'HOUSE......
REPORTS OF COMMISSIONERS
ON THE
HOUIS OF LAB'QR.
Appointed under Chapter 92 of the Resolves of 1866.
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EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, BOSTON, 
Jan. 11, 1867. i
To the House of Representatives.
I have the honor to submit, for the information of the
General Court, the Reports of the Commissioners on the Hours
of Labor, appointed under chapter 92 of the Resolves of 1866.
ALEX. H. BULLOCK.
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HOURS OF LABOR.
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STATE IIOUSE, BOSTON, Jan. 1, 1867.
To His Excellency Alexander H. Bullock.
The Commissioners appointed in accoidxance with the following Resolve of the legislature, passed May 28th, 1866,
Resolved, That a commission of three persons be appointed
by the governor on or before the first day of June next, with
power to send for persons and papers, to investigate the subject
of the hours of labor, especially in its relation to the social,
educational and sanitary condition of the industrial classes,
and to the permanent prosperity of the productive interests of
the State,
REPORT:
Upon entering on the duties assigned us, we referred to the
report and documents of the previous Commission on the
Hours of Labor, submitted to the legislature at its last session,
and were happy to find that much of the labor that would
otherwise have devolved upon us, had already been performed
in a very satisfactory manner; and therefore confined ourselves
to such additional investigations as were deemed necessary.
Circulars to the number of 450 were sent to corporations
and individuals engaged in the different branches of manufacturing and mechanical industry in various parts of the
Commonwealth, making the following inquiries:
1. How many persons are employed in your works?
2. How many are females?
4
[Jan. 
HOUSE —No. 44.
3. How many under the age of ten years?
4. How many between the ages of ten and fourteen?
5. How many in all under the age of eighteen years?
6. How many children under fifteen years receive the amount
of schooling required by the laws of the Commonwealth?
7. What are the hours of labor in your establishment?
8. How would a reduction of time to ten hours affect
production?
9. How would it operate to run your machinery with two
sets of hands, eight hours each, provided sufficient laborers
could be obtained?
10. Do the social and sanitary interests of operatives, especially minors, require a reduction of the time of labor to ten
hours per day?
11. Have you tables showing the rates of wages for a series
of years? If so, for how long a period?
12. Have wages advanced or receded within the last twenty
years?
13. Have wages advanced since 1860? and if so, how much?
Another circular was sent to persons connected with, or supposed to represent, the laboring classes. To this last we shall
have occasion to refer at the close of this Report.
The answers returned to the questions, what number of
persons are employed, and how many are females? we have
found sufficiently explicit; but to our inquiries how many are
under the age of ten years and between ten and fourteen years?
the answers have been very imperfect and unsatisfactory.
From the nature of the case, we must suppose this unavoidable.
Employers have no means of determining the question of age,
and often have no motive to do so; and parents are frequently
interested in representing their children to be older than they
really are, in order to secure employment for them, and obtain
a higher rate of wages. For these reasons little reliance can
be placed upon the returns made in regard to persons employed
under fourteen years of age, and from our own personal observation we are well persuaded that the number of such is far
greater than would be indicated in any statistics now obtainable. We know that there is a general, but, we are happy to
say, not universal, disregard of that part of the Act of 1866,
chapter 273,section 1, which says, "no child under ten years of
1867.]
5
I 
HOURS OF LABOR.
age shall be employed in any manufacturing establishment
within this Commonwealthl." We believe that thousands of
these victims of cupidity and avarice are so employed at this
moment, and their condition deserves the attention of the
executive and legislative departments of the government.
If we are asked, how it happens that this positive enactment
is disregarded, we reply, that when we have asked the superintendelt of the mill, for example, why he employed such
children, his ready answer would. be, "I do not employ such;
they are employed by the overseers of the rooms." The
second section of the law to which we have referred says,
"Thle owner, agent or superintendent of any manufacturing
establishment who knowingly employs a child in violation of
the preceding section shall forfeit a sum not exceeding fifty
dollars for each offence."
Now as the overseer of a room, and many other subordinates
in factories, who contract with and employ those under their
direction, are not in express terms either owner, agent or
superintendent, it is deemed a safe evasion of the law in question, as there is no one to whom it attaches. To make the law
effective, it is only needful that it be so amended as to read,
"the owner, agent or superintendent of any manufacturing
establishment who allows a child to be employed in violation
of the preceding section shall forfeit a sum not exceeding
fifty dollars for each offence;" to which we think the clause
should be added, one-half of which shall go to the complainant.
This is desirable to secure a prosecution, as such a proceeding
always involves a responsibility few are willing to assume
without consideration.
But the Commissioners are entirely satisfied as to the result
of their own observation and inquiries, that no laws or regulations, however wise and humane, will afford protection to the
laboring classes, unless they have an official friend, to whom
they can appeal with confidence, and whose sole duty is to see
that their rights are respected, and the laws made in their
behalf executed. And this officer must be entirely independent
of popular suffrage. He must receive his appointment from
the executive, and be responsible to him for his conduct. And
hlence we earnestly recommend that it be made the duty of the
governor to appoint such an officer. And to avoid the multi
6
[Jan. 
HOUSE —No. 44.
plication of different departments of service, it seems to us that
if the governor were authorized to assign one of the State constabulary as SPECIAL INSPECTOR OF LABOR, whose duty should
be to see to the execution of all laws made in its behalf, and
report his doings to the executive annually or oftener as
deemed most expedient, the object would be attained in a cheap
yet effective mannler; and if the law should further authorize
such inspector to call on the State constabulary for any additional assistance he might need, the great object would be
secured with but little difficulty.
We do not presume, however, to go into details ill regard to
the law, or the execution of it, but the fact that such an
inspector of labor has become a great and pressing necessity,
we wish to urge most strongly upon the attention of the
government.
MINORS.
To our fifth inquiry, " How many in all under eighteen years of
age?" we have received sufficiently definite replies. In a large
part of our heavier mechanic establishments, but few if any
minors are employed, but in our woollen and cotton mills they
are found in large numbers.   In twenty-five of the most
considerable of these, we obtain the following result:
Whole number of hands,.
Under 18 years of age,.
Nearly one-fifth, or 19.29 per cent. It is our opinion, how
ever, that the proportion is considerably greater than these
figures indicate.   In many, and indeed  in most cases, the
returns must be mere estimates on the part of those who made
them, from the want of any accurate knowledge of the actual
age of their employees, and for the reasons before given, many
would be reported as over eighteen who were actually under
that age. We should think it probable that the true proportion
was not less than 25 per cent.
But taking even the lowest rate per cellt., we perceive what
an immense number of minors must be employed in the aggregate, in the numerous industrial establishments of the Commonwealthl, and that their interests may well demand the
attention of the government.
7
1867.]
... 25,842
41986 
HOURS OF LABOR.
To the sixth question, in regard to the schooling of children,
answers were generally returned, and we shall have occasion to
refer to them, when called to speak upon the interests of
education.
E[OURS OF LABOR.
Answers to the seventh inquiry were received from seventyfour establishments, which give the following as the hours of
labor:
5 worked 101 hours.
63   "    11 hours.
4   "    12 hours
12   "    irregular hours, 8 to 15.
From this it will be seen that eleven hours is the rule, and
any shorter or longer time the exception in the factories of the
Commonwealth.
This fact brings before us one of the most important considerations connected with the industrial interests of the State.
Our cotton and woollen mills, employing a large proportion
of women and children, are run for eleven hours each day,
while our mechanic shops in general, in which no females, and
but few children are employed, are kept in operation but ten
hours.
While we are happy to bear our testimony to the excellent
character of most of the cotton and woollen mills we have
visited, while the larger ones especially are well built, well
ventilated and cleanly kept, we have been satisfied from our
personal observation, as well as the testimony of those best
qualified to judge, that eleven hours' toil each day for six days
in each week, is more than women and children ought to be
required to perform. We are certain that they cannot do this
without imparing, sooner or later, theirvital powers, and shortening the duration of life. We are confident that it is a most
uneconomical waste of life, which it is the interest of the State
to prevent.
HIow great that interest is, may be seen from the limited
statistics we now present:
In sixty-five concerns there were employed in all, 33,000
hands.
8
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
Of these, there were females,
or 60 per cent.
In twelve of the largest cotton mills we found,
Number of hands,.
of females,.
About 65 per cent.
As some of these mills had print-works, and employed a large
number of males, we are of the opinion, that in the strictly
cotton manufacturing business there must be at least two-thirds,
or say 67 per cent. If to these we should add the male children under eighteen years of age, the number of which
we have no means of determining, we should probably find
the number of women and children equal to seventy-five
per cent. of the whole number of persons employed. In our
earliest examinations in relation to the hours of labor we were
painfully impressed with the feeling that this large class of persons ought to be relieved, if possible, from the hardships of a
condition which compels them to work sixty-six hours per week.
We were soon led to conclude that unless there existed the most
imperative necessity for such extended hours of service, all
under eighteen years of age ought to be restricted to ten hours
per day.
One of the first considerations presented was that the hours
of labor in this country must conform, in a good degree, to the
hours of labor in that country from which we find our greatest
rivalry as a manufacturing people; and accordingly, soon after
our Commission was formed, one of our number wrote for information in regard to the hours of labor in Great Britain, to
Elihu Burritt, Esq., the American Consular Agent at Birmingham. To the inquiries proposed, a prompt answer was returned,
from which we give the following extracts:
"It may be fairly assumed that the ten-hour system it
established in England universally amongst all trades and occupations, and that every one is paid for all work over that time.
In the great Labor Congress at Geneva, composed of representatives from nearly all countries, the English delegates advo
2
1867.]
9
. 19,T46
. 19,979
. 12)977 
HOURS OF LABOR.
cated nine hours, as a standard day's work, but they did not
carry it. The system in Birmingllam is very generous and
accommodating to the workmen.   They go into the factory, or
shop, at eight, and work till one, which makes five hours; they
then go to dinner and resume work at two, and labor until
seven; a half hour being allowed them at five o'clock for TEA,
which is made in the factory. There is generally a boiler provided by the proprietors, and their porter boils the water for the
men and women, who make their tea ill their own dinner mugs,
and pour it into their tea-cups, which they furnish themselves.
You will notice that the half hour at tea is taken from the ten,
so that the laborers work only nine and a half hours a day. In
summer however, they work from two till six-thlirty, without
stopping for tea, that they may add the half hour allowed them
for it, to the long evening of leisure.
"You will see how much more lenient aid generous this system is, than the one adopted in New England, where men,
women, and children, are belied up firom their beds in the winter
while it is yet dark, to eat their breakfast by candle-liglht, and
work by candle-light at both ends of the day.  *  *  There is a
great deal to be learned in England by our manufacturers in
regard to the rights of labor. One thing I would urge upon you
-to keep a sharp look-out for factory children.  You know that
the English government has factory inspectors, who travel about
and keep a sharp watch on the manufacturers, and see that the
humane laws are carried out, which prevent children from being
dragged into the factories under a certain age, and without
schooling. It will require the keenest vigilance in New England to prevent this tendency to create an ignorant, spiritless
and helpless factory population.
"For the credit of Massachusetts, of which  we are all so
proud, 1 hope you will look closely into these matters; lest
while our people are bragging of their freedom and enlightenment, a great and constantly increasing class among us will
sink lower and lower in the scale of mental, moral and physical
well-being. * * The hungry avidity for large dividends, thd
concentration of capital, and the intangibility and invisibility of
stockholders, all operate in one direction, both in sentiment and
policy, and you must lift up a standard against it. * * Could
not the Massachusetts legislature be induced to appoint an
inspector of factories, such as we have here?"
10
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
In addition to the facts and opinions derived from the
returns, we have visited a large number of industrial establishments, factories and workshops in different parts of the
Commonwealth, and from conversations with those who had the
charge of them, we are satisfied that they would readily
acquiesce in the proposed reduction.
A LAW FOR THE PROTECTION OF MINORS.
While we do not recommend to your Excellency that any law
be passed interfering with the hours of adult laborers, who can
choose their own employments, we earnestly recommend that
a law be enacted similar to that of Great Britain, that no
person under eighteen years of age shall be employed more
than ten hours each day, or sixty hours per week. That such
a law, the rightfulness of which we think no one can well dispute, would cause a general reduction ih the hours of labor for
all employed in factories, as well as minors, we have no doubt.
Such was the effect in England, very fortunately and such
would unquestionably be the result here.
A very great amelioration of the condition of the British
laborer has taken place within the last twenty years, but it
required the efforts of the humane and philanthlropic for the
previous thirty years to accomplish it. The history of the
great struggle,* published in two volumes, now in our State
library, is one of intense interest, and well deserves the careful
study of those who would know the terrible thraldom from
which the operatives of Great Britain have been emancipated.
The condition of the laboring classes was shocking almost
beyond belief; but the amount of suffering, the destruction of
human life, and the moral and mental degradation it entailed
upon the masses, were disregarded until the friends of humanity
interfered; and then it required a tedious contest for one
whole generation to induce the government to interfere in the
laborer's behalf; but when it did so it was with effect.  This
is characteristic of the British government, which, proverbially
slow to enact any law making essential changes in the social ot
political condition of the country, is quite sure to execute any
law which it places upon the statute book.
*Alfred's History of the Factory Movement.
1867.]
11 
.HOURS OF LABOR.
The testimony which Mr. Burritt has given us in regard to
the greatly improved condition of British operatives, is highly
encouraging and satisfactory, since it comes from one who has
spent a great part of the last twenty years in England, and
travelled more  extensively, and  become  more  intimately
acquainted with the people of that country, than perhaps any
other American.
But we are not restricted to the testimony of this gentleman, however full or satisfactory it may be. A large number
of documents appertaining to the subject have been kindly
forwarded to us from England, all confirming his statements,
and showing how highly satisfactory the changes which have
been made are, both to the workmen and their employers. We
could make extracts from these publications that would fill a
volume, all of whichi would go to prove that the new policy
adopted in England is not only highly beneficial to the industrial prosperity of the country, but to its social and moral
interests.
In reply to our eighth inquiry, "How would a reduction of
time to ten hours affect production?" we have generally
received the answer, " In the same ratio," or "one-eleventh."
That the adoption of ten instead of eleven hours would reduce
the immediate production of goods we readily grant; not
indeed to the precise extent of onie-eleventh, as some manufacturers have assumed, but doubtless nearly to that extent. This
at the present time would be an advantage rather than otherwise; but we do not admit that in the long run anything
would be lost to production, for several decided benefits would
be derived from this course.
1. The operatives would be more able to perform ten than
eleven hours' labor, and would work more profitably to their
employers.
2. There would be a great deal less of lost time.  As it
now is, these minors oftenii get jaded out by their long hours of
labor, and are compelled of necessity to lay by for a few days,
and after awhile to leave the business for months or years to
recruit. This fact is well known to manufacturers.
3. By reducing the hours, employers are certain to get a
higher grade of laborers, more able and intelligent hands.
12
[Jan. 
8HOUSE —No. 44.
As some mills now are, there is an evident deterioration in the
character of those employed. None can be had to work in them,
except the most dependent families. If the time was reduced
as proposed, it would operate as a powerful inducement for
many of a better class to work in the mill who now refuse to do
so.  The last hour of the eleven implies more hardship than
two hours in the previous ten would do.
That all the best interests of operatives would be promoted
by such a reduction, is acknowledged by many of the largest
and best manufacturers in the country.
In reply to question No. 10, "Do the social and sanitary
interests of operatives, especially minors, require a reduction of
the time of labor to ten hours per day?" Hon. Amos A. Lawrence gives the following answer:  "Yes.  The physical, intellectual, moral and religious interests of our people require a.
reduction. The present system of labor is debasing the native
New England stock, and forcing them to emigrate to the West,
South, and foreign countries.  The population which displaces
ours is inferior in every respect."
In a note accompanying the return, Mr. Lawrence adds:
"On the main question of work within doors, and especially
the employment of children, I have believed for thirty years
that our practice was bad."  From the agent of the Pacific
Mills (employing 3,800 hands,) to whom we are iidebted for
very full and satisfactory replies, and who has given his views
at length on both sides of the question, showing the objections
to and the arguments for such a reduction, we have the following conclusion:  "On the whole, I should be very willing to
have the experiment tried, and should use my influence to give
it, as far as I might be concerned, a fair trial. This being had,
I would gladly abide by its obvious results."
From the Hamilton Company, at Lowell, we have the followilg: " In my judgment, the social and sanitary interests of all
would be materially advanced by such a reduction."
Others, again, reply that the reduction would be desirable,
provided the system were extended throughout New England.
In answer to this it may be said, that if Massachusetts
adopted the ten-hour rule, other States would doubtless feel
compelled to follow.'Such has been the case hitherto.  Once
1867.]
13
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HOURS OF LABOR.
the factories of Massachusetts ran for twelve or thirteen hours
daily. As they have been gradually reduced to eleven, other
communities have fallen into the same limit; and now when it
is proposed to establish ten hours, there seems to be the best of
reasons for believing that such would become the general rule
throughout the country.
It is very gratifying to be able to state at this point, that several of the largest mills in some of our most important malmfacturing cities have, since the organization of this Commission,
voluntarily reduced their hours of labor to ten each day, or
sixty hours per week.
In reply to our ninth question, "'How would it operate to run
your machinery with two sets of hands, eight hours each, provided sufficient laborers could be obtained?" we have received
generally the answer we expected; viz., that it would be, in
most cases, impracticable. Many kinds of manufactures are of
such a character that the change could not be made, though in
others there would be little difficulty. That a great object
would be attained if capital or investments could be made to
work sixteen hours, while human beings were obliged to labor
but eight, will be admitted by all; and that such a consummation will be ultimately reached, seems very possible, but at
present the experiment is rather a matter of anticipation than
anything to be practically attempted.
The subject of our tenth inquiry, whether the social and sanitary condition of operatives, especially minors, requires a
reduction of the time of labor to ten hours each day, has been
anticipated to some extent in our consideration of the seventh
question.
The answers given have varied greatly. Many are directly
and positively in the negative; others as directly in the affirmative; others, still, are conditional, that is, "provided the operatives would make a good use of their additional leisure," of
which many express a strong doubt. In regard to this last
point, we suppose that the answers given have been influenceo
by the social condition of the general population in which the
establishment is situated. In those well-ordered communities, where no places of demoralization are permitted, the reply
would naturally be, that the additional leisure hour would be
an advantage, because it would be well spent; while in those
14
[Jan. 
HOUSE —No. 44.
of an opposite character, the reply would come very emphlatically in the negative.
That the sanitary condition of factory operatives would be
greatly improved by a reduction of one hour each day, we think
no reasonable man can deny; but this point has been so fully
and ably discussed in the report of the previous Commission onil
the Hours of Labor, and in various documents before the
public, that we deem it quite unnecessary to dwell upon it.
WAGES.
In connection with the hours of labor, we extended our
inquiries (as they could be made without appreciable labor or
expense,) to the cognate question of WAGES, which it is well
known have changed greatly within the last five years. All
classes are so much interested in this matter that we deemed it
not inappropriate to submit the question,.how much lave wages
advanced since 1860?  Answers to this inquiry have been
returned from 102 establishments, including in their employ
39,216 persons, from which it appears that the average rate
in all these is 63.2 per cent. advance since 1860. But there is
much reason to believe that this average is rather above the
actual advance.   First, because  the statements and general
conclusions arrived at have been in many cases estimates,
though based on actual figures to a great extent. Secondly,
because the natural bias of the employer who makes the returns,
would be likely to influence him to overstate rather than understate the wages of those in his employ, since the higher the rate
of wages the greater his own generosity.
As a proof in point, it may be stated, that one manufacturing
firm returned the advance in wages since 1860, at "75 to 200
per cent." Thinking this an extravagant and very indefinite
statement, we wrote for an explanation, and desired that the
average rate for all the workmen should be carefully ascertained.
We received in reply that, "the average advance as taken
from our pay-rolls, is 52 per cent." The average by the first
statement was 1371.  We are fully of the opinion that many of 
the replies made to this inquiry were equally conjectural, though
not so extravagant.
Thirdly, because the quality or value of labor is constantly
improving.  For example, (as we found onl inquiry,) a hand
A&
1867.]
15
I 
HOURS OF LABOR.
whose wages were $1.50 in 1860, now receives $3.25 per day, yet
had this same person been as good a workman in 1860 as he is
in 1866, his work then would have been worth $2.25; so that
his actual wages, instead of having advanced something more
than 130 per cent., have advanced, taking the actual quality
of his labor into account, but about 45 per cent., the balance
being attributable to the improved quality of his work. The
principle involved in this case applies to a large part of all the
skilled labor of the Commonwealth, and must raise considerably the average rate of the whole. None of the considerations
enumerated should be disregarded in determining the question
how much wages have advanced since 1860.
Although no official investigation has been made by us in
regard to the wages of labor in other departments of industry,
yet, from somewhat extended inquiries made by one of our
number, it is believed that the advance in farm labor has been
about the same as that of factory laborers. In regard to the
labor of females as domestics in families, it is believed to have
generally advanced since 1860 but about one-third, though in the
large towns and cities the advance may have been as high as
fifty per cent.  Probably forty per cent. would be the highest
average advance that could be stated for female labor in household employments.
From these premises, we conclude that the average advance
in wages of all kinds of labor throughout the State is about
50 per cent. In the meantime, as it is well known that
commodities have, for three years past, been raised in price
100 per cent. or more,* it will be seen that the laboring
* These estimates of the rise of wages and commodities we find to accord
very well with the Report of the Special Commissioner of the Revenue, Hon.
D. A. Wells, December, 1866.  He says:  "In Massachusetts the increase of mechanics' wages is 60 per cent.,
while that of all the employees of the State, male and female, and including
farm laborers, is 50 per cent."
Mr. Wells' estimate of the rise in prices is 85 per cent. But we must
notice that these are "wholesale prices," not the prices at which the laborer
had to purchase his commodities. Of course the latter had to pay the addi'
tional profits of the jobber and retailer upon the 85 per cent. extra price, so
that the cost to him must have been, as we have just stated, " 100 per cent.
or more!" On page 62 of Mr. Wells' Report, an instance is given where an
actual investigation was made, and it was found that, while wages had
advanced 55 to 60 per cent., commodities had advanced about 130 per cent.
[Jan.
16 
HOUSE-No. 44.
classes must have suffered greatly from this difference between
the rise of their wages and the rise of prices.  That they have
been compelled to deprive themselves of many of their accustomed enjoyments, is certain.  They have less to expend for
food and clothing, for amusement and culture. They have
been amongst the greatest sufferers from a redundant and, consequently, depreciated currency.   But this is a misfortune
from which it is not possible for the legislature of Massachusetts to relieve them, except by its influence upon the National
Government, in favor of a return to a sound standard of value.
RATE OF WAGES FOR A SERIES OF YEARS.
It will be observed by your Excellency that, in the eleventh
of our inquiries, we have asked the question, " Have you tables
showing the rate of wages for a series of years,- if so, for
how long a period?"  To this, we have received replies to the
effect, in some cases, that such tables or pay-rolls are in existence as would make it quite practicable to obtain the rate of
wages, in many cases, for twenty years. There is no doubt in
our minds, that statistics for the last fifty years might be
obtained without difficulty, showing what the wages of labor
have been in every department of industry, - agricultural,
mechanical and manufacturing; and what the variations in
those wages have been during that time; what  has been the
cause of such variations, and whether'the prices of commodities
have corresponded with the fluctuations in the rate of wages.
A table showing the prices of a large number of staple articles
from the year 1825 to 1863, has been carefully prepared and
published by the Treasury Department  at Washington (see
Financial Report, 1863,) so that by ascertaining, as we can
easily do, the rate of wages for a corresponding period, we may
determine with great accuracy in how far the laboring classes
have been affected by the fluctuations in prices; and, what is
equally important, we may discover the causes of such fluctutations.
We are strongly impressed with the conviction that a bureau
ought to be established in this Commonwealth, to collect statistics of every kind in relation to the industry and social condition         of th e people.  At present we have but few statistics
relating to the affairs of the State, and these few are exceed
3
1867.]
17 
HOURS OF LABOR.
ingly imperfect and unreliable.   Our decennial statistics of
industry are very far from affording that accurate information
which is needed to secure useful results; and but few of the
actual teachings, which such statistics should afford for practical
use, are brought out and made apparent.
We need the undivided attention and efforts of at least one
competent person to carry out this important measure.
TIME ALLOWED FOR DINNER.
There is another subject in this connection, to which we beg
leave to call the attention of your Excellency, which, however
trivial it may seem to those who have never had occasion to
reflect upon it, is one of sufficient importance in the eyes of
the Commissioners, and in the hearts of thousands of operatives
in Massachusetts, to deserve the attention of the government.
We allude to the amount of time allowed for dinner. In no small
share of the mills, this time is restricted to forty-five minutes.
In that short period the operatives must leave the mills, make
their way to their homes or boardinghouses, prepare themselves
for their meal, eat it, and get back to their places in the factory.
In many cases they must go a distance of half to tlhree-quarters
of a mile each way. And three-fourths of those who thus
struggle for their dinner are women and children, many of the
latter under ten or twelve years of age!
Now, what they ask, what humanity demands, is that the
law shall say that one hour at least shall in all cases be allowed
for dinner. It can be seen at once that nobody will be made
poorer by this arrangement, that the production of the mills
will not be reduced by a farthing, that no one will be injured
or incommoded.   Fifteen minutes thus gained will nearly
double the actual time the operatives now have in which to
take their meals; for a great part of all the time at present
allowed them, is spent in going to and returning from their
places of labor.
EDUCATION.
The State very properly assumes the right to provide that all
its children shall be furnished with the means of education;
and for years has required that chidren of tender age, shall not
be employed in factories, unless they have attended school a
18
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
certain number of months in each year.  The law enacted last
year increased the number of months to six, which in some
towns covers all the time in which schools are maintained. We
have no means of knowing how well the law is enforced.  We
have reason to suppose in some cases, when children are out of
the factories for the purpose, they do not attend school.
The graduated tables of the board of education for 1865,
show that 162 towns and cities, giving an average attendance
of from 75 -  to 100, are mostly small farming towns, only
twelve having over one thousand children each; but of these,
three, Lowell, Waltham and Fitchburg are manufacturing
towns, where a good degree of care for educating their children
is manifest. These 162 towns and cities have but 80,488 of the
247,217, the whole number returned in the State between five
and fifteen, and have a mean average attendance of 65,965.
The last two pages of the table show that the average attendance is not so large in the larger towns and cities; the rate
being from 43s81 to 75-i-5.  In thirteen manufacturing towns,
28,880 children have a mean average attendance of 16,166. In
twenty-four farming towns, 6,709 children show an attendance
of 4,438. This may be explained in part from the fact that
more private schools exist in the larger towns, and that in the
manufacturing towns a portion of the children are released from
labor to attend school one season of the year, and another part
at a different season.
There seems now to be no adequate mode of ascertaining
how well the law requiring children to attend school so many
months in the year is observed. In some towns no persons will
take the position of truant officer, and when the duty is imposed
upon the school committee or other officer, it is imperfectly
performed, or neglected altogether.
The law of the last session authorized  the governor t
appoint, by the advice of the council, a State constable who
should see to the enforcement of the laws with regard to. the
ages of children employed in factories and their attendance
upon school.
The relation of the hours of labor to the moral, the sauitary,
the intellectual as well as the productive interests of the State,
is intimately connected with the education of the children of
the State. One officer cannot do the whole work; bat with the
1867.]
19 
HOURS OF LABOR.
co-operation of the local State constables and the school committees, one perfectly qualified officer to see that the work is
done, is what is needed and should be positively required.
When the school committee of one of our wealthiest towns,
making the largest appropriations for its schools by the scholar,
report that "truant officers were chosen at the annual meeting
of the town, but they declined to serve; at the adjourned
meeting others were chosen, but with no better success; the
result has been, we have been without a truant officer and truants have governed themselves accordingly;"-the necessity for
a State officer becomes apparent.  Local authorities cannot be
relied upon at all times to enforce wholesome regulations.
The reduction of the hours of labor cannot prove a benefit
without it is accompanied by increased intelligence and skill.
We must educate our children to fit them for something more
thani the drudgery of labor.  With the increased skill and
intelligence of the laborer, the improvements of machinery and
the increase of wealth, the desire and the capacity to enjoy
leisure will surely come, and the desire will be gratified.
Thus far we are happy to state to your Excellency, that all
our conclusions have been entirely harmonious, and we are
equally earnest in the recommendations made; but on the
remaining point to be considered, viz.: whether the legislature should be invoked to enact a law fixing the hours of labor
for mechanics at eight hours, instead of ten, as now in general
practice, the undersigned feel compelled to differ so widely from
their colleague, as to make it expedient that each party should
present a separate report. But in parting with him at this
point, the undersigned beg leave to bear their cordial testimony
to the zeal and fidelity with which he has discharged the duties
assigned him, and to his earnest devotion to the welfare of his
fellow workingmen.
For convenience we give the following recapitulation of the
different recommendations mentioned in the foregoing pages of
this Report.
1. That the Act of the last session, chapter 273, be so
amended as to insure the execution of those provisions which
forbid the employment of children between the ages of ten and
fourteen, and provides for their attendance at school.
20
[Jaii. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
2. That the employment of all persons under the age of
eighteen years in factories, for more than ten hours each day,
or sixty hours per week, be prohibited, and that one hour each
day shlall be allowed for dinner.
