment. hist. et crit. p. 69, Minter's Sinnbilder, ii. 28. —
The Thomas-Christians in India suppose that Cyril introduced the to them hateful pictures.
See La Croze Hist. du Christianisme des Indes, a la Haye, 1724. 4. p. "43. Assemanrs
Bibl. Orient. iii. ii. 401, endeavors indeed to prove that this tradition can not be very old;
but it is a remarkable fact that it is also related by the Copt Elmaci.~ (about 1250) on
whose authority it is repeated by Makriz (about 1400). (See Renaudot Hist. Patr. Alex.
p. 114, Makrizii Hist. Coptorum ed. Wetzer. Solisb. 1828. 8. p. 53.)  On any supposition,
it is historically established that pictures were introduced into churches in the time of
Cyril.
The Roman basilica, an imitation of the aGo r   3caatelsc    in Athens, consisted partly of
an oblong four-cornered space, which served principally for a place of merchandise, and
partly of a second space situated over against the entrance which formed a semicircle, and
in which a court was held,'the so called tribunal. See Vitruv. v. i. Hirt's Baukunst, iii.
180. Dr. F. Kugler's Handbuch der Kunstgeschichte. Stuttgart. 1842.
2 On the form of the churches, see the description of the city of Rome by Platner,
Bunsen, Gerhlard, and Rostell, i: 419. Die Basiliken des christl. Rioms. Kupfertafeln u
Erilfrung (von Bunsen). Minchen. 1843. fol.
3 Hieronymus Ep. 35; epitaph. Nepotiani: basilicas ecclesiae.




-430:'SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
Fasts,  hitherto   voluntary,  were  now   prescribed   by   the'Church.4    Festival days were more regularly arranged~ and, at
the same time, multiplied.   In  the east, the,Epiphany was celebrated  as  the festival5  both  of the  birth  and baptism   of our
Lord; in the west, the 25th  December had been adopted as the
birth-day ever since the middle of the fourth century; 6 the cus4 The older and more liberal view (see Div. I. ~ 73, note 1) is still maintained by Victor
Antiochenus (about 400), Comm. in Ev. Marci, c. 2 (Bibl. PP. max. t. iv.): Enimvero ilter
eos, qui in Moysis, et eos rursuml, qui in gratiae lege jejuniis dant operam, hoc praeter
caetera interest, quod illi quidem jejunia a Deo praefinita habebant, quae proilde tmodis
omnibus explere obligabantur, etiamsi alias noluissent; hi vero virtntis amore, liberaque
voluntatis electione jejunant verius, quam ulla legis coactione.  Quodsi vero quadragesimale vel aliud quodcunque jejuniunm definitum habemlus, propter ignavos et negligentes,
quo nimirum quoque ii officiaml faciant, praefilitum habemus. Chrysostomus Horn. lii. in
eos qui primo Pascha jejunant. Cassiaiaus Collat. xxi. c. 30: Sciendum sane hanc observ antiam quadragesimlae, quamdiu ecclesiae illius primnitivae perfectio inviolata permansit,
penitus non fuisse. Non enim praecepti hlujus necessitate nec quasi legali sanctione
constricti, arctissimis jejuniorum terminis claudebantur, qui totuln  anni spatiull aequali
jejunio concludebant. Socrates, v. 22. On the contrary Epiphanius Haer. lxxv. 6, Expos.
fidei, c. 22, derives the Wednesday and Friday fasts from  an apostolic arrangement.
Hieronymus Ep. 27 (al. 54), ad Marcellam: Nos uanam quadragesimnam secundum traditionem Apostolorum, toto nobis orbe conrruo, jejunamus. Leo P. Serrm. 43, de Quadrages.'6: Apostolica institutio xl. dierum jejunio impleatur. While in the Oriental church all
fasting was prohibited on the Saturday, the custom of fasting on this day arose in the
west, especially in Rome, perhaps even in the third century (Neander, i. i. 510: Tertullian de Jejun. c. 14, does not, however, prove this. See my remarlks in the Theol. Stud.,:mnd Kritik. 1833, iv. 1149). In the fourth century, Saturday as a fast day entirely took the
place of WVednesday at Rome (Innocent I. Ep. 25, ad Dicentium. c. 4. Augustini Ep. 36,
ad Casulanum). Cf. Quesnel. Diss. de Jejunio Sabbati in Eccl. Rom. observato, in his
edition of the Opp. Leonis, ii. 544.
5 Cassian. Collat. x. c. 2: Intra Aegypti regioner mos iste antiqua traditione servatur,
ut peracto Epiphaniorum die, quem provinciae illius sacerdotes vel dominici baptismi, vel
secunduni carnem nativitatis esse definiunt, et idcirco utriusque sacramenti soleninitatem
non bifarie, ut in occiduis provinciis, sead sub una diei hujus festivitate concelebrant, epistolae pontificis Alexandrini per universas dirigantur Aegypti ecclesias, quibus et initiulm
quadragesimae et dies paschae non solumn per civitates omnes, sed etiam per universa
monasteria designentur.
6 According to Epist. Johannis Episc. Nicaeni, in the auctar. Bibl. Patr. ed. Combefisius,
t. ii. p. 297, and an Anonymus ap. Cotelerius ad Constitt. Apost. v. 13, which, however,
are too modern to be regarded as proper witnesses, although they certainly come near the
truth, this day was established by Julius, bishop of Rome (337-352). An expression of
his successors, Liberius (352-366) in Salvatoris Natali is adduced by Ambrosius de Virginibus, iii. c. 1. Even an ancient Syrian in Assemani Bibl. orient. ii. 164, states that the
natalis solis invicti falling on this day (Witlter-solstice, according to the erroneous reckoning of the Julian calendar on the 25th December, see Ideler's Chronologie, ii. 24), was the
reason why the natalis Christi was assigned to the same day. So also Jo. Harduin (Acta
SS. Junii iv. 702, D.) and especially Jablonski de Origine festi nativit. Christi. diss. ii. ~ 2
(Opusc. ed. te Water, iii. 348). Even so late as the times of Leo the Great, there were
many in Rome quibus haec die solemnitatis nostrae non tam de nativitate Christi, quam de
novi, ut dicunt, solis ortu honorabilis videatur (Leonis M. Sermo xxi. c. 6). According to
Credner de Natalitiorum Christi et rituum in hoc festo celebrande solemnium origine, in
Illgen's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol. iii. ii. 228, this festival began in Egypt in the fourth
century.




CHAP. V.-PUBLIC WORSHIP. ~ tOo. HOLY TIMES.                        431
torn  proceeding  from   Rome  and  spreading  into  the  different
parts of the  empire.   This festival began now  to  obtain in the
east;7  and  at last, also  (shortly  before 431) in  Egypt.8    The
Epiphany was observed in addition as the day of baptism, and
came to be kept as such even in the west.9    The celebration of
the passover, as customary in Asia Minor, had been rejected at
the council of Nice;10 and since that time, those who still retained  it were regarded  as heretics, Teaaapeotcautecar1-rat, Quartodecimani.1l    With  respect to  the  appointment of the  Easter
festival, they followed for the most part the patriarch of Alexandria;12 yet not always, especially in the west; and thus
Easter was sometimes observed on different Sundays in different
provinces.13    The Paschal festival, which was announced at the
7 For example, in Antioch about 380. Chrysost. Hoem. 31, de Natali Christi (ed. Montfauc.
ii. 355): Ovdro c dEar6v 6ryt frof, ~' of cS2jlr O  caL yvdptGzog i/ziv avi'rri V j/yepa 7yeyvvi71ta,
What follows furnishes a remarkable illustration of the ease with which customs of a
recent.date -coilid. assume the chararter of apostolic institutions: Iapd  ttv  rog r7sv
EaTrpai, oitoiCOtv'dvwOev yvopLG'ootevr-7rea2atGi eLat pXaia Cart, Cal a'vro0ev Troig T7
Op.tsjg;t~Xpt raderipov oibcoavt rcarh(id2oC ca,rwi/eGog' yeyove.
8 Comp. Cassian Collat. x. 2, above, note 5. On the other hand, in the Acts of the
Ephesial council (ap. Mansi, iv. 293) Pauli Episc. Emiseni homilia XEXOeCea IO' XOetac
(25 Dec.) Ev Trv 1teyd2Xo'ecycZiad'A2LEcavdpEag-c-El rJiv yEvvyrtv tro  Kvptov, /c. r. A.
About the same time under bishop Juvenalis the festival was also adopted in Jerusalem,
which was united with Alexandria against Antioch. See B asllides Seleuc. de S. Stephano,
in S. Joannis Chrysostomi de Educandis liberis lib. ejusdem tractatus alii quinque, etc. ed.
Franc. Combefis. Paris. 1656. 8. p. 302.
9 The first trace of it is in 360, when Julian, according to Ammian. Marcell. xxi. c. 2,
celebrated the Epiphany in the church at Vienne. In the west, the commemoration of the
arrival of the Magi (i. e., three kings, accordilg to Psalm lxxii. 10) and the first miracle in
Cana were united with this feast. Bingham, vol. ix. p. 80. Neander, ii. ii. 657, ss.
10 Comlllp. Div. I. l 60, note 15. Constantini Epist. ad ecclesias de decretis syn. Nic.
(ap. Eusebius de vita Const. iii. 18) et Epist. Syn. Nic. ad eccl. Alexandr. ap. Socrates, i. 9:'2gS trdvrag reoig Ev r,- ca de2uLofs rrovg' Ietr rcov'Iovaevu rb rp6oreopv 7woovracg,
cavsd0vog'Pwaiseotsg xae  jLZV — r 7(idxa dc Tro  derpo  yeZv. There is nothing more
precise on the subject. This Nicene decree was confirmed by the Conec. Antioch. ann.
341, can. 1.
11 The name first occurs in Conec. Laodic. (about 364) can. 7. Cone. Constant. oec. ii.
ann. 381, c. 2. Epiphan. Haer. 50. On the other hand, Philastrius Haer. 87, knows
nothing of it.
12 Leonis Ep. 121 (ed. Quesn. 94): Paschale festum —quamvis in primo semper mense
celebrandum sit, ita tamen est lunaris cursus conditione mutabile, ut plerumque sacratissimae diei amlbigua occurrat electio, et ex hoc fiat plerumque quod non licet, ut non simul
omnis Ecclesia quod nonnisi ununm esse oportet observet. Studuerulnt itaque salncti Patres
occasionem hujus erroris auferre, omnem hanc curam Alexandrino Episcopo delegantes
(quoniam apud Aegyptios hujus supputationis antiquitus tradita esse videbatur peritia),
per quem quotannis dies praedictae solemnitatis Sedi apostolicae indicaretur, cujus scriptis
ad longinquiores Ecclesias indicimun generale percerreret.
13 Ambrosii Ep. 23 (al. 83). On the different paschal cycles see Binghliam, vol. ix. p. 99.
Ideler's Chronologie, Bd. 2, S. 200, ss. In Alexandria a cycle of nineteen years invented
by Anatolius was used (EvveacatdedcaEre1pig). In Rome, to the time of Leo the Great,




4-32                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
Epiphany, was preceded  by  the  Quadragesima  (r.eacaapacoaG)T"
and  divided  into  the,Taxa  uravp&)otjLov, hebdomas  magna, the
great week, in  which  the  feria  quinta  ('i &y'a  trT7-r,),  tl.e
7rapaauEvwi, and the Sabbatum magnum were distinguished from
one  another; and into  the  7rdaxa  ava-ardaoC            ov, the week  of th e
resurrection, which  ended  with  the  Dominica  in  albis  (cat~v
tcvptlalc). This festival was followed by the Quinquagesima
(7revr;0oarTri), which included the ascension  (LavXipl t),  and ended
with  pentecost (ireVJyri oTai).
The  nightly  service (vigiliae, ravvvX[tsgC) which  preceded  the
Easter festival was observed with great splendor;"5 but now
similar vigils were  also  annexed  to other festivals, especially  to
those in honor of martyrs.
101.
RITES AND CERPEMONIES OF WORSHIP.
Christian worship was now  invested with  a splendor hitherto
unknown.  The clergy began to wear a peculiar costume while
engaged  in  holy  things.'   In  some  of the  services  lights were
and in thle west, the cycle of eighty-four years. With the Alexandrians, Easter festival
must fall between 22d March and 25th April; with the Latins, between the 18th March
and the 21st April. Hence there was a difference in the keeping of Easter, and hence
arose the discussions respecting it. Ideler, ii. 254, ffl For this reason, Leo M. Ep. i2:1
(see note 12), applied to the emperor Marcian: Obsecro clementiamz  vestral, ut studimrn
vestrum. praestare dignemini, quatenls Aegyptii, vel si qui sunt alii, qui certain hujus
supputationis videntur habere notitiam, scrupulsm hujus solicitudinis absolvant, ut in euin
diem generalis observantia dirigatur, qui nec pater-arum constitutionum normam relinquat,
nec ultra praefixos terminos evagetur. Quicquid autem pietas vestra de hac consultatione
cognoverit, ad meam jubeat mox notitiam pervenire, ut in divinis mysteriis nulla dissonantiae culpa nascatur.
14 Among the Orientals seven weeks, among the Westerns,who fasted also on the
Sabbath (see above, note 6) six; in both cases, therefore, thirty-six days.  Cassiani
Collat. xxi. 24, 25 (qui substantiarum  nostrasiLm omniumque. fructoum  decimas offerre
praecipimur, multo magis necesse'est, ut ipsils quoque conversationis nostrae, et humani
usus, operuminque nostrorum decimnas offeramus, quae profecto in supputatione quadragesimae inplentur), 27, 28. Comp. Socrates, v. 22.
15 Euseb. de vit. Const. iv. 22. Gregor. Nyss. Orat. 5, de Paschate Gregor. Naz, Orat.
19 et 42.
All the clergy wore the (7SXdpsov (vestis alba tunica); bishops, presbyters, and deacons wore over that the (pdpapov (according to Jo. Morinus de sacris Ecclesiae ordinalionibus, p. 174, (pdpptov, according to Suicer. Thes. eccl. ii. 498,'pdpptov lat. orarium, afterward
Stola), bishops and presbyters over that the ~eZrPvsg or 0ai2ZovjC (planeta, casula; cosmp.
Morinus, p. 176. Suicer. ii. 1422). The coo6piop v (pallium) distinguished the bishops in




CHAP. V. —PUBLIC WTORSHIP. O 101. HOLY RITES.                      433
also used in the day-time;2 and in the fifth century frankincense
began to be employed.3    More attention was paid to the music.
The  custom   of singing  in  responses, first introduced  into  the
Church  at Antioch,4  soon  spread  in  th'e east, and was transferred to  the Westeirn  Church  by Ambrose.5    The disciplinac  arcani (distinction between the initiated  and uninitiated) reached
its highest development in  the  fourth  century,6  but afterward
gradually  disappeared  as  heathenism   ceased.   Public  worship
(AECrovpyia,7    missa)8  was divided  on  account of it into  several
the east; in the west it was not yet in use (cf. Pertsch de Origine, usu et auctoritate
pallii archiepiscopalis. Helmst. 1754. 4. p. 91, ss). That no tonsure was ever practiced
either by monks or clergymen may be inferred from Hieronymus ad Ezech. xliv. 20: Quod
sequitur; caput sauun non radent neque comam  nutrient, sed tondentes attondebunt capita
sua, perspicue demonstratur, nec rasis capitibus, sicut sacerdotes cultoresque Isidis ac
Serapis nos esse debere, nec rursum comain demittere, quod proprie luxuriosorum  est,
barbarorumqae et militantium, sed ut honestus habitus sacerdotum facie demonstretur, etc.
Comp. Bingham, vol. ii. p. 413, iii. 50.
2 Before the relics of martyrs, andtin the east also during the reading of the Gospel. See
Hieronymus adv. Vigilantium. Lactantius (Institutt. vi. 2) still mocks the heathens on
accounti of it.
3 The first certain trace of it is found in Pseudo-Dionys. Areop. de Eccl. hier. c. 3. It
had been used before as a mark of honor to the emperors. See ~ 99, note t.
A4 ccording to Theodoretus H. E. ii. 19.:Flavianus and Diodorus, two monks in Antioch, in the time of Constantius, were its originators: OvroL 7rrpc7ro0, t&X~ d&e8r6vref roJf
rCv av;iba 0 06v-rv Xopoxg,,e dindoXg   iEr tv 7rsv Aavclrev 8idaiav terdiav' /ae i o rro
ev'AvrToXEfia 1rpOTov  pO/jLCevoV rdaTV7rOe   6tIepa/E, cac Krtcar6Ea,3e r7rf olbcovjEV f Tra ritp-,uara. According to Theodore of Mopsvestia in Nicetae Acomin. Thesaurus orthodoxiae,
v. 30, they first only translated Antiphonies from the Syriac into Greek: and Socrates, vi.
8, attributes the first introduction of this Iiind of music to Ignatius (Augusti Diss. de hymnis
Syrorum. Vratisl. 1814. S. Hahn fiber den Gesang in der syrischen Kirche, in the Kirchenhist. Archive fiir 1823, iii. 52). The custom of singing in responses was especially diffused
by the monks (rb'tvri0ovov, im'vrifevoe vi{vot). Comp. generally M. Gerbertus de Canta
et musica sacra (tomi ii. typis San-Blasianis, 1774. 4), i. 40. Schine's Geschichtsforschungen iiber die kirchl. Gebrauche, ii. 191.
5 Augustini Confess. ix. 6, 7. Paulinus in vita Ambros. p. iv. On the musical character
of the Ambrosian singing see Kiesewetter's Gesch. d. europitisch-abendl5indiscllen Musik.
Leipzig. 1834. 4. S. 3.
6 Comp. Div. I. ~ 67, note 3. Basilius de Spir. sancto, c. 27. Comp. especially Cyrilli
Hieros. catecheses. Hence the formula so frequent among the orators, iocrltv ol [E,pUVn[evol or ol0 rvlV6r7alt, in opposition to the /i2n-rot: in Augustine, n(runt fideles: Frommann de Disciplina arcani, p. 43.
7 Comp. Suiceri Thes. eccl. ii. 220. Bingham, v. 16, particularly the solemnity of the
Lord's Supper, but in other respects every religious service too.
8 Missa, i. e. missio: as remissa, offensa, for remissio, offensio. Avitus (archbishop of
Vienne about 490) in Epist. i.: In Ecclesiis, Palatiisque, sive Praetoriis missa fieri pronunciatur, cum populus ab observatione dimittitur. In the first part of the service, which
consisted of psalms, readings, and sermon, even the unbelieving portion of the people were
permitted to join. After their retiring, the proper missa catechumenorum followed, which
was a series of prayers, whereby the catechumens, penitents, and possessed, were dismissed in classes (by the call o0 aiozCtVvmroL 7reptrra7rgaore. [  Trtf S3v Kcar~72Xov[zEvS)V),
etc. (Cf. Cone. Carthag. iv. ann. 398, can. 84: Ut Episcopus nullum prohibeat ingredi
voL. 1. —28.




434                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
parts  (missa  catechumenorum,  and  missa  fidelium),9  and  received more definite formularies."0
Baptism, now preceded by unction, was frequently delayed
as long as possible.l1    Against this abuse several teachers of the
Church  zealously  remonstrated."2   The  baptism   of infants did
Ecclesianm, et audire verbum  Dei, sive geltilem, sive haereticum, sive Judaeum, usque
ad missamn catechumnenorum. Augustini Sermo 49, ~ 8: Ecce post sermonem fit mlissa
catechumenis: manebunt fideles, venietur ad locum orationis). According to this analogy,
the last part of public worship was called missa fidelium, i. e., the service with which
the fideles were dismissed, and which ended with the call aTroZvJsr6e, ite, missa est (this
dismissal was among the Greeks,  & wrR6vwvcf Tg f ~Elc2ncaiaf). Since the last part was
the most important, it was also called in particular missa (cf. Ambrosii Ep. 20, al. 14, ad
Marcellinam  sororem: post lectiones atque tractatuim  dimissis catechumenis-missam
facere coepi). Finally the name was transferred to every public service. Thus it is applied to the meetings of the monks for prayer, Cassian. Institt. ii. c. 13, missa nocturna, iii.
c. 5, missa canonica.
9 See note 8. The Greeks distinguished the parts of public worship in a different manner. See Conc. Laodic. can. 19: IIepi TOV deZv dig izrpTrov aeTa Trdf'g 6/l'iai TiSV'E7Ltcr67dyrcv,  c a   rr X o-Gv 1ceV7rsYgvV  EtXyV r ETiTEtalOat, lcai tETa r'O Er6 %Oef'v rTOi' KcarTyXvuEvovc ri' Ev    j teravoia rTiv eSXgv yiveaOal, cai reorroVrV r'poce0il6vrTv   6r'b XEfpa cai
ViXro0XopVsaivr' ov orcT r7iCV 7rItaiv rTg  EvXgf ytvErGOal'peZf, —icai - tera rTo7 IHpEcq3vrpovs
dofvat Tr'Eyrtgrc67r6 rsv eipsv>lv, rotE rove Aat'kcog r-v eipsvsv td6dval, icai o6OTr  rv
aiyiav 7rpoacopaiv ErtLree2facat.
10 The arrangement of public worship and single formularies had been already established for a long time; but now thlere were added to them formularies of prayer too; complete liturgies were made, and those of the apostolic churches were soon derived from
their founders. Proclus Episc. Constantinop. (about 440) de traditione divinae Missae (in
Gallandii Bibl. PP. ix. 680: IIolUoi yetv ruve> Icai dakoc rnV roVig lepOeS'ArTOar67ovg
diadicajeivwov Oeaoit roTuiiEVe:f caG  didAicsaolo Tfr'ZIutcicsciae rV TrTf LVT5T7Cf ZEitovpyiag
EscOaiev Eyyp&cq0as  Tcara tyruvrea, r7'EcclCpZcria raepadEicaiatvn.  i uSV 6a rrpSroi oaro
Cac  ditarpitol TrveyXavovVtv 6,rre ttaecptog KX/izg~, 6 TOo iopV0Ciov  ranv'AwroAr67lov
tcaOsr?7~ icai diUd6oXog, Savr7' rav lepuv'A7rocrSo v verayopevaivrav. (This is the liturgy
found in the Constitut. apost. viii. 16, the oldest extant.) Kat 6 Oaeog'IicoSfoC, o6 r7g'lepoaoaV/,CzTv'El#uiguCiae TOV icllpov  aeBav. —'O d6 c'eyao BaeciEaiof ytera raOra TrO k5d6v/ov
xcaci caro)0ep  raCv uivOpculraOv OeOpdv, Icai dia TroTro Trb Tif Ectovpyag p tyf   coOf dOcVo0vrov,
-[7riroicdurepov 7rapodsce 2nyealat.-Mer' oav 7rolv d~ sraiiv i6 l/Erepo  TraTryp o6 TlV
y236urrav  XpvoOCf'IcivveS —Eif Triv rf Y dvOporWivc ~ofEcaS haOvytav ~eoopacv —ra 7rokk'
EirereLE, Icati vvrotasriEpov raei80at d teraiarro. In the fifth century the liturgy of Basil
had been spread almost over all the east. But in addition to it, that of Chrysostom also,
proceeding froml  Constantinople, gradually obtained acceptance. The Alexandrians derived their liturgy from Mark, the Romans fiom Peter, the Milanese from Barnabas and
Ambrose. No liturgy of this period, with the exception of that in the Constitutt. apost.,
has been preserved fiee from  alteration. Colllp. Leonis Alatii de Libri.s ecclesisticis
Graecorum, diss. ii. Paris. 1645. 4. (with Fabricius' remarks in the old edition of his Biblioth. graeca, appended to vol. v.) Jac. Goar eivXoX6ylov s. rituale Graecorum. Paris.
1647, and Venet. 1730. fol. Eus. Renaudotii Liturgiarum orientalium collectio, t. ii. Paris.
1716. 4. J. A. Assemani Codex liturgicus Eccl. universae, p. vi. Romae. 1749, ss. 4.
11 Constitutt. apostoll. vii. c. 41. Cyrill. Hieros. Catech. myst. ii. c. 3 et 4. This unction
was with E~alrip aiyi.; the unction after baptism, which had been practiced before (see
Div. I. ~ 53, note 25), with [tSpu or XpicuaTrt, see Suicer. Thes. eccl. i. 1077, ii. 1534. Bingham, vol. iv. p. 303.
12 Gregor. Nazianz. Orat. 40. Comp. Ullmann's Gregor v. Naz. S. 466, ss. (On the
baptism of children: Aidoltu T yvUZVsV, TrV rperi7av avadEtvavraf-vr- a ica aI &oocaai 71




CHAP. V. —PUBLIC  WVORSHIP. g 101. THE LORD'S SUPPER..   435
not become universal until after the time  of Augustine.   The
baptism   of heretics  was  still, in  the  fourth  century, rejected
for  the  most part in  the  east;  and  afterward  the baptism  of
single  parties  only  was  excepted."3    On  the  contrary  Adgustine established the milder practice of the west on firm prin.
ciples.14
As to the Lord's Supper-, the Christians of that period recognized  in  it the  flesh  and  blood of Christ, and  even  spoke of a
transformation;  but only in  a figurative  sense.l5    As this rite,vartLIkO, Iae  rToKpiueCOa  dvvar7v, —oer7r daylt(etv.)  Basilii M. Orat. 13. (Walli
Hist. bapt. infant. i. 136, 181.)  Gregorii Nyss. Orat. in eos qui differunt baptismumn.
Chrysostom (Neander's Chrys. i. 74).
13 Comp. Div. I. ~ 72, note 22. Athanasius, Cyril of Jerusalem, and Basil rejected it.
Mdinscher's Dogmengesch. iv. 368. The Synod of Laodicea, can. 7, and the second oecumenical Synod of Constantinople, can. 7, made exceptions, whose consistency is not
obvious. Comp. Drey fiber apost. Constit. S. 260. Gass, in Illg.en's Zeitschr. f. hist.
Theol. 1842, iv. 120.
l' Augustinus de B aptismo contra Donatistas, vi. 47: Dicimns, haptismum Christi, i. e.
verbis evangelicis consecratum, ubique eundem esse, nec hominum quorumlibet et qualibet
perversitate violari. C. 61: Manifestum  est, iniquos, quamdiu iniqui sunt, baptismum
quidem posse habere; sed salutem, cujus sacramentum  baptisma est, habere non posse.
C. 78: Dicimus, accipientibus non prodesse (baptismum), cum in haeresi accipiunt consentientes haereticis: et ideo veniunt ad catholicasn pacem atque unitatem, non ut baptismum accipiant, sed ut eis prodesse incipiat quod acceperant.
15 We find the expressions:  6e7rapoZv,  erar3dZaRea6 at, /reralzopovcOata, useraeeroz-,~etova[0at (similar expressions with regard to the consecrated oil, Milnscher, iv. 387, and
the baptismal water, same author, p. 352. Wundemann, ii. 417), and again, i~TroS, avr[Trvrov, figura, signum. Hence all churches appeal to the fathers in their favor. Comp.
especially the dispute between A. Arnauld, P. Nicole (chief work, la Perp6tuit6 de la foi
de l'eglise catholique touchant l'eucharistie, 3 t. 1669-1672; t. 4 et 5, par Eus. Renaudot,
1711-1713. 4), and J. Claude (RIsponse aux deux trait6s intitul6s: la Perp6tuit6, etc.
Charent. 1666. Rlponse au livre de M. Arnauld intitul6: la Perpetuit6, etc. Charent.
1671. 2 voll. 8). Clear passages on this subject are: Augustinus Epist. 98 (al. 23), ad
Bonifacium, ~ 9: Nempe saepe ita loquimur, ut Pascha propinquante dicamus crastinam
vel perendinam Domini passionem, cum ille ante tam multos annos passus sit, nec omnino
nisi semel illa passio facta sit.-Nonne semel immolatus est Christuis in se ipso, et tamen
in sacramento non solum per omnes Paschae solemnitates, sed omni die populis immolatur, nec utique mentitur, qui interrogatus eum responderit immolari?  Si enim sacramenta
quandam similitudinem earrum  rerum, quarum  sacramenta sunt, non haberent, omnino
sacramnenta non essenut. Ex hac autenm similitudine pleruimque etiam ipsarum  rerum
nomina accipiunt. Sicut ergo secundum  quendam modum sacramentum corporis Christi
corpus Christi est, sacramentuul  sanguinis Christi sanguis Christi est, ita sacramentumn
fidei fides est. Contra Adimantum Manich c. 12: Non enim Dominus dubitavit dicere
hoc est corpus meum, cum signlum daret corporis sui. Ad Ps. iii: Figuram corporis et
sanguinis sui, in Joan. tract. xxvi. 18: Qui non manet in Christo, et in quo non manet
Christus, procul dubio nec manducat carnem ejus, nec bibit ejas sanguinem, etiamsi tantae
rei sacramentum ad judicium sibi manducet et bibat (so all MSS. The editions have interpolations).  Cf. contra Faustum, xx. c. 18 and 21. De Doctrina christiana, iii. 16. A
fragment in Fulgentius in Bibl. max. PP. t. ix. p. 177, s. While the Catholic theologians
endeavor to explain away these passages by a forced interpretation, P. de Marca, in his
Trait6 du sacrament de l'Eucharistie (published after his death by his relative, the abbot
Paul Faget, Paris, 1668, and thouglh suppressed soon, reprinted in the Netherlands), can



436                 SECOND PEItIOD. —DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451,
was looked upon in the light of a sacrifice,lG  the idea was naturally  suggested, that God could be propitiated by it, and in this
way  it was even already abused, and that frequently, by superstition.17 The Agapae had been, for a considerable time past,.
in  most countries separated  from  the  Supper,18  and  converted
didly acknowledged that the fathers, to Chrysostom, and particularly Augustine, did not
teach the doctrine of transubstantiation. Very clear passages on this subject are furnished by the polemical demonstrations against Eutyches and the Monophysites, so far as;
they had been always accustomed to compare the union of the earthly with the heavenly
in the Supper, with the incarnation of Christ, and now borrowed a proof from the rite in.
favor of the fact, that the human nature in Christ did not cease to exist after the union.
So Theodoreti Eranistes, Dial. ii. (ed. Schulze, t. iv. p. 126): Ovdi  perd rayV iytactbv rd
tvcrtuca cait,3o2a 7oT? OlCetaC iU era-rat Vvrae6o'  ttvEtl yap en r I    vporipao  oiavie  Kac
too qx7yaroS, Kae trov etd.ovf —voe!rat 6 d &rep EyeVero, caci rwTarercraet cai 7rpocivvE~ral,
5fI EceZva ovra marep rrarreCErat. First to this controversy is to be assigned Chrysostom's'
Epis. ad Caesarium, although even Leontius Hierosolym. (or Byzantium, about 600) in
Maji Scriptt. vett. coll. vii. i. 130, 135, Joannes Damase., and others, cite this letteras belonging to Chrysostom. The same is preserved in Latin, in a codex Florentinus, and was
first discovered and employed by Peter Martyr. The first edition by Bigot (appended to
Palladii vita Chrysostom, see above, ~ 85, note 6), was torn out of the copies by royal
comllmand (see Chaufepi6 and B ayle, in their Dictionnaires, art. Bigot). The second edition
appeared, according to a copy of Scipio Maffei, with Greek fragments, in Canisii Lectt.
ant ed. Basnage, i. 235. Comp. especially Salig de Eutychianismo ante Eutychen, p. 367.
In this letter it is said: Antequam sanctificetur panis, panem nominamus, divina autenm
illum sanctificante gratia, mediante sacerdote, liberatus est quidem appellatione  panis,
dignus autem habitus est dominici corporis appellatione, etiamsi natura panis in ipso permansit. Comp. R. Hospiniani Historia sacramentaria (t. ii. Tiguri. 1602. Genev. 1681.0
fol.). J. A. Ernesti Antimuratorius, 1755 (Opusc. theol. p. 1). Minlscher, iv. 377. Wundemann, ii. 419. How value was still attributed to the fact, that the laity also received the
cup, may be seen from Leo I. Sermo iv. de Quadrages. (~ 86, note 6). Chrysostom. in.
Epist. ii. ad Cor. Hom. 18:'Eart d' 57roi  OViCi dLET71CEV 6 IEpEvf r7ov5 aipOEvYOv, OlOV
OTrayV aro;avetv 665 Tinv lptICTO  FLV /ToiptOV-' 5tOiSfg yap ravrTef iGatoV  Er rV av'cTv -
oV icaO(ernp irn ri rn7ra2Xati ra #Eiv 6 IEpebg  a teO, rc  i 6b 5pxd6tevo,, tca WCtI OGiC IV
r  2saC.&  r-'rEXetv, dOV Jzrr7XY tee  pE' p -  2X oV' VVo 2Li ricavatv Eiv cC&ua rrpdcevrat, KaB
T07Vp10l V EV.
16 How far, see Mfinscher, iv. 400. Wundemlann, ii. 441. Neander's K. G. ii. ii. 707.
17 Especially as the bread was often taken home (in Egypt universally, see Basilii Ep.
93, ad Caesarium). Thus Satyrns, brother of Ambrose, during a shipwreck, took the holy
bread, ligasi fecit in orario, et orarium involvit collo, utque itsa se dejecit in mare: —is se
tectumn atque munitum satis credens, alia auxilia non desideravit (Ambrosius de Obitu
fratris sui Satyri, c. 13): A certain Acatius (August. Opus imp. contra Julian. iii. c.. 162),
related to Augustine that he had been born blind, and a surgeon was about to perform an
operation for him, neque hoc permisisse religiosanm matrem suam, sed id effecisse inmpositio
ex Eclharistia cataplasmate. Comp. Gregor. Naz. O at. xi. in laudem Gorgoniae, p. 186,
s. Epist. 240. Comp. Muinscher, iv. 403. Wundemann, ii. 446. Neander, ii. ii. 705. In
like manner the heathen, cf. Etym. Magn.: Tyitelav cao6rctv'Arrlkcoi   r7  Ec9OOpa/va
ocv  Kai  Eac aio iTra cac irv i 0,r1  tr lepoi (iperat, oGov OaZo6v ruva Vi;reqzca.
Simplicius (about 530) Comm. ad Epictet. c. 38, ed. Schweigh. p. 351: Tai npoccay/oeva
caci Evart0eiEva —Etaera6ac/dvtE /Cai avr-i r- S  SOeniap  y'aOryTo,  iSf ca OEiar Efepyceag
rrdeiKcvva6at. cai yi7p isrtlybiac r7tg  guo%6yqrrEv  rs7-ba2xOae cai Tr7 riv 7 rolorTM sv
ueMrar2beog), kca xaCXaXdac caci cOa2aacyrC  2eosvac israve. Cf. Lobeck Aglaophamus, i.
p. 766, ss.
31 As it was now an ecclesiastical law that the Lord's Supper should be taken fastig,%




CHAP. V. —PUBLIC WORSHIP.; 101. AGAPAE.                       437
lnto entertainments which  families prepared  on the death of relatives, churches on  the  anniversaries of martyrs, and  at which
clergy and poor were regular guests.'9   But because the heathen
notions of the people found in them  the reappearance of their Parentalia  and  sacrificial  festivals, drunkenness  soon  pervaded
them.20    Hence they began to be discountenanced and opposed,
ao it was also believed that even in the time of the Apostles the agapae were observed
after the Supper. Chrysost. Honm. xxvii. in 1 Cor. (on xi. 27); Pelagius in 1 Cor. xi. 20;
Theodoret. in 1 Cor. xi. 16.-Remdains of the old custom were still found in several parts
of Egypt, in which the Lord's Supper was observed on the Sabbath, after the evening
meal, Socrates, v. -22; Sozom. vii. 19; and in the African mlode to celebrate the Supper
after the evening meal on the Thursday before Easter. Cone. Carthag. iii. ann. 397, c. 29:
Ut sacramenta altaris nonnisi a jejunis hominibus celebrentur, excepto uno die anniversario, quo coena domini celebratur. Cf. Augustin. Ep. 54, ad Jannariurn, c. 9.
9.Comment. in Job (among the works of Origen, belonin g to the fourth century), lib,.
aii. p. 437: Celebramus (diesm mortis) religiosos cum sacerdotibus convocantes, fideles una.cum clero, invitantes adhuc egenos et pauperes, pupillos et viduas saturantes, ut fiat festivitas nostra in memoriaml requiei defoectis animabus, quaruin memoriam celebramus,
nobis autem efficiatur in odorem suavitatis in conspectu aeterni Dei. Augustiini Ep. xxii.
-ad Aurelium, c. 6: Istae in coemeteriis ebrietates et luxuriosa convivia non solunm honores
martyrum a carnali et imperita plebe credi solent, sed etiam solatia mortuornm. Id. contra
Faustum, xx. 20: Agapes nostrae pauperes pascunt sive frugibus, sive carnibus-pleruamque in agapibus etiam carnes pauperibus erogantur. Theodoret. Graec. affect. curat. disp.
viii. (ed. Schulze, iv. 923):'AvrTi riv UaavcdJv icai ALaciov cal Atoveaitv cai rdv adWXWv
luitv ioprdiv, IIrpov cat HaldXov —cac'Avr7vivov tcai Mcvplciov  ccai r7 v [2.2aov a/tp-repuov eir-tre2ovratl (7/uoOolvtiaLt cci  dvr7i V',uract ro/retaC Kca i alaxpovpyia —
rd0poveC  EoprdCOvractl ravrivypetl, o' y/gOyv eXovowa, tcai 1c~wop,  caci yio10K a,'Z1a'.0vov0S0  Oeiov, lvci iepCSv 2loy~iv Cdcp6actv, caci  rpoaevyxv 6dterTaivoLt Kcoa/ov/ytvrv
daccprotf.  Juliani Imp. fragmn. (ed. Spanhllem. p. 305): "c2arep o0 ra2 raldia dciG rod
rrlaecoOvrog a Eaarcvref —rE'Oovatv aIco2lovdef E'avrof'-7- v acrlv Icai avroi i rpo&rov
Spvd/evoL (oi 8dvcGCeeIg Iac2t2LacotG) tdh  Tf r eyolCt2vvf reap' aorxof ydTrsyg tcci yVrodoxf
aeti dGcoarif TpavwECV'5v —tc1ro V90'l:yycryov elS T7v'tOe6-Cra. The use of these Agapae
was defended by the council of Gangra agaiilst the darker asceticism of the Eustathians.:Can. 11: El rxi tcara(cpovobgi rdv o~c -riu, xeog ydwaS y oTodvroVV icac dig rtjiv  70o) 1cvp0ov
ovycca2oLvvrv roiUf UEiZOV, Kcac /'?I fO- Lo covrVavV, Coal I ccZ cet, dig rBl   ev reF i'eItv
ro y7itv6oevov, vadOeLua EsrO.
20 Even teachers of tle church compared them with those heathen festivities. See
Theodoret, note 19. Chrysostom (Hom. xlvii. in S. Julianurn) advises his hearers to partake of the meai to be appointed in honor of the martyr beside his church (ro0 ctap7vpcov
2crsifaov Vi7b  cGvtcv, i' drE20ov), instead of joining in the heatlhen feasts in Daphne, a
suburb of Antioch. Hence some even supposed that they had been appointed by their
ancestors as a sulbstitute for those heathen banquets. See Gregorius Nyss. in vita Gregor.
Thaumat. Div. I. ~ 70, note 9. So also Augustine explains the origin of them to his ch-urch
(Ep. xxix. ad Alypium, e. 9): Post persecuitoones-cum facta pace turbae gentilium in:christianull     nomen venire cupientes hoc impedirentur, quod dies festos cun idolis suis
solerent in abundantia epularum et ebrietate consumere, nec facile ab.his-voluptatibus,se possent abstinere, visum feisse majoribus nostris, ut huic infirmitatis parti interim
parceretur, diesque festi post eos quos relinquebant alii in honorem SS. MartyrulM v.el non;simili sacreligio, quarmvis simili luxu celebrarentur.  On the drunllenness at these meals,
Ambrosius de Elia et Jejunio, c. 17: Calices ad sepulchra Martylum deferunt, atque illic ad
Vesperal bibunt, et aliter se exaudiri posse non credunt. Augustin Ep. 22, ad Aurelium,
~. 3: Comlessationes et ebrietates.ita concessae et licita putantur, ut in honorem etiam




438                SECOND; PERIOD. —DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451'.
and  even  banished  from   the  Church  where  it could  be  done
without offense, while the clergy were forbidden to take part in
them.21    Thus these festivals ceased in most countries, though
in some they still continued beyond the present period.22
beatissimorunm Martyrum non solum per dies solemnes, sed. etiaml quotidie celebrentulr
Gregorius Naz. Carem. ccxvii. thus addresses those who took part in such feasts:
Ndv 66 ri xrdp/of eXEt!es, wco'VaarE  ( i 02t66asoIt,
Ipbof Troi, d6atltovtoisOVf aerol70/o EbT  ri7rovr.
On the festivals of the martyrs, traders sold in the sanctuary that which: was necessary
for the feasts, Basilii M. regula major, qu. xl.:'AAX' ovd6 riag ev roif 0UGprvp[olt yLVO26Evac ayopaoiag oldetare  eyZv 6 X56yoC dEtcvvatln (he then mentions how Christ drove the
sellers out of the temple). Paulinus Nol. nat. S. Felicis ix.: Divendant vina tabernis.
Sancta precum domus est Ecclesia. Thus the Manichaean Faustus, not without reason,
reproached the Catholics (Augustin.\contra Faust. xx. 4): Sacrificia eorum  (gentilium)
vertistis in agapas, idola in Martyres, quos votis similibus colitis: defunctorum umbras
vino placatis et dapibus.
21 In the east, the Laodicean council enacted (probably 363) can. 28: "Ort ov) de E6v'
ro7if cvptaocog V Ev rufG EK62tlaiafG rTag Zeyoyuva   ayr rag rrotrev, y/a0 ~v rT oa/cc  TOlV
0EOr  &Oie'e  cat ail&ci~tra aprpwvvtretv. Accordingly they were, even in Antioch, celebrated beside the places dedicated to the martyrs. See Chrysostom, note 20. About 392
they were no longer observed in the greatest part of the west out of Africa. See Augustini Ep. xxii. ad Aurelium, c. 4: Per Italiae maximam partem, et in aliis omnibus ant
prope omnibus transmarinis Ecclesiis partim, nunquamn facta sunt, partim vel orta vel
inveterata-Episcoporum  diligentia et animadvorsione exstineta atque deleta sunt. In
Milan, Anibrose had forbidden them (Augustin. Confess. vi. 2, ne ulla occasio se ingurgitandi daretur ebriosis, et quia illa quasi parentalia superstitioni gentilium essent simillima).
In Rome, Alethius, at the funeral of his wife, entertained all the poor in the basilica S.
Petri (Paulinus Nol. Ep. 33); Pammachius on the contrary gave rich alms on a similar
occasion (Hieron. Ep. 26, ad Pammaclh. c.. 2). In Nola they kept vigils on the festival of
the birth of St. Felix, while all the night through they ate- and drank in te clmhrlch of the
saint. Paulinus, since he could not abrogate this practice, endeavored by means of pictures
which he brought into the church to give a more serious direction to the joy (Paulini nat.
Felicis ix. Compare above ~ 99, note 47). In Africa, where those festivals were universal
(August. de Moribus eccl. cath. i. 34): Novi-multos esse quri luxuriosissime super mortuos
bibant, et epulas cadaveribus exhibentes, super sepultos se ipsos sepeliant, et voracitates
ebrietatesque suas deputenit religioni. Augustine used his influence against them. He
first of all motioned for their abolition from Aurelius, bishop of Carthage, in the Epist. xxii.
ad Aurelium, cf. c. 6: Mihi videtur facilins illic dissuaderi posse istam foeditatem,-si —
oblationis pro spiritibus dormientium, quas vere aliquid adjuvare credendum est, super
ipsas memorias non sint sumtuosae, atque omnibus petentibus sine typho et cunm. alacritate
pra.ebeantur:- neque vendantur (that is, when that which was intended to serve as oblations
is not offered for sale there),. sed si quis pro religioni aliquid. pecuniae offerre. voluerit, in
praesenti pauperibus eroget. Afterward he effectes their abrogation in Hippo; in what
way is related by him Ep. xxix. ad Alypium, in the year 395.. Finally it was enacted by
the Conec. Carthag. iii. ann. 397, c. 30: Ut nulli Episcopi vel Clerici in Ecclesia conviventur,
nisi forte transeuntes hospitiorium necessitate illic reficiantur: populi etiam ab hujusmodi
conviviis quantum; fieri potest prohibeantur.
22 In Syria they are mentioned at a time so late as that of Thoodoret, without blame,
see note 19, and Theodoret's Hist. eccles. iii. 11, where he relates how the martyrs,
Juventinus and Maximinus in Antioch, were honored, Xutp 6E rd TuEpov Csr/ia  JygroOotvipa
yEpaipowra. —The council Ouinisextum, A.D. 692, repeats can. 74 of the can. Laodic. 28
(see note 21).-L. A. Muratori de A.gapis sublatis, in his Anecd. graeca. Patav. 1709. 4. p.
241. B.inghaln, vol. vi. p. 516, ix. 147, x. 69. Drescher de Agapis conrm. Giessae, 18.24. p. 32.




CHAP. VI.-HISTORY  OF MORALS. 6 102.                         439
SIXTH CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF MORALS.
~ 102.
HISTOPRY  OF CHRISTIAN ETHICS.1
Stftudlin's Gesch. d. Sittenlebre Jesu, Bd. 3.-De WVette Gesch. d. christl. Sittenlehre.
Erste Hilfte, S. 334, ss.
The disposition already  manifested in the preceding period to
lay too much stress on certain forms of external discipline, had
now  been much increased by the influence of monachism.   Fasting and almsgiving,2 as well as prayer, were regarded as expiatory  of sins.   The  theater, dancing,  and  other  amusemenlts,3
were branded  as absolutely sinful;  oaths,4 the taking  of interest
for money lent,5 every kind of self-defense,6  capital punishments,7
and  second marriages,8  were  rejected.   In  the  fourth  century,
1 There is an old controversy concerning the morals of the fathers occasioned by
the unfavorable view taken of them by J. Barbeyrac in the preface to the translation of
Puffendorf: le Droit de la Nature et des Gens. Amst. 1712. 4. On the other side, Remig.
Ceiller Apologie de la morale des peres de l'glise contre J. Barb. Paris. 1718. 4. J. 1F.
Buddeus Isag. ad univers theolog. p. 620. Replied to by Barbeyrac Trait8 de la morale
des peres de l'6glise. Amst. 1728. 4.
2 Mfnscher's Dogmengesch. iv. 314, de Wette, i. 354. Ambrosius de Elia et Jejuno,
c. 20: Pecnniam habes, redime peccatum tuum. Non venalis est Dominus, sed tu ipse
venalis es: redime te operibus tuis, redime te pecumia tua. Vilis pecunia, sed pretiosa
est misericordia (according to Dan. iv. 24: Peccata tua eleemosynis redime et iniquitates
tuas misericordiis pauperurn). Salvianus (about 450) adv. Avaritiam libb. iv. expressly
makes generosity to churches and convents the surest redemtio peccatorum.
3 De Wette, i. 349. Stfudlin's Gesch. d. Vorstellungen, v. d. Sittlichkeit des Schauspiels. Gott. 1823.
4 Jerome, Basil, especially Chrysost~om.  See Staudlin's Gesch. d. Sittenlehre Jesu, iii.
111, 220, 244, same author's Gesch. der Vorstellungen und Lehren vome  Eide. Gott. 1824.
Hence the Lex Marciani, A.D. 456 (Cod. Justin. i. 3, 25): ecclesiasticis regulis, et canone
a beatissimis Episcopis antiquitus instituto, clerici jurare prohibentulr.
5 Basilius M. in Ps. xiv. et contra foeneratores. Gregor. Nyss. ep. can,. ad Letojum
can. 6. Ambrosius de Tobia, c. 2, ss.
6 Ambrosius, Augustinus, Basilius, see Stiudlin's Gesch. der $ittenlehre Jesu, iii.
65, 149, 219.
7 Ambrosius Ep. 25 and 26 (al. 51 and 52). Augustin. Ep. 153, ad Macedonium.
Forbidden by Ambrose and Jerome, disadvised by Chrysostom, only made second to
a state of widowhood by Augustine, cf. Cotelerius ad Hermae Pastor. lib. ii. Mand. 4. c.




440                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
indeed, those who had been legally divorced were still universally
allowed  to  marry  again,9 though  this was discouraged  as well
as  second  marriages generally;  but in  the  fifth  century, the
Latin  church began to forbid  the divorced  person to marry  as
long as the other party lived."0 So prevalent was now the spirit
of monachism, that the married state began to be considered as
something impure," and only a tolerated evil."2 Even certain
kinds of food were forbidden."3
By means of such excrescences, whose foundations could not
be  shown  in  the  moral consciousness  of mankind, Christian
4, and in Constit. apost. iii. 2. Stiudlin, iii. 60, 92,141, 146. Hencepenanceswere imposed
on those who married twice. Cone. Neocaesar. can. 1, 3; Laodic. can. 1; Basilii Epist.
188 (Ep. can. 1), can. 4. Comp. Ep. can. ii. c. 50, respecting those who married three
times, and Ep. can. iii. c. 80, respecting those who married more than three times.
9 Ambrosiaster in 1 Cor. vii. 15: Si infidelis discesserit, liberum habebit arbitrium, si
voluerit, nubere legis suae viro. Contumelia enim creatoris solvit jus matrimonii circa
eum, qui relinquitur, etc. Epiphan. Haer. 59, ~ 4:'O &d #7 dvv7r0E' rn,i utl aplrcOc va
rTEa2rv-radi, [f] E'velcev rtvog ~rpo0AESw, Tropveiaof ) zotXeiaf,   Ktcaloci aOriaf XwoptcWoV
y7vodevov, avvaa0vroa &vrgpa yvvatseci' yvvd devr pp rvdpi, o)lic aO/Ciraat 6 0 Zog Z6yof,
oiv   &rd rr'EKIlc2griao lcai rlg,rC  a, xrojc7ypdrret, i2t ttaiancTaCrd'e 6d&i TO doOrevl, ovX
tva Z o  yvvacaaf E7r2i r0 avro aXc'rt,reptoVace  7vf ptcd, &Z2' Tor Fttauf TrOC,-eOEri
Jev-7pac, El rVXOItev, v6p V, C avva~Oqvat. Cif Asterius, below, ~ 105, note 18. Bingham,
vol. ix. p. 301, ss. 349, ss.,0 The transition to this view may be traced in Augustinus de Fide et Opere, c. 19: In
ipsis divinis sententiis ita obscurum est, utrum et iste cui quidem sine dubio adulteram licetf;
dimrittere, adulter tamen habeatur, si alterram duxerit, ut, quantum existimo, venialiter ibi
quisquce fallatur. Still the Cone. Milevitanum, Hi. ann. 416, at which also Augustine was
present resolved, quite unanimously, can. 17: Placuit, ut secundum evangelicam  et apostolicam disciplinam, neque dimissus ab uxore neque dimissa a marito, alteri conjugantur:
sed ita maneant, aut sibimet reconcilientur. QOod si contempserint, ad poenitentiam redigantur. In qua causa legem imperialem petendam promulgari. Such too was the opinion
of Inuocentius I. Epist. 6, ad Exsuperinm, c. 6: De his etiam requisivit dilectio tua, qui
interveniente repudio alii se matrimonio copularunt. Quos in utraque parte adulteros
esse manifestum est, etc.' As Origen. See Div. I. ~ 73, note 12. Hence Cone. Carthag. iv. c. 13, enacts that
the newly-married pair, cum  benedictionem  acceperint, eadem  nocte pro reverentia
ipsius benedictionis in virginitate permaneant.
12 Hieronymus adv. Jovinian. i. 4, with reference to 1 Cor. vii. 1: Si bonum est muliererl
non tangere, malum est ergo tangere: nihil enim bono contrarium est nisi malum. Si
autemn mnalum est, et ignoscitur; ideo conceditur, ne malo quid deterius fiat.-Oro, te
quale illud bonum est, quod orare prohibet? quod corpus Christi accipi non permittit?
Quandiu impleo mariti officium, non impleo Christiani. Yet he was obliged in the Epist.
30 (al. 50) ad Pammachium, pro libris adv. Jovinianum apologia to make some concession.
Among other things he writes: Cum toties et tam crebro lectorem admonuerim,-sne ita
recipere nuptias, continentes viduas virginesque praeferreml: debuerat prudens et benignus
lector etiam, ea, quae, videntur dura, aestimare de caeteris, etc. Augustine is more
moderate in the work called forth by this very controversy between Jovinian and Jerome,
de Bono conjugali, Among other things, he writes. c. 8: Duo bona sunt connubium et
continentia, quorum alterumn est melius. Cap. 10: Certe dubitare fas non est, nuptias non
esse peccatum. Non itaque nuptias secundum veniam concedit Apostolus (1 Cor. vii. 6).
13 Against the use of flesh and wine Hieronymus adv. Jovinian. lib. ii.




CHAP. VI. —HISTORY  OF MORALS. ~ 103. THE CLERGY.                    441
morals now assumed the aspect of a series of arbitrary, divine,
despotic commands.'4    And since those rigorous principles were
not at all observed  by most people, they promoted the spirit of
indifference toward the divine precepts generally, and prepared
the way for the unfortunate distinction between a higher virtue,
which was solely for the monks, and  a lower, which  was sufficient for common Christians.ls
It seems at first sight contradictory  to  this  external strictness, yet it is in fact intimately connected with it, that most of
the church fathers of this period maintained, in addition to that
apparent moral severity,16  lax  principles  concerning  veracity,
which threatened the very foundations of genuine virtue.'7
~ 103.
MORALS OF THE CLERGY.
As ecclesiastical offices were no longer attended with dangers
and persecutions, but with honor and power, there was a general
14 Comp. de WVette, i. 340.   5 Miinscher's Dogmengesch. iv. 311; de Wette, i. 346.
16 See Div. I. ~ 63, note 7.
17 Ex. gr. Hieronymus Epist. 30 (al. 50), ad Paimmachium: Aliud esse yv/zvaGorucf
scribere, aliud doy/ztarucCd. In priori vagane esse disputationem, et adversario respon.
dentelm  nune haec nunc illa proponere, argumentari ut libet, aliud loqui, aliud agere,
panem, ut dicitur, ostendere, lapideom tenere. In sequenti autem aperta frons, et ut ita
dicam, ingenuitas necessaria est, etc. In particular they stretched the limits of allowed
accommodation quite too far (olscovoytia), and believed that they could attribute it in the
same extent even to Jesus and the apostles. Comp. Suicer, s. v. avyKaord,00agt, ii. 1067.
Mdinscher's Dogmengesch. iv. 1.54, s. Jahn's Nachtr5ge zu s. theolog. Werken. Tiibingen.
1821. S. 15, ss. 28, ss. In this way Jeroime Comm. ad Gal. ii. 11, ss., thought that he
could explain the transaction between Peter and Paul by a mere accommodation, but was
opposed by Augustine who held stricter principles. (Comp. his writings de Mendacio and
contra Mendacium.)  Comp. the correspondence between them on this subject in Epistt.
Hieron. Ep. 65, 67-73, 76; see Jahn, 1. c. p. 31, ff. Even Chrysostom lays down very
questionable principles respecting the allowableness of deception and lying, in certain
cases. In this he is followed by his disciple John Cassian, Coll. xvii. 8, ss. ex. gr. cap. 17:
Itaque taliter de mendacio sentiendum, atque ita eo utendumn est, quasi natura ei insit
hellebori.  Quodsi imminente exitiali morbo sumtunm fuerit, fit salubre: caeterum absque
summi discriminis necessitate perceptumn praesentis exitii est.-Non enim Deus verboruml
tantaru  actuumlque nostrorum discussor et judex, sed etiam propositi ac destinationis
inspector est. Qui si aliquid causa salutis aeternae ac divinae contemplationis intuitu ab
unoquoque vel factuma viderit vel promissum, tametsi hominibus durum  atque iniquum
esse videatur; ille tamnen intimamn cordis inspiciens pietatem, non verbortm sonum, sed
votum dijudicat voluntatis quia finis operis et affectus considerandus est perpetrantis: quo
potuerunt quidam, ut supra dictum est, etiamn per mendacium justificari (for example,
Rahab, Josh. ii.), et alii per veritatis assertionem peccatum perpetuae mortis incurereo
(Delilah, Judg. xvi.).




442                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
pressing toward them:' all the arts of unworthy flattery and
low  intrigue were put in requisition to obtain them, and to rise
from  a lower to a higher station.2    In this way not merely  the
unprepared, but even many absolutely immoral pushed themselves into the clerical office;3  an  objectionable, worldly  spirit
pervaded the whole order, which frequently  perverted what was
holy to its own purposes;4 and since that monkish morality re1 Comp. above, ~ 91, note 15. Cf. Gregorius Naz. below, note 4.
2 Gregor. Naz. Orat. xliii. (al. xx.) in laudem Basilii, c. 26 (ed. Colon. p. 335): Niv dR
cIVdvvee7i rz rrdvrrav ayt6ra7rov Tay/za rbv irap' i/uiv 7ravrT&v eivar Icaraye~aarT6Ta rov'
ov06 yp Ei5  Eper7g pt 2ov, 3 ItaIcovpyiag 1 rpoerpia oad6 vSv acabrep.av, v  2pob, riSv dvvar(rJp&)av oi Opovot. Ullmann's Gregor. v. Naz. S. 511, ss. Cone. Sardic. c. 1 and 2, against
the striving of the bishops for better and richer bishoprics. Basilius Ep. 76, ad Episcopos
suos, against simony in the choice of bishops. Can. Chalced. 2, and Can. Apost. 30, agailst
simony generally.
3 Hieron. in Ep. ad TitLm i. 8 (Opp. iv. p. 417): Vere nunc est cernere-in plerisque
urbibus, Episcopos, sive Presbyteros, si laicos viderint hospitales, amatores bonoruam, invidere, fremere, excommunicare, de Ecclesia expellere, quasi non liceat facere quod Episcopus non faciat; et tales esse laicos damnatio Sacerdotum sit. The Can. Apost. 26, 64, 7i,
are directed against roughnesses and common offenses in the clergy, which, in fact, must
have occurred at this time, See Drey Apost. Constitut. S. 339, 344.
4 Comp. iieronymus Ep. 34 (al. 2), ad Nepotianum, concerning the law of Valentinian
against underhand dealing with inheritances, given above, B 91, note 14. He then continues: Ignominia omnium Sacerdotum est, propriis studere divitiis. Natus in paupere
domo, et in tugurio rusticano, qui vix milio et cibario pane rugientem saturare ventrem
poteram, mnc similam et mella fastidio. Novi et genera et nomina piscium, in quo littore
concha lecta sit calleo: saporibus avium discerno provincias; et ciborum preciosorum me
raritas, ac novissime damna ipsa delectant. Audio praeterea in senes et anus absque
liberis quorumndalll turpe servitium. Ipsi apponunt matulam, obsident lectum, purulentiam
stomachi et phlegmata puhlonis manu propria suscipiunt. Pavent ad introitum medici,
trementibusque labiis, an commodius habeant, sciscitantur: et si paululum senex vegetior
fuerit, periclitaitur: simulataque laetitia, mens intrinsecus avara torquetur. He describes
the life of rich widows, Ep. 18 (al. 22), ad Eustochium: Plena adulatoribus domus, plena
conviviis. Clerici ipsi, quos in magisterio esse oportuerat doctrinae pariter et timoris,
osculantur capita matronarum, et extenta manu, ut benedicere eos putes velle, si nescias,
pretia accipiunt salutandi. In an oration of that time, which is found among the sermons
of Ambrose (Sermo in dominicam xxii. post Pentecosten, and of Augustine (tom. v. app.
Senno 82'), it is said on Luke iii. 14: Si (clericus) non contentus stipendiis fuerit, quae de
altario, Domino jubente, consequitur; sed exercet mercimonia, intercessiones vendit,
viduarum munera libenter amplectitur: hic negotiator magis potest videri, qunam clericus.
Gregoril Naz. Carmen de se ipso et adv. Episcopos, v. 331, ss. (in J. Tollii Insignia itineris
Italici. Traj. ad Rhen. 1696. 4. p. 34, ss.):
331.'Ayvota ydp tcao v a/v, 2L2Xa' Vjr6ov KaKoIv.
Ti 6' av Ttf derot Kaiel icaCv EIzevrtUivof;
Eloig  yap, eoaiv CO2ut6j7epoi rLvef,
A6VoTV', rrevKcra'Tr TOo  ov ICov vfienI)aaa,
Tjv rrtiasv dcyd/t.tol,  erKatpiv v6,tovf,
0O r70oV Ono'b Coroovreg, enpLTrot Z6yov
lIaXt liooovrne, Ag KOc2(6Sv  /7ratclZatr,
Oi/eg yvvatK dv, repTrval d7rluynpla,
MtupoZT 2bovreTC, rot KparTOVct 6' ave Kcvec,
ao2rS rpagr6rS Eer6veZn  iXvexvovEg,




CHAP. VI.-HISTORY  OF MORALS. ~ 103:. THE CLERGY.                         4 4 
quirecd of the clergy many external things to keep up the appearance   of  spirituality,  low   hypocrisy  pervaded  the  clerical
341. Ovpaf KpaOVTrwv   Epigp6ovref, oV Go0v.....
361. AieXpov /uev el2eTv, 6(f 8eL, 6pdaw 60'  06W.
TaXOvTef  elvat rov tca1o6 d6tdaca2Xo,.
KatcKv   rd6vr7wv ba/zuev Epyacrtptov'
t yI 3BoCvref, KaCV 6o01C)Uev 0? 2eyetv2'
lp6edpof,catca, 7rovEi7o j/tdd Eclf
KatKv yiveaOat, roOro avvroytararov,
367. Kai' 20&ov.
375.'HyeTf 66 wdvrag bPdiiw   Ka0!Cibev,'Earv u6vov WOa2C, Zaovii  poCrdTra~,
O6v oCEV    oorolvec rSV veov,   7 dov 21Lae0,
378. Ov irpdctv, ov l6yov rtv' o  avvovaav.....
382. El yap r66' tiaev, S -rbv  EStE2Ely/avov
XE/p&o Tir0ltV dS rT  TroX2u' 6E'ovcia.
384. Tig duv rpoo3idot-r'. e6 ~povdv, ov ayYOEf;....
393.'0 d6 vrp6edpog t5addiO     evplaKcerat,
M6dE'v rovjOeif, ipOp6aro f r2v 0 aav.
395.'2 rf TraXeia f Trv T7p6rov z  erTaarpob~g!
402. X06S  JaOa yi0lav tcai Oedrpwav kv fCotw,
(T2' 6' Ec OedrTptoV    Xogf /Eera(rTo)
N/v aVTrgf,t/iv El 5vn7 Oeopia.
lIp6ryv f12''Lt7roof, cat OEi 76rtrrov Ic6vtv,
406.'S1 a2Uof EvXda,  voVa/tar' erevpji.....
411. Nuv cavra/gf T7f, Scati i26erov ai&do ypvrv,
412. II3v EG 2i&0Ov rov  rpobf apxaov dpdotl.....
415. XOkf 5 peroEoCv rav  g 6Dcalf (cdrylr6ZdeS,
416.  7rp6ibov a vo TE Icat KCdrT  7d rV v6, VCroV.....
419. Nvv /ot dlKcaoG7g, lcal Aavta~2 rt~ acpo~w.
XOS~ / ot dutcdCov aiov'isEt yv/vov/z6v9,p
TO j3f/z' E70CoIeC evvo0tov 2aOT7ptOV,
K26/rroTV, rvpavvodv, #cai 7rpb 7rdvwv rod vS6mOovg.'QS  u#Ep6d'got ouEzpov  I o06' o60r2Td  iTg~
OVTrC)S d/ei3eC    adtogi,   Sg CVi rpOroV'
XOE  Ev XopEvraT   Ecarp6~ov O72Lvdpatig,
rcigzov 6d icJpv~ rpoOa Avdalg ev  Ie'aalf,'Qt6dig Xvp2Lopv, icai  roro70S yavpo6fe'vog.
Nfov aoGpovtar/I~ 7rapOe'vov icat uoviyov.'"QS  ov TO IcalOv V70oTrrov eitC tOV 7rpiZ  rp6pov.
Zwwv yidyof X0Ef, ca/epov HElrpog  4lpov!
431.   e, roo r7TXovS! ~eC, avT' au'tTreIcoS  2Erv!
The remark is worthy of attention, v. 382, s. comp. v. 634, ss.:
Ovrot tev oviof-' cat rTX' "v d  Kat fEiriovf
AVirv yEv6zievoOt IC6oovraC roiC OP6votr.
Tb y'ap Ktpareciv  Orv   pava 7rotlE  XEipova.
Gregorii Naz. Orat. ii. (al. 1): Apologeticus de fuga sua (ed. Col. p. 4, s.): "Oco to-j6ev rde'o2;ldAv ovref 2EXlriovg, Lglya yeiv oVV El icat /O wo2 uo   XElpovg, avilTrol XEpovV, O 60r
2lyerat, icat (/ivi7rolf  /vXat, TrofS aylorarotlf  avrog  IrEitad6yorult, icat wr'pv  iot,
yeveaCOat rpoccltvaL rogS EpoZg, ECtrarotoOvrat roCb 3f ai7aror, 0Xi0ov7ai 7re cat dOodvras
wrpi rov 5[ylav rpdrreSav, arrwep oVcK aperTf r6rov, a2%' ai5opLZv fPio rv o T(i tV  ra r7yV
Elval votiovref,.oVd  Zeltrovpyiav Vire'Ovvov, a2X' apXyV doVESrcaao ov. Isidor. Pelus.
lib. v. Ep. 21: Me7rareTrrKECval otrobv r6 &liowa  idoieov ir ic pwoaovvf ElfS vpavvdla,,
r o rEarre vopopoa6yvgf  lf V6repYlaviav,  rwi vyurEaf gCEf'pCvbp v,  ro oilcovoGiaf elr
&eTroTreav. ov yap d9 obiovo6ot a.toV to ree do  V, da2J'' dfc 6Ea6 rat ak TCepE/ OCa:.




444                 SECOND PERTOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451..,order.5    This corruption of the clergy was not a little increased
by the  interference  of the emperors -with  ecclesiastical disputes.
While, on  the one side, the  clergy  were always carrying  their
spiritual pride  higher,6.on  the  other, they  frequently  changed
their  opinions  at  the  beck  of the  court.   Synods  were  the
theater  on  which  this  new  pharisaism   of the  Christian  clergy,
along with a rough passionateness, was cliefly exhibited.7
s Especially as monachism led -them to place so great value on external forms. Gregor.
Naz. Carmen de se ipso, et adv. Episc. v. 647, ss., thus describes the spiritual hypocrite::
647. "ErrEtra Xa2X0Cf XpvaOiv rC teajlsvoC,
"H  cadi %atayatovrof bIcaracauS xp6S,
IIcyov, acarli0Eg nOoS, acvxrvoS  curalS,,Ivo  fpay-,Ta, vrtar7f  /aKcxevaopEovoC,
r651. NwOpbv i(tltuac, rrdvra, 7rtZiv  pevacS, aoqo%.
696. AlaXpSv  /IEv ovY aiaxtlrov 1 Trpo6rov rudatoS.'Thus it became the custom, especially in consequence of the example of the monks (see
Bingham, vol. ii. p. 189, ss.), seemingly to decline receiving ecclesiastical honors when
presented. Cf. lex Leonis, A.D. 469 (Cod. Justin. i. 3, 31): Nemo gradmur sacerdotii pretii
venalitate mercetur:-Cesset altaribus imlminere profanus ardor avaritiae, et a sacris
*adytis repellatur piaculare flagitium.-Nec pretio, sed precibus ordinetur antistes. Tantam
ab amabitu debet esse sepositus, ut quaeratur cogendus, rogatus recedat, invitatus effugiat:
sola illi suffragetur necessitas excusandi. Profecto enim indignus est sacerdotio, nisi
filerit ordinatus invitus. This priestly decorum led of course, very frequently, merely to a
mnock reluctance and hesitation. Cf. Gregorius Naz. Orat. xvii. de se ipso, p. 466: Ob
yap'va (ir27yf0/Zev l rroKpuvrr6sea oad'' va 7r2,siovoS  sioto d66gos/rev rqyuc.
6 See above, e 91, note 24.
7 Comp. the ironical discourse of Gregory of Nazianzunl, at the second oecumenical
council (Carnen de vita sua, Opp. ii. 27):...... S et &deip' elOTrW,
K'iv diarpoo6C rtC` zoiscrpooog rTx,'
Havryvptg iua7tcKEv, T&rirwO  znde2i'AirpayudrevroC. giv /eraarpap a c Kifo
(KaLpod yap oiSE'v  artv EiTporpodrepo),'EXet~C r  reXvrdpLov, iadopae rdarv
O0ac e6i1aOf rriO7rect 7r  rpo/laCOaLat /z.,
Biwov di xro2iSg eciEvat der:6dovg.
Comp. Carmen de se ipso, et adv. Episc. v. 152 (ap. Tollius, p. 18), on the same council:.... gao  yip rv ataxoo /uEya,
Towryv rtv' elvat rSv  arrZowv riarESr.
In like manner he calls the bishops (Carmen de vita sna, p. 28) XpLCar[/TropoL.  When
he was invited to the synod at Constantinople, A.D. 382, he replied, Epist. 55, ad Procopium: "Exo [iv oi7ro, ei del rdUaig0r ypu06ev, dCore qravra adavAoyov 0EVyetl
7rtrrca6r'av,  reTt  ndrejCuL   a dCvU Tva2ov   ELof edeov 2yppurdv,  /pde6 O aZr  aadv cS;V zao2
Xyrtcviaf,   7 ipoaUOlKav.   Al yip  rtovetOciat rcai ftLapoiao (ai2Z' oSwrf /17TE  bopTntiOV
sJhrouB3gv  or'o  ypipovra)  ca'i dyov prpeiorrove'   Icla OrTTro  iv rtg EYKa2?eiVe  KaKciav
[ripav 6ddlriwv,   7 rrv aceivrV ZvGEte. Ata reoreo elf zuavrTbv CavvECrd2V, K. r..Carmen x. v. 92, ss. (Opp, ii. 81):
Ovid  ri 7rov avv6dotat d SOpovoC Eoaao/' eydye
Xyvrv   s? yepdvv Urcptra lzapvazuvwv''EvO' eptf, vrOa / 60o  -re, /ca  atorxea lcpvarpw    wr.potOev
Eig ieva drvaoeve&v Xdpov ayetpaevra.
fomp. Ullmann's Gregor v. Naz. S. 269, s.