3. That a special INSPECTOR OF LABOR be appointed, to see
that all laws relating to the interests of the laboring classes are
faithfully executed.
4. That a Bureau of Statistics be established for the purpose of collecting and making available all facts relating to the
industrial and social interests of the Commonwealth.
THE EIGHT-HOUR MOVEMENT.
A very extended movement amongst the leading workingmen of this country and Europe is now being made in favor of
a reduction of the hours of labor from ten to eight each day.
The government of this Commonwealth is called upon to aid in
this reduction, by the enactment of a law restricting the hours
of labor.
That the movement is one of vast importance if successful,
there can be no doubt. It will relieve the laboring class
of one-fifthl part of their present toil, and, of consequence,
greatly affect the production of wealth; since it will not, it is
presumed, be seriously contended, that as much wealth can be
created in eight hours as in ten  especially when, as is generally the case at the present  day, labor is connected with
machinery which moves at a certain speed, irrespective of the
hours in which it is operated.  The subject is one of such
magnitude that it seems desirable to present the following
GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS.
The most industrious races of men are the most intelligent
and powerful, the most elevated, mentally and morally. Those
countries where severe and continuous labor is required for
the support of life, are the most prosperous and progressive,
and exert the widest influence. On the other hand, where
there is the least demand for human effort to sustain existence,
as in tropical countries, where leisure rather than labor is the
rule of life, we find the greatest demoralization, and the
lowest standard of civilization.
1867.]
21 
HOURS OF LABOR.
Man rises in proportion as his necessities are great, as his
labor is constant; he sinks when his absolute wants can be
met with little exertion. All this is too patent in the history of
the world, and the common observation of all men, to need
proof.
Work, then, is a blessing; idleness, or exemption firom labor, a
curse.  Mall was made for work, —his happiness, his intellectual growth and physical development depend upon it.
Another fact presents itself. Those who are comnpelled to
labor hard for the common necessaries of life, are the most certain to be constantly increasing in their desires. When one
gratification is secured, another still is wanted, and men are
found ever ready to make additional efforts to secure additional
gratifications. There seems to be no limit to the desires of such
persons for the objects that industry alone can create. Quite
otherwise is it with those whose necessities are met with but
little labor. Their desires are stationary, and they make little
progress.
These are suggestive facts, and have much to do with the
question of the hours of labor.  They show that exemption
from toil is not for the welfare of mankind, but they do not
prove that men may not be compelled by their desires to work
too hard, and for a greater length of time than their best
interests may require.
Again, all wealth, being created by labor acting in conjunctionI with capital, (which is but accumulated labor employed ill
reproduction,) the greater, other things equal, the amount of
labor, the greater will be the sum of enjoyments which may be
possessed by man. But while this is true, it is certain that men
may labor so severely and incessantly, as in the long run to
impair the vital energies, and thus reduce the powers of production; and it may be further true, that too great an amount
of toil may not only injure the physical powers, but depress or
impair the mental faculties, so that in this way the productive
capacity of a people may be greatly lessened. And still further,
not only the physical and mental, but the moral nature of mali
may be imbruted by severe and unreasonably protracted toil.
All this being apparent, the question of the hours that should
constitute a day's labor, is one deserving of a careful and candid examination. The great point to be aimed at in the culture
22
[Jail. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
of a people; is to secure the highest production of wealth, consistent with preserving intact all the natural powers of the
laborer, and advancing his best and highest interests, his full
and complete manhood.
We have said that idleness was a curse; but leisure, a relief
from toil, is not uncommonly even more so.  Whether it is so or
not, depends entirely upon the use that is made of it. If the
laborer, after he has performed a given amount of effort, spends
the rest of his time in healthy recreation, in acquiring useful
knowledge, in moral and intellectual culture; or if hlie has a
family, in the education and training of his children, his leisure
will be a blessing to himself and to others If oni the other
hand, the hours of exemption from toil are wasted in idle and
vicious amusements, the less leisure he has the better.
The desirableness and even the necessity for leisure, however,
increases with the increase of the responsibilities of the citizen.
A laborer in the United States needs more leisure, or relief
from toil, than one in the same position in Europe, because he
has the elective franchise, and is a part of the government. If
he is deficient in intellectual training and moral culture, the
State will suffer. The American laborer must not only take
care of himself, but discharge his civil duties and fulfil his obligations to  the  interests  of  religion  and  morality.   This
responsibility involves the necessity of intelligence and culture,
and, these require leisure and opportunity.  It is not enough
that the laborer have education in childhood; he must have
the means of constant improvement and progress in manhood.
He must not only know something of the past, but be familiar
with the events of the present.   New ideas, new discoveries,
new issues are made from day to day, and the laborer must
have the means of knowing what these are.  All this requires
time, and not only time, but rest from toil in such a condition
that the mind can engage with its full strength in intellectual
pursuits. Hence it follows that the hours devoted to labor
should not be so extended as not to leave sufficient  time
and strength to engage in those pursuits which will qualify tlhe
laborer for the discharge of his duties to himself, his family,
and his government. Great social movements are in continual
progress-these, the American laborer ought not only to be
cognizant of, but take a part in; yet whether he shall do so
23
1867.] 
HOURS OF LABOR.
efficiently and intelligently or not, must clearly depend upon
two conditions: first, that lie has the necessary leisure; and
secondly, that he improves that leisure for the desired purpose.
The mechanics of Massachusetts, as an almost universal fact,
work ten hours per day.  If we allow two hours for the three
meals of the day, and eight hours for sleep, we have still four
hours left. Are these sufficient? and if so, is the laborer after
ten hours of continuous toil, in a condition of mind and body
adapted to the profitable improvement of these hours?  The
necessary cares of a family, if he has one, must demand a part
of his leisure moments; how much, depends upon many circumstances, as how far hlie is from his place of labor, and from
other places which he must of necessity visit.
It will be seen, then, taking into view all these considerations,
that the time left to the laborer for leisure to be devoted to
personal improvement and the discharge of social and public
duties, must be very limited.  We should look at these facts
in all their significance, and if there be anything that legislation can do to ameliorate the condition of the laborer, it
certainly should be done. 
Laboring men, as all have seen, ask that their hours of toil
may be reduced from ten, the present limit, to eight hours per
day. That they should desire such a reduction is not surprising; but the question which arises of most importance to them
is, whether such a change, if practicable, would be for their best
good? And another question would arise, viz., whether the
change would be for the best interests of all concerned, the
employer as well as the employed, the consumer as well as the
producer? If these questions can be answered in the affirmative, there should be no delay in carrying out the proposed
reform; for, other things equal, it is undoubtedly desirable
that the hours of labor should be reduced.
The primary inquiry would seem to be, whether the laborer
can get as large wages, that is, as many commodities, for the
shorter as for the longer period?
To this we must answer: certainly, he will get as nmuchl"
wages, if he can produce as much value in eight hours as in
ten, but not otherwise. The reward of the laborer, though
usually paid in money (or that which by courtesy is called
money,) is in fact a certain share of the commodities which he
produces. The more, therefore, he can produce, the larger
24
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
will be the amount of wages, since the latter must always bear
a certain proportion to the former. The question therefore is,
can as much be produced in eight as in ten hours?
The difference between ten and eight hours is equal to a discount of one-fifthl, or twenty per cent.  But, as in the case of
the proposed reduction of factory labor from eleven to ten
hours, we do not conclude that the actual reduction in the
amount produced would be in exact proportion. The last two
hours would not be quite as productive as the previous eight;
and we may safely answer that, instead of a loss to production
of 20 per cent., the difference would be but one-sixth, or 163
per cent.  This, although it is of course but all estimate, must,
we feel assured, be near the truth. If so, then the loss
would be just the same as working five days out of six under
the ten-hour system. There would be less production of all
commodities by one-sixth.  Capital in all its forms must stand
still to the same extent as the workman, since one cannot go on
without the other.  That the production of all commodities
will be reduced one-sixthl, when the effective hours of labor are
reduced to that extent, we take it no one will dispute. If so,
the laborer will have one-sixth less, and the capitalist, or he
who carries en business, will, under such a reduction of time,
have one-sixthl less. I
The question, then, of the reducing the hours of labor has
two sides. The laborer is as much interested in production as
the capitalist, for he is a consumer as well as producer, and, as
such, is concerned in having the largest production of wealth,
and in having the commodities hlie requires at the lowest price
at which they can be afforded,-since the lower the price the
greater the sum of his enjoyments.  The capitalist will not
encounter all the loss which a reduction of the hours of labor
may cause.  Hle furnishes capital for as many hours as the
laborer does his services; why then should he suffer more than
his share of the loss? There is no good reason why lhe should
do so, and it is certain he will not.
If the laborer were to receive as much for eight as for ten
hours, while hlie would produce but five-sixthls as much, tho
commodities hlie created would of necessity be enhanced corres pondingly  in price.  Then, if laborers form the most numer ous class of society, and consume the greater part of all corn                 4
1867.]
25
? 
HOURS OF LABOR.
mon products, would they not lose in additional price what they
had gained by the shortening of the hours of labor? Would
not the final result be that they would work less, and have less?
If the laborer could get as much for eight hours as for ten,
why not do better, and demand as much for six as for eighlt?
or, better still, demand as much for four as for six? for TWO
AS FOR FOUR? If the principle was a sound one, it would hold
throughout.  But we see it will not hold, because it becomes
absurd, and we perceive that the attempt to make eight hours
equal to ten is impracticable.   This  much-indulged fallacy
arises in a great degree from the fact that the laborer supposes
he is working for money wages, when in reality he is only work ing for the commodities that money will purchase.  If, there fore, he raises the cost of commodities, hlie injures himself more
than the capitalist, since all the laborer's wages, or nearly so,
are generally expended for articles which he must consume in
order to live. This is a consideration certainly worthy the
attention of the laborer.
Again, it is further to be inquired in this connection, whether
the laborer would not sacrifice that for which he would willingly
work more than eight hours per day? whether he would get as
many of the necessaries and luxuries of life by eight hours'
labor as by ten? whether lie could well afford to relinquish
any considerable part of what hlie now enjoys, or would not
rather prefer to encounter present hardships than suffer additional privations?
But still another question arises? Would the workingman
spend his additional leisure in a wise and useful manner, so
that it would really contribute to his elevation and improvement, or in such a way as to injure himself and family? That
is a grave and pertinent inquiry. That some men would use
their additional leisure, as they now use the little leisure they
get, in a judicious manner, so as to make it a means of intellectual and moral elevation, there can be no doubt. There is
always a certain proportion of sensible, ambitious men who are
bound to succeed, and they accomplish their object by untiring
assiduity and industry,-but how would it be with the majority? In answering this last inquiry, we must remember that
the State makes no provision for the improvement of its people
after they pass out of the public schools.   They are thrown
26
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
upon their own resources; neither libraries, reading rooms, or
places of social resort are provided by the State, or by the
church, or by society, as a general fact; and therefore operatives, unless they have homes of their own, are literally turned
into the street, to find a place of resort and social enjoyment
wherever they can; and, as there is but one place where they
are always welcome, and that is the lager beer saloon or some
similar beneficent institution (?), they are of necessity compelled
to shut themselves up in thlleir'lodging rooms, or resort to these
places of refuge.
Such being the unquestionable condition of things, it is not
to be wondered that many are led to the belief, that the less
leisure the working people, especially the younger part of them,
have, the better.  This is doubtless one of the most weighty
considerations in regard to the effect of a reduction in the
hours of labor, and one that we think should arrest the attention of the people of the Commonwealth.  Our social condition
has almost totally changed.  From an agricultural and rural
population in 1820, we have become a great manufacturing
community, with numerous large towns and cities; and yet, in
many  respects, our  institutions, social and religious,  have
remained almost unchanged.  As a people we have not awakened to the exigencies of our new condition; and our means
of social and intellectual improvement and culture are in no
adequate proportion to the density and urban character of our
population.  Especially are we destitute of places of amnusement of a rational and elevating character.  We have absolutely
none for the masses of the people. We seem to have no faith
in any places of resort for public entertainment, except those
provided by the church on the one hand, and the theatre on the
other.  However painful this statement of the case may be, is
it not indisputably true? And if so, does it not form one of
the social problems which we are called upon to solve? Yet
it certainly is not a valid reason why we should keep our laboring classes shut up in shops and factories for unreasonable
hours, because we have provided nothing for their improvement'
and entertainment when they are let out.
Society then, we perceive, has not only a direct and- positive
interest in the hours and condition of labor, but in the hours
and conditions of leisure; and though it may not interfere
1867.]
27
-1 
HOURS OF LABOR.
with the personal liberty of these who are of an adult age, it
may and ought to protect those classes who cannot determine
for themselves under what circumstances, or to what extent
they shall labor or recreate.
But we pass to the consideration of another question con nected with the proposed change.
It has been strongly insisted that the loss arising from shortening the hours of labor, if indeed there be a loss, will fall
wholly on the employer of labor.
But if we regard the point as settled, and there would seem
to be no reasonable doubt in regard to it, that the laborer cannot produce as muclh in ten hours as in eight, then the manufacturer, for example, who could produce 60,000 yards of cassimere per annum under the ten-hiour system, would, on the
supposition we have made of one-sixth deficiency, now produce
but 50,000, yet this quantity would cost him the same for labor
as the 60,000 yards did before the change. Therefore hle must
raise the rate of profit upon his goods to get an equal aggregate
amount.
But it may be erroneously, yet sincerely urged, that instead
of this the manufacturer must take the loss, and be content
with less profit. This will certainly not be the case if he
can use his capital to better advantage, at home or abroad, than
to continue his manufacture at the loss of a considerable part
of his profits.  If, from necessity, he is compelled to do this,
his accumulation of capital will be reduced in proportion to
the falling off of his profits. It may be thought, however, that
this does not concern thie laborer, yet it certainly does, for as
the number of laborers is continually increasing by the natural
increase of population, and by immigration, capital must
increase in an equal ratio, or labor cannot find full employment, and the competition will be so great as to reduce wages.
Such a result is beyond a question. The laborer in the end
would be the greatest sufferer. Hlere we find a confirmation of
the principle, that the interests of the employer and the
employed are inseparably united; that one cannot be injured
and the other not sutffer; that both have a common interest in
the profitableness of all kinds of business.  They are copartners,
not antagonists.
28
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
But it has been argued " that the reduction of hours which
has already taken place, was not attended with a reduction of
wages.  The labor of mechanics in general, up to about 1840,
was nominally eleven to twelve hours. The time has been
reduced to ten, and wages, instead of being lower, have been
raised." In reply to this we may remark that the change of
hiouiS has been gradually accomplished, occupying a quarter of
a century; and during that period there has been'a most
important change in the currency, not only of the United
States, but of the world.   The volume has  been greatly
enlarged, not merely by the introduction of a vast quantity of
gold, but by the extension of the mixed currency system 
through countries where it did not before exist.  The consequence has been a great rise in the prices of commodities in
general, as well as wages; though the latter have advanced
much less in proportion than tile former, the laborer receiving
a larger sum in currency, but a less share of value than hle did
before. So great has been the change of prices within the
period named, than an exact comparison between the real
wages of labor before 1840 and since cannot be made.
There is, therefore, no sufficient evidence that wages have
risen in consequence of, or cotemporaneously with, the
reduction in the hours of labor.
We here pass to the consideration of a fact quite essential to
the discussion of the question of the hours of labor:
THE UNITY OF LABOR.
The labor of the world is a unit. Once it was not so.
" Nations separated by a narrow frith abhorred each other,
Mountains interposed made enemies of nations."
But such is the case no longer, so far as the interests of industry are concerned. The populations of the earth form one
grand brotherhood, bound together by a common destiny. If
the conditions or rewards of labor are better in one country 
than another, the favored country will at once receive contributions of muscle and sinew from all others. The facilities for
locomotion in the last half of the nineteenth century are such
that it requires but a few days' time, and a few dollars in
1867.]
29
.1 
HOURS OF LABOR.
expense, to transport a full grown laborer from one hemisphere
to the other.
The condition of the laborer is now better, his reward
greater, in the United States, than in any other quarter of the
globe; consequently Europe is pouring in upon us her emigrants
from the East, and China from the West. At the late international congress of laboring men at Paris, the fact was referred
to, that whenever wages advanced in London, Germans went
over by thousands to supply the demand, and this kept down
the rate, and that this was the case throughout Europe, owing
to the diffusion of intelligence and conveniences for travel. By
some this was spoken of as a matter of regret, but such is a
mistaken view of the subject. This unity of labor is for the
general advantage of all mankind. To regret it, is like regretting the discovery of labor-saving machinery, which throws
hland-labor out of immediate employment, but benefits ultiminately every human being. This great fact being well established, we see at once that anything which goes to improve the
conditions of the laborer, or raise his wages in this country will
of a certainty increase immigration, and this will increase
the competition for wages.  We  must not ignore  this very
important consideration, because it is entirely essential to a correct understanding of the case before us. Thie question of the
hours of labor is the same in its nature as that of wages, and
wages are and must be governed by the laws of trade, and
those laws are above all human enactments.
If the legislature of Massachusetts could by a mere law limit
a day's work to eight hours, and at the same time insure the
same wages as when ten hours constituted a day's work, would
not the undoubted effect be to increase the competition for
employment in this favored State, until the wages were reduced
to a point nearly or quite equal to the reduction in the time of
service? If so, is it practicable to effect the desired object of
reducing the hours of labor, and at the same time insuring
equal wages as before?
GOVERMENTAL INTERFERENCE.
Iii regard to all govermental interference in the hours of
labor, our conclusion is, that since no10 one is compelled by law
to work, there is no good reason why any one should be forbid
30
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
den to work,-that government has no rightful control over the
labor of free men, who must dispose of their services at all
times, in such quantities, and at such rates as they can get, in
the great competition of industrial pursuits,-that government
can no more in justice or propriety ordain that eight hours shall
constitute a day's work, than that eighty cents shall be a dollar,
-that all attempts to interfere with the laws of value must be
ineffectual for any good object,-that the laborer can never be
oppressed by being left at perfect liberty to work as hlie pleases,
-that he is never injured by competition, unless the laws or
customs of the country deprive him of his just rights.  The
laborer in our own country to some extent, and in foreign
countries to a greater extent, is wronged by social institutions.
Especially is the American laborer robbed, at the present time,
by a false currency, which takes from him nearly or quite onefourth of what he earns from day to day.  Such evils must be
endured until the intelligence of the community is sufficient to
discover and put an end to them. Let labor be measured by
an exact and invariable standard of time, and a sound standard
of currency, and the laborer has no occasion to fear that a just
compensation will not be secured to him.
PROPOSED REDUCTION NOT DEMANDED BY THE PEOPLE.
From all the observations which the undersigned have been
able to make, we are quite satisfied that there is no general
sentiment in the Commonwealth in favor of such a measure as
the reduction of all the mechanical labor of the country from
ten to eight hours.  Even amongst the mechanics themselves,
we do not think that the proposed measure is looked upon as
feasible and desirable. Not that men would not greatly prefer
to work eight hours instead of ten each day, if by doing so they
could get the same reward; but we think there is a general
conviction that such a thing is impracticable, that it would
arrest to an injurious extent the industry of the country, and
reduce the general production to such a degree as to greatly
restrict the enjoyments of all classes.
There seems to be no enthusiasm in any quarter in behalf of
such a reduction. The absence of effective organizations on
the subject seems to indicate an intelligent consciousness that
the measure is one that cannot, and in reality ought not to be,
carried.
1867.]
31 
HOURS OF LABOR.
GRADUAL REDUCTION.
Again, if it were decided notwithstanding, that the reduction
should be made, the question would still remain whether it
should not be a gradual one, made by instalments. So great
a change has never yet been attempted at once. The reduction
in the hours of factory labor from thirteen to eleven hours was
gradually accomplished in a series of some thirty or forty years.
It did not take place instantly and universally, but gradually
and partially at different times and places, until it is now
nearly complete. Yet the reduction from thirteen to eleven
hours was but a trifle over fifteen per cent., while the change
contemplated as already stated is twenty per cent., or nearly
one-third greater. Besides we must remember that in the case
of factory operatives, the great majority are females and
minors, while in regard to mechanics, all are male adults.
Again, the reduction to ten hours which has come into practice within the last forty years has been, we are assured, rather
a systematic arrangement of labor than a reduction of time.
Previously there were no established hours; a day's work
depended much on the circumstances under which it was performed, and the time of the year in which it was made. There
was great irregularity and variation in regard to the whole
matter of hours and meals. But the adoption of a ten-hour
rule, though it did not essentially lessen the aggregate hours of
labor, so systematized them, that both parties, the employer and
employed, were benefited by it.  The change was effected by
the natural progress of industry, not by govermental action.
All future changes will doubtless be in the same direction, and
we believe will eventually go much farther than is now generally anticipated. As mind triumphs over matter, the necessity
for muscular efforts to secure equal results, is constantly diminishing, though it can never wholly disappear.
The natural tendency of things will undoubtedly be in the
future as in the past, to a gradual reduction of the hours of
labor, and to a continual amelioration of the condition of the
laborer.  The great inventions and improvements  in labo;
saving instrumentalities which are constantly increasing the
power of labor in production, are rendering it more and more
feasible to dispense with a great share of what was once indispensable to human welfare. Perhaps the time has already come
32
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
when, if there was a general concert of action throughout the
world, the hours of labor might be universally reduced, and
yet the improvement and civilization of the race go forward.
To be sure, there would be a less production of wealth, less for
the laborer, and all other classes to enjoy; but, if all were content with this, human happiness and welfare might perhaps be
advanced by it. There would be more time for recreation, for
reading, for travelling, for mental and moral culture. But to
be fully successful, it must be a general, not a partial movement.
ALLEGED TYRANNY OF CAPITAL.
A great deal is said in this connection of the "tyranny of
capital." But capital has no more power in itself to tyrannize
over labor, than labor has to tyrannize over capital,-except that
capital can be more readily concentrated and brought to act in
masses, and may be said to have more leisure and more opportunity to exert influence on legislation. It has a power more
readily wielded than labor. What labor needs to counteract
all this, is a greater concentration of its own energies by voluntary associations, and by the diffusion of intelligence, and
that kind of knowledg,e whichl appertains to its own interests.
Nothing promises so much for the advantage of workingmen
as these associated efforts for useful purposes, for the promotion of good morals and the protection of the defenceless. By
union and co-operation, not only may all their rights be secured,
but they may largely participate in the profits of trade and
manufacture.
This, we know, they are already doing with almost incredible
success in Europe, and to some extent in this country; and if
regardful of their own interests, they will extend these efforts
as far and as widely as possible. Capital has more independence than labor, that is, it is not compelled as labor often is,
to act under unfavorable circumstances. It should always,
therefore, be an object of the first importance in the mind of
the laborer, to secure a certain degree of independence himself, 
by practising such frugality as to lay by so much of his earnings as will prevent the necessity of working at once, whether
hlie can get reasonable terms or not. This we regard as a matter of the first importance to the laboring classes. Accumulations, however limited, promote not only the self-respect and
5
1867.]
33
I 
HOURS OF LABOR.
independence of those who make them, but the respect and
confidence of those who employ them. The amount of deposits
in savings banks, so far as made by the working classes, forms
tle best index of the real progress of those classes, in pecuniary
independence and in social improvement.
CIRCULARS TO WORKINGMEN.
At this point we take leave to insert the circular before
alluded to, sent to those who were supposed especially to
represent the interests of la          bor:
BOSTON, October 3,1866.
DEAR SIR — As a citizen of Massachusetts, you are presumed to be
interested in the present investigation of the subject of the Hours of
Labor; "especially in its relations to the social, educational and sanitary
condition of the industrial classes, and to the permanent prosperity of the
productive industry of the State." Will you be so kind as to give as
brief answers, by letter, as are consistent to the following queries, or to
any portion of them?
1. In what manner would a reduction of daily labor, to Eight Hours,
affect you socially, by its influence on you in moral, political or domestic
duties and privileges?
2. What would be the effect of reduced hours on mental development?
3. State the length of your day's work; also the time and distance
you travel, and the time required in domestic duties.
4. Was any deduction made in the wages of labor when the ten-hour
system was introduced?
5. Was the reduction in time made at once, or by successive steps?
6. Has the custom of ten hours of actual labor been shortened by
the introduction of railroads?
7. What is the effect of the hours of labor on the choice of a place
of residence?
Answers to these inquiries are requested, if possible, before the first
of November.
AMASA WALKER,
WILLIAM HYDE,
EDWARD H. ROGERS,
Commissioners.
To about four hundred and fifty of these circulars sent out,
some forty replies were received, as a general fact, earnestly in
34
[Jail. 
HIOUSE-No. 44.
favor of a reduction from ten to eight hours for mechanical
labor. We insert three of these letters, quite different in their
general tone, but representing, no doubt, to a fair extent, the
average sentiment of that class to whom the circulars were
addressed.
[Letter No. 1.]
To the  Commissioners of the Hours of Labor.
GENTLEtIEN:-In answer to the questions proposed in your circular,
in relation to shortening the hours of daily labor, I would say,   1st. That a reduction of the term of labor to ten hours per day, would
give to the operative classes more time for the cultivation of those fraternal sympathies by which human beings are united together in associative bonds. It would promote the moral improvement of the masses,
by bringing them up to the standard of better and more enlightened
society. It would cause them to value more highly, and seek more
earnestly, the acquisition of political knowledge, and afford them more
time for the study thereof. It would secure better order in the domestic
circles of the working classes for similar reasons.
2d. A reduction in the hours of labor would improve the mental condition of the operatives, by raising them to a state of illumination,
which they could not, (in the very nature of things,) otherwise attain.
I fearlessly aver, that this statement is fully sustained in the history and
experience of the past fewv years.
3d. The length of a day's work in our factories is from eleven to
eleven and a quarter hours. A considerable portion of the mill operatives of Lowell, reside from half a mile to one mile from their work.
It requires from twenty minutes to half an hour to walk the respective
distances,-the distances are from one to two miles, calculating both
ways. We have forty-five minutes allowed for dinner; and if we deduct
from twenty minutes to half an hour from forty-five, it only leaves
fifteen minutes for one class, and twenty-five for the other, to eat dinner
and perform the domestic duties. We swallow our food in a partially
masticated state, thereby occasioning dyspepsia and other distressing
symptoms.
4th. I am not aware of one single instance where any deduction was
made in wages of the operative when  the ten-hour system was  introduced; but I do know, that wages have advanced about twenty-five per:
cent. since the enactment of the ten-hour law.*
5th. The reduction of time was made at once.
6th. I am not prepared to say, what the precise influence of the
introduction of railroads has in shortening the hours of labor.
* There has never been any such law.-Commissioners.
35
1867.] 
HIIOURS OF LABOR.
7th. Working classes have virtually no choice in a place of residence,
but are necessitated to take up with the most miserable accommodations.
Yours, for                   LABOR  RErORM.
NOTE.-I have confined my remarks to the ten-hour system, as I
believe it to be the only practicable standard which we are likely to
obtain from our corporation friends, and seems to me to be the most
reasonable.
[Letter No. 2.]
GENTLEMEN:-Your circular came to hand the 22d; I take the, earliest
opportunity of replying to those "queries" to the best of my personal
knowledge.
To query 1. I think if the hours of labor were reduced to eight
I should be more social in my own family. Through the summer
months I return from my labors weary in mind and body; my better
nature and good nature are pretty well ground down, and I am not the
pleasant husband and father my natural disposition inclines me to be.
5iirthfulness and good nature don't go hand in hand with over-work.
I think we should be better neighbors; it would give us time to visit and
be sociable, to indulge in social amusements, keep up our youth and
not become old men at forty-five. I think it would tend to make me a
more constant church-goer.  I should not feel compelled to make the
Sabbath a day for bodily rest, and a good sermon would make double the
impression upon a mind free from weariness. The Sunday's sermon
now comes at the end of a hard six days' work. I have a bathing apparatus but seldom make use of it, for weariness at night and lack of time
in the morning; so this great promoter of health is lost to us through
the very season we most need it.
I am satisfied I make many losses each year by making purchases by
lamplight; get deceived in quality of goods or other articles that daylight would show its defects.   If we are unfortunate enough before
marrying and having a family dependent upon us, to acquire any accomplishment, as music &c., it must be abandoned; we must slide into ignorance and barbarism; we cannot do without work, but every darling
accomplishment that lifts us over the stony paths of life, we must leave
to mourn over the balance of our lives. The want of more time at
home, the weariness of the mind and body and tired nature's ever recurring demand for sleep, are the great enemies of men of constant
toil.  ~  *  *
[Letter No. 3.]
MR. CHAIRMAN-Sir:-Having your circular before me I will answer
your questions in the order named.
1st. I do not think it would be of much value to me, from the fact
that I now have from three to five hours daily for domestic duties, read
36
. [Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
ing, attending lectures, &c., which is enough for a man who has a family
to support, and who desires a small balance in bank for a "wet day."
2d. The answers to the first would cover the second.
3d. I get up regularly winter and summer (Sundays excepted) at 52
o'clock, and leave at 7 for, returning at 6- P. M. to my house, giving about nine hours working time and two hours in the journey.   I
spend less than one hour per day in domestic duties.