CHAP. VI.-HISTORtY  OrF MORALS. ~ 104.                          445
In the  mean time, however, zeal for morality among the
clergy  was  not rare.   This  zeal for  morality  fearlessly  found
fault with  sin  where  it existed, opposed  with  spirit tyrannical
barbarity,8  took  under its  powerful protection  all that  needed
help,9 and left behind even permanent monuments of benevolence
and concern for the public good.10
~ 104.
MORAL INFLENCE OF THE CHURCH ON THE PEOPLE.
The clergy thus sinking into degeneracy were now called to
solve the most difficult problem  that could ever, perhaps, be presented to an order of Christian teachers. A highly cultivated
people, but one sunk  in unbelief and superstition  of every  kind,
now crowded into the church,' impelled, for the most part, by
interested  motives;  a people  either for the most part fully  devoted  to paganism  in  their heart,2  or apprehending  Christianity
from   a  heathen  point of view,3  and  transferring  into  it  even
8 See ~ 91, note 8.                                             9 See 9 91, note 9.
10,evEdveS or ~svodoXefa, TrrwXeorpoeZa, y7poeo/ctra, voeoicou/ea, opoavoerpoeZa.  The
institution which Basil foun'ded in Caesarea for strangers and the sick was very large.
After him it was called BactReltf (Basil. Ep. 94. Gregor. Naz. Orat. 30 and 27). Basil
also caused to be established smaller ones of the same kind, in the country (Basil. Ep. 142,
143). Theodoret got colonnades and bridges built, and a canal made (Theod. Ep. 81),
See Neander, ii. i. 292.                             1 See above, ~ 75, notes 7 and 35.
2 Chrysost. in Ep. ad Ephes. c. 3, Hom. vii. (Opp. xi. 44): 1O j/v y7p  p&dgS Clov~rref —
-raf copviO  rzSv 0dp[iv cKarerlZalt, Icat e'c;eceov yey6vaalv (the monks). —06pot de' Kal
yvpuov yoFvOTeEef Kaelv eilei'rC(Jcav eli ra   acIa ZiaS a.-EI rtg icacr  T??IV'J/pav toe
IIdqaa 7rrvraf reovC 1rpoet6vrcf-a-:raue cuv acptl3Eia,-i roe2u?  av eipfy7 f3aprerpa
r7v'Iov(aWidcv icaKecv. icac yap oiwvlto/dtvov, cca2i  apyaeieatC Kalt K2ZovtjcOguf icat
erwdaC tccrXppIE/ vov(, /Cac 7EroprevewVC6ar, cat /teolXevacvraT, aIta Ieioovs, caC kocdpovg,
espev av.
3 P. E. Miller Comm. hist. de genio, moribus et luxu aevi Theodosiani (P. ii. Lips.
1797, 98. 8), P. i. p. 33, ss. Neander's Chrysostomus, Bd. 1, S. 236, ss. Abuse of holy
things as charms. Cf. Hieronymus in Matth. xxiii. (ed. Martian. iv. p. 109: Haec in corde
portanda sunt, non in corpore. Hoc apud nos superstitiosae mulierculae in parvulis Evangeliis et in crucis ligno  et istiusmodi rebus usque bodie factitant.  Chrysostom. ad. Pop.
Antioch. Hoem. xix. (t. ii. p. 197): Al yvvafi rtaC Tr /U-eCpa wca7diet[a aVT  vcatfp [tEYu3Lf
e ayyl2ua   aCpc     re rTOo paieov, cca  lavreaxo  TreptolpovcLv, ieov rrep dv  iGwotv.
See above ~ 99, notes 38, 41, 50; ~ 101, note 17. Many of the clergy made -use of and
fostered this superstition.  Cf. Cone. Laodic. c. 36:'"OT o  dEC iEParTCOvg, V lc2fptccodf,
Ueyovf`) l EraotoVS Etivat,  y aOgla rco eg, i' da'crpo;6yovv, 1T vrolev rda ey6#eva ~v2acc-ripta. Heineccius Abbildung der alten u. neLen griech. Kirche. Leipzig. 1711. 5. Th. 3,
S. 461. Du Resnel treatise on the pagan sortes Homericae, sortes Virgilianae, etc., and
the Christian sortes Sanctorum in the Memoires de l'Acad. des Inscriptions, t, xix. p. 287, ss,




I448                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
heathen  customs or Jewish practices.4    In  addition  to this, the
new  converts were demoralized  by all the vices which  follow  in
the train  of over-refinement, and  confirmed  in  them   by the ex.
ample of the court which had been growing more corrupt ever
since its removal to the east, and by the example of the nobility.5    Christian knowledge and Christian  faith, in place of unbelief and superstition, and piety for vice, had to be infused into
this spiritually dead mass.   To be successful, the Gospel needed
to be proclaimed ill its spiritual aspect with  apostolic zeal; but
the greater portion of the clergy depended for the most part on
external means; and  thereby  gave  Christianity  the  character
of a compulsory institute, promoting the superstitious and external view  of it.
The  Christians soon forgot the principles of religious  toleration   which  they  had  so prominently  exhibited  and  insisted  on
in  their former persecutions;6 and  fanatical voices were  raised
among them  calling for a violent suppression of paganism.7    It
S4 ee especially Chrysostomi adv. Judaeos Oratt. viii. Bingham, vol. vii. p. 274, ss.
Neander's Chrysostomus, Bd. 1, S. 256, ss.
5 Comp. the description of the court at Julian's accession, Amlmian. Marcell. xxii. 4:
Namque fatendum est pleramque eorum  (Palatinortm) partem vitiolrm  omnium seminarium effusius aluisse, ita ut rempublicamn inficerent cupiditatibus pravis, plusque exemplis
quam peccandi licentia laederent multos. Pasti enim ex his quidam templorum spoliis,
et lecra ex omlni odorantes occasione, ab egestate infilma a'd saltum sublati divitiarum
ingentiull, nec largiendi, nec rapiendi, nec absumendi tenuere aliquem modun, aliena
invadere semper adsuefacti. Unde fluxioris vitae initia pullularunt, et perjuria, et nullas
existimationis respectus, demensque superbia fidern suam probrosis quaestibus polluebat.
Inter quae ingluvies et gurgites crevere praerupti conviviorum, etc. Anl orator of the day
(Augustini, tom. v. app. Sermo 82, also in Ambrosii Opp. as Sermo in dom. xxii. post Pentecosten) complains: Usque adeo autem hoc inolevit malum, ut jam quasi ex consuetudine
vendantur leges, corrumpantur jura, sententia ipsa venalis sit, et nulla janl causa possit
esse sine causa. Salvianus de Gubern. Dei is particularly full of complaints of the corruption of his time, ex. gr. iv. 5, 7; vi. 11; vii. 12, 15.
6 For example, Justin. Apol. i. 2, 4, 12. So still under Constantine, Lactantius Institutt.
v. 19: Religio cogi non potest: verbis potius quanm verberibus res agenda est, ut sit
voluntas.-Nihil est tam voluntarium, quam religio. C. 20: Nos non expetimus, ut Deum
nostralm, qui est omnium, velint, nolint, colat aliquis invitus: nec, si non coluerit, irascimur.
Epitome c. 54: Religio sola est, in qua libertas domiciliaum collocavit.  Res est enim
praeter caeteras voluntaria, nec imponi cuiquam necessitas potest, ut colat quod non vult.
Potest aliquis forsitan simulare, non potest velle.
7 So even Julius Firmicus Maternus under Constantine. See ~ 75, note 21. Hilarii
Pictav. contra Auxentium Mediol. liber. init. Ac primum  misereri licet nostrae aetatis
laborerm  et praesentium temporum congemiscere: quibus patrocinari Deo humana creduntur, et ad tuendam Christi Ecclesiam. ambitione saeculari laboratur. Oro vos, Episcopi,
qui hoc vos esse creditis, quibusnain suffragiis ad praedicandum Evangeliurm  Apostoli usi
sunt?  Quibus adjuti potestatibus Christum  praedicaverunt, gentesque fere omnes ex
idolis ad Deum transtulelunt? lAnne aliquam  sibi assumebant e palatio dignitatem,
hymnoum  Deo in carcere, inter catenas, et post flagella cantantes?  Edicitisquec Regis




CRAP. VI. —ISTORY  OF MORALS. g 104.                         447
was not without the  co-operation  of the  Christian  clergy  that
the prohibitions of heathenism  were always assuming  a stricter
tone, and that the laws against Judaism were more and more
circumscribing.8    The treatment of heretics, too, became more
severe.9   At first  the  Catholic  Christians  were  contented  to
render them  innocuous by interdicting their meetings or by banishment.10    The  execution  of Priscillian  (~  86) was  still universally  regarded  with  abhorrence.1l   At the  same  time, however, Augustine  allowed himself to  be persuaded  that corporal
punishments against heretics were allowable and fit;l   and Leo
Paulus cum in theatro spectaculum ipse esset, Christo ecclesialn congregabat?-Aut non
manifesta se tum Dei virtus contra odia humana porrexit: cuin tanto magis Christus praedicaretur, quanto magis praedicari inhiberetur? At nunc, proh dolor! divinam fidera suffragia
terrenacommendant: inops que virtutis suae Christus, dum ambitionomini suo conciiiatur, arguitur. Terret exiliis et carceribus Ecclesia, credique sibi cogit, quae exiliis et carceribus est
credita: pendet a dignatione communicantium, quae persequentium est consecrata terrore:
fugat sacerdotes, quae fugatis est sacerdotibus propagata: diligi sese gloriatnranmundo, quae
Christi esse non potuit, nisi earn mundus odisset. Haec de comparatione traditae nobis olim
Ecclesiae, nune quam deperditae, res ipsa, quae in oculis ornnium est atque ore, clamavit.
8 C. WV. de Rhoer Dissertt. de effectu relig. christianae in jurisprudentiam  Romlanam,
p. 157, ss. Meysenbug de Christ. relig. vi et effectu in jns civile. Gottingae. 1828. 4. p. 42.
9 Bingham, vol. vii. p. 285, ss.; De Rhoer, p. 170, ss.; Meysenbug, p. 38; Riffel
geschichtl. Darstellung des Verhlltnisses zwischen Kirche und Staat, i. 669.
10 It is true that Julianus (ap. Cyrill. c. Jul. lib. vi. ed. Spanh. p. 206) accuses the
Christians, even in his time:'A-errcod'are o VX r//L&v t revor 1   Tov rTog tIraTp(OLtf /ttnvovraTC,
iQL2 icait rTv'l:itCf V/Tv tie7rwC2wvlgyvov a1per1pcr v roVC tLV rTv aVr7)v r7p67rov Vi/v Tov
ve cpfv Oprivovvrag.~ Epist. 52, that under Constantius ro  iro2C o2obc aVr7v Ica ~lvyadevOQvat, iai st dXOvate, /cai de/uevO -vat * 7r o2%a&ii de' crl Kat cqayivae irl77  rcv ZeyodEfvov
aiperTc' scdv  g  v  L;a/oadrotf, lcai Kv([lcw, tcai HIa~layovia, /cai BtOvvia, cai raF2ariZa,
Kaci ro22iolG 5a2otf E0vcEtv a pdqv'fvarpar8veal xrOpOOeicaag c/oga. Perhaps, however,
this should be understood of extra-judicial murders.
11 Not only by Latinus Pacatus, in his Panegyricus Theodosio dictus, c. 29, but also by
bishops: Sulpic. Severus Hist. sacr. ii. 50: Namque tmn Martinus (bishop of Turonum)
apud Treveros constitutus, non desinebat increpare Ithacium, ut ab accusatione desisteret:
Maximum orare, ut sanguine infeliciumn abstineret: satis superque sufficere, ut Episcopali
sententia haeretici judicati Ecclesiis pellerentur: novurn ess  eet inauditumll  nefas, ut
causam Ecclesiae judex saeculi judicaret. How he behaved when lhe came again to
Treves, after the murder of Priscillian may be seen in Sulpic. Sever. Dial. iii. c. 11-13.
Maximus wished that the persecution of the Priscillianists should be continued in Spain;
but pia erat solicitudo Martino, ut l non solumrn Christianos, qui sub illa erant occasione
vexandi, sed ipsos etiamr haereticos liberaret. Besides cavit cum illa Ithacianae partis
comumunione misceri.'Ambrose, too) who was with Maximus as embassador from
Valentinian II., A.D. 387, endeavored there (Arlbros. Ep. 24, ad Valentin.) abstinere ab
episcopis,-qui aliquos devios licet a fide ad neceem petebant.  Cf. Ep. 26. Indeed, at
that time every kind of capital punishment was pretty generally regarded as forbidden.
12 Augustini Ep. 93, ad  incelntiumn    17: Mea primitus sententia non erat, nisi
neminem ad unitatem Christi esse cogendum, verbo esse agendum, disputatione pugnandum, ratione vincenduln, ne fictos catholicos haberemus, quos apertos haereticos noveramus. Sed haec opinio mea non contradicentium verbis, sed demonstrantium superabatur
exemplis. Nam primo mihi opponebatur civitas mea, quae cumn tota esset in parte Donati,
ad unitateml catholicamn timore legum imperialiumr conversa est, quam nunc videmnus ita




448                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I —A.D. 324-451.
the  Great went so  far as to  approve  the  putting  of them   to
death.13 Besides, the bishops endeavored by means of ecclesiastical laws, not only to prevent all contact of the faithful with
the  opponents of the church,14 but ventured  even to absolve individuals from   the  obligation  of duties which  they  manifestly
owed to heretics.l5
At the same time, the church did not the less deviate from  the
hujus animositatis perniciem  detestari, ut in ea nunqlam  fuisse credatur, etc.  Cf.
Retractt. ii. 5. How the Donatists attack these new principles, and how  Augustine
defends them, may be seen in ejusd. contra litt. Petiliani lib. ii. Contra Gaudentium
lib. i. Epist. 185, ad Bonifacium, among otlher things, ~ 21, it is written: Melius est
quidem-ad Deum  colendum  doctrina homines duci, quam  poenae timore vel dolore
compelli. Sed non quia isti meliores sunt, ideo illi qui tales non sunt, negligendi sunt.
Multis eninm profuit (quod experimentis probavimus et probamus) prius timore vel dolore
cogi, ut postea possent doceri. Then he refers, S 24 the cogite intrare (Luc. xiv. 23) to
this point: ipse Dominus ad magnam coenam suam prius adduci jubet convivas, postea
cogi.-In illis ergo, qui leniter primo adducti sunt, completa est prior obedieotia, in istis
autem, qui coguntur, inobedientia co6rcetur. Still Epist. 100, ad Donatum, Procons. Africae:
Unum solurn est, quod in tua justitia, pertimescimus, ne forte-pro imlmanitate facinorum,
ac non potius pro lenitatis christianae consideratione censeas codrcendelm, quod te per
Jesum Christum ne facias obsecramus.-Ex occasione terribilium judicum ac legum ne in
aeterni judicii poenas incidant, corrigi eos cupimus, non necari; nec disciplinaml circa eos
negligi volumus, nec suppliciis, quibus digni sunt, exerceri. So, too, Epist. 139, ad Marcellinumn: Poena sane illorum, quamvis de tantis sceleribus confessorum, rogo te, ut
praeter supplicium mortis sit, et propter conscientiam nostram, et propter catholicam
mansuetudiunem  commendandam.  Cf. Ph. a Limhborclh Historia inquisitionis.  (Amst.
1692. fol.) lib. i. c. 6. J. Barbeyrac Trait6 de la morale des peres, c. 16, ~ 19. Jerome,
however, says, Epist. 37 (al. 53) ad Riparium, adv. Vigilantium: Non est crudelitas pro
Deo pietas. Unde et in lege dicit: si frater tuus et amicus et uxor, quae est in sinu tuo,
depravare te voluerit a veritate, sit manus tua super eos, et effunde sanguinem eorum, et
auferes realum de medio Israel (Deut. xiii. 6, ss.). Chrysostom, indeed, recommends
Christian love toward heretics and heathen (Hom. 29 in Matth.), but would yet have
them restrained, and their assemblies forbidden, and declares himself only against putting
them to death (Hom. 46 in Matth.). Thus also, he caused their churches to be taken fromn
the Novatians, Quartodecihnani, and other heretics in Asia, and many considered his misfortunes a righteous retribution for this. Socrates, vi. 19. —Stufdlin's Gesch. d. Sittenlehre
Jesu iii. 238. De Wette Gesch. d. christl. Sittenlehre, i. 344.
13 The first law of a Christian emperor, authorizing capital punishment against certain
heretics, is that of Theodosius I. A.D. 382, against the Manichaeans. Sozomen, however,
vii. 12, says of all the laws of this emperor against heretics: XaeOr2_   rogo v6jsotf e'rEypaoe rt/Uyopiaf, aXk' oic oiree5'   OV yfp TsuapEraOatL, al'262' elc doCS CaOQtav rTOVf VrrqIc6ovf loxrofadev.  (Cf. Socrates, v. 20): and Socrates, vii. 3, still maintains: Odc elroObi
dtcetv ri) 6pOod6.op EheclZia.  On the other hand, Leo 1M. Epist. 15, ad Turribium:Etiam maudi principes ita hane sacrilegam amentiam (Priscillianistarum) detestati sunt,
ut auctorem ejus cum plerisque discipulis legum  publicarum ense prosterneren.t.-Profuit
diu ista districtio ecclesiasticae lenitati, quae etsi sacerdotali contenta judicio, cruentas
refugit ultiones, severis tamen christianorumn principull constitutionibus adjuvatur, dum ad
spiritale nonnulmquam recurrent remedium, qui timent corporale supplicium.
14 Bingham, vol. vii. p. 276, ss. 294, ss.
15 For example, Concil. Carthag. iii. ainn. 397, can. 13: Ut Episcopi vel clerici, in eos
qui catholici Christiani non sunt, etiamsi consanguinei fuerint, nee per donationes, nee per
testamentum rerumn suarumn aliquid conferant.




CHAP. VI.-HISTORY  OF MORALS. 0 104.                            449
right path, in her measures instituted for the purpose of gaining
over the masses of external professors to the side of Christianity
internally.   She endeavored to give her service the external attractions of the heathen worship, and thus only strengthened the tendency to  externalities; thus she herself invited men to  substitute
for a genuine interest in religion and the service of God a feeling
quite foreign to piety.. On the one hand, many were confirmed in
the heathenish, superstitious notion of looking for works acceptable to God in the external rites of his worship; on the other hand,
there were not a few, especially in the cities, who went to the
churches as if to the theater, with a mere aesthetic interest; and
followed the spiritual orators as they would rhetoricians;16 while,
on the contrary, they did not remain to be present at the Lord's
Supper,l7 a circumstance which necessarily led to the command
to partake of it.'8  Mieetings for public worship began to be even
abused, as occasions for sensual excesses.19  Finally, the theological di.sputes of this period were also an important obstacle in pre16 Gregor. Naz. Orat. 42 (ed. Colon. Or. 22, p. 596): Ov yap CiTvrovatv iepedf, a2;2L
bliopaf. How the clergy themselves promoted this tendency may be seen in Orat. 36 (ed.
Col. Or. 27, p. 465):'Opd eroa2u2od  TrSv vwv leparEletv virty,rvov/tcvdov, oi'' rv 6TirZv lcai
(irEXvov  /zUdv El1i/3ietav EvTrexPvov wrerot/icatI, iati IrToXrliijf T,Icatvdv ednorf airo rgf
ayopc iie f  Tra2 iyta /lTEveiveyutEvgi,  Kat aroT rTv  OtirTpiv E'pi TV T 1 rof r0o2Z0of ONacTOav
tviaay(oTyiav, (Sf riva tlvo aciviif, EV dE T'roZ T Taavra  ro Tro ElrtZv, TrocoOrov  i2L2,ov &daoepooeaf, oov rTiv IU eZv rr1 ve cive  Oa, T iv di rtai' tcai -rv ktv yev2y Oat, Trv
de rtuciaOa'l Kai rjv IZev OEarpilicv, TrV d& irvevatariKV IvodveiacOati.    Chrysostom. de
Sacerdot. v. 1, of the hearers of sermons: Ov rrp6i ib~.Zetayv,  i1226L  wpog ripiPnv ftoStevr
ElOuaeaav ol rroe2,oi, cKaBir~e p rpaySddv   iicltappd(-v icaOlzevot dltcaorai.  Id. Hem. 30,
in Act. Apost. Hieronym. adv. Luciferianos (Opp. iv. 296): Ex litteratis quicunque bodie
ordinantur, id habent curae, non quomodo Scripturarum  medullas ebibant: sed quomodo
aures populi declamatorum  flosculis mulceant. Id. praef. in lib. iii. comm. in epist. ad
Ephes.  Comp. Neander's Chrysostomus, i. 118, 320, ss. 327.  Ullmann's Gregor. v. Naz.
S. 155, ss. Daniel's Gesch. d. christl. Beredsamkeit, i. 331. Concerning the applause by
clapping of hands during tile sermon, see B. Ferrarii de Ritu sacralom  eccl. vet. concionuum. (Mediolani. 1621, c. praef. J. G. Graevii. Ultraj. 1692. 8.) lib. ii. c. 24. Bingham,
vol. vi. p. 187, ss. Daniel, i. 334, 605, 677.
17 Chrysostom. Hom. iii. in epist. ad Ephes. (Opp. xi. 23): Ehcq, Ovaca icaiOyjrepltv, Eiii
irapearTlcaitev/ - r  OvataareTpla, OV(Etg O  terixuov.  Id. de incomprehensibili hom. iii. 6
(Opp. i. 462).
18 Cone. Antioch. (341) can. 2. Can. apost. 8 and 9. See Drey, fiber die Apost. Constitutionen, S. 255.
19 Hieronymus adv. Vigilantiml  (ed. Martian. t. iv. P. ii. p. 285), says de vigiliis et pernoctationibus in basilicis Martyrum celebrandis in defense of them: Error autem et culpa
juvenum vilissimarumque mulierum, quli per noctem saepe deprehenditur, non est religiosis
hominibus imputandus: quia et in vigiliis Paschae tale quid fieri plerumque convincitur,
et tamen paucorrm culpa non praejudicat religioni, etc.
vo. i.       29




4.50                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
venting  Christianity  from  exercising  its full power on  the men
of the age. While they were contending about definitions, as
if the essence of Christianity consisted in them; the interest of
the understanding being in a one-sided way excited in favor of
it;20 it was no wonder that among many Greeks the interest
in favor of Christianity was of the same nature with  an  interest
in sophistical problems;21 the holiest relations being torn asunder at the same time by hatred  and discord.22    And then, again,
as the prevailing systems changed, sometimes one and sometimes
another being enforced by wordly power, it was almost an unavoidable consequence that the people should either be made suspicious of Christianity and indifferent to it, or else tempted to
employ falsehood and hypocrisy in the most sacred things.23
It  is  true  that  monachism   appeared  likely  to  subordinate
every. thing to a striving after the highest, by means of its example in giving a wholesome stimulus to the enervated race;24
but it was itself too impure  in  most of its manifestations to be
able to give pure impressions, while it brought confusion into
moral ideas by its arbitrary mode of worship. In former times,
this external strictness of morals had found  a corresponding internal basis in the minds of men; but now it was to be made
prominent, in a degree much increased by monachism, among
a people devoid of faith. Of course the people endeavored to
make the pressure of the new law as light as possible,25 to which
20 Hilarius ad Constantium, ii. 5: Dam in verbis pugna est, dum de novitatibus quaestio
est,-dum de studiis certamen est, dum in consensu difficultas est, dam  alter alteri anathema esse coepit; prope jam nemo Christi est.
21 Gregor. Naz. Orat. xxxiii. p. 530:'2f [v rt ricv aKcYarv,ai ro7ro 0~vapETZaL td&of,
Iterg rof lr7r ttlcovJf, Kcai ri  O.arpa, cKai rd a.iaara, cati Trv yariepa, Kat ra bvrb yaareipa,
otf Icai roV0ro  gpor rpv~Ol,   krrept ra-raO  iapecxe2a   icat ico/  opeia  Dpv Tvr0&reCOv. Cf.
Orat. xxi. p. 376, or. xxvi. Gregor. Nyss. Orat. de deitate Fil. et Spir. Sancti, Opp. iii.
466. The law of Theodosius, A. D. 388 (Cod. Theod. xvi. iv. 2): Nulli egresso ad publicurm
vel disceptandi de religione, vel tractandi, vel consilii aliquid deferendi patescat occasio
(cf. Gothofred. ad h. 1.), of Marcian, A. D. 452 (in Actis Conc. Chalced. ap. Mansi, vii. 476,
and Cod. Justin. i. 1, 4). Neander's Chrysost. ii. 118. Ullmann's Gregor. v. Naz. S. 158, ss.
22 Gregor. Naz. Orat. xxxii. 4, says of the theological controversies: Kay rovro Eartv,
6   iri re ro?,r2eirov, S dcdarrae qA279., 6dEcarsaev a&e2oi'r, lr6?etLf Erdpa$e, 6i0utovg
S:u~/,1Vev,  7r2taev EOvyI [En'i] /faacteZf, t&rav~ar7orev o hepeirpc   27aO scan 1X3,X22ot, 2am'v
SavrTJ /ca iepevat, yoveirf ircvOtf, Trcva yoveIatv,  av(paf yvvati:, yvvatcaf cdvdpCial.
23 Gregorii Naz. Carmen de se ipso et adv. Episc. v. 333, ss., above, ~ 103, note 4.
24 Neander's Chrysost. Bd. 1, S. 78, 90.
25 Chrysostom. Orat. de baptismo Christi (Opp. ii. 366), complains that many went to
the churches, obi KaO' EICaioT7yv udva~tv, a22.' ev topr? tz6vov [i[a  vrad    e Sr EpoV t2trs roO
ravr7Sf bvtavroOi.  Id. Hom. in Princip. Act. i. (Opp. iii. 50). Salvianus de Gubern. Dei,
lib. vi. p. 113: Nos Ecclesiis Dei ludicra anteponimus, nos altaria spernimus et theatra




'CHAP. VI.-HISTOitY OF MORALS. ~ 104.                        451
monachism  itself contributed most readily by making a distinction between a higher and a lower virtue.26 To introduce a
Christian  morality  into  the life of society, the church  began to
extend  its penance to smaller offenses likewise,27 and at the numerous councils an  extensive  code of laws was formed, which
fixed certain ecclesiastical punishments for different ecclesiastical
and moral transgressions, according  to  their external form.   In
the eastern  church, this penance was left to the free-will of the
transgressors, in the case of private  offenses; particularly  after
Nectarius, bishop of Constantinople, had  abolished (about 391)
the  rrpreaVrTEpo~f Eri  r-I  [eravoiaS  (see Div. I. ~ 71, note  11).28
But in  the  western  church, they  began  to  consider it a neces-:sary  condition  of forgiveness  for  all gross  sins,29 and  in  order
lhonoramlus.-;Omni enim feraliurn  ludicrorum die si quaelibet Ecclesiae festa fuerint, non
solurn ad Ecclesiam non veniunt qui Christianos se esse dicunt; sead si qui inscii forte
veneriit, dumn in ipsa Ecclesia sunt, si ludos agi audiunt, Ecclesias derelinquunt.
26'Comp. an unknown preacher of the day (Augustini, tom. v. app. Sermo 82, also in
Ambrosii -Opp. as Sermo in doml. xxii. post Pentecost.) on Luc. iii. 12, ss.: Nonnulli fiatres, qui aut militiae cingulo detinentur, ant in actu sunt publico constituti, cumn peccant
graviter, hac solent a peccatis suis prima se voce excusare, quod imilitant. —Illud autenz
quale est, quod cumr ob errorem  aliquem a senioribus arguuntur, et imaputatur, alicui de
illis, cur ebrius fuerit, cur res alienas pervaserit, caedeni cur turbulentur adiniserit; statim
respondeat: Quid babebam facere, homio saecularis et miles? Numquid monachum sum
professus ant clericum?  Quasi omnis, qui clericus non est ant monachus, possit ei licere,
quod non'licet. Chrysostom frequently inveighs against the abuses of this distinction; for:example, de Lazaro Orat. iii.:(Opp.. i. 737) in Ep. ad Hebr. HIom. vii. c. 4 (Opp. xii. 79).
Neander's CChrysost. i. 95. Augustin. in Psalm xlviii. Sermo ii. ~ 4: Crom coeperit Deo.quisque vivere, mundum contemnere, injurias suas nolle ulcisci, nolle hic divitias, non hic
quaerere felicitatem terrenam, contemnere omnia, Dominum solum cogitare, viam Christi
non deserere; non solurn a paganis dicitur insanit, sed quod nmagis dolendum est, quia et
intus multi dormiunt, et evigilare nolunt, a suis, a Christianis audiunt quid pateris? in
Psalll xc. Sermo i. ~ 4: Quomodo inter Paganos qui fuerit Christianus, a Paganis audit
verba aspera,-sic inter Christianos qui voluerint esse diligentiores et meliores, ab ipsis
Christianlis audituri snunt insultationes,-dicunt: magnus tu justus, tu es Elias, tu es
Petrus, de caelo venisti. Insultant; quocuInque se verterit, audit hinc atque inde verbum
asperum.
27 Cramer's Fort. v. Bossuet's Weltgesch. Th. 5, Bd. 1, S. 379, ss.
28 Socrates, v. 19. Sozomnenus, vii. 16. According to Socrates, the decree was: Iepte1Zerv /Yv bOV nw t  _~ iteravoiaf rpe13fvnrepov'   avyXcpcaLt 6e, Kac7rov T~r i)d  avvelt66Tt
rsOv /v7rTpifov!EzeXeIV. So Chrysost. in Ep. ad Hebr. Hom. 31, c. 3 (Opp. xii. 289): M0
qUaprM2oi-r icaZpev EavroVC ko6vov, aieZa /cai r2i oaapan/araa &va2Loyt.i[eOa, icar"O' e8io
fvacrov Zevaoeyovr7e. oV a2i,8yo ot "t Ewcr6tOrevov     aavo6v,".oVW6  srapa ro70f laotf icar7ly6pyaov,  a?2 zreiOwOeaa   acVtovgeLOw  7' irpo~Or.p 2 yovr-z " i"ro du ov Trpb  vciptov
o7dv 6d6v cov" (Psalm xxxvi. 5). rni -rob OeO raorao 6eoa6yoya o v, o Ti To- dcaaro 6to-..;6yre -ra ca/apr7/yara,, eX 61zevoc, eti cati    r, yorrvp, XL2tt rO  v/jlo. Tn like manner
-ad Illuminandos catech. ii. c. 4 (Opp. ii. 240), de Poenitentia Hom. vi. c. 5 (ibid. p. 326):
Non esse ad gratiam concionandum, c. 3 (ibid. p. 663), in Ep. i. ad Corinth. Hom. 28, c. 1,,ad 1 Cor. xi. 28 (Opp. x. 250), et passim.
29 Augustinus Serm. 351 (de Poenitentia, 1) ~ 2, ss., distinguishes tres actiones poenifenotiae. Una est, quae:novumn hominem parturit, donec per baptismum salutare omniunm




Z4f)2              SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. 1. —A.D. 324-451.
to  set aside all difficulties, to  change  public  confession  into, a
private one in the case of private sins.30
It can not be denied, that this system of penance promoted a
certain  external propriety  of conduct; and  as little  can it be
disallowed that the church awakened and animated a sympathy,
which had almost entirely disappeared from  paganism,31 by its care
praeteritorum fiat ablutio peccatorum.-Altera,-cujus actio per totam istam vitam, qua in
carne mortali degimus, perpetua supplicationis hunmilitate subeunda est.-Tertia, quae pro
illis peccatis subeunda est, quae legis decalogus continent. Respecting the latter: ~ 9:
Implicatus igitur tam mortiferorum vinculis peccatorum detrectat, aut differt, aut dubitat
confugere ad ipsas claves Ecclesiae, quibus solvatur in terra, at sit solutus in caelo: et
audet sibi post hanc vitam, quia tantum Christianus dicitur, salutem aliquam polliceri?
-Judicet ergo se ipsum homo-et mores colveltat in melius. Et cum ipse in se protulerit
severissimae medicinae,. sed tamen medicinae sententiam, veniat ad, antistites. per quos
illi in Ecclesia claves ministrantur: et tamquam bonus jam incipiens esse filius, maternorum memnbrorum ordine custodito, a praepositis sacramentorum accipiat satisfactionis suae
modum.-Ut si peccatum ejus non solum in gravi ejus male, sed etiam in tanto scandalo
aliorum est, atque hoc expedire utilitati Ecclesiae videtur antistiti, in notitia multorum,
vel etiam totius plebis agere poenitentiam non recuset, non resistat, non letali et mortiferae plagae per pudorem addat tumorem. However, de Symbolo ad Catechumenos, c.
7: Ili, quos videtis agere poenitentiam, scelera commiserunt, aut adulteria, aut aliqua
facta immania: inde agunt poenitentiaim. Nam si levia peccata (above: venialia, sine
quibus vita ista non est, and: levia, sine quibus esse non possumus) ipsorum essent, ad
haec quotidiana oratio delenda sufficeret. Leo M. Epist. 108, ed. Ball. (83, ed. Quesn.) ad
Theodorum, c. 2: Multiplex misericordia Dei ita lapsibus subvenit humanis, ut non solum
per baptismi gratiam, sed etiam per poenitentiae medicinam spes vitae, reparetur aeternaej
ut qui regenerationis dona violassent, proprio se judicio condemnantes, ad remissionem
criminum pervenirent: sic divinae bonitatis praesidiis, ordinatis, ut indulgentia. Dei nisi
supplicationibus Sacerdotuln nequeat obtineri. Mediator enim Dei et hominurm homon
Christus Jesus hanc praepositas Ecclesiae tradidit potestatem, ut et confitentibus actionem
poenitentiae darent: et eosdeom salubri satisfactione purgatos ad communionem sacramentorum per januam reconciliationis admnitterent. Cui utique operi inaccessibiliter ipse
Salvator intervenit, nec umquam ab his abest, quae ministris snis exequenda commisit,
dicens: Ecce ego vobiscum sum, etc. (Matth. xxviii. 20), ut si quid per servitutem nostram bono ordine et gratulando impletur effectu, non ambigamus per Spiritumn Sanctum
fuisse donatum. Cf. Hieronymus Comm. in Matth. xvi. 19: Istum locum: Et dabo tibi
claves regni caeloram, Episcopi et Presbyteri non intelligentes, aliquid sibi de Pharisaecrum  assumunt supercilio, ut vel damnent innocentes, vel solvere se noxios arbitrentu?,
cum apud Deum non sententia sacerdotum, sed eorum vita quaera-tur.
30 Leo M. Epist. 168, ed. Ball. (ed. Quesn. 136), c. 2: Illam etiam contra apostolicam
regulam praesumtionem, quam  nuper agnovi a quibusdam illicita usurpatione committi,
modis omnibus constituo submoveri. De poenitentia scilicet, quae a fidelibus postulator,
ne de singulorum peccatorum genere libello scripta professio publice recitetur: cum reatus
conscientiarum sufficiat solis sacerdotibus indicari confessione secreta.-Quia non oninnum
hujusmodi sunt peccata, ut ea, qui poenitentiam poscunt, non timeant publicare; removeatur tam improbabilis consuetudo: ne multi a poenitentiae remediis arceantur, dum aut
erobescunt, aut metuunt inimicis suis sua facta reserari, quibus possint legum constitutioneo
percelli. Sufficit enim illa confessio, quaeoprimum Deo offertur, tum etiam, Sacerdoti, qui
pro delictis poenitentium precator accedit. Tune enim demum plures ad poenitentiam
poterunt provocari, si populi auribus non publicetur conscientia confitentis.
31 Comp. ~ 91, note 9; ~ 103, note 10. Thomassinus, p. ii. lib. 3, c.,87, and c..95j s,
Stdudlin's Gesch. d. Sittenlehre Jesu,. iii. 404..




CHAP. VT.-HISTORY  OF MORALS.  i 105.                        453
for the oppressed  and  suffering  part of humanity, for the poor,
the  captives, the  sick, widows and  orphans.   But yet by  this
new system of legislation, Christian freedom, and genuine morality  which  has its root in  it, were  robbed  of their true  life.
A comparison of the present with earlier times, in this particular, would present none but melancholy results.32
~ 105.
iNFLUENCE OF THE CHURCH ON LEGISLATION.
C. W. de Rhoer Dissertt. de Effectu religionis christianae in jurisprudentianm Ronmanam.
Fasc. I. Groningae. 1776. 8. H. O. Aem. de Meysenbug de Christianae religionis vi et
effectu in jus civile, speciatim in ea, quae Institutiones in primo libro tractant. Gotting.
1828. 4. De l'Influence du Christianisme sur le droit civil des Romains, par M. Troplong. Paris. 1843. 8.
Though the great changes which had taken place in Roman
legislation since Constantine had not been effected by Christianity  alone,' yet Christian  principles  and  Christian  customs,
even respect to the Mosaic law,' had  an  important influence on
it;  while  several laws were  directly  owing  to  representations
made by the bishops.3 A stay was put to sensual excesses,4
rape was punished with  death,5 immoral plays were abolished or
checked.6    Contests of gladiators, which had been already pro32 E. g. Chrysostomnus Horn. 26, in Epist. ii. ad Corinth. (Opp. x. 623): "Av rT ij/irepd
Tlf e.rdano rT2 vbv, 5ijerat yLIICOv Tr3/f OpberO   r' t~epdof. rvo VU'iv y/p elpwl)v n 7roXaVoiovrec iavareTrTa, uev, ical dtEl/5pIev, ica l yvpiov rlv bicXc7aia v EverTXfoaaev
ic acOv'  &7E de 7javvo6/Uea,,ci  4povdr-pot, icca.pov po,    a retCreTpoC, tcat aovdat6repolIcai mrepi rooS avU26yovc -roe ov e OLMEv Trpofvz67Epot, Kai cirpi rTv aicp6aatv   7rep yap
r) Xpva.io rI iXip, ro7ro I7 Oipzlf   f raZ  pvXaZf, Ki.. X.. Hieronymus in vita Malchi,
init.: Scribere disposui,-ab adventu Salvatoris usque ad nostram aetatem,-quomodo et
per quos Christi Ecclesia nata sit, et adulta, persecutionibus creverit, et martyriis coronata
sit: et postquamn ad christianos principes venerit, potentia quidem et divitiis major, sed
virtutibus minor facta sit. Verum haec alias. Salvianus de Avaritia, i. 1. Cf. Rittershusius Sacr. lectt. vi. c. 17. Venema Hist. eccl. t. iv. p. 260, ss.
De Rhioer. p.. 39, ss.                                 2 De Rhoer, p. 65, 77, s.
3 De Rhoer, p. 89, s.-On the influence of Christianity on Constantine's laws (vo6jovg
i'/c waa tCav E7ir ro OaltTrepov  terTaod2X3Ov aveveovro) ef. Euseb. de vita Const. iv. 26.
4 Cod. Theodos. lib. xv. tit. 8, de lenonibus. Riffel's Gesch. Darstellung des Verhiltnisses zwischen Kirche und Staat, i. 108. Laws for lessening concubinage. Meysenbug,
p. 51.      5 Cod. Theod. lib. ix. tit. 24, de raptu virginum vel viduarum. Riffel, i. 110.
6 Comp. the laws Cod. Theodos. lib. xv. t. 5, de spectaculis; tit. 6, de Majuma; tit. 7,
de scenicis. Staudlin's Gesch. d. Sittenlehre Jesu, Bd. 3, S. 388. Yet it is evident from
the law, Cod. Justin. iii. 12, 11. A.D. 469, that at that time, in addition to the scena theatralis and the circense theatrum, the ferarum lacrymosa spectacula also still continued:




454                  SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
hibited by Constantine, still continued, it is true, at Rome;7 but
they  were  entirely  abolished  by  Honorius.    Classes  of society
which had been heretofore almost unrecognized by the laws, were
now  embraced within  their operation.   The condition of slaves*
and of prisoners 9 was improved; the unlimited power of fathers
over their children abridged;10 women, who had been kept till now
in a very inferior position, were invested with greater rights;" 
and the widow and orphan protected.l2   On the other hand, legislation did not comply every where, or in every respect, with the
peculiar requirements of the Christian  morals of this age.   The
laws became more bloody and strict than before.'3    The oatiA assumed Christian  forms, but was more frequently  administered.14
And though restrictions u yon certain marriages were established,
agreeably  to  Christian  principles,"  the  laws  against celibacy
abolished,'6  and  second  marriages rendered  difficult,'7  yet the
old liberty of divorce was but partially limited; and from fear
of still greater crimes, the emperors were obliged to admit many
causes of valid separation, besides unfaithfulness to the marriage
contract.l"
probably only in the west, for in the east, they appear to lhave ceased even before Theodosius I. See Miiller Comm. de genio, morilbs et luxii aevi Theodosiani. Havn. 1797
P. ii. p. 87.
7 Cod. Theod. lib. xv. tit. 12, de gladiatoribus. The self-sacrifice of Telemachus, Theeo
doret, HIist. eccl. v. 26. Comp. Neander's Chrysost. i. 383.
8 De Rhoer, p. 117, ss. Meysenbug, p. 34.
9 Cod. Theod.-lib. ix. tit. 3, de custodia reorun. De Rhoer, p. 72.
10 De Rhoer, p. 137, s. Meysenbug, p. 45.
1I De Rhoer, p. 124.           12 De Rhoer, p. 111.           13 De Rhoer, p. 59, ss.
14 J. F. Malblanc Doctrina de jurejurando e genuinis fontibus illustrata. Norimberg
1781. ed. 2. Tiibing. 1820. 8. p. 342. C. F. Staudlin's Gesch. der Lehren vomn Eide.
G6ttingen. 1824. 8. S. 81.
15 Cod. Theod. lib. iii. tit. 12, de incestis nuptiis, on forbidden degrees of affinity. De
Rhoer, p. 248. Besides, marriage between Christians and Jews was forbidden (1. c. iii.
7, 2). A proposal of marriage made to a nun was punished with death (ix. 25, 2).
16 Cod. Theod. viii. 16, 1. See lDiv. I. S 56, note 35.
17 On the poenas secundarum nuptiarum, see de Rhoer, p. 240; Mleysenbug, p. 61; v
Lf6hr in the Archive f. d. civilistische Praxis, Bd. 16 (1833), S. 32.
18 Cod. Theodos. lib. iii. tit. 16, de repudiis. Theodosii II. Novell. tit. 12. Binglham,.
vol. ix. p. 356, ss. De Rhoer, p. 287, ss. Asterii Armaseni (about 400) Homil. v. (in Combefisii Auct. nov. i. 82):'Arcobcare  6d  vvv oc roVrrwv /Kc'dwot, caf r7f yvvaicac  dC
/cireta EWC62 0Uf oTeredv6/Eevot'   o'f r   7raTCarddaC 7roaCKtfC ICal Sad'fu rr yvoV7re,  dw
ravyyvpeof EtpyaarT7pta. —Oi iiKip6V rapov6/getot lKaC vEfiiC r7 0 P33fov o  r  dtlaetporewf
ypaiovref. oI 7ro/2tg Xypae  kv rC 4v  ri KeTaraet2ri-ovovref'  irE(fOre,    Orl ydaocO
Oavdir  tz6vo  cae ptotleia x laKot6rrerae. Hieronynmi Epist. 84 (al. 30) ad Oceanum  de
Morte Fabiolae, c. 1: Aliae sunt leges Caesarumn, alia  Christi: aliud Papinianus, aliud
Paulus noster praecipit, etc.




CHAP. VII.-ATTEMPTS AT REFORMATION. SS 106.                      455
SEVENTH CI-HAPTER.
ATTEMPTS AT REFORMATION.
~ 106.
The  new  tendencies  of Christian life could not slide in unnoticed, especially as it is certain that the Catholic church was frequently reproached with them by the older Christian parties.'
Nor were the morally dangerous aspects of these tendencies entirely overlooked by the more acute; though they were too often
exculpated  on  the ground  of pious intentions.2   The men who
1 Faustus (ap. Augustin. contra Faust. xx. 4): Vos, qui desciscentes a gentibus monarchiae opinionem primo vobiscumn divulsistis, id est, ut omnia credatis ex Deo; sacrificia
vero eoruml vertistis in agapas, idola in Martyres, quos votis similibus colitis; defunctorunm
unibras vino placatis et dapibus; solemnes gentiumn dies cumr ipsis celebratis, nt calendas,
et solstitia; de vita certe mutastis nihil; estis sane schisma, a matrice sua diversum nihil
habens nisi conventum. The Novatians also rejected the worship of martyrs and relics.
See Eulogius Patr. Alex. (about 580) contra Novatianos lib. Vto. (ap. Photius Cod. 280;
cf. Cod. 182): perhaps also Eustathius (Conc. Gangr. c. 20, comp. however, Dallaeus adv.
Latinorum  de cultus religiosi objecto tradit. p. 151). Eunomius was an opponent of
martyr-worship (auctor hujus haereseos.  Hieron. adv. Vigilant.) and of monachism
(Gregor. Nyssen. contra Eunom. lib. ii.).
2 As Hieronym. adv. Vigilant. (Opp. iv. ii. p. 284): Cereos autem  non clara luce
accendimus, sicut frustra calumniaris, sed ut noctis tenebras hoc solatio temperemus. —
-Quod si aliqui per imperitiam et simplicitatem saecularium hominumr, vel certe religiosarum feminarum, de quibus vere possumus dicere: confiteor, zelum Dei habent, sed
non secundum scientiam (Rom. x. 1) hoc pro honore Martyrum faciunt, quid inde perdis?
Causabantur quondam et Apostoli, quod periret unguentum; sed Domini voce correpti
sunt (Matth. xxvi. 8, ss.). Neque enim Christus indigebat unguento, nec Martyres lumine
cereorum: et tamen illa mulier in honore Christi hoc fecit, devotioque mentis ejus recipitur; et quicumque accedunt cereos, secundum fidem suam habent mercedem, dicente
Apostolo: unusquisque in suo sensu abundet (Rom. xiv. 5). Aungstin. ad Januarium
lib. ii. (Epist. 55) ~ 35: Quod autem instituitur praeter consuetudinem, ut quasi observatio sacramenti sit, approbare non possum, etiamsi mlta hujusmodi propter nonnullarum
vel sanctarum vel turbulentarum personarum scandala devitanda, liberius improbare non
audeo. Sed hoc nimis doleo, qcuod multa, quae in divinis libris scaluberrime praecepta
sunt, minus curantur; et tam multis praesumntionibus sic plena sunt omnia, ut gravius
corripiatur, qui per octavas suas terram nudo pede tetigerit (namely neophytus, cf. Tert.
de Cor. mil. c. 3. See Div. I. ~ 53, note 25), quam qui mentem vinolentia sepelierit.
Omnia itaque talia, quae neque sanctarum scripturarum auctoritatibus continentur, nec
in conciliis episcoporum statuta inveniuntur, nec consuetudine unniversae ecclesiae roborata
sunt, sed pro diversorom locorum diversis moribus innumerabiliter variantur, ita ut vix
aut omnino nunquam inveniri possint causae, quas in eis instituendis hornines secuti
sunt, ubi facultas tribuitur, sine ulla dubitatione resecanda existimo.  Quamvis enim
neque hoc inveniri possit, quomodo contra fidem sint: ipsam tamen religionem, quam




456                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
looked into the ecclesiastical and religious errors of the time
more profoundly, and attacked them publicly, were declared heretics by the offended hierarchy; and their voice soon died away
without being able to give another direction to the incipient development of ecclesiastical life.   To these latter belonged AKrius,
presbyter in Sebaste, and friend of bishop Enstathius (about
360);3 fovinian, monk at Rome (abount 388), first condemned
there  by  Siricius, afterward  by  Ambrose  at Milan;4 some  of
paucissimis et manifestissimis celebrationumn sacramentis misericordia Dei esse liberam
voluit, servilibus oneribus premunt, ut tolerabilior sit conditio Judaeorum, qui, etiamsi
tempus libertatis non agnoverunt, legalibus tamen sarcinis, non humanis praesumtionibue
subjiciuntur. Sed ecclesia Dei inter multam paleam multaque zizania constituta, multa
tolerat, et tamen quae sunt contra fidem vel bonam vital non approbat, nec tacet nec
facit. Id. contra Fanstum, xx. 21: Aliud est quod docemus, aliud quod sustinemus,
aliud quod praecipere jubemur, aliud quod emendare praecipimur, et donec emendemnus,
tolerare compellimur. Alia est disciplina Christianorum, alia luxuria vinolentorum, vel
error infinrmorum.
3 Only authority Epiphan. Haer. 75. His doctrines, ib. ~ 3: 1. Ti Eartv E'raicorof
7rpbof rpea7irepov; oJdi2v Sda;triret OVToC ro ovTO' /isa 3ap loar rcStr, cat  pia r/tip
caci ev aS/zya (proofs from New Testament passages, ~ 5). 2. Ti earV  ro iraxa, orrEp
sTrap' VpV E'7r1re2-Efras;-oXPv p t ro tacxa Ec'retEZiv - ro ydp r'auea slSs'V eri7O Xptar6f
(1 Cor. v. 7).-3. Tivt rc 2A6yp pteitr  OSavarov Ovodriers bv6/eara TreOve6rOw,; —El S
b0o     ex  i   ieievraiOa  roog EicEaoe.SvUyvCev, Spa yovv p7ie  esiveperii-w, pyLd6 S7yaorotlETrw, SAU2t  Kic-atOY) ~i2lovf mt6vf,-las e VeXfaO ocav 7 repi  avroi, Ova ee rp  CTIEZ
rrcidO.-4. OVtre YvTarea 6e7at rCeraeyeve7'   raVia cyp'fovdaiid 6'art, cai VO S  (Uvybv
dovXegar. — et yap 62;r f3oyaopea evaCTvresEtv, ot'av d' 6(v alpCcopat e / pav csrl' e'avuroi
vyaoreiu SL Tg -rv ieEvOepiav. The Protestants were frequently accused of the heresy
of Ahrius. Walch's Ketzerhist. iii. 321.
4 Siricii Epist. ad diversos episcopos adv. Jovinianum (about 389) ap. Constant. Epist. 7
Ambrosii Rescriptum ad Biricium (Epist. A2, ap. Coustant. Ep. Siric. 8). Hieronymi libb.
ii. adv. Jovinianum A.D. 392. Augustinns de Haeres. c. 82, and in other writings. Doubtless
Jovinian was greatly strengthened by the prevailing prejudice at Rome against monachism, and by the death of Blaesilla (384). See ~ 96, note 3. He was thus excited to
reflection, and was brought to deny the advantages which the monastic state claimed in
its favor. Hence also he met with so much acceptance in Rome. See his doctrines in
Jerome, i. 2: Dicit, virgines, viduas et maritatas, quae semlel in Christo lotae sunt, si
non discrepent caeteris operibus, ejusdem esse meriti (August. 1. c. virginitatem etiam
sanctimonialium, et continentiam sexus virilis in sanctis eligentibus caelibem vitam conjugiorum castorum atque fidelium meritis adaequabat: ita ut quaedam virgines sacrae
provectae jam aetatis in urebe Roma, ubi haec docebat, eo audito nupsisse dicantur).
Nititur approbare, eos, qui plena fide in baptismate renati sunt, a diabolo non posse
subverti (farther below:-non posse tentari: quicunque autem tentati fierint, ostendi,
eos aqua tantum  et non spiritu baptizatos, quod in Simone mago legimus: more accurately Jerome adv. Pelag. ii.: Posse hominem baptizatum, si voluerit, nequaquamn ultra
peccare: i. e., divine grace is communicated fully to man in baptism, and is not increased
by the monastic state). Tertium proponit, inter abstinentiam ciborum et cum gratiarum
actione perceptionem eorum nullam esse distantiam. Quartum, quod et extremum, esse
omnium, qui suum  baptisma servaverint, unam  in regno caelorum  remunerationem.
Augustine adds, 1. c.: Omnia peccata, sicut stoici philosophi, paria esse dicebat. (Jovinian
said: Hieron. adv. Jov. ii. 20: Qui frat'i dixerit fatue et raca, reus erit Geelae: et qui
homicida fuerit et adulter, mittetur similiter in Geennam), and virginitatem  Mariae
destruebat, dicens eam  pariendo fuisse corruptam.-Comp. Augustin. Retract. ii. 22:




CHAP. VII.-ATTEMPTS AT REFORMATION. ~ 106.                         457
whose opinions were soon after adopted by two monks of Milan,
Sarmatio and Barbatianus (about 396);5 but especially  V/igilantius (shortly before 404) of Calagurris in Gaul (now  Caseres
in  the  district Commenges  in  Gascogne), presbyter in  BarceIona.6
Re.manserant autem istae disputationes ejus (Joviniani) in quorundum  sermunculis ac
susurris, quas palam  suadere nullus audebat:-jactabatur, Joviniano responderi non
potuisse cum laude, sed curn vituperatione nuptiarum (cf. ~ 102, note 12). Propter hoc
librum edidi, cujus inscriptio est de bono conjugali. Walch, iii. 655. Neander's K. G.
ii. ii. 574. Gu. B. Lindner de Joviniano et Vigilantio diss. Lips. 1839. 8. p. 10.
5 Ambrosii Epist. 63 (al. 82, al. 25) ad Vercellensem ecclesiam: Audio venisse ad vos
Sarmationem et Barbatianum, vaniloquos homines, qui dicunt nullum esse abstinentiae
meritum, nullum  frugalitatis, nullam virginitatis gratiam, pari omnes aestimari pretio,
delirare eos, qui jejuniis castigent carner suam, et menti subditamn faciant etc.
6 Concerning his earlier abode in Palestine (396), and his disputes with Jerome, whom
he considered to be a follower of Origen, Hieron. Ep. ad Vigilantium (ap. Martian, Ep. 36,
ap. Vallarsi Ep. 61).-Against the later assertions of Vigilantius Hieron. Ep. ad Riparium,
A.D. 404 (ap. Martian. Ep. 37, ap. Vallarsi Ep. 109), adv. Vigilantium lib. A.D. 406.-In the
latter it is said: Martyrum negat sepulchra veneranda (in Ep. ad Riparium: Ais, Vigilan.
tium, qui tcar' clvripaesiv hoc vocatur nomine, naIn Dormitantius rectius diceretur, os
foetiduml rursus aperire, et putorem spurcissimum  contra sanctorum  martyrumn proferre
reliquias: et nos, qui eas suspicimus, appellare cinerarios et idololatras, qui mortuorum
hominum ossa veneremur), damnandas dicit esse vigilias nunquam nisi in pascha alleluja
cantandum (cf. Binghanl, vol. vi. p. 41, ss.), continentiam haeresin, pudicitiam libidinis
seminarium.-Proh nefas, episcopos sui sceleris dicitur habere consortes, si tamen episcopi
nominandi sunt, qui non ordinant diaconos, nisi prius uxores duxerint, nulli caelibi credentes pudicitiam. Extracts from the writings of Vigilantius: Quid necesse est, te tanto
honore non solum honorare, sed etiam adorare illud nescio quid, quod in modico vasculo
transferendo colis?-Quid pulverem linteamine circumdatunl adorando oscularis?-Prope
ritum gentilium videmus sub praetextu religionis introductum in ecclesiis, sole adhuc folgente moles cereorum accendi, et ubicunque pulvisculum nescio quod in modico vasculo
pretioso linteamine circumdatum osculantes adorant. Magnum honorem praebent hujusmodi homines beatissimis martyribus, quos putant de vilissimis cereolis illustrandos, quos
agnus, qui est in medio throni cum omnni fulgore majestatis suae illustrat.-Vel in sinu
Abrahae, vel in loco refrigerii, vel subter aram Dei animae Apostolorum et MaLtyrum
consederunt, nec possunt suis tumulis, et nbi voluerint, adesse praesentes.-Dum vivimus,
mutuo pro nobis orare possumUS: postquanm autem mortui fuerimus, nullius est pro alio
exaudienda oratio. Jerome adds still farther: Praeterea iisdeml ad me relatum est epistolls, quod contra auctoritatem  Pauli-tu prohibeas, Hierosolymalm  in usus sanctorum
aliqua sumtuum  solatia dirigi;-hoc unumquemque posse in patria sua facere; nec
pauperes defuturos, qui ecclesiae opibus sustentandi sint.-Asseris, eos melius facere,
qui utuntor rebus suis, et paulatim fructus possessionum suarum pauperibus dividunt,
quam illos, qui possessionibus venumdatis-semel omnia largiuntur.-Dicis: si omlnes se
clauserint et fuerint in solitudine: quis celebrabit ecclesias? quis saeculares homines
lucrifaciet? quis peccantes ad virtutes poterit cohortari?  Comp. the writings quoted in
l 102, note 1. Barbeyrac pref. p. 48. Ceillier, p. 339, ss. Barbeyrac Trait65 p. 251, ss.
-Bayle Diction. s. v. Vigilantius.  Walch de Vigilantio haeretico orthodoxo. Goett.
*.756 (in Pottii Syll. comm. theol. vii. 326). Walch, iii. 673. Lindner de Joviniano et
Vigilantio, p. 40.




458              SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I. —A.D. 324-45L
EIGHTH CHAPTER.
SPREAD  OF CHRISTIANITY.
~ 107.
IN THE EAST.
In Persia, where there were numerous churches under the
metropolitan bishop of Seleucia and Ctesiphon, Christianity had
become an object of suspicion ever since it had prevailed in the
Roman empire.  The recommendation of Constantine, therefore,
in favor of the Persian Christians, had no permanent or good
influence with the king (Scpor  If. 309-381).'  When  a war
broke out soon after between the Romans and Persians, -Sapor
began a tedious and horrible persecution of the Christians with
the execution of Simon, 6ishop of Seleucia and Ctesiphon (343),
under the pretense of his being a spy of the Romans.2  After
SapZor's death, indeed, this persecution ceased, Jezdegerd l. (400421) being at first even a friend to the Christians; but the fanatic AZbdas, bishoq) of Susac, by the destruction of a fire-temple
(414) brought on another persecution as severe, which was finally extinguished by Theodosius II. making war on the Persians
(422).3  The Persian church was always in close connection with
the Syrian, and exhibited the same theological tendency.  When,
therefore, Nestorianism  in its native land was forced to give way
to violence, it found a secure asylum  among Persian Christians;
from which time the Persian church separated itself from  that of
the Roman empire.4
Christianity had also been introduced into Armenia as early
as the second century.5   In the time of Diocletian, it was spread
1 Constantini Epist. ad regem Persaranm ap. Euseb. de vit. Const. iv. 9-13, et ap.
Theodoret. i. 24.
2 Sozomen. ii. 9-41. Steph. Evod. Assamani Acta sanctorum Martyrum orientaliumn et
occidentaliumn. Romae. 1784. fol. Neander's K. G. ii. i. 222.
3 Theodoretus, v. 38. Socrates, vii. 18-21. Neander, S. 235, ss.
4  88, at the end.
6 Dionysius CorintliUS according to Eusebius, vi. 46, wrote roZf rcaer'Apueviav rep2
IeeravoiaS, iv e7re s0v7re Mepovudvmc.




CMIAP. VIII.-SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY.    107. THE EAST.   45 
mnore widely by Gregory the Illuminator,6 who gained over king
Tiridates himself to  its side, and was consecrated  first metropolitan  of Armenia  in  302  by  Leontius, bishop  of Caesarea.7
The  long  contests that followed, with  the adherents of the  old
religion, had an important political character, so far as the one
party  was supported  by  the  Persian, the other by  the  Roman,
emperors.8    But when, after the greatest part of Armenia had
come  under the  Persian  dominion   (42S), the  Persian  kings
wished  to procure  by violence  a victory  for the  Zend-doctrine
over Christianity, they  found such  determined  opposition, that
they  were at last obliged to allow  the  Christians the free exercise of their religion,  after a lengthened  war (442-485).9   In
the fifth century, JIesrop gave the Armenians their alphabet and
a version  of the Bible.'~-Christianity  was carried into  Iberia
under Constantine the Great.1'
At the same time  it was introduced  into _Ethiopia  by Frumlentius;  first at court, and, very  soon  after, throughout the
country.'2   In  southern  Arabia   among  the  Iomerites,  Constantius  endeavored  to  establish  Christianity  by means of Theophlil'us (about 350)."3    He seems, however, not to  have  produced any considerable effect.
6 Armenian, Lusaworitsclh, illumintator. Respecting him see C. F. Neumann's Gesch.
der armen. Literatur. Leipzig. 1836. S. 13.
7 Sozomenus, ii. 8. AMosis Chorenensis (about 440) Historiae Armeniacae libb. iii. ed.
Guilelmlus et Georgius Guil. WVhistoni filii. Londini. 1736. 4. p. 256, ss. Bekehrung Armeniens duarh d. heil. Gregob- Illuminator, nach nationalhistor. Quellen bearbeitet von P.
Mal. Samneljan. Wien. 1844. 8.
s Memoires historiques et g6ographiques sur l'Armenie par M. J. Saint-Martin (t. ii.
Paris. 1818, 19. 8), t. i. p. 306, ss.
9 A history of these persecutions, from 439-451, and of the general of the Armenians,
WVartan, written by a contemporary, Elisfi, bishop of the Amadunians, is: The History oi
Yartan, by Elisaeus, bishop of the Amadunians, translated from the Armenian by C. F.
Neunmann. Lend. 1830. 4. Comp. St. Martin, i. 321. The proclamation in commendation
of the Zend-religion, issued before the beginning of the persecution by the Persian general
Mihr-Nerseh, is especially deserving of notice, ap. Saint-Martin, ii. 472, more correctly in
the history of Vartan, p. 11.
10 Goriun's (a disciple of Mesrop) Lebensbeschr. des. heil. Mesrop, aus d. Arm. iibersetzt
u. erllutert von Dr. B. Welte (Programre.)  Tiibingen. 1841. 4. Neumann's Gesch. d.
arm. Literatur, S. 30. Concerning the many Armenian versions of Greek writers in the
succeeding period see Saint-Martin, i. 7. Neumann, S. 71.
11 Rufini Hist. eccl. x. 10. Socrates, i. 20. Sozomenus, ii. 7. Theodoretus, i. 23
Moses Chorenensis, ii. c 83.
12 Rufinus, x. 9. Socrates, i. 19. Sozomenus, ii. 24. Theodoretus, i. 22. Hiobi Ludolfi
Historiae Aethiopicae libb. iv. Francof. 1681. fol. lib. iii. c. 2. Ejusdem Commentarius
ad hist. Aethiopicam. Ibid. 1691. fol. p. 283, ss.
13 Philostorgius, ii. 6; iii. 4. Since it was an Arian Christianity, orthodox historians are
milent on the subject.




~40 6              SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451.
~ 108.
IN THE WEST.
In the preceding period Christianity had been known among
the  Goths (Div. I. ~ 57), and  there was even a Gothic bishop
at the council of Nice.' After Arianism had been fathered upon
them   by  their ecclesiastical connection  with  Constantinople,2
Ulphilas,who was consecrated  bishop in  348  at Constantinople,
became their apostle.3 When the Christian Goths were oppressed by a persecution,' he led a great multitude of them into the
habitation  about Nicopolis  in  Moesia, which'Constantius  had
assigned  them  (355), where, after inventing  the Gothic alphabet. he  translated  the  Bible  into  Gothic.4   Afterward, Frithigern  broke  off from   Athanarich, the  leader of the  Visigoths,
who persecuted the Christians, with a part of the people, was
supported by Valens, and spread Christianity among his subjects.   And when the Huns pressed upon  the Goths, this portion of the Visigoths received a place of residence from  Valens,
in Thrace, on condition of their becoming Christians (375);
and ULlphilas was especially active in their conversion. Soon after,
Arianism was overthrown by Theodosius. Ulphilas died in Constantinople  (388), where  he  endeavored  in  vain  to  revive  it.
Efforts were now  made at Constantinople to procure acceptance
for the Nicene confession among  the  Goths, but without much
success.
1 Among the signatures preserved in Latin: Theophilus Gothorum Metropolis (sc.
Episc). Socrates also mentions the signature of OE6pt2.of rLr'6T0rov ETir OCorwOf.
2 According to Theodoret. H. E. iv. 33, Ulfila led away the Goths to Arianism, while he
told them  ic 2tLorTl/zia  yeyevFao0at r pv Cptv, doyzuitrZ)v ie' t11de/zav etvat dctaoopiv. It
is true, indeed, that the Goths had such a view of the controversy.
3 Respecting him, Socrates, iv. 33; Sozomenus, vi. 37; Theodoretus, iv. 33; Philostorgius, ii. 5; Jordanis (about 550 in the Eastern Roman Empire, incorrectly called
Jornandes, and reckoned a bishop of Ravenna) de Rebus Geticis (in Muratorii. Rerum
Italicarum scriptores, i. p. 187), c. 25. More exact information respecting him was first
furnished by the letter of Auxentius, bishop of Dorostorus, his disciple, which, transferred
to a work of the Arian bishop Maximin, has been again found along with it in a cod. Paris,
and printed and explained in: G. Waitz fiber das Leben u. die Lebre des Ulfila. Hannover. 1840. 4.
4 The most complete edition: Ulfilas. Veteris et Novi Test. versionis gothicae fragmenta quae supersunt, edd. H. C. de Gabelentz et Dr. J. Loebe. Altenburgi et Lips. vol.
i. and vol. ii. P. i. 1836, 1843. 4. Comp. Hug's Einleit. in d. N. T. i. 492.




CHAP. VIII.-SPREAD  OF CHRISTIANITY. ~ 108. THE WEST.   461
Arian  Christianity  was diffused by the  Visigoths with  surprising  rapidity  among  the  other wandering  German  tribes,
while it was suppressed in the Roman empire.5 The fact of
the Arian doctrine being more easily apprehended, and hatred
to  the  Romans, procured  the  cohfidence  of the  Germans  in
Arianism; and it soon obtained the reputation of being as generally the Christianity  of the  Germans as Homousianism  waj
of the Romans.
The Ostrogoths and  Vandals first received Arian Christianity from  their countrymen.6    The Burgundians had passed indeed into the Catholic Church  after their wandering into Gaul
(413); but they afterward (about 450) adopted Arianism,
along with  their kings, belonging  to  the Visigothic  race.   In
like manner, Catholic Christianity had been at first received by
the  Suevi in  Spain; but Arianism  was  subsequently  disseminated among them by the Visigoths (469). The older Catholic
inhabitants of the  countries in  which  these German  tribes had
settled suffered oppression only from  the Yisigoths and Vlandals.7
They were especially persecuted by the latter in  a most horrible
manner after Africa (431-439) had been conquered by them  under their first two kings, Genseric (t 477) and IJunericlb (t 484).6
The Christianity of the Germans was still mixed, to a considerable  degree, with  heathenism: what rude  notions  they  entertained of the former mkye be seen in  the practice  of buying off
crimes with money, which they soon transferred to Christian repentance.9
5 Walch's Ketzerhistorie, Th. 2. S. 553, ss. Cf. Prosper in Chron. Ilmperiali ad ann. 4040..
(Chronica mledii aevi ed. Roesler. Tiibing. 1798. 8. t. i. p. 199): Radagaius Rex Gothorum
Italiae limitem  vastatnrus transgreditur. Ex quo Ariani, qui Romano procal fuerant orbe
fugati, barbararum nationum, ad quas se contulere, praesidio erigi coepere.
6 Jordanis, c. 25: Sic quoque Vesegothae a Valente Imp. Ariani potius quam Christiani.
effecti. De caetero tam Ostrogothis quam Gepidis parentibus suis per affectionis gratian
evangelizantes hujus perfidiae cultnram edocentes, omnem ubique linguae hujus nationem
ad culturam hujus sectae invitavere.
7 Sidonins Apollinaris (Episc. Arvernorum 472) lib. vii. Ep. 6.
s Victor Episc. Vitensis wrote, 487, Hist. persecutionis Africanae sub Genserico etHlunnerico Vandalorum  regibus, reprinted in Th. Ruinarti Historia persecutionis Vandalicae. Paris. 1694. 8. (Venet. 1732. 4.) Neander's Denkwiirdigkeiten, iii. 1, S. 3, f.
F. Papencordt's Geseb. d. vandal. Herrschaft in Afrika. Berlin. 1837. S. 66, 113, 269.
Cf. Homilia de haereticis peccata vendentibus, in Mabillon Museum Italiciurm, t. i. P..
ii. p. 27 (according to Mabillon's conjecture, p. 6, belonging to Maximus Taurinensis, aboun
440): Nec mirari debemus, quod hujusmodi haeretici in nostra aberrare coeperint regione.
— Nam ut eorum interim blasphemias seponamus, retexamus, quae sint ipsorum praecepta
vivendi. Praepositi eorum, quos Presbyteros vocant, dicuntar tale habere mandatum, uf
si qclis laicoroum fassus fuerit crimen admissum, non dicat illi:. age poenitentiun, deplor




462               SGECOND PERIOD.-DIV. 1-A.D. 324-451.
Christianity in Britain (Div. I. ~ 57) was in the mean time
very much retarded by the Anglo-Saxons, who had established
themselves there from  A.D. 449.   The Britons still held out in
Wales, in  the  mountains of Northumberland  and  Cornwall,
where  alone  Christianity  was preserved.   Shortly  before  this,
Christianity  had  been  established  in  Ireland  by  St. Patricklo:(about 430) and  spread with  rapidity  over the island."l    The
seat of the bishop soon arose at Armagh.
facta tua, defle peccata; sed dieat -. pro hoc crimine da tantumn mihi, et indulgetur tibi.~Suscipit ergo dona Presbyter, et pactione quadam indulgentiam de salvatore promittit.
Insipiens placitum, in quo dicitur, minus deliquisse Domino, qui plus contulerit Sacerdoti.
Apud hujusmodi praeceptores semper divites innocentes, semper pauperes criminosi.'o According to Ussher, belonging to Kilpatrick in Dumbarton in Scotland; according to
Jolbn Lanigan Ecclesiastical History of Ireland (2 ed. Dublin. 1829. 4 voll.), i. 93, belonging
to Bonaveml Taverniae, i. e., Boulogne in Picardy.
11 Respecting him see particularly his Confessio (in Patricii Opusculis ed. Jac. Waraeus..
Lond. 1658.8; and Acta SS. Mart. ii. 517, after an older text in B etham, P. ii. App. p. xlix.).
In this work nothing is found about his journey to Rome, nor of a Papal authorization of a
mission to Ireland, of which we find a relation first of all in Hericus Vita S. Germani, i. 12.
{Act. SS. Jul. vii.) about 860. Jocelin, in the 12th century, has introduced still more fables
in his vita Patricii (Acta SS. Mart. ii. 540). Jac.. Usserii Britanicarum  ecclesiaram
antiquitates, Dublin. 1639. 4. auctius Lond. 1687. fol. Neander's Denkwfirdigkeiten, iii.
ii. 19. Irish Antiquarian Researches by Sir Whill. Betham, P. ii. Dublin. 1826 xnd G7, B.




SOURCES.                       463
SEC OND DIVISION.
FROM THE COUNCIL OF CHALCEDON TO THE BEGINNING OF THE
MONOTHELITIC CONTROVERSIES, AND THE TIME OF MUHAMMED.
A.D. 451-622.
SOURCES.
I. Ecclesiastical historians: The works of the two Monophysites are lost, viz., the presbyter John Aegeates, Hist. eccles.
lib. x., of which the first five books comprised the period between 428 and 479 (see Photius Cod. 41, cf. 55); and of
Zacharias Rhetor, bishop of Meletina in Lesser Armenia, an
excerpt from Socrates and Theodoret, and a continuation to
547 (Greek fragments in Evagrius: 19 Syrian fragments,
of which Assemanus Bibl. orient. ii. 53, gave an account,
communicated in A. Maji Scriptt. vett. nova coll. x. 361);
as also of the Nestorian Basil of Cilicia (presbyter in Antioch,
Photius Cod. 107), Eccles. hist. libb. iii. from 450 to 518
(Photius Cod. 42).
Still extant are: Theodorus Lector, in fragments, Evagrius
Scholasticus, Nicephorus Callistus (comp. the preface of division 1).
Gennadius, presbyter in Marseilles, t after 495, and Isidore,
bishop of Hispalis, t 636, de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, both
in Fabricii Bibliotheca eccles.  H-Iamb. 1718. fol.
II. Profane historians: Procopius Caesariensis (t afer 522,
de bello -Persico libb. ii., de bello Vandalico libb. ii., de bello
Gothico libb. iv., historia arcana Justiniani, de aedificiis Jus.
tiniani Imp. libb. vi. Opp. ex rec. Gu. Dindorfii, voll. iii.
Bonnae. 1833-38. 8).-Agathias Myrinaeus (Historiarum
libb. v., written about 580, ed. B. G. Niebuhr.  Bonnae.
1828. 8).
Chronicon pasehale (comp. the preface of division 1).
Theophanes Confessor (t 817, Chronographia from 285 to 813,
ex rec. Jo. Classeni, voll. ii.  Bonnae. 1839, 41. 8.
III. Latin chroniclers (comp. preface to division 1)': Marcellinus
Comes, till 534, continued by another till 566 (in Sirmondi




464                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 451-622.
Opp. ii. Bibl. PP. Lugd. ix. 517). Victor, bishop of Tunnuna, from  444  till 566  (ap. Canisius-Basnage, i. 321, best
printed in Henr. Florez Espanna Sagrada, vi. 382). Isidore,
bishop  of  Seville,  from   the  creation  of the world  till 614
(in Esp. Sagr. vi. 445).
IV. Imperial decrees: Codex  Justinianeus, see preface to  division 1.-Novellae (veapai 6dtardetg LETra Tiov tiwdtca).
FIRST CHAPTER.
E NTIRE SUPPRESSION OF PAGANISM IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
~ 109.
In the east, the remains of paganism disappeared under Justinian I. (527-565), who abolished the New  Platonic school at
Athens (529),' and compelled the heathen  to  submit to  baptism.2    Only the free Maenotts in the Peloponnesus clung obstinately to  it.3    Even  in  the west it was not yet completely extirpated.   Theodoric  was  obliged  to  prohibit sacrifices  to  the
gods on pain of death;4 and at the end of the fifth century
many heathen practices were still continued at Rome, and could
not be  abolished  without resistance.5    Still longer did various
1 Job. Malala (about 600) Historia chronica (libb. xviii. from the creation of the world to
the death of Justinian I.) ex. rec. Lud. Dindorfii. Bonnae. 1831. 8. p. 451. Exile of the
philosophers Damascius, Isidorus, Simplicius, Eulamius, Hermias, Diogenes, and Priscian,
into Persia, Agathias, ii. 30. Cf. Wesselingii Observationum variarum  (Traj. ad Rhen.
1740. 8), lib. i. c. 28.
2 Cod. Justin. lib. i. tit. xi. (de paganis et sacrificiis et templis) 1. 10. Theophanes, i.
276, activity of Johannes Episc. Asiae (probably a missionary bishop for the conversion
of the heathen in Asia Minor) see Assemrani Bibl. Orient. ii. 85. As late as the year 561
heathens were discovered in Constantinople (Joh. Malala, p. 491).
3 Till the ninth century. See Div. I. ~ 44.-According to J. Ph. Fallmerayer Gesch. d.
Halbinsel Morea whirend des Mittelalters (2 Th. Stuttg. u. Tiibingen. 1830. 36), i. 169, 189,
heathen Slavonians had seized upon, from 578 till 589, the interior of Macedonia, Thessaly,
Hellas, and the Peloponnesus; but this first happened about 746, though single Slavonian
colonies in those parts may have been older. See J. W. Zinkeisen's Gesch. Griechenlands v. Anfange geschichtl. Kunde his auf unsere Tage. Th. 1 (Leipzig. 1832), S. 689, 741.
4 See Lindenbrogii Cod. legnum antt. p. 255.
5 Cf. Salvianus Massil. above ~ 79, note 23. Gelasius P. (492-496) adv. Andromachum
Senatorem caeterosque Romanos, qui Lupercalia secundum  morem  pristinum colenda
constituebant (ap. Mansi, viii. p. 95, ss.). He shows of what a sacrilege he is guilty, qui
cumn se Christianum videri velit, et profiteatur, et dicat, palam tamen publiceque prae



CHAP. I.-SUPPRESSION  OF PAGANISM. ~ 109.                     465
superstitions adhere to those  heathen  temples which  were  not
destroyed.6   In  mrany  distant places paganism  was maintained
for a long time undisturbed.   Sacrifices were offered in a temple of Apollo  on Mount Cassinum, until Benedict (529) transformed it into a chapel of St. Martin.7 In Sicily,8 but especially  in  Sardinia9  and  Corsica,"~  there were  still many  heathen about A.D. 600. Even Gregory the Great did not hesitate now  to advise violent measures, with  the view  of effecting
their conversion.ll
dicare non horreat, non refugiat, non pavescat, ideo morbos gigni, quia daemonia non
colantur, et deo Februario non litetur.-Quando Anthemius Imperator Romam venit
(about 470), Lupercalia utique gerebantur-dum haec mala hodieque perdarant, ideo haec
ipsa imperia defecerant, ideo etiaml nomen Romanorum, non remotis etiam Lupercalibus,
usque ad extrema quaeque pervenit. Et ideo nunc ea removenda suadeo.-Postremo si
de meorum persona praescribenduun aestilas praedecessorum: unusquisque nostrorum
administrationis suae redditurus est rationem.-Ego negligentiam  accusare non audeo
praedecessorum, clum magis credam fortasse tentasse eos, ut haec pravitas tolleretur, et
quasdam extitisse causas et contrarias voluntates, quae eorum intentionibus praepedirent:
sicut ne inun  quidem vos istos absistere insanis conatibus velle perpenditis. Beugnot
Hist. de la destruction du Paganisme en Occident, ii. 273.
6 Palladium in the temple of Fortune, Procop. de Bello Goth. i. 15. The temple of
Janus, i. 25. The Pantheon continued till 610 with its idololatriae sordibus, Paulus Diac.
Hist. Longob. iv. 37. Beugnot, ii. 288.
7 Gregorii MI. Dialog. lib. ii. Beugnot, ii. 285. At a still later period heathen rites of
worship in holy groves were practiced in the diocese of Terracina. Gregorii AI. viii. Ep.
18, ad Agnellum Episc. Terracin.
s Gregor. AI. lib. iii. Epist. 62.
9 Gregor. M. lib. iv. Epist. 26; and lib. ix. Epist. 65; ad Januar. Episc. Caralitanum,
lib. v.; Epist. 41, ad Constantinam Augustam.
10 Gregor. M. lib. viii. Epist. 1.
1" He prescribes, lib. iv. Ep. 26, in case a peasant should obstinately persist in heathenism: Tanto pensionis onere gravandus est, ut ipsa exactionis suae poena compellatur ad
rectitudinem festinare. And lib. ix. Epist. 65: Contra idolorum quoque cultores vel
aruspices atque sortilegos Fraternitatem  vestram vehementius pastorali hortamur invigilare custodia, atque publice in popu]lo contra hujus rei viros sermonem facere, eosque
a tanti labe sacrilegii et divini intentatione judicii, et praesentis vitae periculo, adhortatione suasoria revocare. Quos tamen si emendare se a talibus atque corrigere nolle
repereris, ferventi comprehendere zelo te volumus: et siquidem servi sunt, verberibus
cruciatibusque quibus ad emendationem pervenire valeant, castigare. Si vero sunt liberi,
inclusione digna districtaque sunt in poenitentiam dirigendi; ut qui salubria et a mortis
periculo revocantia audire verba contemnunt, cruciatus saltem eos corporis ad desideratum
mlentis valeat reducere sanitatem.
vor. I. —30




4 G!              SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 451-622.
SECOND CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY.
~ 110.
MONOPHYSITE CONTROVERSIES.
SOURCES: Fragments of Acts of Councils collected by Mansi, vii. 481.-ix. 700. Liberati
Breviarum  (see preface to g 88).-Breviculus Hist. Eutych. (see preface to ~ 89).Leontii Byzantini (about 600?) de sectis liber, in x. actiones distributus (prim. ed. Jo.
Leunclavius in Legat. Manuelis Comneni ad Armenos. Basil. 1578. 8, in Gallandii
Bibl. PP. t. xii. p. 621, ss.), actio v.-x. Ejusdem  contra Eutychianos et Nestorianos,
libb. iii. (lat. ex. Fr. Turriani versione ap. Canisius-Basnage, i. 535; ap. Gallandius xii.
658; in Greek Aug. Maji Spicileg. roman. x. ii. 1). Zachariae Rhet., et Theodori Lect.,
Hist. eccl. fragmenta.-EvagriaLs, ii. 5, ss. Theophanes, ed. Paris. p. 92, ss.
WOrKS: Walch's Ketzerhistorie, vi. 461, vii. and viii. Baur's Lelhre, v. d. Dreieinglkeit
und Menschwerdung Gottes, ii. 37.
The decisions of the council of Chalcedon  were regarded  by
the Egyptian party as completely Nestorian.l    There was therefore an insurrection  of monks in  Palestine, led  on  by  one  of
their number, Theodosius, against Juvenal, bishop of Jerusalem,
and favored by the widowed empress Eudoxia, which was finally
crushed after much bloodshed (451-453).' But in Alexandria,
a considerable party, headed by the presbyter, Timothy 6 al';ov.
pop, and the deacon Peter o6 ptoyy6~ (i. e., blaesus, Liberat. c. 16),
separated from the newly-appointed bishop Proterius. The
1 So also the Monophysites related that Leo the Great and Theodoret had been completely reconciled to Nestorius; that the latter had been invited to the Synod of Chalcedon
by the Emperor Marcian, but had died on the way. See Zachariae Hist. eccl. in Maji
Scriptt. vett. nova coill. x. 361, and Xenayas, bishop of Mabug, about 500, in Assemani
Bibl. or. ii. 40. On the other hand, it is remarked by Evagrius, ii. 2, that Nestorius had
died previously.
2 Zachariae Fragm. ap. Majus, x. 363. Vita S. Eutbymii Abbatis (t 472) by Cyril of
Scythopolis (about 555), in an enlarged form, by Simeon Metaphrastes in Cotelerii Monum.
Eccles. Graec. ii. 200; in a shorter, perhaps a genuine form, in the Analectis Graecis (ed.
Benedictini mon. Jac. Lopinus, B. Montfaucon, Ant. Pugetus. Paris. 1688. 4), p. 1, ss.
Juvenal had before sided with the Egyptians, and was also at first at Chalcedon on the
side of Dioscurus: but (Zacharias, 1. c.) accepta demum ab Imperatore promissione de
subjiciendis tribus Palaestinae sedibus honori cathedrae hierosolymitanae, mrentis oculos
sibi obstiuxit, solam destituit in certamine Dioscorum, et adversariorum in partes transiit.




CHAP. lI. —ZTHEOLOGY. ~ 1Q10. MONOPHYSITES.                       467
greatest part of this faction continued to maintain the doctrine
of one nature, rejected the council of Chalcedon, and considered
Dioscurus  as  unjustly  deposed;3  while, on  the  contrary, they
3 The most important representative of this tendency which we have is Severus, Monophysite patriarch of Antioch, from A.D. 513. (See below, note 19.) Comp. my Comm. qua
Monophysitarumne veterum. variae de' Christi persona opiniones imprimis ex ipsorum effatis
recens. editis illustrantur (Partic. ii. Gotting. 1835, 38. 4), i. 9, ss. Severi locus (prim. ed.
Mansi, vii. 831. Gallandius, xii. 733, is, according to Maji Scriptt. vett. nova coill. vii. i.
136, from Severi lib. contra Graminaticum, Joannem Ep. Caesareae): Ado rt2   dGoEtg iEv
7r  Xptlrti vooOiZev, 7r2v jtev tcrtcrOV, r7/v 68 dcralrov' d2.a'  ovd6eif ypcparo 7rv dv
Xaatlcd6ov  CvadoJo v r7)v t{oyov 7raCrv ypa6ev, ri doTirote fd o Ce  fr dv6/zaaav nr ept -r2f
rov'Estavov       ovljaevSod  dtaZaao,3vovref. ovddEf raV rrgv Earpac rTv icariyopiav, dX2t'
eceivwYv,taXa dttca&oi, ri Ji0r'orE #02 (co2tovOraavrEf 7(r 5y71  KvIpiX2L9"P ic ddoe 8evtov
lEtaoav elvat trv Xptar6v. O  iravor6,eOa;2eyovreC, os9 det6:dri   rtf rijv ev Xa2KIcd6v6
Ivvodov 2) riv r6tyov Aovro7g r?27 icaO' ir6aoracrtv evwotv juo32oy7acavrar, "7 advodov
Voatlcgv, 2)'2 d#0ov iva Xptarov,   ziav O~oUtv rod OeoO r 6yov aovap Kto/'vyV  cai r6re
yvwca6#etca, db ckardc rov aoV0Jrarov KdptXlov OeopiVa yO6vl avacpiovovr7f 7rv oVtildJ
dtao0opav rCv Cweo cVVe Orcv   airoir7rc gT  f E v i[aaoat' tcai    e er'pa'   trov 26yov ~padL,
cai drepa 2 r2~ aapic$C, icai 6 dio r0i a2&a2Li12otgc vvevlvey/tva Icaopdact 7rO v4, dti'arC -G
(Td oVdatd1f. Ex ejusd. ad Jo. Grammat. lib. ii. c. 1, ap. Majun, 1. c. p. 138: Kai rSv, if
iov 2) IVortgf, tYev6vrtOv dceltajv cai  va2Lolt(rrvV, Ev avvOEo-Et d  dqEIarraov tcai ovC'v Uovdav  i6loavarcirotf. Ex ejusd. epist. iii. ad Joannem ducem  ap. Majum, 1. c. p.
71: "EtS  av oev elgf artlv O Xptlr76,/fav dg EVbf a'drod r2Tv re ~datv lcati r2?v vioaraTatv
tcat rv1v ivipyetav CdvEcOV Edir"' pouv  dj VZOd, q r  YO2 ZEy6/evov, avaidvregf lcyp7rroeCv,
5vaOemariovrref icai iruvraf roe dir' aVro oVerd r#72o iV tatv dv6da  daewv icai iEvepyeltv
doyguaTiovraf.-Collatio Catholicorum cum Severianis babita Constantinop. anne 531, ap.
Mansi, viii. 822: CQuod ex duabus quidem naturis dicere unam significat Dei verbi naturan
incarnatam, secundum b. Cyrillum et SS. Patres: in duabus autern naturis duas personas
et duas subsistentias significat. At the same time they allowed that Christ is /card adpc{a
jztoodatoS 2j/iv (Leontius de Sectis, act. 5. Evagrius, iii. 5).-Severus ap. Anastasius
Sinaita (about 560) in the'Odyb6C adv. Acephalos (prim. ed.. J. Gretser. Ingolst. 1606. 4),
c. 18: "&f2irep Eri  rT) #ltdg r7o O'VpiTirov  VGoaerof ltgpoe /v 7raVrp  iEa-riv 2'bvx2, #oipof68 rd aCija, or7o cai d Trz Too Xptarod, icat r27) 1dC avroe  ~aeaof), C /pov~ rdsCtvY iVri,et 2)
Oe6rygST, Kai tiepov  rO aSdCa.  This comparison was frequently used by the Monophysites
generally after Cyril's example (see Ep. ad Succensum, above. 88, note 21), and in like
manner by Philoxenus or Xenayas, bishop of Mabug (488-518) in Assemani Bibl. orient.
ii. 25. Gelasius I. (bishop of Rome, 492-496) de duabus naturis in Christo adv. Eutychen
et Nestoriumn (in Bibl. PP. and in Jo. Heroldi Haereseologia. Basil. 1556. p. 686): Adhuc
autem etiam illud adjiciunt, ut sicut ex duabus rebus constat homo, id est ex anima et corpore, quamvis utriusque rei sit diversa natura, sicut dubium non habetur, plerumque tamen
usus loquendi singulariter pronunciet, sim nl utrumque complectens, ut humanam  dicat
naturam, non humanas naturas: sic potential in Christi mysterio, et unitionem divinitatis
atque humanitatis unam dici vel debere vel posse naturam: noln considerantes, quia cum
ona natura dicatur humana, quae tamen ex duabus constet, id est ex anima et corpore
principaliter, illa causa est, quia nec initialiter anima alibi possit existere, quam in corpore,
nec corpus valeat constare sine anima: et merito, quae alterutro sibi sit causa existendi,
pariter unam abusive dici posse naturam, quae sibi invicem causam praebeat, ut ex alterutro natura subsistat humana, salva proprietate duntaxat duarum. According to the decrees of the synod at'Chalcedon, ~0atf and ovdaia are synonymous, while r6 dro/ov and
I v7rd6arcaat are different from them. But:the Monophysites took qOatf, dr6aora-tf, and
7ro/,ov synonymously, and separated 2/ odaia from them. See Maji Scriptt. vett. nova
cell. vii. 1, 11, ss.; my Comm. i. 11. That this was also the phraseology employed by
Cyril is acknowledged by Eubulus, bishop of Lystra, ap. Majus, 1. c. p. 31, who endeavors
to exculpate him on that account. And -that this controversy was more about correctness




4G68               SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. I. —A.D. 451-622.
approved of the condemnation of Eutyches, for his supposed Docetism.4    But as the  doctrine  of one nature  had  before  led, in
some eases, to the idea of considering the body of Jesus as some.
thing  superhuman,5 so also now, many attributed  peculiar excellencies to it.6   To tlhe most influential advocates of the doctrine
of one nature, Athanasius and Cyril, was now added Pseudo-.
Dionysius, the Areopagite, whose writings were doubtless composed in Egypt toward the end of the  fifth  century,7 and thereof expression than of idea, even the monk Eustathius, with all his bitterness against
Severus, is obliged to allow. See Majus,-. c. p. 291,. and my Comm. i. 23.
4 Collatio Cathol. culm Severianis apud Mansi, t. viii. p. 818: Qualem opinionem de
Eutyche habetis?  Orientales dix-erunt: Tanquarm haeretieus, magis auteim princeps haeresis. Zacharias (ap. Evagrium, iii. 5): OG Tlrfv ErvXodf oavvrTaGiav vo0o0vegf divaZ Tnv
faartuEVovcav, Kcai rnv /ovwpsy dsjcovre7    3iov,- 6ie7rp eipisal6 -sl) ITEptsrvxiV olyOcVrEs
T/luoOew (Aeluro),-dpouaeot,rap' ad')rv dirtivoavrat, icai 6f (5sea2eyXOEvref Trp6o  TLtuoONov, d/oovdtov j7sitv elvaL icard acapxa -ro  trov OeoD 2O6yov, Icai rif.arpi  gtoodatov
coarda  7v Oe6r7ra, EC roi- asO) iavexCspovv. Prevailing notion respecting the doctrine of
Eutyches: Hormisdae P. Epist. 30, ad Caesarium: Eutyches calrnis negans veritatem,ut Manichaeamll  phantasiam ecclesiis Christi-insereret, etc. Justinianus in Codice, i. i. 5:.
(smathematizamus) et Eutychetem mente captuin, phantasiavz inducentem. Vigilius Tapsensis (about 484) adv. Eutychen,. libb. v. (Opp. ed. P. F. Chiffletius. Divione. 1664. 4), in
the beginning of lib. iii.: Eutychiana haeresis in id impietatis prolapsa est errore, ut non
soluni verbi et carnis unam credat esse naturam, verum etiam bhac eandem carnero non
de sac:s, Mariae virginis corpore adsumtanm, sed de coelo dicat, juxta infandum Valentini
et MRarcionis errorem, fuisse deductam. Ita pertinaciter verbnum carnem adserens factumn.
ut per virginem, ac si aqua per fistularm, transisse videatur, non tamen ut de virgine aliquid, quod nostri sit generis, adsumsisse credatur. Liberatus, c. 11, Samuel, presbyter in
Edessa, went so far as to attempt to prove to the Eutychians veram humani generis carnerm  a Deo assumtam, et non de coelo exhibitam, nec crassi aeris substantiam in carne
incessisse formatam (Gennadius de vir. illustr. c. 82).
5 See Theodoreti Eranistes, et Isidor. Pelus. ~ 89, note 2.
6 So said Dioscurus (in Maji Nova coll. vii. i. 289):'I, Xp.'EM6/yevof  avfpswof —ro0f
(eV0P(so7rmvo gS IEKeocvtvaVW ce 7O0etv oiV ocarr.i avV, a2ZuXu  caor/z X3fptv. And s y votLTro
EvbS ir-v lcard  dcatv aeyetv 4S6C b oosctov roi aya XptcTro. Timotheus Aelurus (1. c.
p. 277):  CUof de' Xplarod [tia s6vn Oe6rTVs (consequently not as according to Severus:
~Vatf a6vOeroC), and: Et yflp Vv  vapw-orog icard dculv Kai va6ov O [5[AiXv ('troreaeZcOas
lafipsof'v Jt r-pa rig Trapivov, cteiv Er X -       avr7 gi El ft [TrpCJSrov Tif irapdeviao
hdta2Lv0Ein.
7 De hierarchia coelesti, de hierarchia ecclesiastica, de nominibus divinis, de theologia
mystica, epistolae (ed. Paris. 1644, 2 voll. fol.). falsely ascribed to the Dionysius mentioned
in Acts xvii. 34, who, according to Dionys. Corinth. ap. Euseb. iii. 4, iv. 23, was the first
bishop of Athens. The first trace of these writings -which has been preserved to us, belongs to the beginning of the sixth century, when Joannes Scythopolitanus wrote scholia on
them (Le Quien dissertt. Damasc. prefixed to his edition of Joannes Damasc. i. fol. xxxviii.
verso). The Monophysite patriarch of Antioch, Severus, cites them (see note 8), and the
no less respectable orthodox writer Ephraemius, who, fromll 526, was patriarch of Antioch,
refers to them (ap. Photius Cod. 229, ed. Hoeschel. p. 420). When, however, in the collatio
Catholicorum cum Severianis, in the year 531, the Monophysites appealed to them (Mansi,
viii. 817), Hypatius, archbishop of Ephesus, judged, ostendi non posse, ista vera esse,
quae nullus antiquus memoraverit. Subsequently many were formod in the Greek church,
who always asserted the spuriousness of these writings (Maximi Prol. in schol. Dionys. p.
45, Photius Cod. 1). In the Latin church, in which they had been widely diffused from




CHAP. II.-TiHEOLOGY. ~ 110. MsiONOPHYSITES.                      469
fore  coincided  with  the  mode  of  expounding  the  doctrine  *of
Christ's person  adopted  by Cyril.8    Among the  many heretical
names which  the party  received  from  its opponents,9 the appellation  MovoovoZTa-    was the  most common.   On  the other hand
they ca.lled the opposite party AvoSvai-rat, or AtvaZ-rat.1~
The  death  of Marcian  (t  457)  inspired  the  Monophysites
with  new  hopes.   At Alexandria, Proterius  was killed  in  an
insurrection;  and Timotheus Aelurus, chosen bishop.   The emperor, Leo  I.  (457-474)  actually  requested  a new  decision  of
the bishops respecting  adherence to the  decrees  of the  council
of Chalcedon.   But as the majority declared themselves in favor
of the synod,"l Timotheus Aelurus was banished, and  Timotheus
the ninth century, Laurentius Valla (t 1457) was the first that detected the imposition
Hle was followed in his opinion by the ablest scholars of the day; and Jo. Dallaeus de
Scriptis, quae sub  )ionysii Areop. et Ignatii Ant. nominiibus circumferentur. Genevae.
1666. 4, finally exhibited in a copious form the evidence of their spuriousness. Cf. le Quien
I. c. Salig de Eutyclhianismo ante Eutychen. Wolfeibuttelae. 1723. 4, p. 159, ss. J. G. V.
Engellardt Diss. de iDionysio P.lotinlizante. Erlang. 1820. 8. Id. de Origine scriptorum
Areopagiticorum. El. 1823. 8. The same writer's Die angebl. Schriften des Areopagiten
Dionysius, fibers. u. m. Abhandlungen begleitet. Sulzbach. 1823, 2 Theile. 8. -BaulmngartenCrusius de Dionysio Areop. comm. 1823 (Opusc. theol. p. 2:61), departing from the opinions
of others, attributes these writings to the third century, and thinks they were written with
the object of transferring the Greek mysteries to Christianity. See against this hypothesis
Ritter Gesch. d. christl. Philos. ii. 519.
He.comibats the excrescences of it, the doctrines of a confusion and transmutation, de
Eccles. hierarchia, c. 3 (Opp. i. 297, 299), de Divinis nominibus, c. 2 (1. c. p. 501). The
principal passage is in Epist. iv. ad Cajum (Opp. ii. 75): OVddi  div0pwrrof  v, fOVX (Jg
td auvOppwroo, D2X   cjS i  dv(epS7rpwv,'civp7rwov  n&rCletva, cal Vwrep  ivOpfewnrov ai2iSCdg
UvOperiof yeyov(5D. Ka2 ro' Rotrlv, oV Icar eE Oiev 7ri  OEfa dpdiaa, ov ra av0p57dreta
xe~ari dvilproyov, &?d' dvJpoOui'Vrog OcS, saoVnv r7tea iv OeavdptcKv ivfpyetav'Iv
-Ka-ra avopwn-ov, at (>VdPOSEVOEOV, KalV#V rlva TaV S~vdpl/CUV ES~PYElaV IjllV
ErobtirevMutveof. The last words of this passage are addressed by Severus, Epist. ad
Joannem  ducem, in Maji Collect. vii. 1, 71, as a ~rvv To0  iroavorl6ov Atovvaiov -rol'ApEorayri ol, and enlarged by the addition of rov avdpoElvr7a Odev, i0'V r7a7r7V
(Evipyetav) catvoIrpe6&9 wrTETrOXTEVUEiVO V, tleav,luouoyoipevV  ilCtcV 7'E /at Vi-r6carlv
Oeav(5plucve, ci9rep cal *v V piv   lrVstv ToV OEO6  Z6yov ueaaptcOyPeUv. The Monophysites obtained from Dionysius a new formlula in addition to the old Athanasian one.
9 At different times and places, for example, Acephali, Severiani, Aegyptii, Jacobitae,
Timotheani, etc. —Facundus Episc. Hermianensis (about 540) pro defensione iii. capitulorum
(libb. v. prim. ed. Jac. Sirmond. Paris. 1629. 8. ap. Gallandius, t. xi. p. 655), lib. i. c. 5, et
iv. c. 3.: Acephali vocantur a Graecis, quos significantius nos Semieutychianos possumus
appellare. This name, however, never became usual.
"o So Timotheus Aelurus, in Maji Coll. vii. 1, 277.
11 The letters are collected in the Codex encyclius. Mansi, t. vii. p. 777, ss., gives
their form, and the writings themselves also in the same volume, p. 521, ss.  Most
remarkable is the Epist. Episcoporum Pamphyliae. Ibid. p. 573, ss..: Doctrina-quae a
S. Niceanoconcilio gratia spiritali prolata est-omnia complet et omnibus valde safficitNos et Nicaenum synodum debito honore veneramur, et Chalcedonensum quoque suscipimus, veluti scutum  eam contra haereticos opponentes, et non anathema,(leg. mathema,
adiyzqc) fidei existentem. Non enim ad popuhlun a papa Leone et a S.'Chalcedonensi,coacillo script- est, ut ezx hoc debeant scandalurm  sustinere, sed tantummodo sacer



470                SECOCND PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 4'51-627.
aaoofacialOo' nominated  in  his place  (460), who  succeeded  ir
maintaining the tranquillity of Alexandria  by his prudent, conciliating  conduct toward  the  opposite party.   It is  true, that
new  commotions arose soon  after even  in  Antioch.   Peter the
Fuller (6 yIvaoer    ), a monk of Constantinople, and an enemy of
the council of Chaleedon, endeavored to carry  through  here the
favorite formula of the Monophysites  Oebg 8aravpW'Oq, and  even
to introduce it into  the  Tri'sagion   12 succeeded in gaining over
the monks to his party;  and put himself in the place of the deposed patriarch; but not long after he was banished by an imperial decree  (about 470), and  there was  hope  of seeing  the
schism  gradually disappear and be every where forgotten.   But
it proved incurable when Basiliscus, having driven the emperor
Zeno Isauricus from  the throne  (476, 477), declared  in  favor
of the  Monophysites, reinstated  Timotheus Aelurus and  Peter
the Fuller in their dignities, and by the Encyclion, required all
bishops (476) to condemn the synod of Chalcedon.13
dotibus, ut habeant quo possint repugnare contrariis.  Duarum  nanmque naturarum
sive substantiarum  unitateme in uno Christo declaratam  invenimus a pluribus apud
nos consistentibus sanctis et, religiosissimis patribus, et nequaquam  veluti mathema
aut symbolum his qui baptizantur hoc tradimus, sed ad bella hostiumt reservamus. Si;
vero propter medelam  eorum, qui per simplicitatem  scandalizati noscuntur, placuerit
vestrae potentiae, Christo amabilis imperator, S. Leoni Rom. civ. episcopo, nec non
aliorum pariter sanctitati, propter istornm (sicut dixi). condescensionem et satisfactionemn
quatenus idem sanctissimus vir literis suis declaret, quia non est symbolum neque mathema epistola, quae tunc ab eo ad sanctae memoriae nostrum archiepiscopum Flavianum
directa est, et quod a sancto concilio dictum est, sed haereticae pravitatis potius inczepatio:
simul et illud, quod ab eis est dictum, "in duabus naturis," quod forte eis dubium esse
dignoscitur, dume a patre prolatum sit propter eos, qui veram Dei verbi incarnationem negant,
his sermonibus apertius indicatum, ita tamlen, ut in nullo sanctae synoda fiat injuria
Nihil enim differt, sive duarum naturarunm unitas inconfusa dicatur, sive ex duabus eodenm
modo referatur. Sed neque si nma dicatur verbi natura, inferatur autem incarnata, aliud
quid significat, sed idem  honestiori sermone declarat. Narn et invenimus saepins hoc
dixisse SS. patres. Apud vestrae pietatis itmperium, quod significat vestra potentisa
decenter ago, quia ipsa synodus permanebit, sicut ecclesiae membra discerpta copulabuntur hoc sermone curata, et ea, quae contra sacerdotes nefanda committantur, cessabunt, et ora haereticoruen contra nos aperta damnabuntur, et omrwnia reducentur ad pacem,
et fiet, sicut scriptum est, unus grex et unus pastor. OQuoniam et dominus Christus multa
condescensione circa nos usus, et hmllanumo salvavit genus: et quia cun  dives esset,
utique divinitate, pauper factus est pro nobis, secundum quod hoimo fieri volui~t, at nos illa
paupertate ditaremur, sicut b. Paulus edicit, etc.
12 The elder rpctaiytov consisted of the words Is. vi. 3; cf. Constitt. apost. viii. 12..
Miraculous origin of the later one under Theodosius II. (Felicis Papae Ep. ad Petrum,
Full. ap. Mansi, vii. 1041. Acacii Ep. ad. eund. ibid. p. 1121):'Aytog 6 Oeiog, aycog
iaXvpag,'ytoe  MOdva ror (O aravpoeCf dFi,'ju&g), E'Afaov'u /. Cf. Suiceri Thes. ii.
1310. Bingham, vi. p. 37, ss. Walch's Ketzerhistorie, vii. 239.
13 In the'EylcLctcov (ap. Evagrius, iii. 4), it is said: Oe867rmioev r7v.1cpsprida Ktac
gIeflaictcv r72  davOpoW7rivq evroi'ag, rovriacr rTQ, 9vta~lov rX V 7 n7i' &~(iowv arCpwv rib.




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY. ~ 110. MONOPHYSITES.                             471
It was not long, indeed, before the persevering Acacius, patriarch of Constantinople, succeeded in exciting a popular tumult,
which was the means of restoring Zeno Isauricus to the throne
(477-491); but in the mean time, the principles of the Monophysites had been so firmly established in Egypt by these occurrences, that Zeno, by the advice of Acacius, issued the Henoticonlt (482), in which both parties were to be brought into a
state of peace and union by reducing the points at issue to
more general principles.  Peter Monggus was patriarch of Alexandria, and subscribed the Henoticon.  Many Monophysites,
however, displeased at this, separated from him, and were called'Alceoa2ot, without a  head.15    Peter the  Fuller was  once more
Ev NlKaa 7rinai GL ze(t roD a2ytov wvTYE  7arog  EetC2qiaa60vre7v-/6OvoP 7roXTreO ecOat icac
KcpareIv e'v 7raaat raZfg &ytwrratf ToV 0EV Eo ICC27claS aTf rTY  O6p60osov 2aiv, (S2 Ut6ovo'~ 2rwZavovg irf  1TEWS~ Opov, icat apKcoiv eig avaipeacv yev  cnaeov  ca6oV aTg ailpeceo~,
ev(jotv 6  acKpav TrCv [ayihov troi OcOi EbclccjtCv'  * EXOT6vTGv (0ad1?  7(V2 OiceCav a XVv,
Kcal rTv elf  Pj3eaiac1a aVr   TOfi ro  OEiov av,(36Xov -erxErpayuiviEv  V Tre T,  /3actLE2voe6
Tro;ei raarT —r7-ap    riT-jv pv' d'yiov arar7pwv, r17  &2 IcaLV wvrcav riTv rV e7rpayuEvCiv ev
Tc,'EEiov /tiTrppow6Xet icara rto  6veE,3oiS  NECropiov, cKa rTiCv!er'i TabTa r2 Ebeivov
(~powaVTcYvrwv- r2' 6ge dteX6vra r'Iv -voCtov  cal Evierariav T[v aiyicv rov  EO tilCt/cuOl'tGv
ical ECip2vv rol ic6czov wravTr.i, (l7XadSa   TaV Xvey 6evov roT6ov A/ovrOS, cal -arivra'ia 1v XaCZX1i66v  pEV O'P 7lrp igreo  Ew 2 c)aeC   gvO SOa6Xv-E1pqva tcal rewpaya Cva elf
Kcaivoaroaccv caTcr ro7V  ytVlovevEwVogS 6yiov av/,c362Xov rCtv Trt' ayiwv  raTrEpPv, oEori-'otUEV /VraO06i Tre ca n-ravraxob Kad'  c6dryV 1K1cjaoiGav rap  rTi)v i'craVraxob atyCor2r6Tv
E7rtloaic6rv c(va0eaar7i'ea  a, ca irtvpji riapadCCioa(aC 7rap' o[ iav EVpicalclrat.-0er'ciCoIev;ObeC rrav'raXoi  cyltcrd(ErovC ertic6L7rovf /' CavtCoY/UV(o  Tr& 0O,3  T707o6  tjaVy E1ywcvcZ2iO
ypc/zarit cadvrroyp0dctv ca06)& icaray7vjovara,, 6irc 6) Iz(6v9 r, Oeic arotxoiVo   ava/63.6o
r7fv 7rt' aiyticv qrarcpwv, 6'rep  Trea(ppcdytav ol pv''raripef iaytot, (fS E6o:ev OipTarrucC(C
csa rof CeTea2'rabra avve2L]oioct aric   rv'ETEcaov  7r/tVp6co2~Lv Opod6otrG /icat Oaioff
narapcacv.  Cf. J. Ga. Berger Henotica Orientis.  Vitelmb. 1723. 4. p. 1, ss.
14 Ap. Evagrius, iii. 14: A/vro1cpircp Kac'ap Z2wvv —roCS catr'AX2e  v6pectav Kca
MAyvwrrov, /cat Aqt3-v cal Ilevr6T7roOAcV, c. T. Z.-Yv69CcetV viqaC  r'crov6dca.uev, 6ori
Kca ci E/g Kcal aG caravraXoO EkXcXliaa  E7repov acV,8o,3ovo, 2) iCa07[Oa, 7 05pov  TGcireoCS, 2
c.riv qr2v Tai eOV Elp#LtVoV  yiov o avU3062,ov Trjv i7' rly )Cov'rTarpWVa, 07,rEp et3e3aiaav
oi iVql/7ovevO6vreC pv' icytot raTEpeC, OV7e ~ ijcauev,  OVTre.XOtEV, OVCre eFOEV. —9 Icat
~SircoXovOfi7av ol ciytoi raTEpef oG Ev r?2'Epeaoiv  oavvea2OvrE,  o lcal lcaOeovaref TOay
acef3i) Neor6ptov, icat ToVif ra eICeivov  CTera Tavra Qpovovvraf' iOvrtva Kcat 2/IES NeaTr6ptov a/il cac EirTvX%,'rcvavria rotf Elp/1LuCvotg bpovobvraf, acva0etzariSojcev, d6ex6evot
Kca  Ta i t/' ceuDatla Tra elp7/tieva,rapa roi r77cf ozaC FvU7ty/f yevoycvov Kvpi2,2ov Cipyte'rtmor6wov rTif'AueSavadpcav  ayiac/  tcao2,ttcyCS Ebcltaiaf.'j0o2ioyoVEv'6i8 rabv Iovoyeva?
Toi OEOl vl/v ca  Oelicv rtOv caT/c Zci2Oeiav EvavaOpwo7raavra, Tr0v  cipov  {jcplOV'l9o0Obv
XpuTr-v,  -rbv C0too6uiov r,&'rapi icar/c r2av OePr6Tra icaZ 61Coovilov  njdV Tn}v artTv
Kcatra Tv c5vpOarc6OT/lTa, careZcO6vra  tca  caplcO0evTa  ci 7rvev/aTofS iaytov  Icat Maplaf
7~f wap0lvov ical Oeor7cov, Eva / rvyXdvetv icac o oio 66'   OvaOf:yp E/vaa  bayev T  Tre
Oail/yara cai 7ti  wOr]l, awrep EiovoaCof'rrvpeyEte crapKt.  Tovf yap dlaLpoivrag, 71 cvyTeovrac, 77/ pavraaiav Eiaciyovrag oivdc O2Xro  de%6[teaOa   }eriEcrep 2) avaytpr7Vrof Katcr
c;L0clcav  crdpccr'ocf Etc'cf 0eoOT6cov orpor0iciKv vo0 OV o  Trewroil/ce.-wiabra d 6 v Ti rep6V
Tr ~po'vlaavra, 2) ~povo2vra, ) vav 2 7'r6rore, 2) Ev Xa2tci86vt, 2) og 6roTrE cvva66~,
bvaOecar[iotaev.  Berger Henotica Orientis, p. 42, ss.
15 These considered Timothy Aelurus as the last legitimate patriarch.  See Eustathii




472                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 451-622.
appointed patriarch of Antioch (485); though many Syrian
bishops were deposed because they would not subscribe the Henoticon.   The most decided opposition to church fellowship with
the Monophysites was presented by the Roman patriarchs, who
had become entirely independent of the emperor since the downfall of the western  empire  (476).   All remonstrances  proving
vain, Felix II. issued an anathema (484)16 against Acacius,
and communion between the Eastern and Western churches was
broken off.
But even in the east, the Henoticon proved but a weak bond
of union, since the questions left indeterminate in it, were continually employing the minds of men. At Constantinople, the
council of Chalcedon  stood high in  estimation;  and the Acoemetae even continued in communion with the Church of Rome.
In Alexandria, the decrees of this council were rejected.   In the
east, opinions on the subject were divided. Among all these,
churches, it is true, external fellowship  was for the  most part
maintained by the Henoticon; but it could not be otherwise
than  that there  should  be coldness  between  the  parties, which
often led to open quarrels.   Such was the situation  of affairs at
the accession of the emperor Anastasius (491-518). He adopted
the  principle  of avoiding  all interference  in  religious  matters,
except to  protect the peace  of the  citizens against fanaticism.l7
Mon. Epist. ad Timoth. Scholasticum, in Maji Coll. vii. 1, 277: To7rT  (TtltoM  Aiospip)
Kca rofS aiT' aiVroV tEXpt VIC a7EpOV OV     o  KOtVVOWOiVGt  0ot EeVpoV, aKICEdL0ovg aVroVf
vrpocayopevovref. However, Timotheus himself seems to have died before the division,
since Severus esteems him  highly. See his words, 1. c.: AtooCK6pov (d Kica TtloOgov
r(JV rC 62,0Oefia( CyOVtaT)V-TOVr f layCfvaf rtsC5 tcact (aTdraoyat.  It might be expected
that the strictest Monophysites should have belonged to the Acephali, who considered
even the body of Jesus as something higher, and these found passages in Timotheus
Aelurus, which agreed with them (see note 6), though he had maintained that the body
of Christ is of like essence with our own.
16 Felicis Epist. ad Acacium ap. Mansi, vii. p. 1053. The cdnclusion: Habe ergo cum
his, quos libenter amplecteris, portionem  ex sententia praesenti, quam  per tuae tibi
direximus ecclesiae defensorem, sacerdotali honore, et communione catholicae, nec non
etiam a fidelium numero segregatus; sublatum tibi nomen et munus ministerii sacerdotalis
agnosce, S. Spiritus judicio et apostolica auctoritate damnatus, numquamque anathematis
vinculis exuendus.-Theophanes, p. 114:'AKadictoCf l dvaalti0r(of Ee 7rept 7rv lcaaOapeatv, Kat rob ovojua avroe (rol (i2GAIof) Ep4e rv - r drTvXWov.
17 Evagrius, iii. 30: Ovrog o'Avacri-atoo  elp?1vao0C rt-f dV, o(dev Icatvoupyeaei0a
iravrE-S cg fiOl eCO, dlaC0epvrco)f r-epti  rv lclcjaao rtlcv taridaraatv.-'H  Jtv osv
tv XaXtcad6vt acvvodog a'va roirovf roiV  Xp6vovC ovre avave0avdv  v -raeg aiyltorratg
tIC7tc2laieatcg Ip77prrero, oi7re txv  Ca iravrmwv i6rEcapp-rrero.  ftcaCrot (3E ri-v IrpoE6pEv6vTwv, (df EXov vopieoUg, dierpdrrowro.  Kiyv ELtot /zitv  6ThV ICaEietaqlcVWV     aVr,- czca
yEzvC nf aivreiXovro, Kaol 7rpbS ovr6etiav Evedidoaav av22Lafiyv r bpav OPvro9v  irap' avrr- oh




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY. ~ 110. MONOPHYSITES.                           473
But he  could  not prevent all outbreaks of the latter.   In  Constantinople itself, he was threatened by the seditious Vitalianus,
who put himself forth as a defender of the Chalcedonian synod
(514), and was obliged to promise to him that he would effect
a restoration of communion with Rome.  But all negotiations
to bring this about were frustrated by the extravagant demands
of the Roman see; and Anastasius carried with him to the grave
the hatred, of all the friends of the council of Chaleedon, as may
be seen by many narratives written after his death.l8
Under Jlustin I. (518-527), a popular tumult finally compelled  the  general and  solemn  adoption   of  the   Chalcedonian
council at Constantinople, and the renewal of Church-communion with Rome (519).  The same measures were soon after
taken  in  the  east;  the  Monophysite  bishops were deposed, particularly  Severus, patriarch  of Antioch,"9 Xenayas or Plhiloxe-,u/1  ypdi/lqaTof 2Uaayijv rrapedEXovTO, La';a Cat  Tera6 7roZjg rl ( IrUeirdov T7c'a tcayiaa, tcal
tcotvwverv 7ravreU2SC oVKc ie~iXovro -roFg [0/ deXOyzgvotg 7rap' aevr g r2a EcIaOGeva. "ErEpoC
6/ oV'&6,ov OV/c E'xYovro  riv [v Xea'lCyad6vt cVvodov lca2 rg',rap' avT/g optwOevra, 6X26a' Icat
6vaOE/TarL ireptfl3aaov aVT7rv Tre cat rTv T A6ovTro    r6/TOov. "ALXot roigC veorTogC  Z vevoC
rvtXvpiGOVro tca] rara srpgf uia Z'jo vc d&Eraoy6re   T re ji tca. rafa dirg 6o a7c7rov, oG jziv
r, avOst)scV rO)v ypa/U6TSov ICairT vrefC, o1 6E scat'rpip  rib eipOVtGrcTepD7 V [SoA2;ov ihTrTOcZGvavtreg' ('5  srdaf Tgf tCIC2laVCia  EIg  idiaf cTrotcptOivat /oipaf, /cal.ld~6 1CoLAovEvV
cid2sotfl rovTg srpoedpE8ovTa. g-'AAr'ep O /iaac6rZeg'AvaarTautog 0eO()evog Tro VEEorerpi~ovragf TSv C7rausItcrcov 6'EOeuTro, EC 7rov IcaTE21jtet i), Tap  r eTO rCoL0g rT n og fsC rtVg rV TIV
Ev Xalc.d6dv aCvodo v O  Icpvrrovra,') TaVr7v avaalar/'-rtep rp70vra.
18 Evagrius, iii. 32:'0'Avaardcalo  d66oav  tavtlxailc7  (vo/uiaeog) srap  T-roZf sro2tolf
XeXe)v. Theodor. Lect. ii. 6: MavltXaot Kat'Apetavol EatLpoV'Avaaraa/io.  Mavxafoc
F2V, 0dS9 r/sg  Fnvrpib  a7roO (yluo~ivrq  a'-roig (Symmachi P. Ep. ad Orientales, ap. Mansi,
viii. p. 220: Declinemnus sacrilegum  Eutychetis errorem  cumn Manichaea malitia congruenturn),'Apetavot 6~ 5g Kkapyov Tro  Oe/av eo   rpig ylrpbi'Avaaraaiov 061o000ov
EXOvrefr. Victor Episc. Tununensis (about 555) in his Chronicon (in Canisii Lectt. ant.
ed. Basnage, vol. i. p. 326): Messala V. C. Cos. Constantinopoli, jubente Anastasio
Imperatore, sancta Evangelia, tamquaml  ab idiotis Evangelistis composita, reprehenduntur
et emnendantur.  (P. Wesselingii Diss. de Evangeliis jussu Imp. Anast. non emendatis,
append. to his diatribe de Judaeorum Archontibus. Traj. ad Rh. 1738.)  On the coutrary,
Liberati Breviarium, c. 19: Hoc tempore Macedonius Constantinopolitanus episcopus ab
imperatore Anastasio dicitur expulsus, tamquam  evangelia falsasset, et maxime illud
Apostoli dictum: qui apparuit in carne, justificatus est in spiritu (1 Tim. iii. 16). Hune
enim immutasse, ubi habet O0 id est Qui, monosyllabum graecum, littera mutata O in 0,
vertisse et fecisse OZ, id est Deus, ut esset: Deus apparuit per carnem.  Tamquam
Nestorianus ergo culpatus expellitur per Severull monachum.-P. E. Jablonski Exercit.
de morte tragica Anastasii Dicori, Francof. ad Viadr. 1744.  (Opusc. ed. te Water, t. iv. p.
353.)  Among the Monophysites Zeno and Anastasius were reckoned orthodox. See
Zaclariae Hist. Eccl. in Maji Coill. x. i. 366.
15 To the fragments of his works which were known before (a list is given in Cave, i.
500), many new ones have been added, which are scattered through A. Maji Scriptt. vett.
nova coll. vii. i. Fragments of his Comm. in Lucam, and in Acta Apost. are given in
Maji Classicoruml auctorum, x. 408. ]Fragments and a Confession of Faithl, addressed to
the Emperor Anastasius, out of the Arabic in the Spicilegium  romanual, t. iii. (Romae,




474                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 451-622.
nus, bishop of Mabug, Julian, bishop of Halicarnassus; and the
greater number of them  fled to Alexandria; for in Egypt, Monophysitism   was  so  generally  prevalent, that Justin  durst not
undertake any thing against it there.
This very congregating of so many bishops in Alexandria
now  led  to  internal divisions  among  the  Monophysites  themselves.20 From the controversy between Severus and Julian
rospecting the question whether the body of Christ was subject
to  that corruption,.-?    0,op5, and  was therefore ~0apr6v  rt, or
not,21 which  has  come  upon  human  bodies by  the  fall, arose
the  first and  most  obstinate  dispute, that of the  Severians
(Theodosiani,22  eOapoXdirpat) and  the  Julianists23  (Gajanitae,'A~Oaprodor Trat, Phantasiastae.)  Soon  after there  sprang  from
the former the'Ay/vonrai, or Thernistiani.24 On the other
hand, the Julianists were divided  into  the'AcrtalT-rat and  Krta~roirpat.   About 530, the celebrated  Johon  Philoponus25  promulgated  his errors respecting  the  Trinity26 and  the resurrec1840. 8) p. 722. Liber ad Julian. Episc. Halicarn. out of the Syriac in the Spicileg. rom.
x. 169.
20 Concerning them  as a peculiar source: Timotheus presb. de Variis haereticis ac
diversis eorum in Ecclesiam recipiendi formtlis, in Cotelerii Monum. Eccles. gr. iii. 377.
Comp. Walch's Ketzerhist, viii. 520. Baur's Dreieinigkeit, ii. 73.
21 Comp. my Comm. qua Monophysitarum variae de Christi persona opiniones illustrantur. Partic. ii. Gotting. 1835, 38. 4.
22 A fragment of Theodosius, Patriarch of Alexandria, which extends over this disputed
question, is given out of the Arabic in the Spicileg. rom. iii. 711. Among other things it is
written: Nisi Christus-in sua care eas qualitates habuisset, quae sine peccato consistere
possunt, scil. nisi ejus care par nostrae esset, tumn quod ad essentiam attinet, tum etiam
quod ad patiendum;-nunquam stimulus mortis destructus fuisset, i. e., peccatum. Comp.
especially Severi liber ad Julianum, quo demonstrat, quid sacri libri doctoresque Ecclesiae
docuerint circa incorruptibilitatem corporis J. Chr. out of the Syriac in the Spicileg. rom.
x. 169.
23 Juliani anathematismi, x. in Syriac in J. S. Assemani Biblioth. Vatic. Codd. Mss.
Catal.,P. i. t. iii. (Romae. 1759. fol.) p.,223, in Lat. in my Comm. ii. 5.
24 Fragments of Themistius in Maji Coll. vii. 1, 73. In order to perceive his view, the
following sentences are of importance: Mia Tro  A6yov  Oeavdptcl4 EEpyeta TrE /cat yvlctg.
But ra tuv OeiZclc, r  d dvOpu7OrivGOf O arr7of eiVpy7oaev (consequently also E0yi uWceP).
25 That a great part of his life does not belong to the seventh century, as has been
usually assumed, is shown by Ritter Gesch. d. christl. Philos. ii. 501, and confirmed by a
letter which he wrote, when an old man, to the Emperor Justinian. See Spicileg. rom.
iii. 739. His writings were: In HexaSmeron, Disp. de Paschate (ed. B. Corderius. Vienn.
1630. 4, more correctly printed in Gallandius, xii. 471), de Aeternitate mundi contra Proclum lib. (Venet. 1535), Commentaries on Aristotle.-Among other lost book was one adv.
Synod. Chalcedonensem  (Photius Cod. 55). Fabricii Bibl. gr. vol. ix. p. 359, ss. (ed.
Harles, vol. x. p. 639, ss.)
26 Leontius de Sectis act. v. ~ 6, makes Philoponus say to the church: El deo?Xdyere
CGerr E'v 7T5 XpWLr, avday/ o afS odai de o Vn'oarodaetl'ltrerv.-vai raVT6 Ear T aytI g cai
vir6aratvg. ErTa rdn'tv' boCia ea' E ravr6'9r7o  Vtga licat rn'aTactl, odVcov 2uEyo/ev




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY., 111. DISPUTES UNDER JUSTINIAN  I.  475
tion,27 drawn  from   the Aristotelian  philosophy, among  the  Monophysites (Philoponiaci, Tritheitae; on the other side, Condobanditae  and Cononitae) in opposition  to whom  Damnian, patriarch
of Alexandria, appeared to fall into the Sabellian error (Damianitae).   At the  same time, the  doctrine  of Stephanus Niobes,
who  removed  all distinction  of  natures  in  Christ after  their
union, was condemned by the other Monophysites (Niobitae).3a
~ 111.
CONTROVERSIES UNDER JUSTINIAN I.
Justiznian I. (527-565), a zealous adherent of the council of
Chalcedon' endeavored to restore unity and order both in state
and church by means of laws; for which purpose he tried to
bring  back  the  Monophysites  in  particular,  into  the  church.
These endeavors were turned to advantage by a secret Monophysite  court party, at whose  head  stood  his  spouse, Theodora,2
who  exercised  great influence  over him, and  who, in  the hope
of bringing the Catholic Church, step by step, to Monophysitism,
persuaded the emperor that the Monophysites took offense simply
at points in the Catholic Church, which could be removed without a violation  of orthodoxy.   But since  the dominant church
had also its representatives at court, the emperor was led sometimes by  the one party, sometimes by the  other, to enact regulations, whose natural consequence was to increase  rather than
remove the causes of dispute.
aic   rZf ityigaf rptcidogf rpegf riVaef,  rretXd  6/loXoyovvEof rpcrif V7roaraGcetf iXELt.'A'rEcpivaro O  4t2&6rovoc - Or ca c aroa rpgS-    ~OVtJaetf Xiyetv iyud/f,ir rT 7f &yiaf rpiacdof.'E2Eye de' raTra   ap 3C rjv &T ~ opy/7v crcloi -i-rv'AplCTioretllCcV' 6 yip Y'ApAPCrTOTr27y  )alV,
Ort etlZl 7i-V iTr6yO(v icca  replKcat oviatc, ical tua lcolv7-' oircCg OVV KaC  6 clc67wovoc
Eeyev, 5Tr EL6cip rpg jerpltcai ovciac kir rgj ctyiaf rpcltdof, icact eagrt tiica ICOV. Comp.
the important hagiments out of Philoponi dial. Acacrprfg ap. Joh. Damascenus de Haeresibus, c. 83.-His book on the Trinity against John, patriarch of Constantinople (Photius
Cod. 75), is lost. J. G. Scharfenberg de Joh. Philop. Tritheisimi defensore diss. Lips. 1768.
4. Joh. Philoponus, eine dogmenhist. Eroterung von F. Trechsel, in the Theol. Studien. u.
Kritiken, 1835. i. 95. Ba-ur's Dreieinigkeit, ii. 13. Ritter, ii. 512.
27 Timotheus in Cotelerii Monum. eccl. gr. iii. 413. Philoponus's book,repl iavaardcaeof
(Photius Cod. 21) is lost. Ritter, ii. 511.
28 Dionysius Patr. Antioch. in Assemani Bibl. orient. ii. 72. Timlotheus, 1. c. p. 397,
407, ss. 417, ss. Baur, ii. 92.
1 A new memorial of it is his X6yog do1ouarlcbgO Trpbif rog EV r.5 E(v7rO rgS )'AceSavdpia
uovaxove, which Majus Scriptt. vett. nova coll. vii. i. 292, has published.
2 Respecting her see Procopii Hist. arcana, c. 9.




476               -SECOND PERIOD. —DIV. II.-A.D. 451-622.
The conferences between  Catholic and  Monophysite bishops,
which JustinianI3 caused to be held, were, on the whole, fruitless.
The original Monophysite formula —" God was crucified"which had been approved of by many, even among the Catholics
in the east (e0orraaXi-rat),4 but which some Scythian monks under
Justin I. had in vain attempted to introduce both  at Rome and
Constantinople (519-521),5 was declared orthodox by Justinian
(533), with  the evident purpose of conciliating  the Monophy3 The protocol of the one A.T. 531: Collatio Catholicorumn cum Severianis, ap. Mransi,
viii. 817.-Johannes Episc. Asiae speaks of several in Assenani Bibl. orient. ii. 89.
4 See Walch's Ketzerlist. vii. 261, 311, if.
5 Walch, vii. 262. Under Anastasius the addition in the Trishagion (see ~ 110, note
12), was also introduced at Constantinople (see Zachariae Hist. eccl. ap. Assemani Bibl.
or. ii. 59, and in Maji Nova coll. x. 375, comp. Dioscuri Diac. Ep. ad Hormisdan ap. Mansi,
viii. 480). Its abrogation during the reaction under Justin doubtless occasioned the monks
to defend the formula. Hormisdae Ep. Rom. Epist. ad Possessorem Episc. Afric. Constantinopoli exulantenm (ap. Mansi, viii. 498): Ubi non varie tentationis aculei?  Quales
per hune fere jugem annum quorundam Scytharum, qui monachos prae se ferebant specie
non veritate, professione non opere, subtili tectas calliditate versutias, et sub religionis
obtentu famulantia odiis suis venena pertulimus.-Nunquam  apud eos caritas novo commendata praecepto, nunquam.pax dominico relicta discessu: una pertinacis cura propositi,
rationi velle imperare, non credere: contemtores auctoritatum veterum, novaruml cupidi
quaestionmn; solam putantes scientiae rectam viaml, qualibet concepta facilitate sententiam: eo usque tumoris elati, ut [ad] arbitriumn suum utriusque orbis putent inclinandumn
esse judiciurn, etc. The answer of one of the Scythian monks to this, Joh. Maxentii ad
Epist. Hormisdae responsio (Bibl. PP. Lugdun. t. ix. p. 539, ss.):-Non est facile credendum, bane esse epistolam.eujus fertur nomine titulata, praesertim cum in ea nihil, ut
diximus, rationis aut consequentiae reperiatur, sed tota crimninationibus obtrectationibusque vanis-videatur referta. —CQod monachis responsum quaerentibus Romanus Episeopus dare omnlino distulerit, eosdemque post multa maris pericula, longique itineris
vexationem, nec non etiam  afflictionem  prolixi temporis, quo eos apud se detinuit,
vacuos et sine ullo effectu ad has partes venire compulerit, quod omnibus paene catholicis
notum est, nec ipsi queunt haeretici denegare. —Nan et ipsi haeretici ad hoc ubique hane
ipsam, cui respondimus, epistolamn profelunt, quatenus et saepedictis monachis invidiam
concitent, et olunes quasi ex auctorit-ate ejusdem Romani Episcopi prohibeantur Christum
filium Dei unumi confiteri ex trinitate. Sed quis hanc sententiam catholicamn non esse
ausus est profiteri, quaml urliversa veneratur et amplectitur Dei ecclesia?  Confidenter
etenim dicere audeo, non quod, si per epistolam, seu qulod, si viva voce hic in praesenti
positus idem Ronllanus prohiberet Episcopus Christram filium Dei unum confiteri ex sancta
et individua trinitate, nunquaml eidem Dei ecclesia acquiesceret, nunquem ut'Episcopum
catholicum veneraretur, sed omnino ut haereticum penitus execraretur. QOuia quisquis
hoc non confitetur non est dubium, quod Nestorianae perfidiae tenebris excaecatus,
quartum et extraneum a sancta et ineffabili" Trinitate eum, qui pro nobis crucem sustinuit, praedicare contendat.-An forte illos rationi credere, non imperare judicat, qui
Christum unam personal  quidem ex Trinitate, non autem unum ex Trinitate esse fatentur?  Sed hi qui hoc dicunt, potius rationi velle imperare, non credere, penitus convincuntur, etc. The Episeopi Africani in Sardinia exules also sided with the Scythian monks:
comp. their book composed by Fulgentius Ruspensis lib. de incarnatione et gratia Dom.
nostri J. C. ad Mon. Scyth. (Fulgentii Opera ed. Paris. 1684. 4. p. 277, ss.). Fulgentius
Ferrandus Diac. C'athag. ad Anatolium Diac. Rom. Dionysius Exiguus praef. ad versionean
epistolae Procli Archiep. Const. ad Armenos (ap. MansL, v. 4L9)..




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY.   11ll. DISPUTES' UNDER JiTSTINIAN I.  477
sit;es.6   This  step,; however, was without success.   In  Egypt
the Monophysites continued  to  be the prevailing  party, though
Justinian       (536) again  appointed  a Catholic patriarch  of Alexandria, Paul.   But, on the other hand, the secret endeavors of
Theodora to spread Monophysitism in Rome and Constantinople
were  equally  fruitless.   Anthimus, who  had  been  promoted  to
the see of Constantinople by her (535), was soon after (536)
deposed  for being  a Monophysite.                Vigilius, elevated  to  the
see of Rome, with the secret understanding8  that he was to de6 The Monophysites accused the orthodox, before the emperor, of not acknowledging
dominum passumn carne, vel unum eum esse de sancta Trinitate, nec ejusdem esse personae tam miracula quam passiones (cf. collatio Cathol. curn Sever. ap. Mansi, viii. 832).
The Acoemetae did really deny esse confitendum, b. Mariam vere et proprie Dei genetricem; et unum de Trinitate incarnatum et carne passum (Liberatus, c. 20), evidently.misled
by their sadherence to Rome (Sam. Basnage Annal. politico-eccles. iii. 701). Justiniani lex
A.D. 533 (Cod. i. i.. 6).-Unius ac etjusdem- passiones et miracula, quae sponte pertulit in
carne, agnoscentes. Non enim  aliurn Deum Yerbunm,, et alium  Christum novimus, sed
unumb t eundem.-Mansit enim Trinitas et post incarnatum unum  ex Trinitate Dei
verbum: neque eniln quartae persona-e adjectionem- adomitilo sancta Trinitas. —Anatffematizamnus-Nestorium anthropolatram, et qui eadem cum ipso sentiunt-qui negant nec
confitentur Dominum nostrum J. C. filiSrn Dei et Doeum nostrum incarnatuos  et holminem
factum  et crucifixumn unum esse e:x sancta et consubstantiali Trinitate.-Epist. Joannis
Ep. RoImae ad Justin.) ibid. 1. 8, et ap. Mansi, viii. 797): Comperimus, quod fidelibus
populis proposuistis Edictum amore fidei pro submovenda haereticorum intentione, secundum apostolicam doctrinam, fratrum et Coepiscoporum nostrorum interveniente consensu.
Quod, qlia apostolicae doctrina convenit, nostra auctoritate confirmiamus. The formula,
however, was still suspected in the west of being Monophysite, and Bishop Cyprian of
Toulon (about 550) was obliged to defend himself against Bishop Maximmus of Geneva,
quod beatitudo Vestra imperitiam nostram judicat esse culpandam, eo quod Deum honinem passum dixerim (the document is communicated by Schmidt in Vater's Kirchenhist.
Archive ffir 1826, S. 307). The addition to the Trishagion (~ 110, note 12) continued to be
used by the Catholics in Syria (see Ephraem. Patr. Antioclh. about 530, apud Photius Cod.'228. Assemani Bibl. Orient. i. 518), till it was rejected by the Cone. Quinisextum, can. 81.
After that time it was retained only by the Monophysites and Monothelites (WValch's
Ketzerhist. ix. 480). Among the Catholics the idea arose that a quaternity, instead of a
Trinity, was introduced by it. See Jo. Damasc. de Fide orthod. iii. 1.0. See Royaards in
the Nederlandsch Archief voor kerkel. Geschiedenis, ii. 263 (1842).
7 Acta Syn. Constantinop. ann. 530 ap. Mansi, viii. 873, ss.
s Liberatus, c. 22. In him and in Victoris Tunun. Chronic. (ap. Canisius-Basnage, i. 330),
is found the Epist. Vigilii to the Monophysite bishops, Theodosius, Anthimus, and Severus,
where we read, among other things: Me eam fidem, quam tenetis, Deo adjuvante et
tenuisse et tenere significo.-Oportet ergo, ut haec, quae vobis scribo, nullus agnoscat,
sed magis tanquam suspectum me sapientia vestra ante alios existimet habere, ut facilius
possim haec, quae coepi, operari et perficere. In the Confession of Faith appended to it
in Liberatus: Non duas Christum confitemur naturas, sead ex duabus naturis compositum
unumn filium, unum Christumrn, unum Dominum. Qui dicit in Christo duas formas, unaquaque agente cum alterius communione, et nonl confitetur unam personam, unam essentiam, anathema.  Qui dicit: quia hoc quidem miracula faciebat, hoc vero passionibus
succumbebat (Leo, ~ 89, note 7): et non confitetur miracula et passiones unius ejusdemque, quas sponte sua sustinuit, carne nobis consubstantiali, anathema sit. Qui dicit,
quod Christus velut homo misericordia dignatus est, et non dicit ipsusn Deum Yerbum




4783               SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 451-622.
clare  in  favor of Monophysite  doctrines  (538), soon  found  it
expedient to break through  his agreement.
In  the  mean  time, these  theological affrays  were  increased
by  the revival of tlMe  Origenist controversy.   Origen  had, by
degrees, obtained many devoted admirers among the monks in
Palestine.   One of them, Theodorus Ascidas, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, who had come to court, and gained the confidence of the  emperor, protected  the Origenists in  propagating
their doctrines in Palestine, sometimes by violent means.'   But
at last the  opposite party  prevailed, by  the  aid  of  Vennas, patriarch  of Constantinople, and  obtained  from  Justinian  a condemnation of the Origenist errors (about 544).10 It was more
with the  design  of diverting  attention  from   Origenism   than  of
being revenged on his orthodox opponents, that Theodorus now
persuaded the emperor 11 that the reconciliation of the Monophysites with the orthodox would be much facilitated by a public
condemnation  not only  of  Thleodore of  ]liopsuestia,"  who  had
et crucifixum  esse, ut misereatur nobis, anathema sit. Anathematizamius ergo Paulurn
Samosatenum, Dioscorum (leg. Diodorum), Theodorum, Theodoritum et omnes, qui eorum
statuta coluerint, vel colunt. Soon after this, however, he proved his orthodoxy to the
Emperor and the Patriarch of Constantinople. -Epist. ad Justinian. ap. MIansi, ix. 35, ad
Mennam, ibid. p. 38.
I Chief'authority, Vita s. Sabae by Cyrillus Scythopolitanus (in Cotelerii Monum. Eccles.
graec. t. iii.) from cap. 36. Cf. Walch de Sabaitis (Novi comm. Soc. Gotting. vii. I).
10 In the Epist. ad Mennam Archiepisc. Const. adv. impinm Origenem ap. Mansi, ix. 487.
Here, p. 524, Mennas is ordered cvvayayehv doravra rovg tvd7ypofvraof tca7r  ra brv zrv
/3aoatZda  7r6utv 6atordrovf'ItaloK6Trovf, ical rof-o/vlovaarT7poV  )yOV/teVOVc, KaCt rapaalevaat 7crvraf —r7v-'2ptyE'v, v —avaOetarGicat, and from this aovvodoe bvdyoOua proceeded, without doubt, the fifteen canons against Origen (prim. ed. Petr. Lambecius in
Comment. bibl. August. Vindob. viii. 435, ap. Mansi, ix. 395), thougls their title favors
the fifth oecumenical council. See M. Le Quien Oriens christianus, iii. 210. \Walch's
Ketzerhist. vii. 660.
11 The Origenist Domitian, bishop of Ancyra, himself admitted in libello ad Vigilium
(in Facundi Episc. Hermianensis pro defens. trium capitul. lib. iv. c. 4): Prosiluerunt ad
anathematizandos sanctissimLos et gloriosissimos doctores sub occasione eorum, quae de
praeexistentia et restitutione mota sunt, dogmatum, sub specie quidem Origenis, omnes
autem, qui ante eum et post eum fuerunt, sanctos anathematizantes.  Hi vero, qui proposuerant hujusmodi dogma defendere, id implere nullo modo voluerunt: sed talem relinquentes conflictum, conversi sunt, ut moverent adversus Theodoruml, qui fuit MopsvesteIus
episcopus, et moliri coeperunt, quatenus anathematizaretur et ille, ad abolitionem, ut
putabant, eorum, quae contra Originem mota constiterant. Liberatus, c. 24: Theodorus
Caesareae Cappadociae episcopus, dilectus et familiaris principum-cognoscens Originem
fuisse damnatum, dolore damnationis ejus, ad ecclesia conturbationem, damlnationem molitus est in Theodorum Mopsvestenum, eo quod Theodorus multa opuscula edidisset contra
Originem, exosusque et accusabilis haberetur ab Origenistis.
i2 The enmity of the abbot Sabba to him, Vita Sabae (see note 9), c. 72, 74.-A Synod
convened for the purpose at Mopsuestia by the imperial command (550), came to the conclusion: Theodorum veterem, qui per istam civitatem fait episcopus, in asntiquis temporibus




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY.  ~ 111. DISPUTES UNDER JUSTINIAN  I. 479
been long in somewhat evil repute among the orthodox, but also
of Theodoret's writings against Cyril and the letter of Ibas to
Maris, though  the  two  latter had  been  expressly  pronounced
orthodox by the council of Chalcedon.13 Justinian accordingly
condemned, in an edict (544), the Three Chapters (rpia iceaaUata,
tria capitula).l4    In the east they very easily coincided with this
measure;  but in the west it was so much the more obstinately
resisted.15 On this account Justinian summoned Vigilius,
bishop of Rome, to  Constantinople (546), and prevailed  on him
there to condemn, in like manner, the Three Chapters (518)16 in
a document called Judicatuzm.   But Vigilius was soon induced
to hesitate, by the decided opposition of the greater number of
the western  bishops; 7 and  he refused  to  adopt the  emperor's
second edict against the Three Chapters (551).18
Justinian now  convened the fifth  oecumwenical council at
extra praedicationem divini mysterii fuisse, et sacris diptychlis ejectumn esse: et-in illius
vocabulumn, inscriptum esse Cyrillum sanctae memoriae (see Mansi, ix. 286). The testimonies of the ancients against Theodorus, collected in the collatio v. of the fifth oecumeni.
cal council, must be very cautiously received; for instance, Theodore's name, in the two
laws of Theodosius II. against Nestorius (p. 249, ss.), is a later addition.
13 Theodoret, in the actio viii. (ap. Mansi, vii. 189). Ibas, after a long investigation, act
ix. and x. after which the Roman embassadors expressly declare:'Avayvoadecigc  77r
7lrtaTroXf avTroV (that very Epist. ad Marinl.) lr6yvw0/ev acr7Ov iu7rdpxetv 6pO6do$ov.
14 I. e., three points, articles: not as J. H. Miicke de tribus capitulis concilii Chalced.
Lips. 1766. 4. p. 6, thinks, the three decrees of the council of Chalcedon, for there was no
such decree respecting Theodore. The first edict of Justinian is lost, except fragments
in Facundus, ii. 3, iv. 4. See Norisii Diss. de synodo quinta, c. 3. Walch's Ketzerhist.
viii. 150.
15 Their leading reasons are given by Fulgentius Ferrandus Epist. vi. ad Pelagiunm et
Anatolium, at the conclusion of the following sentences: Ut concilii Chalcedonensis, vel
similium nulla retractatio placeat, sed quae semliel statuta sunt, intemuerata serventur. Ut
pro mortuis fratribus nulla generentur inter vivos scandala. Ut nullus libro suo per subscriptiones plurimoruim  dare velit auctoritatem, quam solis canonicis libris ecclesia catholica detulit.
16 The particulars are related by Facundus, lib. contra Mocianum scholast.-The Judicatumn is no longer extant, except in a fragment in the Latin translation of the Epist.
Justin. ad Conciliun oecumn. v. (ap. Mansi, ix. 181).
17 Victor. Tunun. in Chron. (1. c. p. 332): Post Consulatumn  Basilii V. C. anno ix. (549).
Illyriciana Synodus in defensione iii. capitum  Justiniano Aug. scribit, et Benenatum,
primae Justinianae Civitatis episcopum, obtrectatorem eorundem iii. capitunl condemnat.
— Post Cons. Bas. V. C. anno x. (550) Africani Antistites Vigilium Romanuml  Episcopum,
damnatoremn iii. Capitulorum synodaliter a catholica coemnunione, reservato ei poenitentiae
loco, recludunt, et pro defensione mlemoratorum iii. Capituloruml literas satis idoneas Justiniano Principi per Olympium Magistrianum mittunt. Also defenses of the three chlapters by Facundus and Rusticus.
1s Or the 0/so2%oyia 7riareCf'Iovar. AVroscpdropoS, preserved in the Chronic. Alexandr.
ed. du Fresne, p. 344, ss. ap. Mansi, ix. 537.-Concerning the conduct of Vigilius see
especially Epistola legatis Francorum, qui Constantinopolim proficiscebantur, ab Italiae
clericis directa, A.D. 551, ap. Mansi, xi. 151.




480                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 451-622.
Constantinople  (553),s9 at which  Vigilius not only  refused  to
attend, but even  defended  the  three  chapters in  the  so-called
Constituturn.20        The  Synod, therefore, broke  off  all Church
communion  with  him,21  and approved  without qualification  all
the  decrees of the emperor hitherto  made respecting  religion.22
No farther notice was taken of the Origenists,23 a circumstance
which  we shall not be far from  the truth  in  attributing  to the
artful management of Theodorus Ascidas, who was the leading
person at the council. Vigilins at length (554) assented to
the  decisions of the  council,24  to  which  step  he was doubtless
influenced chiefly by the  success of the  imperial arms in  Italy
under Narses. Immediately after, he set out on his return to
Rome, but died by the way, in Syracuse (555).  His successor,'9 Acta in Mansi, ix. 157, ss. Natalis Alexander Hist. eccl. saec. vi. t. v. p. 502, ss.
J. Basnage Histoire de l'eglise, liv. x. c. 6. Norisii Diss. de synodo v. (Patav. 1673. Opp.
ed. Ballerini, Veron. 1729. t. i. p. 437). Against him Garnerii Diss; de syn. v. (first appended to his Liberatus. Paris. 1675, improved in the anctar. Opp. Theodoreti, p. 493, also
in Theodoret. ed. Schultze, v. 512). On the other side the Ballerini: Defensio diss. Noris.
adv. Garn. (in Noris. Opp. iv. 985).
20 Ap. Mansi, ix. 61-106.
21 Justinian declared, with reference to Vigilius, to the synod in a rescript (in the Acta
of the Synod, collatio vii. ap. Mansi, ix. 367): Ipse semetipsum alienunm catholicae ecclesiae
fecit, defendens praedictorum capituloruln impietatem, separans autem semetipsuln a vestra communione. His igitur ab eo factis, alienum Christianis judicavimus nonlen ipsius
sacris diptychis recitari [leg. resecari], ne eo modo inveniamur Nestorii et Theodori impietati commlunicantes.-Unitatem vero ad apostolicam sedem et nos servamus, et certaitu
est queod et vos custodietis.  WVithout sufficient reason the Ballerini, in their defensio
(Norisii Opp. iv. 1035), declare this writing to be spurious.
22 The thirteen anathemas appended to Justinian's 6/yo.oyea (ap. Mansi, ix. 557) are for
the most part verbally repeated in the fourteen anathemas of the Synod (1. c. p. 376, ss). So
also the 6th imperial anathema in the 10th of the council: EZ rtF o~'X 6oJAoy(Yef rV
ecravpw~Etvov  capp/c KSIcpoov iFU v'Is7jodv Xptscbv elvae. Oebv (t'XqlZOtvv ltal Icvptov 77/~
d66f, Icai fva Tf ygafg rptdidof, o6 rotoVTo7   vdOceua fern,
23 Though as early as Cyrillus Scythopolit. in vita Sabae, c. 90, and Evagrius, iv. 37, the
formal condemnation of Origen is attributed to the 5th council by confounding it with the
synod lunder Mennas (see note 10), as was afterward generally believed. See on the
other side WValch's Ketzerh. viii. 280.
24 Vigilii Epist. ad Eutychium Archiepisc. Constant. prim. ed. P. de Marca in Diss. de
decreto Papae Vigilii pro confirmatione v. Syn. (in ejusd. dissertt. iii. a Baluzio editis.
Paris. 1669. 8, and appended to Boehmller's edition of the concord. Sac. et Imlp. p. 227), ap.
Mansi, ix. 413, ss. The remarkable commencement: Ta auc&vda2a, wrep o -roi  dvOpo,infvov  yfvovgC fXO~p~  r(i aouwravrt  6cao dt(yetpev, of6 dig dyvoef, o/rec (6E r, oire ov
3o0iVuola rpog Tio bvaerpeat* r2)v 7oe Oeovo E/Cccoaiav —rZ~spdcsat o'ip dsrore rp67r,  cirovJdaov7ra, o( It6vov'9 bv6pLarog idiov, a2hIi Ecai f''pervpov  aei Ef dtaUwv, diti TO- 2teyetv
91 TOi ypo6ietv, doibopa rTdctatyOal t7reTron7cv'   elf TOeOV7oV, OTr etef. ei-7 i-v aeC 4v
iai cauve7rilcKoraV  /idv —ev r,   rdv reaacpwyv cvv6dov jud icat T-r  a'VTr urtteL te6C/#,uog
Jatrehonvroag, roTf cro~cyaaet rsf otido Trovnrpag 7ravovpyiaf, avo-cv  re~xeiptae deZeXEv.-'A26X' 6'renEtd  Xptarbof   Oebdg 0 Cv —d'rcTUf, avyXVeogrC fr-'/syCv iaevofaf  rnoctlV70e6ei~
rpbf eip9vriv -jrv oiKoovieVv uCveceaero, It. r. 2.




CHAP. II. —THEOLOGY. ~ 112. MONOPHYSITE CHURCHES.    481
Pela gins  I., acknowledged  at once  the  authority  of the  fiftls
Synod,25 which led to a tedious schism between several Western
Churches and Rome.  Among the writers who, during this
controversy,  opposed  the  condemnation of the  Three Chapters,
the  most distinguished  are  Fulgentius  Ferrandus,  deacon  in
Carthage  (t  before  551); 26  Facundus, bishop  of Hermiane
(t  about  570);27  BRusticus,  deacon  in  Rome; 28  Liberatus,
deacon in Carthage (about 553);29 Victor, bishop of Tununa
(t after 565).30
Shortly before his death  (564), Justinian  was misled  by his
excessive desire to bring  back the Monophysites to the  Church,
so as to elevate to the rank of orthodoxy the doctrine of the
Aphthar~todocetae.  Eutychius, patriarch of Constantinople, was
deposed for his opposition to this measure; and the like fate
awaited Anastasius  Sinaita, patriarch  of Antioch;  when  the
death of the emperor (565) became the death likewise of the
new  doctrine.31
~ 112.
DEVELOPMENT OF MONOPHYSITE CHURCHES.
The  efforts of Justinian  to  reunite  the  Monophysites  with
the Catholic  Church were, so far from   successful, that the  sect
25 Victor Tulnon. in Chron. Post consulatnm  B asilii V. C. anno xviii. Pelagius Romanus archidiaconus, trium praefatoronl defensor Capitulorum, Justiniani principis persuasione de exsilio redit: et comdemnans ea, quae dudum constantissime defendebat Romanae
Ecclesiae Episcopus a praevaricatoribus ordinatur.
26 Opp. ed. Fr. Chiffletius. Divione. 1649. Bibl. PP. Lugd. t. ix. Bibl. PP. Gallandi, xi.
329. Among his letters the most remarkable are those in answer to questions addressed
to him firom Rome, ad Anatoliun, quod unus de Trinitate passus dici possit, et ad Pelagium
et Anatolium [546] pro tribus capitulis.
27 By whom is the chief work in favor of the three chapters pro defensione iii. Capitulorum, libb. xii. (about 548), and contra Mocianum scholasticum  (Opp. prim. ed. Jac. Sirmond. Paris. 1629. 8, enlendatius in Bibl. PP. Gallandii, xi. 665).
28 Lib. adv. Acephalos ad Sebastianum (in Bibl. PP. apud Gallandius, xii. 37).
29 Breviarum causae Nestorianorum  et Eutychianoruom (ed. Jo. Garnerils. Paris. 1675, 8.
Ap. Mansi, ix. 659, and ap. Gallandius, xii. 119).
30 Chronicon ahb orbe condito, only the second part is extant, from 444 to 565 (ap. Canisius-B asnage, i. 321, plur. in locis restitut. ap. Gallandius, xii. o21).
31 Evagrius, iv. 38-40. Eutychii vita, composed by one of his adherents, Eustathius or
Eustratius (in the Greek original, Acta SS. April. tom. i. append. p. 59), has been dressed
out with praises even to the miraculous. Walch's Ketzerhist. viii. 578. According to
Eustathius, Justinian was misled by Origenists.
von. I. -31.




482                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 451-622.
was always becoming more distinct under his reign, and internally  established.    The  later  dominion  of the  Arabians, by
which  the  Monophysites were  especially  favored, rendered  the
breach incurable.
Only a small part of the Egyptians followed the Catholic
patriarch  of Alexandria, who  had been  appointed  by  Justinian.
The  more  numerous  Monophysites  chose  another  patriarch;
and  thus  they  continue  till the  present day  under  the  name
of Copts.l    The  _Ethiopiian  Churlch  was always in  connection
with  them.2
The  Christians in Armenia3  also  attached  themselves ecclesiastically  in  the fifth century to the Greek emperors, by whose
aid they held out against the Persians, and accordingly agreed
to the Henoticon of Zeno.4    After Monophysitism  had obtained
acceptance  among  them, in  consequence  of these proceedings,
they remained all the more faithful to it from  the time of Justin
I., since  the  Persians  favored  all parties  separated  from   the
Greek  Church.    In  vain  did  Kyrion, patriarch  of  Georgia,
endeavor to procure an approval of the council of Chalcedon in
Armenia also;5 a Synod at Twvin  (595)6 declared  itself decid1 Taki-eddini Makrizii (a lawyer in Cairo t 1441) Hlst. Coptorumn Christianorum in
Aegypto. arab. et lat. ed. H. J. WVetzer. Solisbacl 1828. 8. (A complete and more accurate
edition, with a translation, may be shortly expected from  Prof. Wiistenfeld.)  Eusebii
Renaudot Historia patriarcharunm Alexandrinorum Jacobitarum. Paris. 1713. 4. 1MVichael.
Le OQuien Oriens christianus in iv. patriarchatls digestus, quo exhibentur ecclesiae
patriarchae caeterique praesules totius Orientis. (Paris. 1740. 8. t. fol.) t. ii. p. 357.
2 Jobi Ludolf Historia Aethiopica. Francof. ad M. 16851. Conmnentarius ad Hist. Aeth.
1691, and appendix ad Hist. Aeth. 1993. All in fol.-Maturin Veyssier la Croze Histoire
du Christianisme d' Ethiopie et d'Arm6nie, a la Haye. 1739. S.
3 The older literature respecting Armenian church history in Clem. Galani Hist. Armena
eccl. et polit. Colon. 1686. Francof. et Lips. 1701. 8 (a reprint of vol. i. of the Conciliatio
eccl. Armenae cum Romana. Romae. 1651. 3 voll. fol.), la Croze, le Quien, I. c. almost useless, since the Mechitarists, united Armenian monks, have begun to publish on the island
of St. L azzaro at Venice, the numerous Armenian historians, and to prepare an Armenian
history. Their principal work is the history of Armenia by P. Michael Tschamtschean
(t 1823) in the Armenian ]anguage, 3 volumes, 4to. 1784. WVith it are connected the works
of Saint-Martin and C. F. Neumann. Comp. M6moires sur l'Arm6nie par J. Saint-Martin,
tomes ii. Paris. 1828, 29. Histoire d' Arm6nie par le patriarche Jean VI., dit Jean Catholicos (t 925) trad. de l'arm6nien en franqais par J. Saint-Martin. Paris. 1841. 8. C. F.
Neumann's Gescll d. armen. Literatur. Leipzig. 1836. 8.
4 In the year 491, at a synod at Edschmiadsin, the Henoticon was adopted, and the
decrees of the council of Chalcedon rejected, Tschamtschean, ii. 225. M6moires sur
l'Armenie par J. Saint-Martin, i. 329.
5 See respecting him, Neumann's Gesch. d. arm. Lit. S. 94.
o Twin (also written Thevin or Thovin), in the province of Ararat, at that time the
residence of the Armenian kings and patriarchs. Galanus Hist. arm. c. 10, Le Quien, i.