4th. "Was any deduction made in the wages of labor when the tenhour system was introduced?"  No, from the fact that as much is now
performed as was under the old system. Labor was immediately reduced
to a system of beginning on time,-no leaving off for meals and a closer
application to business. A further reduction would be impossible to
obtain the same amount of work, without injury to the body.
5th. I think it was adopted at once as regards mechanical work.
6th. I think it may,-it has in my case.
7th. It has no effect with me.
Now Mr. Chairman, allow me briefly to offer some suggestions as
they appear to me.
The eight-hour agitation seems unnecessary to me, but it may lead to
piece, or contract work, or association work.  Simply an eight-hour law,
without a compulsatory clause compelling capital to hire at such prices
and at such times as would suit the employed, would be of no value to
labor; capital would adjust itself to the new order of things. I have lived
upwards of fifty years and have never yet found the person who was
willing to accept eighty cents for one hundred, and never expect to.
This movement starts with the gross assumption that none have rights
but the employed. It is nowhere proposed to reduce the pay in the
same ratio, but "pass the law and we will compel capital to grant us
the terms." The whole affair from the beginning is an outrage on common sense, and fair dealing between man and man. The demand for a
law is unnecessary, because we all; or most of the laboring people can
make an arrangement now with their employer to work eight, nine or
more hours, if circumstances make it desirable. I have always been
able to do so, and will never surrender that right without a struggle.
Again, its enactment would be a gross insult and a standing evidence
of the degradation of the laboring classes.  It would be virtually saying
to them, that they were incapable of making their own contracts.
Taking my own case and looking over the vast range of circumstances and conditions that go to modify the various occupations of men,
such as climate, physical and mechanical ability, in-door and out-door
work, unwholesome and dangerous trades, &c., &c., it seems impossible
that any one can seriously propose it.
186T.]
37 
HOURS OF LABOR.
To me it would be as absurd as to ask of the legislature to pass a
law declaring that every person should eat, drink, and sleep the same
time, and wear the same coat.
The rights of American citizens are the same, be they bosses,
capitalists or laborers-each performs its part, and all are necessary,to
the great whole, and any attempt to ignore or deny to either party those
rights, will be resisted.
I now pass to another point that will, if adopted, settle this question
forever; namely, piece-work. In fact I can see no possible objection
to it, except by those who expect to receive service or pay for which
they do not give an equivalent; and above all, let the same price be
allowed for the same work, whether it be performed by male or female
handsI Piece-work is the only true, just and dignified arrangement to
both parties-it has less of the overseerism about it and objectionable
features, to disturb a sensitive mind-besides, judging by my intercourse
with those trades-people that have adppted piece-work, and those that
have not, I find the former more intelligent and cheerful, have more
manly and womanly dignity and self-respect, and take a higher social
and intellectual position, than those that work on time. And last though
not least, associative efforts.  Why not?  Is it more difficult for twenty
carpenters to join together for the pursuit of their business than for a
like number of musicians?  We  have the latter in our midst in per-fect success. Let the several trades have a place of business, with an
agent responsible to therm, and the community, and then they will be in
a fair way to reap the entire benefits of their labor.
Hoping that whatever else may happen, the time may never come
when the intelligent American people are to be considered unable to
make their own bargains either concerning the number of hours that
shall Institute a day's work, or the price thereof, I submit the questions to the serious consideration of your committee, whose efforts are
for the good of the human race.
We might give more of these expressions of opinion-by the
workingmen and women of Massachusetts, but our limits
forbid further extracts.
THE ExAIPLE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
It has been maintained by some, that although it may bl
impracticable to fix the hours of labor for the various branches
of industry in the country, it is expedient that the legislature
of this State should enact that eight hours shall be a day's work
for all mechanics in its own employ. The argument in favor
38
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
of this measure is, that the moral effect of such action onthe
part of the government will tend to establish eight hours as the
limit of a day's work everywhere. The question in relation
to this proposal is, whether the State wishes to give its sanction
to the principle, that eight hours is the true limit of a day's
work, to which all the industry of the State ought to conform?
If so, then the law proposed may well be adopted. If, on the
the other hand, the legislature of the Commonwealth is not
satisfied that eight hours should be the legal day's work anywhere and everywhere, it ought to set no such example; it
should exert no such moral influence.
We believe the time has come when the hours of labor in
some of the severer trades should be reduced from ten hours
to a less number. The work may be gradually accomplished,
if thought best. Every half hour deducted from the toil of
those who are called by the severity of their employment to
exert to the utmost every faculty of mind and body, would be
a great benefaction. Then, again, not only are some trades
much more severe and exhaustive than others, but the seasons
of the year greatly influence the condition of the laborer. In
winter the days are short and inclement; and to be compelled,
as many are, to rise at five o'clock, and be off to work at six,
in the dark and cold, is undoubtedly a hardship from which
any one may well be desirous to be released. It would seem,
therefore, that a reduction of hours in certain trades, especially
in the winter season, ought to be effected, not by law, but by a
public sentiment which would induce the employer to make the
change.
THE HOUR AS A MEASURE OF LABOR.
It is proposed in some quarters that a general law be enacted
in the absence of any contract, that the legal day's work shall
be eight hours. The consequence of such an enactment would
be to compel the adoption of a general contract system by the
hour, instead of the day. In so far, the result would be a
highly favorable one. All work should be measured by the 
hour. It is the only proper unit of time in relation to labor.
It is a definite and invariable quantity, which all understand;
while a day, as a measure of labor, is a variable and undefined
space of time, in regard to which there must be a constant
1867.]
39
I 
HOURS OF LABOR.
opportunity for disagreement and dissatisfaction. In agriculture, in olden times, a day meant from sun to sun, except in
haying time, and then it meant from daylight in the morning
until the hay was duly secured at night; but in the present
state of things in this country, a day's work has no definite
limit whatever. It would be a wise arrangement, on the part
of all engaged in business, if their contracts for labor were
made entirely by the hour instead of the day, and from
present appearances such can hardly fail to be the final result.
It would settle all questions of dispute in regard to the hours
of labor, as each person would agree to work as many hours
as hlie pleased, and be content to fulfil his contract, whatever
it might be. It may be a matter of question whether it
would not be good policy to enact that no contracts for labor
not made upon the hour standard should be recognized in law.
In view of the foregoing considerations, the undersigned
would respectfully represent to your Excellency, that they cannot recommend the enactment of any law restricting the hours
of labor for the adult population of the Commonwealth, but in
accordance with what has already been observed, they would
suggest that if there be any persons unconvicted of crime in
the employ of the State, whose duties are of an especially
laborious and exhaustive character, that the hours of labor for
such persons should, under the direction of the Executive, be
reduced to such an extent as humanity and the nature of the
case may seem to require.
AMASA WALKER.
WILLIAM HYDE.
40
[Jan. 
HOUSE —No. 44.
To Hiis Excellency ALEXANDER  HI. BULLOCK,  Governor of
ilMassachusetts.
The undersigned, as Commissioner on the Hours of Labor, has
the honor to present the following
MINORITY REPORT:
The relations between capital and labor are not as yet so
well adjusted as to preclude an attentive hearing in an issue
like the present to both interests. It has been truly said, that
" reductions in hours are to so great an extent laborers' questions, that the feelings of the people themselves are of the
most primary importance in forming a judgment." A generous
appreciation on the part of your Excellency of the interests of
labor in this respect has given me an opportunity of presenting
its present condition and tendencies, in connection with principles which, it is confidently believed, are destined to exert a
weighty influence on the future of our country.
The means at my disposal to do this, are derived from intimate, personal and traditional knowledge of the condition and
progress of mechanical labor in this State; notes taken at the
hearings before the Legislative Committee of 1865; the phonographic reports of testimony before, and the letters sent to, the
first Commission; several public hearings before the present
Commission, with correspondence, examination of the Parliamentary debates on the Factory Bill, and other public documents and papers, including twenty-five valuable pamphlets,
kindly forwarded by the Rev. Charles Hiill, Secretary of the
Workingmani's Lord's Day Rest Association, 13 Bedford Row,
London.
The attendance of workingmen at the advertised hearings of
the present Commission has been so scanty as to give rise to
inquiry for the cause. Three series of hearings in succession,
during eighteen months, had been improved by the authorized
6
1867.]
41 
HOURS OF LABOR.
representatives of the organizations of labor; their views were
on record in the documents already referred to, and were, by
common consent, deemed sufficient under the circumstances.
A similar inquiry may with propriety be made for the reasons
why so few responses have been returned to the citizens' circular.
They are to be found in the fact, that the daily habits of our
people are so exclusively laborious as to unfit them for giving
a ready expression to thought.  That this is consistent with
high intelligence and respectability may be seen by the admissions in the agricultural reports of the present situation of
the farming interest in reference to accounts, diaries, and correspondence.
Some circumstances personal to myself seem to render it
proper for me to state a few of the reasons for uniting with my
associates in the measures they propose in reference to factory
labor. Up to the moment of accepting a place on the Commission, I held no matured views on the hours of labor of the
farms and mills, simply believing that decided reductions in
both were required for the good of society. My views in this
respect were expressed-in a letter to the first Commission, an
imperfect abstract of which appears on page sixty-five of their
report.  In harmony with the sentiment which I have quoted
at the beginning of these remarks I am free to say that I have
no theoretic views on this subject which I should attempt to urge,
in advance of the expressed wish of those most interested,-the
laboring classes themselves. A thorough search of the recorded
testimony, and diligent inquiry throughout the State, wherever
I have been, has failed to discover to me the first mill operative
in favor of any present reduction below ten hours.   Under
these circumstances, I should have felt culpable in withholding
my assent from the conclusions of the majority of the Commission.
At the same time, I desire to place myself on record, as disbelieving that there is any necessity, whlichl cannot ultimately
be removed, for the continuance of so long a term of labor for
females and children as sixty hours per week, in such unhealthb
conditions.   While recognizing cheerfully the praiseworthy
efforts made in some localities to relieve the factory system of
its worst exposures, the conviction is still strong upon me that,
in some of its features, it is obviously at variance with sound
42
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
commercial laws and those high moralities towards which, by
the results of our institutions of religion, government and
education, we are tenlding..
I have approached with careful consideration the question
of the labor of the farms; though not familiar personally with
its details, I realize some of the burdens under which it is carried on; but with all due allowance for them, the position
taken by the farming interest seems to me to be vulnerable.
The sturdy opposition of the class of small employers, foremen,
&c., to the reduction of hours in the trades, was as marked in
its character as that which is now heard from the country, but
it has been silenced by experience, and many are now willing
witnesses to the truths which formerly they opposed. Items of
direct pecuniary gain, in connection with reduction, are well
known to workmen of this experience, and are happily paralleled in an able lecture delivered at the annual meeting of the
State Board of Agriculture, at Worcester, page 187 Report of
'65 and'66.
"The ways of waste on a farm are great and innumerable, and the
farmer made negligent and inattentive by over-labor, by a hasty,
slovenly and inadequate method, will stumble upon most of them. A
ruinous, leaky, rat-infested barn, pelting lean cattle with cold winds
from every quarter, will, with one stroke of loss, reduce profits by half.
"The mechanic would be utterly ruined by a negligence familiar to
many, if not most, farmers."
The central truth, in its economic relations, of the first reduction, seems to be that the average laborer will produce as much,
to say the least, in a single season in ten hours as in twelve.
The reduced hours strike broadly away from drinking hlabits, and
from a generally coarse and wasteful condition of hired labor
toward one approximating to a hopeful and thoughtful celerity
of effort. The indications in agricultural literature that this is
what is needed, are sufficiently obvious to remove all fear for
the results of the change, whenever accomplished. I have
endeavored to show, in the article on the growth of cities, that'
the present situation of the hired labor of the farms, in connection with the training of the sons of farmers, has results
more disastrous to our social equilibrium. The gravitation of
labor and capital to the cities is accelerated by the great advan
1867.]
43
J' 
HOURS OF LABOR.
tages of education which the in-comers find for their children.
It seems worth consideration, whether appropriations from the
school fund could not be so distributed as to equalize these
conditions.
Boston, with public schools which are the admiration of the
world, is the 315th from the head of the list of the percentage
of appropriations for their support; while the farming towns
are burdened with much higher rates, with results so inadequate as in many cases to appear simply as a burlesque on any
proper view of what schools should be.
In the ten articles which I present to your Excellency as
embodying the ideas to which I have been led in this inquiry,
I have endeavored, by illustration and argument, to bring
prominently to view three truths of sufficient moment to affect
powerfully national development. These are,
First.  The doctrine of Channing, that "MANUAL LABOR IS
THE DIVINE TRAINING TO ENERGIZE THE CHARACTER."
Second.  That of Ellesmere, "THE MIORE HOURS MEN WORK IN
ANY STAPLE BRANCH OF MANUFACTURES THE LESS THEY RECEIVE
IN THE FORM OF WAGES; " and
Thitird. The view that LABOR IS CAPITAL.
Beginning with anll historic sketch of the progress of the
reform of labor in Massachusetts, I pass to a statement of
the causes and connection of the eight hour movement,
first developing Channing's view of the tendencies of manual
labor. Alluding freely as I have to the fact, that the
reduction already partially accomplished is, by the daily exercise of one of the most extraordinary elements in human
affairs, that of sacrifice, it costs me nothing to admit that in its
introduction and adjustment a further abbreviation of working
time will involve an apparent loss. That this will not be in
amount anything like the fifteen per cent. on the whole production of the country, usually claimed by those opposing, will be
seen by noting the slow progress of the ten hour movement,
thus proving that its adoption will be gradual, allowing ample
time for the compensations which will result, to ingraft themselves uponI every interest of society. If this sacrifice referred
solely to the labor of animals, close observation, in connection
[Jan.
44 
HOUSE-No. 44.
with experience, might enable us to gauge by figures the merits
of the change; but applying as it does to the boundless capacities of human beings, and liberating forces as powerful and
instantaneously operative as the closing of the waters under
the stern of the advancing ship, it transcends arithmetic calculation. The statistical genius of Hlalliday would fail in the
effort to note the accession of productive power by the attraction
to labor of intelligent youth from the middle classes, who,
under present conditions become non-producers, or to trace the
influx from another class, now fearfully drawn upon by the
mortality resulting from idleness and dissipation,-the children
of the educated and wealthy.  The view which commands the
assent of a considerable portion of the industrial community,
that it will pay to make the change, even if it does cost something
in enhancement of price, seems to be in harmony with those
Providential developments by which the race is advanced by
sacrifice. We cannot show any increase of ships, or houses, or
personal property, sufficient to account fully for the recent
inflation in our valuations, but we have thrown off a moral
incubus which laid like lead upon the heart of the nation; we
feel that our property is worth more in consequence, and we
believe in an unbounded advance in material prosperity, because
we have thus relieved ourselves of a foul abomination. First
righteous, then prosperous, has been uttered by one who enters
by divine right into the arrangements of all human economies;
the question is not whether the operative at the loom or the
machinist at the lathe can produce as much to-day, in eight
hours, as they did yesterday in ten; but what is the use which
the Divine Being intended should be made of the incarnation of
his own creative powers in modern inventions.
The need of week-day, as well as Sabbath, leisure, is indicated
with impressive significance in the only legislation which has
come to us with the special stamp of divine authority. The
intimate association of the command alluded to in the sixth
article, with the foundation truths of morality, seems sufficient
proof of the necessity for a general application of the principl
involved.
Shall the great accessions of productive power be allowed to
flow in the channels of commercial law, not only unimpeded,
but aided by legislation and all the prestige of social influence?
1867.]
45 
HOURS OF LABOR.
If, from whatever cause, we assent to this, we have prophetic
indications of the unavoidable results of such local and indi vidual centralization of wealth, in the gloomy tragedies which
convulse our cities. Our institutions of religion and education
will fail to relieve us, until their power  is brought to bear
directly on our industrial system; free schools and free churches
will struggle with but partial success against the power of
daily influences. Let us give full force to them, and to our
noble Northern sentiment of honor to labor, by distinctive
recognition of its injurious results with the present hours;
and put the crown upon American civilization by practical
acknowledgment of the fact that human labor cainnot with
impunity be lowered to the level of its own material results.
The argument of the two articles next succeding, Social
Elevation and Instruction in Labor, is in the direction of
remuneration for sacrifice.
The fifth article, the relation of the hours of labor to the
farm, has been incidentally alluded to.
The question of the moral condition and tendencies of the
masses, in the sixth article, is argued under the disadvantage
of silence as to similar exposures on the part of the influential
portion of society. When the most ignorant and bigoted portion of the people of our neighboring countries are massed
together in our towns without any of that thoughtful consideration which is so pleasingly evident in a portion of our large
manufacturing cities, and in some of the small ones, the questionl presents itself to every candid mind, whether the moral
condition of the one can be considered without a glance at the
other.
It is a very grateful duty to me to give publicity to the fact,
that there is a spirit pervading the State in favor of reform. I
have heard many earnest expressions, accompanied with deeds,
in the direction of a better condition of labor than has hitherto
existed.
Unless the best mind of England is theoretically and practi?
cally at fault, reductions in hours would elevate the masses by
tending to a better observance of the Sabbath.
The influences now operating adversely, are not only tacit
and habitual, but they are aided by a very respectable, but as I
think, mistaken, portion of our labor reformers. The following
46
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
argument, from an English source, against secularization, is
not without its applicability to ourselves:
"Workingmen, for your own sakes and your children's, consider and
weigh well the serious and terrible consequences with which this scheme
is fraught. You cannot be ignorant of the national character of the
English. Instead of the hilarity and comparative freedom frem the
pride of wealth which appear in other countries, and which might
preserve the Sunday as a mere holiday, the steady, persevering, commercial bias of Englishmen would soon turn it into a working  day.
Among ourselves, the pushing of trade in brisk times, the fierceness
of competition, and the eagerness to secure wealth, would soon trench
upon the leisure of a mere secular day, and would, without thinking
it did you wrong, make it one of productive labor. Even now,
the money-making spirit of England exacts excessive toil from the
working classes; but how much more would this be the case if the
scriptural command that claims the Sabbath for rest were broken
down. Would a manufacturer who had a pressing order to execute, be
kept from demanding work on the Sunday by being told it was the day
for amusement? Would a tradesman who saw his neighbor's shop open,
keep his closed if he were persuaded that the Sabbath was no longer a
day of divine obligation? Would a farmer, morbidly afraid of bad
weather, be deterred from sending his laborers into the fields, if he
believed that the Sunday was no more a religious day than the Wednesday?  Those who think so know very little about Englishmen, and are
not fit to be the guides of public opinion.
"I lay great stress, and I think justly, on the peculiar temperament of
the English nation in this argument. There is among us a conventional
sentiment around the possession of wealth, and attached to success in
business, which hurries men into such a vortex of temptation as would
soon overpower the claim for recreation on the Sabbath. If, then, you
sweep away the old religious foundation for the observance of the day,
-if there are to be no ramparts around it but mere secular advantages,
what help is there for the workingmen? for fences like these would, in
our race for riches, be like straws before the whirlwind."
The next, the relations of labor to the growth of cities, draws
attention to some points of the utmost importance in our
national development. The relation existing between hours
and wages, is discussed at sufficient length in connection with
its central truth, to relieve me from further allusion.
1867.]
47 
HOURS OF LABOR.
In the plea for the establishment of a standard of time for
labor, I have taken a practical view of its claims for legal
recognition. I am unable to see that the argument there
presented loses any of its logical value on account of the fact
that reductions have been accomplished without such standards
being formally recognized. Great nationalities have said, in
response to this request, "I go not," but impelled by circumstantial exigencies, while denying the theory, they have practically answered its requirements by official mandates and
legislation for minors. With an exception due to the extraordinary.power of the trades, as such, in England,-a condition
which there is not the slightest prospect of reaching in this
country,-I have shown that workmen, or laborers, cannot
obliterate alone the deep furrows of habit, in the daily estimate
of time; that they are as helpless in this respect as ally department of commerce would be in an effort to introduce the metric
system without similar aid. Argued to its finer issues, this
inquiry takes us to the sources of all human effort; a few yards
of silk, used as a military standard, embodies and links together
the daily routine of life, with the profoundest emotions which
animate the human breast. Without it, soldiery would be
soulless mobs, and the deep degradation of the classes of labor
most exposed by the breaking down of rules, ought to be a
sufficient refutation of the theory that the guiding, monitory
influence of legislation, which stops short of adult coercion, is
any infringement of a proper individual freedom.
As the last of my points of inquiry, I briefly notice the ideas
which cluster around the question of labor, as seen from its
highest aspects.
I have reached the conclusion indicated on this point, after a
thorough consideration of the influences which, in these days,
are tending to a more direct recognition of immaterial forces
in connection with productive results.
Definitions  of capital, which  confine it to accumulated
products of a visible character, seem to me inadequate. Thle
exclusion of the moral, intellectual, ideal, and energizing
forces by economists, from their idea of wealth, I regard as
fatal to the comprehensiveness of their views. The meaning
of venerable formulas in religious doctrine, and of long,-received
commercial axioms, have been drifted out of the words in
48
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
which they are couched, solely because their sharply-defined
literalism has proved inadequate to retain within their grasp
advancing knowledge. In my estimate of the value of the
cotton produced in the South the past season, I cannot distinguishl-in their relation to productiveness-between the personal qualities furnished by the laborer and the appliances
supplied by capital; the present status and productive power of
the freedmen, is as directly the result of self-control as a Northern
cotton gin is of the economic virtues of the section from which
it came. To consider the last as capital, and to ignore, or to
assign to other departments of human interest, the accumulated
results of brain labor, under the agonizing tuition of slavery,
will hardly bear our present intellectual tests, or meet the
strain of social and national exigencies.  To admit that "the
poor man's labor is his only capital," in some of its aspects
leads us to the verge of the principle contended for, but in
others it falls far short of truth. When we remember that
what is sentient nerve in the laborer's palm, a few feet higher
up expands without a break into a substance allying by its
functions its possessor to Divinity, a reasonable doubt may be
raised whether the axiom is of sufficient value to use in any
but the most common-place connections.
The fact that human labor does not advance in its price to
the point reached by commodities, is admitted. The reason
for this, as explained in the light of the enlarged views of the
distinguished citizen, under whom I have the honor of serving
on this Commission, I accept.  " Human labor is so connected
with personality, as to be beyond the control of its possessor,
or any other party, for hoarding with speculative views." It
cannot be bought up and held for a rise in the manner in
which merchandise is; so that, in fact, it tends to remain as to
its price, or what is the same thing, the income of its possessor,
oni the same plane of value that merchandise would, if, by the
general adoption of the co-operative principle, the function of
commerce was simply to forward to the consumer.
This, it is evident to me it will do, as long as it is considered
solely as a commodity. The grandeur of manl is thus seen to
be closely connected with those depressing  circumstances,
which have favored, and almost forced skepticism, as to the
practicability of a comprehensive elevatioh of the masses; but
7
1867.]
49 
HOURS OF LABOR.
if these views are founded in truth, the interests of industry
will find their greatest strength in their weakest point, and the
truth of the axiom that extremes meet, will reach its grandest
and most beneficent illustration.
I conclude this introduction with drawing the attention of
your Excellency to the fact, that over a great portion of the
globe, the equatorial belt, a day of labor shorter than that in
use for the farm and factory employ of our State, is enforced
by the darkness which immediately succeeds the setting of the
sun in tropical regions, and the exposure to venomous and
sanguinary animals which ensues, thus forcing the laborer to
reach his home by the light. And also, that the religious
observances of a large majority of the populations of the temperate portions of the earth sensibly relieve them, in addition
to the Sabbath, from continuous toil. It will be noticed in the
Report, that the heavy trades of England are in advance of us
in the case of the masons and joiners, to which may be added
the shipbuilders of the Clyde, after a protracted contest the
past season. The English workmen, with but a moiety of our
weighty responsibilities resting upon them, have indicated in
the most decisive manner that their competition shall not
hinder us from desirable results.
For figures bearing with much emphasis on our intense Massachusetts life, I refer you to page seventy-three of the twentythird Registration Report, where it appears that out of 26,717
drafted men, 14,181, or 530+ in every thousand, were exempted
for disability; the proportion in Maine being 415; in New
Hampslhire, 344; New York, 306; and also state, that an analysis of the United States Census for 1860, which appears not
to have been refuted, gives the yearly deaths in our State, as
one in fifty-seven,-tlithere being but one State in the Union
more unhealty,-Arkansas having one death in every fortyeight of her population.
HIISTORIC SKETCH OF LABOR REFORM IN MASSACHUSETTS.
It is difficult to trace the origin and course of the movemeft
for the first reduction of the hours of labor. It did not obtain
a free expression through the press. I have not seen the term
"ten hours"  in the established journalism of the country
during the period of its agitation. This, however, excites less
50
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
surprise, from the fact that the advocates of reform often omit
reference to the duration of labor.. An occasional allusion
shows that workingmen were organized, in some cases as will
be seen, uniting with the farming interest.'
January 21,-1834, the first meeting for the formation of a
union of trades, was held at the Old Common Council Room,
Court Square, Boston, and a committee appointed to take such
measures as they should deem expedient, to effect the formation of a general trades' union of the mechanics of Boston and
vicinity; the committee thus appointed met at Bascom's hotel,
School Street, on the evening of January 28. The several
trades were generally represented in the committee. They
issued a circular proposing a plan, which was responded to by
sixteen branches of labor.  They met the first Tuesday in
March and adopted a constitution, which was subsequently
ratified by the different trades. Under the auspices of this
union, a procession, oration and dinner, were arranged and carried into execution onil the Fourth of July, 1834. There were
said to have been about two thousand men in the procession.
The following card appeared as an advertisement in the
Morning Post" of July 8:
"The Committee of Arrangements for the Trades' Union Celebration
of the Fourth of July, return their sincere thanks  to the various individuals and societies who have so kindly countenanced and assisted
them in their endeavors to show a proper regard to the birth-day of
their country.
"To the Shipwrights of Charlestown, for their great exertions in
contributing so largely to the splendor and appearance of the occasion,
(by furnishing a ship.)
"To Mr. Wentworth, and those who assisted him, for the generous
aid afforded in drawing the vessel, and to the officers and crew who so
skilfully navigated her.
* I find the first evidence of this in some manuscripts, furnished me too
late in my inquiry to receive the notice they deserve.  From them I learn that
a convention of delegates from the farmers, mechanics, and workingmen of 
New England, was held in the Representatives' Hall of the State House at
Boston, in September, 1832. Grievances were discussed, and resolutions and
an address adopted, setting forth the burdens under which the laboring classes
suffered from excessive hours, imprisonment. for debt, the lack of a lien law,
onerous militia service, and various other causes.
1867.]
51 
HOURS OF LABOR.
"To Capt. Snelling, and the company under his command, for their
prompt and vigorous escort.
" To the proprietors of the Federal Street Theatre, for the use of
their furniture.
"To the Commandant of the Navy Yard, for the use of decorations.
"To the North End Artillery, for their grand salute.
"To those whose decorations of the streets through which we passed
evinced a spirit of co-operation with us.
'To the Reader of the Declaration of Independence, and of the Bill
of Rights, for the excellent and appropriate manner in whieh he  performed that service.
"To the Toast-master, for the impartial and excellent discharge of
his duty.
"To such editors as have made favorable notices of our proceedings,
especially the Editor of the'Evening Gazette,' who voluntarily published our transactions of the day.
"To the citizens who, by their attendance to hear the oration and the
cheering, and evident gratification with which they greeted our progress,
gave evidence of their good feeling toward us.
"To  each and all, the Committee return their sincere acknowledgments, and, trusting in the purity of their motives, the goodness of their
cause and the importance of their objects, feel assured they will never
regret extending toward us the favor we thus publicly acknowledge.
"By order of the Committee of Arrangements of the Trades' Union.
B. H.  HAMIMATT."
From a pamphlet containing the oration of Frederick Robinson, Esq., in the library of the Athenaeum, I take the following
notes, indicative of the condition and prospects of labor at that
time:-                                                    -
"It behooves us to ask ourselves, what we have done for the dissemination of a just knowledge of their own rights, among the great mass of
the people."
" The immediate interests of the thousands, are always contrary to
the interests of the millions."
"When men enter into a state of society, all those rights which it is
impossible to enjoy without the aid of others, become social rights ands
must be enjoyed, if at all, by concert with others."
"The cause of the people, I trust and believe, is now advancing.
And it only needs for us to carry the first, the great reform which we
have proposed,-the equal, mental and physical education of all-and
our emancipation from the power of aristocracy, will be effective."
52
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
"We are yet but a half-educated and half-civilized people.   The few
are educated in one-half of their faculties, and the people in the other
half. The many have been obliged to devote their whole time to bodily
labor, while the powers of the mind have been almost entirely neglected."
Of American society he says, "the millions have been lulled
into a fatal security, while the thousands have been active in
promoting their own interests."
In the course of his remarks, he alludes forcibly to the usurpations of the judiciary, and calls for legislative interference
with the hours in factories.
The oration was delivered in the open air on Fort Hill, after
which the procession marched to Faneuil Hall.  When the
company were seated, the following remarks were made:
"GENTLEMEN,-The Committee of Arrangements have an apology to
make to their fellow-citizens.  They regret to say, that no one of our
respected clergy are present,-application having been made to twentytwo different religious societies, for the use of a meeting-house on this
day for the Trades' Union,-the doors of all were shut against us, and,
under the circumstances, your Committee felt a delicacy in applying to
any clergyman to officiate  at the table, lest he might consider it an
affront. We hope that this statement will be deemed a sufficient apology
for the deficiency, and that we may all, nevertheless, partake of the
bounties spread before us with grateful hearts."