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY.   113. SEMIPELAGIAN CONTROVERSY. 483
edly in favor of Monophysitism; and thus the Armtenican Church
still continues, to the present day, as a sect separated from  the
other MIonophysite Churches,7 merely by peculiar customs.
In  Syria and Mesopotamia the Monophysites had nearly become extinct by persecution  affd want of a clergy, when Jacob
Baradai,  or Zanzalus, by  unwearied  diligence  (from   541  to
578), set in order their churches, and supplied them with pastors.
From  him  the Syrian Monophysites received the name Jacobites.8
CONTROVERSY BETWVEEN AUGUSTI-NISM AND SEMIPELA-GIANISM.,G. F. Wiggers Pragmll. Darstellung des Augustinismus und Pelagianismus. Th. 2. (Ham.
burg. 1833.) S. 224.
The Western  Churches were but little  disturbed by the Monophysite  controversy.    On  the  other hand, the  struggle  between  Augustinism  and  Semipelagianism  continued, especially
in  Gaul (comp. ~ 87, note 47, and following) though  without
leading to actual schisms in the Church. At first the Semipelagians had so much the advantage that their most distinguished
defender Faustus,  formerly  abbot of the  monastery at Lerins,
afterward bishop of Reji (Reis) (t after 490), compelled a certain  presbyter, Lucidlus, to  retract the Augustinian doctrines,'
and  his  Semipelagian  creed  was  generally  approved  at  the
councils  of  Arles  and  Lyons  (475)2                Hence Arnobius the
younger,3 author of the Praedestinatus4 I(both about 460), and
1360, and other older writers, place this synod earlier. Comp. however, Ang. Majus in the
Spicilegium Rom. x. ii. 450, annotation 3.
7 Comp. Ecel. Armeniacae canones selecti in Ang. Maji vett. Scriptt. nova coill. x. ii.
269. Among the most remarkable of these customs are these, that the Armenians use unmixed wine at the Lord's Supper, p. 303, and keep the day of Epiphany as the festival'of the birth and baptism of Jesus, p. 307.
8 Assemnani Bibl. orient. t. ii.-Le Quien, 1. c. t. ii.
1 Fausti Rejensis Epist. ad Lucidum, and Lucidi errorem emendantis libellus ad
Episcopos ap. Mansi, vii. 1008. Comp. Walch's Ketzerhist. v. 90.
2 His chief Work de Gratia Dei et humanae rmentis libero arbitrio libb. 2 (Bibl. Patr.
Lugd. viii. 525), was subscribed there. His creed is given by Wiggers, ii. 235.
3 See his Comm. in Psalmos (Bibl. PP. Lugd. viii. 238). Wiggers, ii. 348.
4 Prim. ed. J. Sirmond. Paris. 1643. 8 (recus. in Bibl. PP. Lugd. xxvii. 543, Bibl. PP.
Gallandii, x. 357). The first book contains a short sketch of 90 heresies (the 90th that of'the Praedestinatorum), the second a liber sub nomine Augustini conflictus, in which the
Augustinian doctrine was presented with great exaggeration (as it had been previously




484                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV.. II.-A.D. 451-622.
Gennadius, presbyter at Massilia  (-' after 495),5 express these
sentiments  without  disguise.   They  had  even  penetrated   to
Upper Italy;  and  lIagnus  Felix  Ennodius  bishop  of  Pavia
(from  511  to 521), professed them.6
Augustinism  was bated in  Gaul, especially on account of the
doctrine of an unconditional decree of God, which, in  the form
it had there assumed, distorted by  the consequences drawn from:
it by its obstinate defenders on the  one hand, and still more by
its  too  eager  opponents  on  the  other,"  was  completely  and
necessarily fatal to all morality.8    Some, indeed, did not hesitate
to  attribute  these  errors  directly  to  Augustine;   but for the
in the capitulis calumniantium, which Prosper refuted, see ~ 87, note 52. Wiggers, ii.
184), the third a refutation of this book. Waleh, v. 227. Wiggers, ii. 329. Perhaps
Arnobius was the anthor, as Sirmond and the B enedictines, Histoire litdraire de la France,
ii. 349, suppose. Compl however, Wiggers, ii. 349.
5 De Scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, continuaticn of Jerom-e (in Biblioth. eccl. J. A. Fabricii,
Hamb. 1718): de Fide s. de Dogmatibus ecclesiasticis liber ad Gelasiumn Papamn (ed.
Elmelnhorst. Hamburg. 1614. 4). Wiggers, ii. 351.
s Cf lib. ii. Epist. 19 (see Opera, best in Sirmondi Opp. t. i.). WTiggers, ii. 356.
7 Lucidus was forced to condemn the following propositions: Quod praescientia Del
hominem  violenter compellat ad mortem, vel quod cum  Dei pereant voluntate, quei
pereunt,-alios deputatos ad morteml, alios ad vitam praedestinatos. The Pseudo-Augustinus Praedestinatus lib. ii. says: Quem voluerit Deus sanctumn esse, sanctus est,
aliud non erit: quem praescierit esse iniquenm, iniqulus erit, aliud non erit. Piaedestinatio enim  Dei jam  et numermm  justorum, et namerum  constituit peccaterum, et
necesse erit constitutum terminlumn praeteriri non posse.-De Deo Apostolus dicit: Quos
vocavit, hos praedestinavit (Rom. viii. 30).  Si praescientem  et praedestinantem  et
vocantem in Apostolo legitis; nobis ut quid impinugitis crimen ob hoc, quod dicimus,
praedestinasse Deum homines sive ad justitiam sive ad peccatunm? —Invictus enim iln
sta voluntate permanet Deus, cum homo adsidue superetuir.  Si ergo invictum confitemini.
Deum, confitemini et hoc, quia quod eos voluit ille, qui condidit, alisd esse non possunt.
Unde colligimus apud animum, quia quos Deus seemel praedestinavit ad vitam, etiamsi
negligant, etiamsi peccent, etiamsi nolint, ad vitam  perducentur inviti: quos autemn
praedestinavit ad mortema, etiamsi carrant, etiamlsi festinent, sine causa laborant.  Cf.
6 87, note 31.
8 Praefatio Praedestinati:-Quis hanc fidem habens sacerdotum benedictionibus caput
inclinare desideret, et eormn sibi precibus et sacrificiis credat posse succurri?  Si eninz
haec nec prodesse volentibus, nec obesse nolentibus incipiant credi, cessabunt omnia Del
sacerdotum  studia, et unniversa mlonitorumn   adminicula vana videbuntur esse figmenta:
atque ita unusquisque suis erit vitiis occupatus, ut criminum. suorsmn delectationem  Dei
praedestinationem  existimet, et ad bonum a male transitum, nec per sacerdotum  Dei
(studia?), nec per conversionean suam, nec per legem  dominicam  se possere invenire
confidat.
9 Faustus only alludes to him (if Lucidus be not meant, as WTiggers, ii. 232,. assumes)
de Grat. Dei et hum. ment. lib. arb. i. 4: Si ergo unus ad vitam, alter ad perditioneml, ut
asserant, deputatus est, sicut quidam Salnctorum dixit, non judicandi nascihnr, sed judicati.  Ibid. c. 11: Igitur dum  liberi interemtor arbitrii in alterutram  partem  omnia
ex praedestinatione statuta et definita esse pronunciat, etc. —Gennadius de Script.
eccl. c. 38, speaking of Augustine: Quis tanto studio legat qulanto ille scripsit? Unde et
nlulta loquenti accidit, quod dixit per Salomonem Spir. S.: In multiloquio non effugies
peccatum  (Prov. x. 19). —Error tauren illius sermone multo, ut dixi, contractus, lucts




CUHATP. II.-THEOLOGY.  ~ 113. SEMIPELAGIAN  CONTOVTERSY. 485
most part it was usual, in order not to tread  too closely on the
honored  man, to distinguish  between  himself and  his adherents
at that time,10 that these  last could  be  the  more safely  condemrned as heretics under thle name of Pg'edestinarians.11
In  Rome and Africa, on the other hand, the doctrines of Augustine were strictly  followed.l2    Thus Gallic  Semipelagianism
was threatened  wvith  extinction  from  this quarter, and that the
more readily, inasmuch  as even in  Gaul were many  adherents
of Augustine, and among them  two distinguished bishops, Avitus,:archbishop of Vienne (490-523), and Caesar'ius, bishop of Arles
(502-542).'3    Those same  Scythian monks who had raised so
nuch  disturbance  by  their  efforts  to  introduce  the  formula,
~"" one of the Trinity was crucified" (~ 111, note 5), also renewed the struggle against Pelagianism, which seemed to them
to be closely connected with Nestorianism, and against Semipelagianism.l4   After they had been banished from  Rome, because
Hormisdas had pronounced judgment too indefinitely on Faustus,
they  brought the  question  of the  latter's  orthodoxy before  the
African  bishops  living  in  Sardinia  (523 );  in  whose  name
Fulgentius, bishop of Ruspe (t 533), now  defended Augustine
against  the.writings  of  Faustus.15    In  consequen ce  of this,
Semipelagianism  was  rejected  in  Gaul also, under  the  leaderhostiunr exaggeratus, necdmu  haeresis quaestionem dedit —Ennodius, lib. ii. Ep. 19, contradicts the doctrine that man has freedom only to do evil, and adds: Video, quo se toxica
hibycae pestis extendant: arenosus coluber non haec sola habet perniciosa, ciuae referat.
10 So particularly Praedestinatus. In the praef.: Sileres —si non etiamn audacter soO
Augustini nomine libros ederent.-Quis enim nesciat, Augustinum orthodoxum semper
fuisse doctorem, et tam, scribendo quamn disputando omnibus haereticis obviasse?
11 Violent controversy in the 17th' century on the questionl whether there ever was a
~particular sect of the Praedestinarians, as the Jesuits (particularly J. Sirmonld Historia
Praedestinatiana. Paris. 1648, in ej. Opp. t. iv., -and inGallandii Bibl. PP. x. 401) and the
older Lutherans asserted, while the Jansenists (especially G. Mauguin Accurata historiae
Praedestinatianae J. Sirmondi confutatio, in his Vindiciis praedestinationis et gratiae, p,
443, ss.), Dominicans, and Reformled, denied it. Modern impartial historians agree with
the latter (comp. Semler in the historical introduction prefixed to Bauimgarten's Polemik,
nii. 312).-Comlp. Sagitarii Introd. in hist. eeel. i. 1148. Waleh's Ketzerhist. v. 218.
12 Wiggers, ii. 365.
13 Alcimi Ecdicii Aviti Opera (poems, letters, homilies), ed. J. Sirmond. Paris. 1643.;(Bibl. PP..lugd. ix. 560). Caesarii Opp. (especially homilies, many incorrectly attributed
4o him) in the Bibl. PP. Lugd. viii. 819, 860.; xxvii. 324. W5iggers, ii. 368.
it Walch, v. 117. Wiggers, ii. 394..
15 Epistola synodica Epise. Afric. in Sardinia exulum ad Jo. Maxentium, etc. ap. Mansi,
viii. 591.-Fulgentii Ruspensis libb. iii. de Veritate praedestinationis et gratia Dei (his
libb. vii. adv. Faustum are lost) together with his other works (libb. iii. ad Monimum-;several writings against the Arians, and other doctrinal treatises) published. Paris. 1684.
4; in Bibl. PP. Lugd. ix. 16..




48'6                SECOND PERI-OD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 451-622.
ship of Caesarius at the synod of Arausio  (Oranges, 529), and
the Augustinian system adopted, though in a form essentially
rmodified.'6    Thus also no teacher of Semipelagianism   was condemned by name;;7 and not long after the principles were again
taught without giving offense,18 although even rigid Augustinism
continued to have its adherents.l9
~ 114.
HISTORY OF TH'E THEOLOGICAL SCIENCES.
After the Roman Empire. had been annoyed and overrun by
barbarians,  the  necessity  of struggling   against  paganism   no
longer calling  forth  spiritual activity, and  the study  of the s.,
called  heathen  sciences having  become  increasingly  suspi(i0ous,
especially in the eyes of the monks, scientific cultivation deriorated more  and more, inasmuch  as the free  movement of the
spirit was hindered  by  the  narrowing  down  of orthodoxy, and
attention  exclusively  directed  to. single  barren  speculations, ber
the  disputes  carried  on  with  so  much  zeal.'l  I-ow   narr! ow?td The 25 capitula of the Synod, to which a sketch of the doctrine of grace, in the fort.
fa Confession of Faith, is anmexed, ap. Mansi, viii. 711. Here the Augustinian dochtrines
of original sin, and of grace as the only source of all that is good, are introduced; afterwalc
it is said in the Confession of Faith: Quam gratiam —omnibus, qui baptizari desiderant;
non in libero arbitrio haberi, sed Christi novimas simul et credimus largitate conferri. —
Hoc etiam  secundum  fidem catholicam credimus, quod accepta per baptismaum  gratia
omnes baptizati, Christo auxiliante et cooperante, quae ad salutem  aninae pertineni
possint et debeant, si fideliter laborare voluerint, adimplere. If suflcient grace be granted
to all in baptism, it depends on man to embrace or to resist it, and there is no gratia
irresistibilis and no decretum absolutum. These latter, tllerefore do not result, as Wiggersj
ii. 441, supposes, as necessary consequences from the positions of tile Synod. The Synod
does not teach them, because it does not recognize them.
17 Hence Faustus is still honored in Provence as a saint, which is indeed censured by
some (for example, Baronius, ad ann. 490, ~ 42), but defended-by others. Com-p. J. Stilting
de S. Fausto comm. hist. in Actis SS. Sept. vii. 651..
18 So by the African bishop Junilius (about 550), de partibus divinae legis (Bibl. PP.
Lugd. x.) ii. 12, 15, by Gregory, archhbishop of Tours (t 5905) Miraculorum (Bibl. PP. xi.) ii
1, vii. 1, 2, 9, 11, 13, by Gregory the Great, bishop of Rome (t 604). Comp. G. F. Wiggers,
de Gregorio M. ejusque placitis anthropologicis comm. ii. Rostochii. 1838-40. 4.
19 To these belong Fulgentius Ferrandus-see ~ 111, note 26. Comp. his Paraeneticus
a.td Reginum comitem; Facundus, bishop of Hermiane-see Q 111, note 27, contra Mocianumn.ap. Gallandius, xi. 811; Isidore, archbishop of Seville (t 636), Sententt. ii. 6.
1 Bossuet's Weltgesch. continued by.J. A. Cramer, v. ii. 52. L. Wachler's Handbuch
der Geschichte der Literatur.  (Zweite Uemarbeit. Frankuf. a. M. 1S23),.ii. 5. Miunscher's
Dogmnengesch. iii. 44.




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY.  ~ 114. THEOLOGICAL SCIEN CES.   487
they began in  the west to judge of the writings of the  older fathers, according to the standard of the new orthodoxy, is proved
by the so-called Decretum  Gelasii de libris recipiendis et non recipiendis.2
The  writers who  were  engaged  in  the various  controversies
have been already named.  In the Western Church, Fausttus
Rejensis (~ 113, notes 1, 2), Fulgentius Ruspensis (~ 113, note
15), Fulgentius Ferrandus, Facundus IIerinianensis, Liberatus
(~ 111, note 26, ff.); among the. Orientals, Leontius Byzantinus
(preface to  ~ 110), and Johannes Philoponus (~ 110, note 25).
There was  now  less  and  less of independent investigation;
and  instead of it men were  content with  compilations from  the
highly esteemed oldei' fathers.3 By way of exegesis began the
series of the so-called  catenae;4  in the east with  Procopius of
Gaza  (about 520),5  in  the  west  with  Primnacius, bishop  of
2 In some MSS. it is attributed to Damasus (366-384), in the Spanish MSS. to Hormisdas
(514-523), but commonly to a Roman Synod under Gelasins (496). On the contrary, it is
wanting in the Dionysian collection of decrees (525), and in the Spanish (about 600) is
placed entirely at the end, behind the d'ecrees of Gregory the Great, which points to a
later addition. It is afterward first mentioned, but without the name off an author, by the
English bishop Adhelmus (about 680) de virginitate, c. 11, first attributed to Gelasius by
Hinemar, arclhbishop of Rheims (about 860) Opusc. 1. capitulorum, c. 24. That it was
gradually enlarged is shown by the different existing texts (three in Mansi, viii. 153).
In like manner, the difference of authors may be inferred from the fact that the Opera
Cypriani are placed both among the libris recipiendis and the non-recipiendis. At the
time of Hormisdas the basis of this list was already in existence (Horm. Ep. ad Possessorem
ap. Mansi, viii. 499: Non improvide veneranda patrum sapientia fideli potestati quae essent
catholica dogmata definiit, certa librorum etiam veterum in auctoritateim recipienda, sancto
Spiritu instruente, praefigens), but not in the form of a decree, since, in the latter case,
Dionysius would have adopted it. At the time of Hormisdas the Opera Fausti were also
not yet in it, since Hormisdas hesitates to condemn Faustus. The decree, however, must
have received its present form substantially in the first half of the sixth century, because
in it no writings and heretics of this century whatever are mentioned, and only the first
iour general councils.  Single interpolations were indeed made afterward.  Thus, in
Hinemar's time the canones Apostolorum were not yet adduced among the Apocryphis.
Cf. Mansi, viii. 145, 151. Regenbrecht de Canonibus Apostolorum et codice Eccl. hispanae diss. Vratisl. 1828. 8. p. 52.-In this decree, among others, the Historia Eusebii
Pamph. the Opuscula Tertulliani, Lactantii, Clementis Alex., Arnobii are reckoned among
the libris apocrpyhis, qui non recipiuntur.
3'Cassiodorus Institt. div. praef.: Quapropter tractores vobis doctissimos indicasse sufficiat, quando ad tales remisisse competens plenitudo probatur esse doctrinae. Nam et
vobis quoque erat praestantius praesumpta novitate non imbui, sed priscorum fonte satiari.
4 J. F. S. Augustin de Catenis PP. grace. in N. T. observationes. Halae. 1762 (il J. A.
Noesselti iii. Commentatt. ad Hist. Eccl. pertinent. Halae. 1817. 8. p. 321, ss.).
5 Comml. in OCtateuchuml, in Esaiam, Proverbia, in xii. Proph. minores, etc. Cf. Fabricii
Bibl. gr. vol. vi. p. 259 (ed. Harles, vol. vii p. 563). Augustin, 1. c. p. 385. In Ang. Maji
Classicorum  auctorum e Vaticanis codd. editorum, t. vi. (Romae. 1834. 8) are published
besides comm. in Genesin usque ad cap. xviii. and firagm. in Cant. Salomonis; t. ix. (1837)
Comm. in Salom. Proverbia, Catena in Cant. Cant.




488                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. II.- A.D. 451-622.
Adrumetum   (about 550).6   Most of the works, too, of Magnus
Aurgelius  Cassidorus Senator  (t  after  562),7  and  of Isidore,
bishop  of  Seville  (t 636),8  are  written  in  this   compilation
method.   The  XpLtar      avucq  -rorroypafia of the  Nestorian  Cosmas
Indicopleustes  (about  535), in  its  remarkable  theologico-geographical part, is only a compilation, chiefly from the works of
IDiodorus of Tarsus and Theodorus of Mopsuestia.9
Distinguished  as an independent thinker, in this age of imitation  and  authorities, was  the  Aristotelian philosopher Anicius
Manlius Torquatus Severinus Boethius  (t 525), who, however,
in his philosophical writings,l~ refers so little to Christianity,
that one  is  led  to  doubt not only  of the  authenticity  of the
theological works"  ascribed  to  him, but even whether he could
have been a Christian.l2
6 Comm. in Epistolas Pauli.
7 Thus his Comment. in Psalmos is drawn from Augustine; his Historia eccl. tripartita
in twelve books (see preface to ~ 1).-I)e institutione divinarum literarum libb. ii. (a more
correct title is: Institutiones quemadmodum divinae et humanae debeant intelligi lectiones
libb. ii. See Credner's Einl. in d. R. T. i. i. 15). Historically important are his variae
epistolae libb. xii.  Of his de rebus gestis Gothorum libb. xii. there remains only the
extract by Jordanis (see ~ 108, note 3). His book de vii. disciplinis was much used in the
middle ages. Opp. ed. J. Garetius. iRothomagi. 1679. (Venet. 1729.) 2 vol. fol. La vie de
Cassiodore par F. D. de Ste Marthe. Paris. 1694. 12. Cassiodorus by Stiudlin, in the
Kirchenhist. Archive for 1825, p. 259, ff. and 381, if. Ritter's Gesch. d. christl. Philos. ii
598. Balhr's christl. r6mische Theologie, S. 418.
8 Comm. ill libros hist. Vet. Test.-De ecclesiasticis officiis libb. ii.-Sententiarum s. de
summto bono libb. iii. (important for the middle ages. Sententiarii.)-Regula Monachorum.
-De Scriptoribus eccles.-and many others. See the chief work Originum s. Etymologiarum libb. xx.-Hist. Gothorumn, Vandalorum et Suevorum in Hispania.-Opp. ed. J.
Grial. Madr. 1599 (Paris. 1601. Colon. 1617). fol. Faust. Arevalo. Romae. 1797. vii. voll. 4.
Balhr. S. 455.
9 Prim. ed. B. de Montfaucon in Collect. nov. PP. GLraec. t. ii. (Paris. 1706): recus. in
Gallandii Bibl. PP. t. xi. p. 401, ss. The Nestorianism of Cosmas was first pointed out by
La Croze Hist. du Christianisme des Indes, t. i. p. 40, ss. Cf. Semler Hist. eccl. selecta
capita, i. p. 421, ss.
10 His principal work: de Consolatione philosophiae libb. v. Besides this, translations
from the writings of Porphyry and Aristotle, and commentaries on the same. He laid the
foundation of the predilection for the Aristotelian philosophy in the west, as John Philoponus
did at the same time in the east (~ 110, note 25).
11 Adv. Eutychen et Nestor. de duabus naturis et una persona Christi.-Quod Trinitas
sit unus Deus et non tres dii ad Symmachuml.-Utrum Pater, Filius, et Sp. S. de divinitate
substantialiter praedicentur. Comp. Hand, in the Encyclopaidie of Ersch and Gruber, xi
283. Bhhr's clhristl. rmische Theologie, S. 423. On the other hand, Gust. Baur. de A. M. S.
Bo6etio christianae doctrinae assertore, Darmst. 1841. 8, is in favor of the authenticity.
12 Much used in the schools of the middle ages. In the eighlth century he was even en
rolled among the saints, and in addition to two other Severini, worshiped on the 23d Octo
ber. That he was a Christian is denied by Gottf. Arnold (Kirchen u. Ketzerlhist. Th. i. B.
6, cap. 3, ~ 7), and Hand, 1. c. On the contrary, G. Baur asserts that he was at least out.
wardly a Christian. Comp. Ritter's Gesch. d. christl. Philos. ii. 580.




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY. ~ 114. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCES.                     489
The  prevailing  dialectic  development of Christian  doctrine
must have been  as unsatisfactory  as it was injurious to deeper
religious spirits, and therefore mysticism, in opposition to it,
obtained a fuller and better developed form in the works of
Pseudodionysius Areopagita,l3 which appeared toward  the  end
of the fifth century. These writings, banishing the divine essence, in  the  manner of the  New  Platonists, beyond  all being
and knowledge, and representing  all things as proceeding in regular gradation  out of it as their essence, proposed to  teach how
man, rightly apprehending his own position in the chain of being,
might elevate  himself through  the  next higher order to  communion with still higher orders, and finally with God himself.
At present they spread but gradually in the oriental church, till
they  penetrated  in  the  middle  ages into  the west also, and  so
became  the basis of all the later Christian mysticism.
There  were  now  but few  institutions  for the  advancement
of theological learning any where; in the west none whatever.'4
The monkish contempt displayed by Gregory the Great,"5 bishop
13 Comp.. 110, note 7, and Engelhardt's works there quoted. Ritter's Gesch. d. christl.
Philosophie, ii. 515. Die Christl. Mystik in ihrer Entwickelung u. in ihren Denklmalen
von A. Helfferich (2 Th. Gotha. 1842) i. 129; ii. 1.
14 Cassiodor. de. Inst. div. lit. praef.: Crum studia saecularium literarum magno desiderio
fervere cognoscerem (comp. Sartorius Versuch fiber die Regierung der Ostgothen wihrend
ihrer Herrschaft in Italien. Hamburg. 1811. S. 152, ss. Manso Gesch. des ostgoth. Reiehs
in Italien. Breslau. 1824. S. 132), ita ut multa pars hominum per ipsa se mundi prudentiam
crederet adipisci; gravissimo sum (fateor) dolore permotus, quod scripturis divinis magistri
publici deessent, cumn mundani auctores celeberrima procul dubio traditione pollerent. Nisus sum ergo cumn b. Agapito Papa urbis Roomae, ut sicut apud Alexandriam multo tempore
fuisse traditur institutum, nune etiarn in Nisibi civitate Syrorum ab Hebraeis sedulo fertur
exponi (see below, ~ 122, note 5), collatis expensis in urbe Romana professos doctores
scholae potius acciperent christianae, unde et anima susciperet aeternam  salutem, et
casto atque purissimo eloquio fideliumn lingua comeretur. Sed culr per bella ferventia et
turbulentia nimis in Italico regno certamlina desiderium meum nullatenus valuisset inmpleri: quoniam  non habet locum res pacis temporibus inquietis; ad hoc divina caritate
probor esse compulsus, ut ad vicem magistri introductorios vobis libros istos, Domino
praestante, conficerem, etc. What substitute was adopted may be seen from Colc. Vasense, iii. ann. 529, can. 1: Hoc enim placuit, ut omnes presbyteri, qui sunt in parochiis
constituti, secundum consuetudinem, quam per totam Italiam satis salubriter teneri cognovimus, juniores lectores-secum in domo-recipiant: et eos-psalmlos parare, divinis
lectionibus insistere, et in lege domini erudire contendant: ut sibi dignos successores pro.
videant. In Spain we find the first trace of a kind of episcopal seminaries, Conc. Tolet.
ii. ann. 531, can. 1: De his, quos voluntas parentum a primis infantiae annis clericatus
officio manciparit, hoc statuimus observandutm, ut mox detonsi vel ministerio lectorum
cum traditi fuerint, in domo Ecclesiae sub episcopali praesentia a praeposito sibi debeant
erudiri.
15 Pauli Warnefridi (about 775) de Vita S. Gregor. Papae, libb. iv. (prim. ed. Jo. Mabillon in the Annales Ord. S. Bened. saec. i. p. 385) and Johannis Eccl. Rom. Diaconi (about
675) Vita S. Greg. libb. iv. both in tome iv. of the Benedictine edition of Gregory's works.




49)9)              SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 451-622.
of Rome (from  590-604), for the liberal sciences,16 contributed
much  to  the  daily  increasing  neglect of them;  but the  later
traditions of his hostility to all literature, are not to be fully
believed.l7
New  fields were  now  opened to  ecclesiastical writers in  col-.ecting and arranging the saints' traditions, in which Gregory,
archbishop  of Tours  (573-595),18  and  Gregoory  the  Great,'g
led the way; and in the cultivation of ecclesiastical law.20 Tn
Comp. the life composed by the Benedictines, and given in that volume. G. F. Wiggers
de Gregorio M. ejusque placitis anthropologicis, comm. ii. Rostoch. 1838. 4. p. 11.-Gregory's most important worlks (see Bahr's christi. rom. Theologie, S. 442. Wiggers, p. 35):
Expositionis in Job. s. Moraliumrn  libb. xxxv.-Liber pastoralis curae ad Joh. Ravennae
Episc. (by Anastasius Sinaita, patriarch of Antioch, immediately translated into Greek).Dialogorum de vita et miraculis Patrum Ital. et de aeternitate animarum, libb. iv. (translated into Greek by Pope Zacharias, about 744).-Epistolarum libb. xiv. (according to the
older arrangement, libb. xii.).-Liber Sacramentorum de circulo anni s. Sacramentarium.
-Antiphonarius s. gradualis liber.-Opp. ed. Petr. Gussanvillaeus. voll. iii. Paris. 1675.
fol. studio et labore Monachorum Ord. S. Bened. e Congr S. Mauri, voll. iv. Paris. 1705.
fol. locupletata a J. B. Galliccioli. Venet. 1768, ss. voll. xvii. 4. Concerning the modern
abbreviators of Gregory see Oudinus de Scriptt. eccl. ant. i. 1544.
16 For example, in the epistola ad Leandrum prefixed to his Exposit. libri Jobi: Non
barbarislmi confusionem  devito, situs mlotusque praepositionum  casusque servare contemno, quia indignum vehementer existimo, ut verba caelestis oraculi restringam sub regulis Donati. —Lib. xi. Epist. 54, *ad Desiderium, Episc. Viennensem: Pervenit ad nos,
quod sine verecundia memorare non possumus, Fraternitatem tuam grammaticam quibusdam exponere. Quam rem ita moleste suscepimus, ac sumls vehementius aspernati, ut
ca, quae prius dicta fuerant, in gemitus et tristitiam verteremus: quia in uno se ore cum
Jovis laudibhus Christi laudes non capiunt, etc.
17 Joannes Sarisburiensis (about 1172) in his Policraticus, lib. ii. c. 26: Doctor sanctus
ille Gregorius-non modo Mathesin jussit ab aula, sed, ut traditur a majoribus, incendio
dedit probatae lectionis scripta Palatinus quaecumque recepit Apollo. Lib. viii. c. 19, fertur b. Gregorius bibliothecam combussisse gentilem, quo divinae paginae gratior esset
locus, et major auctoritas, et diligentia studiosior. Barthol. Platina (about 1480) de Vitis
Pontificurn, in Vita Gregorii: Neque est cur patiatmur, Gregorium hac in re a quibusdan
-carpi, quod suo mandato veterum aedificia sint dirupta, ne peregrini et advenae-posthabitis locis sacris, arcus triumphales et monummenta veterum cum admiratione inspicerent.
Platina tries to defend him from the charge. Id. in Vita Sabiniani: Paululum etiam abfuit, quin libri ejus (Gregorii) comburerentur, adeo in Gregorium ira et invidia exarserat
homo malevolus. Sunt qui scribant, Sabinianum instigantibus qoibusdam Romanis hoc in
Gregorium molitum esse, quod veterum statuas tota urbe, dum viveret, et obtruncaverit et
disjecerit, quod quidem ita vero dissonum est, ut illud, quod de abolendis aedificiis majorum
in vita ejus diximus. Against the credibility of these stories see P. Bayle Dictionnairo
hist. et crit. Art. Gregoire, not. H. and M. Jo. Barbeyrac de la Morale des Pdres, c. 17
16. What Brucker, Hist. Phil. iii. 560, says in their defense is of no importance.
18 De Gloria Martyrum libb. ii., de Gloria Confessorum lib. i., de Virtutibus et Miraculis
S. Martini libb. iv., de Vitis Patrum lib. i., in his Opp. ed. Theod. Ruinart. Paris. 1699. fol
(comp. Div. I. ~ 53, note 46). Dr. C. G. Kries de Greg. Tuar. Episc. vita et scriptis. Vratisl.
1839. 8.'9 Dialogorum libb. iv.; see above, note 15.
20 A. Gallandii de Vetustis canonum collectionibus dissertationum sylloge (Dissertations
of Coustant, de Marca, the Ballerini, Berard, Quesnell, etc.). Venetiis. 1778. fol. recus.
Mogunt. 1790, t. ii. 4. (L. T; Spittler's) Gesclichte des kanolischenl Rechts his auf dio
Zeiten des falsolen Isidmrus. Halle. 1778, 8.




CHAP. II.-THEOLOGY.  ~ 114. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCES.                      491
the  Greek  Church,2' soon  after the  council of Chalcedon, ap.
peared  the  so-called  apostolic  canons,22  claiming  to  form   the
unalterable basis of all ecclesiastical arrangements.   About the
same  time  the  Christians began  to  put together the decrees of
councils  in  the  order of the  subjects, instead  of  in  the  old
chronological  way.    The  oldest  collection  of this  kind  now
extant is that of fohannes Scholasticus of Antioch  (afterward
patriarch  of Constantinople, t 578),23 which was in great repute
for several centuries. Justinian's code was also so rich a source
for ecclesiastical matters, that particular collections of church
laws  were  made  soon  after  his  time, out of his  Institutes.24
Those of John  Scholasticus were  at a later  period  adapted  to
Justinian's by  a new  arrangement of the collection  of canons,25
and thus arose the: first Aroocanon.26
In the Latin Church there was not even a tolerably complete
chronological collection  of the  canons  till that made after the
council of Chalcedon, since  known  as  the prisca  taanslatio.2n
A  still fuller collection was afterward  made by  Dionzysius Eziguus (about 500)28 in  a better translation, to which was added,
in  a second part, a collection of the papal decretals.   In  Spaizi
there  had  been  a collection  of canons, between  633  and  636,
on the model of that by Dionysius (the Greek  ones in  a. peculiar
version), and  of papal decretals  for  the  use  of  the  Spani:sh
2a Jos. Sim. Assemani Bibliotheca juris orientalis, civilis et canonici. IRomae. 1762-06.
t. v. 4. (incomplete, contains merely the Codex canonum eccl. Graecae and the Codex
juris civilis eccl. Graecae). F. A. Biener de collectionithus canonun, Eccl. Graecae scllediasmalitterarium. Berol. 1827. 8.
22 See Div. I. ~ 67, note 5.
23 Published in Gulil. Voelli et H. Justelli Bibliotheca juris canonici veteris (t. ii'. Paris.
1661. fol.) ii. 449.
24' The Collectio lxxxvii. capitulorum, collected by Johannes Scholasticus fiolm the Navellae; tile Coell. xxv. capitt. from the Codex and Novellae (published in G. E. Heimbach.
Anecdota, t. ii. Lips. 1840. 4); and that erroneously published under the name of Theod.
Balsamon in ooelli et Justelli Bibl.juris ii. 1223- collectio constitt. ecclesiasticarunm, wliich
was compiled at the time of Heraclius, perhaps also of Justin II. from the Pandects,
Codex, and Novellae. Colrip. F. A. Biener's Gesch. d. Novellen Justinians. Berlin. 1824
8. S. 166.
25 In this form it is found in Voelli et Justelli Bibl. ii. 603.
26 Though this name is much more modern. See Biener's Gesch. d. iNovelien, S. 194
Heimbach Anecd. t. ii. Prolegom. p. Iv.
27 Best edition that of the Ballerini Opp. Leonis, iii. 473, from which MIansi, vi. 1105
Concerning it comp. Ballerini de Ant. collectionibus canonumn (before t. iii. Opp. Leonis
and in Gallandii Sylloge), P. ii. cap. 2, ~ 3. Spittler, S. 129.
28 Published in Voelli et Justelli Biblioth. i. 101. Ballerini, 1. c. P. iii. cap. 1-3. Spitt..
lr, S. 134.. According to Drey, iiber die Constit. u. Kanones d. Apostel, p. 203, even befor,
the end of the fifth century.




492                SE:COND PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 451-622.
Church,29 which was afterward  called the collection of Isidore,3
because it was erroneously ascribed to the most celebrated man
of that time, Isidoro, archbishop  of Seville (t 636).    The laws
respecting  penance  had  gradually  become  so  numerous  as to
require a separate work.   Johannes Jejunator (6 v7IaevTiS), patriarch of Constantinople (from   585-593), wrote the aoiovOta
sal TtS' 8Eri Eotolooyovye8vv,31,   the  first  libellus  poenitentialis
(rules of penance).
THIRD CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE HIERARCHY.
~ 115.
PRIVILEGES OF THE CLERGY.
The clergy, and particularly  the bishops, received new  privileges from  fustinian.   He intrusted  the latter with  civil jurisdiction  over the  monks and nuns, as well as over the clergy.'
Episcopal oversight of morals, and  particularly  the  duty  of
providing  for  all the  unfortunate  (~  91, notes  8-10),  had
been  established  till the  present time  only  on the  foundation
of ecclesiastical laws:  but Justinian  now   gave  them   a more
29 Published by Ant. Gonzalez in 2 Div. Collectio canonum Eccl.Hispanae. Matriti.
1808, and Epistolae decretales ac rescripta Rom. Pontiff. Matriti. 1821. fol.; comp. Ballerini, 1. c. P. ii. cap. ii. ~ 2; P. iii. c. 4. M. E. Regenbrecht de Cann. Apostolorum et codice
Eccl. Hispasiiae diss. Vratisl. 1828. 8. Eichhorn on the Spanish collection of the sources
of ecclesiastical jurisprudence, in the Transactions of the Royal Academy of Sciences at
Berlin for the year 1834. (Berlin. 1836. 4to.) Historical and Philosophical Class, p. 89.
30 According to Eichhorn, p. 113, since Pseudo-Isidore.
31 Afterward variously interpolated; published in J. Morini Comm. Hist. de disciplina
in administratione Sacramenti Poenitentiae. Paris. 1651. fol. in append.
1 Novellae Justin. 79 et 83 (both A.D. 539). More particular notices are given in Nov.
123, cap. 21: Si quis autem litigantium intra x. dies contradicat iis, quae judicata sunt,
tune locorum judex causam examinet.-Si judicis sententia contraria fuerit iis, quae a Deo
amsabili Episcopo judicata sunt: tune locum habere appellationem contra sententiam judicis.-Si veto crimen fuerit, quod adversus quamlibet memoratarum reverendissimarum
personarum  inferatur, —judex ultionem  ei inferat legibus congruentem.  Further, in a
criminal accusation: Si Episcopus distulerit judicare, licentiam habeat actor civilem judi$em adire. Cf. B. Schilling de Origine jurisdictionis eecles. in causis civilibus. Lips..825.. 4. p.. 41, s.




CHAP. III.-HITRARCHY.  ~ 115. PiRIVILEGES OF THE CLERGY. 49~
general basis, by  founding  them   on  the  civil law   also.2   He
made it the  duty of the bishops, and gave them  the  necessary
civil qualifications, to  undertake  the  care of prisoners, minors,
insane yjersons, foundlings, stolen children, and women;3 and invested them  with  the power of upholding good morals4 and impartial administration  of justice.   It is true that he established
a mutual inspection of the bishops and of the civil magistrates;
but he gave in  this  respect to  the  latter  considerable  smaller
privileges than to the former.5   For example, he gave the bishops a legal influence over the choice of magistrates,6 and security
against general oppression on their part;7 allowed them to interfere in case of refusal of justice;8 and, in special instances, even
constituted  them  judges  of those  official personages.9    In  like
manner, he  conveyed  to  them   the  right of concurrence  in  the
choice of city officials,~0 and a joint oversight of the administration of city funds, and the maintenance of public establishments.'2
Thus the bishops became important personages even in civil life;
and were farther honored by Justinian, in freedom  from  parental
authority,l2  from  the  necessity  of appearing  as  witnesses, and
from  taking oaths."'
2 C. W. de Rhoer de EfFecta relig. christ. in jurisprudentiam rom. fasc. 1. Groningae,
1776. 8. p. 94. c. Riffel's geschichtl. Darstellung des Verhhltnisses zwischen Kirche und
Staat. (Mainz. 1836) i. 622.
3 Cod. Justin. lib. i. tit. iv. de episcopali audientia (i. e. judicio) 1. 22.-1. 30.-1. 27. 1. 28
-1. 24.-1. 33.
In addition to their former powers against pimps (Cod. Th. xv. viii. 2) and sorcerers
(Cod. Th. ix. xvi. 12), Justinian gave them also the privilege of interfering against gaming
(Cod. Just. i. iv. 25).
5 The Praesides provinciarum were obliged to see to it that bishops observed ecclesiastical lawss relating to ecclesiastical things (Cod. Just. i. iii. 44, ~ 3, Nov. cxxxiii. c. 6), particularly those relating to the unalienableness of church possessions (Nov. vii. in epil.) and
the regular holding of synods (Nov. cxxxvii. c. 6). They could only, however, put the
bishops in mind of their duty, and then notify the emperor.
6 Nov. cxlix. c. 1.
7 Cod. Just. i. iv. 26, Nov. cxxxiv. c. 3.
8 Nov. lxxxvi. c. 1.
9 Nov. lxxxvi. c. 4 (A.D. 539): Quodsi contingat aliquem ex subditis nostris ab ipso
clarissimo provinciae praeside injuria affici, jubemus eum sanctissimum illius urbis Episcopum  adire, ut ille inter cl. praesidem, eumve, qui se ab eo injuria affectuni putat,
judicet. If the president (of a province) were condemned, and gave no satisfaction, the
matter was referred to the emperor, and in case he found the episcopal sentence just, the
president was condemned to death. According to Nov. viii. c. 9, cxxviii. c. 23, every
magistrate, after laying down his office, was obliged to remain fifty days in the province
to satisfy any claims that might be made against him. If he removed sooner, every one
injured might complain to the bishop.
lo Cod. Just. i. iv. 17, Nov. cxxviii. 16.                 11 Cod. Just. i. iv. 26,
12 Novell. lxxxi.                                          la Novell. cxxiii. c. 7,




.194                SECOND PERIOD. —DIV. TI. -A.D. 451-622.
Finally,  HIeraclius  committed  to them   jurisdiction  over the
clergy  in criminal cases also  (628),14
~ 116.
DEPENDENCE OP THE HIERARCHY ON THIE STATE.
Notwithstanding  these great privileges, the hierarchy became
still more dependent on the State. As the emperors sent their
civil laws to  be promulgated  by  the  Praetorian  prefects, so, in
like  manner, ecclesiastical laws  went forth  from   them   to  the
patriarchs,' and  the  magistrates  were  directed  to  watch   the
observance of them by the bishops." None doubted the emperor's right to  enact laws touching  the external relations of the
Church, and even subjects connected with its internal constitution;3 but it was more suspicious when the emperors began
"- The law issued to the patriarch of Constantinople, Sergius, of which merely the contents are given in the Constitutt. Imper. appended to the Codex Justin. is found complete
in Jo. Leunclavii Juris Graeco Rtomani (tomi ii. Francof. 1596. fol.), i. 73, and in Vol1li
et Justelli Biblioth. juris can. ii. 1361: The offenses (&yKca2baara) of clergymen are to be
judged by the bishop Icare  rof Oelove   icaev6vaf.  ei  ye 7e, vo/iaoe auodporepaf'rere16acEog (fhtov eaOterdvta L rov Itptv6Lzevov, TrvLtcai ra 7rOV  ot7OV —to1-o  rrEPiCetEVov
sEaEVoyEv yv/ZvouOeat CXlarof, cKael rof xrotlttlcoTf ipXovoat Tapadid6cOat, ra, C rofC?,iuer7potf dtpptiyLEva  v6yotg rtjcpiaf iVroaXnYa6/Evov.
I For example, Nov. 6, epilogus: Sanctissimi igitur Patriarchae cujusque diocesis haeec
in sanctissimis Ecclesiis sub se constitutis proponant, et Dei amantissimis Metropolitanis
quae a nobis sancita saint nota faciant. Hi vero ipsi in sanctissila Ecclesia metroplitana
haec r1rsus proponant, et Episcopis, qui sub ipsis sunt, manifesta faciant.  Quilibet vero
illorum in Ecclesia snua haec proponat, ut nemo in nostra sit republica, quli ea-ignoret.
F. A. Biener's Gescl. der Novellen Justinian's.  Berlin. 1824. S. 31, f. comp. S. 25, ss.
2 See ~ 115, note 5.
3 Biener, 1. c. S. 157, ss. 161, ss. Thus Justinian, Nov. 123, c. 3, where he fixes the
amount to be given by the bishops pro inthronisticis, uses the expression: Ke1eVo/ev
oivvv  iroo  olezt a/ ptceorwVirovf dpxtei rttc6rovE f ical  rarptplPXaf, -TOVTEnCT i f r  perp-,3vrepae   PtyC, cat K(ocjcravrtvov7ro62ero, /cai'Are~avdpeiea, cat Oeovyi062crw, gcat'Iepooelugov. When the Emperor Maunrice had made a law, ut quisquis publicis ad~
ministrationibus fuerit implicatus, ei neque ad ecclesiasticum  officium venire, neque in
Ynonasterium  converti liceat: Gregory the Great, lib. iii. Ep. 65, ad Mauricium  Aug.
remonstrated against the second part of the prohibition.  Ex. gr. Ego vero haec Dominis
meis loquens, quid sum nisi pulvis et vermis?  Sed tamen quia contra auctorel omniium
Deum hanc intendere constitutionerm sentio, Dominis tacere non possum.-:Ad haec ecce
per me servum ultimum suum et vestrum respondebit Christus dicens: Ego te de notario
comitem  excubitorum, de comite excubitorum, Caesarem, de Caesare Imperatorerm, nec
solum hoc, sed etiam patrem  Imperatorum  feel. Sacerdotes meos tuae manui conmmisi,
et tu a meo servitio milites tuos subtrahis? Responde, rogo, piissime Domine, servo tuo,
quid venienti et haec dicenti responsurus es in judicio Domino tlo?-Ego quidem jussioni
subjectus eandem legem per diversas terrarum partes transmitti feci: et quia lex ipsa




CHAP. III. —IIERARCHY.    117. HISTORY  OF THE PATRIARCHS. 495
now  to  decide  questions of faith  by  edicts, and  when  Synods
were assembled  almost entirely  for the  purpose of adopting imperial articles of faith.   The Greek  bishops became  more  and
more accustomed to sacrifice their conviction to circumstances;4
but the bishops of Italy, favored by the political condition of
their country, were able for the most part to assert a firmer
position.
~ 1l7.
HISTORY OF THE PATRIARCHS.
Ever since  the  beginning  of the  Monophysite controversy in
the  East, the  sees of Alexandria  and  Antioch  had  become  so
weak  that the  patriarchs of Constantinople only, upheld by the
privileges granted them at the council of Chalcedon,l were able
to vie with the Roman patriarchs.2 But while the former were
dependent on  imperial caprice, and  constantly  harassed  by the
Greek  spirit of controversy, the latter enjoyed  the  most perfect
freedom in ecclesiastical things, and the advantage of standing
at the  head  of the  west, which  was less inclined to  controversies about faith, and  therefore more united.3    After the extinction of the West Roman empire (476), by which, however,
they  had  never been  molested, but often furthered,4  the Roman
omnuipotenti Deo minime concordat, ecce per suggestionis meae paginam  serenissimis
Dominis nuntiavi. Utrobique ergo quae debui exsolvi, qui et Imperatori obedientiain
praebui, et pro Deo quod sensi minime tacui.
4 Epistola Legatis Francorum, qui Constantinopolim proficiscebantur, ab Italiae clericis
directa, A.D. 551, ap. Mansi, ix. p. 153: Sunt graeci Episcopi habentes divites et opulentas
ecclesias, et non patiuntur duos menses a rerum ecclesiasticarum dominatione suspendi:
pro qua re secundum tempus, et secundum voluntatem principum, quidquid ab eis quaesitum fuerit, sine altercatione consentiunt. Comp. ~ 92, notes 1 and 2.
1The Monophysite party which predominated under Basiliscus, suspended these privileges in part, Evagrinus, iii. 6: (Timotheus Aelurus) iroNdi&oaL)  r,'EEaiAv tna 7Ci ri'arptapxtcOv  dicatlov, i5irep avbrv 0Eri2Lev  E7V v Xan2icd6vw avodof: but by the law Cod. Justin.
i. ii. 16 (by Zeno, not, as the title has it, by Leo), the decrees of Chalcedon were revived,
to be in force ever after.
2 Order of the Roman bishops: Leo I. the Great t 461, Hilary t 468, Simplicius t 483,
Felix II. t 492, Gelasius I. t 496, Anastasius II. t 498, Symmachus t 514, Hormisdas t 523,
John I. t 526, Felix III. i 530, Boniface II. t 532, John II. t 535, Agapetus I. t 536, Silverius
banished by Belisarius 537, Vigilins t 555, Pelagius I. t 560, John III. t 573, Benedict I.
t 578, Pelagius II. t 590, Gregory I. the Great t 604, Sabinianus t 606, Boniface III. t 607,
Boniface IV. t 615, Deusdedit t 618, Boniface V. t 625.
3 See vol. i. pp. 383, 384.                      4 See above, ~ 94, notes 12 and 66.




496                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. iI.-A.D. 451-622.
bishops  became  subject to  German  princes, who  left them   at
perfect liberty  to manage all affairs within the Church according
to  their pleasure.   This was particularly  the  case with  Theo.
derich, king of the Arian  Ostrogooths (493-526),5  to whom  the
schism  between Rome and Constantinople gave sufficient security
from  all dangerous combinations of the Catholic hierarchy.  And
when, on the death of Bishop Anastasius, there was a contested
election between Symmachus and Laurentius (498),6 he waited
till required by both parties to decide,7 and then quietly allowed
a Roman  synod  under  Symmachus to  declare  all interference
of the laity  in  the affairs of the  Roman  Church entirely  inadmnissible.,
5 On the course pursued by the Ostrogoth kings toward the church, see G. Sartorius
Versuch fiber die Regierung der Ostgothen whihrend ihrer Herrschaft in Italien. Ham.
burg. 1811. S. 124, ss. 306, ss. J. C. F. Manso, Gesch. des ostgoth. Reichs in Italien.
Breslau. 1824. S. 141, ss. Theoderich says (Cassiodori Variarum, lib. ii. Ep. 27): Re.
ligionem imperare non possumus: quia nemo cogitur, ut credat invitus. King Tlheodahat
to the emperor Justinian (ibid. x. Ep. 26): Cum divinitas diversas patiatur religiones
esse, nos unaml non audemus imponere. Retinemus enim legisse. nos, volulntarie sacrificandun esse Domino, non cujusqluam cogentis inmperio. Quod qui aliter facere tentaverit,
evidenter caelestibus jussionibus obviavit.
G According to Theodorus Lector, lib. ii. (ed. Vales. Amstelod. p. 560) Laurentius was
chosen by an imperial party on condition of subscribing the Henoticon. Cf. Alrastasii Lib,
pontificalis, c. 52, in vita Symmachi.
7 Anastasii Lib. pontificalis, c. 52, in vita Symmlachi: Et facta contentione hoc constituerunt partes, ut ambo ad Ravennam pergerent ad judiciumn  Regis Theodorici. QOui
dum a2mbo introissent in Ravennam, hoc judicium  aequitatis invenerunt, nt qui primo
ordinatus fuisset, vel ubi pars maxima cognosceretur, ipse sederet in sede apostolica.
Quod tandem aequitas in Symmacho invenit.
8 Synodus Romlana iii. sub Symmacho (in the collections cited erroneously as the Syn.
Rom. iv. s. palmaris, see Pagi ad ann. 502 nam. 3, ss.) ap. Mansi, viii. 266, ss. The protocol
of a synod held after the death of Pope Simplicius was here read, and the decrees passed
at it declared nugatory as proceeding from a layman. This protocol is given in the Acta
of the Synod referred to, and runs thus: Ctm in unum apud b. Petrum Apostolum resediso
sent, sublimis et eminentissimus vir, praefectus praetorio atque patricius, agens etiamn
vices praecellentissimi regis Odoacris, Basilius dixit: Quamquam studii nostli et religionis
intersit, ut in episcopatus electione concordia principaliter servetur ecclesiae, ne per occasionem seditionis status civitatis voceter in dubium: tamen admonitione beatissimi Papae
nostri Simplicii, quam  ante oculos semper habere debemus, hoc nobis meministis sub
obtestatione fiisse mandatumn, ut propter illLnm strepitum, et venerabilis ecclesiae detrimentum, si euan de hac luce transire contigerit, non sine nostra consultatione cujuslibet
celebretur electio.  Nam  et cmll  quid confusionis atque dispendii venerabilis ecclesia
sustineret, miramour praetermissis nobis quidquam fnisse tentatum, cum etiam sacerdote
nostro superstite nihil sine nobis debuisset assumi. Quare si amplitudini vestrae vel
sanctitati placet, incolumia omnia, quae ad futuri antistitis electioneal respiciunt, religiosa
honoratione servemus, bane legem  specialiter praeferentes, quam  nobis haeredibusque
nostris christianae mentis devotione sancimus: Ne unquam praedium, seu rusticuma seu
urbanum, vel ornamenta aut ministeria ecclesiarum —ab eo qui nunc antistes sub electione
communi fuerit ordinandus, et illis qui futuris saeculis sequentur, quocumque titulo atque
commento alienentur. Si quis vero aliquid eorm  alienare voluerit, inefflcax atque irritum




CHAP. III. —HIERARCHY. ~ 117. HISTORY OF THE PATRIARCHS. 497
Thus the Roman bishops were so far from  being hinderecl
by  any  superior power, that it proved an  advantageous  circumstance  to  them  in  the  eyes  of their new  civil rulers, that they
steadfastly  resisted  innovations of faith made in  Constantinople,
till  they  gained  a  new   victory   over  the  changeable   Greelks
under the Emperor Justin. The natural consequence of this
was, that while the patriarchs of Constantinople were constantly
sinking  in  ecclesiastical  esteem   on  account of their vacillation
in these controversies, the bishops of Rome still maintained
their ancient reputation of being the defenders of oppressed
orthodoxy.9
Under these favorable circumstances, the ecclesicastical pretensions of the Roman bishops, who now formed the only center of
Catholic  Christendom   in  the  west, in  opposition  to  the  Arian
conquerors, rose  high, without hindrance.    They  asserted that
not only did the highest ecclesiastical authority in the west
belong to them, but also superintendence of orthodoxy  and
maintenance of ecclesiastical laws throughout the whole Church.
These claims they sometimes founded on imperial edictsl~ and
decrees of synods;' but for the most part on the peculiar rights
judicetur; sitque facienti vel consentienti, accipientique anathema, etc. At this enactment
the following voices were now raised at the synod under Symmachus: Perpendat s. Synodus, uti praetermissis personis religiosis, qulibus maxime cura est de tanto pontifice,
electionem laici in suam redegerint potestatem, quod contra canones esse manifestum est.
-Scriptura evidentissimis documentis constat invalida. Primurn quod contra patrum regulas a laicis, quamvis religiosis, quibus nulla de ecclesiasticis facultatibus aliquid disponendi
legitur unquaml attributa facultas, facta videtur. Deinde quod nullius praesulis apostolicae
sedis subscriptione firmata docetur.  The arrangement was declared null, and, on the contrary, another of similar import was passed by the synod to secure ecclesiastical property.
9 Cod. Just. i. i. 7, below, note 23.
10 Hilarii P. Epist. xi. (Mansi, viii. 939): Fratri enim nostro Leontio nihil constituti a
sanctae memoriae decessore meo juris potuit abrogari:-quia Christianornum quoque principum  lege decretum  est, ut quidquid ecclesiis earumque rectoribus-apostolicae sedis
antistes suo pronunciasset examine, veneranter accipi tenaciterque servari, cumr  suis
plebibus caritas vestra cognosceret: nec unquam possent convelli, quae et sacerdotali
ecclesiastica praeceptione fulcirentur' et regia.
1i Epist. synod. Pbom. ad Clericos et Monaclos Orient. A.D. 485 (Mansi, vii. 1140):
Quotiens intra Italiam propter ecclesiasticas causas, praecipue fidei, colligunitur domini
sacerdotes, consuetudo retinetur, ut successor praesulum  sedis apostolicae ex persona
cunctorum totius Italiae sacerdotum juxta solicitudinem sibi ecclesiarum omnium competenterm cuncta constituat, qui caput est omnium; Domino ad b. Petlxlm dicente: Tu es
Petrus etc.  Quam vocem sequentes cccxviii. sancti patres apud Nicaeam congregati
confirmationema rerum  atque auctoritatem sanctae Romanae ecclesiae detulerunt (comp.
above, ~ 94, notes 28, 35, 60): quam utrarnque usque ad aetatem nostram successiones
omnes, Christi gratia praestante, custodiunt. Gelasii Ep. iv. ad Faustum (Mansi, viii. 19):
Qeuantum ad religionem pertinet, nonnisi apostolicae sedi juxta canones debetur summa
judicii totius.  Ejusd. Ep. xiii. ad Episc. Dardaniae (Mansi, viii. 54): Non reticemus
VOL. I.-32




498               SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. II. —A.D. 451-622.
conferred  on  Peter by the Lord.12    After the synlodtus painzaris, called by Theoderich  to  examine the  charges newly  raised
by the Laurentian party against Symmachus  (503), had acquitted  him  without examination, in  view   of the  circumstances;13
autem, quod cuncta per mundum novit ecclesia, quoniam quorumlibet sententiis ligata
pontificum, sedes b. Petri Apostoli jus habeat resolvendi, utpote quod de omni ecclesia
fas habeat judicandi, neque cuiquam de ejus liceat judicare judicio, siquidem ad illam
de qualibet mundi parte canones appellari voluerint, ab illa autem nemo sit appellate
permissus.
12 Gelasii decretum de libris recipiendis et non recipiendis (Mansi, viii. 157; comp. on
it ~ 114, note 2): Quamvis universae per orbem catholicae diffusae ecclesiae unrs thalamus
Christi sit, sancta tiamen Romana ecclesia nullis synodicis constitutis caeteris ecclesiis
praelata est, sed evangelica voce Domini et Salvatoris nostri primatum obtinuit: Tu es
Petrus, etc. Cui data est etiaim societas b. Pauli Apostoli,-quli non diverso, sicut alieretici
garriunt, sed uno tempore, uno eodemque die gloriosa morte cum Petro in urbe Roma
sub Caesare Nerone agonizans, coronatus est.  Et pariter supradictam  s. Romana.l
ecclesiam Christo domino consecrarunt, aliisque omnibus in universo mundo sua praesentia atque venerando triumpho praetulerunt. (Gregorii M. lib. iv. in 1 Reg. v. ed.
Bened. iii. ii. 250: Saulus ad Christum conversus caput effectus est nationum, quia obtinuit totius ecclesiae principatum. Comp. above, ~ 94, note 37.)
13 Syn. Rom. iv. sub Symmacho s. palmaris, in the collections falsely cited as Syn. iii.
See Pfagi ad ann. 503, nom. 2, ss. C. L. Nitzschii Disp. de Synodo pahnari. Viteberg.
1775 (reprinted in Pottii Sylloge commentt. theoll. iv. 67).-The Acts ap. Mansi, viii. 247.
After Symmachus had been in danger of his life at the synod, from his enemies, be declared
(relatio Episcopp. ad Rtegem, p. 256): Primum ad conventumn vestrum-sine aliqua dubitatione properavi, et privilegia mea voluntati regiae submisi, et auctoritatem synodi dedi:
sicut habet ecclesiastica disciplina, restaurationem ecclesiarum regulariter poposci: sed
nullus mihi a nobis effectus est. Deinde cum venirem cum clero meo, crudeliter mactatus
sum. Ulterius me vestro examini non committo: in potestate Dei est, et domini regis,
quid de me deliberet ordinare. (Compare above, ~ 92, note 15.) The synod having reported this to the king, he answered (1. c. p. 257): Miramur denuo fuisse consultum: cum
si nos de praesenti ante voluissemus judicare negotio, habito cum proceribus nostris de
inquirenda velitate tractatu, Deo auspice, potuissemus invenire justitiam, quae nec praesenti saeculo, nec futurae forsitan displicere potuisset aetati.-Nullc vero eadem, quae
dudum, praesentibus intimamus oraculis. —Sive discussa, sive indiscussa causa, proferte
sententiam, de quae estis rationem divino judicio reddituri: dummodo, sicuti saepe diximus, haec deliberatio vestra provideat, ut pax Senatui populoque Romano, submota omni
confusione, reddatur. For the further proceedings of the synod see their protocol, p. 250:
Dei mandata complentes Italiae suum  dedimus rectorene, agnoscentes nullum nobis
laborem alium remansisse, nisi ut dissidentes cum humilitate propositi nlostri ad concordiam hortaremur. They proceed to consider quanta inconvenienter et praejudicialiter in hujus negotii principio contigissent:-mnaxime cum illa quae praemisimus inter
alia de auctoritate sedis obstarent: quia quod possessor ejus quondam b. Petrus leruit,
in nobilitatem  possessionis accessit:-maxime cum omnem paene plebem cernamus ejus
communioni indissociabiliter adhaesisse; and therefore concluded: Ut Symmachus Papa
sedis apostolicae praesul, ab hujusmodi propositionibus impetitus, quantum ad homines
respicit (quia totum causis obsistentibus superius designatis constat arbitrio divino fuisse
dimissum), sit immunis et liber.-Unde secundum principalia praecepta, quae nostrae hoc
tribuunt potestati, ei, quidquid ecclesiastici intra sacram urbem Romam vel foris juris est,
reformalmus totamque causam Dei judicio reservantes, etc. Just as before also the Conc.
Cirtense, A.D. 305 (see Augustin. contra Cresonium, iii. 27), put down the accusation against
several bishops of their being Traditores, with the asseveration: habent Deum, cui reddant
rationeam.




CHA?. iLL.-IERt AItCHY.     117. 7.  ISTORY OF THE PATRIARCHS. 499
the apologist of this  synod,  Ennodicus, bishop  of Pavia  (511),
first gave utterance to the assertion, that the bishop of Rome is
subject to no  earthly  judge.l'    Not long  after an  attempt was
made to give a historical basis to this principle by supposititious
Gesta (acts) of former popes; " and other falsifications of older
documents  in  favor  of the  Roman  see  now   appeared  in  like
manner.16    Still the  Roman  bishops (or as they  were already
called  in  Italy, by  way  of distinction, Papa) 17 did not yet demand any other kind of honor than was paid to the other
apostolic sees,l8  acknowledging  that they  were subject to  gen14 Magli Felicis Ennodii (Opp. ed. J. Sirmnond. Paris. 1611, recusa in Gallasndii BiblE
PP. xi. 47) libellus apologeticus pro Synodo iv. Romana (Mansi, viii. 274): Non nos b.
Petrum, sicut dicitis, a Domino cumr sedis privilegiis, vel successores ejus, peccandi judicamus licentialn suscepisse. Ille perennem meritorum doteml curn haereditate innocentiae
misit ad posteros: quod illi concessom est pro actuum luce, ad illos pertinet, quos par conveisationis splendor illuminat. Quis enim sanctum esse dtbitet, quem apex tantae dignitatis attollit? in quo si desint bona acquisita per merituam, sufficiunt quae a loci decessore
praestantur: aut enim  claros ad haec fastigia erigit, ant qui eriguntur illustrat. Praenoscit enim, quid Ecclesiarum fundamento sit habile, super quem ipsa llmoles innititur.
P. 284: Aliorum forte hominum causas Deus voluerit per homines terminare: sedis istius
presuleim suo, sine quaestione, reservavit arbitrio, in direct contradiction to the Epist.
Rom0111. Cone. A.D. 378, above, ~ 92, note 15.
35 Namely Conec. Sinuessanum  de Marcellini P. condemnatione (quod thurificasset) pretended to be held A.D. 303. (Mansi, i. 1249, ss. The bishops say to himn: Tu eris judex:
ex te enim daLmnaberis, et ex te justificaberis, tamen in nostra praesentia.-Prima sedes
non judicabitur a quoquam ): Constitutio Silvestri Episc. urbis Romae et Domini Constantini Aug. in Concil. Rom. pretended to be in 324 (Mansi, ii. 615, ss. Cap. 20: Nemo enim
judicabit primam sedem, quoniam  omnes sedes a prima sede justitiam  desiderant temperari. Neque ab Augusto, neque ab omnli clero, neque a regibus, neque a populo judex
judicabitur): Synodi Rom. (alleged to be held A.D. 433) acta de causa Sixti III. stupro accusati, et de Polychronii Hierosolym. accusatione (Alansi, v. 1161). Comp. P. Coustant.
Diss. de antiquis canonlum collectionibus, ~ 97-99 (in Gallandii de Vetustis canonumn collectionibus dissertationumn sylloge, i. 93).
16 Thus the passage in Cyprian's lib. de unit. eccl. (see Div. I. B 68, note 10) appears
already corrupted in Pelagii II. Ep. vi. ad Episc. Istriae (Mansi, ix. 898).
17 Thus, for instance, as early as in the councils held under Symmachus (see above, notes
8 and 13) and in Ennodius (see note 14. Sirmond ad Ennod. lib. iv. Ep. 1): In the other
regions of the west, however, the title Papa continued for a long time to be a name of
honor applied to every bishop (Walafrid Strabo, about 840, de Rebus eccl. c. 7, in Hittorp's
Collection, p. 395: Pabst a Papa, quod cujLisdam paternitatis nomen est;, et Clericorum
congruit dignitati) till Gregory VII. forbade it, A.D. 1075. Comp. Jo. Diecmann de vocis
Papae aetatibus diss. ii. Viteberg. 1671. 4. In the -east IiTIcrag was especially the title
of the patriarchs of Rome and Alexandria.-Just so in Italy the see of Rome was especially
Sedes apostolica; in other countries of the west every episcopal see was so styled; cf.
Gregorii Tur. Hist. Franc. iv. 26: Presbyter-Regis praesentiamn adiit et haec effatus est:
Salve, Rex gloriose, Sedes enim apostolica eminentiae tuae salutem mittit uberrimam.
Cui ille, numnquid, ait, Romanam adisti urbem, ut Papae illius nobis salutell deferas?
Pater, inquit Presbyter, tuus L eontius (Ep. Burdegalensis) curn provincialibus suis salutem
tibi mittit.
18 Pelagius I. ad Valerianum (Mansi, ix. 732): Quotiens aliqua de universali synodo aliquibus dubitatio nascitur, ad recipiendam de eo quod non intelligunt rationem, —ad apos



D500               SSECOND PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 451-G22.
eral councils,'9  and  that the  bishops  were  bound  by  duty  to
hear them  only in case of delinquency.   In other respects, they
admitted  that these bishops were equal to themli  in dignity.20
tolicas sedes pro recipienda ratione conveniant. —Quisquis ergo ab apostolicis divisus est
sedibus, in schismate eum esse non dubium est. Comp. above, O 94, note 5. Gregorii M.
lib. vii. Ep. 40, ad Eulogium Episc. Alexandr.: Suavissima imihi Sanctitas vestra niulta
in epistolis suis de S. Petri Apostolorum principis cathedra locuta est, dicens, quod ipse in
ea nunec usque in suis successoribus sedeat.-Cuncta quae dicta sunt in eo libenter accepi,
quod ille mihi de Petri cathedra locutus est, qui Petri cathedram  tenet. Et cuni ure specialis honor nullo: modo delectet, valde tamen laetatus sum, quia' vos', sanctissimi, qued
mihi imapendistis, vobismetipsis dedistis.-Cum mlulti sint Apostoli, pro ipso tallen principatu solo Apostolornm principis sedes in auctoritate convaluit, quae in tribus locis unius
est. Ipse enim sublimavit sedem, in qua etiam quiescere, et presentem vitam filire dignatus est (Rome)'; ipse decoravit sedem, in qua' Evangelistam discipulum misit (Alexandria); ipse firmavit sedem, in qua septem annis, qruamvis discessurus, sedit (Antioch).
Cum ergo unius atque una sit sedes, cui ex anctoritate divina tres nunc Episcopi praesident qolidquid ego de vobis boni audio, hoc milli imputo. Si quid de me boni creditis, hoc
vestris meritis imputate, quia in illo unnm sulllus, qui ait: Ut ominnes nunm sint, etc. (Jo'.
xvii. 21). Cf. Wiggers de Gregorio M. ejusque placitis anthropologicis comm. ii. Rostoch.
1838. 4. p. 29. The flattery of Eulogius may be explained by his straitened condition,
which Gregory relieved even by presents (cf. lib. vi. Ep. 60; vii. 40; viii. 29). Isidorus
Hisp. Etymol. vii. 12 (in Gratiani Decreto, dist. xxi. c. t): Ordo Episcoporum quadripartitus est, id est in Patriarchis, Archiepiscopis, Metropolitanis atque Episcopis. Patriarcha
graeca lingua sunmlus patrum interpretatur, quia primuam, i. e. apostolicum retinet locum:
et ideo quia summo honore fungitur, tali nomine censetur, sicut Romanus, Asitiochenus e-t
A.lexaiidrinus. Here, therefore, the pope still stands in the same rank completely with
the other patriarchs.
19 Gelasius Ep. xiii. (Mansi, viii. 51): Confidimus, quod nullus jam  veraciter Christianus
ignoret, uniuscujusque synodi constitutum, quod universalis ecclesiae probavit assensus,
non aliquam magis exsequi sedem prae caeteris oportere, quanl  primam, quae et unamquamque synodum sua auctoritate confirmat, et continuata moderatione custodit, pro suo
scilicet principatu, quem b. Petrus apostolus donlini voce perceptum, ecclesia nihilominus
subsequente, et tenuit semper et retiinet.
20 Gregorii M. lib. ix. Epist. 59, ad Joh. Episc. Syracus.: Si qua culpa in Episcopis invenitur, nescio quis ei (Sedi apostolicae) subjectus non sit: cun vero culpa non exigit,
omnes secundum rationeml humilitatis aequales sunt. Lib. xi. Ep. 37, ad olomlanun defensorem: Pervenit ad ilos, quod si quis contra clericos quoslibet causam habeat, despectis
eoumm Episcopis, eosdem clericos in tuo facias judicio exhiberi. Quod si ita est, quia
valde constat esse incongruum, hac tibi auctoritate praecipimus, ut hoc denuo facere non
praesumas.-Nam si snu unicuique Episcopo jurisdictio nonl servatur, quid aliud agitor,
nisi ut per nos, per quos ecclesiasticus custodiri debuit ordo, confudatur? (Lib. ii. Ep. 52:
Mihi injuriam  facio, si fratrum meorum jura perturbo).-Lib. viii. Ep. 30, ad Eulogium
Epise. Alexandr.: Indicare quoque vestra Beatitudo studuit, jam se quibusdam (the patriarch of Constantinople) non scribere superba vocabula, quae ex vanitatis radice prodierunt,
et mihi loquitur, dicens: sicut jussistis. Qlod verbum jussionis peto a mneo auditu removere, quia scio, qui sum, qui estis. Loco enim mihi fratres estis, moribus patres. Non
ergo jussi, sed quae utilia visa slnt, indicare curavi. Non tamen invenio vestram Beati.
tudinem hoc ipsum, quod memoriae vestrae intuli, perfecte retinere voluisse. Nam dixi,
nec mihi vos, nee cuiquam alteri tale aliquid scribere debere: et ecce in praefatione
epistolae, quam ad -me ipsum qui prohibui direxistis, superbae appellationis verbumn, universalem me Papam dicentes, imprimere curastis. Qood peto dulcissima mihi Sanctitas
vestra ultra non faciat, quia vobis subtrabitur, quod alteri plus quamn ratio exigit praebetur.
-Nec honorem esse deputo, in quo fratres meos honorem suum perdere cognosco.-Si
enim nriversaleml me Papans vestra Sanctitas dicit, negat se hoc esse, quod me f-Atetur




CHAP. III.-HIERARCHY. ~ 117. HISTORY OF THE PATRIARCHS. 5.01
After ecclesiastical peace had been restored between Rome and
Constantinople, the  kings  of the  Ostrogoths became  suspicious
of their Catholic  subjects  generally, ad, in  particular, of the
Ronlish  bishops, who  still had  unbroken  communication  with
Constantinople. John I., indeed, in his capacity of regal embassadzor, procured the  restoration  of their Churches to  the Arians  in  the  Greek  Church; yet he  was obliged  to  end  his life
in  prison.21    The  hings  maintained  a  strict oversight of the
choice of the  Catholic bishops, reserving to themselves the confirmation, or absolute appointment of them.120    Yet even now  the
Gothic rule was not so dangerous to the papacy  as the Byzantine, which latter began after the conquest of Italy  (553-554).
It is true that Justinian  honored  the  Roman  see,23 but he also
distinguished  the  Constantinopolitan  with  no less  favor;4 and
universulln. Sed absit lioc. Recedant verba, quae vanitatem  inflant et caritatem  vulnerant.
21 Anastasii lib. pontific. c. 54, in vita Joannis. Historia miscella, lib. 15 (in Muratori
Scriptt. Ital. i. 103). Manso Gescl. d. ostgoth. Reiches in Italien, S. 163, ss.
22 Thus Theoderich appointed the Roman bishop, Felix III. Cassiodori Variaruin, lib.
viii. Ep. 15. Comp. Sartorius Vers. fiber die Regierung der Ostgothen in Italien, S. 138,
ss. 308, s.-Athalarich's edict addressed to John II. against bribery at the election of popes
a3id bishops, A.D. 533.. Cassiod. Variar. ix. Ep. 15, witSh a commentary ap. Manso, 1. c. p.
416, ff.
23 Justinian, A.D. 533, to the patriarch of Constantinople. Cod. Justin. i. i. 7: OVre yiip
azvex6/ey -rtc riCv i etc El1cicitacrnrlciv opipvrTdv icarcTraagit,    Kcai rT aevrov (roi-  irdcra
rj0'rpeSvrdpa'Piu7f Icatl rarptuippXov) davaqpeciOat uzacapt6rOTi, 65 KEQaZX, oVar
rVi-Crcv TCiV oc6rwrdwT70v  trov Oreo ipWv,  lca  dredov, dudic, Ca  t, O-lC, V rolSoi To' iEpEctV
aipertcol cave~daev, rT  yvdjlty,ai dpO7, Iicpicit ToV J'iEcivoV  e3ao tiovt, Op6vov /car~Tp/pvdOcav. Ibid. 1. 8, Justinianus ad Joannem  II. P.: Nec enim patimur quicquam, quod ad
Ecclesiarum statum pertinet, quamvis manifestull et indubitatum sit, quod movetdr, ut non
etiam vestrae innotescat sancetitati, quae caput est omnium sanctarum Ecclesiarum. Per
omnia enim (ut dictum est) properamus, honorem et auctoritatem crescere vestrae sedis.
21 Cod. Justin. i. ii. 25:'H  kv KovaravrTvovr62ei  Cmtc/cXlaria 7raarSv rTiv  ZAiUv Eatar
tieea32;j. On the other hand, the right of the highest ecclesiastical court, which was conveyed to the patriarch of Constantinople at Chalcedon (comp. above,. 93, note 15), if
indeed it ever extended beyond the dioceses of Pontus, Asia, and Thrace, appears to have
fallen into oblivion. The right of appeal is thus fixed by Justinian Cod. i. iv. 29: BishopMIetropolitan and his Provincial synod-Patriarch.  From the decision of the last, as from
that of the Praetorian prefect, there could be no appeal (Cod. Just. vii. lxii. 19). No complaint is to be brought before the patriarch first, rr2.yv etl j/  riv alriaaiv Trf in'r TO 70Ti
Ger?i, do' 9rE 7reapaTrc(ltOvaYl i T7/V Vr60e-r   V Ti 7f XT pagIf OeOtI2C7Tead   6irtitiK6Tr~ TirvtIcavra y7p  cdeta izev Carai 7TiV      v a rriaatv   lori Oat c Ka- rapa ro   8Eoq0tieCrTaTroti
7rarptdapXat, i. e., uniless accompanied with the petition that the matter shall be delegated
to the bishop of the province. For in that case it shall be allowed to bring tlhe complaint
before the patriarch. Then, ~ 2: Etl Ivroi 7rapa'e/r OeeiaSg ti7g i7roOirco9S Trapa TOo
OeoiE0raTiGTaV  raiptdipXov  i Tilv  TiV OEoiZarT9dTWV i?7TpOereoiTVV,?  ii2A'    Till'2 1 060l2eTirirlv    r Etatc6rrv, EveXOeiy aiofg, Kae tU arUTEpXOei,rapa Oa7Tpov ekpovf, eep Xe -
i6ef;,e yv'rTaL'  TiVtia aa  r' TOV  PXv tepXrTIICv Op6vov (Vers. lat. ad Archiepiscopalem
nr-LC  sea erd ) 0preaOat:t'Ev'E:srov, icEKaeE car iT  TOP 6XIpLt vbv cpaTopvV E7r6daOat, i. C.,




502               SECOND PERIOD. —DIV. II.-A.D:. 451-6.2'.
endeavored in the end to convert both  merely  into  instruments
to  enable  him   to  rule  both  in  church  and  state.   Two  of
his creatures, VFigilius and Pelaggins I., successively  filled  the
Roman   see;  and  in  the  controversy  concerning   the  three
chapters it soon became apparent how hazardous to Rome this
dependence  on  Byzantium    was.    For  a  long  time  in  the
Western  Church  the  rejection of the Three Chapters was considered a violation of orthodoxy; and on this account the bishops
of the diocese of Italy broke off communion with Rome.   The.
bishops of 2Milan  and Ravenna were indeed reconciled; when,.
oppressed by the Arian Lombards, they were compelled to set
greater value on communion with the Catholic Church (570580); but the archbishop of Aquileia (who, since the incursions
of the Lombards into Italy  (568), resided on the island  Grado)
and the Istrian bishops were more obstinate, and did not renew
their fellowship with Rome till the year 698.25
But even this dangerous period of dependence on Byzantiurrm
ceased for Rome, after the incursion of the Lombards into Italy
(568).   From  that time the Greek  dominions in  this country
were confine~d  to the exarchate of Ravenna, the Duchy of Rome,
and Naples; the cities on the coast of Liguriac, and the extreme
provinces  of Lower  Italy.    Continually  threatened  by  the
Lombards, and  often  forsaken  by  the  Greek  emperors, these:
districts were frequently obliged to protect themselves.   At the
head  of all measures  for defense  appeared  the  popes, as the,
richest possessors,26 whose own interest it, was to avert the rule
if the complaint is delegated by the patriarch to a m-etropolitanl or another bishop, and a
sentence passed which the one party is dissatisfied with, and an appeal is made; thenl
the appeal shall be to the archbishop (consequently with the omission of some intermediate.
courts, according to the rule Cod. Just. vii. lxii. 32, ~ 3: Eorum. sententiis appellatione
suspensis, qui ex delegatione cognoscunt, necesse est eos aestimare-qui cau.sas. delegave.
rint judicandas).'O Apxteparlottc  Op6vog, is every delegating patriarch, not exclusively
(as has been assumed after the Latin translation of Anton. Augustinus, which in this law?
is entirely false) the patriarch of Constantinople. Even Ziegler Geschich. der kirchl,
Verfassungsformen, S. 232, ss. has entirely misunderstood this law.
25 J. F. B. M. de Rubeis de Schismate eccl. Aquilejensis diss. hist. Venet. 1732. 8. Republished in an enlarged form in ejusd. monimenta ecel. Aquilejensis. 1740. fol. Walch's;
Ketzerhist. viii. 331. N. C. Kist de Kerk en het Piatriarchaat van Aquileja in the Archief
voor kerkelijke Geschiedenis, i. 118.
26 As the emperors called their fortunes patrimonium (namely patrimonilll  privatum s.
dominicum their private property, and patrim. sacratum s. divinae domus, their domains,.
See Guthermus de offic. dom. Aug. lib. iii. c. 25. Pancirolius ad notit. dignatatum Imp.
orient. c. 87), so the churches called their possessions patrimonia of their saints. That off
the Roman church was tlherefore patrimonium S.. Petri: at the same time also the ginglem




CHAP. III.-HIERARCHY.1 5 117. HISTORY OF THE PATRIARCHS. 503
of those Arian  barbarians.   Thus  they  not only  gained  great
political influence in  Grecian  Italy,27 but also obtained  a more
independent position in ecclesiastical matters in relation to the
Greek  emperors.    As citizens, they  remained  subject to  the
Greek  emperors, and their representatives, the exarchs of Ravenna.23
Toward the end of this period the flame of controversy was
again kindled between the two  first patriarchs of Christendom,
when John Jejunator began to assume the title of a Patriarcha
estates which were managed by defensoribus or rectoribus were called patrimonia. Cf.
Zaccaria diss. de patrimoniis s. Rom. Eccl. in his commentationes de rebus ad hist. atque
antiquitt. Ecclesiae pertinentibus dissert. latinae (Fulginiae. tomi. ii. 1781. 4.) ii. 68.
Planck's Gesch. d. christl. hirchl. Gesellschaftsverf. i. 629. C. H. Sack de patrimoniis
Eccl. Rolm. circa finem saeculi vi. in his Commlentationes, quae ad theol. hist. pertinent,
tres. Bonnae. 1821. 8. p. 25, ss. For an account of the activity of the Popes in protecting
Italy, colmp. Gregorii M. lib. v. Ep. 21, ad Constantinam Aug.: Viginti autem jam et septem
annos ducimus, quod in hac urbe inter Langobardorum gladios vivimus. Quibus quam
multa hac ab Ecclesia quotidianis diebus erogantur, ut inter eos vivere possimus, suggerenda non sunt.  Sed breviter indico, quia sicut in Ravennae partibus Dominorum
Pietas apud primun exercitum Italiae saccellarium habet, qui causis supervenientibus
quotidianas expensas faciat, ita et in hac urbe in causis talibus eorum saccellarius ego
sum. Et tamen haec Ecclesia, quae uno eodemoque tempore clericis, monasteriis, pauperibus, populo, atque insuper Langobardis tam nlulta indesinenter exndit, ecce adhuc
ex omnium Ecclesiarlum premitur afflictione, quae de hac unius honinis (Jlhainnis Jejunat.)
superbia multum gelaunt, etsi nihil dicere praesumunt.
27 Gregorii M. lib. ii. Ep. 31, ad cunctos milites Neapolitanos: Summa militiae laus
inter alia bona muerita haec est, obedientiam sanctae Reipublicae utilitatibus exhibere,
quodque sibi utiliter imperatem fuerit, obtemperare: sicut et nunc devotionem vestram
fecisse didicilnus, quae epistolis nostris, quibus magnificunl virum Constantium Tribunum
custodiae civitatis deputavimus praeesse, paruit, et congruanm militaris devotionis obedientiam  demonstravit.  Unde scriptis vos praesentibus curavimus admonendos, uti
praedicto viro magnifico Tribuno, sicut et fecistis, omnem debeatis pro serenissimorum
Dominorum ntilitate, vel conservanlda civitate obedientiam exhibere, etc. Comp. the
excerpt from the acts of Honorius I. (625, 638) by Muratori, Antiquitt. Ital. v. 834, from
Cencii Camerarii lib. de censibus, and published more fully by Zaccaria, 1. c. p. 131, from
the collect Cann. of Cardinal Deusdedit. Idem in eodem (i. e., Honorius in suo Registro)
Gaudisso Notario et Anatolio Magistro militum Neapolitanam civitatem regendam committit, et qualiter debeat regi, scriptis informat. It does not follow from these passages,
as Dionysius de Ste Marthe in vita Gregorii, lib. iii. c. 9, no. 6 (Gregg. Opp. iv. 271), and
Zaccaria, 1. c. p. 112, 131, conclude from them that the city of Naples belonged to the
patrimonium S. Petri; but that the popes who had important possessions there (a patrimonium Neapolitanum and Campanum, Zaccaria, p. 111), when the city was hard pressed
(cf. Gregor. M. lib. ii. Ep. 46, ad Johannem Episc. Ravennae: De Neapolitana vero urbe,
excellentissimo Exarcho instanter imminente, vobis indicamus, quia Arigis-valde insidiatur eidelm civitati, in quam si celeriter dux non mittatur, omnino jam inter perditas
habetur), and required speedy aid, took the necessary measures instead of the exarch.
Cf. Sack. 1. c. p. 52.
28 Cf. Gregorii M. lib. iii. Ep. 65, above, ~ 116, note 3. For the official authorities concerning the relations of the ecclesiastical to the civil power, especially concerning the
right of the exarchs to confirm the choice of a pope, see the liber diurnus Romanorumi
Pontiff. See on this subject on the following period.




04               SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 451-622.
universalis, olrov/8evl3lco  (587).29   Even  Pelagius II. grew  very
warm  respecting it,30 and still more Gregory the Great.   These
popes rejected that appellation  altogether, as anti-Christian  and
devilish; without, however, making the desired impression on
the Emperor Maurice and the court patriarch.3' So much the
more, therefore, did Gregory thank  Providence when Maurice's
murderer Phocas  (602)  ascended  the  throne; 32  and  Phocas
29 At first applied by flatterers to all patriarchs. See g 93, note 20, ~ 94, note 72.
Ziegler Gesch. der kirchl. Verfassungsformen, S. 259. Justinian gives the patriarch of
Constantinople the title, -r6 aCytwLarcc Kat jeaaprd-wrr6   apXLe7rtK6co7r   f r    Paolteidvog
TavTr7f r62L;eoSf ca Oti cov7yevtt  waptcdpXq. Cod. i. 1, 7. Novell. iii. v. vi. vii. xvi. xlii.
30 Gregorii M1. lib. v. Ep. 18, 43, ix. 68. The letter viii. Pelagii ad universos Episcc.
(Mansi, ix. 900) relative to this point is Pseudo-Isidorian. See Blondelli Pseudo-Isidorus,
p. 636, ss.
31 Gregorii M. lib. v. Ep. 18, ad.ohan n.-Si ergo ille (Palluns) membra dominici corporis
certis extra Christum quasi capitibus, et ipsis quideml  Apostolis subjici partialiter evitavit
(1 Cor. i. 12, ss.): tu quid Christo, universalis scilicet Ecclesiae capiti, in extremi judicii
es dicturus examine, qui cuncta ejus membra tibimnet conaris universalis appellatione
supponere? Quis, rogo, in hoc tam perverso vocabulo, nisi ille ad imitandum propolitur,
qui despectis Angelorum legionibus secum socialiter constitutis, ad culmen conatus est
singularitatis erumpere, ut et nulli subesse et solus omnibus praeesse videretur?  Certe
Petrus Apostolorum primus, membrum sanctae et universalis Ecclesiae, Paulus, Andreas,
Johannes, quid ajud quam singularium sunt plebium capita? et tamen sub uno capite
omnes membralaumquid non —per venerandum Chalcedonense Concilium hujus apostolicae sedis tistites, cui Deo disponente deservio, universales oblato honore vocati
sunt?  (Comp. ~ 94, note 72.) Sed tamen nullus umquam tali vocabulo appellari voluit,
nullus sibi hoc temerarium nomen arripuit: ne si sibi in Pontificatus gradu gloriam
singularitatis arriperet, hanc omnibus fratribus denegasse videretur.  Ep. 19, ad Sabinianlun Diac. (Apocrisiarium.) Ep. 20, ad Mauricium Aug. Ep. 21. ad Constantinamr
Aug. Ep. 43, ad Eulogium Ep. Alexandr. et Anastasium Antiochenum. Lib. vii. Ep. 4,
5, and 31, ad Cyriacum Ep. Constant. Ep. 27, ad Anastas. Antioch. Ep. 33, ad Mauricium
Aug.: De qua re mlihi in suis jussionibus Dominorum  Pietas praecipit, dicens, ut per
appellationem frivoli nominis inter nos scandalum  generari non debeat. Sed rogo, ut
Imperialis Pietas penset, quia alia sunt frivola valde innoxia, atque alia valde nociva.
Nunmquidnam cum se Antichristus venlliens Deum dixerit, frivolum valde erit, sed tamen
n:aiis perniciosum?  Si quantitatem  sermonis attendimus, duae sunt syllabae; si vero
pondus iniquitatis, universa pernicies. Ego autem fidenter dico, quia quisquis se universalem  Sacerdotem vocat, vel vocari desiderat, in elatione sua Antichristum praecurrit,
quia superbiendo se caeteris praeponit. Nec dispari superbia ad errorem ducitur, quia
sicut perversus ille Deus videri vult super olmnes homines: ita quisquis iste est, qui solus
Sacerdos appellari appetit, super reliquos Sacerdotes se extollit. Ep. 34, ad Eulogium
Alex. et Anastas. Ant. How earnestly Gregory rejected for himself this title, may be
seen in lib. viii. Ep. 30, ad Eulogium. Ep. Alex. above, note 18. According to Johannes
Diac. (about 825) in vita Greg. M. ii. 1, Gregory may have assumed the title servus servorum Dei, to put to shame the patriarch of Constantinople. Even Augustine calls himself, Ep. 130 and 217, servus servorum Christi, Fulgentius Ep. 4, servorum Christi famulas.
Among Gregory the Great's letters, there are now only three before which he so styles
himself. But even so late as the eleventh century other bishops too, as well as kings
and emperors, employed this title. See du Fresne Glossar. ad scriptt. mled. et. inf. lat. s.
v. servus.
32 Comp. the congratulatory letter of Gregory, lib. xiii. Ep. 31, ad Phocam, Imp., Ep. 3o8
ad L eontiam Aug.




CHAP. III.-HIERARCHY. 5 117. HISTORY OF THE PATRIARCHS. 505
repaid the pope's favor by taking his part against the patriarch,33
though after him that disputed title was constantly used by
the see of Constantinople.34
At this  time  the  popes  also  began  to  bestow  the  pallium
(which  all bishops in  the east received  at their  consecration)35
on  the most distinguished bishops of the west, for the purpose
of symbolizing  and  strengthening  their  connection  with  the
Church of Rome.36
33 The patriarcn Cyriacus was an adherent of'Maurice (Theophanes, i. 446, 453). Anastasius de vitis Pontific. c. 67, Bonifacius, iii.: Hic obtinuit apud Phocam Principem, ut
Sedes apostolica b. Petri Apostoli caput esset omnium ecclesiarum, i. e., Ecclesia Romnana,
quia Ecclesia Constantinopolitana primamn se omnium Ecclesiarum scribebat. With the
same words Paulus Warnefridi de Gestis Longob. iv. 37. Doubted by J. M. Lorenz
Examen decreti Phocae de primatu Rom. Pont. Argent. 1790. Schr6ckh, xvii. 72. Re
markable is the view of the subject taken by the Ghibelline Gotfridus Viterbielsis (aboul
1186), in his Pantheon, p. xvi. (Pistorii Rer. Germ. scriptt. ed. Struve, ii. 289):
TeTtius est Papa Bonifac us ille benignus,
Qui petit a Phoca munu per secula dignum,
Ut sedes Petri prima sit; ille dedit.
Prima prius fuerat Constantinopolitana;
Est rmodo Roamana, meliori dogmate clara.
34 Even Heraclius, successor of Phocas, in his laws gives again this title to the patriarch
of Constantinople. See Lelnclavii Jus Gracco-Romnanum, t. i. p. 73, ss.
35 See above, ~ 101, note 1. Against the opinion almost universally adopted from Petrus de Marca de cone. Sac. et Inmp. lib. vi. c. 6, that the old pallium, a splendid mantle,
was a part of the imperial dress, and therefore bestowed only by the emperors, or with
their permission by the patriarchs, see J. G. Pertsch de Origine, usu, et auctoritate, pallii
arcliepiscopalis. Helmst. 1754. 4. p. 56, ss.
36 The oldest document on the subject is Symmachi P. Ep. ad Theodorum  Laureacensem (Mansi, viii. p. 228) about 501: Diebus vitae tuae palli usum, quem ad sacerdotalis
offlcii decorerm et ad ostendendamn unanimitatem, quam cum b. Petro Apostolo universumrn
gregem dominicarurn ovium, quae ei commissae sunt, habere dubiumr non est, ab apostolica
sede, sicut decuit, poposcisti, quod utpote ab eisdem Apostolis fundatae ecclesiae majorrin
more libenter indulsimus ad ostendendum te magistram et archiepiscopum, tualnque sanctamrn Laureacensem ecclesiam provinciae Pannonioruln sedem fore metropolitanam. Idcirco pallio, quod ex apostolica caritate tibi destinamus, quo uti debeas secundurn morem
ecclesiae tuae, solerter admonemus pariterque volumus, ut intelligas, quia ipse vestitus,
quo ad missarulm solemnia ornaris, signlum praetendit crucis, per quod scito te curn fratribus debere compati ac mundialibus illecebris in aftectu crucifigi, etc. (The formula in the
liber diurnus, cap. iv. tit. 3, is abbreviated from this epistle.) According to Vigilii P. Ep.
vii. ad Auxaniumn Arelatensem (Mansi, ix. p. 42), Symmlachus also invested Caesarius,
bishop of Arles, with the pallium. These investitures became more frequent under
Gregory the Great, not only of metropolitans, as John of Corinth, Leo of Prima Justinianea,
Vigilius of Aries, Augustine of Canterbury, but also simple bishops, as of Donus of Messina, John of Syracuse, John of Palermo, etc. See Pertsch. 1. c. p. 134, ss. Though Vigilius
P. Ep. vi. ad Auxanium Arelatensem (Malnsi, ix. p. 40), writes: De his vero, qucae Caritas
vestra taim de usa pallii, quam de aliis sibi a nobis petiit debere concedi, libenti hoe
animo etiam in praesenti facere sine dilatione potuirmus, nisi cum christianissimi Domnilli
filii nostri imperatoris hoc, sicut ratio postulat, voluissemus perficere notitia; and Grego.
rius i. lib. ix. Ep. 11, ad Brunichildem Reginam, while he mentions to Synagrius, bishop
of Autun, gifted with the pallium, the necessity of the imperial approbation; yet it was
probably sought for only when hostile relations existed with the kingdom to which the




506                 SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. ix.-A.D. 451-622.
FOURTH CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF MONACHISM.
~ 118.
THE LITERATURE MAY BE SEEN IN THE PREFACE TO ~ 95.
In  the  east, monachism   continued  in  its  manifold  forms.'
Justinian favored it by his laws,2 though he endeavored to
restrain  the  irregular  wanderings  of the  Coenobites.3    While
pallium was sent. See Pertsch, 1. c. p. 196, ss. That a tax was early connected with this
investiture, see Gregorii i. lib. v. Ep. 57, ad Johannem Episc. Corinth. (6lso asp. Gratianus
dist. C. c. 3): Novit autem fraternitas vestra, quia prius pallium  nisi dato commodo non
dabatur. Quod quoniam incongruum erat, facto Concilio tam de hoc quam de ordinationibus aliquid accipere sub districta interdictione vetuimus.  The decree referred to is in
Mansi, ix. p. 1227.
1 Comp. the description, Evagrius, i. 21. The spirit of the oriental monks of this period
may be gathered from Johannis Moschi (about 630) 2Etu6jv, pratum spirituale (in Latin in
Herib. Rosweydi Vitae patrum. Antverp. 1615. fol. p. 855, ss. The Greek original,
though defective is found in Frontonis Ducaei Auctarium bibl. PP. ii. 1057. The chasms
are supplied in Cotelerii Monum. Eccl. Gr. ii. 341). Even here complaints of the decay
of monachism appear, ex. gr. c. 130: O1 rrartpef?l/Su, rjv  yICpreLatav Kai ryv racCTfl7Oacivv yfXpL Ocav7rov er7pioaav, IE/gtf dE' Tra2uavaytev r2f Icot2ai/?1/VCi tca f3aMvrta,
c. r. 71. Cf. cap. 52 and 168.
2 Cod. Justin. i. 3, 53 (A.D. 532), forbids, lJ61E'va'avrewrTS2, ure /3ovXevrgv  cig're raSrCjrnv EriatlcoTrov ) qrpEra/rEpo V  e70o  otl'oO yiveaOaC, but adds: IIZjv etl /) EcK vV7ragf.ZtcicaCf, tal  odVrwo 7r]v tor][ov Cic,36a0if, ETVXe rTOFf EVba,3lECTaiof /iovaxo' ey'eaTar2ae-.Xey/ivoC, gcac dcayevaf errt roVTroV TOV aXl/aroTg' TrvIcaVTra y2p t~gEy/Ev av VTr  Kat
~rpeCo3VTepp yevEcOaz, Ivap Elf E',TralcoiwrV t?2E0ve,-T- v reTrcprnv ltvroC /luotpav r/f ai7roV
qrepteOVctaa i5a'rf TraprXOfdV Ablf /3ovX2evraef, CcaT rT  dgc/oaio. ~ 3: "Ere Oe0a'iTio/zv,
ebre 6vip Etri Iwovpy7 Pi3OV E2Oev fPov2Oer/rl, iret  yvv  r6v T avpa KTar2tL7r-OaCa 7rpOc
(tlc/clv E6ZOoC, It' roero a7rb'r //iaf reapfxetv 7rpo  altv, 6a'2,  rtc uev oelcE a  r7Tvrc2afl,p3vetv.  Cf. Novell. cxxiii. c. 40: EGl 6  GVVCErcTrTOS    ErT tOV  Lzov O 6Vp p6vogS i )
yvv6 pz6vV elcaDlp  elig yovaar7plov, dlaXvca0O  6 yaiyor, Ica di3xa ei7rovdiov.  (On the
other hand Gregorius M. lib. xi. Ep. 45: Si enim dicunt, religionis causa conjugia debere
dissolvi, sciendum est, quia etsi hoc lex humana concesssit, divina lex tamen prohibuit.
Cf. Bingham, vol. iii. p. 45.)  Cod. Just. i. 3, 55: Ut non liceat parentibus impedire, quominus liberi eorum volentes monachi anut clerici fiant, aut eam ob solam causam exheredare
(cf. Nov. cxxiii. c. 41). Nov. v. c. 2, allows slaves to go into convents contrary to the will
of their masters.
Novella v. de Monachis (a.D. 535), cap. 4: El d6  rtf n'ra  EavrOv OV  aOtEpJcaag Tr
tovaca7T/pi), icGc rtoe  X,/aroCf rTVXyv, ezra avcaopXiaat rtoe  tovaorprov   3ov2uloerti, tcat
i&dtSrv -rvY6V    aexOeiev Ga Oa-  avrbc 7 V  at7O, iroiav IVrTp roT70V 6JgcEl r     Oe6 TriiV 7&roaeoyiav, r2 7rpdyljara!E6vroe 6rc6aa av EXoct /viga   r Elf rb /ovaarC/ptov  elawet, raera 7T//
6erToeorea  Carat TroV iovacrGTpioV xac oeV6' brlov b avreVSa:df2 e.  Cap. 7: El d7E    &ho



CHAP. IV.-MONACHISM. ~ 119. BENEDICTINES,                          507
the   Stylites  in  the  east  still  attracted   the  highest wonder,
especially  one  )Daniel,4  in  the  neighborhood  of Constantinople,
under the Emperors Basiliscus and Zeno, an attempt in the
neighborhood of Treves to imitate them was interdicted by the
bishops of the place.5    On the other hand, the rKaTEtpyP'Vot of the
east, found  many  admirers especially  in   Gaul, (Reclausi, Recluses). 
~ 119.
BENEDICTINES.
Jo. Mabillonii Annales ordinis S. Renedicti, vi. tomi (the 6th, edited by Edm. Martene,
reaches to the year 1157).  Paris. 1703-1739. auct. Luccae. 1739-1745. fol.-Lucae
Dacherii et Jo. Mabillonii acta Sanctorum Ord. S. Benedicti (six centuries to 1100), ix.
voll. 1668-1701. fol.
In the west, Benedict, a native of Nursia in Umbria,' gave
a  new  form   to  the  monastic  life.   After  he  had long  lived  a
hermit's life, he founded a convent on a mountain in Campania,
where the old castrum  Cassinum  was situated (hence called
monasterium Cassinense, monte Cassino).  Here he introduced
a new system  of rules (529)2 which mitigated the extreme
2'17tV TO  #ovacr7rptov, IcaO' wrep r)v (cIcrkalv EiXev, Eit &rEpov yezrapaivotl tOcv7rplt0VoV,.ac ovro /Z v / avcroO reptovaia [tlevro re icae EK1Criecow vr 7To V 7o rporepov iyova7rpiov,.
EvOo c7rora5,luevof TroVo  cear7tTrer.    rrporov 6d Ermt -roi'g E2vXaearmcirovC iyov/yuvovr
yg eladkXecOae 7rV TOTro rrprrorrTea.        4 Acta Danielis, ap. Surium ad d. 11 Dec.
5 Gregor. Turon. Hist. Franc. viii. 15.    6 Ex. gr., Gregor. Tur. ii. 37, v. 9, 10, vi. 6.
1 His biographer is Gregori-s M. in Dialogormm lib.. secundo.
2 Regula Benedicti in 73 capp. in Hospinian and many others, best in Luc. Holstenil
Codex regularum monastic. et canon. (Romnae. 1661. iii. voll. 4), auctus a Marian. Brocliie
(August. Vindel. 1759. vi. tomi fol.) i. 3, and thence in Gallandii Bibl. PP. xi. 2y8. Among
the numerous commentaries the best are by Edm. Martene, Paris. 1690. 4,'and by Augustin Calmet, Paris. 1734. t. ii. 4. General regulations: Cap. 64: In Abbatis ordinatione illa semper consideretur ratio, ut Ihic constituatur, quem sibi omnis concors congregatio secundum  timorem Dei, sive etinm pars, quamvis parva, congregationis, saniori
consilio, elegerit. Cap. 65: Quemcuncque elegerit Abbas cum consilio fratrum timentiuimn
Deutn, ordinet ipse sibi Praepositum.  Qui tamen Praepositus illa agat cum reverentia,
quae ab Abbate suo ei injuneta fuerint, nihil contra Abbatis volnntatem aut ordinationeea
faciens.  Cap. 21: Si major fuerit congregatio, eligantur de ipsis fratres boni testimonii
et sanctae conversationis, et constituantur Decani, qui solicitudinem gerant super Decanias suas. Cap. 3: Quoties aliqua praecipua agenda sunt in monasterio, convocet Abbas.
omnneml congregationem, et dicat ipse unde agitur. Et audiens consilium fratrum, tractet
apud se, et quod utilius judicaverit faciat. Si qua vero minora agenda sunt in monasterii
utilitatibus, seniorurn  tantum  utatur consilio. Cap. 5: Primus humilitatis gradus est
obedientia sine mora. Haec convenit iis, qui nihil sibi Christo carius aliquid existinmant;
propter servitium sanctum, quod professi sunt, seu propter metum gehenaae, vel gloriam




SO-8               SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 451-622.
rigor  of the  eastern  monks,3  prescribed  a  variety  of suitable
employments,4 but was distinguished especially by this, that it
exacted  a  promise  from   all who  entered, never to  leave  the
monastery again, and strictly to observe its rules.5   This system
was  soon  diffused in  Italy, Gaul, and  Spain.   Instead  of the
former diversity of monasteries, unity  now  appeared;  and thus
arose  the  first proper  monastic  order or association  of many
monasteries under a peculiar rule. The straitening of vows in
this Benedictine rule was followed by the declaration of marriage
beinlg invalid in the case of monks; 6 while the monks and nuns
vitae aeternae, mox ut aliquid imperatum a majore fuerit, ac si divinitus imperetur, molram
pati nesciunt in faciendo.
3 Cap. 39, appoints for the daily food cocta duo pulmentaria (ut forte, qui ex uno non
poterit edere, ex alio reficiatur). Et si fuerint inde poma aut nascentia leguminum, addatur et tertium. Farther panis libra una, and, cap. 40, hemina vini (different opinions concerning the hemina, see in Martene Comm. in Reg. S. Bened. p. 539, ss.). On the other
hand, carnium quadrupedum ab omnibus abstineatur comestio, praeter omnino debiles et
aegrotos. Cap. 36: Balneorum usus infirmis, quoties cxpedit, offeratur. Sanis autem, et
maxime juvenibus, tardius concedatur.
4 Cap. 48: COtiositas inimica est animae: et ideo certis temporibus occupari debent
fratres in labore manunm, certis iterum horis in lectione divina. Between tlese.the horae
canonicae, namely the Nocturnae vigiliae, Matutinae, Prima, Tertia, Sexta, N-ona, Vespera, and,Completorium  (see respecting them cap. 8-19). Cap. 16 justified by Ps. cxis.
164: Septies in die laudemn dixi tibi, and v. 62: Media nocte surgebam ad confitendumn
tibi. Comp. ~ 95, note 8.
5 Cap. 58: After ordering a probation time of the noviter venientis ad conversioneml: si
habita secum deliberatione promiserit se omnia custodire et cuncta sibi imperata servare,
tune suscipiatur in congregatione, sciens se jam sub lege regulae constitutum, quod ei ex
illa die non liceat egredi de monasterio, nec collum excutere de subjugo regulae, quam
sub tam imorosa deliberatione licuit aunt excusare, aunt suscipere. Suscipiendus autem in
oratorio coram omnibus promittat de stabilitate sua, et conversione morum suorum, et
obedientia coram Deo et sanctis ejus, ut si aliquando aliter fecerit, ab eo se damnandum
sciat, quem irridet. De qua promissione sua faciat petitionem  ad nomen Sanctorum,
quoruml reliquiae ibi sunt, et Abbatis praesentis.  Quam petitionem meanu sua scribat,
aut certe, si non scit literas, alter ab eo rogatus scribat, et ille novitius signumr faciat,
et manu sua eam super altare ponat. Cap. 59: Si quis forte de nobilibus otlert filium
suum Deo in monllasterio, si ipse puer minori aetate est, parentes ejus faciant petitionem,
quam supra diximus. Et cunm oblatione ipsam petitionem et manum pueri involvant in
palla altalis, et sic eum offerant. Cap. 66: Monasterium  autern, si possit fieri, ita debet
construi, ut omnia necessaria, id est aqua, molendinum, hortus, pistrinum, vel artes diversae intra monasterium exerceantur, ut non sit necessitas Monachis vagandi foras, quia
omnino non expedit animabus eorum.
6 The older appointment (see ~ 95, note 49), that the breaking of the vow should be
punished with church-penance, is still repeated by Leo I. Ep. 90, ad Rusticum, c. 12,
(Propositum monachi-deseri non potest absque peccato.  Ouod enim vovit Deo, debet
et reddere. Unde qui relicta singularitatis professione ad militiaem vel ad nuptias devolatus est, publicae poenitentiae satisfactione puigandus est), and Gelasius I. Ep. 5, ad
Jpisc. Lucaniae (ap. Gratian. Causa xxvii. Qu. 1, c. 14). Also Cone..Aurelian. i. ann. 511,
c. 21, pre-supposes the validity of marriage. (Monachus si in monasterio conversus vel
pallium  comprobatus fuerit accepisse, et postea uxori ftuerit sociatus, tantae praevarica-.;nuis renas nunquam ecclesiastici gradus oticium sortiatur.) On the contrary, first, the




CHAP. IV.-MONACHISM.    1l19. BENEDICTINES.                       509
who  had  left their  monasteries  began  to  be violently  broxught
back into them.7
Of  literary  pursuits  among  the  monks  we  find  no  trace,
either in  Benedict's rule, or among  the  first Benedictines.8    It
was Cassiodorus who made the first attempt of this kind in the
convent built by  him   called  Vivarinum  (Coenobium   Vivariense,
538) near Squillacci in  Bruttia, whither he had  withdrawn; 
and where in addition to other useful employments, an endeavor
was made to introduce learned occupations also into a monastery.l~
The  Benedictines, already  accustomed  to  a well regulated  acConec. Turonicum ii. ann. 567, c. 15: (Monachuas) si-ruxorem duxerit, excommunicetur, et
de uxoris male societae consortio etiam judicis auxilio separetur.-Qui infelix mondchus,
-et illi, qui eum exceperint ad defensandum, ab ecclesia segregentur, donec revertatur ad
septa monasterii, et indictam ab Abbate-agat poenitentiam, et post satisfactionem revertatur ad gratiam.
7 Thus Gregory the Great ordered, with reference to a married nun (ap. Gratian. c. xxvii.
Qu.., c. 15), and with reference to another who.had merely returned ad saecularem habitual, lib. vii. Ep. 9, ad Vitalianum Ep. A.D. 597 (ap. Gratian. 1. c. c. 18): Instantiae tuae
sit, praedictam mulierem ana cumn Sergio defensore nostro comprehendere, et statim non
solumn ad male contemptum  habitum  sine excusatione aliqla revocare, sed etiam  in
monasterio, ubi omnino districte valeat custodiri, detrudere. And lib. i. Ep. 40, A.D. 591:
Quia aliquos Monachorum usque ad tantum nefas prosiliisse cognovimus, -at uxores publice
sortiantur, sub omni vigilantia eos requiras, et inventos digna coercitione in monasteriis,
quorum n monachi fuerant, retransmittas.
s See Rich. Simon Critique de la bibliothlque de M. Ell. du Pin. (Paris. 1730. 4. tom.
8.) i. 219.
9 That he introduced the rules of Benedict into his convent, as the Benedictines (see
Garetius in the vita Cass. prefixed to his Opp. p. 27) supposed, has been justly denied by
Baronius ad ann. 494.
10 For this purpose he wrote in particular his worlks de Institutione divinarum litterarum,
and de Artibus ac disciplinis liberalium litterarum, comp. ~ 114, note 7. He exhorts, above
all things, to study the Holy Scriptures and the fathers. But then he adds, de Instit. div.
litt. c. 28: Verumtamen nec illud Patres sanctissimi decreverunt,; ut saecularium litterarum studia respuantur: quia exinde non minimum  ad sacras scripturas intelligendas
sensus noster instruitur.-Frigidus obstiterit circum  praecordia sanguis, ut nec humanis
nec divinis litteris perfecte possit erudiri: aliqua tamen scientiae mediocritate suffultus,
eligat certe quod sequitur:
Rura rnihi et rigui placeant in vallibus amnes.
Quia nec ipsum est a Monachis alienuln hortos colere, agros exercere, et pomorum foecunditate gratulari. Cap. 30: Ego tarmen fateor votanm tmeum, quod inter vos quaecumque
possunt corporeo lahore compleri, Antiquariorunm  ihi studia (si tamen veraciter scribant)
non immerito forsan plus placere; quod et mentem suaml relegendo scriptures divinas
salubriter instruant, et Domini praecepta scribendo longe lateque disseminent.  (Comp.
the directions for copying and revising manuscripts, cap. 15, and the treatise de orthographia.)-Cap. 31: Sed et vos alloquor fratres egregios, qui humani corporis salutem
sedula curiositate tractatis, et confugientibus ad loca sanctorum officia beatae pietatis
impenditis. Et ideo discite quidem naturas herbarum, commixtionesque specieruin sollicita mente tractate. He recommends to them the writings of Dioscorides, Hippocrates,
and Galen. Comp. Stfudlin in the Kirchenhist. Archive fuir 1825, S. 413, ss.




510.        SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 451-622.
tivity, very  soon  followed  this  example;  and  thus  they  could
now be useful to the west in many ways.
They reclaimed many waste lands, actively advanced the
cause of education," handed down to posterity the history of
their time in chronicles, and preserved to it by their copyists,
for the most part indeed as dead treasures, the writings of antiquity.'2
~ 120.
RELATION OF THE MONKS TO THE CLERGY.
Though  the  clergy  continued  to  be very  often  chosen  from
among the monks, yet there were in the convents no more
ordained monks than were required by the necessities of the
monks' congregation;  and  many  convents  had  no  presbyter
whatever.1    The old rule that all convents should be under the
inspection  of the  bishops of the  dioceses  in  which  they  were
situated,2  was  first departed  from  in  Africa, where  many  put
themselves  under the superintendence  of distant bishops, especially the bishop of Carthage, to keep themselves secure against
oppression.3    In the remaining  part of the west, the duty of the
11 The permission to undertake the care of pueros oblatos, given by Benedict in his rule
c. 59 (see above, note 5), was soon and often taken advantage of. See Gregory M. dial. ii,
cap. 3: Coepere etiam tune ad euni Romanae urbis nobiles et religiosi concurrere, suosque
ei filios omnipotenti Deo nutriendos dare. For these pueri oblati in particular, the monastery schools were erected, of which the first intimation is found in the so-called Regula
Magistri, c. 50 (ap. Holstenius-Brockie, t. i. p. 266), composed about 100 years after Bene
diet, where it is prescribed that in the three hours from the first to the third, infiantuli in
decada sua in tabulis suis ab uno litterato litteras meditentur.
12 Cf. Mabillon acta SS. Ord. Ben. t. i. Praef. no. 114 et 115.
1 Presbyters were sent into the convents by the bishops (directi, deputati) ad missas
celebrandras.  Gregor. M. lib. vi. Ep. 46, vii. 43.-Abbots prayed and received permission
in monasterio Presbyterum, qui sacra Missarain solemnia celebrare debeat, ordinari. Ibid.
vi. 42, ix. 92: or a presbyter was appointed to the convent, quem et in monasterio hbabitare,
et inde vitae subsidia habere necesse fuit, ibid. iv. 18. —On the other hand Gregory libb. vi.
Ep. 56, praises a convent of which he had heard, et Presbyteros et Diaconos cunctamque
congregationem unanimnes vivere ac concordes.
2 Conc. Chalced. c. 4:-"Edoe /ui7deva ue v /Iudayo,  oilodo/etv zyq&  avvrtlar[ tovac3rT[ptov V ebicriptov oiolf  irapa/ yv6iyqv roi r-C -ir6;2ew'EMte/c67rovw'     rObei  dE taO'
brCicrlv r6Xlv tcat Xjpav /ov6dovraf i0rzorErdiXOa t r.'ErtlocrrTo. - Can. 8: O1 Ktc;VpptCo
rlv i&)roXeCiov Icai ttovaaerrpov Kzat laptrv piwv  awnrb io' rEv Ebcdar, rr6T e'Ertac67Wov r77V
&Eovaiav, itcar rTv -2rv aiyiv Y TrarEp)v wrapedoaetv, dtazev7rwiav, icai 1', icaravOadtrcacOat ) dC0Lvt.av ioi ldiov'ELEOrtat6rov.
a Cone. Carthag, ann. 525, dies secunda (ap. Mansi, viii. 648). The prayer of Abbas




CHAP. IV.-MONACIISM.    l120. MONKS AND CLERGY.                     511
monasteries to be spiritually subject to the diocesan bishops was
still strictly  enforced.4    On  the  other hand, synods and popes
took  them   under  their  protection, in  opposition  to  episcopal
oppression, and made it a fundamental principle that the bishops
should not interfere with their internal administration.5  Gregory
the Great, in  particular, was distinguished for his protection of
convents.6
Petrus to Bishop Boniface of Carthage, p. 653: —lumiles supplicamus, ut —a jugo nos
clericorum, quod neque nobis neque patribus nostris quisquaml superponere aliquando
tentavit, eruere digneris.  Nam  docemus, monasterium  de Praecisu, quod in medio
plebium  Leptillinensis ecclesiae ponitur, praetermlisso eodem  tEpiscopo vicino, Vico
Ateriensis ecclesiae Episcopi consolationem habere, qui in longinquo positus est.-Nam
et de Adrumetino mllonasterio nullo rlodo silere possumus, qui praetermisso ejusdeml civitatis Episcopo de transmarinis partibus sibi semper presbyteros ordinaverunlt.-Et curn
sibi diversa mlonasteria, ut ostenderent libertatell suam, unicuique prout visum est, a
diversis Episcopis consolationeml quaesierint: quollodo nobis denegari poterit, qui de hac
sede sancta Carthaginensis ecclesiae, quae prima totius Africailae ecclesia haberi videtur,
auxilium quaesivimus? etc. Cf. Concil. Carthagin. aln. 534 (Mansi, viii. 841). Cf. Thomas.
sinus P. i. 1. iii. C. 31.
4 Conc. Aurelian. i. (511) can. 19. Epaonense (517) can. 19. Arelatense v. (554) can. 7.
5 So first Concil. Arelatense, iii. A.D. 456 (Mansi, vii. 907), which limited the rights of
the bishop of the diocese in the convent of Lerins as follows: Ut clerici, atque altaris
ministri a nullo, nisi ab ipso, vel cti ipse injunxerit ordinentur; chrisma non nisi ab ipso
speretur; neophyti si fuerint, ab eodeml  confirmentur; peregrini clerici absque ipsins
praecepto in commlunionem, vel ad nministerium  non admittantur.  Monasterii vero
omnis laica multitudo ad curam Abbatis pertineat: neque ex ea sibi Episcopus quidquam vindicet, aut aliqulem ex illa clericom, nisi abbate petente, praesumat. Hoc enim
et rationis et religionis plenull est, ut clerici ad ordinationeml  Episcopi debita subjectione
respiciant: laica vero omnis monasterii congregatio ad solam ac liberam Abbatis proprii,
quem sibi ipsa elegerit, ordinationem dispositionemlque pertineat; regula, quae a fundatore
ipsius monasterii dudurm constituta est, in omnibus custodita.
6 Comp. especially Greg. M. lib. viii. Ep. 15, ad Marinianunm Ravennae Episc.: Nullus
audeat de reditibus vel chartis mlonasterii mlinuere.-Defuncto Abbate non extraneus nisi
de eadem congregatione, queml sibi propria voluntate congregatio elegerit, ordinetur. —
Invito Abbate ad ordinanda alia monasteria aut ad ordines sacros tolli exinde monachi
non debent.-Descriptio rerum aut chartarum monasterii ab Ecclesiasticis fieri non debet.
-QuLia hospitandi occasione monasteriuum temporibus decessoris vestri nobis fuisse nunciatum est praegravatum: oportet ut hoc Sanctitas vestra decenter debeat temperate. He
orders a bishop to restore what he bad taken from a convent xenii quasi specie, lib. viii.
Ep. 34. On the other hand he admonishes all bishops to keep a strict watch over the
discipline and morals of the convents, lib. vi. Ep. 11; viii. Ep. 34.-Other privileges which
Gregory is alleged to have granted to convents, for instance the celebrated privilegium
monasterii S. Medardi in Soissons (see appendix to his letters in the Benedictine edition,
no. 4) are spurious. Cf. Launoji Opp. iii. ii. 90. Thomassinus, P. i. lib. iii. c. 30.




512                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 451-622.
FIFTH CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF PUBLIC WORSHIP.
~ 121.
IHow   much  the  sensuous  tendency  of public  worship,' of
which we have already spoken, was farther developed in this
period, and  how  many  new  superstitious  notions  sprung  from
it,2  is best seen  in the  writings of Gregory  the  Great, a man
who, with much real piety, had also very many monkish  prejudices and great credulity; while by  his high  reputation  in  the
Western Church, he did much to introduce new forms of worship, and diffuse a multitude of superstitions.
The chief part of the reverence paid to saints came more and
more to cofisist in the superstitious worship of relics,3 of whose
For it there is a decree, Gregorii M. (Opp. ed. Maur. ii. 1298. Mansi, x. 434, also in
Gratianus dist. 92, c. 2) characteristically: In sancta Romana Ecclesia-dudum consuetudo
est valde reprehensibilis exorta, ut quidam ad sacri altaris ministerium Cantores eligantur
et in Diaconatus ordine constituti modulationi vocis inserviant, quos ad praedicationis
officium  eleelllosynarumlque studium  vacare congruebat.  Unde fit plerumque, ut ad
sacrllm ministerium dum blanda vox quaeritur, quaeri congrua vita negligatur, et cantor
minister Dcumn moribus stimulet, cumi populum vocibus delectat. He therefore arranges
that not deacons but sub-deacons and minores ordines should be employed in the singing.
2 Colmlp. Neander's Denlkwirdigkeiten aus der Gesch. des Christenthums. Bd. 3, Heft 1.
(Berlin. 1824) S. 132, ss.
3 Gregor. M. lib. iv. Ep. 30, ad Constantinam Aug. ( Serenitas vestra-caput S. Pauli
Apostoli, aut aliud quid de corpore ipsius, suis ad se jussionibus a me praecepit debere
transmitti.-Majtor me moestitia tenuit, quod ille praecipitis, quae facere nec possum, nec
audeo. Namn corpora, SS. Petri et Pauli App. tantis in Ecclesiis suis coruscant mliraculis
atque terroribus, ut neque ad orandum sine magno illuc timore possit accedi. —Examples.
Among other things, that in opening the grave of Laurentins monachi et mansionarii, qui
corpus ejuslem Martyris viderunt, quod quidem minime tangere praesumserunt, onmnes
intra x. dies defuncti sunt (Exod. xxxiii. 20).-Romanis consuetudo non est, quando
Sanctorum  reliquias dant, ut quidqualll tangere praesunlant de corpore: sed tantummodo
in pyxide brandeumr mittitur, atque ad sacratissima corpora Sanctorum  ponitur.  Quod
levatemn in Ecclesia, quae est dedicanda, debita cum veneratione reconditur: et tantae
per hoc ibidem virtutes fiunt, ac si illuce specialiter eorum corpora deferantur (in like manner Gregor. Turon. de gloria Martyr. i. 28). Unde contigit, ut b. recordationis Leonis P.
temporibus, sicut a majoribus traditur, dum quidam Graeci de talibus reliquiis dubitarent,
praedictus Pontifex hoc ipsum brandeum allatis forficibus inciderit, et ex ipsa incisione
sanguis effluxerit. In Romanis nainque vel totius Occidentis partibus omnino intolerabile
est atque sacrilegum, si Sanctorum corpora tangere quisquam fortasse voluerit.  Quod si
praesnumserit, certunm est, quia haec temeritas impunita nullo modo remanebit.-Sed quia




CHAP. V. —PUBLIC WORSHIP.  ~ 121.                          513
miraculous power the most absurd  stories were told.   The consequence  of this  was, that the  mzora aCspect of saint-reverence
was  still farther lost sight of by an  age which  longed  only for
the marvelous.   As this tendency now  began to give rise to imposture in introducing  false  relics,4 it had also  the  effect of developing the legends of the saints, to a greatly increased extent,
in consequence of the love of the miraculous.   The old martyrs,
of whom  for the most part the names alone were handed down,5
were furnished with new  descriptions of their lives, while the new
saints were dressed out with wonderful narratives; even martyrs,
with the histories of mnartyrs, were entirely fabricated anew.6
In  the worship of saints, angels were now  without hesitation
made to participate, to whom  also churches were dedicated.7
serenissimae Dominae tam religiosum desiderium esse vacuum non debet, de catenis,
quas ipse S. Paulus Ap. in collo et in manibus gestavit, ex quibus multa miracula in
populo demonstrantur, partem alihodam vobis transmittere festinabo, si tamen bane tollere
limando praevaluero, namely, quibusdam petentibus, diu per catenas ipsas ducitur lima,
et tamen ut aliquid exinde exeat non obtinetur. —Lib. ix. Ep. 122, ad Recharedum
Wisigoth. Regem: Clavln velo parvulam a sacratissimo b. Petri Ap. corpore vobis pro
ejus benedictione trantsllisimlus, in qua inest ferrum  de catelis ejus inclusum; ut quod
collum illius ad martyrium ligaverat, vestrum ab omnibus peccatis solvat. Crucem quoque
dedi latori praeseoltium vobis offerendam, in qua lignum Dominicae crucis inest, et capilli
b. Joannis Baptistae. Ex qua semper solatium  nostri Salvatoris per intercessionem
praecursoris ejus habeatis. Cf. lib. iii. Ep. 33. A number of similar miraculous stories
are fon.d in thle works of Gregory of Tours, see note 6.
4 Crcgor. M. lib. iv. Epist. 30, ad Constantinam  Aug.: Quidam Monachi.Graeci huc
aunte biennium venientes nocturno silentio juxta ecclesiam S. Pauli corpora mortuoruna
in campo jacentia efibdiebant, atque eorum ossa recondebant, servantes sibi dum recederent. Q(ui cum tenti, et cur hoc facerent diligenter fuissent discussi, confessi sUnt quod
i]la ossa ad Graeciam  essent tanquam  Sanctorum reliquias portaturi.  Concil. Caesaraugust. ii. (592) can. 2: Statuit S. Synodus ut reliquiae in quibuscunque locis de Ariana
haeresi inventae fuerint, prolatae, a Sacerdotibus, in quorum ecclesiis reperiuntur, pontificibus praesentatae igne probentur (the old German ordeal).
5 Gregor. Ml. lib. viii. Ep. 29, see Div. I. ~ 53, note 46.
G The writings of Gregory, archishop of Tours, afford abundant proofs of all this. See
above ~ 114, note 18. Among many other tbhings we find also in him for the first time (de Gloria
mart. i. 95), the legend belonging to the Decian persecution de septem dormientibus apud
urbem Ephesum. It had been derived from an old tradition which is even found in Pliny
Nat. hist. vii. 52'; but which being afterward transferred to Christian martyrs, was differently localized. Thus it appears in the Koran (Surat 18) to be transplanted into Arabia,
subsequently it was carried into Gaul (Pseudo-Gregor Tar. Epist. ad Sulpic. Bituric.), to
Germany (Nicephori Call. Hist. eccl. v. 17), and also to the north (Paulus Diac. de Gestis
Longob. i. 4).
7 Comp. ~ 99, note 34. As presents had been made to the deities in heathen 1Rome, so
now they were frequently made to saints and angels. Cf. lex Zenonis (Cod. Just. i. ii.
15): Si quis donaverit aliquam rem —in honorem Martyris, aut Prophetae, aut Angeli,
tanquanm ipsi postea oratorium aedificatur-us,-cogitur opus, quaimvis nondum inchoatum
fuerit, perficere per se vel per heredes. Justiniani, A.D. 530 (1. c. 1. 26): In multis jam
testamentis invenimus ejusmodi institutiones, quibus aut ex asse quis scripserat Dominum
nostrum Jesum Christum heredem: then the inheritance of the church of the place was to
VOL. I. —33




514                SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 451-622.
Pictures became more common in the churches.   In the east
authentic  likenesses  of  Christ  now   appeared  in  public,8  and
were  the  principal means of establishing  there  the worship of
images;  but in the west the latter was still rejected.10
Justinian  was distinguished  for building  splendid  churches."
To  the festivals were added the two  feasts of Mary, festum
purificationis  (vrraravr,)  on  the  second  of  February;   and
festum   annunciationis  ( m ro s evayy/etwa oo   Ilj)tpa) on  the  25th
of Mlarch.'2
On the three days before the ascension (jejunium  rogationum),
Mamercus or Mamnertus, bishop of Vienne (452), had instituted
solemn   rites of penance and prayer, accompanied by fasting  and
public worship  (litaniae, rogationes), appointed for the three days
be applied to the benefit of the poor. Si vero quis unins ex Arclangelis meminerit, vel
venerandotum Martyrnm, in that case the nearest clrclh dedicated to him shall be heir.
s The picture of Christ by Luke ~first mentioned by rIleodorus Lector about 518, which
was soon followed by pictures of other holy persons from tlhe same hand. But after this
appeared the eLc6veC dCxetpoTrotvrot, a counterpart of thle aYd)ftara s&o7rer of heathellnism, first noticed in Evagrius, iv. 27. See Div. I. ~ 21, note 4.
9 Comp. especially the fi'agment of Leontii (bishop of Neapolis u Cyprus t about 620)
Apologia pro Christianis adv. Judaeos in the Acts of the Conc. Nic. ii. ann. 787, Act. 4
(Mansi, xiii. 43), where he defends 7rpoacrvWclS before the pictures, mentions even a'cizurov
tSaetf ik EiL6vcv and designates the pictures as 7rpgS dvd voitv Kcai Trtv ktv evbrpeircela
KC0,'it' 7rporceilEva  caL rrpolcvvofteva. Neander's Kirchengesch. ii. ii. 6iie, ss.
10 Gregorii Magni lib. ix. Ep. 105, ad Serenum  Massiliensem Ep.: Praeterea indico
dudum  ad nos pervenisse, quod Fraternitas vestra, quosdam  imaginum  adoratores adspiciens, easdem in Ecclesiis imagines confregit atque projecit. Et quidem zelum vos, ne
quid manofactum adorari posset, habuisse laudavimus, sed frangere easdem imagines hon
debuisse indicamus.  Idcirco enim  pictura in Ecclesiis adhibetur, ut hi, qui litteras
nesciunt, saltem  in parietibus videndo legant, quae legere in codicibus non valent (as
Panlinus Nilus, ~ 99, notes 47 and 48). Tua ergo Fraternitas et illas servare, et ab earum
adoratu populum prohibere debuit: quatelnus et litterarum nescii lhaherent, unde scientiam
historiae colligerent, et populus in picturae adoratione minime peccaret. Lib. xi. Ep. 13,
ad eomidem: Quod de scriptis nostris, quae ad te misimlus, dubitasti, quain sis incautus
apparuit. Amplification of the above. Among other thislgs, frangi ergo non debuit, quod
non ad adorandum in ecclesiis, sed ad instruendas solummodo mentes fuit nescientium
collocatum. Cf. lib. ix. Ep. 5o2, ad Secundinum: Imagines, quas tibi dirigendas per
Dulcidum Diaconum  rogasti, misimus. Unde valde nobis tua postulatio placuit: quia
illulm toto corde, tota intentione quaeris, cujus imaginem prae oculis habere- desideras, ut
te visio corporalis quotidiana reddat exercitatum: ut dum picturam illius vides, ad ilium
animno inardescas, Cejus imaginem videre desideras. Ab re non facimus, si per visibilia
invisibilia demonstramus. Scio quidem, quod imaginem Salvatoris nostri non ideo petis,
ut quasi Deum colas, seda ob recordationem filii Dei in ejus amore recalescas, cujus te imaginem videre desideras. Et nos quidem non quasi ante divinitatem ante illam prosternimur,
sed illum adoramus, quem per imaginem aut natum, ant passurn, sed et in thlrono sedentem
recordamur.
1' Procopius Caesariensis de Aedificiis Justiniani libb. vi.
12 Bingham vol. ix. p. 170, ss. ~ J. A. Schmidii Prolusiones Marianae sex. Helmst. 1733.
4. p. 116, ss. 103, ss.




CHAP.'V. —PUBLIC'WOiSHIP. B 121. THE LORD'S SUPPER.   515
before the ascension  (jejunium  rogationum)."3    To  this festival
Gregory  the Great added new  ceremonies (litania septiformis).l'
He also improved the church-music (cantus Gregorianus).15
Justinian  first transferred  to  the  spiritual relationship  (cognatio  spiritualis) between  the god-father and the  god-child, the
civil consequences arising from  corporeal affinities.l6
Gregory the Great, in his Sacramentcarium,   gave that form
to  the  Roman  liturgy  relative  to  the Lord's  Supper, which  it
has  substantially  preserved  ever since.1l    The  earlier notions
of this rite, and of its atoning power, became more exaggerated
in  proportion  as  the  idea  became  general, which  was  thrown
out by  Auguzstine  as a conjecture,l8  that men  would  be  sub13 Sidonius Apellinaris Ep. Arvernorum (t 482) Epistolarum lib. vii. Ep. 1, lib.v. Ep. 14.
Gregor. Tur. ii. 34. Bingham, vol. v. p. 21.
1' Appendix ad Gregorii Epistolas, no. iii. and Seruno tempore mortalitatis (in thle oldev
edition, lib. xi. Ep. 2).
15 Joannes Diac. de vit. Gregorii, lib. ii. c, 7. Martin. Gerbert de Cantu et musica sacra
(Bambergae et Frib. 1774, t. ii. 4), t. i. p. 35, ss. Jos. Antony's arcl-hologisch-liturg.
Lehrbuch d. gregorian. Kirchengesanges. MUinster. 1829. 4.'6 Ideas of regeneration in baptism, of spiritual generation, of the brotherly relation of'Christians, had before led men to compare the relations of the baptizer, of the godfather,
and the baptized, witlh corporeal relationship. Cf. Fabii Marii Victorini (about 360) Comm.
in Ep. ad Gal. (in Maji Scriptt:. vett. nova coll. iii. ii. 37): Per baptismaLm, cmin regeneratio
fit, ille qui baptizatulm perficit, vel perfectulm suscipit, pater dicitur. Cf. Gothofr. Arnoldi:ist. cognationis spiritualis inter Christianos receptae.  Goslar. 1730. 8. p. 44, ss. From
this now proceeded the decree of Justinian, Cod. lib. v. tit. 4, de nuptiis, 1. 26: Ea persona
omnimodo ad nuptias venire prohibenda, quaim aliquis-a sacrosancto suscepit baptismate:
cum nihil aliud sic inducere potest paternaln affectioneml et justam n-uptiarunm probibitionem, quaml  hujusmodi nexnus, per quem Deo inediainte animae eorum copulatae sunt.'The relation was considered as a sort of adoption. See du Fresne Glossar. s. v..Adoptio'et Filiolatus.
17 Joannes Diac. de vita Greg. ii. 17: Sed et Gelasianllum codicem, de missarum solemniis lnulta subtrahlens, pauca convertens, nonnulla superadjiciels, in unius libelli vollmine
-coarctavit. Jo. Bona Rerum liturg. libb. ii. Colon. 1764. 8, and frequently. Best edited
in his Opp. omnibus. Antverp. 1723. fol. Th. Christ. Lilienthal de Canone Missae Gregoriano. Lugd. Bat. 1740. 8.
18 Entirely distinct from the purifying fire of the last day, the belief in which has been
$trequent since Origen (see Div. I. ~ 63, note 12), and in vwhich even Augustine seems to
believe, August. de Civ. Dei, xx. 25, apparere in illo judicio quasdam quorundam purgato.rias poenas futuras. - On the other hand, liber de viii. quaestionibus ad Dulcitium,  1 13:
Tale aliquid (ignem, tribulationis tentationem) etiam post bane vitam fieri incredibile non
est, et utrum ita sit, quaeri potest, et aut inveniri aut latere, nonnmllos fideles per ignem
quendam purgatorium, quanto magis minusve bona pereuntia dilexerunt, tanto tardius
citiusve salvari. De Civ. Dei, xxi. 26: Post istins sane corporis mortem, donec ad illuqm
veniatur, qui post resurrectionem corporumn futuras est damnnationis et remunerationis
altimus dies, si hoc temporis intervallo spiritus defunctorum ejusliodi ignem dicuntur perpeti, —non redarguo, quia forsitan verumrn  est. Dallaei de Poenis et satisfactionibu-s humanis
libb. vii. Amst. 1649. 4. J. G. Chr. Hoepfier de Origine dogmatis de pulgatorio. Hal,
1792. 8. Mllnscher's Dogmengeschichte, Th. 4 S-. 425.




516               SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 451-622.
jected to a purifying fire immediately after death.l9   Gregory t1e
Great did much to confirm  these  notions by descriptions of the
tortures of departed souls, and the mitigation of such tortures by
the sacrifice offered in the Supper.20  In  proportion as the latter
assumed the form  of a tremendurn mysteriuz n, the more seldom
did the people partake of it, so that it was necessary for the
Church to enact laws on the subject.2l    In  other respects the
ideas of the nature of the elements in the  Supper suffered no
chanlge (~ 101, note 15).22
19 Caesarius Arelat. Hom. viii. on 1 Cor. iii. 11-15 (in Bibl. PP. Lugd. viii. 826), has the
Algustinian distinction between peccata capitalia and minuta, and teaches that the latter
ate expiated by an ignis transitorius or purgatorius; but yet he places the latter in the
time of the final judgment. Ille ipse purgatorius ignis durior erit, quam quicquid potest
poenaLrom in hoc saeculo aut cogitari, aut videri, ant sentiri. Et cumo de die judicii scrip.
tum sit, quod erit dies unus tanlquam mille anni, et mille anni tanquam dies unus: unde
scit unusquisque, utrum diebus aut mensibus, an forte etiam et annis per illum ignem sit
transiturus. Et qui modo unum digitum suum in ignem mllittere timet, qouare nion timeat,
ne necesse sit tune non parvo tempore cum animo et corpore (consequently after tlie
resurrection) cruciari?  Et ideo totis viribus unusquisque laboret, ut et capitalia crimina
possit evadere, et minuta peccata ita operibus boais redimere, ut ant parum ex ipsis, anu
nihil videatur remanere, quod ignis ille possit absumere. —Omnes sancti, qui Deo fideliter
serviunt,-per igneml illum-absque ulla violentia transibunt. Illi vero, qui, quamvis
capitalia crimina non admittant, ad perpetranda minuta peccata sint faciles, ad vitam
aeternamn-venturi sunt; sed prius anut in saeculo per Dei justitiaim vel misericordiam
amarissimis tribulationibus excoquendi, aut illi ipsi per multas eleemosynas, et dum inimicis clementer indulgent, per Dei misericordiam liberandi, aut certe illo igne, de quo dixit
Apostolus, longo tempore cruciandi sunt, ut ad vitam aeternam sine macula et ruga perveniant. Ille vero, qui ant homicidium, aut sacrilegium, aut adulterium, vel reliqua his
simlilia colmmiserunt, si eis digna poenitentia non subvenerit, non per purgatorinn igneml
transire merebuntur ad vitaml, sed aeterno incendio praecipitabnntur ad mortem. Cf.
Oudinus de Scriptoribus eccl. i. 1514.
20 Greg. M. Dialog. lib. iv. c. 39: Qualis hine quisque egreditur, talis in judicio prae.
sentatur. Sed tamen de quibusdam levibus culpis esse ante judicieum purgatorius ignis
credendus est, pro eo quod veritas dicit, quia si quis in S. Spiritu blasphemiani dixerit,
neque in hoc seculo remittetur ei, neque in futuro (Matth. xii. 31). In qua sententia datur
intelligi, quasdam culpas in hoc seculo, quasdam seculo vero in futuro posse laxari.Instances of such tormented souls, ibid. ii. 23, iv. 40, especially iv. 55: Si culpae post mortem insolubiles non sunt, multaml solet animas etiam post mortemr sacra oblatio bostiae
saintaris adjuvare, ita ut hane nonnumquam ipsae dpfiunctorum animae expetere videantur, with two examples. Peter, listening, artlessly asks (iv. 40): Qnid hoc est, quaeso,
quod in his extremis temporibus tam multa de animabus clarescunt, quae ante latuerunt:
ita nt apertis revelationibus atqne ostensionibus venturum saeculum inferre se nobis atque
aperire videatur?  To which Gregory replies (c. 41): Ita est: nam quantum praesens
saeculum propinquat ad fineoi, tantumn futurum saeculum ipsa jam quasi propinquitate
tangitur, et signis manifestioribus aperitur.
21 Cone. Agathense (506) can. 18: Saeculares, qui natale domini, pascha, et pentecosten
non colmmuicaverint, catholici non credantur, nec inter catholicos habeantur.
22 Gelasius P. de Duabus in Christo naturis adv. E utychen et Nestoriuml (cited as genuine even by his contemporaries, Gennadius de Script. c. 94, and Fulgentius Rusp. in
Epist. xiv. ad Fnulgentium  Ferrandum, cap. 19, in Gallandii Bibl. t. xi. p. 334, and therefore doubted without reason by B aronius, B ellarminus, and others. It is found in the Bibl




'CiAP. VI-I.- CHRiSTIANITY IN ASIA AND AFRICA. Q 122.   517
SIXTH CHAPTER.,SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY, AND ITS CONDITION WVITHOUT THE
ROMAN EMPIRE.
I. IN ASIA AND AFRICA.
1~ 22.
During the reign  of Justinian  I., the people dcvwelling:on  the
Black  Sea, viz., the  Abasgi, Alani, Lazi, Zani, and  Heruli,
declared themselves in favor of Christianity, and for:the Catholic
Church.  But the Nestorians and MIonophysites made much
more important acquisitions to the cause, during this period, in
Asia and Africa.
The  Nestorians 1 not only  rnaintained  themselves in Persia,
where they enjoyed exclusive protection  (~ 88, at the end), but
also  spread  themselves  on  all sides  in  Asia, particularly  into
Arabia2  and  India,3  and  it is said, in  the  year 636, even  as
PP., in Heroldi Haereseologia. Basil. 1556. fol. p. 683, etc.): Certe sacramenta, qlae
sumimus, corporis et sanguinis Christi, divina res est, propter quod et per eadem divinae
efficimur consortes naturae, et tamen esse non desinit substantia vel natura panis et vini.
Et certe imago et similitudo corporis et sanguinis Christi in actione mysteriorum celebrantur.
Satis ergo nobis evidenter ostenditur, hoc nobis in ipso Christo Domino sentiendum, quod in
ejus imagine profitemur, celebramus et sumlimus, ut sicut in bhanc, scilicet in divinam transeant Spiritu S.perficiente substantiam permanente tamen in sua proprietate natura, sic illud
ipsum mysteriul principale, cujus nobis efficientiam -virtutemlque veraciter repraesentant.
Facundus Hermian. pro defens. iii. capitnl. ix. 5: Nam sacramentuma adoptionis suscipere,dignatus est Christus, et quando circumcisus est, et quando baptizatus est; et potest
sacramentum adoptionis adoptio nuncupari, sicut sacramentom corporis et sanguinis ejus,.quod est in pane et poculo consecrato, corpus ejus et sanguinem dicimus::non quod proprie corpus ejus sit panis, et poculum sanguis: sed quod in se mysterium corporis ejus et,sanguinis contineant. Hine et ipse Dominus benedicttun panem et calicem, quem discipulis tradidit, corpus et sanguinem  suum vocavit. Cramer's Forts. v. Bossuet, Th. 5,
Bd. 1, S. 200, ff.
Concerning thelm, compare especially Jos. Sim. Assemarni Diss. de Syris Nestorianis,:Part ii. tom. iii. of the Biblioth. orientalis.         2 Assemanus, 1. C. p. 607, s.
3 Cosmas Indicopleustes (about 535) Christ. topographiae, lib. iii., says that there was a
Clhristian Church EV r7,T TaTrpogddv, vsrp E'v r- s'7or pg'Ivd(a (namely lib. xi.:'E/lcKlocia
(,d)v E'lt?/oivr`ov IlCEpudv XplCrtavSv with a r'peGjS7repoCf a'iro HEpUidof Yepor7ovoiVPevo) ): obdc oldsa d el Kati repaotipao.  So too in Male. But Ev r, KaXLtdvha-z-Eraicowgf
artv crr ITEpagidoS xetpo'ovov/tevog.  So also Ev r,  vi7Gc r7~ Kaeovdv, p  Atoacopidovf.0zoiuf Pd cai irr2 BPc irpoif, cal OVvvotI, ca I Hdpoalt, ca 2oziroof'Ivdoff, tca HIlEpaap.
j:eviota, Kaw M.iidotr, icai'E26adrialg cai drrcr?, rp XP~ fIepGodhog / cat eelcC2oiai r.retpor,




51 8:       SECOND PERIOD.-DIV.. I.-A.D.   -.
far  as  China.4    Along  with  the  theological tendencies of tihe
Syrian  Church, whence they had come forth, they preserved its
learning  likewise;  and  were  thus, the  introducers  of  Greek
science into Asia.   Their school in Nisibis  was the  only  theological institution of Christendom  in the sixth  century.5
The  Ionophysites, on the other hand, spread themselves from.
Alexandria  toward  the  south.    Among  the  Hanzdschars  or
Hognerites,  Christianity  had  been  early  established  (~  107);
though  it did not become  general till the time  of Anastasius.5'
But when Dhu-Nowas, a Jewish king of this people, afterward
persecuted  the  Christians with  violence  (522), the  Aethiopian
king   Elesbaan  came  to  their  aid  (529); in  consequence  of
which  the  Homerites  were  subject  to  Aethiopian  rulers  for
seventy-two  years.7   As the  Hormerite Christians were  Monoiaci t'ioTrcol, eIae Xptorsavot 2aooi T-l#ro2;OLot, i/. r.. Hence the Christiani S. Thomae.
Cf. Assemanus, 1. c. p. 435, ss., again discovered in the sixteenth century by the Portu-.
gwaese in Malabar (about A. D. 780, all the Persian Christians, among whom were tle
Indian, declared themselves disciples Thomiae Apostoli. See Abulpharagius ap. Assemr.
1. c. p. 438).
That is, if the mlonumentum  Syro-Sinicumn  be genuine, which is said to have been.
erected A.D. 781, and discovered 1625 in the city Si-an-fu, in the province Schen-si, copies.
of the inscription on it having been sent to Europe by the Jesuit missionaries. First
published in Athanas. Kircleri Prodromus Copticus, Rolm. 1636. 4. p. 74, and in ejusd..
China illustrata, ibid. 1667. fol. p. 43, ss., also in Mosheim Hist. Tartarorum, eccl. Helmst.
1741. 4.. App. p. 4. The genuineness of tle monument ihas always been doubted by many.
So in particular by La Croze, against whom Assemannus Bibl. Orient. iii. ii. 538, defends:
it. Renaudot Anciennes relations des Indes et de la Chine. Paris. 1718; p. 228; IMosheimr;
Hist. Tart. eccl. p. 9. Deguignes Untersuchung uiber die in 7ten Jahrh. in Sina sich aufhaltenden Christen. Greifsw. 1769. 4; Abel R;emusat Nouveaux mlanges. Paris. 1829;.
ii. 189; and Saint Martin on Lebeau Hist. du Bas-Empire (new edition. Paris. 1824, voll..
xi.) vi. 69, hold it to be genuine. On the contrary, Beausobre (Hist. de Manichbe, c. 14),
Neumann in the Jahrb, f. wissen. Kritik, 1829, S. 592, and Von Bohlen (das alte Indien,.
K6nigsberg. 1830, Th. 1. S. 383), have once more declared it to be a work of the Jesuits.
5 It was formed at the end of the fifth century out of the exiled remains of the school'
of Edessa (comp. ~ 88, at the end). Respecting it omp.. Assemanlli Bibl. orient. iii. ii. 927,
ss., cf. p. 80, and the passage of Cassiodorus given above, ~ 114, note 14. The African
bishop, Junilias (about 550), relates in the preface to his work de partibus divinae legis
respecting the origin of it, that he had become acquainted witlh quendam Paudlum nomine,,
Persam  genere, qui in Syrorum schola in Nisibi urbe est edoctus, ubi divina lex per
magistros publicos, sicut apud nos in mrundanis studiis Gramimatica et Rlhetorica, ordine
ac regulariter traditur. He had read drawn up by himu, regulas quasdam, quibus ille
discipulorum animos, divinarurn scripturarum. superficie instructos, priusquam expositionis.
profunda patefaceret, solebat imbuere, ut ipsarum interim causarum, quae in divina lege
versantur, intentionem ordinelmque cognoscerent, ne sparsirhn et turbulente,. sed regulariter
singula discerent. These regularia instituta he gives here with some alteration of the,
form.                 6 Theodori Lect. Hist. eccl. ii. where they are called'IyytpUvoi.
7 Comp. the varying accounts of the contemporaries Johannis Episc. Asiae in Assemani
Bibl. orient. i. 359; Simeonis Episc. in Perside Epist., preserved in Zachariae Hist. eccl.
ap. Assemani, 1. c. p. 364, and in Maj~i Coll. x. i. 37.6. and Procopius de Bello Persieo i. c,




CHAP. VI. II.-CHRISTIANITY. g 123. GERMAN NATIONS.    519
physites, the Monophysite doctrines were carried to other parts
of Arabia.8    Under Justinian  the Nubians wvere also converted
to Christianity by the Monophysites of Alexandria.9
II. AMONG THE GER1MAN NATIONS.
Planck's Gesch. d. christl. kirchl. Gesellschaftsverfassung. B. 2.
~ 123.
SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE GERMAN NATIONS.
The first German people  converted to  the Christianity  of the
Catholic Church were the Franks, who since 486 had been masters  of the  greatest part of Gaul.   C/ovis, king  of the  Salian
Franks, influenced  by his  queen  Clotildis, and by  a vow  made
at the battle  of Tolbciacurn  (Ziilpich, 490), was baptized by IRemigius, bishop  of Rheims,' and his people followed his example.
17 and 20. Martyrium Arethae (Arethas, head of the Christian city Nadschran), hitherto
known only in the work of Simeon Metaphr. but recently published in the original in J.
Fr. Boissonade Anecdota graeca, v. 1 (Paris. 1833). Walchii Hist. rerum in Homeritide
seculo sexto gestarunm, in the Novis Commentariis Soc. Reg. Gottingensis, iv. 1. Johannsen HIistoria Jemanae (Bonnae. 1828) p. 88, ss. Jost's Gesch. der Israeliten, v. 253, 354.
Lebeau Hist. du Bas-Empire, ed. Saint Martin, viii. 48. On the chronology, see De Sacy
in the MWnoires de l'Acad. des Inscript. 1. 531, 545.-Respecting Gregentius, archbishop
of Taphara, who was in the highest repute under the Christian viceroy, Abraham, see
Gregor. disp. cuon Herbano Judaeo ed. Nic. Gulonius. Lutet. 1586. 8, and v6/ot rclv'OCznplriv, composed by Gregentius, ap. Boissonade, v. 63.
s Assemani Bibl. orient. iii. ii. 605. The Arab tribes among whom  Christianity was
propagated, are pointed out in Ed. Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arabum, ed. Jos. White. Oxon.
1806, p. 141.
9 Abulpharagius in Assem. Bibl. orient. t. ii. p. 330. Comp. Letronne Nouvel examen
de l'inscription grecque du roi nubien Silco, consideree dans ses rapports avec la propagation de la langue grecque et l'introduction du christianisme parmi les peuples de la Nubie
et de l'Abyssinie, in the M6moires de l'institut royal de France, Acad. des inscriptions,
t. ix. (1831) p. 128.
1 Gregorii Tnronensis (t 595) Historiae Francorum (libb. 10, till the year 591, best-edited
in Dom Martin Bouquet Rerurn Gallicarum et Francicarum scriptores, t. ii. Paris. 1739,
fol.) lib. ii. c. 28-31. F. W. Rettberg's Kirchengesch. Deutchslands, Bd. i. (Gottingen.
1845. 8) S. 270. Dr. C. G. Kries de Greg. Tur. vita et scriptis. Vratisl. 1839. 8. Gregor
v. Tours u. s. Zeit, von. J. W. Lobell. Leipzig. 1839. 8.-Tradition of the oil-flask brought
by a dove found first in Hincmar in vita Remigii; cap. 3. The Ampulla itself first came
to light at the coronation of Philip II., 1179, and was broken in the year 1794, at Rhiil's
command.  Comp. de Vertot. Diss. au sujet de la sainte ampulle (MWmoires de l'Acad. des
Inscr. t. ii. Mdm. p. 669). C. G. v. Murr ilber die heil. Ampulle in Rheims. Nirnberg
u. Altdorf 1.801. 8.




520               SECOND  PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 451-622.
From   the Franks Christianity was propagated  among the Allemanni, who were subject to them.2
So far as the inclination  of all iRomans that had  been  subjected to the yoke of the Germans leaned immediately to the
Franks as Catholic Christians,3 the latter obtained an important
predominance of influence over the other German people. For
this reason the others successively  came over at this time to the
Catlholic Church.4 This took place in regard to the Burgundians, under their King  Sigismund (517); the Suevi, under their
Kings Carrarich  (550-559) and  Theodemir I. (559-569);5  the
Visigoths, under their King  Reccared  at the  council of Toledo
(589).6 Since under Justinian the Vandcal kingdom in Africa
(534), and that of the Ostrogotlis in Upper Italy (553), had been
destroyed, Arianism  also lost its dominion in those territories.
On the contrary, it revived  under the rule of the Lombards
in  Italy  (from   568), and  was longest maintained  among  this
people.'
In other parts, the amalgamation of the German conquerors
with  the older inhabitants of their land,8 and the  development
of the new European nations, were universally effected by
similarity of faith.9
2 Bishopric of Vindonissa (now Windisch in the canton Aargan) transferred to Constance
in the 6th century. Sosi mus, the first known bishop of Augsburg, A.D. 582. C. J. Hefele's
Gesch. d. Einffihrung des Christenth. im siidwestl. Deutschland. Tibingen. 1837, S. 112.
3 Gregor. Tur. Hist. ii. 36: Multi jam tnne ex Gallis habere Francos dominos summo
desiderio cupiebant. Unde factum est, ut Quintianus Rutenorum (Rodez) Episcopus per
hoc odium ab urbe depelleretur (by the Visigoths). Dicebant enim ei: quia desiderium
tuum est, ut Francorum dominatio possideat terrain hanc. Hence Cblodowich gave his
war against the Visigoths the appearance of being undertaken chiefly from religious zeal.
He said to his people, 1. c. c. 37: Valde moleste fero, quod hi Ariani partem teneant
Galliarum. E amus cum Dei adjutorio, et superatis redigamus terramin in ditionem nostram.
4 A history of Arianism among the German nations in Walch's Ketzerhist. ii. 553.
5 The history of Carrarich's conversion in Gregor. Turon. de miraculis S. Martini, i. c. 11;
but Theodemir first propagated the catholic faith among the people, and therefore Isidorus
Chron. Suevoruml even makes him the first catholic king of the Suevi. See Ferrera's
span. Geschichte, Bd. 2.
6 Aschbach's Gesch. d. Westgothen. Frankf. a. M. 1827, S. 220, fi.
7 Paulus Warnefridi, Diaconus (about 774): de Gestis Longobardorum libb. vi. (best in
Muratori Scriptor. Italic. Tom. i. Mediol. 1723, fol.).
s Formerly marriages between the two parties were universally forbidden by the
Church; but among the Visigoths they were also prohibited by the civil code: See leges
Visigothorum (best edition: Fuero juzgo en latin y castellano, por la real Academia
espafola. Madrid. 1815. fol.) iii. i. 2 (a law of King Recesvisnth from 649-672): Priscae
legis remnota sententia hac in perpetuum valitura lege sancimus, ut tam Gothus Romanam, quam etiam Gotham Romanus, si conjugem habere voluerit,-facultas eis nubendi
subjaceat.
9 H. I. Royaard's iiber d. Griindung u. Entwickelung der neueurop. Staaten im Mittel



CHAP. VI. II. —GERMAN NATIONS.   1'24. HIERARCHY.                     521
At the end of this period began the conversion of the AngloSaxons  in  Britain.   Augustine, sent thither  by  Gregory  the
Great with  forty  Benedictines  (596), was  first  received  by
Ethelbert, King  of Kent, through  the  influence of his  Queen
Bertha, who "was a Frank.  From  Kent Christianity was
gradually  diffused in the other Anglo-Saxon kingdoms.'~
~ 124.
HIERARCHY IN THE GERMAN EMPIRE.
Eugen Montag's Gesch. der deutschen staatsbilrgerlichen Freiheit. (Bamb. u. Wfiirzb.
1812. 8.) Bd. 1, Th. 1, S. 205, if. Th. 2, S. 1, if. K. F. Eichhorn's deutsche Staats- u.
Rechtsgeschichte. (4 Theile. 4te Ausg. Gottingen. 1834-36. 8.) i. 217, 478. Gregor v.
Tours u. s. Zeit von T. W. Lohbell, S. 315. S SSugenheim's Staatsleben des Klerus im
Mittelalter. Bd. 1. Berlin. 1833.
Although  the  ecclesiastical constitution  and  code which had
been formed in the Roman Empire were adopted by the German  nations,l  yet  the  relations  of the  hierarchy  received  a
peculiar form.  The Ikings soon saw how much their power
could be supported and strengthened by the reputation of thoe
clergy; 2 and they endeavored  therefore to  bind more closely to
themselves  the  heads  of the  clergy, the  bishops  and  abbots.
Churches and monasteries received considerable possessions from
their  hands,3  while  the  bishops  and  abbots, as the temporary
alter, bes. durch d. Christenth. aus d. Archief Deel 2, iibersetzt, v. G. Kinkel, in Illgen's
Zeitchr. f. d. hist. Theol. v. i. 67.
10 Beda Venerabilis (t 735) Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum  libb. v. ed. Fr.
Chiffletius. Paris. 1681.4. Joh. Slith. Cantabrig. 1722. fol. Jos. Stevensoin (Bedae Opp.
hist. t.i.) Loud. 1838.8. J. A. Giles (Bedae Opp. vol. 2 et 3). Lond. 1843.8. Das erste
Jahrh. d. engl. Kirche, od. Einffihrung und Befestigung des Christenthulms bei den Angelsachen in Britannien, v. D. K. Schr6dl. Passau. 1840. 8. [Sharon Turner's History of the
Anglo-Saxons, 3 vols. 8vo. London, 1823, fourth edition. Lingard's History of the AngloSaxon Church, second edition, 2 vols. 8vo, 1845. Lond.]
1 As all conquered nations lived according to their own law (Lex Ripuariorum, tit. xxxi.
g 3), so the clergy, according to Roman law, Lex Ripuar. tit. lviii. ~ 1: LIegem Romanam,
qua Ecclesia vivit. Comnp. Eichhorn, i. 172, 217.
2 Chlodovaei praeceptum pro Monasterio Reonmaensi, in Bouqulet Rerum gall. scriptt.
iv. 615: Servos Dei, quorulm  virtutibus gloriamur et orationibus defensamur, si nobis
amicos acquirimus, honoribus sublimamus atque obsequiis veneramur, statuml regni nostri
perpetuo augere credimus, et saeculi gloriam atque caelestis regni patriarn adipisci confidimus. L6bell, S. 318.
3 Gregor. Turon. Hist. Franc. vi. 46: Chilperich, king in Soissons (from  i3 i —;3sl), ajebat
plerumque: Ecce pauper remansit fiscus noster, ecce divitiae nostrae ad Ecclesias sunt
translata.e: nulli penitus nisi oli Episcopi regnant: periit honor noster et translatus est




522              SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 451-622
possessors, became the v88ciafl  (ministeriales) of the king,4 were
often  employed  in  affairs of the  state, and were  thus invested
with  a very important political influence.   The possessions of
the Church  were only by degrees, as exceptions, freed from  all
taxes; but, though exempted from contributions to the royal exchequer, continued to be devoted to military services,5 which were
in  some instances rendered in  person.6   Besides, the kings regarded church property as feudal tenures (beneficia), and frequently did not scruple to  resume them.7   It was stipulated by law
that the choice of a bishop should be confirmed by the king;s  but
for the most part, the kings themselves appointed to vacant sees.9
ad Episcopos civitatum. Comp. Hiillmann's Gesch. des Ursprungs der Sthnde in Deutschland (2te Ausg. Berlin. 1830), S. 114, ff.
4 Fredegarii (about 740) chron. c. 4: Burgundiae barones, tam Episcopi quam caeteri
leudes. C. 76: Pontifices caeterique leudes. G. I. Th. Lau on the influence which the
feudal tenure system has exercised on the clergy and papacy in Illgen's Zeitschr. f. Hist.
Theol. 1841, ii. 82.
5 Gregor. Tur. v. 27: Chilpericus rex de pauperibus et junioribus Ecclesiae vel basilicae
bannos jussit exigi, pro eo quod in exercitu non aimbulassent. Non enim erat consuetudo,
ut hi ullam exsolverent publicam functionem. From this it does not follow, as L6bell
says (p. 330), that in general the church was not required by duty to furnish troops from
its estates.  Rather does the erat show that it had not been usual only till the time of
Chilperich. Comp. Planck, ii. 222. Montag, i. i. 314. Eichhorn, i. 202, 506, 516. Sugenheim, i. 315.
6 In a bqttle against the Lombards (572) there were the bishops Salonius and Sagittarius,
qui non cruce caelesti muniti, sed galea aut lorica saeculari armati, multos manibus propriis, quod pejus est, interfecisse referuntur. Gregor. Turon. iv. 43 (al. 37).
7 Cone. Arvernense (at Clermont) ann. 535, c. 5. Qui reiculam ecclesiae petant a regibus, et horrendae cupiditatis impulsu egentium  substantiam  rapiunt; irrita habeantur
quae obtinent, et a communione ecclesiae cujus facultatem auferre cupiunt, excludantur.
Comp. Cone. Parisiens. (about 557) against those qui facultates ecclesiae, sub specie largitatis regiae, improba subreptione pervaserint. Even judicial miracles take place, ex. gr.
when Charibert, king of Paris (562-567) wished to take away a property belonging to the
church at Tours. Gregor. Tur. de miraculis S. Martini, i. 29. Planck, ii. 206. HIiillmann,
S. 123, if.
8 Conc. Aurelian. v. ann. 549, c. 10: Cum voluntate regis, juxta electionem cleri ac
plebis-a metropolitano-cum  comprovincialibus pontifex consecretur.
9 Ex. gr. Gregor. Turon. de SS. Patrum vita c. 3, de S. Gallo: Tunl etiam et Apronculus
Treverorum episcopus transiit. Congregatique clerici civitatis illins ad Theodoricum regem
(king of Austrasia 511-534) S. Gallunm petebant episcopum. Quibus ille ait: Abscedite et
alium requirite, Gallum enim diaconlum alibi habeo destinatum. Tunc eligentes S. Nicetium episcopum acceperunt. Arverni vero clerici consensu insipientium facto cum multis
muneribus ad regem venerunt. Jam tunc germen illud iniquuml coeperat pullulare, ut
sacerdothim aunt venderetur a regibus, aut compararetur a clericis. Tunce ii audiunt a
rege, quod S. Gallum habituri essent episcopum.-The Concil. Paris ann. 615, wished
indeed (can. 1) to have the choice by canons restored; but king Chlotarius II. modified
that decree in his confirmatory edict, as follows (Mansi, x. p. 543): Episcopo decedente in
loco ipsius, qui a metropolitano ordinari debet cum provincialibus, a clero et populo eligatur; et si persona condigna fuerit, per ordinationem principis ordinetur: vel certe si de
palatio eligitur, per meritum personae et doctrinae ordinetur.  Comp. the formulas in




CHAP. VI. II: —GERIMAN  NATIONS. ~ 124. HIERARCHY.                    523
Synods  could not assemble without the royal permission; their
decrees had to be confirmed by the king, being previously invalid.   In  the  mean  time  they began  to  consult about the  affairs  of the Church, even in  the  meetings  of the king's vassals
or council (Placitum  regis, Synodus regia, Synodale concilium).10
Synods became more rare, and at length ceased entirely.
This arrangement completed the downfall of the metropolitan
system, which had been already weakened in many ways. The
king became the only judge of the bishops.l1    But in  proportion
as they  rose higher in  civil relations, the  other clergy  sank  so
much the deeper.   No free man was allowed to enter the clergy
without the royal permission."2    Hence the clergy were  chosen
for the  most part from  among  the  serfs;  and  on  this very  account the bishop acquired an unlimited power over them, which
frequently manifested itself in the most tyrannical conduct.l3
The  administration  of justice  among  the  clergy  was  at first
conducted according to Roman principles of legislation, as they
were in force before Justinian (~ 91, note 5, ff.),14 till the Synod
of Paris  (615) gave the  clergy  the privilege of being  brought
before  a mixed  tribunal, in all cases which hitherto belonged to
Marculfi (about 660) Formularum  1. i. c. 5 (in Baluzii Capitularia Regum  Franc. t. ii..
p. 378): Praeceptum  Regis de Episcopatu, c. 6. Indiculus Regis ad Episcopum, ut
alium  benedicat; and in the Formulis Lindenbrogii, c. 4: Carta de Episcopatu (ibid.
p. 509). Sugenheim, i. 86. Lobell, S. 335.
10 Just. F. Runde Ablandlung v. Ursprung der Reichsstandschaft der Bisch6fe u. Aebte.
Gdttingen. 1775. 4. (The treatise on the same subject, appended, p. 93, is by Herder, and
is also reprinted in his works on philosophy and history, Carlsrube edition, Part 13, p. 219.)
Planck, ii. 126. Hiilllmann, S. 186, if. Montag, i. ii. 54.
-i Gregory Turon. says to king Chilperich: Si quis de nobis, o Rex, justitiae tramliteml.
transcendere voluerit, a te corrigi potest: si vero tu excesseris, quis te corripiet?  Loquismur enim tibi, sed si volueris, audis: si autem nolueris, quis te condemnabit, nisi is qui so
pron-unciavit e-sse jtustitiam? Gregor. Tur. Hist. Franc. v. 19.
12 See Marculfi Formularum, lib. i. c. 19 (Baluzii Capit-l. ii. p. 386), and Bigsion's remarks on it (ibid. p. 901).
13 Even before this time it appears that monks had been punished with blows by their
abbots, Cassian. Collat. ii. 16.  Palladii Hist. Lansiacna, c. 6, Benedicti Regula, c. 70.
Bishops were now instructed by synods to punish in this manner also the offenses of' the
inferior clergy. See Concil. Agathense, ann. 506, can. 41. Epaonense, ann. 517, c. 15. The
Concil. Matisconense, i. ann. 581, c. 8, prescribes the Mosaic number uno minus de quad.
raginta ictus. How the bishops often treated their clergy may be seen fromn Concil. Carpentoractense (527): Hujusmodi ad nos querela pervenit, quod ea qutae a quibuscunque
fidelibus parochiis conferuntur, ita ab aliquibus Episcopis praesumantur, ut aut parumn
ant prope nihil ecclesiis, quibus collata fuerant, relinquatur.  Concil. Toletanum, iii. (5S9\
capitul. 20: Cognovimus Episcopos per parochias suas non sacerdotaliter deservire, sed
crudeliter desaevire.
14 Planck, ii. 161. Montag, i. ii. 106. Schilling de Orig. jmuisdictionis eccles.. in c,,Muso,
civilibLs. Lips. 18,25. 4. p. 46.