From a long list of toasts, I select two of the most practical:
"Our brethren at New  York-They have struck the first blow at
oppression; may success attend, and prosperity crown, all their lawful
undertakings."
" Manual Labor Schools-The salvation of our institutions, and the
hope of the children of the poor."
LITERARY IIISTORY OF LABOR REFORM.
The earliest indication which I find that the movement had
attracted the attention of refined circles, is a lecture by Edward
Everett, before the Charlestown Lyceum, October 6thll, 1830.'
The impression left upon the mind by its reading is favorable,
so far as its liberality is concerned. Broadly interpreted, the
following extract seems prophetic of our recent national experience:
1867.]
53 
HOURS OF LABOR.
"I will observe, in the first place, then, that if, as I have endeavored
to show, man is by nature a working being, it would follow that a workingmen's party is founded in the very principles of our nature.  Most
parties may be considered as artificial in their very essence. Many are
local, temporary and personal. What will all our political parties be a
hundred years hence?  What are they now, in nine-tenths of the
habitable globe? Mere nonentities.
"But the workingmen's party, however organized, must subsist in
every civilized country to the end of time. In other words, its first
principles are laid in our nature."
The principal defect of the lecture lies in its assertion of the
practical identity of mental and physical labor, as is shown by
the following language, used after an allusion to callings of the
character first named:
"It needs no words to show that all these pursuits are in reality
connected with the ordinary work of society as directly as the mechanical
trades by which it is carried on."
November 13, 1831, lie speaks again on the same subject
before the Franklin Institute, of Boston. There is no direct
allusion in either lecture to a reduction of hours. The last, by
implication, takes ground against any such change.
During the interval between 1830 and 1840, when-the movement of labor culminated in success, I find no writer or speaker
of note addressing the public on questions of labor except
Channing.  Pregnant allusions abound throughout his works,
the fullest expression of which is found in his lectures on the
elevation of the laboring classes, volume five of his complete
works.
On page 159 he lays down this proposition, indicating his
views of the design of Providence in placing the human race,
to so great an extent, under the necessities of labor:
"Manual labor is a school in which men are placed to get energy qf
purpose and character."
The depth of his views on this and kindred subjects is
revealed in the assertion that
54
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
"The  present civilization of the Christian world stands in direct
hostility to the great ideas of Christianity."
He defines his relation to the present question in the following words:
"We do not find that civilization lightens men's toils, as yet it has
increased them; and in this I see the sign of a deep defect in what we
call the progress of society."
Meanwhile discussion and agitation seem to have been
transpiring in magazines and newspapers of an humbler order
than those now found on the files of our great libraries. I
notice in a periodical of the year 1835, entitled the "Young
Mechanic," an able article, headed," A Plea for the Laboring
Classes," written by Mr. George W. Light, on the occasion of
the refusal by the authorities of the city of Boston of the use
of a hall for an evening meeting, to discuss the ten-lhour
movement.
He evidently argues against the pressure of a dominant
social influence, but very fairly and powerfully; making a
strong point against the assumption that the people would
abuse time by showing such a doubt to be an arraignment of
Divine Providence in granting the race one-seventh of the week.
POLITICAL ]HISTORIY.
Simultaneously with the developments thus briefly reviewed,
political agitation reveals itself in such newspaper items as the
following:
"The Democratic workingmen will celebrate the anniversary of our
National Independence at Milford, on the 4th of July next. Entertainment by Col. Sumner. Oration in the brick Meeting-House by Abel
Cushing, Esq., of Dorchester."-Boston Post, June 24, 1834.
Thle " Post" of September 3d, 1834, states:
"On Thursday evening a very full and spirited meeting was held in
the old Common Council Room, and ten delegates chosen to the Convention of Farmers, Mechanics and others, to be holden at Northampton
on the second Wednesday of September. This meeting was in response
to a call to the workingmen of Boston."
55
1867.] 
HOURS OF LABOR.
The "Boston Mercantile Journal" of June 3, 1835, has an
article stating:
"For two or three years there has been in this State a workingmen's
party, who have had candidates for governor, lieutenant-governor, &c."
As the result of the agitation th,roughout the country, the
following memorable Order was issued by President Van Burei.
The copy, at present in my possession, was obtained from the
Washington Navy Yard by the Hon. Alexander H. Rice, of
Boston, and forwarded by him to Mr. J. S. Remick, of Charles.
town.
[Extract from General Orders for the regulation of the Navy Yard, Washington, D.C.]
"NAvY YARD, WASHINGTON, April 10, 1840.
"By direction of the President of the United States,' all public establishments' will hereafter be regulated, as to working hours, by the'tenhour system.' The hours for labor in this yard will therefore be as
follows, viz.: From the first day of April to the 30th day of September)
inclusive, from 6 o'clock, A. M., to 6 o'clock, P. 1I.  During this period,
the workmen will breakfast before going to work, for which purpose the
bell will be rung, and the first muster held, at 7 o'clock, A. M.   At 12
o'clock, noon, the bell will be rung, and the hour firom 12 to 1 o'clock
allowed for dinner, from which hour to 6 o'clock, P. 3I., will constitute
the last half of the day.
"From the 1st day of October to the 31st day of March, the working
hours will be from the rising to the setting of the sun. The bell will
then be rung at one hour after sunrise, that hour being allowed for
breakfast. At 12 o'clock, noon, the bell will again be rung, and one
hour allowed for dinner, from which time, say 1 o'clock, till sundown,
-will constitute the last half of the day. No quarters of days will be
allowed."
It has appeared, in evidence at the various hearings during
the present discussion at the State house, that within a period
ranging from two to four years of the adoption of the rule by
the National Government, ten hours'was established in most of
the ship-building trades in this State, having been first carried
into effect by the ship carpenters of Medford engaged on job
work. From them it has gradually become the custom in a
great portion of the labor of the cities and large towns of the
56
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
State, the labor crisis of 1853 having materially aided its
final triumph, as will be seenii by the following items:
"A  CARD.-The cutters of Oak Hall avail themselves of this opportunity, through the undersigned, to express their respect, regard and
good-will for G. W. Simmons,  Esq.,  for kindness,  courtesy,  &c.,particularly for his generous and magnanimous free-will offer in adopting
for their benefit, without waiting for or being guided by the course of
others,' The Ten-Hour System.'             "JOnN  McLEOD, foreman.
"APRIL 14, 1853."
"At a meeting of the Mayor and Aldermen of Charlestown, April
25th, 1853, a Ten Hour ordinance was reported."-Boston Journal,
April 28,'53.
"At a meeting of the Master Horse-shoers, an unanimous vote was
passed to adopt the Ten Hour system, to go into effect next Monday."
Boston Journal, April 30,'53.
HISTORY OF THE EIGHT HtOUR MOVEM.ENT.
The facts connected with eight hours as a growth, precedent
to its claims upon the community as a reform, are of great
significance.
In a season of commercial prosperity, Boston employs some
fifteen hundred or two thousand workmen, of all trades, in the
repairs of her shipping.
Under the present hours of labor, but an insignificant fraction of this employ resides in the city proper; inost of it is at
a distance of three miles, much of it five, and a considerable
portion even further from home, impelled to such a choice of
locality, by social, sanitary and pecuniary influences of an
obvious character. The nature of the work is such, that it
must be performed under great sacrifices of vigor, clothing,
tools, and general strain upon the mental faculties. The
wharves frequented by shipping, cover some six or seven miles
of water-front; work is to be reached and carried on under the
difficulties of circuitous and angular routes by the ferries and
bridges. Heavy boxes of tools, together with materials, are to
be lugged,-the exigencies of labor not permitting to any great
extent the use of teams,-much of it is performed in damp and
unhealthy docks, or aloft on the masts of ships. During the
8
1867.]
57 
HOURS OF LABOR.
heat of summer, no cooling drink can be obtained, except at
luncheon time. It is notorious, that sunstroke reaps its richest
harvest under the broiling temperature and exposures in which
this labor is performed. The nature of much of the work is
so responsible, that it can only be committed to first-class work men of the highest physical vigor.
Nearly all the work of the caulker must be carried on in
gangs, each individual being obliged to follow his predecessor,
and being in his turn pressed upon by his neighbor,-failure of
strength, or application, showing itself instantly by retarding
the progress of all in the rear.  It is well understood among
workmen, that the strain upon physical and muscular energy
of labor performed under such circumstances, is uniformly
somewhat above the average strength of the individuals composing the group.   Those momentary easements, and the
variety of position, which are possible to the isolated workman,
are here out of the question.
The size of vessels has so increased, as to involve large outlays of capital, both for ships and docks for their repairs. The
urgency of the demand in prosperous times for shipping, compels the most rapid execution.of jobs; so that expense may be
lessened, and the dock be used by the next vessel upon the
books. To do this, large numbers of workmen, more than can
be steadily employed, must wait upon the calls of commerce.
A Board of Trade Report of about the date of 1853, says,
that in Boston there is a scarcity of men, and if there is much
repairing going on, not more than one-half the number of men
can be obtained that might work conveniently on a vessel; so
that the number of lay days is doubled, the docks charging
always full price.
These statements will render intelligible'the following item,
which I find in the "Boston Times" of March 24th, 1853:
"The journeymen shipwrights and caulkers of this city have increased
their rate of prices to three dollars per day, commencing at eight in the
morning and working till half-past five.  This regulation has, wel
believe, been very generally agreed to, with the deduction, which is
understood, of one hour at noon, and twenty minutes for luncheon;
these hours are a trifle over eight per day."
58
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
Bearing inll mind all the circumstances of this employ, the
testimony of Mr. John Taylor, a master shipbuilder, and an
opponent of the general introduction of eight hours, will be
recognized as applicable. He was asked; (p. 25 of the Phonographic Reports,)-" Is business being driven out of Boston
because laborers work only eight hours per day?" and answers,
"There are a great many ships which go out of the place,-not
particularly inll consequence of the eight hours at old work,
which is considered equal to ten at new, but in consequence of
the extreme high prices of labor."
Rebel privateers and the war had so reduced the commerce
of Boston that, for a year, at the time this testimony was taken,
the caulkers had charged five dollars per day, to compensate
for lost time.
To prove that the influences tending to shorten hours in
Boston were not confined to a class, I quote the following item
from " Hunt's Merchant's Magazine" of April, 1852:-" A
writer in a recent' Transcript,' complains that the business hours
of Boston close at two, instead of four, as inll New York,-thus
shortening the time for making purchases and cheapening
goods. He says, very feelingly, that'there is a loss of precious time for business purposes.' Our opinion is, if it is
worth anything, that there is too much precious time lost in
business purposes, and too little expended for higher advantages than dollars and cents.
"As people live around us, it would seem as though there was
nothing but money worth living for; and every energy of mind
and body must be exercised for its attainment. Get rich,
appears to be the rule that meh have written on their hearts,
and it is a' waste of precious time' to turn aside for a moment
from its direction."
Those familiar with the former condition of the workmen in
this business know, that it is much elevated in consequence of
reduction of hours and associated effort. They are remembered as working in 1835, thirteen or fourteen hours, for $1.50
per day, confined by their hours to the city; the younger and
ruder portion formed the nucleus of Fort Hill rowdyism.
There was a period when, in connection with the fire department, they kept the city in constant alarm.
1867.]
59 
HOURS OF LABOR.
From 1853 to the present season, the same class of labor is
found in possession, as we have shown, of eight hours; not as
a class disorderly, mostly resident in the suburbs; wages most
of the time $3, rising to $4, and for a short time, and, as we
have seen under peculiar circumstances, to $5 per day.
The President of the Caulker's Association has recently
stated, under circumstances precluding bias, that one-third of
them were men of property.
The history of the eight-lour movement in Boston will not
be complete without a notice of the labor crisis of the summer
of 1866:
"A  large and enthusiastic meeting of the workingmen of Boston
and vicinity, assembled in the old Cradle of Liberty on Monday evening, July 2d, to hear a true statement of the ease of the caulker's lockout, to tender aid, and to take such counsel and action as the exigency
might seem to require of the friends of labor.
"The president of the evening, Col. C. G. Rowell of East Boston, on
taking the chair briefly expressed thanks for the honor conferred, and
then introduced Mr. Charles E. Turner, President of the Boston
Caulker's Association. Mr. Turner, in his remarks, wanted it distinctly
understood that this was no strike of the caulkers, but a lock-out of the
shipowners and builders.  The shipwrights and caulkers of New York
on the 2d of April last, struck for eight hours a day. The ship Archer
was sent from New York to Boston to be repaired,-because the owners
would not let the work be done in New York on the eight-hour system,
and were determined to defeat the strike. We were pledged to assist
our fellow-craftsmen.  We  had worked for fifteen years on the eighthour system, and wanted not only to continue that system, but to help
others to do it. The Archer had a charter in New York, and when
asked to repair her, we answered that we would work on her if the
owners would allow New York caulkers to come and assist, at eight
hours a day. This was refused, and we could not, therefore, in justice
to ourselves, or our fellow-craftsmen, consent to work on her. We
were therefore locked out, by conditions which we could not acceptfour dollars a day for nine hours work."
The state of labor in New York at this time will be understood by the following preamble, adopted iii connection with
resolutions at a meeting of shipbuilders, master shlipwrights,
and joiners, of New York and vicinity:
60
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
"Whereas, The ship-carpenters, joiners and caulkers, of New York
and vicinity, have demanded that eight hours, instead of ten, shall constitute a day's labor, and have refused to work until their demands shall
be acceded to; and have, by means of their organization, and threats
of personal violence, driven away many who wished to continue under
the old regulations,-thereby depriving by force a large number of
families of their livelihood, and inflicting upon us-their employersserious inconvenience, besides damaging the commercial community by
endeavoring so to raise the price of labor, that it would be impossible
for New York to compete with other seaports in the building and
repairing of vessels; and, whereas, we consider ten hours as no more
than a fair day's work, at the present high prices paid therefor; and,
that their demand is unwise and unjust, and, at the same time, ruinous
to us and the merchants, without benefiting themselves; and, whereas,
we, &c."
The view which the Boston shipowners took is expressed in
the following resolution, one of a series adopted at the rooms
of the Boston Board of Trade, June 8th, 1866:
"-Resolved, That a refusal to work under such circumstances, when no
dictation has been attempted as to the number of hours which shall constitute a day's work, and no dispute as to the price which shall be paid
per day for labor, is, in the opinion of this meeting, a proceeding which
cannot and ought not to be sustained, and one which no circumstances
can justify or approve."
The present hours of this employ are explained by anl extract
from "Rules and Regulations for the future government of
Merchants, Shipwrighlits, and Caulkers: "
"Whereas, contrary to the wishes of the merchants and master shipwrights of Boston, they have been compelled, by the refusal of the
Boston caulkers to work on the ship Archer, or to allow others to work,
either on said ship Archer or other vessels, for our own protection, we
do hereby solemnly agree to the following, namely:
"2. That we will employ no dock, railway, or master mechanic, that
will not make hours and price the same as expressed in these articles.
"3. Work to commence at 8, A. M.; one hour at dinner; and to
work until 6, P. M., or sunset, if before 6, P. M."
Lack of time prevents me from tracing the legislative history
of labor, beyond an allusion to the able reports on the subject
1867.]
61 
HOURS OF LABOR.
of Factory labor of the Hon. James M. Stone and William
S. Robinson, Esq., years 1850 and 1852, (House Documents
153 and 185.)
CAUSES AND CONNECTIONS OF THE EIGHT-flouR MOVEMENT.
The most influential motives of a practical character in the
eighlt-hour movement are to be found in the altered conditions
of labor, incidental to the monotony of subdivision, and the
intensity of application enforced by the state of society. The
rapidity of completion of many undertakings, causing the
workman frequent changes of location, and expenditure of
time and strength in travel, and that development of character
which makes him dislike the cramped accommodations of the
great cities, resulting, ill its connection with travelling facilities,
in residence at a distance from labor; the prevalence, among
thoughtful workingmen, of more definite views respecting
manual labor, whether its characteristics should be those of
skill and faithfulness, or unreasoning endurance; a clearer
recognition of the effect of continuous physical effort onl the
action of the mind and its capacity, and also on the condition
of the workman as being in all exhausted state during his brief
space of leisure; a comparison of tile more favored conditions
of mercantile and professional life, as affording educational
influences during the day, and leaving the body comparatively
free from fatigue, to engage with zest and energy in the social
privileges or duties of the evening; a conviction that the
returns for labor uinder the present system are not adequate to
the reasonable and necessary demands of American citizenship;
-these motives, with others, resulting in great unanimity of
opinion, that radical reductions of hours are necessary to place
labor in its just relations to the other interests of society.  In
connection with these points, I propose anll inquiry into the
nature and immediate effects of physical labor.
Adopting, as suitable to the present purpose, the definition of
Mr. Beecher, that " Work is the application of human physical
force to matter," I clear myself at once from much of the
declamation upon the subject, and reach the roots of the matter,
by reference to the divine statement of its character after the
loss of primal innocence.  In consequence of sin, the ground
was cursed, and Adam was doomed to eat bread in the sweat of
62
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
his face. We are not required to take this sentence as absolute
or irrevocable. A liberal construction warrants the conclusion
that it is in the estimation and circumstances of labor, rather
than in its essential character, that it has been regarded or has
proved a curse or burden. To the extent that the first estate
of man is restored by advancing righteousness, labor takes, by
its ameliorations. rewards  and considerations,  the position
designed for it by the Creator,-an honorable one, as having
vital relations with all human excellence and progress. We
cannot suppose the two volumes, in which God reveals himself,
to disagree.
The results of a reasonable amount of labor upon the system
are too manifestly beneficial to doubt the character of nature's
utterance; and for the combined effect on mind and body, I
have never found a sentence more practical and comprehensive
than the one alluded to in the sketch of Clianniing's views on
questions of labor:-" Manual labor is a school in which men
are placed to get energy of purpose and character." Taken in
connection with his further expression of opinion, " Manual
labor is a great good; but, in so saying, I must be understood
to speak oLlabor in its just proportions; in excess, it does great
harm, we have an apology, if one is needed, for the movement
to reduce the hours of labor.
If we consider that it is the passions which in the main give
"energy of purpose," we shall see that however beneficial labor
may be in its productive results, and as compared with the
nerveless inefficiency and moral hazard of idleness, it bears
along with it deprivations and exposures to evil of a momentous
character.
Stated in another form, the pith of Channing's axiom seems
to be that the preponderance which is given to the development
of the body by healthful labor, in connection with the training
of the volition and will to accomplish practical results in spite
of obstacles, acts directly, by the intimacy of the union between
the base of the brain and the bodily functions, to stimulate the
passions.
But if it is true that labor gives its force to passion, it is also
certain that fatigue waits closely on her steps to hold in
constraint the impulses of our lower nature. Few features of
humble life are more noticeable than the fact, that it is the
1867.]
63 
HOURS OF LABOR.
exceess of leisure, of the sailor on shore, or the laborer out of
work, that unlooses the appetites, and sends them on their
course of indulgence. In this connection, the loss on the part
of labor seems to be, that the force of daily culture is diverted
from all the gentler, pleasing, imaginative sentiments, and
distinctively intellectual and spiritual faculties and capacities.
I mean, of course, so far as labor is concerned, not having the
slightest motive to deny the preponderating influence on all
the higher industrial element, of the means for good from other
sources.
The failure to appreciate this difference between mental, and
manual labor, constitutes one of the chief obstacles to an
amicable settlement of the question in dispute. " I often work
more than ten hours," says the employer, without the slightest
idea, that there is a radical, as well as a circumstantial differ ence between the two descriptions of activity, going back for
its causes to the reason I have named. The ingenious and
well-disposed youth in our public schools, whose tendencies of
mind  lead" Iim almost irresistibly to the exercise of a life
of constructive skill, little realizes the marked injustice of our
prevailing ideas, nor is it usually until maturity that he learns
that it would have been better for him to follow the current in
the determination to avoid productive labor.
Adminission to the confidence of respectable workingmen,
reveals incidents quite explicit on this point. " Whly do you
!lave the counting room?" said an influential Sabbath school
teacher, a few years since, to a young man, a member of his
class.  " I leave for reasons connected with my health, and
the incongeniality of mercantile life! "   "You cannot support
a family as a mechanic, and under the burdens of labor your
abilities will be lost to society."
Such are the influences which are making our schools and
other social facilities, by a large share of their power, weights
upon our industrial system, instead of helps to it. Of what
avail is it that the agents of our great corporations, put in
their testimony in favor of educated labor, under a state o'
things which induces on the score of self-respect and social
estimation, a large part of that labor, into unproductive
channels, or disperses it to the four quarters of the globe in
. emigration.
64
[Jan. 
HIIOUSE-No. 44.
I shall allude elsewhere to the effects of the concentration of
capital, in shutting out the most intelligent portion of labor
from independent positions.
In the progress of society this class is called upon to furnish
candidates for public duties, of a nature not calling for the
suspension of their daily labor. Do they meet on terms of
equality, in respect to physical condition, their fellow-citizens
of mercantile and professional engagements? I do not claim
that business men are not overworked; but it is true that, as a
rule, their time in the cities is considerably shorter than work men. A fact develops itself here of great moment, in its ten dencies to perpetuate class distinctions.  Our indiscriminate:
estimate of the situation of labor, in view of these responsibilities is seen, when we consider the difference in bodily vigor of
the two interests of society after the day's employment. The
mind, in both cases, may be weary, but mind in its nature
admits of recuperation by change of theme;  but for the
exhausted workman, there is no relief short of yielding to
nature's claim for repose.
Society is thus deprived of the services of a large class of
her most energetic, and, in many cases, most intelligent citizens, as in these circumstances none but those of unusual
bodily vigor can accept these places, or fulfil their duties.
From the elemental truth thus laid down by commanding
authority, confirmed by the testimony which has been developed, and which is urged with emphasis by the toiling masses
in the present agitation, I infer that manual labor beyond a
minimum of daily duration, which is not likely to be reached
at present, is sacrificial in its character, injurious in some of its
results to the individual, and as such in all its higher relations,
has claims upon society for consideration in the inauguration
of rules and customs.
Reviewing the developments of popular feeling during the
last fifteen years, we find that the present interest is partly the
result of reactionary tendencies from the exclusive claims upon ~
the public mind, of the contest between the North and South,
and partly the result of a higher standard of manliness developed by the war. Patriotism and policy alike, combined to
suppress, or at least postpone, the effort of the operative popu- 
lation of the State, during the first half of the decade from
9
1867.]
65 
HOURS OF LABOR.
1850 to 1860 to obtain the ten hour-day of labor. In the
interim, the country has been moved by a deep emotive experience, in connection with events of the greatest magnitude.
More than two million of men, mostly producers, have been
relieved from the ordinary conditions of labor, under circumstances and with results which have told influentially on the
present movement. It is a fact worth noting, that where large
numbers are employed, influences are developed tending to
shorten time. These forces seem to operate above the usual
plane of commercial motives, and the more elevated and comprel-iensive the authority is, the more marked the result. The
city of Lawrence is one of the last expressions of the mind of
the capitalists of the Athens of America; and, at the present
writing, her time is the shortest of the manufacturing cities of
the State, 103- hours, the quarter hour being a recent concession of a most grateful character to the claims' of the stomach
at the noon repast. In contrast with this, the individual owners and small corporations of the western portion of the State,
have but just reduced their time from twelve to eleven  hours.
One reason of this I take to be, that the injurious effects of
long hours are more evident in large concerns, and appeal
more directly to an elevated sense of utility for an immediate
remedy.
In the army, professional skill, unembarrassed by pecuniary
bligations, has been very largely in control in all the minutia
of sanitary regulations.  Thousands of citizen soldiers, of
quick perception and enlarged intelligence, have observed with
deep interest the difference for the better in the army regulations. The two hours of morning, and three hours of afternoon
drill, in the usual routine, are relieved by frequent intervals of
rest; and in' all circumstances, except those imminent in their
nature, from five to eight hours of fatigue work are the customs
established by experience in the handling of large bodies of
troops. The alternations of time in guard duty, and exemption on the day succeeding, are further developments in the
same direction.
Workmen and women are held under the present customs
and ideas to at least five hours each half day of continuous
work, often in the most tedious, minute and monotonous
employ.  It is assumed, in many instances, that they have 110
66
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
lower limbs to ache with swollen or ruptured veins, no delicacy
of nerve, or versatility of mind, to revolt from such severity of
application, with a protest which derives force and volume from
the multiplied educational influences of the day. Our fathers
established the rule, that it should be considered indecorous to
sit during labor hours when it was possible to stand; and so
the plainest dictates of physiology must be disregarded in
industrial life. The manuals of advice placed in the hands of
our soldiers, exhorted them to relieve their feet as often as
they could, and their first day's drill found the humane idea
enforced by the order " rest," than which none was more
emphatic or needful.
The traditions of centuries have thus been jostled from
their hold on a large number of our people, by the rude but
effective hand of war.  Their overthrow has been synonymous
with the profound experiences of military exposure. Multitudes have sharply tested social anomalies, amid the most impressive scenes, and give at least a portion of their conclusions in
adlherence to this reform.
The character of the present discussion will be injuriously
misapprehended, if its leading motives are taken to be care for
mere  physical well-being.   With exalted prescience of  the
true issues in the dispute, Dr. Channing, speaking of the lower
element of labor, has said,-" It is not the physical suffering of
the poor, but their relation to the rest of society, the want of
means of inward life, the lowering influences of their position,
to which their chief misery is to be traced." An able advocate
of reform, Mr. Ira Steward, in a letter to the present Commission has well said,-" The reasons which were given in the
twelve and fourteen hour system for reducing to ten, are not
reasons which have much weight for the proposed eighlt-hour
reduction.  There is as much difference between the class of
arguments for the two systems, ten and eight hours, as between
the reasoning which is especially adapted to the movement for
giving the slave his freedom, and the later one, of giving the 
freeman a ballot."
Ten hours has been proved in its adoption by the masses of
needy and not specially intellectual laborers, to be in the interests of the body.  Dr. Jarvis admits that he has simply muscular effort in view, when he says that men can work ten hours a
1867.]
67 
HOURS OF LABOR.
day without impairing health. The present movement seems,
by its sequence and connections with the double nature of man,
likely to reveal itself to be the first step of a change in the
condition of the masses of a generic character.
The arbitrary power of a despot could not have consummated the growth of that agreeable feature of our civilization,
-our  suburban towns and cities.  Railroads alone would
never have accomplished it. The vitality of the force which,
in twenty-five years, has brought it quietly about, may all be
packed in the line, "Ten hours in Boston, sent her shopkeepers, artisans, &c., to the suburbs." They have crowded
the environs, and the demand is for more time and more
room, to meet the varied wants of this distinctive, national
development.
Any one who will visit the second tier of the localities
encircling the city, such as North Chelsea, Malden, Medford,
&c., will find extensive tracts of land, which has passed out of
cultivation, and has been surveyed for the residence of those
classes who do business in the city, but has been lying on the
market, without purchasers, for an indefinite period. The
general community seem to have very vague ideas as to the
capacity of the body to endure fatigue. In this case, these
views have operated disastrously, as these lands are not likely
to be occupied, with the present hours of labor.
The American mind is penetrating and forceful in its character; it rejects the idea that the day of labor, which has come to
us without intelligent consideration, from the darkness and
oppression of the past, shall continue to throw its pall over the
noble faculties of manhood. The scanty schooling received in
the country, barely meets the ordinary exigencies of existence
amoing the hosts who fight the battle of life in the intensity of
thought, feeling and effort in our cities. We have mistaken the
rudiments of knowledge for knowledge itself.  There is an
instinctive and wide-spread feeling among these classes, that
broad institutions and new customs must be initiated to mesa
the demands of the times. The mind of the scholar is expanded
and strengthened by mathematical and classical study. The
commercial interests receive an education, defective it is true,
in the exercise of their pursuits. Continuous application
through tlhe day to study or inquiry is out of the question for
[Jan.
68 
HIIOUSE-No. 44.
the masses. But, under the proposed reduction of hours,
mental culture would not be cramped and straitened by
confinement to the evenings of two or three winter months.
"Knowledge would open her ample page," unchecked by any
interruption, except that of midsummer.
Take the science of geology, specially in its relation to time,
as it has been recorded upon the rocks, as legibly as a dial;
how impressive in its liberalizing influence on the mind. Place
a class of intelligent workingmen in any place of moderate
size, under the instruction of a person tolerably well versed in
its principles, for the evenings of nine months and as long as
they should continue to reside in that place its affairs would be
sensibly relieved of a petty narrowness, almost inseparable from
present circumstances. Gross ignorance pervades the community, in reference to the truths of physiology.   The relations of such themes as ventilation, bathing, &c., to health and
prosperity, lie on the extreme of the horizon Of the industrial
classes.
In another direction, a science formerly deemed the most
abstruse, yet one of daily and of universal need, is republicanized in the truths of phrenology. The people occasionally
hear of these matters in lectures, but they need them as practical
knowledge, to develop capacities now dormant.