524                SECOND PERIOD. —DIV. I.-A.D. 451-622.
the  civil judge  alone.l5    A   wider influence  was given  to  the
bishops by  committing  to them   an  oversight of the  entire  administration of justice,l6 while their spiritual punishments were
made more effectual by connecting with excommunication civil
disadvantages also. 7   On the other hand, in the application  of
their discipline  they  were  bound to regard  the intercession  of
the king.l"
Under  these  circumstances,  the  popes  could  not  directly
interfere in ecclesiastical matters; and their communication
with the established church of the country depended entirely  on
the royal pleasure.'9
15 In the Edictum Clotarii II., confirming this synod, we have: Ut nullus judiculm de
quolibet ordine clericos de civilibus causis, praeter criminalia negotia, per se distringere
aut damnare praesamat, nisi convincitur manifestus, excepto presbytero aut diacono.
Qui vero convicti fuerint de crimine capitali, juxta canones distringantur, et cum pontificibus examinentur. Comp. Planck, ii. 165. Rettberg's Kirchengesch. Deutschl. i. 294.
16 Chlotarii Regis constitutio generalis, A.D. 560 (in Baluzii Capitularia Regum Franc.
i. 7. Walter Corpus juris Germ. ant. ii. 2): VI. Si judex aliquem contra legern injuste
damnnaverit, in nostri absentia ab Episcopis castigetur, ut quod perpere judicavit, versatim
melius discussione habita emendare procuret. Cone. Toletanum, iii. (589)'cap. 18: Jtdices
locorum vel actores fiscalium patrimoniorum ex decreto gloriosissimi domini nostri sinul
cumr sacerdotali concilio antumnali tempore die Kal. Nov. in nluum conveniant, ut discant,
quam pie etjuste cum populis agere debeant, ne in angariis ant in operationibus superfluis
sive privatum onerent, sive fiscaliem gravent. Sint enim  prospectores episcopi secnndunm
regiam admonitionem, qualiter judices cuon populis agant; ut aut ipsos praemonitos corrigant, ant insolentias eorumn auditibus principis innotescant. Quodsi correptos emendare
nequiverint, et ab ecclesia et a communione suspendant.
17 Decretio Childeberti Regis, A.D. 595: It.-Qui vero Episcopum suum noluerit audire,
et excom municatus fuerit, perennem condemnationem apud Deum snstineat, et insuper.de palatio nostro sit omlnino extraneus, et omnes facultates suas parentibus legitimis
amittat, qui noluit sacerdotis sui medicamenta sustinere.
18 Cone. Parisiense v. (615) can. 3: Ut si quis clericus-contenlto episcopo suo ad principena vel ad potentiores homlines-ambularit, vel sibi patronos elegerit, non recipiatur,
praeter ul- veniam debeat promereri.  Chlotar II. repeats in his edict confirming this
canon, but adds: Et si pro qualibet causa principem expetierit, et cum ipsius principis
epistola ad episcoplm snum fuerit reversus, excusatus recipiatur. Cone. Toletan. xii. ann.
681, c. 3: Quos regia potestas ant in gratiam benignitatis receperit, aut participes mensae
*suae effece-lit, bos etiamn sacerdotun et populorunn conventus suscipere in ecclesiasticam
communionem debebit: ut quod jam principalis pietas habet acceptum, neque a sacerdotibus Dei habeatur extraneum. Confirmled in Conc. Tolet. xiii. ann. 683, c. 9. Cf. J. G.
Reinhard de Jure Principuom Germaniae circa sacra ante tempora Reformationis exercito,
Halae. 1717. 4. p. 359.
19 Hence Pelagius I. was obliged to use the utmost pains in defending himself to king
Childebert against the suspicion of heresy which he had drawn on himself by condemning
the three chapters. Pelagii I. Ep. 16, ad Childeb. Reg. (Mansi, ix. p. 728): Since one
must give no offense even to the little ones: quanto nobis studio ac labore satagenduo
ist, ut pro auferendo suspicionis scandalo obsequiunm confessionis nostrae regibus ministremus; quibus nos etiam subditos esse sanctae Scripturae praecipiunt? Veniens etenirRuflinus vir magnificus, legatos excellentiae vestrae, confidenter a nobis, ut decuit, postulavit, quatenis vobis aut beatae recordationis papae Leonis tomumr a nobis per omnia
cons.oervarsi significare debuissemlus, ant propriis verbis nostrae confessionera  fidei destil2




CHAP. VI. If.-GEtRMAN NATIONS.   125. MiO'IALITY.                   525
~ 125.
MlORAL INFLUENCES OF CHRtISTIANITY AMONG THE GERMAN NATIONS
As is usual among  rude people when comiing into closer cont
tact with the more enlightened, there proceeded from  the Romans,
then  greatly  corrupted, pernicious  influences  rather than  cultivation  to  the Germans, which were exhibited  among  the latter
in the  roughest form, less hidden  in  their case by the  external
rites  prevalent  among  the  Romans.    Christianity,  as  it was
then  proclairnmd, a  series  of dogmas  and  laws, could  not restrain  this  corruption.    Since  it offered  exiact ions for all of'
fenses, along with its prohibitions of them, there was opened up to
wild barbarity  a way of first enjoying the lust of sin, and then
of procuring  exemption  from  the guilt of it.   There  was little
concern for instruction.  The public services of religion by means
of their pomp and the use of a foreign, i. e., the Latin language,
awakened obscure feelings rather than right ideas.  As the grossest
notions were entertained  of hell, so also were similar ideas prevalent respecting  the power of the church, the influence of the
saints,1 the merit of ecclesiastical and monkish exercises, the
value of alms to the church  and to the  poor.2    These  notions
are. Et primam quidem petitionis ejus partem, quia facilior fuit, mox ut dixit, implevimius.-Ut autem nullius deinceps, quod absit, suspicionis resideret occasio, etiarm illnam
aliam parteln, quam lmemoratus vir illustris Rufinus admonuit, facere mutavi, scilicet
propriis ve'bis confessionem fidei, quam  tenemus, exponens. Then follows a diffused
confession of faith, in which, however, he mentions only four oecumnenical synods, not the
fifth. At the same time he writes to Sapaudus Episc. Arelat. (Ep. 15,1. c. p. 727) praying,
ut, si epistola, quaml-ad —Childebertuln regem direximus, in qua de institutis beatissimnorum patruin nostroram fidem catholicam nostro per Dei gratiarn sermone depromnpsimus,
tarni ipsi gloriossimo regi, qualn caritati tuae, vel-aliis fratribus coepiscopis nostris, placuit,
rescripto tuae caritatis celerius agnoscamus. Cf. Preuves des Libert6s de l'6glise Gallicane, c. 3. Planclk, ii. 673.
Even under them  an aristocracy wa~s forned. WVhen the Huns approached Metz
(Gregor. Tur. Hist. ii. 6), St. Stephen implored in the heavenly regions the Apostles Peter
and Paul to protect the town, and received from them the answer: Vade in pace, dilectissime frater, oratorium tautum tuurn carebit incendio. Pro urbe vero non obtinebimlus,
quia dominicae sanctionis super earn sententia jamn processit.
2 Cf. vita S. Eligii Episc. Noviomensis libb. iii. written A.D. 672, by his contemporary
Audodnus Archiep. Rotomag. in Luc. d'Achery Spicilegium, ed. ii. toln. ii. p. 76, ss.
Eligius, bishop of Noyon, was considered a man of extraordinary sanctity (Vitae, lib. ii.
c. 6, p. 92: Huic itaque viro sanctissirno inter caetera virtutum suarurmn liracula id etiam
a Domino concessum erat, ut sanctorum Martyrum corpora, quae per tot saecula abdita




326'SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 451-522.
were strengthened by legends and miracles, which were certainly
in part an imposition of the clergy,3 but were far from  exerting
any good moral influence on the people.4    Crimes of the grossest
kind were common among the clergy,s as well as the kings and
populis hactenus habebantur, eo investigante ac nimio ardore fidei indagante patefacta
proderentur: slqnidem nonnulla venerabantur prius a populo in locis, quibus non erant, et
tamen quo in loco certius humata tegerentur, prorsus ignorabatur). The more remarkable,'therefore, is his exhortation, contained in the Vitae, lib. ii. c. 15, p. 96, ss. He first refers
to the judgment-day, then to the points of faith, then to the dutty of performing opera
christiana, and thus continues: Ille itaque bonus Christianus est, qui nulla phylacteria,
vel adinventiones diaboli credit.-Ille, inquam, bonus Christianus est, qui hospitibus pedes
lavat, et tamquam parentes carissimos diligit; qui juxta quod habet pauperibus eleemosynam  tribuit; qui ad Ecclesiam  frequentius venit, et oblationem  quae in altari Deo
offeratur exh.ibet; qui de fructibus suis non gustat, nisi prius Deo aliquid ofterat; qui
-stateras dolosas et mensuras duplices non habet; qul pecuniam  suaam  non dedit ad
usuramn; qui et ipse caste vivit, et filios vel vicinos docet, ut caste et cumo tinsore Del
vivant; et quoties sanctae solemnitates adveniunt, ante dies plures castitatem etiam cur
propria uxore custodit, ut secura conscientia ad Domini altare accedere possit; qui postremo symbolumn vel orationem dominicam memoriter tenet, et filios ac filias eademr docet.
Qui talis est, sine dubio verus Christianus est. —Ecce audistis, Fratres, quales sint Christiani boni: ideo quantum potestis cum Dei adjutorio laborate, ut nomen christianurm  non
sit falsum in vobiSb  Sed ut veri Christiani esse possitis, semper praecepta Christi et
cogitate in mente, et implete in operatione  ItRedimnite animas vestras de poena, dulm
habetis in potestate remedia; eleemosynam juxta vires facite, paceml  et charitatem
habete, discordes -d concordiam revocate, mendacium fugite, peijuriam  expavescite, falsum testimonium non dicite, furtuon  non facite, oblationes et decinzas Ecclesiis offerte,
luminaria sanctis locis juxta quod habetis exhibete, symbolum et orationema domilinicam
maemoria retinete, et filiis vestris insinuate. —Ad Ecclesiamn quoque frequentius convenite,
Sanctorum patrocinia humiliter expetite, diem dominicam pro reverentia resurrectionis
Christi absquce  llo servili opere colite, Sanctorum solemnnitates pio affectu celebrate,
proximos vestros sicut vos ipsos diligite, etc.-Quod si observaveritis, securi in die judicii
ante tribunal aeterni judicis venientes dicetis: Da, Domiine, quia dedimus ~ miserere, quia
misericordiam fecimous; nos implevimus quod jussisti, tu redde quod promisisti.
3 The Arians blamed the Catholic clergy for this. So Gregorius Tturon. de Glor. mart.
i. 25: Theodegisilus hujus rex regionis, curm vidisset hoc miraculum, quod in his sacratis
Deo fontibus gerebatur, cogitavit intra se dicens, quit ingenium est IRomanorun (Romanos
enim vocitant bhomines nostrae religionis) ut ita accidat, et non est Dei virtus.  C. 26: Est
enim populus ille baereticus, qui videns haec magnalia non comlpungitur ad credendum,
sed semper callide divinarum praeceptionmnl sacramlenta nequissimis interpretatioumnz
garrulationibus non desinit impugnare.  On the contrary, the Catholics related many
impostures of miracles wrought by the Arian priests, Gregor. Tur. Hist. ii. 3, de Gloria
Confess. c. 13. Comrp. the mliraculous histories in L bell, p. 274, and tile judgment delivered respecting them, p. 292. The reason why cures performed at the graves of saints
should be credible it is ixmpossible to perceive. The presents which those gifted with
miraculous power had to expect from pious simplicity induced deception even here.
4 Gregor. de Glor. mart. i. 26. W/hile a person was filling his vessel with that wonuderworking water from a priest, manunl   alterius extendit ad balteumn, cultrumnque faratus
est.-How holy rites were nmade instrumental in crime may be seenli from the words of the
monster Fredegundis, the spouse of Chilperich, to the assassins she had hired to murder
king Sigbert (575. See Gesta Puegum Franc. c. 32, in Bouquet Rer. Gall. scriptt. t. ii. p.
562): Si evaseritis vivi, ego mirifice honorabo vos et sobolem vestranm: si autem corrueritis, ego pro vobis eleemosynas multas per loca Sanctorumn distribtam.
5 L6bell's Gregor. v. Tours, S. 309.




CHAP. VI. II.-GERMAN NATIONS. ~ 125. MORALITY.                      527
the people, without shame  for them  being exhibited,6 while publie opinion did not declare against them  in a manner conformable
to the spirit of Christianity.7    The moral influence of Christianity on the multitude was confined to the external influence of
church laws and church discipline, so far as these were respected.
The  period of legal restraint, as  a  preparation  for the  Gospel,
had now returned.
Though  every thing heathen was strictly forbidden,8 yet secret
idolatry9 and apostasy from Christianity 10 frequently appeared.
It was still more common for the new  Christians to be unable en6 Assassination was an every-day occurrence, and even the clergy were employed as
instruments: Gregor. Tur. Hist. Franc. vii. 20, viii. 29. Several Frankish kings lived in
polygamy; Chlotar, for instance, with two sisters, Gregor. Tu-. iv. 3. Dagobert tres habebat ad instar Salomonis reginas maxime et plurimas concubinas. Fredegarii Chronicon,
c. 60. Lobell S. 21.
7 Thus Gregory Tur, relates, witho-ut disguise, the crimes of Chlodowich, and yet he
passes this judgment on him, ii. 40: Prosternebat enim  quotidie Dens hostes ejus sub
manu ipsius, et augebat regnum ejus, eo quod ambularet recto corde coram eo, et faceret,
quae placita erant in oculis ejus. iLobell's (p. 263) exculpation of this judgment is of no
avail. It is nothing but moral barbarousness, when Gregory admits and disapproves
The crimes of Clovis, and yet designates him  as pious on account of his confession.
Comp. iii. 1: Velilm, si placet, partulper conferre, qutae Christianis beatam confitentibus
Trinitatem  prospera successerint, et quae haeriticis eandem  scindentibus fuerint in
ruinam.-Hanc Chlodovechus Rex confessus, ipsos haereticos adjutorio ejus oppressit,
regnnmmque suum per totas Gallias dilatavit: Alaricus hane denegans, a regno et populo,
atque ab-ipsa, quod majus est, vita multatur aeterna. Moral barbarousness is also shown
in the sentiments expressed concerning Guntramnus Boso v. 14: Gultclramlnus alias
sane bonus, nam ad perjuria ninlium praeparatus erat.  Comp. ix. 10: Fuit in actu levis,
avaritiae inhians, rerum alienarum ultra modum cupidus, omnibus jurans, et nulli promissa
adimplens. In like manner, concerning king Theudebert, iii. 25: Magnum  se atque in
omni bonitate praeciputm reddidit. Erat enim regium cumn justitia regens, sacerdotes
venerans, Ecclesias munerans, pauperes elevans, et multa multis beneficia pia ac dulcissima accommodans voluntate. Omne tributum, quod in fisco suo ab Ecclesiis in Arverno
sitis reddebatur, clementer indulsit. Comp. de vitis Patrum, c. 17, ~ 2: Naml  Theudebertus —(ctm) mnlta inique exerceret, et ab eodena (Nicetio) plerumque corriperetlu, quod
vel ipse perpetraret, vel perpetrantes non argueret, etc.
s Theodorich's prohibition, see ~ 109, note 4.  Childebert I. law, de abolendis idololatriae reliquiis A.D. 554, in Baluzii Capitul. i. 5.
9 Even as late as the time of Gregory of Tours, an image of Diana was worshiped at
Treves. (Greg. Tur. Hist. viii. 15.) In Herbadilla at Nantes, about the same time, were
statues of Jupiter, Mercury, Venus, Diana, and Hercules.  (Mabillon Acta SS. Ord. S.
Bened. i. 683.) In like manner there was found in Luxovium, when Columbanus came
thithler about 590, imaginma lapidearum densitas, quas cultu miserabili rituque profano
vetusta paganorum tempora honorabaunt (Jonas in vita Columbani, c. 17, in Mabillon Acta
SS. Ord. S. Bened. ii. 13).  Martinus Ep. Bracarensis (about 570) wrote de origine
idolorum  (ed. A. Majus Classicorum auctorum, iii. 379), pro castigatione rusticorum, qui
adluc pristina paganorum superstitione detenti, cultum venerationis plus daemoniis quam
Deo persolvunt. The Roman names of deities were fiequently transferred to Celtic and
German deities also; and therefore the peculiar clharacter of this worship can not always
be perceived. Beugnot Hist. de la d6struction du Paganisme en Occident. (Paris. 1835)
ii. 307.                                      10 Conc. Aurelian, ii. ann. 5:33, can. 20.




5628               SECOND PERIOD.-DIV  II. —A.D. 451-622.
tirely to lay aside reverence for their old gods, and the power they
were supposed to possess.ll Thus the remains of old pagan superstition were preserved among the people along with Christianity.l2    In civil legislation, all traces of heathenism  were likewise
rejected,'3 though the most extended freedom  of divorce remained,l4
n Thus said the Arian Agilanes, embassador of the Visigoths, to Gregory of Tours
(Hist. Franc. v. 43): Sic vulgato sermone dicimus, non esse noxium, si inter gentilium
aras et Dei ecclesiam quis transiens utraque veneretur.
12 Cone. Turon. ii. ann. 567, c. 22, against the heathen mode of celebrating the Calends
of January. Then: Sunt etiamn, qui in festivitate cathedrae domnni Petri Apostoli cibos
mortais offerunt, et post missas redeuntes ad domos proprias ad gentilium revertuntur
errores, et post corpus Domini sacratas daemoni escas accipiunt. Cone. Autissiodorense
ann, 578, c. 1: Non licet Kalendis Januarii vetula aut cervolo facere, vel strenas diabolicas
observare.  C. 4: Non licet ad sortilegos vel ad auguria respicere, non ad caragios, nee
ad sortes, quas sanctorumn vocant, vel quas de ligno aut de pane faciunt, adspicere. Cone.
Narbon. ann. 589, C. 14: against viros ac mulieres divinatores, quos dicunt esse caragios
atque sorticularios. C. 15: Ad nos pervenit, quosdam de populis catholicae fidei execrabili
ritu diemn quintam feriam, quae dicitur Jovis, multos excolere, et operationem non facere.
On the celebration of the Kal. Jan. Isidorus Hisp. de Eccles. offlciis, i. 40: Tunc miseri
homines, et quod pejus est etiam fideles, sumentes species.mnonstruosas in ferarum habitu
transformantur; alii foemineo gestu delnutati, virilem vultum effoelninant; lnonnulli etiam
de fanatica adhuc consuetudine, quibusdam ipso die observationem  augntriis profanantur:
perstrepunt omlnia saltantium pedibus, tripudiantium  plausibus, et quod his turlpius est
nefas, nexis inter se utriusque sexus choris, inops animi, furens vino turma miscetur. On
belief in auspices and sorcery among the Franks, see Libell's Gregor v. Tours, S. 271.
13 On the records of ancient national privileges, the Salic law under Clovis, the Burgundian under King Gundobald, t 516, the Ripuarian under King Theoderich, 511-534,
the Alenmannic under Chlotar II. in 61.3-628, the B avarian under Chlotar II. or Dagobert I
613-638. See Eichhorn's Deutsche Staats und Rechtsgesch. i. 220. Editions of the laws
in Baluzii Capitularia Reg. Franc. t. i.  J. P. Canciani barbarorum  leges antiquae.
Venet. 1781-92. 5 tomi fol. WValter Corp. juris Germ. ant. t. i. Cf. prologus Leg. Ripuar.
(in many editions incorrectly printed as prol. Leg. Sal.): Theodoricas Rex Francorum,
cum esset Cathalaunis, elegit viros sapientes;-ipso autem dictante jussit conscribere
legem Francortnm Alamannorum et Bojoariorum, et unicuique genti, quae in ejus potestate
erat, secundum consuetuldinem suar: addiditque addenda, et improvisa et incomposita
resecavit; et quae erant secundum consuetudinem Paganoru-m, mutavit secundum legem
Christianorunm. Et quidquid Theodoricus Rex propter vetustissimam Paganorumn consuetudinem  emendare non potuit, posthaec Hildebertus rex inchoavit corrigere; sed
Chlotharius rex perfecit. Haec omnia Dagobertus rex-renovavit, et omnia veterum
legum in melius transtulit; unicuique quoque genti scriptam tradidit.
14 By the lex Burgund. tit. 34, c. 3, the husband could put away an adulteram, maleficam,
vel sepulcrormn violatricem without ceremony; if he does so without these reasons; he
was obliged to make her indemnification (c. 2, 4, and Lex Bajuvar. tit. vii. c. 14). By
agreement of both parties, however, marriage could be annulled without any difficulty.
See the formulae in the formulis Andegavensibus (from the sixth century prim. ed. Mabillon Analect. iv. 234) c. 56, and Marculfi Formularum, lib. ii. c. 30. The libellus repudii
adopted by Marculf runs thus: Certis rebus et probatis causis inter maritumn et uxorem
repudiandi locus patet. Idcirco.dum et inter illo et conjuge sua illa non caritas secundum
Deum, sed discordia regnat, et ob hoc pariter conversare minime possunt, placuit utriusque
voluntas, ut se a consortio separare deberent. Quod ita et fecerunt. Propterea has
epistolas inter se uno tenore conscriptas fieri et adfirmare decreverunt, ut unusquisque ex
ipsis, sive ad servitiom Dei in monasterio, aut ad copulam matrimonii se sociare voluerit,
licentiamn habeat, etc.




CHAP. VI. III.-OLD  BRITISH  CHURCH.  O 126.                     629
aund the ordcecal1s till continued. The attempt of Gregory the
Great to  adopt into the services of the church particular heathen
rites, at the time of the conversion of the Anglo-Saxons, stands
quite alone.16
III. OLD BRITISH  CHURCH.
126.
Since the invasion of the Anglo-Saxons, ecclesiastical as well
as  social order had  been  subverted  among  the  Britons, who
manfully strove  for their freedom.1    But the Irish  Church was
still in a very prosperous state. Their convents were distinguished
for their discipline and learning,2 as well as their efforts to diffuse Christianity toward the north.  The monk Columba in particular (about 565, t 597) converted a great part of the northern
Picts, became their spiritual leader as abbot of the monastery
15 XrWhich was used even in questions belonging to Christianity itself. Comp. Can.
Caesaraugust. ~ 121, note 4.-Gregor. Tur. de Glor, mart. i. 81: Arianorum presbyter
cutn diacono nostrae religionis altercationem  habebat. At ille —adjecit dicens: Quid
longis sermocinationum  intentionibus fatigamur?  Factis rei veritas adprobetur: succendatur igni aeneus, et in ferventi aqua annulas cujusdam projiciatur.  Qui vero eum ex
ferventi unda sustulerit, ille justitiam consequi comprobatur: quo facto pars diversa ad
cognitionemn hujus justitiae convertatur, etc.
16 Gregor. M. lib. xi. Ep. 76, ad Mellitum Abbatem (also in Bedae Hist. eccl. Angl. i.
30): Cuml vos Deus omnipotens ad-Augustinum  Episcopum  perduxerit, dicite ei, quid
diu mecumn de causa Ahglorum cogitans tractavi, videlicet, quia fana idolorum destrui in
eadem gente minime debeant, sed ipsa, quae in eis sunt, idola destruantur. Aqua benedicta fiat, in eisdem fanis asperSatur, altaria construantur, reliquiae ponantur: quia si
fana eadem bene constructa snut, necesse est ut a cultu daemonumr in obsequium veri Dei
debeant commutari: ut, dum gens ipsa eadern fana non videt destrui, de corde errorenm
deponat, et Deum verlnm cognescens ac adorans, ad loca, quae consuevit, familiarius
concurrat. Et quia boves solent in sacrificio daemonamn multos occidere, debet his etiam
hac de re aliqua solemnitas immutari: ut die dedicationis vel natalitiis SS. Martyrum,
quorum illic reliquiae ponuntur, tabernacula sibi circa easdem  ecclesias, quae ex fanis
commutatae sunt, de ramis arborum faciant et religiosis conviviis solemnitatem celebrent.
Nec diabolo jam anitmalia immolent, sed ad laudem Dei in esum s     animalia occidant,
et donatori omnium de satietate sua gratias referant: ut, dum eis aliqua exterius gaudia
reservantur, ad interiora gaudia consentire facilius valeant. Nam duris mentibus simul
cmnia abscidere impossibile esse non dubiumr est: quia is, qui locum summum adscendere
nititur, necesse est ut gradibus vel passibus, non autem saltibus elevetur.
1 Gildas Badonicus (560-580) de Excidio Britanniae liber querulus (in three parts
historia; epistola; increpatio in clerum), best edited in Thom. Gale Historia Britannicae,
Saxon. Anglo-Danicae scriptores, xv. Oxon. 1691, thence in Gallandii Bibl. PP. xii. 189.
2 Jo. Ph. Murray de Britannia atque Hibernia saeculis a sexto inde ad decimum litterarum domicilio, in the Novis commentariis Soc. Reg. Gotting. t. i. comm. hist. et philol.
p. 72, ss.
VOL. I.-34




53 0               SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. 451-622.
founded by  him  on the island  Hy  (St. Iona), and  transmitted
this relation to his successors.3
Close as the union was between the British and Irish Churches,
they could yet have little connection of importance, on account
of their remoteness, with other Churches. Hence they had retained many old arrangements,.and developed them  in a peculiar
way, after such  usages  had  been  altered  in  other  countries.4
3 Beda Hist. eccl. iii. 4: Hahere autem solet ipsa insula rectorem semper Abbatem
Presbyterum, cujns juri et omnis provincia, et ipsi etiamn  Episcopi, ordine inusitato,
debeant, esse subjecti, juxta exemplum primi doctoris illius, qui non Episcopus, sed
Presbyter exstitit et Monachus.
4 These appear in the following controversy, and relate to (a) the reckoning of Easter.
The Britons were by no means Quartodecimani, though they were often called so from
ignorance (ex. gr. Bedae Chron. ad. ann. 4591), and appealed too, themselves, to John and
the Asiatics (for examlple, Colman, Beda, H. E. iii. 25). Beda Hist. eccl. iii. 4: Paschae
diem non semper in luna quartadecima cum Judaeis, ut quidam rebantur, sed in die quidem
dominica, alia tamen quam decebat hebdomada, celebrabant. Namely, ii. 2: Paschae
diem a decimaquarta usque ad vicesimam lunaml observabant. Quae computatio octoginta quatuor annoreum circulo continetur. The Romans on the other hand (ii. 19), adstruebant, quia dominicurn  Paschae diem a quintadecima luna usque ad vicesimam primam
lunanl oporteret inquiri. The difference therefore, was, that the Easter festival fell on
different Sundays in several years. The cause of this was, that owing to the previous confusion on the subject, and for the purpose of removing it (see above, g 100, note 13), the
Aquitanian Victorius first (457), and afterward the Roman abbott, Dionysius Exiguus (525),
had made new Easter tables, which, in succession, were brought into use, first in Italy,
and then in the otler western churches (see Ideler's Chronologie, ii. 275). On the contrary,
the British church had retained the old cycle of 84 years. The state of the controversy is
more minutely developed by Jac. Usserius Britannicaruin Ecclesiarum antiquitt. Dublin.
1639. 4. p. 925. IHumphr. Prideaux Connection of Scripture History, ii. 273. Ideler's
Chronol. ii. 295. (b) The tonsure. The Roman clergy were in coronam attonsi; the
British, as also the monks elsewhere, in older times, see Paulini INol. Ep. vii., had the fore
part of the head bald. The former called their tonsure tonsuram Petri, and that of the
Britons tonsuram Simonis Magi (Beda H. E. v. 21). Usserii Brit. Eccl. antiqu. p. 921.
(c) Lanfrancus Episc. ad Terdelvacum  Hibern. regem, written 1074 (in J. Usserii Vett.
epistolarum hibernicarnlu  syll. Dublin. 1632. 4. p. 72), accuses them, quod quisque pro
arbitrio suo legitime sibi copulatam uxorem, nulla canonica causa interveniente, relinquit,
et aliam  quamlibet, seu sibi vel relictae uxori consanguinitate propinquam, sive quam
alius sinmili improbitate deseruit, maritali seu fornicaria lege, punienda sibi temeritate
conjungit. Quod Episcopi ab uno Episcopo consecrantur. Quod infantes baptismo sine
chrismate consecrata baptizantur. Quod sacri ordines per pecuniam ab Episcopis dantur.
But from these the abuses 1 and 4, which afterward prevailed, may have sprung. We
have also to direct attention to the following peculiarities of the British-Irish church,
which are not touched on in the disputes. They had (a) no celfbacy of the priests.
Patrick himself was sprung from priests, see Patricii confessio: Patrem habui Calpurnium
Diaconum, filium quondam Potiti Presbyteri. Synodus Patricii about 456, can. 6 (in D.
Wilkins Concilia Magnae Brittanniae et Hiberniae, i. 2): Quicunque clericus ab ostiario
usque ad sacerdotem-si non more romano capilli ejus tonsi sint (i. e., cut short generally,
the differences of tonsure arose subsequently), et uxor ejus si non velato capite ambulaverit,
pariter a laicis contemnantur, et ab Ecclesia separentur. Synodus Hibern. in d'Achery
Spicilegium, i. 493: Qui ab accessu adolescentiae usque ad trigesimum  annum aetatis
suae probabiliter vixerit, una tantum, uxore virgine sumta contentus, quinque annis Sub.
diaconus, et quinque annis Diaconus, quadragesimo anno Presbyter, quinquagesimo Epis.




CHAP. VI. HI. —OLD  BRITISH CHURCH., 126.                      5g1
Since  the  condemnation  of the Three Chapters, a great mistrust
of the Ro.mish orthodoxy had arisen here also.5
When Au gustine formed a new Church with Roman arrangements among the Anglo-Saxons, he required the British  clergy
(Culdees)6 to   adopt  the  Roman  ecclesiastical  arrangements,
especially with  regard to the mode of reckoning Easter;  and to
yield to him, as archbishop of Canterbury, the primacy of all
Britain.7    But the negotiations at two meetings8 (603) led to
copus stet. The Irish Clement defended the marriage of a bishop as late as the eighth
century. Bonifacii Ep. 67. (b) A peculiarliturgy. Usser. Brit. Eccles. Antiqu. p. 916.
(c) The nmonks had a peculiar system of rules. Usser. p. 918.-That the British-Irish
Church derived its origin from Asia Minor, and had'preserved a purer, simpler Christianity,
are mere empty conjectures, which have been carried to an extravagant length, especially
by MUinter in the Theol. Studien u. Krit. 1833, iii. 744. The opinion that the Britons, as
ZQuartodecimani, had the Asiatic mode of celebrating the passover, an opinion which principally lies at the foundation of that belief, is obviously false.
5 Comp. ~ 111, note 25; ~ 117, note 25; ~ 124, note 19. Gregorii Magni Ep. ad Episcopos
Hiberlniae, A.D. 592 (lib. ii. Ep. 36): Reducat caritatem vestram tandem integritas fidei ad
matrem, quae vos generavit, Ecclesiam.-Nam in Synodo, in qua de tribus capitulis actum
est, aperto liquet nihil de fide convulsum esse vel aliquatenus immutatum, sed (sicut scitis)
de quibusdam illic solummodo personis est actitatum.-Quod autem scribitis, quia ex illo
tempore inter alias provincias maxime flagellatur Italia, non hoc ad ejus debetis intorquere exprobrium, quoniam scriptum est: quem diligit Dominus castigat.-Ut igitur de
tribus capitulis animis vestris ablata dubietate possit satisfactio abundanter infundi, librum,
quem ex hac re sanctae memoriae decessor meus Pelagius Papa scripserat, vobis utile
judicavi transmittere.  Quem si deposito voluntariae defensionis studio, puro vigilantique
corde saepius volueritis relegere, eum vos per omnia secuturos, et ad unitatem nostram
reversuros nihilominus esse confido. However, at a later period, Columbanus defended,
with zeal, the three chapters against Boniface IV. See below, note 13.
6 Keledei, Kyiedei, Latinized Colidei, the British apapellation for priests and monks
(Kele-De, i. e., servus Dei, as elsewhere too, for example, in Gregory the Great, the clergy
are often called servi Dei). When the Ronlan regulations were subsequently adopted
generally in these lands, the name continued to be applied principally to the clergy, who
in their corporations held, fast'by t'he old British modes. It was, however, given also to all
priests to the time of the Reformation, by those who spoke in British. See Hector Bouthius Hist. Scotorumlll, lib. vi. p. 95: Invaluit id nomen apud vulgus in tantum, ut sacerdotes
omnes ad nostra paene tempora vulgo Culdei, i. e., cultores Dei, sine discrimine vocitarentur. Comp. historical account of the ancient Culdees of Iona, and of their settlements in
Scotland, England, and Ireland, by John Jamieson. Edinburgh. 1811. 4  J. XW. J. Braun
de Culdeis comm. Bonnae. 1840. 4.
7 Gregory the Great had conferred this on him (lib. xi. Ep. 65. Beda H. E. i.?29: Tua
vero fi-aternitas-omnes Britanniae sacerdotes habeat-subjectos. He derived the right of
doing so from this fact, that he held the British church, as well as the Anglo-k3on, to be
a daughter of the Roman (see note 5).
B Respecting them, see Beda H. E. ii. 2. The Britons had not only a different mode of
celebrating the Easter festival, set et alia plurima unitati ecclesiasticae contraria faciebant. Qaui cunm, longa disputatione habita, neque precibus, neque hortamentis, neque
increpationibus Augustini ac sociorum ejus assensum praebere voluissent, sed suas potius
traditiones universis, quae per orbena sibi in Christo concordant, ecclesiis praeferrent,
sanctus pater Augustinus-finem fecit. At the second meeting Augustine said to them:
Quia in multis quiderm nostrae consuetudini, imo universalis Ecclesia, contraria geritis;
et tamen si in tribus his mihi, obtemperare vaultis, ut Pascha suo tempore celebretis, ut




532                SECOND PERIOD.-DI'V. II.-A.D. 451-622.
no  agreement;  they  gave rise rather to  bitter hatred' betweem
the two parties.9
At  this  time  the  Irish  monk   Columbanus  came  into  the
kingdom of Burgundy (about 590), where he acquired great
reputation  by his strict piety and cultivated  mlrind, and founded
several convents, particularly that at Luxoviuitm (Luxeuil).  Here
he not only introduced  a peculiar system  of monastic rules, but
also continued faithful to the peculiarities of his mother Churchy
and  defended  the  Irish'mode of celebrating  Easter with  great
zeal."0 At length he displeased King Theodorlch II., on account
of his boldness;  was banished  (about 606); labored some years
in  the  conversion  of the  Alemanni at the  lake  of Constance;
then transferred this task to his pupil G allus; founded the con-;ninisterium baptizandi-juxta m orem sanctae Aomanae et apostolicae Ecclesiae com —
pleatis, ut genti Angloram una nobiscum verburs Domini praedicetis; caetera quae agitis,
quamvis moribus nostris contraria, aequanimiter cuncta tolerabi-mus. At illi nil horulm se
facturos, neque illumn pro Archiepiscopo habituros esse respondebant.  The papal primacy
was not at all a subject of dispute. The first rank among the bishops was conceded to the'
popes by the Britons,. but they believed so in an erroneous way (see note 5),. But thepopes themselves did not yet lay claim to a greater ecclesiastical power than that of other
apostolic sees (see ~ 117,- notes 18-20); and so one appealed against the Britons, not to
papal authority, but to the statuta csmlonica quaternae sedis Apostolicae, Romuanae videlicet, Hierosolymitanae, Antiochenae, Alexandrinae, to the old councils, and to the uni.
versalis Ecclesiae catholicae unanimnem regulam (see Cummiani Ep. ad Segieno-am Huen.
seam Abbatem, in J. Usserii Vett. epistt. hibernicarunm sylloge, p. 27, 28). The Britons did
not consider the pope as the sole successor of Peter, but all bishops. Gildas de excidio
Britanniae, P. iii. cap. 1,. describes bad priests as sedem Petri Apostoli immundis pedibus
usurpantes (comp. ~ 94, note 36). That the Britons acknowledged no ecclesiastical power
of the pope over them, is proved by their opposition to the Ronman regulations, an opposition which continued in Ireland down to the' twelfth century. Spelman (Cone. Brit. i. i08),
has published for the first time, from a Cottonian MS. in the old British language, the followiing declaration of Dinooth, abbot of the monastery of Bangor, which he is said to have
made to Augustine: Notum sit et absque dubitatione vobis, quod nos omnes sumus et
quilibet nostrum obedientes et subditi ecclesiae Dei, et Papae ttomlae, et undicique vero'
Christiano et pio, ad amandum unumquemque in- sno grad-u in caritate perfecta, et ad
juvandum unumquemque eorunl, verbo et facto fore filios Dei. Et aliaml obedientiam,
qua.am istanm, non scio debitamn ei, queem  vos nominatis esse Papam; nec esse patrein patrum vindicari et postulari: et istam obedientiam nos sumus parati dare et solvere ei et
cuique Christiano continuo. Praeterea nos sumus sub gubernatione episcopi Caerlionis
super Osca, qui est ad supervidendum  sub Deo super nobis, ad faciendunm nos servare
viam spiritualem. It is however spurious. See D6llinger's Gesch. d. christl. Kirche, i.
ii. 218. Stevenson on Bedae H. E. ii. 2, p. 102.
9 Thus Anugustine's successor, Laurevius (Beda, ii. 4), complained that the Scottish
bishop, Dagamus, ad nos veniens, non solum cibum nobiscum, sed nec in eodem hospitio,
quo vescebamur, sumere voluit.  Comp. Beda, ii. 20: Usque bodie moris est Brittonum,
fidemr religionemque An-lorum pro nihilo habere,. neque in aliquo eis magis communicare
quam paganis.
m' Columbani Epist. i. ad Gregor. Papum  (among Gregory's letters, lib. ix. Ep. 127).,ad Epist. ii. ad Patres Synodi cujusd. Gallicanae.




CHAP. VI.  II. —-OLD BITISH     CHURCH. ~ 126.                  533
vent Bobiun in a valley in the Apennines in Liguria, where he
inspired the same desire for learning for which the monks of his
country  were chiefly distinguished.11              He died A.D.;615.12   His
letter to Gregory  the Great on the subject of the celebration  of
Easter, as well as that to Boniface IV. against the condemnation  of the three ehapters, still attest the free spirit of the Irish
Church.l3
11 Cf. Antiquissim-as quatuor Evangoliorum Codex Sangarlensis, ed. H. C. M. Rettig.
Teurici. 1836. 4. praef: Hence the important discoveries of modern times in the Codd.
Dobiensibus, at present very much scattered. See Amad. Peyron de bibliotheca Bobiensi
comm. prefixed to his Ciceronis orationerm fragmenlta inedita. Stuttg. et Tubing. 1824. 4.
12:His life by his pupil Jonas, abbot of Luxovium, in Mabillon Acta Sanct. Ord. Bened.
ni. 3. Neander's Denkviirdigk. iii. ii. 37, if.. Gu. Chr. Knottenbelt Disp. hist. theol. de
dColumbano. ILugd. Bat. 1839. 8.-His works (regula coenobialis, sermones xvi., epistolae
vi., carmina iv.), ed. Patricius Flemingus. Lovanii. 1667, recensita et aucta in Gallandii
Bibl. PP. xii. 319.
t3 Ep. ad:Gregor.: Forte notam subire timens, Hlermagoricae novitatis, antecessomln
et maxime 3Papae Leonis auctoritate contentus es. Noli te qguaeso in tali quaestione hlushilitati tantuam aut gravitati credere, quae saepe falluntur. itelior forte est caDis vivus in
problemate Leone mlortuo (Eccl. ix. 4). Vivus nalmque sanctus emendare potest, quae ab.altero mlajere emendata non fuerint. —non mihi satisfacit post tantos, quos legi auctores,
una istoruml sententia Episcoporum dicentiunm tantrlu: " Culn Judaeis.Pascha facere non
debelnus."  Dixit hoc olim et Victor Episcopus, sed nemo Orientaliulm suum recepit commentum. Epist. 5, ad Bonifacium, iv. cap. 4: Vigila itaque quaeso,:Papa, vigila, et iteruom
dico, vigila: quia forte non bene vigilavit Vigilius, quesm caput scandali isti clamant, qui
vobis culpam injiciunt. C. 10: Ex eo tesmpore, quo Deus et Dei filius esse dignatus est,
ac in duobus illis ferventissimis Dei Spiritus equis, Petro scilicet et Paulo Apostolis-per
-mare gentium  equitans, turbavit aquas multas, et innumerabiliumL populorum millibus
uaultiplicavit quadrigas; supremus ipse auriga currus illius, qui est Christus,-ad nos
-usque pervenit. Ex tune vos nmagni estis et clari, et Roma ipsa nobilior et clarior est;
et, si dici potest, propter Christi gelminos Apostolos-vos prope caelestes estis, et Romna.orbis terrarum caput est ecclasiarumn, salva loci dominicae resurrectionis singulari prae-rogativa (comp. Firmilianus, Div. I. ~ 68, note 12. Angustinls, ~ 94, note 5). Et idea.sicut magnus honor vester est pro dignitate cathedtae,:ita magna cura vobis necessaria,est, ut non perdatis vestram dignitatem propter aliquams perversitatem. Tamdiu enim,potestas apud vos erit, quamdiu recta ratio permlanserit: ille enin certus regni caelorum.eclavicularius est, qui dignis per veraln scientiam  aperit, et indignis claudit. Alioquin, si,contraria fecerit, nec aperire nee claudere poterit.,C. 11: Cuml haec igitdr vera sint, et;sine ulla contradictione ab omnibus vera sapientibus recepta sint (licet omnibus notum est,
et nemo est qui nesciat, qualiter Salvator noster sancto Petro regni caelorum contulit
~claves, et vos per hoc forte superciliosum:nescio quid, prae caeteris vobis majoris auctoritatis, ac in divinis rebus potestatis vindicatis); noveritis minorem fore potestatem vestran.
~apud Dominum, si vel cogitatis hoc in cordibus vestris: quia unitas fidei in toto orbe unitatem fecit potestatis et praerogativae; ita ut libertas veritati ubique ab omnibus detues,.et aditus errori ab olunibus similiter abuegetur, etc.




534            SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 622-72a;
THIRD DIVISION.
FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE MONOTHELITIC CONTROVERSY, AND]
FROM THE TIME OF MUHAMMED TO THE BEGINNING OF THE CONTROVERSY CONCERNING THE WORSHIP OF IMAGES. FROM 622-726.,
FIRST CHAPTER.
RESTRAINING OF THE CHURCH IN THE EAST.
~ 127.
Though the Persians tolerated the Nestorians, they hated the
Catholic Christians, as was apparent in the war which Kesra
(Chosroes) II. Purveez carried on against the East Roman empire from A.D. 604, and especially in the taking of Jerusalem
(614).  On this account the victories of Heraclius from  621,
ending with the dethronement of Chosrbes by his son Schirtjelt
(Sir6es) (628) were of importance in relation to the Church.
Besides, Heraclius brought back the wood of the true cross
which had been carried off; and instituted a festival in commemoration of it, the gravpSoatrlog~'}'pa, festum exaltationis, (14th.
of September).'
In the mean time, a far more dangerous enemy of the Churclh
had appeared in Arabia.    itfuhamrned, in the year 611, began
to preach Islamism, at first in private, and then publicly among
the Koreigh in Mecca.  At first, indeed, he was obliged to give
way to his enemies (15th  July, 622, Hegira),2 but gained
over the city Yatschreb (Medina al Nabi) in his favor; extended
his dominion and his doctrines thence, prince and prophet in oneperson, till they spread far into Arabia; at length conquered
Mlecca (630); consecrated the Caaba as the chief temple of
Islamism; and bequeathed to his successors (Chalifs) Arabia,
Theophanis Chronographia p. 245-273, among other things says, of the conduct of
Chosrdes in the conquered lands, p. 263:'Hv~'yta'e rovio Xplrt'avol.: TveaOat etig.. r.l
rod Nearopiov Opaaeiov r-pifg r 7r2fatl rov PoaalEta..
2 Ideler's Chronologie, Bd. 2, S. 4.82, ff.




CHAP. I.-RESTRAINING  THE CHURCH IN THE EAST.  ~ 127. 535
as a country completely subject to their faith and their dominion
(t 632).3
Islamism, whose holy  writings are contained  in  the Eoracn,4
collected  by Abu-Bekr, was, in  its  chief doctrines, a compound
of Judaism   and Christianity.5   But it made the doctrine of the
infinite sublimity of God its basis, in a way so one-sided that
an21 absolute  clel2de ence  of man  on  God  resulted  from  it; and'deas of a likeness and an inward union between man and God,
and  consequently  the  fundamental principles  of all the  higher
norality, found  no  place  in  the  system.   By  making  it a religious duty to wage war on unbelievers, by its fatalism, and its
sensual promises, it excited  among the rude  and  powerful people of the Arabs so unconquerable a spirit for war, and so wild
a desire for conquest,6 that the two neighboring kingdoms, the
Persian and the Byzantine, could not withstand such resistance,
amid their internal weaknesses.  The provinces of the Byzantine
empire, which lay nearest, were the more easily conquered, inasmuch as the greater number of the inhabitants consisted of
Monophysites who joyfully met the Arabians as their deliverers.
The conquest of Syria was begun under the first Chaliph AbuBekr  (T 634), and  completed  under the second, Omar (639),
under whom the valiant Amru also overcame Egypt (640).
Under Othman the Persian empire was conquered (651).  Dur3 Abulfeda de vita Muhammnedis ed. J. Gagnier. Oxon. 1723. fol. La vie de Mohammed par J. Gagnier. Amsterd. 1732. 2 voll. 8, translated into German by Ch. F. It. Vetterlein. K6then 1802-1804. v. Hammer-Purgstall's Gemialdesaal der L ebensbeschreibungen
grosser moslimischer Herrscher. Bd. 1. Mohammed d. Prophet. Leipzig. 1837. (Comp.
Umbreit in the Theol. Studien u. Krit. 1841. i. 212). Gust. Weil's Mohammed d. Prophet,
s. Leben u. s. Lehre, ans handschriftl. Qnuellen -u. d. Koran gesch6pft. Stuttgart. 1843.
8.-On the miracles of Muhammred and his character, see in Tholuck's vermischten
Schriften i. 1.
4 Arab. et lat. ed. Lud. Maraccius. Patav. 1698. fol. French par Savary, Paris. 1783. 2
voll. 8. German by F. E. Boysen, Halle. 1775. 8, by F. S. G. Wahl, Halle. 1828. 8, literally translated with annotations by Dr. L.Ullmann. Bielefeld u. Crefeld, 3te Aufl. 1844.8.
G. Weil's hist. krit. Einleit. in den Koran. Bielefeld. 1844. 8. [English by G. Sale].
5 Weil's Mohanmmed, see note 3. Muhammed's Religion nach ihrer innern Entwickelung und ihrem Einflusse auf das Leben der V6lker, von. I. I. I. D611inger. Regeinsburg.
1838. 4. Dettinger's Beitrage zu einer Theologie des Korans, in the Tiibingen Zeitschr.
f. Theol. 1831. iii. 1.-Was hat Mohammed aus dem Judenthume angenommen? von Abr.
Geiger. Bonn. 1833. 8.-Maier's christl. Bestandtheile des Koran, in the Freiburger
Zeitschr. f. Theol. Bd. 2. Heft. 1. S. 34 (1839). C.F. Gerock's Darstellung der Christologie des Koran. Ha-Imburg und Gotha. 1839. 8.-On the relation of Islamism to the gospel,
in M6hler's Schriften u. Aufs/itzen, herausgeg. v. D61linger, i. 348.
6 See a representation of the influence of his faith on the middle ages by K. E. Oelsnero.
Frankf. a. M. 1810. 8. Muhammed's religion by D6llinger, see note 5.




536               SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 622-726.
ing the reign of the Ommeyades, their general Musa, brought first
the entire northern coast of Africa (707), and then Spain also
(711), under the Arabian dominion; while, on the other side,
the Arabians advanced several times as far as Constantinople,
and twice besieged the city for a long time (669 till 676, and
717 till 718).
Jews and Christians were tolerated by the Arabs on condition
of paying a poll-tax; and though sometimes severely oppressed,
yet they were not compelled to change their religion.7 Still,
however, the advantages held out to those who adopted Islamism   attracted  many  converts;  and thus Christianity  not only
lost all political importance in the conquered provinces, but the
number of its confessors was always diminishing in proportion
to that of the Moslems.   The catholic patriarchates of Antioch,
Jerusalem, and Alexandria, remained unoccupied; for their possessors, living in the Greek empire, were merely titulars.
7 Muhammed was tolerant at first of other religions (cf. Sura, ii. et v.): afterward, however, he made it the duty of believers, by the 9th and 67th Surats, to carry on religious
war, for the purpose of exterminating idolaters and making Jews and Christians tributary
(comp. Gerock's Christologie des Koran, S. 118). Before this he had granted the Christians
of some parts of Arabia, as well as the Jews and Sabaeans, letters of freedom, though
doubtless both the Testamentum  et pactiones initae inter Mohammedem et christianae
fidei cultores (first brought from the East by the Capuchin Pacificus Scaliger, and printed
at Paris 1630, 4to, and often afterward), and the Pactula  Muhammedis, quod indulsit
Monachis montis Sinai et Christianis in universum (in Pococke Descr. of the East, Loud.
1743. fol. i. 268, translated into German, 2d edition, Erlangen. 1771. 4. i. 393), in which
distinguished privileges are secured to all Christians, are spurious. The humiliating
terms under which Omar, at the taking of Jerusalem, 637, allowed freedom of religion to
the Christians there (Le Beau Hist. du Bas-Empire, xii. 421), express, on the contrary, the
spirit with which the subjugated Christians were treated at a later time. Cf. Th. Chr.
Tychsen comm. qua disquiritur, quatenus Muhammedes aliarumn religionum  sectatores
toleraverit, in the Commentationes Soc. Reg. Gotting. xv. 152.




CHAP. II.-GREEK  CHURCH. ~ 128. MONOTHELITIC CONTROV. 537
SECOND CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH.
~ 128.
MONOTHELITIC CONTROVERSY.
Original Documents in the Acts of the first Lateran Synod, A.D. 649 (ap. Mansi, x. 863),
and the sixth General Council, A.nD. 680 (ap. Mansi, xi. 190). Anastasii Bibliothecarii
(about 870) collectanea de iis quae spectant ad Histor. Monothelit. (prim. ed. J. Sirmond.
Paris. 1620. 8, in Sirm. Opp. t. iii. in Bibl. PP. Lugdun. xii. 833, ap. Gallandius, t. xiii.
and scattered in Mansi, t. x. and xi.)
Historical authorities: Theophanes (comp. the preface to section 2).
Works: F. Combefisii Hist. haeresis Monothelitarum ac Vindiciae actormu sextae synodi,
in his Nov. auctarium Patrum. ii. 3 (Paris. 1648). Walch's Ketzerhist. ix. 3. Neander's K. G. iii. 353.
A  fresh attempt to bring the Monophysites back to the
Catholic Church was followed by no other consequence than
that of introducing into the latter a new  element of controversy.
WVhen the Emperor Iferaclius (A. D. 611-641) during his
Persian campaign abode in Armenia and Syria (from 622), he
thought he  perceived  that the  Monophysites were particularly
stumbled at the  consequence  arising  from  the  catholic doctrine,
viz., two  manifestations  of will (8vepyetat) in  the  person  of
Christ.    Sergius, patriarch  of Constantinople, having been  applied  to  on  the  point, declared  that the adoption  of one  active
will, and one manifestation of will, was not inconsistent with
the  received  creed  of the  Church;  and  therefore  the  emperor,
as  well as  several bishops, decided  in  favor  of  this  opinion.1
But when one of these, bishops, Cyrus, whom the emperor had
appointed patriarch of Alexandria, reuifited (633)2 the Severians
1 Cyri Episc. Phasidis Epist. ad Sergium (ap. Mansi, xi. 561), mentions ic2Pevalt of
Heraclius to Arcadius, archb. of Cyprus, d6o f'vepyeiauf i'r TO9 6Ea6570rov #jSv'I. X. /gerd
iVv 9vwuJtv a2XyecOatL icol2ovca. Sergius ad Cyprum  (ibid. p. 525), rests on the authority of Cyril of Alexandria, who speaks of,uiav Co~'oilv Evl'pyeeav, and on Mennas'
letter to Virgilius, which says, E'v ro rof Xptrrod Oc2L/za icai utiav S)oorotov Evfpyetav,
though he is willing to be instructed by stronger reasons in favor of the contrary opinion.
More decidedly Theodorus Episc. Pharan. (Fragments, ibid. p. 567, ss.), ectvat aliav fvEp.
yetav' ravirf &d rTeXvirv cai d6atwovpybv r6v Oebv, dp'yavov de rWv avYpwrdynrca.
2 Cyri Epist. altera ad Sergium (ap. Mansi, xi. 561), with the nine articles of agreement
appended, p. 563. In the seventh we read: Tbv aerbv Eva Xptoarv ca t viiv EvEpyo0yra
T2 Oeorrpecrr   Ica' Mvdp7rtva gltd Oeavdp1K; E vepyeia, Kcar  rTbv Ev'yLotf AtoVLato
(Dionys. Areopag. Epist. iv. ad Cajum. Comp. ~ 110, note 8. The orthodox read ltaLvo
Oeav6ptLm, Evepyeiq).




538                SECOND  PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 622-726.
of that place with  the Catholic Church  by articles of agreement,
in  which tilat doctrine  of one will was  expressed;  Sophronius,
a  Palestinian  monk, who  happened  to  be  there  at the  time,
raised   the  first  opposition   to  this  doctrine,  which   he  afterward  continued  with  zeal after he  became  patriarch  of Jerusalem   (634).3    Sergius  now  advised  that nothing  should  be  said
on the disputed point.4  Pope  Honorius agreed with him, not
only  in  this  advice, but in  the  doctrinal view  of the  matter.5
Sophronius was quieted by the incursions of the Arabs; but
the spark which  had  fallen on spirits so susceptible of dogmatic
speculation  could not be extinguished.  In  vain  did the emperor
now   issue  the "EOBetgs  (638),6  composed  by  Sergius  for  the
purpose of putting down the controversy. The west, too, now
rose up against the new doctrine.  The monk lMaximus,7 a
3 Sophronii Synodica ap. Mansi, xi. 461.-His other extant writings (saints' lives, discourses, etc.), to which many have been added in the Spicileginm Romanum t. iii. and iv.
(1840) do not refer to Monothelitisln.
4 Sergii Ep. ad Honorium (ap. Mansi, xi. 529), contains the most credible account of the
beginning of the controversy. He assures Cyrus that his advice was, /zficr7t roe  2loTroYl
rtvt aveyXwpefv, /iav;~ OVdo 7rpoiipetv'vEpyeiag Enr XprtroD reo deo pO,u)v'  ak2hh  yUiZov, lc0airEp ati ayyta  tcac olbcovatevLcati irapacd.clcat alrvodot. yeva Kat Trv aevrov viov
ovoyevV rav tcipteov  V)zv'I. X. rOV aiZ00rLv    Oe E'v Ev pyEZV otzo)oyeiv Tr  re OeZa Kai
avOpn7rtva,  icai 7radav OeoTrpeiV  caut avOpwrioTrpeir     ivipyelavt  Ef EvO  Kai fO  av rov
aecaplcc,)Evov OEOeV X6yov idatpCprwg inpoiival, tcai Eig  va Kcat rbv avrOv yvaopeOatp'
d   ro 7 i6 i7V jLev rdCtg ivep)reiaC ~rVv-OopvicEV frO rtvrv  aicoagr, vw'o2acu,av6vrcv, Efi'
avatpCcrel raUiro v cpoEperOeat. rSv Ev Xplar6r-)-vrj/Uv yvwv Ofo  6levrov. —uaa6VTro  dE' Kai
7-Yv i-,v &'SO   EvEpyetCfv   artcv irot2oOVg cacavdcaXietv-' — rre6aOa  reavr  rb Kaci O6o irpEaE3EtV rc Oe2xara Evavriwr rirpbog 6lyl/a fxov7ra, —fo   roeC rrcvavrta Od0)ovract    EiaycaOat, Orep dvaaCE,3f.
5 Honorii Ep. i. ad Serg. (ap. Mansi, xi. 537). Extracts from tle Ep. ii. ad eund., ib. p. 579.
6 Ap. Mansi, x. 992:'00ev eva ta/zev vdiv  TOv r   Kcpov #f)v'I. X. —Kai  evbS icaci T
a6rof rTrTe Oacfr4a Kcai r2 0rdO  KcpV7rro/ev, cati nruav Oretav Icat iavOprorivicv Evepyetav
1,i cci r/c   7c aVrCJ acaapc/dvq )O  A O6yr  wppocavEouev,-olfda/5r GvyYxrpo0vreC rtvt Trrv
7rdvrr(v y[av a'   d6o Xayetv    t rdaCqCtELV EvcpyEiac'nrt rTS Oetac rtoV Kvpiov EvavcOprna)ore,
ra, U2  FYr2aov, cacOrep ac ciyrac   Kac  oicovZlevlcai 7rapade&ri5caac ufvodot.  What follows
is word for word the same as the passage from Sergii Ep. ad Honor., given in note 4.
But he continues, el yap 6 jtraplg NeroptOS  Kcarinep  lacpir)v 7'v OEeav rov Icvplov evavOpdryTctv, Kat dO0o eladyrv vioVg', Odo OEtca-ra roVrrcv Elrrev oic Er6TO2,uaE, rorvavrCov 6O  ravroa,ovaZav rrcv En' caVro  aivaiT26arroT docv OVo ipoeerinocv  do6acr, 6 inig
dvvcarov, roe r7v opOfcv yoe2Loyobvyra n7rcgrtv, Icai eva vCOv rocv cKeptov 2)zv'I. X. rbv
ciOtcvbv   Oebv 6oidOVrac  &Ofo Kac  racira Evavria cc eO yacra cr' at vrov iapadn xeOacl;
60Ev  reoG ayioef rarpdarrv v,i  arc  Icai iEv ro7vr9 caracco2ovOoevref, cv Ooyjr/a TrO
tcvplov  rCircv'I. X. —dYo)/oyovevc, rSr Eiv jdcEVi Kcatp&  r79 voepnpCg EibVXOyVvScg avfrov
Capcbf cEnropravrog  cai i: oiKEcsc optfiS, ivavrigr r,  vesncarl roe  icvwravo  v aira  KcaO'
vr6aractv OeoOe 26yov, r7cv fvarctKv avr7S  irorLcaaaO   ltcivco'tv, &h22' oi0r6rE cai olav c ai
O&rv avi rg  Oef noX6of'03o6E70ro.
7 Who is also worthy of notice as a commentator on Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite.
Se.e Neander's K. G. iii. 344. Ritter's Gescl. d. christl. Phil. ii. 535. His works, for the
most part against the Monothlelites, were edited by Franc. Combefisius. Paris. 1675. 2




CHAP:. II.-GREEK  CHIURCH.  ~ 128. MONOTHELITICG CONTPLOV. 539
former  companion  of Sophronius, roused  up  Africa  against it;
Pope John IV. refused to adopt the Ecthesis; 8 and Pope Theo-.
dore excommunicated Paul, patriarch of Constantinople (646).
Equally  unsuccessful was  the  attempt  of  Constans II. (A. D.
642-668) to restore internal tranquillity by means of the edict
called Tv7ro  (648),9 which merely recrnmmendedsilence on the
point, without giving a preference to either view; although that
tranquillity  was most desirable  in  the  kingdom   so  severely  oppressed  from   without.'~    Pope  Martin  I. at t1he first Lateran
synod  (649),"M  even  ventured  to  anathematize  the  doctrine  of
one will, and the two imperial decrees relating to it. Mlartin I.
indeed was now deposed, and, together with Maximus, brought
to Constantinople (653), where both were condemned to end
their life in  exile after much  severe treatment."2    This had the
effect of restoring communion between Rome and Constantinople,
voll. fol. Prefixed to the first volume is the Greek life of Maximus, important in the history of the Monothelites.  The doctrines of the Duothelites and Monothelites are most
clearly represented in contrast, in Maximi Disp. cum Pyrrho, Opp. ii. 159.
8 Johannis Ep. ad Constantinum Imp. in Anastasii Collectan. ap. Mansi, x. 682.
9 Ap. Mansi, x. 1029. —Eyvwotev  ev 7roXXj4 KaOcei-ravat (oid2  rov  oodrepov bpO6doeov
oXaov, rC rtvDv     rtv  Ev kOv/oa eri fr'S oalKovojotaS Toe Ieya2eov  eoe O tcat cowrdpoef Vic,'leoO dola[6vrov, cat rTov avCrov EvepyeTv rdre h-lea  cai 7 ri dvOpJirlva'- iat0ev  d' oytarol6vr7oV 6dVo Oelt2ur7a bKat  rvepyeoia  6lo d n7t rSC av7ri/f EVGipKcov ToV  6yov oblcovoeLia' ccai rirv yoev ev dnroXoya IrportOeTLO vov  iad rob dv rTp6awro0ov diripapXev TOV KVcptOV
/jjoohv'I. X. v ddeo ran-g 6aecalv &avyxvi-&or tcai &dolaclp7fvS O2E~ovra caci  vepyoVvra r-te
OEla ica i-da cidvpc  rtva  -drv 6el dot' rag icadtatlpdrof Ev ite aeVr I-caG C'lv rpooao7rw avve20o)dag  Vooetfs, Ka  ti-o  77rYv aVirTv 6 areoaCOat EaVoEtvcv dtaoopav, KcaTaaX2lyO f /cai n-poeOvbd  rail ~Oaeao r-ov ari-vv Kaci  va Xpltarv Evepyeov rdTE Oefa ecat' era dvdpoDrtLva.Oecncrroy/ev, roVSe Vj'erpovf  iVrjtc6ovC-jo-/   u6oElav Xetov,TrpobS a2aXXjovg ir/i   7-T arp6vroC
repi Evg v~ OeUjbta-Oeg` uCaog Evepyeiag,   deO dEvepyetoCv Icai deo 0Eo2iztdir-v, olavdirore
-Ppo~/petv    toG6r,3?r2TycV, Eptv rE, CtCal ~tovetKcav. There is said to be rb 7p5 Trf (vtor/pto  rV eIpI/jotv/ov  vrqTiaGeo v nrpoooevojvg0 f dOroveoctaa  dnravaxi-eoeD ~vaaxOvact Xyoa.
Sharp threats against those who disohbey.
10 The opponents derided the Typus as dvevopyT-opv   TVrpt Ka2 dave0;AiTrov, rTvri: —
-rov avovv, cal /abvxov, /cat driivero v aenrn   -ro'v rTy T~ d66 Bi e Oobv Tdry KcpdOpV  Uj)rV'I. X.
deJoytdirtaav, ro7Z  rirv dOvjrv cdboXot  nprapaTn2Loyagw Ei&36o/ l (Epistola AbbatLm  et
Monachortm in Synodo Lateranensi, ap. Mansi, x. 9GS). So too Martin in his address.
Ibid. p. 880.
11 The Acts in Mansi, x. 863. On the bad state of the Latin text see Walch's Ketzerhist. ix. 222. The twenty canons in the fifth Secretarius, can. x. ss. are directed against
the Monothelites.  Can. xiv. runs thus: Si quis secundum seelerosos haereticos cum una
voluntate et una operatione, quae ab hereticis impie confitetur, et duas voluntates paritelque et operationes, hoc est, divinam  et humaeruml, qulae in ipso Christo Deo in unitate
salvantur, et a sanctis patribus orthodoxe in ipso praedicantur, denegat et respuit, cono
demnatus sit.
12 See Martini Epist. xv. et xvi. and the commemoratio eorumn, quae saeviter act;a sunt
in Martinum, given together from Anastasii Collectan., in Mansi, x. 851. Neander, iii. 37PE
For an account of the sufferings of Maximus see acts and letters ap. Mansi, xi. 3. Anasta.sui
IPresb, Epist. ad Theodosium in Opp. Maximli, i.. 67. Neander, iii. 385,




.540               SECOND PERLIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 622-726.
at least for a time,l3 though it was broken off again under Con.
stantine Pogonatus (668-685).  To remove this, the emperor
summoned the sixth general council (680), where Pope Agatho
triumaphed in procuring a confirmation by the synod of the doctrine of two wills,'4  as copiously unfolded  by him  in an  epistle,
after an  examination  which  terminated  in  peace  and  order.ls
13 Namely, between thle patriarch Peter and pope Vitalianus. Cf. Acta Synodi oecum.
vi. Actio xiii. ap. Mansi, xi. 572:'Ert aveyvJa6nzl-i-ertaToX1? nTvrpov-Trpbf BtTa2tavbv —
4C V apcj vTvevpLartlciC eVdpopOviVn  rpP6~vov Ltv r70 ypalzlza Tr?   /Ter6pa~f /zeO 3)ov tCat'
yiae  dEd0,06rro70f yeyowVv.
1' Agathonis Epistola ad Inmperatores ap. Mansi, xi. 233-286. —P. 239: Curn duas
naturas, duasque naturales voluntates, et duas naturales operationes confitemur in uno
domino nostro J. Ch., non contrarias eas, nee adversas ad alterutrum dicimus (sicut a via
veritatis errantes apostolicam traditionem aecusant, absit haec impietas a fidelitu  cordibus), nec tanquamn separatas in dnabus personis, vel subsistentiis, sed duas dicillus unulnl
eundemlque donminunl nostrum  J. Ch., sicut naturas, ita et naturales in se voluntates et
operationes habere, divinam  scilicet et humanum, etc.-P. 243: Apostolica ecclesia-,unum domlinum nostrum J. Ch. confitetur ex duabus et in daabus existentenl naturiset ex proprietatibus naturalibus unamquamque harem Christi naturarum perfectam esse
cognoscit,' et quidquid ad proprietates naturarum  pertinet, duplicia omnia confitetur.Consequenter itaque-duas etiam  naturales voluntates in eo, et duas naturales operationes esse confitetur et praedicat. Nam si personalem quisquam intelligat volnntatemn,
dum t-es personae in s. Trinitate dicuntur, necesse est, ut et tres voluntates personales,
et tres personales operationes (quod absurdum est et nimis profanum) dicerentur.-Ipse
domhinus nester J. Ch.-in sacris suis evangeliis protestater in aliquibus hunlana, in aliquibus divina, et silnul utraque in aliis de se patefaciens.-Orat quidern ad Patrten ut
homo, -ut calicem passionis transageret, quia in eo nostrae humanitatis natura absque sole
peccato perfecta est, Pater, inquiens, si possibile est, etc. (Matth. xxvi. 39.) Et in alio
loco, Non mea voluntas, sed tua fiat (Luc. xxii. 42). Farther, the passages Phil. ii. 8,
obediens usque ad mortem; Luc. ii. 51, obediens parentibus; Jo. vi. 38, descendi de coelo,
uat non faciam voluntatem meam, sed voluntatem ejus qui misit lme; cf. Jo. v. 30; also
fiom the Old Testament, Ps. xl. 9, Ut faciam voluntatem tuam, Deus meus, volui; Ps. liv.
58, voluntarie sacrificabo tibi. Then follow testimonies filom the fathers. On the mode in
which the two wills co-operate Agatho says nothing.
15 The definitio (poef) of the sixth council in the actio xviii. ap Mafisi, xi. 631, ss.P. 637: "Eva Icat rTv avrov Xptar7v, viv tcmpteOv zovoyev7,, Ev d &o  ~vCre*tv  UvyXVdrg,
rprrrT7w,    Xiyropicpogf, d&atcpEartf yvtoptlz6evvov, oeddaeloe  rS7f TrDv 0deov (5maopdf
avpg/u'v-S   ditt r'v voaltv, aco otz8Pv1  dE tla)Lzov r Tf il6rrtro f bicarpa.g  5caaeru, scac
elf iv Trp6curTOv cai aiav drTd6ractv Cvvrpeoeaigc.-Kac d6o evatrc(ttt OeGet 7~roet
&vluyeMara Ev arT6, cai ds o OvCtaICSt   vpyelaCf dtlatpertof, a7rp6ErgO, qe pICtrTog, davyxvrof Iccard r??v rt7av dyiov qra7rptv dtdaccafiav &cuirrog ItcpprrorevtV  Itcai deo /Ev
ovatiKa F 0ataTa ov'X; revavria, ey  y6votro, icatc6    o  ai dae,ef e0giaav acPErtLcoi d a'2'
89rr6evov Trb avOp7Lrrtvov dare  O7l/yat, Kcai u  advrtrro v, i advrtrra;2a7ov [vPriraXov],
uaXd2 ov tziv  cv cci ar7oraaa6aevoev rO dOeri  avrov lcat xravdaEvtE~  E2l7jarzt. —WSaTep
yap j7 aire  Up:, apF rToo OEoV A6yov  iYyerat Kai 1iartv, odtra icac  rd Ovatlcbv ri f
cap7c0g avroo  diZy/ca ifltov roe  dO    o l67yOv 2uyErat tcat eart, KcOad ~patv avr6f'  "or
Karcaf3i/ica Ec TrO  oipavov, oe  Zva,v rort& ri diua TO r tbkv,'X2M   7 rN di1?/ua roe
r't/ipavrM  Ia-e 7lrarpoTS   (Jo. vi. 38), ldLtv 2iEytov O'V71ya avrol  70O rirg aaptci, irrea cat'
a cup5'  a avroei  yoyoevt' -v yap Trpo6iv 7 ravayia cKac  5atoCoc EbvX&oiev?7w avrou
eap  OdEOicOas (deificata) oVit dv'ppddy, &tbX' ev rt  ldtv  aCr?7  ipp re Kai L6y9l8 dKtYetvev, oirro tcai r6 dvdpd7r'vov airoO dlla   a  OewOv oic avpp9dy,,   aiataorat di lt2a2oV
tcar' rov dOeoX6yov rpply6ptov ay7ovra  "Tb  yip  tceivov dOeLtv ri tcard rbv  or7/pa
rwo.e9Dvov orl i7rr.vavr7iov -Oe  Oedtdv, diov.J"   diO 6l ~vatca1g ivepyeiarg &iatpErwg




CRAP. II. —GRPEE   CEiURICH. ~ 129. CONCILIUMI  JUINISBEXT{UJM.. 54
An  anathema was pronounced on all Mionothelites,l 6 and  also on
Honorius; 1 and thus Church unity was restored in the Roman
empire.
~ 129.
CONCILIUM  QUINISEXTUTAM,
At the last two  general councils, no  attention  had  been  paid
to the laws affecting  the  constitution  of the  Church.   To  supply  this  defect, and  to  obtain  a  complete  synodical code, the
emperor fustinian II. (reigned from 685-695, and from 705711), called a new  oecumenical council in  the Trullus  at Con-.rpErTiS, i(tepiTaraf, icavyXVi7rS  E'v avrm  7iT  Irvpip  ntuuv'I. X. ra Z0tv&l2      OsE  sUbv
do5(i;ojev, rovr7Errt Oeiav Evipyetav  Ka    &vdpri-vPv Evfpyetav icarv t r-ra Oe87y6pov
Aeovr7 rpavEarara i  6daetovra'  " vepyeZ yip gtardpa 3topy [Efrct' 7zrS OarEspov  tvOzvlag
8rwep Id, ov EXcare, rov  rEV  pyauobtsvov ro-ro, O&rep eGfct rod 260Yov, -rod d8
ajaTroaf bereXosvrof ig   e Ep Eart rOd cltaTrof" (colmp. Q 896 note 7).
16 The name MovoOerXArat first in Johannes Damnasc.
17 John IV., in the Epist. ad Constantin. (note 8), had endeavored to exculpate IHonoriis
on the ground that he merely asserted quia in salvatore nostro daae voluntates contrariae,
id est, in membris ipsius (cf. Rtom. vii. 23) penitus non consistant, quoniam nihil vitii
traxit et praevaricatione primi hominis.  So too 1Eaximus in Epist. ad Marinum  ap.
Mlansi, x. 687, and in the disputatio cun Pyrrho, ibid. p. 739. In all the measures afterward taken in Rome against the Monothelites, no mention was made of Honorius.  Onl
the other hand, Synodus oecnm. vi. actio xiii. (ap. Mansi, xi. 556), pronounces an anathema
on Sergius, Cyrus, Py1rhus, Petrus, Paulus, Theodorus, bishop of Pharan, tca'OvdpLov
rbv yev56tevov riTorav r7g rrpaecfv7Tpag PjdrgtC dia rb eO dpiCva 7ijta  dita r-ov yevotuEvavn
arp' avroed ypatdU(irsTv 7rpioS;Epytov Icarg wrdvra rT EKCEivov yvdp E-acoXovOicavra ca
ra alrod darE3G  tcvpnaav7a d6y7/ara.  This anathema was repeated act. xvi. p. 622, act.
xviii. p, 655, etc. Leo I!. in his Epist. ad Constant. Imp. in which he confirms the council
(ap. 1Mansi, xi. 731): Anathem atizamus-nec non et Honorium, qui hane apostolicanm
ecclesimu non apostolicae traditionis doctrina lustravit, sed profana proditione immaculatam  subvertere conatus est. Cf. ejusd. Epist. ad Episc. Hispaniae ap. Mansi, xi. 1052,
and ad Ervigium Regem Hispaniae ibid. p. 1057. Also in the confession of faith subscribed by the following popes at their accession (liber diurnus cap. ii. tit. 9, professio 2),
the anathema was pronounced against anuctores novi haeretici dogmatis, Sergium, etc.una cuinm Honorio, qli pravis eorum assertionibus folmentum impendit.'Anastasius Biblioth. Ep. ad Joannem Diaconum (Collectanea ed. Sirmlond. p. 3), is the first that endeavors
again, after the example of John IV., whose letter he reproduced, to excuse Honorius,
licet huic sexta sancta Synodus quasi haeretico anathemla diierit. But later Catholic
historians deny even this fact. Platina in vita -lonorii I.: Flerunt lieracli-l-Pyrrliet Cyri fraudibus deceptum  in haeresim Monothelitarum  incidisse.I-os tamen postea
tanti erroris auctores, hortante Honorlio et veram ante oculos literis et nunciis ponente,
relegavit Heraclius.  According to Baronius, the acts of the sixth council have been
corrupted, and instead of Honorius we should read Theodorus. Bellarmine maintains
that the letters of Honorius are either spurious or interpolated.  According to Pagi,
Garnier, the Ballerini, and others, Honorius was not condemned for heresy, but for negligence; and according to Combefisius and others, even with the consent of Pope Agatho.
Against all these evasions see Richer Historia concil. general. i. 296. Dua Pin de Ailtiqua
eccl. discipl. p. 349. Bossuet Defensio declar. Cleri Gallic. ii. 128.




~5~42              SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 622-726.
stantinople  (692),1  at which  102  canons were passed, for the
most part giving legal expression merely to older Church usages,
and repeating  older canons.   It appears that the  Greek  bishops
had  expressly  entertained  the  design, both  here  and  at Chalcedon, of reminding the Roman patriarchs, again exalted by their
new  victory, of the  limits of their power.   Particularly  unacceptable to the Romans were the six canons concerning the
Cliurch  laws to  be esteemed  validl,2 the  marriage  of priests,3
Names: Conciliuim  Trullanum, s5 vodtoe  wevOd6cr-, Conlc. quinisextum.  The Greeks
consider it merely as a continuation of the sixth council, and call its decisions Kcav6ve
T/f IKTw7f uvv6dov. The Acts are given in Mansi, xi. 921.
2 Can. ii. confirms 85 canones Apost., while the Rollan church, after Dionysius, adopted
only the first 50. This council also sanctioned, as chburch laws, the canons of ~the councils
of Nice, Ancyra, Neocaesarea, Gangra, Antioch, Laodicea, Constantinople in A.D. 381,
Ephesus, Chalcedon, Sardica, Carthage and Constantinople, A.D. 394. Also the canons
of Dionysius Alexaldrinus, Petrus Alex., Gregory Thaumaturgus, Athanasius, Basil the
Great, Gregory Nyssene, Gregory of Nazianzum, Amphilochius of Iconium, Timotheus
Alex., Cyril Alex., and Gennadius patriarch of Constantinople.  Lastly, also, of Cyprian
and his synod. All other canons are prohibited as not genuine. (M7/Jevi E6evat —7rpeov
7rapa roeg  w'poceirevovf irapadXEa at' cavova6ve  4evdeyrtyp~0o6  vrd',6 rtrvV avvreOv-raf
rayC  r-Iv dZiOetzav ifKar7ZVEetv  XCeltpycdavrwv.) In that list, however, many western
synods, and all decretals of Romish bishops, are passed over.
3 Can. xiii.:'Ewredl sev ro'TPuaiov bftccZuaitGa Ev r7uet lcavv6vof iTrapaded6Oat &dEyvweUev, roogC 0GEovraC 6a/ c6vov 7i? 7rpeeievrpov   etooaOatL XELporOvieaf scaoyo2ooyev,
dtg Oe/rCt raiG aovTrv avvd7irovrat y7ayleraGC' Gef r3 [pXaeLa    E~a/foevOOevr7e. Icav6vt
Tr/f io7roGot/aclf clcptfetiag  ca7i (ciref, rai  ivJcep)v atcv6Spv ICarT  v6#ove  Uvvoncdcria
icao  yrto  ro TeV VVv   d&aOat 1ovZ6#EOa'  y7dqayuif av r7iv  7v TpoS  yea/-tCrif aSvvdetav
dltaaovreTc, i dLoarEpoviere7  aOvoroc T'f ripog 6a2)3Zovc Kcaror   aepoiv  fiv irpoa rcovra
optzXia.'G2rTE EI r7tg fStho CfSpeOi irpbf XetpOroviav V7roet1ao6vov ) dmatc6vov {) 7rpEai3vrT,ov, obroTf #(?Slalg adCO2Vc(w0o1w E13 TroltOVTOVe taiaOav  aC3tdc(er6  yOatae-  avvoyt
LoF'i/zlp, /1/TE Uiv / Ev 76 7 T T/f XetpoTovag Kalatp96 ratireiTCOG) O/koyEtv,, 6di (rXoaci rCrca
ri/r voyov  rp/og rjv O     7a/ECav yae/terV  Ol GtlaC.  VOa y/17 Evrer0ev   rov EC 0Oe'D voozeoOrl0b7ra /cal eVoyVlSO'Tvra Tr  avfrod qrapovaG, yr(ov  cKaeOveppetv'lcftlaa0l&ev, T79 reov
ediaeyyeciov ~0lvIC eoewcg*  d o'   EiS Eb veve, dve0p&.)rog pit X6)ptlr(o (Matth. xix. 6j ca2
oroe advoar626ov cGitIatco rog  riutovv  oer ytoev lao r7V Cor27yV  /ieavrov (Heb. xiii. 4) ical
d/ecaat yvvatOct,  7/t CrEt 2iaev (1 Cor. vii. 27). —p  roe70c 7r  OutaoaeTr7pi irPOGEcC/PEovrag'v rt( icatpe   rf7  rv ay' d Cyv zerayctp 7ICco Edytiparey t  Elvat Ev qalrtv. —Ez   *tg o7 V
rOlp7oot, 7rapd ro7f0g &ocrorotcovC tcavova6   tctovootevog, rtva rdv iepwfuivwv, irpe/v/vr'7pev
~altev ) 6Ltalic6vv' V7reoitac6vdwv,  roCarCpecv r 77C,rpo  vodtluov yvvatKa avva0elac  re,ca  IcotvtoveaS,  caoalpeoooo.'2Gaatrvo    Icot Ea  rgl 7Krpei ere gpo7/ ri daeovoeg r/v OavToI
yvvanca ipocioat( EVafielaf EKc/fdaet, qiQOpt('o0w, E'rrt/tevev 6& 1caOalpEiccO    (cf. Can.
Apostol. v. ~ 97, note 9). Bellarmin. de Cler. i. 10, supposes, respecting this subject:
Tempore hujus synodi (Trullanae) coepit rmos Graecorum, qui nunc est.-Besides, can.
iii. forbidssthe clergy ularrying   a second time, and marriage with a widow. Can. vi.
forbids marriage after ordination.  Can. xii. forbids bishops to remain in the married
state: Eig yvCdtv 73EtrEpav  26XOev, 65f E  7e'Aqptb Ca  A6/p, Ka  E drpo/pe  r6Toirt ot
(rv EKEGE 0E0otZeGaTvao  t 7rp6cEpot CVVotltCeV Tzaf (ittaif yayteratC, Icat,ueru Tr/v air'
aOfreof irpoeloeadcv Xelporoviav, of irapaLroevrao. —diOeV )Sare piatlzf    rootrovre
corb  rov Vov ytivceal' r o70oe 6  aibv, oc dir', Oeroaet 6  vaerpoe,  rv sroroV t0O9e7 S
Yrpovevoeo1eT7/l/t1vrV,  iLX&l r7)f aSOTpla ~ ICa irpeocoar6f rfg e5l ro Kperreov rev &2aev
7rpO7/u0v1#evot, a. r. X. Cf. Can. xlviii. According to Zonaras and Theod. Balsamo ad
Can. Apost. v. these were the first ecclesiastical prohibitions against the marriage of




CHAP. II. —GREEK  CHURCH. ~ 130..\MONOTHELITISM.                       543
the rank  of the  patriarch  of Constantinople,4  against fasting
on Saturday,5 against the eating of blood and things strangled,6
and  against pictures of the Lamb.7    Though  the papal legates
had subscribed them, yet Pope Sergius I. refused to accept
them.  Justinian meant to have him brought to Constantinople,
but was prevented  by  the  rebellion  of the garrison of Ravenna,
and  soon  after  by  his deposition.8    Thus this council was acknowledged only in the east, but not in the west;  and was the
first public step which led to the separation of the two Churches.
S 130.
FORTUNES OF MONOTHELITISM.
The emperor Philippicus Bardanes (711-713) revived once
more the Monothelitic doctrine, and made it the prevailing faith,
though merely for a short time.'  Only Rome withstood him.2
But the Greek bishops were as ready to subscribe a Monothelitic
bishops, though Justinian had forbidden them by a civil law (Cod. i. iii. 48). Cf. Calixtus
de Conjugio Clericorum ed. I-enke, p. 389, ss.
4 Can. xxxvi., referring to Can. Constant. iii. (~ 93, note 9), and Can. Chalced. xxviii.
(ibid. note 14), and in the same words as the latter.  So, too, in Can. xxxviii. the 17th
canon of Cbalced. (ibid. note 3) is repeated word for word.
5 Can. lv.:'ErretdE?   rsefhaoijca/Ev,'v T, P'aGaO ov rr6et  Ev ralg aiyiatf Trf rTEOcapaIcorT vT re oat Tof rToe TOVTrTf eai,,SaCg v-6revJeCv,rapo?7/v 7rapapeoOrEaa   EICCnteCaCtatcKV
alcoiuovOiav (comp. ~ 100, note 14)'JdoE Tr 7 y/,a avv6dS, dOGcre Ipa7eTV 8a0 ~gri rT7?'Pwaiov
E'cxlvcaia adrapaeaalerTw  OC r)v Icavova 76v ifyowvae  "  Ei' rtig IcXoptLogf EVPEOEi'q T, ('yiga
Kvptaq vCla7eO v ) / TfO cid(jaorov w2lv Too /vf tcai j/6vov, tcaOatpEio0o   E  6e   eaoicbcf,
ci'opt~C&6O."  (Can. Apostol. lxvii.)                                     6 Can. lxvii.
7 Can. lxxxii.: "Ev TrtCt r   eV UC7rguv Elc6vwv ypdja7ei atdvg    doacr72so To5 7rpOdp6Otov
dEtncvvJevoCg y'XapdTrrEraL (according to Job. i. 29). —TOv  7TO  atIpovrogf z7v i/zapriav toV
I6uozov Ct  vo8 XptGaro   Troi  OEOb ~Inv tearT   T r Ov avOpdTrtvov xapalcTrpa  0a1 E'v ratc.
Etcc6uov i('tr To  vev evD   rov   reabatob acvoJ avacrT7joOaOat'pt'/o,uev. See ~ 99, note 51.
s Cf. Anastas. Biblioth. in vita Sergii.
9 Ap. Beda de Sex aetatibus and Paulus Diac. HIist. Longob. vi. ll, it is called Synodus
erratica. By degrees however, several of the less offensive canons began to be cited, as
Canones Syn. vi., those who did so being misled by the example of the Greeks (see note 1).
Gratian (Decret. P. i. dist. xvi. c. 6) translates a Greek account of this Synod, and then
naively adds: Ex his ergo colligitur, quod sexta synodus bis congregata est: primo sub
Constantino Imp., et nullos canones constituit, secundo sub Justiniano filio ejus, et praefatos canones promulgavit.  Thus, then, he also adopts several of the canons.  It was not
till after the Reformation that the conciliabulumn  pseudosextum  was again discovered.
Cf. Calixtus, p. 401, ss.
The chief authority on this subject is the epilogus ad Acta Syn. vi. of the contemporary
Agathon, deacon and librarian of the church at Constantinople (prim. ed. F. Combefisius
in the Nov. auctar. PP. ii. 199, ap. Mansi, xii. 189. iFarther, Theophanes, p. 319, ss.
Walch's Ketzerhist. ix. 449.
2 Anastasii Bibl. vita Constantini. Paulus Diac. Hist. Longob. vi. 33.




'4a4               SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 622-726.
confession  of faith  as they  were to return  to  orthodoxy  at the
command of the next emperor, Anastasius II.3
In  Syria, however, a small party  of Monothelites  remained
for a long  time.   Here all Christian  parties had a political importance.   The   ciacobites were  favorable to  the Arabians;  the
Catholics to the Greek  emperors, hence  called  M elchites (from,.bn).    On  the  other hand, an  independent party  had  collected
in mount Libanus, about the monastery of St. ilaro, who
adopted  the  Monothelitic  doctrines, chose for themselves a patriarch of Antioch  (the first was John    maro, t 701), and under
the name  of Maronites4  continued  to  hold  the doctrine  of one
will in  Christ till the time of the Crusades.5
3 The miserable spirit of the Greek bishops is particularly expressed in the exculpatory
letter which John, who had been elevated to the see of Constantinople by Philippicus,
addressed to Pope Constantine, after the state of things had been entirely changed (appended to Agathon's Epilogus ap. Combefis. p. 211, ss. Mansi, p. 195, ss.). Among
other things he says: Otdare yap caci v/elf, — Sf oV Xiaev (cv7Ttr1Vrf Kai ccxAVpcogC ie'Xtv
7rpog r7sv Ir iE2ovefotc oCZva ytcKV,' ro70   7010T rotc, covev rLvf  ITiXVsf Kca  7rreplvoia~
ca0ordtc/cCV'~iuap f' ierre Icai Nd0av Od rpoqT-rnl otKc 0repoucdv7r7ov     rov EeiyXov TOv
r'Epi r'f /otyeglai   re Kca rovo 06vov 7rpocuiyaye rOi Aa8id, KtcalroL kca  aVdro   rov  Aapid
7rpolTr/ics6 rer7-tjucvov xap/iolart.    Kacri fro-o  cati /efi, irTEp ~ieiCv O /zyae BaaiCetoC,
cvdCd6val ytKpOv r76) W)EC ToO avdpdo Karce7c/eOca,   iC-TE ri2v Ev Troc /calpioclf yf r0 7inrEO
6#oboyiav, eCi ca lzs kda6ictv, a'uXXdyE Taeir Evvoiatcc ~v0UrreTaca cirapfaarov.  Ov yap
Ev a2Seacv Vi/Gv, adk' Ev TrpaCypacav ) 6c'vOeta, 6 OsEof Fp'yy6ptog poad. Kacci cardcv iceavC
eiroyov cai kiav acicpbv &lopiGerac, rd nepi rov cXov  cUcCpoouoyc0alat.-Ka7i To rorv oc 
rov r7f oilovolUc~C icaci eara 7repiorccatv avp,/3dca ew  Tp67rovv          yycVi s-ai ko0ri rdv Yay IvteV(ov  rpoeaOeiv 7el0reto/evot, cytcTrarot, y7 cc&sVyyvcoUrov 2cl7v r7'o 6 ni toro gt eyWcZa~a
7rpocayaceZv /cara6d,eoOae   dUck  tcicv Tr riTf icpg.3eoafg kuv?/Z caprcyaOat v7rovo-calt, r,
rrapaeOe, rijv EcC rTov cayicov 7raerpcov 7L/Cov o0covo/gciCSC 7rpoeaOSvrrcov aiorovuZi6O CivEcOvvov ktai 7rtccr(i   k6e'Mcpov Kcaralpicecog. He then appeals to the bishops of the Robber
Synod at Ephesus, who had condemned Flavian unjustly, icaZ jocs iv T Katrce    XaICd6va
a7yia cvvod6o i2)plceCe tOVroLf TrpOf TrEeiav (t7TOT9poT1V too 4y0c /,tTarof r) T7S/  ytoi9g iqoooyia9 cuvOeclS, etc., and concludes that he has offered an airoekoyiav iXvp6cv 7rE cai ivVvojov.
4 Johann. Damasc. Lib. de vera sententia c. 8. Epist. de Hymno trishagio, c. 5,
Eutychii Annal. Alex. t. ii. p. 192.
5 The modern Maronite writers, namely, Abraham Echellensis in several works, Faustus
Nayron Diss. de origine et religione Maronitarum. lRom. 1679. 8. Ejusd. Enoplia fidei
catholicae. Ibid. 1694. 8. Assemani Bibl. orient. i. 496, have introduced confusion into
the history of their sect, 1. By asserting that the Maronites were never Monothelites, but
were always ortlhodox (in addition to the opposite reasons given by Renaudot Histor. patr.
Alexandr. p. 149, ss. is the testimony of Germanus, patriarch of Constantinople, about 725,
de Haeresibus et Synodis, in the Spicileginm Romanum,  vii. 65, that the Maronites rejected
the sixth synod. The grounds given by both parties my be found in M. Le Quien Oriens
christ. iii. 1. Walch's Ketzerhist. ix. 474); 2. By identifying the Mardaites (whose name
is erroneously derived from Ti71) with the Maronites.  On the contrary, Anquetil Duperron Recherches sur les migrations des Mardes, ancien peuple de Perse in the M6moires
de l'Acad. des Inscript. tome 50, p. 1, has shown that the Mardaites or Mards, a warlike
people in Armenia, were placed as a garrison on Mount Libanus by Constantine Pogonaxts A.D. 676 (Theophanes, p. 295), but withdrawn as early as 685 by Justinian II. (Theoph.
p. 302, a.)




CHAP. III.-WESTERN CHURCH. O 131. ITALY.
THIRD CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE WESTERN CHURCHo
~ 131.
ECCLESIASTICAL STATE OF ITALY.
Important for the history of this and the following period is Anastasii Bibliothecarii (about
870) Liber pontificalis, s. vitae Roll. Pontif.l ed. C. Annib. Fabrotus, in the Corp. hist.
Byz. t. xix. Paris. 1649. fol.; Fr. Blanchini. Rom. 1718-35. iv. t. fol. Jo. Vignolius.
Romae. 1724. 4, with the biographies of the later popes in L. A. Muratorii Rerum Ital.
scriptor. t. iii. p. i.-Liber diurnus Roman. Pontificum, collected about 715, prim. ed. Luc.
Holstenius. Rom. 1658. 8.2 J. Garnerius. Paris. 1l80. 4. (Supplementam in J. Mabillon Museum Italicum, i. i. 32. Paris. 1687. 4) reprinted in Chr. G. Hoffmanni Nova
scriptorum ac monumentorum collect. t. ii. Lips. 1733. 4.
The political consequence of the popes 3 in Italy increased, in
proportion as the Greek emperors, now  pressed by the Saracens
The Liber pontificalis has arisen from former Catalogi Pontificum which we know
only in part. The first known catalogus, which was composed under Liberius, 354, and
contains few other notices besides those relating to chronology, furnished ground for subsequently attributing to Damasus the first collection of the vitae Pontificum. The second
known catalogus under Felix IV. (526-530) has taken the former into itself only in part,
but enlarged it by other accounts. From  these catalogues arose, at the end of the seventh
century, the first edition of the Liber pontificalis, which concludes with Conon (t 687) and
is still extant in a Veronese and a Neapolitan MS. (see Pertz in the Archiv. d. Gesellschaft
ffir iltere deutsche Geschichtskunde, v. 68). The second edition of it in the Cod. Vatican
5269, concludes with Constantine (t 714). The lives that follow were appended successively by contemporaries, and Anastasius can only have composed the last till Nicolaus I.
(t 868), and have published the book anew in this form. The lives of Hadrian II. and
Stephen VI. (t 891), subsequently added, are attributed to one Gulielmlus Bibliotllecarius.
From what has been said, it may be seen how even Beda, Rabanus Maurus, Wralafrid
Strabo, could cite the Liber pontificalis; and how Pseudo-Isidoras could use it. Just as the
older shorter lives, which merely furnish notices of time, anlld short accounts of ordinations,
church buildings, regulations and arrangements of popes, and respecting martyrdoms and
heresies, have become uncertain by the mixing up of doubtful traditions with true accounts;
so, on the other hand, the more copious lives, froml thle end of the seventh century and on 
ward, have great historical value, as they were written by contemporaries. Cf. Emm. a
Schelstrate de Antiquis Rom. pont. catalogis, ex quibus Lib. pontificalis concinnatus fuit,
et de lib. pont. auctore ac praestantia. Jo. Ciampini Examen Lib. pontif. Fr. Blanchini
praef. in Lib. pont., all together prefixed to Muratori's edition. See a description of the
city of Rome by Platner, Bunsen, Gerhard, and Rbstell, i. 206.
2 This edition, better than that of Garnier, was immediately suppressed by the Romish
censors. Its history (see especially Baluzii. not. ad de Marca de Concord Sac. et Imp. lib.
i. c. ix. ~ 8), and an account of its variations may be seen in Schoepflini Commentt. hist.
crit. Basil. 1741. 4. p. 499, ss. In addition to the two codd. used by Holsten and Garnier, a third is noticed by Launojus Diss. de Lazari et Magdal. in provinciam adpulsu cap.
10, obs. 10.
3 Honorius I. from 625-638, Severinus t 640, John IV. t 642, Theodore t 649, Martin L
VOL. I. -35




546               SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 622-72n.
too, were forced  to  leave  t6  them  chiefly  the defense of their
Italian possessions against the Lombards.4    Still they continued
subjects of the emperors, had to be confirmed by them in office,5
and paid them taxes.6 While the Monothelitic troubles gave
the popes an opportunity of appointing a vicar even in Palestine
now overrun by the Saracens,j Mlartin I. was still made to feel
bitterly the emperor's power; and  Vitalianus was compelled to
bow  to Monothelitism   supported  by  imperial patronage.   But
banished 654, t 655, but even in 654 Eugenius I. was again chosen, t 657, Vitalianus t 672,
Adeodatus t 676, Domnus I. t 678, Agatho t 682, Leo II. f 683, Benedict II. t 685, John V.
t 686, Conon t 687, Sergius I. t 701, John VI. t 705, John VII. t 707, Sisinnius t 708, Constantine t 714, Gregory II. t 731.
4 Comp. above, ~ 117, note 26. Cf. Liber diurnus cap. ii. tit. iv. Account of the Romans
de electione Pontificis ad Exarchlun: Et ideo supplicantes quaesumus, ut inspirante Deo
celsae ejus dominationi, nos famulos voti compotes celeriter fieri praecipiat: praesertim
cum plura sint capitula, et alia ex allis quotidie procreentur, quae curae solicitudinem et
pontificalis favoris expectant remedium.-Propinquantium quoque inimicorum ferocitas,
quam nisi sola Dei virtus atque Apostolorum Principis per suum Vicarium, hoc est Romanum Pontificemn, ut omnibus notum est, aliquando monitis comprimit, aliquando vero
flectit ac modigerat hortatu, singulari interventu indiget, cum hujus solius pontificalibus
monitis, ob reverentiam Apostolorum Principis, parentiam offerant voluntariam: et quos
non virtus armorum humiliat, pontificalis increpatio cum obsecratione inclinat. The popes
possessed already some small forts; probably erected, in the first place, for protection of
their patrimony. Thus Anastasius in vita xc. Gregorii II., relates, that the Lombards had
taken from him the Cumanum castrum, and that the pope having in vain required them to
surrender it, John, Dux Neapolitanus, retook it from them, and gave it back to the former
possessor. Pro cujus redemptione lxx. auri libras ipse Sanctissimus Papa, sicut promiserat
antea, dedit.
5 As had become customary under the Ostrogoth kings. Agatho, however, received
from Constantine Pogonatus divalem. jussionem, per quam relevata est quantitas, quae
solita erat dali pro ordinatione Pontificis facienda: sic tamen, ut si contigerit post ejus
transitum electionem fieri, non debeat ordinari qui electus fuerit, nisi prius decretum generale introducatur in regiam urbem secundum  antiquam consuetudinem, et cure eorum conscientia et jussioiw  debeat ordinatio provenire (Anastasius in vita lxxx. Agathonis).
Benedict II. received from vthe same emperor the privilege ut persona, qui electus fuerit
ad Sedem Apost. e vestigio absque tarditate Pontifex ordinetur (Anastasius in vita lxxxii.
Bened.). Still, however, this did not obviate the necessity of confirmation. See the
forms in Liber diurnus, cap. ii. de ordinatione Summi Pontificis. Namely, tit. 1. Nuntius
ad Exarchum de transitu Pontificis. Tit. 2. Decretum de electione Pontificis. (Subscribed
by totus Clerus, Optimates, et Milites seu Cives). Tit. 3. Relatio de electione Pontificis
ad Princip'em. Tit. 4. De electione Pontificis ad Exarchum. On the same subject, tit. 5.
ad Archiepisc. Ravennae, tit. 6. ad Judices Ravennae, tit. 7. ad Apocrisiarium Ravennae,
to effect the speedy confirmation. Tit. 8. Ritus ordinandi Pontificis, and tit. 9. Professio
pontificia.
6 Ex. gr. Anastas. in vita lxxxiv. Cononis: Hujus temporibus pietas Imperialis relevavit
per sacram jussionem suam ducenta annonae capita (i. e. capitationem), quae patrimonii
custodes Brutiae et Lucaniae annue persolvebant.
7 This was done by the popes Theodore and Martin I. during a vacancy in the see of
Jerusalem, though the patriarchs of Antioch and Jerusalem protested against it. See lib.
Stephani Episc. Dorensis ad Synod. Rom. (Mansi, t. x. p. 899), and Martini P. Epist. ad
Johannem Episc. Philadelphiae (ibid. p. 805, ss.), comp. Walch's Ketzerhistorie, Th. 9. S
280, comp. S. 214 and 240.




CHAP. III.-WESTERN  CHURCH. ~ 131. ITALY.                        547
by their triumph at the sixth synod the popes strengthened
anew their ancient calling as defenders of the true faith;8 and
began at this time to attribute to th~mselves the title Episcopus
Universalis,   which  Gregory the Great had  declared to be antichristian.0    The  Quinisextum  could no longer humble them   in
the  west.   When  Justinian  II. attempted  to  bring  Pope  Sergius I. to Constantinople to compel him  to subscribe the decrees
of the Quinisextum, the garrison of Ravenna rose in rebellion,10
and  soon  after (701) the mere  suspicion  of such  an  intention
caused a new  uproar against the  exarch.11   Hence, in  order to
confirm  his own  authority  in  Italy, Justinian  II. invited  Pope
Constantine  to visit him, and overloaded  him  with  exceedingly
high  marks  of honor  (710).12    The  loose connection  between
Rlome and the empire was soon after shown in the refusal of
the  former  to  obey  the  heretic  Philippicus  Bardanes  (711713).13
The  oppressed  Church  of Africa now  yielded  to the  claims
of Rome  without resistance.14    On  the  other hand  they  still
met with  much  opposition  in  Italy.    Thle bishops of Ravenna
*8 Comp. Agathonis P. Ep. ad Itmperatores (see above, ~ 128, note 14) ap. Mansi, xi. p
239: Petrus spirituales oves ecclesiae ab ipso redemptore omnioLm terna commendatione
pascendas snseepit: cujus annitente praesidio haec apostolica ejus ecclesia nunquam a
via veritatis in qualibet erroris parte deflexa est, cujus auctoritatem,,utpote Apostolorum
omnium principis, semper omnis catholica Christi ecclesia, et universales synodi fideliter
amplectentes, in cunctis secutae sunt, etc.
9 So first in the Liber diurnus cap. iii. tit. 6, ap. Hoffmann, ii. 95, in the promissio fidei
Episcopi, which falls between 682 and 685.
10 Anastasius vit. lxxxv. Sergii says: Sed misericordia Dei praeveniente, beatoque
Petro Apostolo et Apostoloruml Principe suffragante, suamquae ecdlesiam  immiutilatam
servante, excitatum est cor tRavennatis militiae, etc.
11 Anastas. vit. lxxxvi. Joannis VI.
12 Anastas. vit. lxxxix. Constant.: In die autem, qua se vicissim viderunt, Augustus
Christianissimus crns regno in capite se prostravit, pedes osculans Pontificis.
13 Anastasii vit. lxxxix. Constant. —Pauli Diac. Hist. Longobard. vi. 34.
14 Conmp. the letter of the African bishops to Pope Theodore in the.Acts of the Conc.
Lateran. ann. 649, Secretarius ii. (Mansi, x. 919): IMagnum  et indeficientem oimnibus
Christianis fluenta redundantem, apud apostolicam sedem consistere fontem nullus am-'bigere possit, de quo rivuli prodeunt affluenter, universurn largissime irrigantes orbem,Christianorum, cui etiam in honorem beatissimi Petri patrumn decreta peculiarem omnem
decrevere reverentiam in requirendis Dei rebus.-Antiquis enim regulis sanciturn est, ut
quidquid, quamvis in remotis vel in longinquo positis ageretur provinciis, non prius tractandum vel accipiendum sit, nisi ad notitiam almae sedis vestrae fuisset deductum, ut
hujus auctoritate, juxta quae fuisset pronunciato, firiaretur, indeque sumerent caeterae
ecclesiae velut de natali suo fonte praedicationis exordium, et per diversas totius mundi
regiones puritatis incorreptae maneant fidei sacramenta salutis. Taken almost word for
word fi'om the letters of Innocent I. and Zosimus to the Afirican bishops. Comp. the
passages. 94, notes 20, 35.




648;              SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. II. —A.D. 622-726.
ventured to build higher claims on the fact that their city was
the  seat of the exarch, in  accordance with  Grecian  principles,
and even maintained for some time the independent management
of the Church of the exarchate, when  Rome would not accommodate  herself to  the  imperial Monothelitism."5    Among  the
Lombards catholicism  found many  adherents since the time of
Queen Theodelinda and her son King Adeliald (616-620) 
and  from  the time of King Grimoald  (t 671) became the prevailing  system   among  them.l6   Still, however, they  remained
at variance  with  the  popes;17  and  Upper  Italy  asserted  its
ecclesiastical independence."l   Theological learning continued to
be in a low state in Italy.'l8
6 132.
ECCLESIASTICAL STATE OF FIRANCE AND SPAIN.
The superior dignity of the Romish Church was the more
readily  admitted  in  the west on  account of its being the only
15 Anastas. vit. lxxix. Domini I. (676-678): Hujus temporibus Ecclesia Rtavennatum,
quae se ab Ecclesia Romana segregaverat causa autocephaliae, denuo se pristinae Sedi
Apostolicae subjugavit. Vit. lxxxi. Leonis II. (683-684): Hujus temporibus percurrente
divali jussione clemlentissimi Principis restituta est Ecclesia Ravennatis sub ordinatione
Sedis Apostolicae.-Typum autocepllaliae, quem sibi elicuerant, ad amputanda scandala
Sedis Apostolicae restituerunt.
16 Though always mixed with idolatry still. See vita S. Barbati (bishop of' Benevent.
i'' 682) in the Actis Sanct. Febr. iii. 139: His diebus quamvis sacri baptismatis unda
Longobardi abluerentur, tamen priscum  gentilitatis ritumn tenentes, sive bestiali mente
degebant, bestiae simulacro, quae vulgo Vipera nominatur, flectehant colla, quae debite
suo debebant flectere creatori.  Quin etiam non longe a Beneventi moenibus devotissime
sacrilegam, colhebant arborem, in qua suspenso corio, cuncti qui aderant terga vertentes
arbori, celerius equitabant, calcaribus cruentantes equos, ut unus alteruam posset praeire,
atque in eodem cursu retroversis manibus in corium jaculabant-Lr, sicque particulam modicam ex eo comedendam superstitiose accipiebant. Et quia stulta illic persolvebant vota,
ab actione nomen loco illi, sicut hactenus dicitur, Votuln imposuerunt.
17 Planck's Gesch. d. kirchl. Gesellschaftsverf. ii. 669, if.
s1 It is true that there is also found an indiculum (sacramenti) Episcopi de Longobardia
in the Liber diurnus cap. iii. tit. 8, but such an oath was taken only by the bishops of the
Roman patriarchal territory (the middle and southl of Italy), who were now under the;
Lombard dominion.
1s This is clear, particularly from Agathonis Ep. ad Impp. in the Actis Syn. Constantinop.
ann. 680, Act. iv. (ap. Mansi, xi. 235), where he repeatedly says of the legates whom he
sends to the council: Non nobis eorum scientia confidentiam dedit, with the general remark: Nam apud homlines in mledio gentium positos et de labore corporis quotidianuen
victum cum summa haesitatione concluirentes, quomodo ad plenum poterit inveniri scrip
iraruma scientia?




GCHA. III. —WESTERN CHURCH.  S 132. F[RANCE.                     549
apostlolic Church  in that region, *as well as the only   ledium  of
ecclesiastical connection  with  the  east.   But the greatest impression  was made  by  the  halo of holiness  which  surrounded
that city  in  the eyes of the westerns; so that every thing proceeding from  it was regarded as sacred.1
The connection of the  Franink  Church with Rome was slight
since the time,of Gregory the Great.   The chief authority  lay
continuously  in  the  hand  of the king;  and thus  all traces of
metropolitan government had disappeared.   Among the political
disturbances of the  French  empire  in  the seventh century, the
Church  also  fell into  great disorder; the bishops took  part in
the feuds of the nobles; clergy and monasteries became ungovernable;  and  the  better  few, who  wished  to  call attention  to
morality  and  discipline,  were  persecuted.2    The  robbing   of
Churches was not uncommon; and Charles MLartel (majordomus from 717-741) even distributed ecclesiastical revenues
and offices in usufruct to valiant soldiers (as beneficium, precarium).3
1 For example, Anastas. vit. xc. Gregor. II. after the account of the great victory gained
by Duke Eudo of Aquitania over the Saracens at Toulouse (721): Eudo announced it to
the pope, adjiciens, quod anno praemisso in benedictionem a praedicto viro eis directis
tribus spongiis, quibus ad usum mensae (perhaps the altar?) Pontificis apponuntur, in hora,
qua bellum  committebatur, idem Eudo Aquitaniae princeps populo suo per modicas
partes tribuens ad sumendum eis, nec unus vulneratus est, nec mortuns ex his, qui participati sunt.
2 So Leodegar, bishop of Autfin, who, was put to death by the major-domus Ebrinl, 678.
Aigulf, abbot of a monastery at Lerins, wished merely to keep order among his monks,
but was therefore abused, banishled, and, in 675, murdered. See the lives of both in Mabillon Act. SS. Ord. Benedicti, saec. ii. p. 679, ss. 656, ss.
3 Comp. above, ~ 124, note 7. Bonifacius Ep. 132 (ed. Wiirdtwein Ep. 51), ad Zachariam, about 742.: Franci enim, ut seniores dicunt, plus quaml  per tempus lxxx. annorumn
Synodum non fecerunt, nec Archiepiscopum habuerunt, nec ELcclesiae canonica jura alicui
fundabant vel renovabant. Modo autem maxima ex parte per civitates Episcopales sedes
traditae sunt Laicis cupidis ad possidendum, vel adulteratis Clericis, scortatoribus, et
publicanis saecculariter ad perfriendum.  De Majoribus domus regiae libellus vetusti
scriptoris, in du Chesne Hist. Francorum  scriptt. t. ii. p. o2: Carolus-res Ecclesiaraum
propter assiduitatem  bellorum laicis tradidit. Hadriani P. I. Ep. ad Tilpinum Archiep.
Rhem. in Flodoardi Hist. eccl. Rhem. lib. ii. c. 17, and ap. Mansi, xii. p. 844. Hincmar
Epist. vi. ad Episc. diocesis Remensis, c. 19: Tempore Caroli Principis —in Germanicis
et Belgicis ac Gallicanis provinciis omnis religio Christianitatis paene fait abolita, ita ut,
Episcopis in paucis locis residuis, Episcopia Laicis donata et rebus divisa fuerint; adeo
ut Milo quidam tonsura Clericus, moribus, habitu et actu irreligiosus laicus Episcopia,
Rhemorum ac Trevirorum usurpans simul per multos annos pessumdederit, et multi jam
in orientalibus regionibus (East Franks) idola adorarent et sine baptismo manerent. Cf.
Chronicon Virdunense (written about 1115) in Bouquet Rer. Gall. et Franc. script. t. iii. p.
364. But for this even the clergy abused him after his death. Boniface wrote to Athelbald, kiing of Mercia, to deter him from a similar course (Baronius ann. 745 no. 11): Carolus
quoqLue Princeps -Francorum, multorum nionasteriorum  eversor, et ecclesiasticaruam pe.




550               SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 622-726.
The  Spanish  Church  appears  to  have gradually  relaxed  in
humble subjection  to the Roman see since catholicism  had prevailed  among the Goths likewise;  although  that subordination
had been shown as long as the Church stood under the pressure
of Arianism.4    Here also the king, as feudal lord of the bishops,
was the head of the Church;5 but at the same time the bishops
attained to a peculiarly great importance, both by their weighty
voice in the election of the king, and by the necessity of supporting  a  tottering  throne  by  means  of spiritual authority.'
cuniarum in usus proprios commutator, longa torsione et verenda morte consumtus est.
(This passage, however, is wanting in the editions of Boniface's letters, ap. Serarius, Ep.
19). A hundred years later, on the contrary, Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims, in the prologus in vitam b. Remigii (written about 854), and still more fully in his Epist. Synodi
Carisiacensis ad Ludov. Germ. Regem, A.D. 858 (Capitularia Caroli Calvi, tit. xxvii. c. 7,
ap. Baluzius, ii. p. 108. Bouquet, 1. c. p. 659): Carolus Princeps, Pipini Regis pater, qui
primus inter omnes Francorum Reges ac Principes res Ecclesiarum ab eis separavit atque
divisit, pro hoc solo maxime est aeternaliter perditus. Nam S. Eucherius Aurelianensiumr
Episc.-in oratione positus ad alterum est saeculum raptus, et inter caetera, quae Domino
sibi ostendente conspexit, vidit illum in inferno inferiori torqueli. Cui interP'oganti ab
Angelo ejus ductore responsum est, quia Sanctorum judicatione, qui in futuro judicio cum
Domino judicabunt, quorumque res abstulit et divisit, ante illud judicium anima et corpore
sempiternis poenis est deputatus, et recipit simnl cumi suis peccatis poenas propter peccata omnium, qui res suas et facultates in honore et amore Domlini ad Sanctorum loca in
luminaribus divini cultus, et alimoniis servorum  Christi ac pauperum  pro animarum
suarum redemtione tradiderant. Qui in se reversus S. Bonifacium et Fulradum, Abbatem
monasterii S. Dionysii, et summum Capellanumn Regis Pipini ad se vocavit, eisque talia
dicens in signum dedit, ut ad sepulchrum illins irent, et si corpus ejus ibidem non reperissent, ea quae dicebat, vera esse concrederent. Ipsi autem-sepalchrum illius aperientea,
visus est subito exisse dracc, et totum illud sepulchrum interius inventum est denigratum,
ac si fuisset exustum. NoS antem illos vidilmus, qui usque ad nostram aetatem duraverunt, qui huic rei interfuerunt, et nobis viva voce veraciter sunt testati quae audierunt
atque viderunt. Cf. Acta SS. Februarii, t. iii. p. 211, ss.
4 Planck's Gesch. d. christl. kirchl. Gesellschaftsverfassung, Bd. ii. 692, ff. On the
Romish vicars in Spain who appeared during the Arian period, see P. de Marca de Concordia Sac. et Imp. lib. v. c. 42.  Caj. Cenni de Antiquitate Eccl. Hispanae (2 tomfi.
Romae. 1741. 4) i. 200.
5 The king called councils, Cenni, ii. 89, and was supreme judge, even of bishops, ii. 153.
6 Planck, ii. 235, 246. Gregor. Tur. Hist. Franc. iii. c. 30: Sumpserant enim Gothi hanc
detestabilem consuetudinem, ut si quis eis de regibus non placuisset, gladio eum adpeterent: et qui libuisset animo, hunc sibi statuerent regem. Comp. in particular, Concil.L
Tolet. iv. (633) cap. 75 (ap. Mansi, x. p. 637, ss.): Post instituta quaedam ecclesiastici
ordinis-postrema nobis cunctis sacerdotibus sententia est, pro robore nostrorum regum et
stabilitate gentis Gothorum pontificale, ultimum sub Deo judice ferre decretum. A long
admonition to maintain fidelity to the kings. Then: Nullus apud nos praesumtione regnum arripiat, nullus excitet mutuas seditiones civium, nemo meditetur interitus regum:.
sed et defuncto in pace principe, primates totius gentis cum sacerdotibus successoremu
regni concilio communi constituant. Then follows the solemn condemnation of every one
who should resist: Anathema sit in conspectu Dei Patris et angelorum, atque ab ecclesia
catholica, quam profanaverit perjurio, efficiatur extraneus, et ab omni coetu Christianorlm.
alienus cum omnibus impietatis suae sociis, etc. Finally: Anathema sit in conspectu
C hristi et apostolorum ejws, atque ab ecclesia cath. etc. as above. Finally, Anathema sit




CHAP. III.-WESTERN  CHURCH. g 132. SPAIN.                      551
Thus the connection  with  Rome  ceased.7   The  bishop  of the
royal metropolis, Toledo, was primate  of the  Spanish  Church,8
and raised himself to a self-reliance,  which  exhibited itself very
decidedly even in opposition to the Roman see.9 King Witizia
(701-710) at length broke off all connection with it;LO but this
in conspectu Spiritus Sancti, et martyrum Christi, etc.-But further on also: Te quoque
praesentenl regem, futurosque sequentium aetatum principes humilitate qua debemus deposcimus, ut moderati et mites erga subjectos existentes cum justitia et pietate populos a
Deo vobis creditos regatis.-Ne quisquam vestrum solus in causis capitum aut rerum sententiam ferat, sed consensu publico, cum rectoribus, ex judicio manifesto delinquentium
culpa patescat.-Sane de futuris regibus banc sententiam promulgamus, ut si quis ex eis
contra reverentiam legum, superba dominatione et fastu regio, in flagitiis et facinore, sive
cupiditate crudelissimam potestatem in populis exercuerit, anathematis sententia a Christo
domino condemnetur, et habeat a Deo separationem atque judicium, etc.
7 Cenni, ii. 46, 62, 154.                                      8 Cenni, ii. 197.
9 From Gregorii M. lib. vii. Ep. 125, 126, it is plain that the same sent the pallium to
Archbishop Leander of Seville. It may be that the latter was already dead (t 599) when
it carne to him, so that for this reason no trace is found of his receiving it, as Cenni, ii.
225, supposes. That little value generally was attributed to the Roman pallium, is proved
by the fact that the succeeding archbishops did not seek for it, and that, before the invasion of the Saracens, no other Roman pallium came to Spain, Cenni, ii. 252.-That selfreliance and independence are expressed particularly in the explanations of Archbishop
Julian of Toledo, respecting tne remarks made by Benedict II. against his confession of
faith, in Cone. Toletan. xv. (688) ap. Mansi, xii. 9. They conclude with the words, p. 17:
Jaml vero si post haec et ab ipsis dogmatibus patrum, quibus haec prolata sunt, in quocumque [Romani] dissentiant, non jam cum illis est amplius contendenduns, sed, majorum
directo calle inhaerentes vestigiis, erit per divinum judicium amatoribus veritatis responsio
nostra sublimis, etiamsi ab ignorantibus aemulis censeatur indocilis.
10 Witizia is a remarkable example of tie manner in which the clergy, treating of the
historical persons of the middle ages, handled those who displeased them. The oldest
writer of his history, Isidorus Pacensis (about 754. Chronicon in Espafia Sagrada por Henrique Florez, t. viii. p. 282, ss.), speaks in highly commendatory terms of his reign. He
notices the ecclesiastical regulations made under his sanction in two places; first at the
Aera, 736 (698, p. C.), when WTitiza reigned along with his father Egica, p. 296: Per idem
tempus Felix, urbis Regiae Toletanae Sedis Episcopus, gravitatis et prudentia excellentia
nimia pollet, et Concilia satis praeclara etiam adhuc cumr ambobus Principibus agit. (To
these councils also belongs Cone. Toletan. xviii. (701) at which, perhaps, the decrees above
alluded to were enacted. Cf. Roderici Ximenii Hist. Hispan. iii. c. 15: Hic [Witiza] in
ecclesia S. Petri, quae est extra Toletum, cure episcopis et magnatibus super ordinatione
regni concilium celebravit, quod tamen in corpore canonum. non habetur.)  The second
passage of Isidorus, p. 298: Per idem tempus (toward the end of Witiza's reign) divinae
memoriae Sinderedus urbis Regiae Metropolitanus Episcopus sanctimoniae studio claret:
atque longaevos et merito honorabiles viros, quos in suprafata sibi commissa Ecclesia
repetit, non secundum scientiam zelo sanctitatis stimulat (probably he was zealous against
unchastity) atque instinctu jam. dicti Witizae Principis eos sub ejus tempore convexare
non cessat. The first aspersions of Witiza appear in the Frankish Chron. Moissiacense
(about 818) ad ann. 715, in Pertz Monumenta Germaniae Hist. i. 290: His temporibus in
Spania super Gothos regnabat Witicha.-Iste deditus in feminis, exemplo suo sacerdotes
ac populumn luxuriose vivere docuit, irritans furoremr Domini. Sarraceni tune in Spania
ingrediuntur. In Spain these aspersions first appear in the Chron. Sebastiani Episc. Salmanticensis seu Alphonsi III. Regis (about 866 in Espafia Sagrada, t. xiii.) They have
been extended and exaggerated by Rodericus Ximenius, archbishop of Toledo, in the historia Hispania (A.D. 1243) lib. iii. c. 15-17, and Lucas, Episc. Tudensi, in the continuation




552               SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 622-726.
step was attended with no important consequence, inasmuch as
an incursion of the Saracens took place soon after.
~ 133.
ECCLESIASTICAL CONDITION OF THE BRITISH ISLANDS.
Among the Anglo-Saxons, Christianity had at first to struggle  against heathenism   with  various  fortune, but was  afterward diffused by degrees in all the Anglo-Saxon states.   Those
who  preached it were for the  most part Roman  missionaries;
Northuzm berland alone being  converted  by  the  Scottish  clergy,
who  introduced  here  the  regulations  of the  ancient  British
Church.   Old controversies between  them   and the Roman-English  clergy  were  soon  renewed; however, after a  conference
between both parties  at the  synod  of  Strenechal (now  Whitby, not far from  York, Synodus  Pharensis  664), the king  of
Northumberland,  Oswin, decided in  favor of the  Roman  ordinances.l   And since the well-ordered schools of the Irish nionasof Isidore's Chronicon (A.D. 1236). After relating many infamous deeds of Witiza, it is
stated by Rodericus, 1. c. c. 16, in Andr. Schotti Hispania illustrata (Francof. 1603. 4 tomi,
fol.) ii. 62: Verum quia ista sibi in facie resistebant [clerici], propter vexationem pontificis
[Episc. Toletani] ad Romanum pontificem  appellabant. Vitiza facinorosus timens, ne
suis criminibus obviarent, et populemn ab ejus obedientia revocarent, dedit licentiam, immo
praeceptlm, omnibus clericis, ut uxores et concubinas unam et plures haberent jnxta libitum voluptatis, et ne Romanis constitutionibus, quae talia prohibent, in aliquo obedirent,
et sic per eos populus retineretur. Lucas Tudensis (ibid. iv. 69): Et noe adversus eum insurgeret s. ecclesia, episcopis, presbyteris, diaconibus et caeteris ecclesiae Christi ministris carnales uxores lascivus Rex habere praecepit, et noe obedirent Romano Pontifici sub
mortis interminatione prohibuit. The state of the matter appears to have been this.'Witiza, in conjunction with Silderedus, archbishop of Toledo, opposed licentiousness in
priests, and perceived that it could be eradicated only by allowing them to marry. The
latter had beenlgeneral among the Arians, and abolished when they joined the Catholic
Church (cf. Cone. Tolet. iii. ann. 589, c. 5): Compertum  est a sancto Concilio, Episcopos,
Presbyteros et Diaconos venientes ex haerese carnali adhuc desiderio uxoribus copulari:
ne ergo de cetero fiat, etc. Thus the prejudicial alteration, which had been introduced for
one hundred years by the prohibition of the council, could be clearly noticed. Hence Witiza allowed priests to marry, and declared the Roman decretals, forbidding it, to be of no
binding force. Comp. a defense of King Witiza by Don Gregorio Mayans y Siscar, translated into German, from the Spanish, in Btisching's Magazin fiir die neue Historie und
Geographie, i. 379, if. Aschbach's Gesch. der Westgothen, S. 303, ff.
Bedae Hist. eccl. gentis Anglorum, iii. 25. The remarlkable conclusion of the dispute
between the Scotch bishop, Colman, and the English presbyter, Wilfrid. The former appealed to Anatolins and Columba, the latter to Peter, and closed with the passage, Matth.
xvi. 18: Ta es Petrus, etc. King Oswin then said: Verene, Colmane, haec illi Petro
dicta sunt a Domino? Qui ait: vere, Rex. At ille: habetis, inquit, vos proferre aliquid




CHAP. III, —WESTERN  CHURCH. ~ 133. BRITISH ISLANDS.    553
teries always attracted  many  young  Anglo-Saxons to  Ireland,2
and by this means might become dangerous to the Roman regulations, Rome sent forth  into  England, for the purpose  of giving  a  check  to  this  influence, the  learned  Theodore, born  at
Tarsus, as archbishop of Canterbury (668-690), and the abbot
Hadrian, who every where strengthened the Roman ordinances,
and, by the erection of schools, rendered those journies to Ireland
superfluous.3   No less active in favor of the Romish  Church was
also  BTifricd, a noble Anglo-Saxon,4 who, even  when  a young
priest, had turned  the  scale  at the  synod  of Whitby, had been
afterward  for  a  time  bishop  of York;  and, driven  thence, had
preached, not without fruit, to the Frieslanders; and, lastly, had
converted Sussex (about 680,' t 709), where heathenism  remained
longest among the Anglo-Saxons.
tantae potestatis vestro Coluimbae datum?  At.ille ait: nihil. Rursum autem Rex: si
utrique vestrum, inquit, in hoc sine ulla controversia consentiunt, quod haec principaliter
Petro dicta, et ei claves regni caelorum sunt datae a Domino?  Responderunt: etiam
utique. At ille ita conclusit: et ego vobis dico, quia hic est ostiarius ille, cui ego contradicere nolo, sed in quantumn novi vel valeo, hujus cupio in omnibus obedire statutis, ne
forte me adveniente ad fores regni caelorum, non sit qui reserat, averso illo qui claves
tenere probatur. Haec dicente Rege faverent assidentes quique sive adstantes, majores
una cum mediocribus, et abdicata minus perfecta institutione, ad ea quae meliora cognoverant, sese transferre festinabant.
2 Beda, iii. 27: Miulti nobilium  simul et mediocrium de gente Anglorunm, —relicta insula
patria, vel divinae lectionis vel continentioris vitae gratia ido secesserant. Et quidam
quidem mox se monasticae conversationi fideliter mancipaverunt, alii magis circumeundo
per cellas magistrorunm lectioni operam dare gaudebant: quos omnes Scoti libentissime
suscipientes, vidtum eis quotidianum  sine pretio, libros quoq-ue ad legendum et magisterium
gratuitum praebere curabant. Cf. Murray in Nov. Comm. Soc. Gott. (see above, ~ 126,
note 3) t. i. p. 109.
3 Beda, iv. 2.  (Theodorus) peragrata insula tota, quaquaversum  Anglorum  gentes
morabantur,-rectum  vivendi ordinem, rituma  celebrandri pascha canonicum, per omnia
comitante et cooperante Adriano disseminabat. Isque primus erat archiepiscopus, cui
omnis Anglorum ecclesia manus dare consentiret. Et quia literis sacris simul et saecularibus, ut diximus, abundanter ambo erant instructi, conmgregata discipulorum  caterva,
scientiae salutaris quotidie flumina irrigandis eorun cordibus emanabant: ita ut etiam
metricae artis, astronomicae et arithmeticae ecclesiasticae disciplinam  inter sacrorum
apicum volumina suis auditoribus contraderent. Indicio est, quod usque hodie supersullt
de eorum discipulis, qui latinam graecamque linguam aeque ut propriam, in qua nati sunt,
norunt. Neque unquam prorsus ex quo Britanniam petierunt Angli, feliciora fuere tempora, dum et fortissimos christianosque habentes reges cunctis barbaris nationibus essent
terrori, et omniumn vota ad nuper audita caelestis regni gaudia penderent: et quicunque
lectionibus sacris cuperent erudiri, baberent in promtu m agistros qui docerent: et sonos
cantandi in ecclesia-ab hoc tempore per omnes Anglorumn ecclesias discere coeperunt, etc.
4 Vita S. Wilfridi by the contemporary Eddius (/Eddi), cognomento Stephanus (cantandi
magister in Northumbrorum Ecclesiis, invitatus de Cantia a reverendissimo viro Wilfrido,
Beda Hist. eccl. iv. 2), in Th. Gale Historiae Britacnicae, Saxonicae, Anglodanicae Scriptores xv. Oxoi. 1691. fol. p. 40. Lappenberg's Geschichte von England. Bd. 1 (Hamburg.
1834), S. 167.




%554              SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 622-726.
It is true that the original missionary dependence of the Anglo-Saxon  Church  on  Rlome  gradually  ceased;  here  also  the
kings put themselves in possession of the same ecclesiastical
privileges, which kings asserted in the other German  kingdoms;5
the Latin  language,connecting with Rome, was obliged to allow
along with itself, even in the Liturgy, the Anglo-Saxon tongue;6
but notwithstanding such considerations, Rome continued to
maintain  an authority  in the Anglo-Saxon  Church which it did
not now exercise in any other German Church.7
Emulation with the Irish institutions for educational purposes
also introduced into the Anglo-Saxon schools a very great activity.   Not only did they  distinguish  themselves by the study  of
the  Greek  language, which  Theodore  had  established  in  the
whole of the west, but its stimulus unquestionably contributed to
the development of the Anglo-Saxon dialect, already even as a
written language.8 At the end of this period, England possessed
the most learned man of the west, the 7Venerable Bede, a monk
in  the  monastery of Peter and Paulc at Yarrow  (t 735).9   The
6 Theodore was still in Rome when nominated Archbishop of Canterbury, after Wighard,
who had been sent thither to be ordained, had died (B eda, iii. 29, iv. 1). But the decision
of Rome in favor of Wilfrid, who had been expelled firom the see of York (Eddius in vita
Wilfridi, ap. Gale, i. 67), was not regarded; Wilfrid, on the contrary, was put in captivity
(1. c. p. 69). The bishops were for the most part appointed by the kings (Lappenberg's
Gesch. v. England, i. 183), who had also the power of confirming the decrees of synods,
and the highest judicial power over the clergy (Lappenberg, i. 194).
6 Lappenberg, i. 196.          7 Planck's christ. kirchl. Gesellschaftsverf. ii. 704, if.
8 Caedmon, a monk in the monastery of Streaneshalh t 680 (Beda, iv. 24, non ab hominibus,-sed divinitus adjutus gratis canendi donum accepit), author of poetical paraphrases
of biblical books, especially of Genesis. See Caedmon's metrical paraphrase of parts of
the Holy Scriptures, in Anglo-Saxon, by Benj. Thorpe. London. 1832. 8.-Aldhelm, abbot
of Malmesbury, afterward bishop of Sherborne (t 709), translated the Psalms (King Alfred
said of him, according to Wilhelm. Malmesb. ap. Gale, i. 339: Nulla unquam  aetate par
ei fuit quisquam poesin anglicam posse facere, tanturn componere, eadem  apposite vel
canere vel dicere). As early as the year 680, there existed a version of the four gospels
by Aldred. (Selden Praef. ad Scriptt. Hist. Angl. ed. Twysden, p. 25): also Ekbert, bishop
of Lindisfarne, translated the gospels; Bede, the gospel of John.-Beowulf, a heroic poem,
received its present form at this time from the hands of Christians (ed. G. F. Thorkelin,
Kopenh. 1817. 4, translated into German by L. Ettmiller. Zurich. 1840. 8). In like manner, about the year 700, there existed a poem (by Aldhelm?) descriptive of the conversion
of the Myrmidonians by the apostle Andrew, and another on the finding of the cross by the
empress Helena, composed by one Cynewulf. See Andrew and Elene, published by J.
Grimm. Cassel. 1840. 8vo.
9 As a proof of his wide-spread fame is adduced Sergii P. I. Ep. ad Ceolfridum (abbot
of the cloister there, A.D. 700, quoted in Guilelmi Malmsburiensis (t 1143) de Reb. gestis
Regum  Angl. i. 3: Hortamur Deo dilectam bonitatis tuae religiositatem, ut, quia exortis
quibusdam ecclesiasticarum causaram capitulis (without doubt the cloister in question),
non sine examinatione longius innotescendis, opus nobis snt ad conferendum artis literatura imbuti,-absque aliqua immoratione religiosum  famulum  Dei (Bedam) venerabilis




CHAP. III.-WESTERN  CHURCH. ~ 133. BRITISH  ISLANDS.  55
new branch of ecclesiastical literature founded by John the Faster, in his penitential law-book, had been first adopted in the west
by the British Church,l~ and, after its example, was also  used
among  the Anglo-Saxons by  Theodore, Becde, and Egbert of
York (t 767).1    On  the  other hand, these libelli poenilentiales
do not seem to have as yet obtained currency any where out of
England.
Endeavors were always proceeding from the Anglo-Saxon
states to reconcile the Britons and Irish with the Roman Church
as  the  common  mother-church,l2  and to  unite  them  with  the
Church of the Anglo-Saxons. But although the abbot Adammonasterii tui ad veneranda limina Apostolorum principnm dominorum meorum Petri et
Pauli, amatorum tuorum ac protectorum, ad nostrae mediocritatis conspectum non moreris
dirigere. Stevenson, however, in his Introduction prefixed to Bedae Opp Hist. tom. 1,
p. x., shews that the word Bedam is wanting in an old MS. of this epistle, and was inserted by William of Malmesbury, but that Bede could not have been called at that time.
-Bede's writings embrace Natural Philosophy, Chronology, Philosophy, Grammar, Astronomy, Arithmetic, etc., and give a view of all the learning of the time. In particular,
Historia ecclesiast. gentis Anglo-um libb. v., from Julius Caesar till 731 (ed. Fr. Chiffletius.
Paris. 1681. 4. Joh. Smith. Cantabrig. 1722. fol.). De sex aetatibus mundi liber. Lives
of English monks. (Opera historica ad fidem Codd. MSS. rec. Jos. Stevenson, t. ii. Lond.
1838-41. 8.) Numerous commentaries on the Holy Scriptures, homilies, letters, etc. Opp.
ed. Basil. 1563. t. viii. fol. Colon. 1688. t. iv. fol. ed. J. A. Giles, 5 voll. Lond. 1843. 8. H.
Gehle Disp. de Bedae Yen. vita et scriptis. Lugd. Bat. 1838. 8.
10 These libelli poenitentiales were constantly altered, that they might continue useful
in practice: on the other hand, the earlier were transferred more or less verbally into the
later. Hence hardly any one has come down to us entirely free from alterations; and in
many cases it is difficult to decide to what author an extant poenitentiale is to be attributed.
Amolng the Irish the oldest known was that of Columbanus, a part of which was published
in Colomb. Opp. ed. Patric. Fleming. Lovan. 1667. (See F. F. Mone's Quellen u.
Forschungen zur Gesch. d. teutschen Literatur u. Sprache. Bd. 1. Aachen u. Leipzig.
1830. S. 494), another by Cumin (t 661), an extract from which was published by Fleming,
I. c. and Bibl. PP. Lugd. xii. 42 (see Mone, S. 490), and which is the same work as the
so-called Canones poenitentiales Hieronymi (Opp. ed. Martianay, v. 5) (Mone, S. 497).
11 Theodori Liber poenitentialis, printed in its oldest existing form in the ancient laws
and institutes of England, London. 1840. fol. and taken from this in Dr. F. Kuntsmann's
latein. P6nitentialbiicher der Angelsachsen. Mainz. 1844. S. 43. Theodori capitula de
redemptione peccatorum (ap. Kuntsmann, P. 106), give the oldest instructions how to
purchase penitential seasons by singing, prayer, and by money.-Beda de remediis
peccatorum  (ap. Kuntsmann, S. 142), elaborated, perhaps, by Egbert; and therefore
Bede's canons are also occasionally attributed to the latter, and the B allerini de Ant. collectionibus canonum p. iv. c. 6, have assigned the whole to him. Egbert's Poenitential,
Latin and Anglo-Saxon, is given in Wilkin's Conc. M. Brit. i..A -fourth book was published by Mone, i. c. i. 501. Comp. Ballerini, 1. c. Wasserschleben's Beitrage zur
Gesch. u. Kenntnisz der Beichtbiicler in dess. Beitr. zur Gesch. d. vorgratianischen
Kirchenrechtsquellen. Leipzig. 1839. S. 78.
12 Hence the fable which first appears in Beda, i. 4, that the British king, Lucius, in
the second century, applied to Pope Eleutherus, obsecrans, ut per ejus manadatum Christianus efficeretur, and that the British church was thus founded. Cf. D. Thiele de Ecclesiaa
britanln. primordiis partt. 2 (Halae. 1839. 8.) i. 10, ii. 14.




SECOND PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 622-72G
zan, at the beginning of the eighth century, had labored to effect
this object, not without success among the Britons od  in  the
south  of Ireland,l3 and the monk  Ecbert had  gained  over the
northern Picts to the side of Rome,"4 yet the breach was not
removed  by  this means.l5    It was  not till the  decline  of the
Irish  Church  amid  the  continued  civil wars,l6 that, toward  the
end of the eleventh  century, Dublin  first came to attach  itself
to the archbishop of Canterbury;17 afterward the archbishop of
Armagh,.lialachy (t 1148), was active in  favor of Rome;18 till
at last Ireland  and Wales were conquered  by  Henry  II.,1'  and'3 Beda, v. 16.                                                   i4 Beda, v. 23.
15 Beda, v. 24, says, when he speaks of theqlndition of his times (735): Britones
maxima ex parte domlestico sibi odio genteml Anglorum et totius catholicae Ecclesiac
statumn pascha minus recto moribusque improbis impugnant.  About the same time
Gregory III. (731-741) warns the German bishops of the British errors. See an epistle
among those of Boniface Ep. 129: Gentilitatis ritum et doctrinam, vel venientium Britonum
abjiciatis.
16 Bernardus Claraevall. de vita S. Malachiae, c. 10 (Opp. ed. Moutfaucon, i. 673): Mos
pessimus inoleverat quorandum diabolica ambitione procerum, sedem sanctam  (Armachanam) obtentum iri haereditaria successione. Nec enim patiebantur episcopari, nisi
qui essent de tribu et familia sua.-Et eo usque firmlaverat sibi jus pravullm-generatio
malla,-ut etsi interdumt  defecissent clerici de sanguine illo, sed Episcopi nunquam.
Denique jam octo exstiterantt ante Celsum viri uxorati, et absque Ordinibus, literati tamern
Inde tota illa per universam  Hiberniam-dissolutio ecclesiasticae disciplinae, censurae
enervatio, religionis evacuatio.-Nam —sine ordine, sine rationoe mutabantur et multplicabantur Episcopi pro libitu Metropolitani, ita ut unls Episcopatus uno non esset contentus,
sed singulae paene Ecclesiae singulos haberent Episcopos. Hence also, perhaps, may be
explained the statement of Ekkelhardus (t 1070, a. monk ill St. Gallen, to which place
many Irish came at that time) in his Liber benedictioneml: In Hibernia Episcopi et Presbyteri unum sunt (ex MS. in Arx Gesch. v. St. Gallen, i. 267).
17 LanfranC, A.D. 1074, consecrated Patricius, who was chosen bishop of Dublin, and
obtained from him the promise of canonical obedience. All subsequent bishops of Dublin
were consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury. See J. Usseri Vetemum epistolarum
hibernicaruml  sylloge, Dublinii. 1632. 4. p. 68, 118, 136, bilt for thils very reason hated by
the other Irish bishops. After this Gillebertus Ep. Lunicensis (of Limerick) endeavored
as well as Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, to induce the other Irish also to come to the
same conclusion, 1. c. p. 77, ss. rThe church of Waterford also attached itself to England
1096, p. 9'2.
s8 He stood in close connection with St. Bernard, and died in a jourley to Rome in
Clairvaux. Bernard wrote on this lib. de vita et rebus gestis S. Malachiae (Opp. ed.
Montf. i. 663). Malachy'was legatls sedis Apost. per totam Hiberniamr, but did not desire
the palliumn. In Clairvaux he, educated young Irishmen, and then founded by their
instrumentality, Cistercian monasteries in Ireland (vita Mal. c. 16. Usserii Vett. epist.
hibern. p. 102). Immediately after him came the first pallia to Ireland. See Chronica de
Mailros (ed. Edinburgi. 1835. 4) p. 74: Anno MCLI Papa Eugenius quatuor pallia per
legatum suum Johannem Papirum transmisit in Hiberniam, quo nunquam antea pallium
delatsno fuerat.
9 Pope Hadrian IV. made a gift of Irelanld, A.D. 1155, to the king. See the Bull in
Usserii Vett. epist. bib. p. 109; comp. Johannis Sarisburiensis (who, as royal embassador,
had prevailed on the pope to do so) Metalogicus lib. iv. in fine. Giraldi Cambrensis (about
1190) Expugnatio Hiberniae (in the Historicis AnlgI. Normannicis. Francof. 1602. fol.)




CHAP. III.-WESTERN  CHl1CTRUH. 0134. GERMANY.                     557
thus the complete  connection  of it-e British  and Irish  Church
with Rile was effected.
~ 34.
SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITTI IN GE:RMANY.
Schmidt's Kirchengesch. iv. 10. Neander's Kirche:ngesch. iii. 72. Rettberg's Gesch. d.
Kirche Deutschlands. Bd. i.. Gttingen. 1845.
The attempts to convert the Ger.mans, whether made by
Franks, or by Irish and Anoo-Saxons, wvere as yet but partially
successful.
The  Irish  Kilian' lost his  life  in  the  cause at Wiirzburg
(689);  as  also  Emmeran2  at Ratisbon  (654).   In  Bavaria,
however, better  success  attended  Ruperli,'     bishop  of Worms,
who  baptized  Duke  Theodore  II. (t   96),9   and  founded  the
Church of Salzburg  (t 718);  as also Coirbinzbn,4 who gathered
a church in Freisingen (t 730).
On the other hand, Anglo-Saxon monks endeavored to spread
Christianity among the kindred north-German  races.    Wilfirid
was the first who preached  among  the  Frieslanders  (t  677).5
M. Chr. Sprengel's Gesch. v. Grossbritannien. TIh. 1 (a continuation of the Univ,-.rsal History of the world, part 47) S. 433.-Wales was conquered since 1157. See Giraldi Cambr.
IDescriptio Camnbriae (in the above quoted collection). Sprengel, i. c. p. 378.
Acta SS. ad d. 8 Jul. C. F. Hefele's Gesch. d. Einffibrung des Christenth. iml sud-.
westl. Deutschland. Tiibingen. 1837..S. 372.
2 See life of Aribo, fourth bishop of Freisingen (t 753). See Acta SS. add. 22 Sept. B. A.
Winter's Vorarbeiten zur Beleuchtung d. baier. u. 6sterr. Kirchengesclh.  (2 Bde. Milnchen.
1805, 1810), ii. 153. According to Winter, ii. 169, he was not a native of Pictaviunm, in
West Francolia, as has been usually assumed, but of Petavio, now Petau, in Pannonia.
3 Act. SS. ad d. 27 Mart.  Rupert came to Bavaria at the time of a Frankish  King
Childebert. According to the Salzburg tradition, the king was Childebert II., at the end
of the sixth century; but, according to Valesius, Mabillon, Pagi, and especially Hansiz
Germania sacra, ii. 51) Childebert III., a hundred years later. On the contrary, M. Filz,
a Benedictine, and Professor in Salzburg, has reasserted, conformnably to the ancient tradition, that Rupert came to Bavaria, A.D. 580, and died in 623. See his treatise on the true
period of the apostel. WVirksamkeit d. heil. Rupert in Baiern. Salzburg. 1831. 8. The
samle writer in the Anzeigelblatt. d. Wiener Jahrb. d. Literatur, Bd. 64 (1833), S. 23. Bd.
80 (1837), S. 1. In the mean time, however, the younger age of Rupert is maintained by
Blumberger, Benedictine in G6ttweih. in the Vienna Jahr. Bd. 73. S. 242. u. Bd. 74. S.
147, and by Rudhart in the Munich gel. Anzeigen. Bd. 5. 1837. S. 587.
4 See life of Aribo, bishop of Freisingen. See Acta SS. ad d. 8 Sept.
5 See ~ 133, note 4. Beda Hist. eccl. v. 19. Eddius ap. Gale p. 64. H. J. Royaards
Geschiedenis der invoering en vestiging van bet Christendom in Nederland 3te uTitg.
Utrecht. 1844. p. 127.




658               SECOND PERIOD.-(-DIV. III. —A.D. 622-726.
Afterward Willebrord, first bi 3hop of Wiltaburg (Utrecht) from
696-739  labored, along with' his associates,6 with  liach  success, under  the  protection  o f the  Franks, among  Me  West
Frieslanders  and  the  surrolinding  territories;  but the  East
Frieslanders remained steadfast to paganism.   The Saxons even
murdered the two Ewcalds'who visited  them;7 and  Suidbert,8
who had at first been receiT7ed among the Boructiarii, was afterward obliged to retreat, w'.en they were subdued by the Sax-ons; and obtained from  Pipin  an island in the Rhine to establish a convent on it (Kais3aerswerth) j- 713.
6 Beda Hist. eccl. v. c. 10, ss. -Villebrord's life by Alcuin in Mabillonii Act. SS. Ord.
Bened. Saec. iii. P. i. p. 601. Royaards, p. 159. 0
7 Beda, v. c. 11. Acta SS. ad. 3 Oct. L. v. Ledebur das Land u. Yolk der Bructerer.
Berlin. 1827. S. 277. Royaards, p. 201.
8 Beda, v. c. 12. Acta SS. ad. d. 1 Mart. Ledebur, S. 280. Royaards, p. 197.