" For as our vineyards, fallows, meads and hedges,
Defective in their natures, grow to wildness;
Even so our houses, and ourselves and children,
Have lost, or do not learn, for want of time,
The sciences that should become our country."
The popular opposition to science has been removed; the
next step is to graft it upon the daily,life of the masses.  A
letter in the " National Trades Review," an organ of labor published in Philadelphia, shows its connection with human life
and comfort:
"SIR:-Now I see that there is a person trying to get air into the coal
mines, and in vain do I look for some reply being made to his call upon
miners to come forth and tell, or give their opinions, on this important
matter. My husband has been troubled with asthma for several years,
and as he is a miner, and is obliged to come out and come home on
1867.]
69 
HOURS OF LABOR.
every occasion when the mines are full of powder smoke, it does seem
strange to me that so many miners, all over the country, and no one of
them to answer the call of this person, to try to make it better for the
poor men who suffer so much for want of air all the year round in some
of the coal mines. Excuse me, sir, for troubling you, but I do think
that there are both mine employers and men, workers in the mines, that
ought to come forward and give their opinion, and try to help in this
case. My husband cannot write, or he'would have done so, since you are
so kind as to publish working-people's letters from all over the country;
and as you say, in July 8th paper, that it is in consequence of people
not writing that you are publishing novelettes, &c.
Excuse me, sir, for troubling you, for I feel it is scarcely a woman's
duty to speak or write on this matter, where there must be so many
men interested in so important a matter as to get pure air to breathe in
their dangerous calling.             I am, yours truly,
SALLY M."
In the same direction, Horace Mann, writing in 1842, says:
"For the last ten years, such have been the disastrous fluctuations of
our National and State policy, on the single subject of the currency,
that all the prodigality of nature, pouring her hundreds of millions of
products annually into our hands, has not been able to save thousands of
our people from poverty; and, in many cases, economy, industry and
virtue could not rescue their possessor from want.  And, why?  I
answer, because this question has been decided, again and again, by
voters to whom the simplest question in political economy or national
finance is as unintelligible as a book of Hebrew or Greek."
The same great mind in his Lectures on Education, (p. 123,)
strikingly delineates the needs of our times
"Now it is undeniable that, with the possession of certain higher
faculties,-common to all mankind,-whose proper cultivation will bear
us upward to hitherto undiscovered regions of prosperity and glory, we
possess, also, certain lower faculties or propensities, equally common
whose improper indulgence leads inevitably, to tribulation, and anguish,
and ruin.  The propensities to which I refer, seem indispensable to or
temporal existence, and if restricted within proper limits, they are promotive of our enjoyment; but beyond those limits, they work dishonor
and infatuation, madness and despair. As servants, they are indispensable; as masters, they torture as well as tyrannize.   Now despotic and
70
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
arbitrary governments have dwarfed and crippled the powers of doing
evil as much as the powers of doing good; but a republican government,
from the very fact of its freedom, unreins their speed, and lets loose
their strength. It is justly alleged against despotisms, that they fetter,
mutilate, almost extinguish the noblest powers of the human soul; but
there is a per contra to this, for which we have not given them credit
they circumscribe the ability to do the greatest evil, as well as to do the
greatest good.
"MIy proposition, therefore, is simply this: If republican institutions
do wake up unexampled energies in the whole mass of a people, and
give them implements of unexampled power wherewith to work out
their will; then these same institutions ought also to confer upon that
people unexampled wisdom and rectitude. If these institutions give
greater scope and impulse to the lower order of faculties belonging to
the human mind, then they must also give more authoritative control,
and more skilful guidance to the higher ones. If they multiply temptations, they must fortify against them. If they quicken the activity
and enlarge the sphere of the appetites and passions, they must at least
in an equal ratio establish the authority and extend the jurisdiction of
reason and conscience. In a word, we must not add to the impulsive,
without also adding to the regulating forces.
"If we maintain institutions which bring us within the action of new
and unheard of powers, without taking any corresponding measures for
the government of these powers, we shall perish by the very instruments
prepared for our happiness."
SOCIAL ELEVATION.
The change from a standard of labor whose highest merit
seems to be that it is deemed the maximum of production, to
one acknowledged to be educational in its character, will, it is
fair to presume, introduce compensations hitherto unthought
of.
Testimony deemed worthy the consideration of statesmen
was brought forward during the discussion of the factory bill
in England, proving that many of the operatives lessened the
number of their meals from twenty-six to twenty-one per week,
immediately after the reduction to ten hlours; thus demonstratinlg the instant operation of influences almost purely
physical, in the direction of a more economical style of living.
Much of the sharp criticism of the working classes in respect
to excessive eating, seems to have been inconsiderate.   We
1867.]
71 
HOURS OF LABOR.
infer this from recollection of the tone of society before any
change in hours was effected.  Nothing was more common than
to hear from influential sources, comments on this proclivity of
workmen. These remarks were not usually calculated to convince the judgment, or produce good feeling between the differenlt interests of society. It seems now to be admitted, tacitly
at least, that the public judgment was defective, and that the
distillery and the shambles had no more effective allies than
they found in days of twelve to fourteen hours duration.
Much more intelligent, as well as charitable, is the verdict
which Mrs. Kirkland passes upon the Western farmers, when
she says in speaking of their gross feeding at their harvest time,
that any other course than fourteen hours of labor, with such
eating, would be suicidal.
Those workmen who are in the habit of subjecting their daily
routine to the test of reason and morals, acknowledge with
regret the extreme difficulty of controlling the desire for food.
The large populations of our suburbs, average fourteen hours
of continuous activity, with the exception of a brief interval
at noon. The exhausted condition of all who are ill laborious
callings, and to a very considerable extent of tile rest, concentrates intense desire upon the gratification of the appetite at
the evening meal. Torpor and sleepiness soon follow, by the
operation of laws inevitably connected with such prolonged
and unseasonable exercise of the physical functions of labor
and nutrition. The two hours that society allows to the mass
of its members for the fulfilment of the fundamental duties of
the church, the state, and the family, are neutralized, if not
reversed in their direction, by the burdens of excessive appetite
and extreme fatigue.
Such conditions of daily life cannot be without their injurious
influence on public affairs. And accordingly we find intervals,
during which it is impossible to rouse the people to a calm
sense of responsibility, succeeded by periodic convulsions of
such character as to repel the moderate and thoughtful from
participation in politics.
The manifestations of religion, sympathize from time to time
with the passionate intensity or the sluggish indifference thus
ingrained by daily habits into the character and tendencies of
the community.
72
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
A noble literature, which ought to be in. daily contact with
the minds and hearts of the people, is neglected, or substituted
by the stimulating reading necessitated by mental habits in
harmony with such unintellectual training.
One of the noticeable developments of modern times is seen
in the constant movement upwards into what is usually termed
genteel society, of individuals so numerous as to constitute
classes. Hitherto these additions to the polite or influential
element of society have been mainly from the class of tradesmen
or mechanics in artistic callings.
The aggregation of labor in the cities is tending to the growth
of higher conditions of life in trades which twenty-five years
ago were positively averse to all the minutiae of observance and
the denials of impulse which are required in good society. The
possession of two hours of leisure, has brought the careless and
impulsive workman in contact with his superiors in culture, in
in the daily ride in the car, and in social gatherings of manifold
descriptions; privileges which formerly were impossible.
Thirty years ago, the daily use of the tooth-brush by a workman was without precedent. It is remembered that a laboring
community but a short distance from Boston were moved to
alternate ridicule or indignation at this innovation on the part
of one of their members.   Abundant  evidence is accessible
proving the advance in the ideas of cleanliness and refinement
implied in this extension of the popular toilet. The sale of the
tooth-brush by our fancy-goods dealers is not confined to any
classy and army sutlers say that its use was frequent in regiments recruited from the least cultured of our people.
IIn harmony with these statements, is the desire felt by a large
and increasing number of workingmen to modify existing
customs of dress. Why is it that the surgeon, or student in the
dissecting-room, or the active partner or salesman in the wholesale druggist's or flour store, preserve their social standing in
spite of the untoward nature of their callings? To a great
extent, we hold, because their time is not so inflexibly the
property of others, as to shut them up  to the necessity of
rushing into the street in such a garb as to lose their self-respect.
Undoubtedly other influences mingle here; but it is unquestionably true that the advance in social proprieties, is forcing upon
workingmen a sense of their straitened situation in this respect
10
1867.]
P73
i 
HOURS OF LABOR.
nriot formerly felt. Everywhere in our shops is seen the stringent
regulation forbidding the cessation of labor before" time is up."
From a quarter to half an hour is needed for a thorough
cleansing and change of clothing in many of the offensive and
uncleanly trades. The situation of a large portion of our labor
is such that a social cordon is drawn around it from this cause
alone. If the community are willing to allow class distinctions
to disappear, they must ultimately consent to an amelioration
of time. Such is the tendency of our nature to be influenced
by appearances, that much greater weight must be given to an
improvement of this character in elevating labor than to other
changes intrinsically more important.
As we have already partially shown, foremost among the
means of class elevation is the reduction of the expenses of the
table. While a rude community boasts of profusion in this
respect, a refined one, or one tending in that direction, recognizes that here is cost and labor which must be brought within
the narrowest limits. The example of the adult workers of the
family, impelled to free indulgence of the appetite by the present
houtrs, influences the rest as to render it practically impossible
for them to differ; so that habits and expenses are engrafted on
the whole household. Members of trades the most influential
in former movements have learned that their ability to gratify
elevated tastes is sensibly aided by reductions of hours, both by
moderation of appetite, time for attention to personal and home
affairs, and facilities for purchases of food and clothing.
These revelations of the every-day life of the industrial classes
have, if we mistake not, extended and significant connections
with other interest of society; their inherent character is such
as to be prophetic of larger room for the press, the lecture,
music, and the graces which adorn cultivated society, and these
anticipations seem still further favored by the following views,
which I abridge from an article in the United States Agricultural Report for 1863, page 248:
"Whatever constantly aids the progress of civilization, however feeble
its force, is of vital importance to a community. But whenever anything is found that exerts a controlling power, it ought to be carefully
investigated, and thoroughly examined in all its bearings.
74
[Jan. 
8HOUSE-No. 44.
"The supply of food occupies the larger portion of the energies of
the human race; and it must be provided for in all communities to
secure their prosperity, happiness and advancement.   If the constitution
of a community is such that all its energies are absorbed in the production of food and clothing, all its sources of improvement will remain
closed, and the community will be at a standstill. No time is left to
cultivate the mind, and from exhaustive physical labor, it readily relapses
into a state of barbarism.
"On the other hand, when a community is so constituted that all its
energies are not required to feed and clothe its citizens, the mind is
cultivated, sources of prosperity multiply, and the nation gradually rises
to the highest rank in the civilized world.
"In the United States, our fertile and extensive agricultural lands,
while covered with a comparatively sparse population, have yielded
fabulous crops from a virgin soil. Large profits being thus easily obtained,
it has not been deemed necessary to husband resources, and the soil has
been allowed to become exhausted, thus creating large tracts of so-called
worn-out lands in a great number of States. In a similar manner
many aids to civilization may be carelessly neglected, and although
advancement may not be at the time perceptibly checked, it will soon
become apparent.  Hence the agriculturist should avail himself of every
means of information within his reach, that he may carefully gather up all
the varied resources of his country, and reduce the time and strength
necessary for the production of food and clothing within the smallest
limits, thereby giving greater scope to the developement and enjoyment
of his and his country's intellectural and moral forces.
"In this view, the importance which is attached to the agricultural
interests of a country is more clearly comprehended. The greater the
improvements made in implements of agriculture, the more completely
the crops are adapted to the soil and climate, the more the facilities of
communication are increased, and the more accurately the agricultural
statistics of a nation are obtained, the more will the nation advance with
all its other interests.
"To aid in this general developement, by discovering some of the
statistics gathered by the census bureau, is the object of the present
article."
The writer proceeds to show by voluminous tables, that every 
one hundred people require eighty neat cattle yearly for laboring
purposes and for food; that in 1860 Massachusetts had but onequarter of the requisite number, and that her production of
cattle had been constantly decreasing for twenty years, while
1867.]
75 
HOURS OF LABOR.
the point of greatest productiveness had been steadily moving
westward at the rate of 500 miles in ten years.
Speaking of the statistics of 1860, he says, " We are led to
infer a general reduction in the entire country east of the
Mississippi River, with an occasional exception, while our great
herds still gather around the pioneers, as, pushing westward,
they lay the foundations of civilized life in the dominions of
the savage."
INSTRUCTION IN LABOR.
Man differs from all other creatures, in his relation to
nature.
"His predominant, and governing principle, is intelligence.   The
insect, as soon as it arrives at the perfect state, is capable of all of which
it is ever capable; it goes through no education, it makes no improvement, it does not learn by experience, it is taught nothing by its parents,
it teaches nothing to its offspring, -nothing is transmitted from generation to generation. The race is where it was thousands of years ago.
On the contrary, at birth, man knows nothing, he can do nothing. He
has only powers and tendencies which are latent. Beginning by actions
which are instinctive, and an education which is also instinctive, his
intelligence becomes gradually developed; it is informed by education,
observation, and experience; and at length assumes the principal control
over his life.  He learns from his parents.  He teaches his children,
and the accumulated treasure of one generation is transmitted to the
next."
A system of labor, which neglects, or undervalues these primary conditions of being, must be defective. That we have
at the present time, anything deserving the name of a system,
or even custom of training in productive labor, would hardly
be claimed by any. one.
The following extracts, from a recent petition to the legislature, will show the present condition of the arts in this respect,
with some of the moral connections:
"The undersigned, members of the producing classes, represent to
your Honorable Body, the inconveniences we suffer, in common, from a
defective Apprentice system.
76
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
"Lads are placed at trades, without indenture, which leaves it
optional with them to remain and obtain a perfect knowledge of the
business; and masters are equally free to send them out upon the world,
as perfect or imperfect workmen.
"By the simple contract system, boys leave their places, and flee from
one shop to another without restraint, assuming mature positions in early
youth, to the great danger of their morality and usefulness as men, and
too frequently deficient in a knowledge of the trade they essay to learn.
"Without the restraint of law, and holding themselves amenable to
neither parent or master, the mechanical arts suffer, propriety is too often
shocked, and society is demoralized. It is deteriorating from the excellency of mechanical arts, and lowering the American standard of perfection; which secures to Europe, an advantage that must disparage the
prospect of American mechanics.
"We claim, that to the present loose apprenticeship system, can be
traced many accidents on our railroads, steamboats, bridges, and in
mining regions, as well as imperfections in the manufacturing, and
agricultural interests."
The substantial truth of these positions, as well as others,
which I have omitted, was with great clearness, shown before
the joint committee of 1865, on the hours of labor, and the
apprenticeship system, and formed the base of views embodied
in House Doc., No. 256, of that year.
We hear much of the neglect of physical training. Its benefits are sought for in active games in the gymnasium, rowing,
&c. Really the remedy is to be found in such comprehensive
measures in the regulation of labor, as will retain a larger portion of our youth in production, under healthful circumstances,
and relieve the less onerous callings from the existing pressure
of those who crowd them, merely to escape the burdens, and
odium of labor in its present condition.
Relying upon the axiom "that labor is the divine training
to energize the character," it is but a step to the inference, that
by its means, the body should receive that thorough development, necessary to place it in harmony with the mind. Viewed
in this light, the physical degeneracy, so characteristic of the,
cities, appears simply as a divine rebuke, for the unsound conditions of labor, which sends the sons of our respectable artisans,
and farmers, en masse, into mercantile life.
From "Moore's Rural New-Yorker" of recent date, I take an
article on " Physical Education" 7
1867.]
77 
HOURS OF LABOR.
"The general neglect of physical training, is among the strangest of
strange things. The utter absence of any plan, provision, or arrangement,
for teaching boys or girls how to work, when work is at the bottom of all
material interests, is the real wonder of the world. Painful as the truth
is, there is no doubt but a very large per cent. of all human physical
efforts, are thrown away, by not knowing'how to do it.'  This amounts
to a loss of untold millions, in productive returns, and a waste of time,
more precious than all the gold of Australia. Human strength, which
ought to be developed, and preserved, with assiduous care, and applied
with the soundest discretion to the great objects and necessities of
human life, is thus, to a large extent, utterly wasted.
"We can judge in some measure of the magnitude of this loss, by
observing the difference between skilled and unskilled labor,-by watching, a greenhorn chopper, who never hits twice in the same place, and
whose blow falls dead from not having the right direction, the peculiar
slant and sleight, that dexterous workmen know so well how to give.
It is notorious that you may take two men of equal power, one carefully
educated, and practised in the use of the axe, and the other not,-and
the former will cut three logs off while the latter is cutting one. I have
often seen it tried.
"There is one point of great weight in this connection, generally overlooked. The beginner, when left to himself, conjrms by practice the
objectionable style which he first adopts. HIe drills himself in; he hardens himself, and he pertinaceously perseveres, till he makes tolerable
progress at his work; but he has only modified his errors, and he will
go through life, expending a third more strength, and accomplishing a
third less labor, than the man who is introduced to right methods at the
start.  The agony endured by men and boys, who have the size and
strength, and the ambition to' keep up,' but who work to a disadvantage,
is really pitiful. They conceal their weariness, and pains, strike hard
and often, watching the tardy sun, which seems to stand still, in mockery
of their woe. Call it ambition, or pride, or chivalry, or folly, or what
you will; multitudes of our most athletic and spirited young men-these
are the very ones-break down: the victirms of disease, and pain, and
premature death, in consequence of the insane practice of beginning the
work of life, before they have learned how to work."
In another article from the same source, the relations of productive labor to the individual and society, are argued in a
manner forcibly illustrating the principles  I have  made as
fundamental:
78
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
"Something like half of our active hours should be spent in physica
effort; the body demands it imperatively; omit it, and physical an
intellectual degeneracy follow; the bones will lack firmness an
strength,-the muscles will be deficient in size and power,-the digestiv
organs, the lungs, the brain, the skin, the blood, the nerves, will all b
feeble and faulty in their action, and gradually succumb to disease an
premature death.
"A really strong man, healthy and developed in body and mind, mu
sleep eight hours every day; rest and recreate four hours; give si
hours to mental and moral labor and discipline, and six hours to vigor
ous bodily activity. Any material change in this programme, dwarf
body or mind, or both.
"I have brought this matter up at this time for the purpose of saying
that labor is an indispensable element in human affairs, and therefor
(ought to be) eminently reputable.
"All who would not live a lingering death, must spend a large po
tion of their time in some kind of active exercise. Therefore it i
immensely important that this enlarged and indispensable bodily aetivit
should be turned into productive channels.
"Vagrant wanderers for health, rich or poor, quartering themselve
upon hard-working people, are criminals before the higher law. Who
ever walks five miles for exercise, when he could gain just as much by
hoeing five rows of corn, steals from nature's treasury, and God wi
put him on his trial yet. Sports may do for children, but a full grown
man or woman, whose mind and heart are not diseased, will demand and
find activities all the more healthful and healing, from the eonsciousnes
of their adding to the store of good things for man.  With immens
harvests to be gathered, and as things now stand, crushing labors to b
performed, I address these considerations to all'sedentary' people
and all outside the pale of productive industry.
"It is worthy of prompt and profound consideration, whether profes
sional men, mechanics, bankers, artists, idlers, should not bestir them
selves with determined energy to find homes with lands for cultivation
attached. If they are not found in the cities, it merely proves that the
cities are the wrong places to live in. Farming is' drudgery,' and i
denied comforts and embellishments,- because farmers are saddled with
labors that others ought to divide with them. God is not to be cheated
he works with a purpose, and so must we."
I infer then from my premises, thus supported by facts and
arguments, that there is a marked omission in our social
arrangements. Closely examined in its connections and results,
it will be seen to be serious, if not alarming. Thousands of
1867.]
79 
HOURS OF LABOR.
youths among us, by circumstance for which they cannot be
said to be to blame, are divorced, to a great extent, from the
ties and restraints of home, by transfer from the country to a
city life, and other thousands by the place of their birth, which
has shaken their relation to conservative forms of religious
belief, are adrift in all their moral connections. The terms of
complacency with which Mr. Warden Haynes, ill his report for
1866, alludes to those discharged from the State prison, after
learning trades, speaks volumes in favor of a reform in this
respect, in its effects on the morals of a community:
"One great advantage possessed by the prison is the facility of teaching the prisoners, (eighty per cent. of whom have no trades when
received,) some useful trade, so that when they learn they may obtain
employment at good wages,-which many of them do, and become
honest, industrious and thriving citizens."
This illustration loses none of its force, when we consider
that a large part of our crime is committed by a class so
depressed that they cannot by social means obviate the evils to
which they are exposed by this industrial deficiency.
The first generation of foreign parentage must necessarily be
more exposed to temptation, by being forced to meet the hard
conditions of their lot without the advice and aid of intelligent
connections, and deprived of the advantages which a system of
labor under instruction would give them.  Take the case of a
young man employed in a boiler shop, in iron ship-building, in
the machine shop, or foundry, in any of the elementary processes of manipulation of iron; how discouraging his situation;
swinging a heavy hammer, without intermission or change, ten
hours each day, year in and year out, with such noise as to
forbid conversation; held by scanty wages to the steadiest
employ, or suffering pecuniarily from occasional relaxation; he
has an instinctive sense that some share of the lighter and
more varied work which he sees going on around him ought
to be his, but through defects which we have seen to be common"
to the race, he cannot perform it. No way is provided for
his training; if he wishes to go up he must accept less pay. Of
the means at the disposal of this class of youths to do this,
some judgment may be formed, when I say that it was found
80
[Jan. 
HIOUSE-No. 44.
necessary to except nearly one-lalf of thile men in government
employ in the navy yard, a few years since, when a voluntary
collection was being made in aid of the National Hlome for
Seamen. Or in other words, all whose wages were not over
two dollars per day.
Mor are the moral evils of this deficiency confined to the
humbler classes of labor. The report already alluded to, states
that even in the most favorable circumstances, that of hand
work in trades not admitting of minute subdivision, the proportion of skilled workmen was but one-third of any number
usually found together. And in the large majority of cases it
was much less. It cannot be said that these trades do not
require and admit wise regulations.
Strong, if not decisive collateral evidence in the direction of
these views, is afforded by the tendencies of influential organizations, to recognize, and in a limited way, remedy this great
deficiency.
The "New York Evening Post," in an article on the practices of marine insurance companies, speaks of the want of some
system of examination for those who are to be made masters of
vessels:
"In 1860, an organized attempt was made by influential ship-owners,
merchants, and underwriters, which resulted in the establishment of the
American Ship-masters' Association, an institution chartered by the legislature of New York, for the purpose of examining, and certifying to
the qualification of masters and officers of vessels. The plan met with
very general favor, and the association is now permanently established.
"It has upon its published register about four thousand names, and on
the list are to be found very many of those who have taken the highest
rank as shipmasters. It proved of important service to the government
during the war; and its members were well represented in the ranks of
our volunteer navy. Applicants for a certificate of the Shipmasters'
Association, are examined by competent persons, in seamanship and
navigation, and the reports submitted to a committee of experienced
shipmasters.  Each commission issued, bears a number, which is not
changed; and this is used as a signal, somewhat upon the system adopted n
ted in the commercial code; or simply by exhibiting a blue flag with a
red border, on which the number of the master's commission appears.
A book, or register, is printed, which gives every number the name corresponding to it, and the name of the vessel to which the holder of each
11
81
1867-.] 
HlOURS OF LABOR.
commission is attached. Thus, at sea, as far as the flag can be seen, and
the number made out, an intelligible signal is readily made. What we
now need, beside the Shipmasters' Association, or in connection with it,
is some well-planned system of apprenticeship for ship's boys.  It is to 
the interest of masters, and owners, that boys should be apprenticed to
the ship, or to her commander, rather than to be loosely changed. from
ship to ship with the sailors. But in order to keep apprentices faithful,
they must be made to feel that their interests are cared for by the owner
whom they serve. The law should secure to them during their apprenticeship, thorough education in seamanship and navigation, and custom
should prescribe, as his best interests certainly do, that from his apprentices, the ship-owner should select the officers to manage and command
his vessels."
A -writer in the "New York Times" refers to the large nlumber of lives, annually sacrificed in our merchant service, by falling from aloft, when engaged in reefing sail. Not less than a
thousand seamen, he says, fall from aloft, on American ships,
every'ear, while in the discharge of their duty, and perish,
unknelled, unicoffined, and unknown. He proceeds as follows:
"Since the first of November last, one hundred and five seamen have
been reported lost in this manner, on the homeward voyage of ships
that have arrived in the port of New York alone. How many have
been lost overboard, who were not reported, how many have fallen on
the outward voyage, how many from ships arriving at other ports, how
many from whalers and fishermen in distant seas, we have no means of
ascertaining. Fifteen ships arriving here in the month of November,
reported losing nineteen men from aloft. Eighteen ships arriving in
December, reported twenty men.   Seven ships arriving in January,
reported seven men. Twelve- ships arriving in -February, reported
eighteen men. Twelve ships arriving in March, reported twenty-three
men.  Fifteen ships arriving in April, reported sixteen men."
The article concludes with some very just remarks, in relation to the cause and the possibility of the prevention of this
fearful mortality, confessing that bad seamanship has much to
do with it.
Under fitre auspices of Andrew Jackson, an Act of Congress
was passed, and approved March 2, 1837, providing a system
of Apprenticeship for the Navy.   During the last session of
Congress, the Secretary of the Treasury, urged upon the Committee on Naval Affairs, some provisions to make this law effec
82
[Jaii.
0 
HOUSE-No. 44.
tive. Of these apprentices, he says, that about sixty, each year,
should be transferred to the Naval Academy.  Those next in
proficiency can become warrant officers, and the third grade
can be made petty officers, and the remainder, sailors. This
would open to apprentices, the highest honors of the naval service, and secure a better class of men.   He says that but onefifth are successful, under the present system, and the remainder leave the service.   He credits the failure of the law of
1837 to the anomaly of educating boys for the naval service,
without any promise of promotion. He expresses the belief,
that this prejudice is fast passing away, and that upon the
legislation proposed depends our prosperity and welfare.
A circular of the Navy Department, dated January 1, 1866,
states that the department, having deemed it advisable to
resume the enlistment of boys for the navy, to serve until they
arrive at twenty-one years of age, unless sooner discharged, as
authorized by Act of Congress, approved March 2, 1837, the
following regulations have been adopted, for the purpose of
effecting the object of the law, and will be observed accordingly.
The leading ideas of this system are to be found in the second, eighth, eighteenth,:twenty-second, and twenty-eighth rules.
A good English education, is a requisite for admission. Those
admitted have a chance to compete for the three yearly appointments to the Naval Academy, and are also eligible as warrant
officers. They are instructed in all the practical duties of a
seaman, their whole time being devoted to that purpose. They
are divided into three classes, paid eight, nine and ten dollars
per month, one-tenth part of each lad's pay being retained until
the close of his term of enlistment.
The wide range of social and industrial interests, which
would be benefited by adoption of these views respecting
instruction in the work of life, may be seen by a few extracts
from respectable sources:
"Monsieur Blot, who has been imparting to the women of New York
some practical hints upon the proper mode of preparing meats and veg- E
etables for the table, has been engaged by the Cooper Union of that
city, to deliver, on four successive Saturday evenings, a series of lectures, illustrated by practical experiments, on cooking. The course is
free to all, and the Cooper Institute, which is to be the cuisene of the
occasion, will no doubt be crowded. If it is true, as has been stated,
1867.]
83 
HOURS OF LABOR.
that M. Blot does not devote his attention to ragouts and fricassees, but
descends to plain beefsteak, and mutton chops, the practical value of
his lectures will be of incalculable advantage to those who attend.  We
wish the greatest success to M. Blot, and should his mission produce
any good results in Gotham, we promise him a cordial welcome to'the
hub,' for it is a fact, that few will deny, that not one gentleman in a
hundred, in this city, hazards a dinner party at his own home, to more
than half a dozen intimate friends, fearful lest the meats or vegetables
should tell of the inferiority of his cook.
"W ith the best market in the United States, if we can believe the
recent report of the market committee of the city council, a large
majority of our citizens, if they wished to entertain a stranger, would
seek the club-house, or some one of our well-known public houses, in
order to secure a well-cooked repast of either fish, flesh, or fowl."
A correspondent of the" Commercial Advertiser" gives some
facts of interest in regard to the construction of German
railroads:
"Once on the road, we had leisure to see how excellent the German
railroads are. The rails are smooth and straight, and not bent as with
us by a poorly constructed and uneven railroad track. The joints are
well held together by fastenings, and never bushy or bent at the ends.
The ballast of the road is everywhere in complete order, and flush up on
the outer side of the rail, and level with the ties, only just covering them
in the middle. The track itself, neatly gravelled, is kept clean of grass
including several feet beyond the rails, and the roads are, considering the
drouth, very free from dust.  The culverts and bridges are of the highest
class, and our railroads, even the very best, are a disgrace compared with
them in this particular. The same is true as to depots and their surroundings.  It is clear that European railroad engineers would condemn
every railroad in the United States as unsafe; for, according to their
standard, we have really no railroads. The more I examine and inquire,
and the more I become acquainted with the details, the more I feel
ashamed as an American railroad man."
The weighty considerations of national existence ally themselves very closely with the adoption of these ideas, in military
instruction. Are we willing to accept the condition of out
country at the beginning of the( war, as a proper or a necessary
one? Do we not realize now that among the causes of the
rebellion, and not the least of them, must be reckoned our
unprepared situation. We observe the failure of all compre
84
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
hensive militia systems; their ill success is intimately connected
with our loose ideas in training, aud our excessive devotion of
time to labor and business.  In our indifference to this aspect
of public affairs we forget the essential weakness of a government which is unable to compel the obedience of the treasonable
and disaffected.
The response of the legislature to the petition quoted at the
beginning of this article may be found in chapter 270, Acts of
1865.  The ancient penalty of imprisonment is repealed, and
in its place, a bond in the sum of two hundred dollars or less
substituted, mutually obligatory in its terms.
The advocates of this law, at the time of its enactment, felt
obliged to concede that it was rore prophetic than practical in
its character, though it is understood that the city of Boston
has, in some instances, adopted the principle involved.
The different hearings on the questions of labor have developed the fact that a considerable number of large establishments,
in various parts of the State, have adopted the plan of a bonus
or gratuity, to be given at the end of the term of service.
Others reserve a portion of the wages, as we have seen is done
by the government, in the case of the naval apprentices.  These
expedients have been, to say the least, hopeful in their results.
In connection with reduced hours, efficient aid may be
expected from the trade organizations, as it is observable that
those working the shortest time, as the hatters and some others,
are the most successful in enforcing reasonable regulations in
this respect. I have dwelt at some length on this theme of
instruction in labor, because I conceive that pubic interest will
be supported by public opinion in the event of a reduction, to
obviate whatever there may be sacrificial in the reform by
efficient customs, if not systems, of instruction.
Employers and employees agree in the belief that labor in
some of its practical relations is deteriorating.  Each party
charges the blame upon the other. It seems quite certain that
the interests of both will compel agreement on this question.
The reduction to eight hours, for certain descriptions of labor,
may be a measure imperatively called for by the claims of the
intellectual and moral nature, irrespective of increased productiveness; but once introduced, it will be aided and enforced
by the every-day needs of both parties.
1867.]
85 
HOURS OF LABOR.
Beecher says," It may confidently be predicted, therefore,
that if workmen have not leisure for self-culture, they can have
it; and it may be just as confidently predicted that the employer
will more than make up the diminution in time by the difference
in the results of the labor.  The thousaid petty wastes that
accompany ignorant, discontented work, compared with the
savings of a man's thinking, willing work, amount to far
more than the difference between eight hours and ten hours.
But the work that is eight hours must be a much finer quality
of steel than the work that is ten, or it will not bear the strain."
RELATIONS OF THE HOURS OF LABOR TO THE FARM.
The opposition of the farming interest to reduction of hours
is a noticeable feature of the present agitation.
Mr. Wetherell, who appeared before the first commission in
behalf of land-holding farmers, acknowledges that the rule for
a day's work is fourteen hours for six months in the summer,
or from sun to sun; meals, he says, will diminish it a little.
Sometimes they begin before sunrise and work after it sets,
(page 1, folio 2, Reports of Evidence.) That opposition must be
regarded as equally directed against the reduction of time to
tenl hours, though inquiry shows that some farming of an
amateur character in the.neighborhood of our cities is done
on the reduced time.
In this connection it is but fair to state, that the interests
which press the question of the hours of labor, consider the
position of the farmer working on his own property as identical
with that of t'e master-workman, or his foreman, and propose
no discussion as to the duration of labor under such circumstances. It may also be said in this admission, that-if thie labor
of the trades could be carried on with the advantages of the
farmer working on his own property, any agitation like the
present would be not only unnecessary but impossible. Mr.
Wetherell explains this well in his answer to Mr. Wyman. "The
question is, whether a man working for himself would not be
less exhausted doing the same work than if he worked for
wages?" "I think that would be a fact whether he worked on
a farm, or in a shop, or anywhere else. Arthur Young says,
'Give a man a barren rock and he will make a garden of it.
Give him nine years' lease of a garden and he will make a desert
86
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
of it.' Therefore I say, these farmers will endure much more
working for themselves than if they were obliged to work for
others. I thought of this when the testimony was given in
regard to Indian Orchard. They account the toil over wherb
they leave the factory. These, people will go out of the factory
weary, fagged out, yt they will work two or three hours with
zest in the garden, or on the land about their premises, anything
they can do to improve the place. This is not only on accougt'
of their using another set of muscles, but the interest they have
in it. This brings me to another point I forgot to mention. It
is this: that the farmer's work is unlike that of any shop or
in-door work in this respect.  No farmer can do the same kind
of work during six months.  The work is constantly changing.
The same day lie is employed in different kinds of work, calling
into play different muscles and different degrees of interest."
In the discussion of this question in its relations to health and
longevity, the farming population are generally considered as a
unit, which is manifestly incorrect. The figures of the twentythird registration report confirm the idea that, from some cause,
there is a great disparity between the farmer and the farmlaborer. The 66th page, giving the ages at death of the occupations for the last twenty-one years in this State, rate the farmers
at 64.16, and laborers of all trades, 46.07.
The point where there is a difference of opinion, and where
inquiry is awakened, and interest excited, is in reference to
the condition of youth, whether indented or otherwise, and the
situation of hired labor on the farm. Intelligence and morals
claim theicandid consideration by the community of the question whether a continuous day's work of severe manual labor,
from the rising of the sun to the going down thereof, by a
laborer, presumed to have his own family and duties to attend
to, can, in'this age of the world, be upheld as just or necessary.
The ground taken by the first commission, that "the udder
of the cow, the shining of the sun in haying time, and the
unforeseen contingencies of navigation," must forever bind the'
farmer and the seaman to indefinite prolongation of labor,
seems to me untenable.  The tide-workers of the.docks, in the
repairs of shipping, have adjusted themselves both to the ten
and eight-hour changes in labor, and work without the slightest
1867.]
87 
HOURS OF LABOR.
friction, in connection with both these systems; yet the tidal
wave is the very emblem of irresistible power.
I find, in a valuable work entitled "Letters written in the
Interior of Cuba" by the Rev. Abiel Abbot, of Beverly, the
statement "that on the French sugar estates in the West
Indies they work four hours at a time in,turn, which makes
the fatigue comparatively light." A detailed account in the
same book of a sugar estate in Cuba, working four hundred
and fifty slaves, states that "the proprietor carefully avoids
overworking his negroes, as tending to fill his infirmary. In
the winter he gives them a recess from labor at noon of an hour
and a half, and in summer of three hours, and no night work
is permitted on the estate. The best comment on these humane
arrangements is, that a more healthy, muscular, active set of
negroes, as many have remarked, is not to be found on the
island."
At a meeting of planters in the State of Georgia, held November 24, 1864, to communicate to United States officials their
views'respecting colored labor, they state, in their second item,
that they wish some mode of compelling laborers to perform ten
hIours of faithful labor in each twenty-four hours, Sundays
excepted. (Document accompanying the Report of Gen. Carl
Schlurz, Ex. Doc., 39th Congress, 1st session.)
As seamen have been named in the same connection as the
farming interest, some examination of their circumstances will
be pertinent, and will reveal the fact that their condition does
admit the application of a "fixed measure of time."  R.  EI.
Dana, Jr., in his personal narrative, "Two Years before the
Mast," makes this detailed statement:
" The crew are divided into two divisions, as equally as may be, called
the watches. They divide the time between them, being on and off
duty, as it is called, on deck and below, every other four hours. In a
man-of-war, and in some merchantmen, this alternation of watches is kept
up throughout the twenty-four hours; but our ship, like most merchantmen; had'all hands' from twelve o'clock until dark, except in bad
weather, when we had watch and watch.
"An explanation of the'dog watches' may perhaps be of use to one
who has never been at sea. s They are to shift the watches each night,
so that the same watch need not be on deck at the same hours. In
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order to effect this, the watch from four to eight P. M. is divided into
two half or dog watches, one from four to six and the other from six to
eight."
Close analysis of these hours will show that the seaman, in
the usual routine of his life, is sure of six hours of daylight for
himself, (except in bad weather;) and in the case of men-ofwar, and certain classes of merchantmen, where watch and
watch is kept up, he has eight.  Consideration of these hours in
connection with those of miners makes it plain that they obviate
three of the principal objections to the prevailing system.
First, the evil effects of monotonous employment, in connection with subdivided labor; and, second, time by daylight, one
of the greatest of blessings to the workman, is obtained.
Third, the maximum  of fatigue is so evenly adjusted to the
leisure gained, that mental effort can be more readily exerted.
The life of Hienry Martyn, the English pioneer missionary to
India, contains a statement happily illustrating this
"The subject of this memoir was born a         uro, in the county of
Cornwall. His father was originally in a very humble situation of life,
having been a laborer in the mines of Gwenap, the place of his nativity.
With no education but such as a country reading-school afforded, he was
compelled to engage, for his daily support, in an employment which,
dreary and unhealthy as it was, offered some advantages, of which he
most meritoriously availed himself.'he miners, it seems, are in the
habit of working and resting alternately every four hours; and the
periods of relaxation from manual labor they frequently devote to
mental improvement. In the intervals of cessation from toil, John
Martyn acquired a complete knowledge of arithmetic, and also some
acquaintance with mathematics; and no sooner had he gathered these
valuable and substantial fruits of persevering diligence, in a soil most
unfriendly to their growth, than he was raised from a state of poverty
and depression to one of comparative ease and comfort. Being admitted
to the office of Mr. Daniel, a merchant of Truro, he lived there as chief
clerk very respectably, enjoying considerably more than a competency.
"It is further said of his son Henry, on entering college at Cambridge,>
that his decided superiority in mathematics soon appeared; and the
highest academical honor, that of senior.wrangler, was awarded to him
in January, 1801, at which period he had not completed the twentieth
year of his age."
12
1867.]
89 
HOURS OF LABOR.
Dr. Bartlett, of Chelmsford, in his letter to the first commis  sion, has aptly stated the needs of the farming interest:
"Such is now the desire for general reading and information, that if
you can devise any means by which the farmer may be able to reduce
his period of labor, you will do more for his solid education than all the
agricultural colleges in the world."
I answer this question by saying, that leisure will never
come of its own accord.  All that has been obtained, has been
by effort, and is maintained by daily self-denial. Official recognlition, as an initiative for the sake of authoritative example, is
regarded as essential. This we have seen was necessary for the
trades. It will be still more so for the agricultural interest.
If they are further willing to remedy the lack of social facilities
of their laborers by a cordial co-operation with them in this
work, it will advance to successful results. A theme so influential in its general bearings should  have an unprejudiced
examination.  Reti; e borders closely on  indifference  to
human welfare.  T /'gricultural literature of the day indicates new developments of the greatest moment, in whose
solution this question has claims for a more candid discussion
than it has received. I have thought best to make here a
special allusion to the
MOTIVES, WAYS AND MIEANS, AND BENEFITS OF REDUCTION
IN THE TRADES.
Thirty years since, the workmen of the heavy trades came to
the conclusion that every intelligent human being had responsibilities and privileges which could not by any possibility be
fulfilled in a course of life occupied by the three conditions of
labor, nutrition and  sleep.  As a result of this conclusion,
agitation ensued. By executive authority, a new measure of
time for a day's labor was inaugurated. At first so specific in
its application, as to be open to narrow criticism on the score
of partiality, it has proved prolifically germinal; and, with
more or less of directness, has affected every interest of society.
During the discussion, it was said that the mluasses could never
be brought to adhere to a day of labor which cut them off from
two or more hours of employment.  Experience has demon
90
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
strated the contrary, and multitudes of workmen who calculate
closely, know that the short hours are compensated to the
individual and to society.
The most prominent facts, conditions and results of the
amelioration in time, may be briefly stated thus:  Greater relative vigor of the workman, in connection with
the imperative obligation to reduce time from the exhausted
portion of the day. Less loss of time in consequence of a sensible relief in the daily duration of labor.   Greater healthfulness,
especially during the summer season. A quicker return to
labor, and a more rapid recovery of strength after sickness.
The increased respectability of labor, which'retains many in
production. An approximate equalization of the day's work,
which has largely contributed to diffuse employment over the
year, and thus diminished distress during the winter season.
MIultiplied inventions, subdivisions in trades, and, generally, a
more intellectual and progressive impetus to production.  Openings for the industrial classes in evening exercises of a religious, reformatory, political and miscellaneous character.  The
noticeably increased influence of woman, closely connected
with the fact that the home has gained time formerly devoted
to the shop or counting-room. In connection with railroads, it
has aided the growth of suburban towns and cities; thus
sensibly relieving, and even turning into a blessing, one of the
most remarkable, and, in some respects, most injurious results
of modern society,-the growth of large cities. The popular
mind has been sensibly impressed with a conviction that social
progress is connected with our institutions. Under these
influences, the masses of the North have borne hopefully the
burdens of the war, and have been met in a similar intelligent
spirit of sacrifice by the operative classes of England; both
descriptions of labor being inspired by the elevating influences
of recent reductions. These advantages have been gained in
spite of fthie depressing effect of foreign labor, the rapid increase
of which has been brought about mainly by other causes.
In the light of this experience, is it reasonable to supposen
that Massachusetts would be the loser by giving her youth in
the country and her farm laborers from one to three hours at
noon, according to the season of the year. Page 28, Report of the
first Commission states, that the probable present value of the
1867.]
91 
HIOURS OF LABOR.
farms of the whole country is ten billions of dollars, and in
connection with this, argues against reduction; but if it were
twenty, it would only make the daily neglect or violation of
any of the primary elements of human development the more
disastrous.
By the difference between the number of farms returned on
page 760, Massachusetts Industrial Returns of 1865, and the
number of those employed in farming, there would seem to be
nearly 24,000 laborers' and farmers' sons in the State, whose
interests and well-being are involved in this question.
WiLL LEISURE BE WISELY USED?
Deliberate consideration of this point, impresses me with the
conviction that the people may be relied upon for such use of
time as will eventuate in good.
Even if it be admitted that the lower element of labor would
not at first employ it in the wisest manner, the experience of
America in reductions shows the most prominent tendency to
be local expansion, embracing, as we have seen, comprehensive
influences of an elevating nature.
A strong presumption in the direction of liberal views, may
be inferred from the fact that liabilities to abuse of leisure have
been disregarded by the Divine Being, in the institution of the
Sabbath. There seems to be sufficient reason for believing
that ampler conditions of leisure than those prevailing at
present are absolutely necessary for the further development of
the industrial portion of the community. Under the present
providential arrangements, no provision is made by revelation
for the claims of the intellect, or the culture, apart from
religion, of the finer sensibilities.
"Remember the Sabbathl day to keep it holy," is a command
which no relaxation of rigid observance can with propriety
entirely abrogate.
The Old Testament has, however, a very strong intimation,
that a national provision for leisure on the grandest scale, come
ports with general prosperity, with the essential needs of human
nature, and with the divine plans for the well-being of mankind.-(25th chapter of Leviticus.)
[Jan.
92 
HOUSE-No. 44.
1. And the Lord spake unto',oses in Mount Sinai, saying,
2. Speak unto the children of Israel, and say unto them, When ye
come unto the land which I give you, then shall the land keep a sabbath unto the Lord.
3. Six years thou shalt sow thy field, and six years thou shalt prune
thy vineyard, and gather in the fruit thereof;
4. But in the seventh year shall be a sabbath of rest unto the land,
a sabbath for the Lord: thou shalt neither sow thy field, nor prune thy
vineyard.
5. That which groweth of its own accord of thy harvest thou shalt
not reap, neither gather the grapes of thy vint undressed: for it is a
year of rest unto the land.
6. And the sabbath of the land shall be meat for you; for thee, and
for thy servant, and for thy maid and for thy hired servant, and for thy
stranger that sojourneth with thee.
20. And if ye shall say, What shall we eat the seventh year? behold,
we shall not sow nor gather in our increase:
21. Then will I command my blessing upon you in the sixth year,
and it shall bring forth fruit for three years.
Reference to the twenty-third chapter, verses twenty-third to
twenty-fifth inclusive, the thirty-sixth verse, as also the thirtyninthl and fortieth, will show additional provisions of the same
character, evidently intended to equalize the blessings of leisure
over the intervening years. The Sabbatic year would hardly
have been ordained, and its powerful influences thrown across
the path of continued application to labor and to gain, if the
moral exposures of leisure were so great as some interests
among us seem to fear.
We  have now a perfect religion,-the full and complete
expression of the divine will, in all matters pertaining to moral
and spiritual interests; and, in connection with the gospel, the
freest government yet instituted, insures those upward tendencies which characterize the masses of the North.
Defective institutions in a portion of our country have
degraded labor in the popular estimation; but the evils which
followed in the train of slavery, were not the result of a suitable E
amount of daily leisure, but of idleness.
It has been prominently remarked in this direction, that
"this eight hour movement has a train of seductive graces in
its wake, intellectual culture, refined leisure, moral recreation,
1867.]
93 
flOURS OF LABOR.
domestic felicity, political intelligence and public virtue. All
these are prominently put forward as attainable results, if this
desideratum is adopted. Are there not men of evil propensities who will use the additional leisure as far in other ways?
Do none of the working men drink? have none of them other
bad habits? Are we quite sure that your great remedy would
be an unmixed good.  Because, if it be true that such grand
results are to be achieved by leisure, how very easy it would be
to reform the world."'
This forcible critique is uncharitable in its verdict, as but
few will contend that a reform of such a decided character can
be introduced without some exposure, sacrifice and delay in its
results. Its principal defect lies in the direction of our present
point. It assures, impliedly at least, that those conditions of
leisure and relief from manual labor which, among the trading and professional classes have resulted in refinement and
elevation of character, will, to a great extent fail, when applied
to the laboring masses.  The events of the present day have in
a surprising manner revealed the character and tendencies of
the common people of this country, and they have borne the
test in a way which ought to inspire confidence in their judgment and morals. The following summary of facts is too conclusive to admit of reputation.
The London " Times " of December 15, 1863, has an extract
from a letter of its'Richmond correspondent, which makes the
following remarkable admission:
"No one, who has been conversant with the Northern States during
the last two and a half years, can have failed to notice with astonishment
the faith, stronger than death, which the Northerners have exhibited in
their manifest Destiny, their Religion, their Alpha and Omega,-their
dream of dominion from sea to sea, and, to quote l1Ir. Everett's own
words,'from the icy pole to the flaming belt of the equator.'  The
successes of the South have altogether failed to inspire them with a
tithe- of that confidence in themselves which neither defeat, nor hope
deferred, nor illusions dispelled, have ever shaken out of the Northerners.
Deny it who may, there is something sublime in this shadowy earnestness
and misty magnificence of Northern faith and self-reliance."
To give its full value to this acknowledgment, thus extored
from the bitterest hate, it should be remembered that it was
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[Jan. 
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penned a year and a half before the end of the war, at a time
when the revelation of national character which it verifies, had
not been proved by the horrors of Andersonlville, or the
concluding campaign of Grant.  Should we not, in estimating
its worth, also bear in mind the character of the issues presented
to the people in the memorable presidential election of 1864?
They were free to choose which of two courses they would take.
One, appealing to the infirmities and selfishness of our nature,
led to a shameful peace.  The other was invested with the
repulsive features of Golgotha; but it was taken without hesitation, and, as we judge, ill a spirit of moral and intellectual
heroism which is full of promise for the fiuture of the masses
of the American people.
If we consider the character of the freedmen from an
enlarged view, we find the same encouraging aspects.. Are
they willingly sunk in ignorance?
The South, all through the war, has been vocal with the
elementary sounds of the English tongue, to a great extent
dropping from the lips of those far advanced in life. But as
morals, not mind, will mainly control the decision of this question, we are led to the record of their deeds during their hour
of trial.
We all thought-even the South apprehended at the beginning-that the long-continued wrongs of slavery would be
avenged in insurrection and murder; and when this prediction
failed, we charged it to their debasement, little dreaming that
in two years we should ask from them, and that not in vain, for
the exercise of the sturdiest qualities of manhood to aid us in
our desperate struggle.
By self-restraint under unparalleled suffering, and energetic
action at the moment suggested by the highest wisdom, Labor,
in its deepest humiliation, has developed the most sterling
qualities.
It will be said, we concede that American workingmen would,
as a body, use the time well; but the foreign element is too
much depressed to need or to improve by the change. Waiving 
the consideration of the point, whether or no more time for the
masses is not an elementary condition of their elevation, we
will allow our thoughts to cross the ocean, to the homes of
those who form one large source of supply to our laboring pop
1s67.]
95 
HOURS OF LABOR.
ulation-tlhe operatives of Lancashire.  Their course is too well
known to require any notice beyond the following suggestive
extract from a speech at Rochdale
"The masses of England have never flinched since the war begun
from their duty, but have sympathized with the North from first to last.
We, the people, rather than meddle a hair's-breadth to turn the scale
against them, have borne untold miseries and uncounted losses."
The lot of a portion of them, it is true, has been one of profound depression, yet it is plain that they feel for good the
impulse of our institutions. Hlow industrious they are; their
savings already give them influence as a class.  If they do not
make the wisest use of time at present, is it not mainly due to
extremes of labor and the oceasional excesses of holidays?
The leisure which is proposed is in its conditions guarded from
these exposures.
In view of such developments, why distrust the industrial
masses? One remarkable aspect of Divine Revelation favors
liberality in opinion on this question: that is, that the poor, as
a distinct class, are never denounced in the Scriptures, while
its most earnest and solemn warnings are uttered to the rich.
Two avenues of progress, parallel, yet for much of their
course remote from each other, seem to me to confine within
their respective bounds the different interests of society. They
often approach, and tend, more and more, as knowledge
increases, to abandon their isolation, and unite all differences,
or modifications of opinion, feeling or interest, in one ample
and harmonious onward movement.
Mill gives the characteristics of one of these columns in his
Treatise on Liberty, page 25
"It is proper to state that I forego any advantage which could be
derived to my argument, from the idea of abstract right, as a thing
independent of utility. I regard utility as the ultimate appeal in all
ethical questions; but it must be utility in the largest sense, grounded
on the permanent interests of man as a progressive being."
Guizot reveals the other onl pages 114 and 137 of "The
History of Civilization ":
"This fact is evident: the intellectual and moral progress of Europe
has been essentially theological."  "Every  question that has been
96
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
started, whether philosophical, political, or historical, has been considered
in a religious point of view."
Into the latter division of the elements which contend with
each other in moulding the institutions of our country, the
great mass of laborers, by influences more or less direct, must
be held to belong. It was not utility, but right, which held
the starving weavers of Lancashire to their course in the cotton
famine, and influenced the soldiers of our army to loyalty at
Andersonville, in spite of the most seductive offers, —nor can
we suppose philosophic considerations to have controlled the
colored population of the South. Religious knowledge, widely
diffused, had laid the foundations for practical results. Defective and inconsistent their piety may have been, but it has
been sufficient to save a continent from a repetition of the
scenes of St. Domingo.
But while I thus contend for the general rectitude of the
masses, considered as a whole, and with proper allowance for
experience to correct mistakes and errors, I am ready to
acknowledge that there is a profound sense in which it is true
that social advancement is due to the influence of minorities.
The dawn of history reveals this fact in the promise to Abraham, that if ten righteous men could be found in the doomed
city, it should be spared for their sake. God's judgments are
not arbitrary, but righteous altogether. The saving of a city
has sometimes depended on fewer than ten, and, in the broad
conditions of redemption, divine ministrations give place to a
minority of mortals in the intentions of mercy to our race.
Our intimate association, the common infirmities of our nature,
the dread exposures of mortality, and the profound sympathies
of humanity, impart to an enlightened individual, or to a
number of such, powers peculiar in their nature, powers which
could not be exercised by a higher order of beings. To a certain
extent, the same conditions apply to the relations which exist
between the extremes of society.  One of the most noticeable
hindraiics to the elevation of the masses, as such, has been"
found to be the fact that they have had no leaders.  "Manual
labor has to a very great extent made a dividing line in society."
All developments in morals or ability have taken their possessors
away from their brethren in toil, and, to a great extent, limited
13
1867.]
97 
HOURS OF LABOR.
that power for good which comes from parity of circumstances.
Moral efforts among seamen are painfully embarrassed by the
immediate desertion of their calling by reformed men.  The
unparalleled increase of corporate and concentrated employ
has tended to obliterate this line, by confining a more intelligent class than formerly to the position of employees, inlterposing, as it has, insuperable obstacles to their independent
control of business. Parties the most decided in their opposition to reductions agree in admitting the existence of this class,
and concede its straitened situation; but it has not been so
apparent to many that to this interest, more than to any other,
will society be indebted for safety and improvement in the
future.
The  Rev.  William  Arthur,  an  English clergyman   of
reputation, says:
" Another point of view would be this: give us the half holiday, and
you would throw into the recreations of our working people numbers of
the best and noblest of the workingmen; men who will not run into
diversions upon the Lord's day, and, therefore, leave the diversions of
the people who do take them upon that day without the tone and elevation and moral influence which the best of their own class would give
them if they were in the midst of them; but give them half the working
day, and you will find that your most intelligent, religious and valuable
workingmen will take their proper standing, and exercise their proper
influence upon the recreations which are resorted to by their fellow
workmen."
Tile economic spirit of the age fails in its solution of this
question of reduction of hours, mainly because it cannot see
where high moral truths connect with every day affairs.  The
ten-lour workman sacrifices every summer day two or three
hours to uses more elevated than those of production.  In this
self-denial, in the success of his movement, ill the fact that all
but an exceptional class hasten to the suburban home, ill preference to the drinking saloon of the city, he bases his claim upon
society for a completion of the work so well begun. 
But the cultured and monetary interests of society stumble
at this point. They assume the present routine to be a wise
and righteous one.  In the interests as they sincerely suppose,
of the productive class, they contest reductions.  Contrary to
98
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
uniform experience, the operative is made to believe that his
pay will be permanently lowered. Efforts are used to hinder
by hourly wages the orderly tendency of the human mind, to
crystallize around a certain length of time, as a suitable limit
for a day of labor.  The cry is uttered, with evident sincerity,
Foreign competition will ruin us!" and yet, in spite of these
objections and numerous defeats, and without the injurious
results predicted, the mass of uneducated and isolated laborers
are steadily lessening the duration of toil. The spectacle is so
singular, yet so sublime, that it can only be compared with the
slow but ceaseless motion of ain iceberg, every foot of whose
progress is vehemently opposed by the superficial forces of
winds, waves and currents, but whose base, reaching down a
thousand feet, takes hold of motive powers, hidden from the
eye, but irresistible in their power.
Impressed with the conviction that these developments are in
harmony with the Divine will, thoughtful workingmen relieve
themselves of the apprehension that they will suffer in their
material interests by further devotion of time to higher
avocations.
They do not doubt that the true course in the present crisis
lies in the direction of such new customs of labor as will favor
a culture of heart and brain, ending in the development of new
productive powers, and in a more equal division of the results
of forces, already operative.
In philosophic terms, the principles which in this aspect of
the question lead to these conclusions, are defined by De
Tocqueville, in chapter 16, 2d volume " Democracy in
America":
"There is a closer tie than is commonly supposed between the
improvement of the soul and the amelioration of what belongs to the
body. Man may leave these two things apart, and consider each of
them alternately, but hlie cannot sever them entirely without at last
losing sight of both.
"The beasts have the same senses as ourselves, and very nearly the
same appetites. We have no sensual passions which are not common
to our race and theirs, and which are not to be found, at least in the
germ, in a dog as well as in a man. Whence is it, then, that the
animals can only provide for their first and lowest wants, whereas we
can infinitely vary and endlessly increase our enjoyments?
1867.]
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I I,..                -
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HOURS OF LABOR.
" We are superior to the beasts in this, that we use our souls to find
out those material benefits to which they are only led by instinct. In
man, the angel teaches the brute the art of satisfying its desires. It is
because man is capable of rising above the things of the body, and of
contemning life itself, of which the beasts have not the least notion,
that he can multiply these same goods of the body to a degree which
the inferior races cannot conceive of.
" Whatever elevates, enlarges and expands the sotul, renders it more
capable of succeeding in those very enterprises which concern it not.
Whatever, on the other hand, enervates or lowers it, weakens it for all
purposes, the chief as well as the least, and threatens to render it almost
equally impotent for both. Hence the soul must remain great and
strong, though it were only to devote its strength and greatness from
time to time to the service of the body. If men were ever to content
themselves with material objects, it is probable that they would lose by
degrees the art of producing them; and they would enjoy them in the
end, like the brutes, without discernment and without improvement."
THE RELATIONS OF THE DIFFERENT DESCRIPTIONS OF LABOR TO
EACH OTHER, TO THE GROWTH OF CITIES, TO THE SOCIAL,
EDUCATIONAL AND SANITARY CONDITION OF THE INDUSTRIAL
CLASSES.
Reference to the Journal of the House of 1866, will show
that, thle vote in favor of an eight-hour labor, was thrown almost
entirely by gentlemen representing municipal or suburban
constituencies. I propose to use this fact in its representative
character, and discuss its connections.
The Memorial of the Boston Sanitary Association, House
Document 112, 1861, page 26, gives the following figures:
In the twenty years from 1840 to 1860, twenty-eight large
cities and towns in Massachusetts, gained.. 145 per cent.