ADDITIONAL REFERENCES AND NOTES,
BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR.
Q 1. The Idea of the Church.-Prof. Leo, of Halle, in his Ferienschriften, Halle, 1847, contends for the Celtic origin of the word kirche, church. In the Celtic, cyrch or cylch designates the central point, around which something is gathered, the place of assemblage.
Kurtz, Kirchengeschichte, Bd. 1, Q 1, remarks, " that the introduction of the word among
the Anglo-Saxons, and through English missionaries among the Germans," is the most
probable hypothesis. For the idea of the church, cf. Dr. A. Petersen, Die Idee d. Kirche.
3 Thle. 1843-45.-Rev. Arthur Litton, Church of Christ in its Idea, etc. Lond. 1851.-WV.
Palmer, on the Church, 2. 1841.-The Princeton Repertory, 1846, 1853, 1854.-Field, B. of
the Church (1628), new ed. by R. Eden, 4. 8. 1853.-Munchmeyer, d. Dogma von der sichtbaren und der unsichtbaren Kirche. 1854.-J. Miller, d. unsichtbare Kirche, Deutsche
Zeitschrift. 1851.-Scherer, l'Eglise. 1844.
Q 2. On the general subject of this section, the most important recent work is, Baur's
Epochen der kirchlichen Geschichtschreibung, Tubingen, 1852, written to sustain the
views of the Tiibingen school.-Hagenbach, Neander's Services as a Church Historian,
transl. in Bib. Sacra, vol. viii. 1851.-Niedner, Zeichnung des Umfangs ftir d. Inhalt d.
Gesch. d. christl. Religion: in Studien u. Kritiken. 1853.
W. Brown, History of the Propagation of Christianity among the Heathen since the
Reformation. New edition, 3. 8. Edinb. 1854.-J. Wiggers, Geschichte der evangelischen
Mission, 2. 8. 1844-45.-Origin and History of Missions. By T. Smith and J. O. Choules,
2, 4. Bost. 1838. —Henrion, histoire generale des missions catholiques, depuis le xiii.
sicle. Paris, 1844. 2. 8.
The State in its Relations with the Church. By W. E. Gladstone, Esq. 4th ed. 2. 8.
1841.-Dr. Pusey on the Royal Supremacy. 1849.
The History of Doctrines. —Dr. Hagenbach's History of Doctrines, transl. by C. W.
Buck, 2. 8. 2d edition. Edinb. 1853, from the third German edition.-Mim2scher's Ele
ments of Dogmatic History, transl. by Jas. Murdock, D.D. 12. New Haven, 1830.- Theod.
Kliefoth, Einleitung in d. Dogmengesch. 8. 1839.-Of Meier's Dogmengesch. a new edition appeared in 1854, edited by G. Baur.-Dr. F. Ch. Baur, Lehrbuch d. christlichen
Dogmengeschichte, 8. Stuttg. 1847.-Dr. H. Klee (Bonn) Lehrbuch der Dogmengesch.
2. 8. Mainz. 1837,'8, from the Roman Catholic point ofview.-Marheinecke, Vorlesungen
uber d. Dogmengesch.: a posthumous publication, 8. 1849.-L. Noack, Dogmengesch.
Erlangen, 1853.-Carl Beck, Christ]. Dogmengesch. Weimar, 1848.-Other earlier works
are, Bertholdt, 1823; Ruperti, 1830; and Lentz, 1834.-Vorlander, Tabellen d. Dogmengesch. nach Neander. Hamb. 1835,'7, to A.D. 604. On the history of doctrines, Neander's General History is very full.
On the general subject of the History of Doctrines and its historians, compare Kling, in
Studien u. Kritiken. 1840, 1841, 1843; NTiedner, zur neuesten Dogmengesch. u. Dogmatik, in Allg. Monatsschrift. 1851; Engelhardt, in Zeitschrift fur d. hist. Theologie. 1852,'3,'4, a review and criticism of the literature. —Niedner, d. Recht d. Dogmen im Christenthume, in the same Zeitschrift. 1852; Dortenbach, d. Methode d. Dogmengesch. in Steu




I'D' 60               VWORKS IN  CHURCH  HISTORY.
dien u. Kritiken.  1852; (Thomasius), Aufgabe d. Dogmengesch. in Zeitschrift fiir Protestantismus, Bd. 3.-Kling, "Dogmengeschichte" in the Real-Encyclop. f. Prot. Theologie.
History of Special Doctrines.-Corrodi, Chiliasmus, 4 Bde. 1794. —Baur, Versohnung.
1838. —Baur, Dreieinigkeit, 3 Bde. 1841-45.-Dorner, d. Person. Christi. 2te Aufl. 184555, 2. 2. 1 (the Reformation).-Meier, Trinitat. 1844.-Jacobi, Tradition, 1. 1847.-Kahnis, vom heiligen Geiste, 1. 1847.-Hofting, Taufe, 2. 1847,'8.-Ebrard, Abendmnahl, 2.
1846. —Kahnis, Abendmahl. 1851.-Helfferich, Mystik, 2. 1842. —Guder, d. Erscheinung
Jesu unter d. Todten. 1853.-F. Huydekoper, Belief of first three Centuries on Christ's
Mission to the Underworld.  Boston, 1854.-K6nig, Christi Hollenfahrt.  1844. —1aywahlen, d. Todtenreich. 1854.
History of Theology.-Dr. W. Gass has begun an important work on the " History of
the Protestant Theology," vol. 1. 1854.-Schweizer, d. Protestantischen Centraldogmen
in ihrer Entwickelung, Bd. 1. 1854. Earlier works are, Heinrich, Gesch. d. Dogmatik.
1790; Schickedanz. 1827; W. Herrmann.  1842.
Neander's " Memorials of Christian Life" have been translated in part, and published
in Bohn's Library. 1853.
Christian Antiquities.-Of Joseph Bingham's work a new edition is in the course of preparation in England by Richard Bingham.-C. S. Henry, Compendium of Christian Antiq.
Phil. 1838, is an abridgment of Bingham.-Lyman Coleman, Ancient Christianity exemplified, 8. Phil. 1852.-Siegel, Handbuch d. christlich-kirchlichen Alterthiimer, 4 Bde.
Leipsic, 1835-38, alphabetically arranged.-Guericke, Lehrbuch d. Archiologie, 8. Leips.
1847.-Cf. 2il. J. E. Volbeding, Thesaurus commentationum illustrandis antiquitat. christ.
inserventium, t. i. Lips. 1847.-J. B. Riddle, Manual of Christian Antiquities. Lond.
1839.
History of Heresies.-A. Sartori, die christlichen und mit der christlichen Kirche zusammenhingenden Secten (in tabular form). Liibeck, 1855.-History of Christian Churches and Sects, Rev. J. B. Marsden, 5 parts published.  1854,'5. —Dr. G. Volkmar, Die
Quellen d. Ketzergeschichte bis zum Nicanum, kritisch untersucht, Bd. 1. 1855.
Works on the General History of the Christian Church. —Neander's history has been admirably translated by Prof. Joseph Torrey, of the University of Vermont, in 5 vols. 8vo,
comprising the whole of the original, including Schneider's edition of the last volume.
Boston, 1849-54.-The seventh edition of Dr. Hase's History, translated by C. E. Blumenthal and C. P. Wing, 8. New York, 1855.-Marheinecke, Universal Kirchenhist. Bd.
1. 1806.-F-leury, Eccles. Hist., with Tillemont's Chronology, transl. to A.D. 870, 5. 4.
1727-32.
Niedner, Kirchengeschichte, S. 1846: a condensed and philosophical manual.-Fricke,
Lehrb. d. Kirchengesch. i. Leips. 1850. —W. B. Lindner, Lehrb. d. christl. Kirchengesch.
i.-iii. 1. 1848-52, to 1648, with special respect to the history of doctrines.-Zeller, Gesch.
d. Kirche. Stuttg. 1848. —Kurtz, Lehrbuch d. Kirchengesch. 2te Ausg. 1850, to be translated by Dr. Schaeffer. Of his Handbuch d. K. (Gesch. only the first volume has appeared,
in 3 parts, 1853,'4, completing the history of the Oriental Church to 1453.-Schleiermacher,
Vorlesungen uber d. Kirchengesch., edited by Bonnell. 1850.
Of Bohringer's "die Kirche Christi u. ihre Zeugen," a church history in biographies,
the third division of the second volume, for the Middle Ages, has been published. 1855.
Of the later more popular manuals of church history in German, JTldd's appeared in
1838; Thiele, 2d ed., 1852; Jacobi, Bd. 1, 1850; Schmid, Lehrb. 1851; Wilcke, "1850; T rautmann, 1852-54; HIuber, Universalgesch. 1850.
The "Ecclesiastical History of Meletius," metropolitan of Athens in the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries, previously issued in inferior modern Greek, though written in
the ancient, is issued at Constantinople, edited by Prof. Constantine Enlthybules, first vol.
1853.
Stolberg's Geschichte is continued by Brischar, 1853, Bd. 49, being the 4th vol. of the
continuation.-Dbllinger's Church History to the Reformation, translated by Ed. Cox.
Lond. 4. 8. 1848; " History of the Reformation" in German, in 1846.-Rohrbacrher, histoire
universelle de l'eglise, 29 tom. Par. 1842-49. A new edition is in the course of publica.




COLLATERAL HISTORICAL WORKS.                                561
tion. —enrion, Hist. Eccles. depuis la creation jusqu'au pontificat de Pie IX. A new
edition in 25 vols. is in the course of publication. —lM. I. Matter, Hist. du Christianisme,
2d ed. Par. 1838. 2. 8.-Of Capefigue's Histoire de l'Eglise, the seventh vol., 1854, begins
the history of the Reformation.-Abbe Darras, Hist. gener. de l'Eglise, 4. 8 (arranged by
the chronology of the Popes). Paris, 1854.
The Annals of Baronius are to be continued by Aug. Theiner from A.D. 1572, where
they were left by Laderchi; his History of Clement XIV. is a part of this work, which he
undertook by request of Gregory XVI.-Palma, Praelectiones historico-ecclesiasticae.
Romae. 3 voll. 1838-42. —N. J. Cherrier (Pesth), Epitome Hist. Eccl. Nov. Foederis, 2.
8. Vienna, 1854.
A translation of Spanheim's Eccles. Annals into English, from commencement of Script.
to Reformation.  Lond. 1829.-Of Dean Hlilman's History of Latin Christianity, a continuation of his " History," 3 vols. were published in 1854; two more complete this portion of his elaborate work. The best edition of Miilner's Church History is by Rev. T.
Bantham, 4. 8. —/V. Bates, College Lectures on Eccl. History, 2d ed. 1852.-Jortin's
Remarks on Eccl.. Hist.-Foulkes, Manual of Church History, the first twelve centuries.
1851.-Chs. Hardwick, History of the Church in the Middle Ages.  Camb. 1853; one of a
series of Theological Manuals: the " Early Church History" and that of the " Reformation" will soon appear.-J. C. Robertson, History of Christian Church to 590. Lond.
1854.-Palmer's Compendium of Church History, new ed. 1852.-M-. Rsitter's History.
New York, 1853.-State of Man before and after Promulgation of Christianity, including
the Reformation, 4.12. in " Small Books on Great Subjects."  1850-54.-Henry Stebbing,
H-Iist. of the Church to Reformation, 2. 8. From 1530 to the eighteenth century, 3. 8.
Lond. 1842.
Chronzological Works and Tables of Church i_-istory.-Ecclesiastical Chronology, Rev.
J. E. Riddle, S8. Lond. 1840.-Abstract of Vater's Tables, by F. Cunningham.  Bost. 1831.
— Danz.  Jena, 1838.-Do-tai, 2te Aufi., 1850.-L. Lange. Jena, 1841.-Schone.  Berl.
1838.-F-rankc Parker, The Church, fol. Lond. 1851.-Oxford Chronological Tables, fol.
1835-40.
~ 3. Relation of Church History to other Historical Studies, p. 19.-History of Culture.
T'Vachsnmuth, allg. Culturgeschichte.  Leips. 1851, sq. und Sittengesch. 5 Bde. 1831, sq.Klemm, allg. Culturgeschichte, 10 Bde. Leips. 1847-53.-Karl von Raumer, Geschichte
der Padagogik, 4. 8. (Completed 1855.)-Robert Blakey, Temporal Benefits of Christianity. Lond. 1849.-Guizot's General Hist. of Civilization in Europe, transal. by Hazlitt.
New York, 1850.-Hegel, Philosophice d. Geschichte, 8. —Schlegel, Philosophy of History,
translated by Robertson.
History of Religions.-B. Constant, De la Religion, 2. 8. Paris, 1824.-Kraft, die Religion aller Volker. 1845. —-legel, Phil. d. Religion, herausg. 2Marheinecke, 2. 8.-Bunsen,
Christianity and Mankind, vols. 3 and 4. 1854.
History of Philosophy.-Ritter's work is now completed in 12 volumes.-Schwegler, Gesch.
d. Phil., 8. 1818.-Das Buch d. Weltweisheit, 2. 8. 1854.-Reinhold, 3 Bde., 4th ed.
1854.-Tennen7nann's Manual, transl. by Morell. Lond. 1854.-Erdmann, Gesch. d. neueren
Philos. (Three vols. in six.)  1834.-Ch al/ybdus,  list. of German Philosophy, transl.
Am. ed. 1854.
History of Literatzre. - Grdsse, Lehrb. einer allgemeinen Literar-geschichte aller bekannten Vol6ker, i.-iii., 3. 2 (to the first half of the nineteenth century). 1837-54.-H.
-Iallam's View of the State of Europe in the Middle Ages, 3. 8. tenth ed. 1853; Literature of 15th to 17th centuries, 2. 8. 1853.-Sismondi's, of the South of Europe. —Qurard's,
la France littdraire.-Ticknor's Spanish Literature.-Gervinus, Gesch. d. Deutschen Literatur.
Upon the HIistory of Art, in relation to Christianity, the work of Dr. Gieseler contains
no references. Prof. Dr. F. Piper, Mythologie u. Symbolik der christlichen Kunst, Bd. 1.
1851.-Dr. F. Isagler, Hand-book of the Hist. of Art, new ed. transl. Lond. 1854.-Lord
Lindsay's Sketches of the History of Christian Art, 3. 8. 1847.-Didron's Christian Iconography, 1, transl. in Bohn's Library. 1852.-Symbols and Emblems of Early and MeA2




562             SOURCES OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
diaeval Christian Art, by Louisa Twining. Lond. 1852.-Mrs. Jameson, Sacred and Legendary Art, 3.-Schnaase, Gesch. d. bildenden Kunste.  1843.-I-inkel, 1. 1845.-Romberg und Steger, Gesch. d. Baukunst.  1827.-IKreuser, 2 Bde.  1851.-Pugin's Gothic
Specimens and Examples. —Ruskin's Seven Lamps of Architecture. 1848; Stones of
Venice, 3, with fol. plates. 1850-54. —Kallenbach u. Schmitt, Christliche Kirchen Baukunst, 12 Hefte. 1853.-Kiesewetter, Gesch. d. Musik. 1846.-Hoffmann von Fallersleben,
Gesch. d. Deutschen Kirchenlieds. 1853.-Baur, Gesch. d. Kirchenlieds. 1852.-Schauer,
Gesch. d. bibl. kirchlichen Dicht und Tonkunst u. ihrer Werke. 1850.-Koch, Gesch. d.
Kirchenlieds u. K. Gesangs, 4 Bde. 2te Aufl. 1853.
Of Spruner's Hist.-geog. Atlas, the ninth part of the second division, comprising the
Hist. of Europe from the beginning of the Middle Ages, was published in the second edition. 1854. An abridged edition is in the course of publication in England.-A. L. IKpypen, edition of Spruner on Middle Ages. New York. 1854.-Quin's Hist. Atlas. Lond.
1851.-Atlas geographique, histor., universelle, V. Durny. Paris, 1842.-Carl v. Ritter,
die Erdkunde im Verhiltniss zur Natur u. zur Geschichte des Menschen, xvii. Thl. 2te
Ausg. (the 17th in 1854).-Ritter's geogr.-statistisches Lexicon, 4te Aufl. v. Hoffmann,
etc. 1852.
Chronology.-Sir Harris Nicolas, The Chronology of History (Lardner's Cycl.).-Petavius, de Doctrina Temporum, ed. Harduin, 3. fol. 1734.-H. Browne, Ordo Saeclorum.
8.  Lond. 1844.-D. H. Hegewisch, Introd. to Historical Chronology, transl. by James
Marsh, 18. Burlington, 1837.-H-ales, New Analysis of Chronology and Geography. Lond.
1830, 4. 8.-Blair's Tables, new ed. Lond. 1850.-Piper, Kirchenrechnung.  Berl. 1841.
-S. F. Jarvis, Chronolog. Introd. to Church History, New York, 1845, is an inquiry into
the dates of the birth and death of Christ.-Rev. Ed. Greswell, Fasti Temporis Catholice,
et Origines Kalendariae, 5. 8. and a vol. of Charts. Lond. 1852; also, Origines Kalendariae Italicae. 4. 8. 1854.-De Morgan's Book of Almanacs. Lond. 1851.
Geography, etc. —J. E...   iltsch, Kirchliche Geographic und Statistik, 2. 8. Berl.
1846.-M. le Quien, Oriens Christianus.  Par. 1760, 3 t. fol.-A  System of Ancient and
Mediaeval Geography. By Charles Anthon, 8. New York, 1850.
Works in Universal History.-W. C. Taylor, Manual of Ancient and Modern History,
2. 8. New York, 1846, and often.-T. Keightley, Outlines of History. Lond. 1836.Weber's Universal History, edited by Prof. Bowen, 8. Bost. 1853.- -ytler, Elements of
General History, 4. 18. New York, Harpers.-J. Miller, Hist. of World, revised by A.
H. Everett, 4.12. New York, 1846.-C. von Rotteck, General Hist. of the World, transl.,
4. 8. Phil. 1842. Cantu, C. Histoire universelle, trad. par E. Aroux. Paris, 18. 8. 1843.
New ed. 1852-54.-H. Leo, Lehrbuch d. Universal Gesch., 6. 8. Halle, 1839, sq.-D. H.
Dittmar, Gesch. d. Welt vor u. nach Christus, Bd. 1-4. 4. Heidelb. 1852, sq. New edition of vol. 1. 1855.
Q 4. On the Sources of Ecclesiastical History, p. 21.-J. G. Dowling, Introduction to the
Critical Study of Eccl. History, 8. Lond. 1838.-Dr. Arnold's Lectures on Modern History contain valuable directions to students for the use of original documents.-C. W. F.
Walch, Kritische Nachricht von den Quellen d. Kirchengesch. Leips. 1770.
Biographies of the Popes.-Bowyer, Hist. of Popes, continued by S. H. Cox, 3. 8. Phil.
1840.-De Cormenin,.Hist. Popes. Phil. 1845.-Miiller, Abb6 Prof. Phil. die romischen
Pabste, 14 Bde. to 1855.-The Popes, from Linus to Pius IX. By G. A. F. Wilks.
Lond. 1851.-J. E. Riddle, History of Papacy, 2. 8. Lond. 1854.-W. Giesebrecht, d.
Quellen d. frtiheren Pabstgeschichte, in Allg. Mlonatsschrift. 1852.
The volume of the "Acta Sanctorum," for Oct. 10 and 11, was reprinted at Brussels in
1852; the vol. for Oct. 17-20, the second of the Brussels continuation, was published in
1853; the first of this continuation in 1845.-Alban B1utler's Lives of the Saints, 12. 8.
New York, 1849.
Collections of the Works of the Fathers, etc. —L. E. Dupin, History of Ecel. Writers to
close of 16th Century, transl. by Wm. W4otton and Digby Cotes, 3. fol. Dublin, 1723.Cave, Script. Eccles. etc., edited by Henry Wharton, best ed. Oxford, 1740, 41. Idenm,
Chartophylax Ecclesiasticus, etc. 1685,'6.




W-ORKS ON THE COUNCILS AND SYMBOLS.                           563
Spicilegium Solesmense, tom. 1 (to be in 10), 1853, 4; fragments from the second to'the fourth century, edited by J. Pitra.-Cailloii et Guillon, Collectio S. Patrum. Paris,
1841, sq., 148 t. with Indices.-J. P. Migne, Patrologiae Cursus Compl., 130 tom. to 1854.
-Martene et Durand, Vet. Scriptorum Collectio. Paris, 1724-33, 9 fol.; Thesaurus Nov.
Anecdot. 1747, 5 fol.-J-. E. Grabe, Spicilegium ss. patrum., 2 fol. Oxon. 1698.-D'Achery, Spicilegium, 13. 4. Par. 1655.-Mabillon, Vetera Analecta. Par. 1723, fol.-Baluz
zius, Miscellanea.  1761, 4 fol.-Muratori, Anecdota. 1697, 4. 4.
J. G. Walch, Bibliotheca Patristica. 1770. —Augusti, Chrestomathia Patristica. 1812.
-Roesler, Bibliothek d. K. Vater, 10 Bd. 1776. —J Basnage, Thesaurus Monumentorum.
Amst. 1695, 6 fol.-A. Mai, Patrum Nova Bibliotheca, t. 6. 1852,'3, (to be in 10 volumes);
previously, Script. vet. Nova Collectio e Vat. Codd. Rom. 1825, sq., 10. 4.-Bibliotheca
Patr. Eccl. Lat., ed. Gersdorf, 13 tom. 12 (Clement, Tertull., Ambrose, Lactant., Arno.
bius, Minucius Felix).-A. Mai, Spicilegium Rom., tom. 10. 4. 1839,'44.
W. Cave, Lives of the Fathers, ed. H. Cary, 3. 8. Oxf. 1840.-Institutiones patrologiae, Dr. J. Fessler, tom. 1. 1850, 8.-J. N. Locherer, Lehrb. d. Patrologie. 1837.-Winter,
Patrologie.  1814. Annegarn, 1837.-Adam  Clark, View of Succession of Sacred Lit.
vol. 2. By J. B. B. Clark, 2. 8. Lond. 1830,'1.-At Athens, in 1846, 4o2Loyoytci icato
IcprlTci iaropia rtSv ciywv 7rarepwv,'nro Kvarcavrivov KovTroyovov, 775 p. 8, ends with
John of Damascus: cf. Leips. Repertorium.  Feb. 1852.
The first volume of IHefele, Geschichte d. Concilien, 1855, reaches to the fourth century.
— H. T. Bruns, Bibl. Eccl. Canones Apost. et Conciliorum saec., 4. 7. Berol. 1839, 2 tom.
-A Manual of Councils, with the Substance of the most important Canons, by Rev. E. H.
Landon. Lond. 1846.-Definitions of Faith, and Canons of the Six CEcumenical Councils,
by Rev. W. A. Fiammond. Am. ed. 12. New York, 1844.-French Councils: Sirmond,
Concilia antiq. Galliae. Par. 1629, 3 fol.; Suppl. 2 fol.-Spanish: Gonzalez, Coill. Can.
Eccl. Hisp. Matriti, 1808, fol.-Saenz D'Aguirre, Coll. maxima Cone. omnium Hisp. et
novi orbis. Rom. 1693, 3 fol. - Concilios provinciales de Mexico (in 1555,'65,'85), 3.
1769,'70, Mexico.-English: HI. Spelman, Cone. Deer. ad 1066, fol. 1639.-D. Wilkins,
Cone. Mag. Brit. et Hibern. Lond. 1727, 4 fol.-L. Howell, Synopsis Concil., fol. 1708.
-German: Hartzheim, Cone. Germaniae. 1749, 10 fol.
Beveridge, Pandectae Canon. ss. et Conciliorum ab Ecclesia Graeca receptorum, etc.,
2 fol. Oxon. 1672.
Cabassutii, Notitia Eccl. Hist. Concil. et Canonum, fol. Lugd. 1690. New edition, 3.
8. Par. 1838 (1690).-A. D'Avallon, Histoire chronol. et dogmatique des Conciles. Par.
(vol. iv. issued in 1854).-I-Iammond (Ap.). Paraenesis (1656), 1841, p. 98, sq.
Symbolism, Confessions of Faith.-G. B. Winer, Comparative Darstellung ds. Lehrbegriffs d. verschiedenen christlichen Kirchenpartheien. 2te Aufl. Leips. 1837.-Chs. Butler, Hist. and Lit. Account of Symbol. Books, 8. Lond. 1816.-Peter Hall, The Harmony
of Protest. Confessions, new ed. Lond. 1842.-Guericke, Allg. christl. Symbolik. Leips.
2te Aufl., 1846. —l arheinseke, Christlich. Symbolik, th. 1, Katholicismus, 3 Bde. 1810-13;
Institutiones Symbol. ed., 3. 1830; Vorlesungen, ed. Matthies u. Vatke. 1848.-E. Kollner, Symbolik christlich. Confessionen. i. Luth. K. ii. Kathol. K., 8. Hamb. 1837, sq.A. H. Baier, Symbol. d. christl. Confess., 1; Rom. Kath. K. Leips. 1854.-K. Matthes,
Comp. Symbolik, 8. Leips. 1854.-G. J. Planck, Abriss einer hist. u. vergleich. Darstellung d. dogmat. Syst. 3te Aufl. 1822.
Mohler, Symbolik, 5te Aufl. 1838. English transl. by J. B. Robertson. New York,
1840. —Baur, Gegensatz d. Kathol. u. Prot. 2te Ausg. 1836. —Mohler, Neue Untersuchungen. 2te Ausg. 1835. — Nitzsch, Prot. Beantwortung d. Symbolik Dr. Mohler's, 8.
Hamb. 1835 (aus d. Stud. u. Krit.).
Bullarium Romanunm, etc. Continuation by A. Spetia. 1835-44, 8 tom. fol. Another
volume added in 1852.
P. Jaffe, Regesta Pontif. Romanorum a condita Ecclesia ad annum post Christum 1198.
Berol. 1851, 4. These Regesta, from 1198 to 1572, are in the Vatican, in 2016 folios.
Among the Protestants, Pertz i is.lmost the only one who has been allowed to examine them, for his Monumenta Germaniae. The Regesta to 1198 are for the most part




0564 -XWORKS UPON THE PRIMITIVE HISTORY.
lost.  Jaff6, in the above work, has collected the fragments (cf. Kurtzs Handbuch,
1. e 4).
Liturgies.-Codex Liturgicus Ecclesiae universae in Epitomen redactus. Curavit Dr.
H. A. Daniell. Completedin 4 vols. 1854. —L. A. Muratori, Lit. Romana vetus. Venice,
1748, 2 fol.-Mabillon, Liturg. Gallicana. Paris, 1729.-J. Pinius, Liturgia Ant. Hisp.
Goth. Mozarab. Rom. 1749. 2 fol. (cf. Christ. Rernbr. Oct. 1853).-J. Goar, Rituale Graecorum. Ven. 1780.-Guillaume Durand, Rationale ou Manuel des divins offices. New'
edition. Par. 5, 8. 1854.-Palmer, W., Origines Liturgicae; or, Antiq. of the Church of
England, 2. 8. 1845.-J. M. Neale, Tetralogia Liturgica (those of James, Mark, Chrysostom, and the Mozarabic). Lond. 1848.-Bunsen, Analecta Ante-Nicaena, 3. 8. 1854.
Additional Works on the First Period.-1-324. Page 29.-Eusebius: Hist. Eccl. ad Codds
MSS. recens, E. Burton. Oxon. 1845; Annotationes variorum, tom. 2. 1842. Hist.
Eccl. recognovit A. Schwegler. 1853. A new translation of Eusebius, by Dr. C. F. Cruse.
New York, 4th ed. 1847, and London.-Evagrii, Hist. Eccl. Oxon. 1844 (ex recens. H.
cValesii).-Socrates' Schol. ex recens. Valesii. Oxon. 1844. The early ecclesiastical historians, Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoretus, and Evagrius, have been issued in
an English version, in 6 vols. 8. Lond., Bagster, 1845,'6.- Theodoreti, Ecclesiasticae historiae recensuit, Thos. Gaisford (a new revision of the text, from two MS S. in the Bodleian). Oxon. 1854.
Hienry Hlilman, Hist. of Christ. Lond. 3. 8.; New York, 1841. —E. Burton, Lectures
to Time of Constantine, 2. 8. Oxf. 1849, Works vol. iv. v. -Maurice, Lectures on Eccl.
Hist. of first and second Cent., 8. Lond. 1854.-Hinds, Rise and Progress of Christianity,
2. 8. 1828.-D. Welsh, Elements Ch. Hist. vol. i. Edinb. 1844.-Cave's Lives of the
Fathers, 3. 8. —H. G. Humphrey, Early Progress of the Gospel (Hulsean Lect.).  1850.WThiston's Primitive Christ., 4. 8. —W. Cooke Taylor, History of Christ. to its Legal Es,
tablishment in the Roman Empire, 12. Lond. 1844.-Jeremie, Christ. Ch. second ane
third Cent. Encycl. Metr. —lNeander, transl. by Rose, 8. New York, 1848.-W. Kipp,,
Early Conflicts of Christians. New York, 1850.-B. H. Cooper, Free Church of Ancient
Christendom. Lond. 1854.-Chs. Maitland, The Church in the Catacombs. Lond. 1846.
F. C. Baur, d. Christenthum u. d. christl. Kirche d. drei ersten Jahr., 8. 1853.-D. J.
H:ergenrhther, de Catholicae Ecclesiae primordiis recentiorum Protest. systemata expenduntur, 8. 1851.-Ritschl, Entstehung d. altkatholischen Kirche. Bonn, 1839.-Hagen.
bach, d. drei ersten Jahrhnd., 8. 1853.-Biesenthal, Gesch. aus Talmud. Quellen. Berl.
1850.-Gfrhrer, Geschichte des Urchristenthums.  Stuttg. 1831, sq., 3 Bde.-The "Ec.
clesiastical History of John of Ephesus," pt. 3, edited by Cureton, 1853, is important for the'Monophysitic discussion.
Brocklesby, Hist. of Primitive Christ. first three Centuries. 1712, 8.-Whiston's Primitive Christianity, 4. 8. 1711. —W. Reeves, Apology of Primitive Fathers, 2. 8.. London,
1716.-W -akefield, Opinions of the three first Centuries, 8. 1755.-C. J. Couard, Life of
early Christians of first three Centuries, transl. by L. J. Bernalys (Edb. Bibl. Cab.). —W.'Sizmpson, Epitome Hist. Christ. Church first three Cent., 2d ed. 1851.-Rev. Chs. Smyth,
Troice of the Early Church. Lond. 1850.-J. De Wille, The Christ. of certain Roman
EmpTesses before Constantine.  Paris, 1853. —W. G. Humphrey, Early Propagation of
Gospel (Hulseans). 1850.
Works on the Apostolic Age, page 30.-Philip Schaff, History of Apostolic Church.
Transl. by E. D. Yeomans, 8. New York, 1853.-Geo. Benson, History of first Planting
otf Christianity, 3. 4.  1759.-I-. W. J. Thiersch, Gesch. d. christl. Kirche, 1.  1852.
English transl. by T. Carlyle.  1852.-Lechler, d. Apostolische u. nachapostol. Zeitalter.
Haarlem, 1.851 (prize essay).-Schwegler, d. Nachapostolische Zeitalter, 2. 8. Tiibingen,
1846.-J. P. Lange, Gesch. d. Kirche i. Apostol. Zeitalter.  1853.-M. Baumgarten, d.
Apostolgesch. u. s. w. (Transl. Edinb. 1855.)-Dietlein, das UrChristenthum (against
Baur). 1845.-Rothe, die Anfiinge d. christlichen Kirche, Bd. 1. 1837.-Neander's Planting and Training, etc. Transl. by J. E. Ryland.  Philad. 1844. —W. T1. Harvey, Ecclesile Catholicae Vindex Catholicus, Collection of treatises, transl., 3. 8. Lond.
~, 8-14. Condition of the Heathen Nations,. etc., page 30-44.-Collinsson's Observatiom.s




WORKS ON THE STATE OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE.   565
ean the Preparation of Manl for Christianity. Lond. 1840. —Mosheim's Commentaries, vol.. p. 9-49.-Trench, Unconscious Prophecies of Heathenism  (Hulsean Lect.).  Am. ed.
1853. —Maurice, Religions of the World, etc. Am. ed. 1854.-State of Man before Promulgation of Christianity, in " Small Books," etc.  1848.-Scheff, p. 143-164.
Creuzer, Symbolik u. Mythologie. 3te Aufl. 1837.-F. C. Baur, Symbolik u. Mythol.
1824.-A. Muller, Introd. to Scientific Mythology.. Transl. by J. Leitch.  1844.-Stuhr,
d. Religions Systems d. Hellenen.  1838.-G. S. Faber, Origin and Progress of Idolatry,
3. 4. 1816.-Warblurton, Divine Legation of Moses.-L. Preller, Griech. Mythol.  1854.
-J. C. Harless, de Supernatmralismo Gentilium (Progr.). 1834.-J. F. Sepp, d. Heidenthum, u. seine Bedeutung, 3. 8. 1853.-A. Wutthe, Gesch. ds. Heidenthums, 2 Bde. 1854.
— J. Voss, de Theolog. Gentili et Physiol. Christiana. 1675, 2. 4.-Godrres, Mythengesch.
A. Asiatischen Volker, 2. 8. 1810.
15-19. Condition of the Jewish People, etc.-The works of Josephus, transl. into En,
glish by W. Whiston, in frequent editions; a new transl. by R. Traill, with notes by J.
Taylor, 2. 8. 1847.-Dr. F. Creuzer on Josephus: Stud. u. Krit.  1850, 1853.-Prepara,
lion for the Gospel, as exhibited in the History of the Israelites.  By Geo. Curry (Hulsean
Lect.).  1851.- VW. HI. Johnstone, Israel in the World; or, the Mission of the Hebrews to.the great military Monarchies, 12. London, 1854.-Id., Israel after the Flesh, etc., 8.
Lond. 1852.-Kurtz, Sacred History. Transl. by Dr. Schaffer. Philad. 1855.-Id., Geschichte des alten Bundes, 1.. 2 (1S54).-Lengerke, Kenaan, 1. 1844.-Dr. MPurdock, transl..f Jost on Condition of Jews, etc.  Bibl. Repos.  1839.-Geo. Smith, Sacred Annals, 3. 8.
Am. ed. 1850-'54. —Isaac M. Wise, I-Iist. Israel. Nation, 1. Albany, 1854.-Is. Da Costa,
Israel and the Gentiles. New York, 1855.-Ewald's Gesch. d. Israeliten.  2te Ausg. 4.
8. 1851-'54.-_-eo,  Vorlesungen. 1828.-Basnage, Hist. d. Juifs, 15 tom. 12.-Alr. De Bonnechose, Histoire Sacree.  Paris, 1850.-Analysis and Summary of Old Test. Hist., by J.
L. Wheeler, 2d ed. 1354.-Jarvis, Church of Redeemer, vol. i. Old Test., 8. New York,
1851.-Gleig's  Iist of Bible, 2. 18.-Jost, Hist. Jews: transl. by J. H. Ieopkinus. N ewVv
York.-Rev..J. Jo nes, Chronological and Analytical View of the Bible. Oxf. 1836.
Thos. Stackhouse, Hist. of Bible.. Ed. by Rev. G. Gleig, 3. 4. London, 1817.-Bishop
1.1iil, Contemplations on Old and New Test. (1634) in Works.  1808.-Samuel Shuck..
obrd, Connection Sacred and Profane History, 3. 8.-Russell's Connection, 2. 1827. —
Prideaux's Connection, 4. 8. Oxf. 1820.-Davidson's.  New York, 1853. —jfowell's Hist.
of Bible. Edited by Geo. Bzurder. 3. 8. Lond. 1805.-Sharon Turner's Sacred Hist. of'
WVorld, 3. 18. (Harper's Lit.). —Dean Milman's Ilist. Jews, 3. 18. 1831. (Harper's Lib.).
J. J. F. Buddaeus, Hist. Eccles. Vet. Test., ed. 4, 2. 4. 1744.-V'itringa, de Synagoga.
163G; abridged by Berzard, 1849.-Saurin, Discours. Hist. Theol. Moraux, etc.  1720, sq.
— J. J. HIess, Geschichte d. Israel, 12 Bde. 1776-88.-Hdiivernick, d. Theologie d. Alt.
Test., 1343.-Vatke, Rel. d. Alt. Test., 1.  1835.-Knobel, d. Prophetismus.  1837.iJ. C. KI. HIoffmannu, Weissagung u. Erfiillung im A. ii. N. Test., 2. 8. 1841.-Spirit of
Old Test., Dr. J. Lewis's Bibl. Repos. 1850.-Palfrey, AcademicMal Lectures on Jewish.Script. and Antiq.,, 4. 8. 1850-52.
Samaritans.-J. Grimm, d. Samariter, u. ihre Stellung in d. Weltgeschichte. Miinchen,'1854.-E. Burritt, in Am. Eel., 2. 249. 281.-Samaritan Pentateuch, KCitto's Journai. July,
1853.-Christ. Exam.,.28. 29 (J. Walker).-M. Stuart, in Bibl. Repos., vol. 2, and North
Am., vol. 22.
The Essenes.-Kitto's Journal. Oct. 1852; April, 1853; Oct. 1853. —W. Hall, Bibl. Repos., 3d series, 3.
Philo and the Alexandrian Philosophy. —IM. WiVolff, d. Philon'sche Philosophie. Leips.
1849.-Dr. Rubinssohn, in Christ. Rev, Jan. 1853.-First Eng. transl. by C. D. Yonge,
Bohn's Lib. 3 vols. published 1855.-John Jones, Eccles. Researches on Philo and Jose-;phus.  Lond. 1812.-St. Paul and Philo, Journal of Class. and Sacred Lit., 1. 1854.
Q 20, page 59.-The Life of Jesus.-Dr. J. 1N. Sepp, d. Leben Jesu, 4. 8. Munchen,
1843, sq. (French transl. 1848.)-Ebrard, Wiss. Kritik d. Evangel. Geschichte. 1842.iKrabbe, Leben Jesu.  1838.-Weisse, Evang. Gesch., 2. 1838,'9.-Gfeorer, d. Urchristenthum, L-Osiander, Apalogie. 1837.-J. P. Lange, d. Leben Jesu, 3. 1844. —Hoff




56'6      LIFE OF CHRIST, AND LIVES OF THE APOSTLESL
mann, d. Leben Jesu nach d. apocryphen Evangelien. 1853.-Ewald, Geschichte Ch'i&itus und seiner Zeit. 1855.
Fleetwood's Life of Christ and the Apostles (Works, 1854).-Henry Blunt, Life of our
Saviour. Am. ed. Phil. 1850.-Birth and Infancy of Christ, Ji. Sacr. Lit. 1854. —Neander's Life of Christ. Transl. by Prof. Blumenthal. New York, 1845.
J. Salvador, Jesus Christ, et sa Doctrine, 2 tomes. Paris, 1838.-Beard, Voice of the
Church (in reply to Strauss). Lond. 1844.-Alexander's Christ and Christianity. New
York edit. 1854.-A. Norton, Genuineness of Gospels, 3. 8. 2d ed. 1852.-Id., Internal
Evidence, 2. 1855.-Da Costa, Four Witnesses. Lond. 1851.-Jas. Smith, Diss. Origin
Gospels. Lond. 1852.-Jas. Strong, A new Harmony. New York, 1852.-Kostler, Ursprung u. Composition d. Synopt. Evang.  1852.-Hilgevfeld, Evangelien nach ihrer
Entstehung. 1854.
Chronological Data in Life of Christ.-S. F. Jarvis, Chronol. Introd. to Church History.
1845.-Jourrnalof Sacred Lit., 1825, on the Nativity.-J. P. l:Iynter, Bishop of Seeland,
de Momentis Chronol. in Vita T. Xti. 1843.-IWieseler, Date of Birth. Transl. Bib.
Sac. by Prof. Day.-N. Mann, True Years of Birth and Death of Christ. Lond. 1752.Ideler, Handb. d. Chronologie, 2. 1826.-Montacutius, Analect. Exercit. Eccles. (Exc. ix.
p. 317, sq.).-Byneus, de Natali Jesu Christi, fol. 1689.
~ 22, page 63.-John the Baptist. —Life, by Rev. Wm. C. Duncan, 12. New York,.
1852.-Johannes d. Taufer in Gefangnisse, by Dr. B. Gauss, of Tubingen. 1853.-Ver;
hiltniss Joh. d. Taufers zum Herrn, Luth. Zeitschrift. 1852.
Q 26, page 76.-Paul, etc.-Conybeare and lewson, Life and Epistles of Paul, 2. 4.
Lond. 2. 8; New York, 1854 (cf. President ITVoolsey, in New Englander, Feb. 1i854).-J..
Pearson's Lectures on Acts and Annals of Paul. Ed. by J. R. Crowfoot.-Whateley's Difficulties in Writings of Paul. 1845.-Life of Paul, by Rev. Dr. Addington.-Life and.
Epistles, by Mr. Bevan. Lond. —Tholuck, Life of Paul. Transl. in Bibl. Cabinet, No.
28.-Henry Blunt, Lect. on Paul. 10th ed. London, 1851 (repr. Phil.).-Thos. Letin,
Life of St. Paul, 2. 8. Lond. 1851.-A. T. Paget, Unity and Order of St. Paul's Epistles. Lond. 1852. —Jas. Smith, Voyages and Shipwreck of St. Paul. Lond. 1848.-Paul
and Demosthenes, by Koster, in Stud. u. ICritiken, 1854. Transl. in Bib. Sacra. 1854.Paul and Josephus, Journ. Sacr. Lit., April, 1854.-Usteri, d. Paul. Lehrbegriff. 5th ed.
1834.-Dahne, d. Paul. Lehrbeg. 1835.-J. P. Jl1ynster, De ultimis annis Muneris Apostolici a Paulo gesti. 1815.-An Attempt to ascertain the Chronology of the Acts of the
Apostles and of St. Paul's Epistles, by E. Burton, 8. Oxf. 1830 (Works, vol. 4).-Baur,
Paulus. 1845.-Zeller, uber d. Apostlegeschichte. Tubingen Zeitschrift, 1850,'1.-Id.,
d. Ursprung d. Apostelgeschich. 1854.-Lekebusch, d. Composition und Entstehung d.
Apostelgesch. v. neuem untersucht. 1854.-Baumgarten, von Jerusalem zu Rom., 2. 8.
1854 (to be transl. in Clark's Library).-Schneckenburger, Beitrage zuir Erklarung d. Apostelgeschichte: Stud. it. Krit. 1855.
Q 27. page 80.-History of the other Apostles.-Bacon's Lives of the Apostles. New
York, 1850.
Peter.-H-enry Blunt, Nine Lectures on Peter. 18th ed. 1851.-Mayerhoff, Einleitung
in d. Petrinsche Schriften. 1835.- Windischmann, Vindiciae Petrin. 1836.-J. C. Simon,.
Mission and Martyrdom of Peter; original Text of all the Passages supposed to imply a
Journey to the East, 8. 1842.-Cave's Lives of Apostles.-Kitto's Journal, vol. 5.-Allies,
Primacy of Peter, on the Basis of Passaglia. Lond. 1852. Cf. Dublin Review, July, 1853.
John.-Licke, d. Evangelien u. Episteln (3te Aufl.), Enleitung in d. Offenbarun-g. 2te
Aufl. 1850-'54.-Fromman (1839), Kostlin (1843), Ueber d. Lehrbegriff d. Johannes.Ebrard, d. Evangel. Johannes. 1845.-F. Trench, Life and Character of John. London,
1850.-J. B. Troost, Disquisitio de Discipulo quem dilexit Jesus. Lugd. Bat.-K. F. Th.
Schneider, Aechtheit d. Johan. Evang. 1854.-G. K. lMayer, Aechtheit, u. s. w. Schaffhaumsen, 1854.-Die Johan. Frage, by F. C. Baur, in Theol. Jahrb. Thibingen, 1854. 2 Heft..
Lutterbeck, d. Neutestamentliche, Lehrbegriffe. 1854.-Dr. Grabe, Essay on the Doctrine of the Apostles. 1711.
~ 30. Constitution of the Church. —Rothe, Die Anfinge d..christl. Kirche. 1837.-Baurs




THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS.                                567
Ursprung des Episcopats. 1838.-Petersen, d. Idee d. Kirche, 3. 1843-46. —Palner, The
Church, 2. 8. 1841.-Milton's Prelatical Episcopacy (Works).
Binghamn's Origines Eccles.-H-ooker, Laws of Eccl. Polity. Ed. by Keble, 2. 8.-Bilson's Perpetual Government. 1593.-Sir P. King, Primitive Church. New York, 1841.
-Sclater's Original Draught. 1833 (Am. ed.).-Hickes's Two Treatises, 2. 8, 1711, and in
Libr. Angl. Cath. Theol.-Marshall's Notes. New York, 1844.-Bowden, Episcopacy, 2.
New York, 1808, sq. —Routh, im Reliq. Sacrae, vol. 4, all canons before Nice.
Whateley, on the Kingdom of Christ. New York, 1842.-M-1ason, Essays on Church.
1843.-Wilson'ss Government of Church. 1833.-Coleman, Apostol. Church. 1844.-Prim.
Church Officers. New York.  1851.-W- oods's Objections to Episcopacy.  1844.-Chapin's Prim. Church. 1842.-Barnes's Inquiry. 1843.-Miller's Letters and primitive Order.-Smyth's Apostol. Succession.  1844.-King's Church   Government.  1853.-Owen's
Works, vol. 15. 16.-Baxter on Episcopacy.-Chauncey's View of the Fathers.-Cotton's
Keys.-Goodwin's Government of the Church.-Ayton on Church Government.-Bishop
KCaye (Lincoln), Account of the external Discipline and Government of the Church of
Christ, first three Cent. Lond. 1855.
Q 35. The Apostolic Fathers.-The third edition of'Iefele, Patrum Apostol., etc. 1849.
-T. Chevallier, Epistles of Clem., Rom., Ign., etc., transl. 2d ed. Lond. 1851.-Ritschl,
die altkatholische Kirche.-Hilgenfeld, d. Apostol. Vater. 1854 (cf. Review by Lipsius,
in Gersdorf's Repertorium). 1854.-J. H. B. Liibkert, die Theologie der Apostol. Vater:
Zeitschriftf. d. hist. Theologie.  1854.
Archbishop Wake's Genuine Epistles of Apostol. Fathers (1693). New York, 1817.DaillE, Right Use of the Fathers. Transl. by S. W;. Tanna. Lond. 1838 (Phil. ed.).Collinson's Bampton Lecture, Key, etc. Oxf. 1813.-C. TV. Woodhouse, Use and Value
of the Fathers (Hulsean Essay). Lond. 1842.-Bickersteth, The Fathers. Lond. 1845.
Ignatius, Epistles (Gk. and Eng.), by W. Whiston, in Prim. Christ. Revived, 1. 1711.
-W. Cureton, Corpus Ignat. (Syriac, Greek, and Latin). London. 1848.-Id., Vindiciae Ignat. 1846.-Bunsen, Ignat. u. seine Zeit. 1847.-Id., Die drei ichten u. d. vier
unachten Briefe ds. Ign. 1847.-Baur, die Ign. Briefe.  1848.-Deuzinger, d. Aechtheit
d. Ign. Briefe.  1849. Cf. Zeitschrift fur d. Luth. Theol., 1848-52 (abridged in Arnold's
Theol. Critic, 1852); Zeitschrift fiir d. hist. Theol., 1851, by Uhlhorn; Quarterly Rev.
(Lond.) 1851, Jan.; Edinb. Rev., 1849; Church Rev., 1849.
Clement of Rome.-Hilgenfeld,  ritische Untersuchungen. 1850.-Clementis Rom. quae
feruntur Homiliae, etc. Ed. by A. Dressel, 1853; A. Schwegler, 1847. —G. Uhlhorn, d.
Homilien u. Recogn. 1854.-E. Gundert, d. erste Brief ds. Clem. Rom., in Zeitschr. Luth.
Theol. 1853,'4.-E. Ecker, Disquisitio-de C1. Rom. prior. ad Rom. Epistola. Traj. ad
Rhenum. 1853.-Uhlhorn, in Real. Encycl. f. Prot. Theologie.-R. A. Lipsius, de Clementis Rom. Epistola ad Corinthios priore Disquisitio, 8. Leipsic, 1855.
Q 40. Celsus and Lucian.-Transl. of Disc. of Celsus, with notes, in Glass's Works,
vol. 4; M. Bonhireau, of Dublin: transl. into French. Amsterd. 4. 1700.-Lucian, u. d.
Christhenthum, ein Beitrag zur K. Gesch. ds. zweiten Jahr.: Studien u. Kritiken, 1853;
transl. in Bibl. Sacra, 1853.-Lucian, ed. Bekker, 2. 1853.-Life and Writings of Lucian,
in Quarterly Rev., vol. 37.
Papias, Fragments, in Lardner's Credibility, vol. 2.
Q 44-48. Gnostics, etc.-Ed. Burton, Inquiry into the Heresies of the Apostolic Age
(Bampton Lects. 1829); Works, vol. 3. 1837.-H. Rossel, Theol. Untersuchungen fiber
d. Gnost. s. 179-209. — d., Syst. ds. Valentinus, s. 250-300.-On the early Forms of
Gnosticism, in Bunsen's Hippolytus.-Gieseler, in Studien u. Kritiken.  1830.-Mohler,
Ursprung ds. Gnosticismus. 1831.-Baur, in his Drei ersten Jahr.-Pistis Sophia, Opus
Gnosticum Valentino adjudicatum.  Edited by J. II. Petermann. Berl. 1852. Cf. Kostliel, in Theol. Jahrb. 1854.-Valentinianus, and Tertullian, Works of Bp. Hooper, 307-345.
Jacobi, Prof. Dr. L. Basilidis, Philos. Gnost. Sententiae ex Hippolyti libro, etc. Berl.
1852. —B. Gundert, d. Syst. ds. Basilidis, in Zeitschft. Luth. Theol. 1855.-Dorner, in his
Gesch. d. Person Christi, u. s. w.-Pusey on Manichees, in " Conf. of Augustine."
A. H. L. Fuldner, Comm. de Ophitis. 1834.




568              APOLOGIES AND APOCRYPHAL WORKS.
Ml1arcion. —.Tarting, Quaestio de Marcione, Traj. ad Rhenum. 1849. —Ritschl, d. Evang.
Marcions. 1847. —olckmar, d. Evang. Marcions. Cf. Gersdorf, Repert.  1852. —Franck,
d. Evang. Marc.: Stud. a. Krit.  1855.-I-ilgenfeld, d. Apostolikon Marcions, in Ztschft.
f. d. hist. Theologie. 1855.
MIelito, bishop of Sardis, p. 143.-See Journal of Sacred Lit. and Bibl. Record, Jan. 1855.
Q 50.-Apologies for Christianity, p. 145, cf. Bolton; The Apologists of the second and
third Century. Am. ed. Boston, 1853. —Corpus Apolog. Christ. Ed. by Otto; Justin,
2d ed. 1850, 5 tom.; Tatian, 1851.-Baur, in his Dogmengeschichte, und Geschichte d.
drei ersten Jahr.-Clausen, Apologetae Ecclesiae. 1837.
Theophilus Antioch, Libri tres ad Autolycum. Edit. by G. G. Humphrey. Loend. 1852.
-The Octavius of Minucius Felix. Edited by Rev. H. A. Holden. Oxf. 1853.- Other
Eng. transl. by R. James, Oxf. 1636; Combe, 1703; W. Reeves, 1719 (in " Apolog. of Prim.
Fathers"); by Dalrymple. Edinb. 1781.-The Apologetics, by T. Betty. Oxf. 1722.
Epistola ad Diognetum.-Just. M. Epist. ad Diognetum, by lHoffmann.  1851. Cf Otto,
in Gersdorf's Rep. 1852.-The Epistle translated in Kitto's Journal, 1852, and Piinceton
Review, 1853.-Der Brief an Diogn., herausg. by WV. A. AIollenberg.  Berlin, 1853. Cf.
Gersdorf's Rep. Mtirz, 1853.
Justin Martyr.-Bishop Kaye, Some Account of Opinions and Writings of Just. Mart.
2d ed.-.Lemisch on J. M., transl. by J. E. Ryland, in Bibl. Cab., vol. 41. 42.-De J. hI.
doctrina, Diss. by A. Kayser. 1850. —Volckmar, Ueber J. M. 1853.-Just. Mart., v. KI.
Otto, reprinted from Allg. Encyclop.  1853.-Dnuncker, d. Logoslehre d. Just. M. 1847.Zur charakteristik d. Just. M., v. IK. Otto. Wien, 1852.-D. Evang. ds. Just. by Hilgenfeld, Theol. Jahrb. 1852.-Volcknmar, die Zeit ds. Just. M., Theol. Jahrb. 1855.
English transl., by W. Reeves (the first Apol.). 2d ed. 1716.-Dialogue with Trypho,
by H. Browne, 2. 8. Lend. 1755.-Exhort. to Gentiles, by T. Moses. 1757.
~ 51. Irenzaeus, p. 148.-Opera quae supersunt.  Ed. by Stieren, 1850.-Supposed Fragments, Spicilegium Solesmense, 1. 1852 (cf. Christ. Rembr. 1853, July).-Life and Times of
Irenaeus, in The Eclectic (Lond.), Sept. 1854.-J.Beave,n,   Life of Irenaeus, 8. Loend. 1841.
Canon of Nlew  Test.-J. Kirchhofer, Quellensasmmlung zur Geschichte d. Neutest.
Canon, bis Hieron.  Zurich, 1844.-IW. J. Thiersch, d. Neutestamentliche Canon. 1845.
Cosin, Scholastical Hist. of the Canon, 4. 1672.-Jones (Jeremiah), New and full Method
of settling the Canon. Authority of New Test., 3. 8. 1726. New ed. Oxf. 1827. —Westcott, on the Canon. Lond. 1855.-On the " Fragmentum, Muratorii," by Wieseler, Studien
u. iKrit. 1847; ed. by J. Van Gilse. Amstelod. 1852. — otticher, in Zeitschr. Lzth. Theol.
1854.-Dupin, Hist. of Canon, fol. 1699. — Whitehead, Canon and Inspiration. 1854.Chr. lVordsworth, Canon and Insp. Am. ed. 1855. —Routh, in Rel. Sacrae, tom. 5, 1848.. 52. Apocryphal Writings, p. 153.-Cf. Whiston, Prim. Christ., 4. 1711.-Fragmenta
Act. S. Joh. Ed. by Thilo. 1847.-Acta'Apostol. Apocr. Ed. by Tischendorf. 1851.
Cf. Gersdorf. Rep. Jan. 1852.-Id., de Evang. Apoc. Origine. Lugd. Bat. 1851.
Stuart, Book of Enoch, Bibl. Repos. 1840.-Book of Enoch. Transl. by A. Dillmann.
1854.-Ewald, Abhandlung iiber d. Buch Enoch.  1854. —For. Quar. Review, vol. 24.Codex Apocr. Nev. Test. Edit. by Thilo, 1. 1832.-Franck, d. Evang. d. Hebraer, in
Stud.u. Krit. 1848.-ICostlin, d. Pseudonym. Lit. d. tltesten Kirch.  Tiib. Zeitschft. 1851.
-Bleeck, d. Apocryphen: Stud. u. Krit.  1853. —. Jolowicz, d. Himmelfahrt u. Vision ds.
Jesaias. Leipsic, 1854. Cf. Gersdorf's Rep., April, 1854.-C. Tischendorf, Pilati circa
Christum judicio quid lucis afferatur ex actis Pilati. 1855.
Hoffmann, R. das Leben Jesu nach d. Apocryphen. Leips. 1851.
Sibylline Oracles.-Mai, published books, 9-14. in his Script. Veterum nova Collectio,
vol. 3.-Liicke, Einleitung in d. Offbg. Joh. 2d ed. 1848.-M3I. Stuart, on the Apocalypse,
vol. 1.-Blondel, on Sibyl. Orac. Transl. by Davies. Lond. 1661.-Sir J. Floyer, Lond.
1751.-Oracula Sibyllina.  Ed. by P. L. Courier.  Paris, 1854; with a German version
by Friedlob. Leips. 1852.-Volckmann, de Orac. Sibyl. 1853.-An edition of the Oracula,
by Alexander, 2 tom. Paris, 1841,'53. Cf. Meth. Quart. Rev., Oct. 1854.
Q 54. New Platonism. —Chs. Kingsley, Four Lectures on Alexandria and her Schools.
Lond. 1854.-Proclus, transl. by T. Taylor, 2. 4. 1816.-Plotinuus, by Taylor, 8. 1834.



ORIGEN AND HIPPOLYTUS.                                569
Guericke, de Schola quae Alex. Flor. Cf. R. Emerson, in Bibl. Repos., vol. 4.-Simon,
Hist. de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie, 2. 8. Par. 1845.-Matter, Hist. de l'Ecole. 2d ed. 4 tomes.
-Plotinus, Opera Omnia. Oxf., 3. 4. 1835. —Kirchner,   d. Philos. des Plotin. 1854.-Aleander, in his Wiss. Abhandlungen, on Plotinus. 1843. —Vacherot, Hist. de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie, 3 tom. Paris, 1847.-Kirchhoff, Plotinus de Virtutibus. Berlin, 1847.
Q 56, p. 179.-Diocletian, de Pretiis rerum Venalium.  Herausg. b. T. Mommsen. Leips.
1851.
( 58. Elcesaites and the Clementina.-Ritschl, in Zeitschrift f. d. hist. Theol., 1853, on the
Elcesaites, on the basis of the work of Hippolytus.-Id., Bedeutung d. Pseudoclementin. Literatur, Allg. Monatsschrift.  1852.-The Clementina, in Hilgenfeld, die Clementinischen Recognitionen.  Jena, 1848.-Ritschl, Altkathol. Kirche.-Uhlhorn, in RealEncycl. f. d. Prot. Theologie.-Robssel's Theologische Schriften, Bd. 1.-Recognitions of
Clement. Transl. by WVhiston. Lond. 1712.
~ 59. The Easter Controversy.-Hilgenfeld, in Theol. Jahrb. Tiibingen, 1849.-W-Teiss,
in Reuter's Repertorium.  1850. —Weitzel, in Studien u. KIrit., 1848. —Weitzel, d. christl.
Passahfeier d. drei ersten Jahrhunderte. Pforzheim, 1848.
~ 60, p. 197. —Theology of the Fathers of second and third Centuries.-Ed. Burton, Testimofly of the Ainte-Nicene Fathers to Trinity, Divinity of Christ, and of Holy Spirit. 1829-'31. WVrTis, vol. 2.-I. Bennett, The Theology of the early Christian Church (in extracts: 8 of Congl. Lectures).-Gfrirer, Bd. 1.-Ginooulhiac, Histoire du Dogma Catholique dans les trois premiers Sihcles. Paris, 2. 8. 1850.-Reuss, R., Hist. de la Theol.
Chretienne, 2. 8. 1853.-Charpentier, Etudes sur les phres de l'Eglise, 2. 8. Paris,
1853.
The Miaonarchians and Sabellians.-See Baur, Lehre v. d. Dreieinigkeit u. Menschwerdung Gottes, 3. 8. 1841, sq.-Dorner, Lehre v. d. Person Christi. 2te Aufl. 1845, sq. —
Meier, Lehre v. d. Trinitat.  1844. —Lange, Gesch. d. Unitarier.  1831.
Q 62-64, p. 208, sq. Clement of Alexandria, and Origen.-Clement of Alexandria, by Baur,
in his christl. Gnosis.-Kling, in Studien u. Kritiken, 1841.-Bishop Kaye, Account of the
Writings and Opinions of Clem. of Alex. London, 1839.-Christ. Review, July, 1852. —
Kitto's Journal of Sacred Lit., 1852.-LLeutzen, Erkennen u. Glauben, C1. v. Alex. und
Anselm v. Canterb. Bonn, 1848.-Reinkens, de Clem. Alex. Vratislaviae, 1851.-Reuter, Clern. Alex. Theologia Moralis. Berol. 1853.-The Chronol. of C1. of Alex., in Journ.
of Class. and Sacred Philol., 1854.-H. Laemmer, Clem. Alex. de "logo" Doctrina. Commentatio Histor. Theol., 8. Leips. 1855.
Origen.-R'edepenning, des Hieronymus wieder aufgefundenes Verzeichniss d. Schriften
ds. Origen, in ZeitschriftJ. d. hist. Theol., 1851.-Ritschl, die Schriftstellerei ds. Varro u.
ds. Origen. Bonn, 1847. —Fischer, Commentatio de Originis Theologia et Cosmologia.
1846.-C. Ramen?, des Orig. Lehre v. der. Anferstehung des Fleisches.-Zlfosheim's Commentaries. Transl. by Dr. MVIurdock7, vol. 2, p. 1413-209. —R. Emerson, in Bibl. Repos., vol.
4.-B. Sears, in Bibl. Sacra, vol. 3.-A. Lawson, in Christ. Exam., vols. 10. 11.-British
Qztarterly, vol. 2.
0 65. Hippolytus, p. 225.-Gieseler's modified View, in Stud. u. fKrit., 1853. A large addition has been made to the literature by the discovery and publication of the " Philosophumena, sive omnium Haeresium Refutatio," edited by J. Muiller, and issued at Oxford
in 1851, as a work of Origen.-Bunsen's Hippolytus and his Age, 4. 8; second edition,~
8. under the title of Christianity and Mankind.-Jacobi, Deutsche Zeitschrift, 1851; Meth.
Qu. Review, 1851; Theolog. Critic, 1852; Edinb. Review, 1852 and 1853; Christ. Remembr.
1853; Dublin Review, 1853, 1854; British Quarterly (two articles), 1853; Westminster,
1853; North British, 1853; Christ. Review, 1853; North American, 1854.-Ritschl, Volckmoar and Baur, in the Thqol. Jahrb., 1853;'4.-Journal of Class. and Sacred Philol., 1854.
-New Brunswick Reviezo, 1854.
Besides these articles, a number of independent works have been published.-Chr.
Wordswoorth, The Church of Rome in the third Century, with Reference to Hippolytus.
1853. —W. Elfe Tayler, Analysis of Hippolytus.  1854. —Lenormant, Controverse sur les
Philos. d'Origine. Par. 1853. —Dollinger, Hippolytus u. Kallistus. 1854.-Cruice, Etudes




570                 WORKS ON THE SECOND PERIOD.
sur les Philosoph. Paris, 1853.-C. Wordsworth, Remarks on the Preface to the last
Edition of Bunsen's Hippolytus.  1855. —Volckmar, Hippolytus. 1855.
Q 66, p. 225. Theology in the West; Tertullian and Cyprian.-Tertullian, p. 226.-Opera,
ed. Oehler.  1852-'4, 3 tom.-K. HIesselberg, Tertullian's Lehre.  Dorpat, 1848.-Neande r,
Antignostiken, Geist ds. T. 2te Ausg.  1849. (Eng. transl. in part in Bohn's Library,
appended to Neander's " Planting," etc.) —Tertullian, Transl. in "Libr. of Fathers," vol.
1. 2d ed.-Bishop Kaye, Eccl. Hist. of second and third Cent. illustr., in Tertull. 3d
ed. 1848.-Engelhardt, Tertullian als Schriftsteller, in Zeitshcriftf. d. hist. Theol., 1852.
-De Corona Militis. Edit. by G. Curry. Camb. 1853.-Apology of T., with English
notes, by H. A. Woodham. 2d ed. Camb.-Leopold, doctr. Tert. de Baptismo, in Zeitschrift f. d. hist. Theol., 1854.-Hauber, T. gegen d. zweite Ehe, in Stud. u. Krit., 1845.
— CEuvres de T., trad. en Francais, by M. de Genoude. 2d ed., 3. 8. 1852.- Uhlhorn,
Fundamenta Chronologiae Tertullian. Gotting. 1852.
English Tranislations.-The seconde Booke of Tertullian unto his Wyf, etc., by John
lIoper. 1550.-Apology, by H. B. Brown, 4. Lond. 1655.-Te rtullian's Apology, 8. 1788.
Transl., preface by W. Reeves, 2. 8. 1716.-Prescriptions, by T'. Betty.  Oxf. 1772.-Address to Scapula Tertullus. Transl. by Sir D. Dalrymple, 12. Edinb. 1790.
Cyprian.-Life and Times of Cyprian, by Geo. Ayliffe Poole.  Oxf. 1840.-Shepherd,
Hist. of Ch. of Rome. 1852. He doubts the authenticity of all the letters of Cyprian.Id., Five Letters to Dr. Maitland.  1852-'54. Cf. Christ. Rem7embr., 1853, and Dublin
Review, 1852.-Dodwell, Dissertationes Cyprianicae.  1704.-Bishop Sage, Principles
of Cyprianic Age, 2. 8. Edinb. 1846.-Libr. of Fathers, vols. 3 and 17, Cyprian's Treatises and Epistles.-Cyprian, in Rudelbach, christl. Biographie, and in Bohringer.-Dr.
Nevins, Cyprian and his Views, in Mercersb. Rev., 1852.-M. F. HIyde, Cypr. de Unitate.
1852.-Graubinger, Cypriani libri de Unitate. Leips. 1853. Other Eng. transl.: Sweete
and devoute Sermon, by Syr Thos. Eliot. 1534, 1539, 1560.-On the Lorde's Praier, by
T. Paynell.  1539.-Unity of Church, by J. Fell. Oxf. 1681.-Disc. to Donatus, by J.
Tunstall.  1716.-His whole Works, by N. Marshall.  1717.
Q 67, p. 233. Apostolic Constitutions and Canons.-In Bunsen's Hippolytus is an elaborate attempt to restore these to their original form: Analecta Ante-Nicaena.- Wedgewood,
Apostol. Constitutions.  London, 1843.-Whiston, Prim. Christ. revived, 4. 8. 1711.Chase, The Apostol. Constitutions, Whiston's Version, and Krabbe's Essay. New York,
1848.-G. Ueltzen, Constitutiones Apostolicae.  Greek transl. and notes, 8. 1853. Cf.
Zeitschrift f. d. hist. Theol., 1854.-Apostol. Constitutions, in Christ. Remembr., 1854. —
-The }Ethiopic Didascalia, ed. by T. P. Platt.  Lond. 1834.
~ 68. History of the Hierarchy, p. 234. —T'V. E. L. Ziegler, Versuch einer pragmat. Geschichte d. Kirchlichen Verfassungsformen in d. 6 ersten Jahrhund. Leips. 1798.-J. W.
Bickell, Gesch. ds. Kirchenrechts.  1849. —Io'hler, die Einheit in d. Kirche, d. Kirchenverfassung d. drei ersten Jahrhunderte.  1830.-Schmid, d. Bisthumssynode, 2. 8. 1851.
-Callistus (and Zephyrinsus), in his Episcopate and character: cf. the works of Bunsen,
DIllinger, and Wordsworth, upon Hippolytus.
~ 70. Divine Service, p. 244.-Bunsen's Hippolytus, Analecta Ante-Nicaena, 3. 8; Reliquiae Liturgicae.
lSECOND  PERIOD, A.D. 324-726, p. 268, sq.-General Works on this Period.-Fleury's
Hist. of Christ. 381-451. Transl. and edited by J. II. Newmnan, 3. 8. London. —lilman,
Hist. of Lat. Christ., 3 (to be 5), 8. Lond. 1854.-Isaac Taylor's Ancient Christianity, 2.
8. 4th ed. Lond. 1844.-E. von Lasaulx, d. Untergang des Hellenismus, und die Einziehung seiner Tempelgiiter von d. christlichen Kaisern. Miinchen, 1854.
A. de Broglie, Hist. du Christianisme et de la Societe Romaine au ive. Siecle, 4. 8.
Par. 1855.-Capefigue, Hist. de 1'Eglise (second portion, 2. 8). Par. 1853.
J. B. Heard, The Extinction of Christianity in the Roman Empire, in Relation to the
Evidences of Christianity (Hulsean).  1851.-At-tila, par Amidee Thierry, Rev. des deux
Mondes.  1852.
Influence of Christianity on Greek and Roman World.-C. Schmidt, Essai historique sur
la Socidtd dans le monde Romain, et sur sa Transformation.  Paris, 1853 (prize essay).




WORKS ON THE FATHERS.                                57p
-Etudes Historiques sur l'Influence de la Charite durant les prem. Sidcles. Chr6t. par
Etienne Chastel. Paris, 1853 (prize essay).-F. de Champagny, la Charite Chr6tienne dans
les premiers Siecles. Paris, 1854.-A. Tollemer, CEuvres de Mis6ricorde, 12. Par. 1853.
Villemain, Nouveaux Essais sur l'Infl. du Christianisme dans le monde G.rec et Latin.
Paris, 1855.-Ozanam, de la Civilisation au cinquidme Siecle, 2. 8. Paris,. 1855..
H. J. Leblanc, Essai sur l'Etude des Lettres profanes dans les premiers Sidcles.. Paris,
1852.-Troplong, de l'Influence du Christianisme sur le droit civil des Ronains. Paris,
1853. —C. 11r. Kennedy, Influence of Christianity on International Law (Hulsean). 1855,.
Q 75, p. 271. Constantine.-Burckhardt, die Zeit Constantins des Grossen. 1853.-Rev..
B. H. Cooper, The Free Church. of ancient Christendom, and its Subjugation by Constantine. Lond. 1851.-Id., Life and Times of Constantine.-Life of Constantine, by Eusebius, transl. Lond. 1846.-Manso, Leben Constantins, 8. 1817.-Arendt, in Tub. Quartalschrift, 1834.-Christ. Rev., iv.-Lit. and Theol. Rev., vol. 6.-The Vision of Constantine is investigated by Passy, Academie des Sciences Morales et Polit. 1846.-Polus
(Cardinal)%, De BaptismoConstantini Magni Imperatoris. 1556.-Panegyric of Constantine the Great, by Const. Accopoliti, from MSS. by Constantine Simonides. Lond. 1854.
~ 76. Julian the Apostate, p. 278.-F. Strauss, d. Romantiker auf d. Throne, oder Julian
d. Abtruinnige. 1847.-N. Bangs, in Meth. Quar. Rev., vol. 9.-Neander's Work on Julian,
transl., 12. New York, 1848. —Wiggers, in Zeitschriftf. hist. Theol., vol. 7. —H. Schulze,
de Philos. Jul. 1839.-Life of Julian. Lond. 1682; Orations, 1693.-Auer's Julian., 1855Q 81, sq. —The Arian Controversy, p. 294.-Newman's Translation of Fleury's Eccl..Hist.
381-451, 3. 8. 1838.-Id., The Arians of fourth Cent.-Maimbourg, History of Arianism,
by W. WVebster, 2. 4. 1728.-J. A. Stark, Versuch einer Gesch. ds. Arianismus.-Klose,
in Real-Encycl. f. d. Prot. Theologie.- T. G. Hassencamp, Historia Arianae Controversiae.
1845.-Bishop Kaye, in his " Council of Nice." Lond. 1854.
T/Vhitaker's Origin of Arianism.
The Council of Nice, p. 297.-Bishop Kaye, Some Account of the Council of Nice, in
Connection with Life of Athanasius. Lond. 1853: cf. Christ. Remembr. 1854.-Bishop,Forbes, Explan. of Nicene Creed. Lond. 1852.-Marheinecke, in his Dogmengesch. 1850.
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Bishop Bull, Defensio Fid. Nicaen. in his.Works, 8..8.-Id., Disc. on Doctrine of Catholic Church.-Sherlock, Doctrine of Trinity. 1690.- Waterland, Vindication of Christ's
Divinity: Works. 1843.-Hampden, in Bampton Lects. 3d ed.. 1848.
The Athanasian Creed.-History, by Dr. Waterland.: Works, vol. 1.-J.. Redcliff, Creed
of Athanasius, illustrated from the: Scriptures and Writings of the Fathers, 8. London,
1844.
~ 84, p. 314.-Eusebius Pamph., bishop of Caesarea:. Evang.. Dermonstrat., libri x. rec.
T. Gaisford, 2. 8.-Contra Hieroclem et Marcellum, ed.. by T. Gaisford.. Oxon.-Armenian transl. of Chronicles of Eusebius, from Niebuhr, in. Journal of Sacr.. Lit., 1853,'4.1a-arginalia of Pearson on Eusebius, in Journ. Class. and Sacred Philol., 1854.-Hollenberg,
on Schwegler's and Burton's edition of the Eccl.. Hist., in Studien u. Kritiken, 1855.-Theophania in the Syriac, and transl. by Dr. Samuel L.ee, 2. 8. Lond.-Tracts by Eusebius,
in Mai's Patrum Nova Biblioth., tom 3. 1853.-Lawcson, in, Christ. Exam., vol. 18.
Athanasius.-Biskhop Kaye, in his " Council of Nice."  1853.-Athanasius against the
Arians, transl. by Newman, Lib. Fathers, vols. 8..19; Historical Tracts, vol. 13.-The.
Festal Letters of Athanasius, from Syriac, with Notes, by TV. Cureton, 1848; to be transl.
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Basil the Great.-Christian Review, July, 1854.-Opera Dogmat., in Thilo's Bibl. Patrune
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be~avenly Wisdom, transl. by T.. Stocker. 1594L




.572                  CHRYSOSTOM AND AUGUSTINE.
Gregory of Nazianzum.-Ullmann's Life, transl. in part by G. V. Cox. Lond. 1851. —
Piper's Evang. Kalend. 1852.-Journal Sacr. Lit., 1852; WTestminster Rcv., vol. 56.-Hergenrbther, Gregory's " Lehre v. d. Dreieinigkeit."  Regensb. 1850.-Thilo, Bibl. Patrum
Graec. Dogm., vol. 2. 1854.
Gregory of Nyjssa.-Doctrina de hominis natura illustravit et cum  Origeniana comparavit, by E. G. MJkoeller. Halle, 1852.
Hilary.-In the Spicilegium Solesmense, ed. by Pitra, 1853, fragments of a commentary
on Paul are vindicated for Hilary; cf. Christ. Remembr., July, 1853. Against this, and
for Theodorus, Jacobi, in the "Deutsche Zeitschrift," 1854.
Jerome.-Collembet, l'Hist. d'Hieronyme.  1845 (in French, 1847). — Jerome and his'Times, by S. Osgood, in Bibl. Sacra, vol. 5.
Ambrose.-Rudelbach, in "Christl. Biog." Bd. 1.-B-ohringer, in his "Kirche Christi,"
and in the Real-Encycl. f. Prot. Theol.-Ambrosian MSS., Quar. Rev., vol. 16.-Tract
on the Holy Virginity, by A. J. Christie. Oxf. 1843.
Cyril.-Lectures. 3d ed.' Lib. Fathers," vol. 2.-Thirteen works in 3lcai's "Nova
Bibliotheca," 1853, vol. 2.
Ephraem Syrus. —H. Butrgess, Transl. of Hymns and Homilies. Lond. 1853; cf. Kiitto's
Journal, 1853.-Id., Repentance of Nineveh. 1854. —Das Leben ds. Eph. Syr., J. Alsle.
ben. 1853.-Cardinal WT'iseman, in his "Essays," vol. 3 (from.Dublin Review).-N-,orth
British, Aug. 1853; Journal of Sacred Lit., Jan. 1854; Church Review, 1852.
Theodor off JMopsuestia.-Commt. in N. T., ed. Fritsche. 1847.-Doctrina de imagine
Dei, Dorner, 1844; cf. Dorner's Person. Christi.-Commentar. in Spicileg. Solesm.. (see
-nder Hilary, above).
John Chrysostont.-The first vol. of Neander's Life. Transl. by J. C. Stapleton. Lond.
1845.-B6lhringer, in " Die Kirche Christi."-In the " Lib. of Fathers," Oxf., translation
of Chrysostom in vols,. 4. 5. 6. 7. 9. 11. 12. 14. 15. 27. 34.-Chrysostom  on " Priesthood,"
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Butler. —Kitto's Journal, vol. 1 by Eadie.-S. Osgood, in NVorth Amer., vol. 62.-C. P.
TKrauth, in Evangel. Rev., vol. 1.-Sermons of Chrysostom, in Christian Rev., vol. 12.Perthes, Life of Chrysostom, transl. Boston, 1854.
Chrysostom, " No man is hurted but of hym-selfe."  Transl. by T. Lseprette. London,
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Synesius. —Quae exstant Opera omnia, ed. by J. G. E. rabinger, tom. 1. 1850.-Hom.
ilies; trad. pour la prem. fois, par B. Kolbe. Berl. 1850.
9 86, p. 326.-Priscillan.-J. M. Mandernach, Geschichte ds. Priscillianismus.  1851.
-Defense of Priscillian, by Dr. Lardner; Works, vol. 4.
6 87. Augustine and Pelagius.-Augustine, in " Lib. of Fathers," Oxf., vol. 1. Confessions, by S. B. Pusey (rep. in Boston); vols. 16 and 20, Sermons; 22, Treatises; 16, 20,
Sermons; 24, 25, 30, 32, Psalms; 26, 29, John.-Trench, Essay on Augustine as Interpreter, and Comm. on Serm. on Mount.-Life, etc., by Schaff. 1854.-Life and Labors..
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Rev., vol. 6.-Augustine as Preacher, Bibl. Repos., vol. 3. and vol. 7. 2d series.-Osgood,
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Two hundred new Sermons of Augustine, in.Mai, Patrum Nova Biblioth., vol. 1.-De
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L. Gangauf, Metaphys. Psychologie ds. heilig. August. Augsb. 1852.
Augustine, Of the Citie of God, with the Comm. of L. Vives. Englished by J. H. 2d
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French transl. of the " Civitas Dei," by Saisset, 4. 12. 1855.
Shicksale d. Augustinischen Anthsopologie Yon d. Ve rdammung ds. S emipelagianismus




HISTORY OF THE PAPAPACY.                               57
auf. d, Synoden zu Orange u. Valence 529 bis zur Reaction ds. Mdnchs Gottschalck f. d,
August, Dr. G. F. Wiggers, in Zeitschriftf. d. historische Theologie, 1854,'5.
Julius Il3iller, Der Pelagianismus, ein Vortrag. Deutsche Zeitschrift.  1855.
Vineens of Lirens, p. 343.-Commonitorium, ed, alt. Oxford, with a translation.  On.
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present Nestorianrs, T. Laurie. Bost. 1853; J. Perkins, in Journal Sacr. Lit., 1853. Cf. the
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Theodoretus, Comment. in omnes b. Pauli Epist: Pars 1. Oxon. 1852, in Bibl. Patrum
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~ 94, Iistory of the Roman Patriarchs, and of the Hierarchy in the West, p. 377. —0n the
Claims and Succession of the Papacy.-Barrow on the Papal Supremacy, l'Crie's edition. —Riddle's Hist. of Papacy, 2, 8. 1854 (from  Schrhckh and others); cf. DuZblin Rev.,
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Christ. Remembr., 1855, on the papal and royal Supremacy.
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7;4                    UCHRISTIANITY IN GERMANY.
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Colunmban.-Arnold's Theol. Critic, vol. 1. 1851.-Scotch Ecclesiastical Journal, 1852.Notes on the Study of the Bible by our Forefathers (Colurnban, Patrick, Gildas), in Journal of Class. and Sacred Philol., 1854. —Knottenbelt, de Columbano. Lugd. 1839.
J. Jamnieson, Hist. Account of the ancient Culdees of Iona, and of their Settlement in
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Liber poenitentialis, Theod. (edition of the Record Commission), Untersuchungen tiber
d. german. P6nitent. Biicher, von.K. Hildebrand.  Wurz. 1851.-Die Bussordnungen d.
Abendl. Kirche, v.  W. H. Wasserschleben.  Halle, 1851 (cf. Gersdorf's Rap., 1852).
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if/E tiic, Remains of, ed. by L'Isle, 1623; with a reprint of the " Testimonie of Antiquitie," sanctioned by Archbishop Parker. 1567.
Bede.-The English Historical Society published his Historia Eccles. et Opera Hist.
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1722.
BliD OF VOL. I.