The rest of the State gained.... 32 
Fifty-nine largest cities in the U. S. gained.. 198
The rest of the United States gained..  75    "
Recent summaries of statistics indicate increasing tendencies
in this direction, since the war concluded. Seen from the point
of our inquiry, the motives which aid in producing these results,
may be found in the necessities of laborers. Bound by no tie
100
[Jan. 
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of business interest to any particular locality, workmen and
operatives, as classes, are unwilling to purchase a house, or
even to settle in any small place, where they are limited in
their choice of employers. They understand instinctively, that
permanency in this respect, means reduced wages, and in all
but the most liberal employ, a limitation of the liberty of action,
so sweet to the human mind. The principles involved are of
general application.   Essex thrives in the construction of
schooners for the fishing towns. Distribute her builders among
the various ports where that interest is located, and their prosperity,would cease. The general desire for the introduction of
business into a town, would not affect the course of a party
desiring to have a vessel built.  The inward thought would be,
you are dependent on this place for a living; you have bought
your house and ship-yard; you have shut yourself out from
the general demand, and if you build my vessel, it must be at
the minimum price.  Any successfill system of co-operation in
manufactures; of partnerships of labor and capital, or any
means by which the industrial classes can be made sharers ill
the profits of labor, will operate to fix the residence of the
workman, and, in connection with the local expression of reduced
hours, to decide its healthfulness, and counteract the tendencies
to centralization.
Still keeping within the limits of our inquiry, I find that the
conditions of farm work force the sons of our yeomanry into
the city, and tend to diminish the production of food, by
limiting the supply of labor, and lowering its character.
Ani able article, by Mrs. L. B. Hlarris, of Detroit, on this
point, may be found in the U. S. Agricultural Report of 1863,
page 307.  She begins with saying:
" No fact is more evident among farming communities, than that the
boys almost universally grow up with a distaste for farm pursuits."
To which I will add, that no peculiarity in the views or feelings of the masses, in our cities, is more marked, than an inbred
hatred of farm labor, turning mainly on the length of its hours,
and the violence done by them, to the physical immaturity and
hopeful aspirations of youth.
1867.]
101 
HIIOURS OF LABOR.
The extreme depression of a portion of our emigrant population, in connection with circumstances which I shall allude
to, controls the residence of large numbers in our cities, with
results sufficiently impressive to engage the attention of professional and philanthropic men.
The material and moral consequences of this strange agglomerationi, developed clearly in the account of the meeting of the
Fourth National Sanitary Convention, in Boston, June 1860.
Dr. Ordronaux introduced to the convention, Mr. Samuel B.
Halliday, of New York, as a gentleman having a speciality for
the exploration, night and day, of the purlieus of city life, and
the collection of statistical embodiments of those observations.
Mr. Hlalliday, after some preliminary remarks, proceeded to
say, (page 59):
"I am sorry, sir, that Boston, in some particulars, is so much like
New York. Within two minutes' walk of this beautiful hall, where we
are to-day, Boston rivals the Five Points. I am sorry it is so. I have
here, sir, in four columns of foolscap, the census of a single house, but
a few squares from the place where we are met, containing apartments
for seventy-four families. I have the age of every man, woman and
child in those seventy-four families. I have also the number of deaths
of children that have occurred in those families, with the ages of those
children at the time of their deaths. I have also the number of still births that have occurred in those families. The whole establishment,
sir, is equivalent to our'Barracks,' on Cherry Street, in New York, a
spot which we regard as one of the worst possible in our city.  Every thing about that building, sir, is abominable.  There is not an apartment
in it, that by any possibility can ever be ventilated.   The bed-rooms in
which those families sleep, are entirely excluded from the light and air,
except as these are admitted by a single door into the bed-room. The
water-closets of that place, the gentlemen of Boston would not turn their
dogs or pigs into. And these are the conditions of the life of human
beings in our great cities of New York and Boston.
"This is not a question of local interest; large communities abound
throughout the length and breadth of our land, and they are to continue,
and will constantly increase in their denseness.
"The poor must live in our large cities. They must, from necessity,
* stay with us. They cannot pay even a five cent railroad fare, to ride
to the better portion of those cities. The fare to and from their places
of employment, would eat up one-third of their earnings, and the cost
of transportation, some thirty-five dollars a year, would be more than
-.102
[Jan. 
HIOUSE-No. 44.
one-half of what they pay for their rent. Seventy-five cents a week,
was a very common price for the tenements in the building to which I
allude; in some others, a dollar. The rental of this building is about
$4,500 a year; the man who hires it pays $3,000 a year, and sub-lets it."
Dr. Curtis, of Boston, a portion of whose remarks I will
give, says:
"I am compelled to admit, that the building referred to is not the
worst place we have in the city of Boston. But the matter has been
brought so many times, in various ways, to the attention of the public
authorities, and oftentimes before the government of our city, that it
seems very discouraging indeed, for those who have labored long in this
matter, that so little can be done. Why, sir! investigations of this
nature, have brought to light facts, which present the municipal governments of our various cities as displaying an apathy, in this regard, very
remarkable; and not to be accounted for. The number of premature
deaths, and the extent of unnecessary disease which exists, in a
financial point of view, or more in a moral aspect, cannot very well be
exaggerated. I will state that a report upon the mortality of Boston,
according to the census of 1855, showed the deaths in contiguous wards,
was as twenty-three, to twelve."
Mr. Baily, of Boston, continued the debate, showing, by
practical statements, page 62, the offensive condition of the
outlets of the sewers.
"We have now only water-closets, and very few vaults;  everything
goes into our sewers.  As the tide flows out from the flats, the deposits
are left; miasma arises; sickness and death are the result."
Dr. S. L. Coldict, of New Jersey, continued:
"We have sewers laid upon an almost dead level; the inevitable
consequence is, that they fill up, and become a source of disease and
pestilence to the whole community. The subject has been often presented to our civil authorities, and they dare not go in advance of public
sentiment.  And as a general rule, civil authorities will never go i,
advance of public sentiment, and public sentiment will never progress
until it is enlightened."
The following letter, will show how much probability there
is, of the mass of the people becoming sufficiently enlightened
1867.]
103 
HOURS OF LABOR.
under present circumstances, to support by their votes, the
authorities in such measures:
MEDFORD, MZass., September 3, 1866.
To the Commission on the Hours of Labor.
GENTLEMEN:-I am a joiner, my work is mostly in Charlestown,
Boston, East Bostop, &c. I have to be up and stirring at 5 A. M., to
get my breakfast. Take the cars at 6:25, get to my work at 7 A. M.
and 1 P. M., leave work at 6, get home at 7, finish supper at 7- P. M.
Am then generally too tired to do anything, or to read, and have to go
to bed to get rest, and to be able to work next day. And thus my time
goes.
Where is my time for reading and study? A little while in the cars,
a few minutes at noon, and Sundays; blessed day of rest to a laboring
man.  My case is like very many that I know.  I honestly ask for eight
hours as a legal day's work.             With much respect, yours.
In the solution of this social problem, labor asks a candid
hearing. She says that our deliverance is to be found in the
prevalence of those ideas, customs, institutions and habits, and
those developments of character, which can only come through
moderation of our excessive toil. She says, give us eight
hours for the labor of the city, with such ameliorations of the
hours of the farm and the mill!as to bring them within the
scope of the elevating influences of reductions; and it will soon
be seen that the problem admits of an approximate solution.
The physical and moral conditions which tend to favorable
results, may be suggestively indicated by beginning with agricultural labor.  In a circle broken only by Massachusetts Bay,
and mostly within twenty-five miles of Boston, a description of
farming industry is found, which amounts, in round numbers,
in five counties within those limits, to $700,000 per annum.
(Statistics of market gardens, Industry of Massachusetts, 1865,
p. 766.)   It is a business apparently admitting  of indefinite extension. The condition of its labor, and the mutual
relations of the farm and the city, in this respect, may be seen
in the following evidence.
Hours of Labor on the Malrket Farm of, in the vicinity
of Boston.
" Rise at  I to -a past 4, attend to horses and lighot work, breakfast at
5, get to work at 12 past 5, dinner, 11, recess I hour for dinner, supper
[Jan.
104 
HOUSE-No. 44.
at 5, about I hour, leave work at sunset, attend to chores after that.
Making 14 hours of labor during the summer, outside of meals."
The young man who gave this information, is competent, by
his intelligence, to fill a high position.  He states these hours
to be the rule for that class of farms, in the vicinity of Boston,
and also that the men are not generally dissatisfied, because
they mostly come from remote parts, the Provinces, &c., where
they work as long hours, for less pay. He further states, that
his employer is an intelligent, fair-minded man, who would
like to shorten hours, but fears competition.
In another case,, a lad of sixteen years,
wishing employ, went on to a market farm for the season; was
employed so incessantly and laboriously that lie could not stand
it, though strong and accustomed to labor; was often employed
longer hours than those named in the previous item.  When
lie left, his employer told him that it was a loss to him (the
employer) of thirty dollars.
In commenting on these conditions of labor, the most noticeable error, which, I observe, is the statement of Mr. IHalliday,
as to the expense of getting out of the city.  He says, "they
cannot pay a five-cent car fare to ride to the better portion of
the city." This may be true, but it does not seem to be the
reason why they do not do it. That is to be found partly in the
fact that there is not enough difference in the rent in healthier
localities in the city to make it pay; and partly, also, that
"barracks" can be more readily obtained to let to such tenants
in localities remote from the advantages demanded by intelligent
families. Less social odium is incurred by the parties leasing
buildings for such purposes than would be the case if they
should locate them in the "better portion" of the city.
But his statement is wrong in fact. It costs only six cents a
day, or eighteen dollars a year, and four cents a day, or twelve
dollars a year, for egress to the ample spaces of Chelsea, and
East Boston, while South Boston and Dorchester can be reached
by walking; and this expense would be more than met by the
difference between the rents of Boston, and the localities named.
Having shown that the lack of money need not confine this
class to the city, I will endeavor to state the remoter issues
involved in the situation.
1867.]
105
14 
HOURS OF LABOR.
The following item from an able newspaper article, develops
some of the traits of character of these classes:
"The great cities are crowded with the improvident, the poor, and
the sick, while work awaits them at various points with sure remuneration; and yet it is very seldom that even the promise of better things
can tempt any of this class away from their crowded tenements into the
purer air, and upon the cheaper lands of the country. The poorer Irish
laborers are particularly gregarious in habit. In the country they are
lonesome and discontented, and it is a very difficult thing to induce
family servants or help to work anywhere but in the city."
Consider in this light the hours that I have shown as ruling
on the farm in the vicinity of the city, and see what object it is
for any of these people to leave permanently their crowded
quarters. But few of them are single; their wives and children must be carried with them, or, they will not go, at least,
to stop any length of time. In the city they get ten hours,
giving them a brief period at morning and night to be with
their families. In the country every moment of daylight is
grudged to them. The comparison must be sufficiently evident
to effectually impress even their dull sensibilities with aversion.
The transitory and insufficient supply of farm labor, and the
remoteness of its source, is the natural result of these conlditions. Whatever may be said of some localities, and some
kinds of farming, it is believed that benefits of a remunerative
character would follow reduction in this department as readily
as they have been seen to do in the instances of the operative
and handicraft vocations.
Looking still fuirther, we should find that most of them were
only needed in the summer. Now and then, some one more
thrifty or fortunate than the rest, builds a small place in the
country and remains; but as a class they are not wanted, or at
least their presence is not desirable beyond the pressing wants
of the hour.  No provision in the interests of the farmer i~
made to take them out of the gripe of city landlords by the
erection of such cottages as might meet their wants. The wise
forecast of the mills and railroads, in this respect, is evident
throughout the State.
106
[Jan. 
.HOUSE-No. 44.
Turning city-ward again, a close scrutiny of the habits of our
American working-classes will show that in spite of their intelligent appreciation of the advantages of the suburbs, they
are at present barely able to reach them. Boston dismissed,
fourteen years ago, forty-two thousand of her business men and
artisans every evening to her environs. The length of the day,
counting the time from leaving home until the return, approximates the former hours, now admitted to have been excessive.
In these circumstances, the labor of the city may be divided
into three classes. A large portion of the foreign born, worked
to excess by energetic and often unscrupulous overseers, subcontractors, etc., finds its home in the nearest alley. The same
lack of self-respect which prevents it from claiming its rights in
labor, exercises a leading influence in the choice, or rather
lack of clhoice, of a home.
A considerable element of the better portion of the foreign
population remains in decent, if not respectable, quarters in the
city, while nearly the whole American working population are
found in the suburbs; cheapness of rent ostensibly, pride of
character really, the motive-power which brought them out of
the city. If we follow them into their homes, we shall find
that as a rule they are exhausted, and that it is only the most
youthftil and energetic that are available for public or social
duties.  The hurried reading of a cheap paper is the limit of
intellectual exercise to the most of them.  None but those
possessing a superabundance of the most active qualities of our
nature can bestir themselves, cleanse thloroughly, and make
that change in dress which is required to feel at ease, or to be
acceptable in good society.
One element of this employ, demands by every motive of
elevated obligation fuller consideration than it has received.
This is the class of females employed in shops, in sewing, and
in various descriptions of manufacture. Mostly of American
origin, necessitated to board either with or near their connec tions in the suburbs, held to ten hours through the year, much
of their work quite exhausting, their condition as they enter
their homes as late as seven, during the heats of summer or the
driving storms of winter, cannot be reckoned any special honor
to our civilization.  Inquiry has satisfied me that their claim to
a radical reduction is as good as any class of labor in the State.
1867.]
107 
IIOURS OF LABOR.
The acknowledged intelligence of the American masses,
whenever it can be brought to bear any givenl subject, fails in
such questions as the sanitary conditions of cities, because the
issue involves connections too extended for them to master in their
present circumstances. It behooves that anl evil must develop
itself to a commanding magnitude, as slavery and the war did,
before interest can be excited and the true aspects of the matter
seen, so as to fortify the civil authorities by the vote of the
masses. The " remarkable apathy not to be accounted for,"
which Doctor Curtis mentions, finds its true solution in the fact
that the destinies of tltis country are in the hands of its working
classes; and they have not as yet attained a system of labor
which admits of the performance of its hi,-h duties.
I cannot but quote in this connection, the opinion founded on
the experience of a life-time of the veteran in social reform,
Lord Brougham:
"If this bill (the ten-hours factory bill,) was framed to afford the
opportunity of moral instruction and education to adults, it did not go
far enough, and this the consistent advocates of short-time legislation
had acknowledged when they demanded a reduction to eight hours.
Every one knows that a man after ten hours toil, was too much fatiguted
to think of anything but rest and relaxation, and above all he was most
in want of'tired Nature's sweet restorer, balmy sleep.' lie had been
trying to educate the laboring man for forty years, and his constant
competitor and antagonist, by which he had always been defeated, was
Sleep."
To argue the point still further, it is contended that questions
of such magnitude and universality of interest, hinging so
directly in a part of their discussion on the question of the
hours of labor, can never be properly settled until laboring men
themselves have an influential hearing in their adjustment.
In the vote which I have alluded to at the beginning of this
article, they have expressed themselves as nearly as the circumstances permit, true to those simultaneous movings of the
masses, which are as extraordinary in their character as the
instincts of the beaver or the bee.
It is evident that the American population has but just
escaped the lowering influences of city residence.  When they
first agitated for ten hours, the railway system was unthlought
108
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
of, the time that it was then proposed to use directly for elevated
purposes has been diverted to travel.  1i  urging  eight hours
they are simply carrying out their first intention, and success
must liberate the respectable portion of labor fromnt the same
bondage, so far as time is concerned, which prompted the first
movement. This interest in society would then be felt in social
questions as it is in politics, as all influential power on subjects
now beyond its circumstances to grasp, while the shortened
hours would tell immediately upon the depressed classes by a
location which would bring them under the control of sanitary
and refining influences.  Give them a chance to get away by
the same hours which the heavy trades are struggling for, under
similar circumstances of excessive fatigue, and then if they do
not move voluntarily; in the interests of human life, compel
them. Are not the motives to this course of as great weight
as those which have recently relieved Fort Hill of its population
and placed it at the disposal of commerce? A comprehensive
view of the report of the Sanitary Convention compels me to
the conviction, that the adoption of eight hours as the usual
limit of a day's employ for the descriptions of labor which centre
in the cities, will prove itself one of those "simple chalges in
physical life," mentioned by Guizot, "as having a powerful
effect on the course of civilization."
The social condition of the European and Asiatic masses who
are swarming our Atlantic and Pacific slopes, is omini ous of
of danger to our institutions.  The remarkable fulfilmeit thlus
far of the prediction of a hundred million of inhabitants for
the United States of nineteen hundred, should be a warning to
us that apprehension on this subject is not premature. The
remedial effects of our vast territory seems to be overestimated;
it mitigates and postpones without removing the danger. The
settlement of our frontier, however sparsely, raises the price of
land beyond the means of a large portion of these classes to
purchase, and Chicago and St. Louis contain, to-day; as much
of poverty and suffering as our oldest cities.
RELATIONS OF THE HoURS OF LABOR TO WAGES.
The first promptings of nature are usually either defective
in principle or erroneous in morals.  The customs of daily
1867.]
109 
HOURS OF LABOR.
life need occasional revision, to harmonize them with the
conditions of society when inspired by free institutions.
Ideas have reversed  impulses in commerce.   Franklin's
maxims have become obsolete in the counting-room, and, if
regarded at all, are interpreted and applied as he would present
them if living. It was the former mercantile practice to obtain
the highest percentage of profit possible; the mature conclusion
is, to increase the amount of profit by diminishing  the percentage, thus enlarging the demand, and in so doing, repeating
the profitable use of capital and relatively diminishing expenses.
Recurrence to the old ideas, with the present experience, would
compare in wisdom with thile course of the green-hand who
declined to ship on the whaleman for a lay of one barrel in
every one hundred and sixty-five, but concluded all arrangement
for one in every one hundred and seventy-five; deceived by the
first impressions of numeric magnitude.
A similar fallacy prevails extensively respecting the wages
and productive results of labor; because it is true that an
individual workman can earn more in a single day of twelve
hours than in one of ten, it is argued, or rather the conclusion
is taken for granted, that a reduction from ten to eight hours
will entail a loss of onle-fifth in wages, or its equivalent, a rise
of one-fifth in prices, with the further certainty of a reduction
of onie-fifth of the products of the country. These ideas have
been disproved, so far as experience of the results of the first
reduction can be depended upon to guide us in foretelling the
future.  Two laboring populations, as wide apart as the poles
in their circumstances, the operatives of England and the heavy
trades of the United States. have successfully shown that
relief, pecuniary or otherwise, from the narrow conditions of
uncultivated labor, is not to be found in an increase of its hours.
The citizens' circular of the present Commission proposes as
its fourth question-" Was any deduction made in wages when
the ten-hcur system was introduced?"  The uniform answer
has been in the negative. The responses have been sufficiently
numerous to cover all classes of mechanical employ in the east-'l
ern section of the State. Evidence has been developed in the
answers to this question, showing that a strenuous effort was
made to prevent the establishment of ten hours as a unit, by
insisting on twelve hours, —but paying, for at least one season,
110
[Jaii. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
twelve-tenths of the market price for a day's work, in a neighborhlood where the new rule had been generally accepted
without a reduction of wages.
If there was any rise in prices of commodities, it would be
apt to show in the manufacture where the shorter day first
came in use.  This was in ship-building.  The revolution in
that business has been such as to render it impossible to tell by
the price of large vessels, whether any increase took place.
At the time the day was shortened, the size of ships was
increasing, very few being built afterwards of less than a thousand tons, the former maximum having been six hundred tons.
At the same time, the material of construction was changed
from oak to the cheaper southern pine. These alterations so
affect the prices as to make it impossible to institute a comparison of them in a series of years before or after the change.
There is but one description of vessel which has continued to
be built of the same size and material as formerly. These are
the schooners engaged in the cod and mackerel fishery, forming
usually an important element in the industrial returns from
Essex County.
There are no public records by which the price of these vessels can be ascertained; but personal inquiry has given me the
dates and prices of some fifteen vessels, covering the period
from 1830 to 1850:
3. -. $24  00  per ton.
,...       30  00
1..  41  00 
4   -..-  38  00          "
* -. *.   40  00 
1   -..  -  41  50 
180.*.   41 00 0
Prices remained at the quotation of 1850 with tendencies to
$42, until, by the events of the war, they reached $64 per ton.
A communication from the town clerk of Essex, informs me
that the ten-hour system was finally adopted in that place in
the year 1847. It will be seen that the general tendency
upward in prices received no impulse comparing with the reduction in hours-the advance between 1830 and 1841 being more
than the advance from 1845 to 1850.
1867.]
1il
1830,.
1835,.
1841, ~
1845,.
1846,.
1848,.
1850,. 
EHOURS OF LABOR.
The California excitement began in 1848, occasioning a
demand for vessels and a scarcity of workmen, and had, without doubt, more to do with the temporary rise of a dollar and
a half a ton than the ten-hour change.
These figures are too limited to furnish anything more than
an outline of the results desired; but fortunately, the benefits
of the movement are too obvious to call for elaborate proof.
The remarks of D'Israeli in the English parliament, after
three years experience of the working of the factory bill, will
be recognized as applicable to us.  "This Act having, as it is
admitted, most successfully proved by experience that its consequences have been concomitant with the greatest commercial
prosperity, with not only the maintenance, but the increase of
exported commodities to those markets where, we have been
told, the demand for them would be most materially injured by
the adoption of the law, without any complaint against the
action of this law, by a strange combination of circumstances,
we are now called on to give a verdict on its character."
(Hansard's Debates, p. 1,280, vol. 4, 1850.)
It is worthy of further remark in this connection, that the
passage of the English Factory Bill happened soon after the
repeal of the Corn Laws, which cheapened food, and, so far as
this went, tended to lower wages by enabling the operatives to
live for less; but the results were the contrary. Earl Shaftsbury says: "Is it not a fact, that wages so far from being
reduced, where the hours of labor have been reduced, are
greatly increased upon what they were before the period of
limitation."
The dense populations of England have stimulated by their
misery the inquiries of the statesmen of that country. Their
permanancy of residence, compared with our own people, gives
value to statistics; and these, in their turn, have given birth
to social truths of great importance. In a debate in 1847, in
the British House of Lords, onil the ten-hour factory bill, Earl
Ellesmere announced a principle, which further experience has
amply confirmed:
" It is a remarkable fact, everywhere, and at all times the same, the
more hours men work in any staple branch of manufactures, the less they
receive in theform of wages."
11~
[Jan. 
HOUSE —No. 44.
An influential association has been formed in England, to stay
the tide of Sabbath demoralization; it has grappled for years,
in the most practical and energetic manner, with the points of
inquiry suggested by its objects.  Appealing to the British workingmen, its motto is, that in cases of Sabbath labor, seven days'
work is done for six days' pay. Its secretary, Mr. Charles Hill,
13 Bedford Row, London, writes to the Commission:
6 The statement of Earl Ellesmere, is one of the soundest principles
of political economy."
It may be that ignorance and unfaitlifulness are among the
causes of the duration and scantiness of reward, of a large
portion of our labor.   These conditions have been deemed
sufficient to account for its situation. The clearer light of the
present day, warrants the conclusion, that this is but partially
true.  The letter of Mr. Hill remarks, that,
"Railway servants, bakers, shop assistants, and others, who work on
Sundays, and also excessive hours during the week, are very badly
paid."
These classes of employ are sufficiently elevated in the social
scale, to include skilled workmen, persons of easy manners, as
salesmen, &c.; and those in positions of pecuniary responsibility, as conductors, and others. They have, of course, their
full share of the intelligence and character of the community;
yet they are depressed in wages and circumstances. The condition of the bakers, both in England and this country, is too
notorious too need details. An English short-time tract, says:
"The railway porter must be at his post before the train starts, and
wait its arrival, however late it may be.   Imagine a man with a wife
and family to support, earning sixteen to eighteen shillings per week,
having to be at work at six o'clock in the morning, and leaving off at
twelve at night, working Sunday and week days."
I learn from another source, that the farm laborers of England
are going into the manufacturing districts, where the hours of
labor are ten, and earning from twenty to twenty-five shillings
15
1867.]
113 
HOURS OF LABOR.
per week. Our own horse-car conductors and drivers, working
fourteen hours, have but one dollar and seventy-five cents per
day, while the ten-hour workmen in the vicinity, are receiving
from $2.50 to $3.50 per day.
I find tailors at work in this city, at $2.00 for ten hours, a
rate of wages much below the price of other descriptions of
skilled labor, and evidently due to the fact that ten hours is
only nominally adhered to; the extra work, to the extent of
fifteen or more hours, which is going on, operating as an indistrial maelstrom, to engulf its victims, by its consequences of
lowering wages and (as was very evident,) health, and character
also.
I have before me English documents, showing that at least
four hours on Saturday afternoon, has been extensively deducted
without lowering the wages. Mr. Lilwall, acting as spokesman
for a deputation of noblemen and gentlemen, assured the English
Secretary of State, Sir George Grey, in response to the question,
whether, in case of a half-holiday being granted to workmen
and others on Saturday, it was expected that they would receive
the same remuneration as though they worked six full days,
replied, that he believed that in all cases where the half-holiday
had been granted, no.reduction had been made in the pay.
The following from the " London Bee Hive," of June,
1866, is in the same direction, though not explicitly stated:
"At Glasgow, on Friday last, the stone-cutters' six months' notice
expired, by which they made the request of working nine hours per
day, and the half-holiday on Saturday.   A  deputatien of the men
waited on the various employers, and with one exception, it was agreed
to accede to the request. At Edinburg, the masons have had the nine
hours for some time past, as well as the half-holiday. They are a particularly well informed body of men, having their own hall for meetings,
and a mutual improvement, and co-operative building society. I have
been at some pains to inquire where nine hours is the practice, and find
that the masons, both in Scotland and the north of England, are far in
advance of all other trades. The following is an incomplete list of town
where they are working uuder the nine hour system.   Rochdale, Bradford, Oldham, Huddersfield, Devesbury, Bolton, Halifax, Heywood,
Accrington, Burnley, Aston, Wigan, Preston, Staleybridge, Mosely,
Blackpool, Bury, and many more places in and about Lancashire and
Yorkshire, while the Saturday half-holiday is universal."
114
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
It may with some propriety be said, that parallels should be
drawn between those in the same shop or the same description
of labor. It is difficult to do this, because, as circumstances
approximate, as they necessarily do in business, time and
wages settle themselves upon a common foundation. I have
admitted that, a man considered in his individual capacity can
do more in a single day of twelve hours than in one of ten.
If he is at work by the piece, and in some cases by the day, he
will of course earn and receive the most in the longest day.
We have seen that this is not the case with laborers as a whole.
What is the reason? I conclude that the conditions of continuous associated labor change so much, that calculations which
are for a limited time true of the individual, in the end reverse
themselves.
A manufacturer may have fifty females in his employ
engaged on piecework. His prices may be such, that all of fair
ability can earn eight dollars a week without excessive application. Ten of these employees, for various reasons, may be so
desirous of an increased income as to be willing to overwork;
if the duration of labor is fixed, they fill every moment of it;
are always prompt in the morning; work perhaps a part of the
noon hour, and labor through the day with an undue intensity
of will and application. Saturday night their earnings are
found to be ten dollars.  There is a fair presumption that,
after leaving out perhaps another ten, not up to the average
strength or efficiency, the remaining thirty have accomplished
as much as they could and preserve their health.
But will this make the slightest difference in the view which
will be taken of the situation by a large class of employers?
As these cases are apt to be decided, the ten laborious ones will
fill their horizon,-" eight dollars is reckoned liberal pay;
many of my neighbors only give prices amounting to five or
six dollars per week; why should I reduce my profits by extra
liberality?"
The usual result is to lower his prices, so that those who are
drawing upon their future vitality can only earn their former
weekly wages of eight dollars, and the reduction pro rata
throughout the shop depresses to the lowest limit one-half of
the employ.
1867.]
115 
HOURS OF LABOR.
Any one who has observed similar transactions to this in
large shops, will have no difficulty in conceiving how, when the
barrier of fixed hours is removed, —as in the cases of the London bakers and sewing women,-iin England and in our ownl
country, the longer the hours that are worked, the less the
pay. There seems to be a vibratory action, from long hours to
reduced pay, and from reduced pay to long hours again, as
disastrous as the regular step of soldiery has sometimes proved
on a treacherous bridge.
I wish to note here, what I could not with equal propriety do
in the allusion to the advantages of ten hours, in the article
on the hours of farm labor. So far as a standard of labor has
been established, either by executive authority, by legislation
for minors, or by the good sense of adults in connection with
such rules, it has proved a barrier to the evils of overtime and
consequent reduction of wages. The working classes, without
a standard of time for a day's labor, are at the mercy of the
employing interest.
There is an indefiniteness attaching to a day's work, when it
varies with every day in the year,-as was the case when its
duration was from sun to sun,-whichli is fatal to the independence of the laborer. The masses are morally in a minority,
though not numerically so, and they need all the aid fromn
rules properly adhered to, which the weakest party in a legislative body finds essential to its integrity.
Returning to the question of the relation of the hours of
labor to wages, I infer, that the idea which is held by many
liberal men outside the ranks of labor, that this dispute could
be settled by making a unit of the hour, and allowing all to
work as long as they please, is erroneous.
Aside from its impracticability for minor reasons, it has been
shown to be at variance with our highest principles, and to
stimulate some of our most pernicious infirmities.  If the conditions of society really admitted the payment to the mass of
laborers in this State for the next five years, of twelve or fou?
teen-tenths of the present wages for a corresponding increase
of their hours of labor, there can be but little doubt, that
instead of seeing our mills reducing to ten, and the cities
agitating for eight, the reverse would be the case. So inflexible are the conditions which control the wages of labor, that it
116
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
has been found useless to increase the poor rates in England,as wages although at the starvation point before immediately
lowered, as much as they were increased, by the additional
rate.
I am aware that these views of the lowering tendencies of a
merely competitive system, will be contested by all those who
believe that wages are excessive, that labor, in this country, has
its own way, &c.
To such, it must be said, that there is nothing in the avowed
principles of society at the present time to justify their ideas.
Every one knows what is meant by the unremunerative callings.
It is universally understood that the laborer has only a living.
The idea of what a living is, is comparatively elevated in this
country; but figures show that the wages of labor do not reach
on the whole that point. It will be admitted, that they sometimes are as high as can be expected under present circumstances; but these cases are always exceptional, and succeeded
by periods of depression.
A further admission may be made in favor of those trades
which have a natural tariff in the ability required for their
exercise, as musical instrument makers, &c. Beyond these
classes, the circumstances which enable any to accumulate after
marriage are exceptional.
A considerable portion of the most respectable element of
labor is sustained by family or social influences in steadiness of
employ, and a rate of wages, or perquisites and privileges,
materially relieving its situation.
The lower element of labor, in its very abjectness, the narrow field of its wants and its relation to wages, graded to a
higher style of life, finds, in many cases, room for saving,
increased by the wretched expedients inbred by ages of depression.
The appeal in this debate is to the average wages indicated
in industrial returns, or reliable individual statements, and, ill
such inquiries, as might give us the character of the savings
bank deposits.
When sixty-five million of dollars are without any minutia
of statement credited to laborers, it seems no more than
reasonable, in view of the fact that the savings banks are open
to all classes, that some means should be provided by which
117
1867.] 
HOURS OF LABOR.
the calling of the depositors, and the amount and character of
the individual deposits, should be known.
Dr. William Elder, of Philadelphia, recently of the Treasury
Department, at Washington, has kindly furnished me with the
following statement, and the accompanying figures, relating to
manufactures of cotton, woollen, clothing, shoes, &c., throughout
the United States. Finding the total cost of labor, for the
census year 1860, put at $378,878,966; the whole number of
males at 1,040,849; the whole number of females 270,897;
and finding the proportion of male, and female wages, in the
compendium of the census of 1850, I assume not the rate, but
the relative rate to remain the same in 1860, which was for
females 5 of that for males.  By this rule, I deduce the average
9
wages of the sexes in all employments.
Thus treated, the average wages of males throughout the
United States, in these descriptions of labor, in 1860, were
per annum,........ $316 15
Females,........  176 75
Males per week, $6.12, per diem,....      1 02
Females,   "  * 3.40,      "....        57
The wages for Massachusetts, for other than factory work,
are thus given:Carpenters without board,...   $1 70 per diem.
Monthly farm labor, with board,.. 15 34    "
Day labor, with board,....    90    "
Day labor, without board,....  1 18    "
Weekly wages of female domestics, with board,  1 58    "
Price of board to laboring men, per week,.  2 50 
These figures are averages for the whole State, and on the
calculations, the year has six times fifty-two, or 312 days.
The wages of the cotton mills, of the six New England States,
deduced by the method stated from the census of 1860, give:
Total wages, $16,720,920; number of males, 29,886; number of females, 51,517; this would give male  wages pe
annum,......... $285 75
Female,........  158 75
This is a considerable departure from the average for the
whole country, in all employments, but perhaps not too much.
118
[Jan. 
HOUSE —No. 44.
Maeaesp,.....  912 cents.
...   51    " 
The Thorndike Company, cotton mill, Thorndiko, Massachusetts, make a return to the Commissioners of $3,631.98, paid to
150 persons, for a month's labor, on September, 1866.  Thisis
an average of $24.21, for men, women, and children, or $290.52 per annum. The agent states that this account requires
some allowance, as the average, is based on the assumption,
that all the hands in the mill on the last day, were employed
through the month.
A carding-room in the James' Steam Mill, Newburyport,
furnishes the following figures: Two hands, $12.00 per week,
two, $9.00, seventeen, $6.00, five, $4.00, seventeen, $2.25; the
last are children.   These  figures are given as a medium
between the spinning and weaving rooms. A female operative in
a cotton mill at Hlolyoke, stated, that she was a soldier's widow,
with two chllildren; she tended four looms, and earned $9.00,
because accustomed to the work; rent $4.00 a month; could
not support herself by her pay alone, but partly by her State
aid, and the kindness of friends, kept her children at school.
It should be stated that it is possible for a few of the most
energetic to tend six looms, with corresponding wages.
The pay roll at the Charlestown Navy Yard, for October,
1866, amounted to $132,972, the earnings of 2,046 men; this
is an average of a trifle more than $65.00 per month, $15.60
per week, or $780.00 per year. This average is computed on
those who were onil the pay roll, at the beginning of the month.
Tenements in the suburbs range in yearly rent, from $150.00
to $200.00; rather over than under, as it is very difficult to
get a house large enough, for a family of six or eight, for less
than $250.00.
The following items furnished by a housekeeper, are considered an underestimate, for a family of the number named:
11 bags of flour, per week,...
1 pound of meat per day, at 25 cents,.
12 bushel of potatoes,...
2 pounds butter,.....
2   "   sugar,....
119
1867.]
Male wages per diem,.
Female, 66
. $3 00
. 1 75
. 50
. I 00
36 
HOURS OF LABOR.
~pound of tea,...
1 quart of milk per day, at 8 cents,
$0 30
56
$7 47
4 00
Estimating weekly rent, at.
The amount per week, for the two items of rent, and living,
will be $11.47, leaving a balance of $4.13 per week, for the
items of expense or loss, connected with public worship, clothing, fuel, tools, travelling, - daily and otherwise - newspapers,
school-books, sickness, hired help in the family,.time out of
employ, holidays, &c.   Deducting less than  a third of the
number, who are earning about $900.00 per year, and passing
over an intermediate portion, we should find nearly one-half
receiving less than $50.00 per month.
The wages of a first-class ship-carpenter, working under very
favorable circumstances as to health, acquaintance, &c., in
Boston and vicinity, on repairs, at three dollars per day, at a
time when wages were $2.25 at new work, are stated in the
following extract from a letter to the Commission:
"The earnings of the writer, receiving the highest wages paid to any
out-door journeyman mechanic, for several years subsequent to 1850,
averaged eight hundred dollars per year, decreasing from 1856 to 1860,
when it was but $485.
"With a family of eight, entirely dependent upon these earnings for
support, with the exception of house rent. Of this, $30 was paid for
city tax, $36 for pew tax, $12 for benevolent and Christian objects,
$10 for school books, $10 for papers and periodicals, and something for
charitable objects and for tools, reducing the amount to be appropiated to
the actual necessaries of life, by more than a hundred dollars, and leaving less than fifty dollars to each person to procure comfortable food and
clothing, necessary to maintain a respectable standing in society. This
has necessitated a system of economy, which has left painful evidence
of its severity; and with constant employment, the condition of things
has been growing worse since 1860; has compelled the removal of
children from school, and made it necessary for all who could to contribute to their support."
The following schedule of wages, is from a workman in a
trade connected with ship-building; and gives the yearly wages
of a first-class mechanic at day's work:
120
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
In the year 1852, daily wages $2.00,
1853,     "        2.25,
1854,     "        3.00,
1855,     "        2.00,
1856,     "        2.00,
1857,     "        1.75,
1858,     "        1.75,
1859,     "        1.50,
1860,     "        1.50,
1861,     "        2.25,
These figures, although given in round numbers, are drawn
from accounts, not now accessible, and are known to approximate very nearly the facts.
The items of expense were as follows:  House rent, $75.00; pew tax, benevolent purposes, &c.,
$30.00; coal (2- tons yearly) and wood, $25.00; clothing for
two, $60.00;-literature, newspapers, &c., $12.00.
Calculating the yearly income at $450.00, these items will
leave a surplus of about $250.00, which allows 68cts. a day
for the food of two persons, and incidentals, such as tools,
travelling, sickness, &c.  The experience of this couple for
these ten years, as detailed to me, shows that it was impossible
for a married pair to live with common decency in our large
towns at that time, for less than $1.25 for every day's expenses,
Sundays included; and that with constant thoughtfulness, this
income necessitated an economy penurious in its character,
often failing to meet the demands of health, in clothing; and
throwing the support of aged parents on to more favored
relations. This pressure was so great as to demand the income
of the prosperous years, up to $525.00, leaving no savings,
except during the year 1854.
It would be incorrect to assume that the highest figures of
the Navy Yard estimate can be applied to an equal number of
workmen in civil employ; work is sought there, in preference
to all other places, because of its permanency.  The number
of workmen who have an income of $900.00 now, or who
received $600.00 formerly, forms probably less than an eighth of
16
1867.]
121
. $450
525
... 700
450.
... 450
450
450
425
375
...               500
00
00
00
00
00
00
00
00
00
00 
HOURS OF LABOR.
the whole number in the community; and the pecuniary prosperity of these, is due to the exceptional causes I have named,
to overtime, or to excessive labor at piece or job work.
These conditions are regarded by the industrial interest as
proving that no remedy for our national or private burdens can
be found in stimulated immigration.  Labor is already poorly
paid; further to depress wages, would involve all in loss.
Wages, as at present paid, are not what they are claimed to
be,-an equitable return for labor performed; but they are, in
the main, the result of forces of the nature of an inexorable
necessity.  It seems impossible permanently  to depress  or
elevate them beyond a point, which may be taken as an average
of all the influences coming from the character of the working
classes, and the immediate connections of a commercial natuire
affecting business. It seems conclusive, that their amount,
arguing comprehensively, is not increased by lengthening the
hours, but lessened; and it is also seen, that temporary causes
may, and often do, raise and lower wages very perceptibly,
while any reduction in hours which has yet taken place, has
tended decidedly to raise them by aids coming from the wider
circle of wants, and the increased productiveness of labor thus
enhanced in its average intelligence and efficiency.
It is evident, that the decision of the length of time which
shall be held to constitute a day's work, is not simply a commercial question. Viewed by this light alone, the condition of
the masses is hopeless, because pure commerce is pure selfishness. The interest which attaches to the signatures of Queen
Victoria to the Factory Bill, and President Van Buren to the
Order for the Public Works, arises from the relation which
those measures bore to the liberation of great populations of
adults from the absolute control of pecuniary influences; thus
making the length of a day's labor a "brain question," to be
decided in the interests of intelligence and morals, and tendimg by its influence to restrain within reasonable limits, the
natural rise and fall of wages, in obedience to commercial laws.
A LEGAL STANDARD.
The industrial interests ask for the enactment of a Legal
Standard, defining under certain circumstances the duration of
a day's labor.  They do this because they find that in making
122
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
their own contracts, they, as individuals and as a class, are
powerless to effect the change of time desired.
If the number of hours constituting a day's work was a
matter concerning themselves alone, they might not press this
request; many instances have occurred where parties were
willing to make the sacrifice of wages implied in the recognition of the reduction as a purely business matter, but were
denied the privilege.
This is the case with most of the operatives ill the mills
large classes of employ in the cities are also in the same
situation, even when working by the piece.
In consequence of this, there is a decided conviction that it
is hopeless to contend against opposing influences uRaided by
the authority and example of the municipal, State, and national
governments. In England, agitation was carried on for nearly
half a century, resulting in such control of the hours of labor
by legislation for minors as finally to establish in 1847 ten
hours in the factory districts as the customary limit of a day's
labor. In this country, fourteen years of vigorous agitation by
a large number of the most influential trades failed to accomplisl  the change.  The political crisis of 1840, opportune in
this respect, prompted the order limiting the hours of labor in
the national works to ten. Public opinion at that time but very
partially supported this action, and the view is held by those
best qualified to judge, that the cause was otherwise hopeless
at the moment when ultimate success was assured by this
humane regulation.
Causes, local and exceptional in their character, have induced
to a slight extent in a few limited trades, further reductions to
nine and eight hours. These successes have been mostly in
England, and are due to the extraordinary vigor of the trade
unions, which have absorbed the force which in this country is
exercised by the ballot. The pressure at the present time for
legislation affords sufficient proof of the prevalence of the
opinion formed under such precedents; that the reform can
only be effected in connection with the discussion and ultimate
action, which its commanding relation to national prosperity
implies and necessitates.
The first national labor congress, composed of delegates from
all parts of the Union, which convened at Baltimore in August,
1867.]
123 
HOURS OF LABOR.
1866, announced the following as a portion of the first of a list
of thirteen resolutions:
"Our  object is to scure the enactment of laws by our national
congress, and several State legislatures, making eight hours a legal day's
work."
This, with the other resolutions, after deliberation, was
passed with but one dissenting vote. Those who petition for
the enactment of a standard of labor, argue that it is unjust
and unwise to leave time, in its relation to human effort, without
at least some kind of legal recognition such as has been granted
to space, measure, weight, interest and coin. By confining
legislatioifto these points, a great preponderance of benefit has
resulted to those possessing wealth. Not necessarily, however,
to them alone. By common consent laws have been enacted
defining what shall constitute a barrel, a bushel, etc. With
less unanimity, rates of interest have been established, and
maintained with sufficient accuracy to illustrate the principle.
The same motives have resulted in the legal control of coin by
its weight and purity. Why is it that up to the present moment,
instead of relaxing the theory, and practice in reference to a
bushel as a measure, it has been still further conserved by the
enactment of the number of pounds which shall be deemed to
constitute a bushel?   Dealers say, the measure  has been
brought into nearer relationship to the pound because errors
and frauds are thereby lessened. In saying this, they practically
indorse the following statement:
"The government appoints inspectors to see that the quality of the
articles sold, and the capacity of the standards in use, are kept up to an
established point. Why is it necessary to do this? Because the greed
of gain knows no bounds; it is insatiable, and grows with what it feeds
upon. It would reduce a barrel of flour to half its present size, and
adulterate it at that. It would reduce weights and measures to such
dimensions that we should have the homeopathic principle of infinitesimal
doses in everything."
It is not necessary to suppose a general laxity of morals
among traders to bring about a state of things approximating
to the above.  Upright men, even though in a majority, need
124
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
all the force of supervisory laws to aid them in resisting the
current of avarice.
If'the influential interests of trade thus depend upon legislation to remove the abuses caused by selfishness, may not labor
present its own case as parallel? Is it any discredit to its
intelligence or self-respect that its voice is heard pressing the
request for such laws as will place it on a level with the other
interests so carefully guarded by legislation?
Can it be assumed with truthfulness, that the working men
and women in this country are properly secured in the possession of their rights in this respect, when the following remarks
can be made concerning a large class of them by a dispassionate
observer, even in our own favored State:
"We cannot safely neglect the interests of field hands; no class has
suffered more wrong in the past; the bitterest, most obdurate forms of
slavery have frequently fallen to their lot.  Engaged in rough, hard
labor, which admits of coarse and careless execution, separated from
each other and made incapable of combination, removed from the
observation of men, and that general intercourse which quickens and
develops the mind, these laborers have been, even to our own time and
country, especially unable to protect themselves and secure the full
advantage of their toil."
That it is so assumed, can be shown by the testimony of
Mr. Wetherell, in the reports of the first commission, folio 5,
page 19: "Thlerefore leave that alone which is well as it is; let
the laborer make a contract if he wishes for five, six, ten hours,
just as he pleases: leave him free to do according to his own
will."
The same gentleman reveals how large a share'the "laborer's
wishes" have in the conclusion of a bargain in another place
in the same reports, by admitting that the ten-hiour system, as
introduced into Massachusetts and elsewhere, has not affected
the number of hours worked on the farm in the slightest.
After a partial admission relating to the war, he goes on stating,
that he has no authority to say that they-the farmers-have"
any idea of a day's work being less than that which comes
between sun and sun.
A lecture was delivered in London in 1848 by Dr. William A.
Guy, at a meeting presided over by Lord Ashley. As a physi
1867.]
125 
HOURS OF LABOR.
cian in one of the public hospitals of that city, Dr. Guy became
interested in the situation of the journeymen bakers, and made
it a matter of personal investigation for facts, and of inquiry as
to principles bearing on their condition.  His lecture, a pamphlet of thirty-one pages, was reprinted in 1860, without
alteration.  He says, ill a prefatory note, "that he sees no
reason to correct the statements or to modify the opinions
expressed twelve years before. Both have been confirmed by
further inquiry, experience and reflection, and he is still of
opinion that the proper remedy for the evils complained of is
is to be found in legislation."  His views will be seen to
support the principle that labor is urging
"I put it to you, my friends, whether you can make your own bargains with your employers in any reasonable or practical sense of the
term? I will take a case. I will suppose that I am a master baker,
and that any one of you is a journeyman out of work. I have a place
to dispose of, and you are anxious to engage yourself. I am satisfied
that your character is good, and that you understand your business. I
agree to take you on the usual terms. You are quite willing to close
with me, but you say that you cannot, in justice to your health, which
you are bound to preserve, work eighteen or twenty hours out of the
twenty-four. What answer should I be compelled to give? Should I
not decline to employ you, except according to the usages of the trade?
To be sure I should; and I should probably tell you of a neighbor,
who, as it is, was running me very hard by working men more, on an
average; than eighteen or twenty hours a day, and whom I could no
more compel to change his system than you could compel me to take
you into my employ. The bad habits and usages of the trade are too
strong for both of us. I say, then, it is bitter mockery to talk about
grown-up men being able to make their own bargains. The premises
are false, and the conclusion falls to the ground.
"But perhaps I shall be met by the argument, that, though the individual is powerless, the body of workmen or employers is not. They
can arrange the matter among themselves. It seems to me to argue
great ignorance of human nature to suppose this probable or even
possible.  Who  does not know  the bigoted opposition  of which  a;
minority of a few score of ignorant, selfish and self-willed men is
capable? It may be still objected, that if the masters and journeymen
cannot be brought to agree, the journeymen may take the matter into
their own hands, and strike. But is not this the very last thing the
truly practical man would encourage. I contend, then, that without
[Jan.
126 
HIOUSE-No. 44.
legislative interference, your case is hopeless. The individual journeyman cannot, as is absurdly contended by your opponents, make his own
bargains. The whole body of journeymen cannot win over the whole
body of masters to the side of humanity and justice; and strikes have
failed, and will failed again, and are at best but temporary remedies."
Co-operation has been suggested as a feasible means of grafting the innovation upon the habits of society; but most of
those who propose it little realize the obstacles. It is simply
to say to a man who desires to raise a weight, which he knows
he cannot, double it, and you will accomplish your wish. Aids
to co-operation are seen to follow reductions of hours; but as
yet they have advanced no farther in practical results in manufactures than to render the informal union of small parties of
job workmen practicable, the brevity of the undertakings and
the fact that fixed capital is not required, entering largely into
the causes of their success.
The thoughtfulness and intelligent self-control necessary to
guide energy to successful business results has not yet been
attained by any considerable portion of the industrial community. The business interests are certainly far in advance of
them in these respects; but the system of agencies and of proxy
voting, by which our corporations are carried on, indicate despotic rather than co-operative developments. Realizing these
facts, judicious workmen do not feel it prudent to expose anl
idea, which they regard as initiative in its nature, to a double
hazard of postponement by the defeats which it is foreseen will
result in the first efforts at co-operation in manufactures.
We now come to a consideration of the character and results
of the legislation desired. What good will it do simply to
enact that eight hours (in the absence of contracts,) shall constitute a day's work? It is claimed that the simple announcement of the fact that Massachusetts recognized eight hours as a
suitable average for certain kinds of labor, would exert a great
influence in forming and guiding opinion to beneficial results.
The development of the public mind, in all the industrial
civilizations of Europe and America, is turning as on a pivot
on those facts and principles which centre on reductions of
hours. To name one of them in this country,-the unequal
distribution of wealth, with its demoralizing results, so fearfully contrasting with our political and religious privileges.
.1867.]
127 
HOURS OF LABOR.
The expression of unanimous opinion, on the part of a joint
committee of the legislature of 1865, in this direction, has
appealed in multiplied copies to humanity throughout all these
regions, and has everywhere awakened a sympathetic response,
not alone from the masses, but from many of the gifted and
refined.
The authoritative promulgation of correct theories, is thus
seen to develop one of the.ruling forces of the world. But it
would not stop here. If the inertia of society should prevent
the State from regulating her dealings with the individual, by
her own standard, her inconsistency would be the subject of
comment, and she could not long refrain from compliance with
her own rules; thus adding the force of example, to sustain
the wisdom of her declaratory enactment.
That the application of these views to practice, is not fanciful,
but commands the assent and active support of the statesmen
and business men, of the most intensely practical people in the
world, may be seen by the following account of a Deputation to
Sir George Grey:
"Yesterday, a deputation from thie Early Closing Association, waited
upon the Secretary of State for the Home Department, at his official
residence.   The deputation consisted of the Earl of Shaftsbury; the
Marquis of Blandford, M. P.; the Hon. Arthur Kinnaird, M. P.; Capt.
Stuart, M. P.; Sir Andrew Agnew, Bart., M. P.; Rev. J. H. Gurney;
Rev. T. Binney; Arthur Mills, Esq.; Robert Hanbury, Jun., Esq.;
G. H. Davis, Esq.; B. Shaw, Esq.; Mr. J. R. Taylor; J. J. Mechi,
Esq.; John Corderoy, Esq.; Wm. Locke, Esq.; Mr. Lilwall, Honorary
Secretary, &c., &c.
"The Earl of Shaftsbury, who introduced the deputation, said that Sir
George Grey must be aware of the efforts making in various quarters,
to secure a half-holiday for the laboring classes of the community. The
necessity of such relaxation from the pressure of business in these days
of competition and energetic action, his lordship regarded as incontestible. The moral, social, civil and political welfare of the public, were
all bound up in it. Mr. Mechi, his lordship observed, was present, and
could testify from the experience of his own establishment, that such X
half-holiday was practicable, and likely to be serviceable to employers.
His lordship further observed, that it was not designed to ask for (coercive) legislative action, which, indeed, the nature of the case did not
admit of, but if the government would use its influence, and, above all,
set the example, by introducing the half-holiday into their offices; into
128
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
the arsenals, dockyards, and all institutions under government control;
the happiest results must follow.
"The Hon. Arthur Kinnaird concurred in all that fell from Earl
Shaftsbury, and observed that the Saturday half-holiday had already
been adopted in Glasgow, Dundee, and other Scotch towns, producing
the greatest possible satisfaction to all parties; adding, that two o'clock
was the hour at which it was proposed business should be suspended.
"Sir George Grey said, that with reference to the public offices wi'.th
which he was more particularly connected, he thought it would not be
practicable, especially during the sitting of Parliament, to close such
offices at two o'clock on Saturday, besides which, he felt that the clerks
employed in those offices were not much in need of a weekly half-holiday; and with regard to the other establishments connected with the
state, such as the dockyards, it frequently happened that it was unavoidable, that the men therein employed had to work at all hours. These
departments, however, were not under his control.
"Lord Shaftsbury replied, that respecting these establishments, application would be made in the proper quarter. Mr. Lilwall read a letter
from Sir   Samuel Morton Peto, Bart., of which the following is a copy:            12, KENSINGTON PALACE GA.RDENS, 20th MAY, 1856.
MY DEAR SIR:-I greatly regret that I have an important appointment, at the time you meet Sir George Grey, and that the shortness of
your notice prevents my attempting any re-arrangement of my engagements. I feel deeply, the importance of the Saturday half-holiday.
It is not a subject for legislation; but if the government will set the
example in all their establishments, the greatest good will result.
On all- our works we have shortened the Saturday work to four in
the afternoon, and in our offices to one o'clock. I do not see any difficulty in adopting the half-holiday; it only requires a little arranging of
the time during the week to do it. I know the workmen, as a body,
will use it well, and we are bound to supplement our exertions in the
cause of education, by giving this boon, at least.  I wish you success.
I know Sir George is earnestly desirous of elevating the industrial
classes.        I am, dear sir, truly yours,       S. MORTON  PETO.
JOHN LILWALL, ESQ.
"The Rev. J. Hampden Gurney observed, that although it doubtless
was true that in certain public offices the hours were already such that
they could not be complained of, yet he thought it would be found, if
Sir George directed his attention to the subject, that there were other
departments connected with the government where a half-holiday on
Saturdays would be a great boon.   Mr. Mechi remarked, that the
amount of work done did not altogether depend upon the period devoted
to it, but was greatly regulated by the extent of energy and attention
that were brought to bear upon it. He added, that the advancement
17
1867.]
129 
HOURS OF LABOR.
which had taken place in science during the last few years, would fall
short of the benefit it was calculated to confer, if it did not lead to an
abridgement of the period of human labor.
"Sir George Grey inquired, whether, in case of a half-holiday being
granted to workmen, and others, on Saturday, it was expected that they
would receive the same remuneration as though they worked six full
days?
Mr. Lilwall replied, that he believed that in all cases, where the halfholiday had been granted, no reduction had been made in the pay, for
the reason that it was found that the men exerting themselves with greater
energy, really did as much work, as before they did in six. Mr. Lilwall
said, the latter view was borne out by the recorded testimony of a large
number of firms of eminence, who had either wholly, or in part, adopted
the half-holiday. He thought that in the case of the dockyards, the
very circumstance that the exigencies of the service rendered it imperative that the men should work on Sundays, was itself a strong reason
why the half-holiday should be given, when such pressure did not exist.
G. H. Davis, Esq., said that when the half-holiday was first mooted
in the establishment with which he was connected, fears were entertained that it might interfere with the dispatch of business, but those
fears were not realized; and that it was found that three or four persons
taking the necessary duties in turns, enabled the institution to set at
liberty between forty and fifty persons, who were thus able to enjoy
their Saturday afternoon. The object of the deputation was not to
secure a half-holiday for gentlemen whose hours were from ten to four,
or who are only occasionally required to remain late; but to obtain the
influence of government example. The importance of the movement to
the welfare of society, he thought, had been well stated by the Earl of
Shaftsbury, and justified the government in taking it into their serious
consideration.
"The deputation, then withdrew."
There is little or no difference of opinion, as to the right of
the State, to control the hours of minors. There are a considerable number of these, estimated on page xc., of the Report of
the Board of State Charities, at fifteen hundred new comers
each year, to be provided for. That there is occasion for the
exercise of such supervision, may be seen from the followin~ 
extract, from the same report:
"It sometimes happens that the leading motive for men to take
apprentices, under the present system, is that of gain. Men talk the
matter over with their wives, and conclude that if they can have an
130
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
active boy from the Reform School, or the State Almshouse, to do light
work, run errands, and the like, his services will more than pay for his
board and clothing.  Setting out with these views, a sort of antagonism
is generated. The family is afraid they shall not get enough out of the
boy, and are apt to make him a drudge. They require him to work
harder than any one else in the family, but have poorer fare. Without
any intentional cruelty on their part, he is liable to be overworked, underfed, poorly clad, and stinted of his Sunday leisure, and his winter schooling. Unless the family are persons of more than ordinary delicacy and
sensibility, the apprentice is liable to be reminded that he is only a
Reform School boy, or a State Pauper, and to be dwarfed in his moral
nature, for lack of sympathy and consideration. The drudge in the eyes
of others is apt to be one in his own."-"' These are indeed, exceptional
cases, for, as a general rule, the apprentices do well, better than if kept
under confinement, especially if they are so situated that they can easily
make their condition and treatment known to responsible persons.
They are subjected to the ordinary social and domestic influences of the
class of persons to whom they are apprenticed, and must take their
chance, for good and for evil, just as ordinary boys must do."
An emigrant landing on our shores, or a lad leaving our
public schools, if inclined to trade, finds a system of legislation
ready for their use. An English operative, under the same
circumstances, who has enjoyed the advantages of legislation,
discovers, to his surprise, that increase of political liberty
means, in its every-day relations, a loss of some of his dearest
privileges, in his abandonment to long hours and overtime.
Private interest, in money-making, commands the intellectual
forces of society, from the decision of the length of a yardstick
to the complications of the bonded warehouse system. Mutual
agreements between nations provide for commerce and literature, and against crime, while the less pretentious interests of
labor scarcely excite a thought, nor receive any advantage,
except as they are remotely connected with the general good,
and this in many respects only by inversion, as it seems that
some of the grandest triumphs of science and art are so completely at the disposal of gain, that they can only be relied on
to aid in human progress by intensifying evil to such an extent
as to arouse opposition, and thus give birth to reform.
The frequent use of terms implying mutuality of connection
in significant circumstances during the public humiliations and
131
1867.]
*  e. I... i    * e 
HOURS OF LABOR.
dangers of the war, indicate a deeper obligation of society, as
embodied in government, than. has yet been complied with;
and on no question has this indifference been more noticeable
than on the one under consideration.  The able sanitary
survey of the State, of the year 1850, a volume of five hundred
and forty pages, has no allusion to the subject that I can find,
beyond a single paragraph giving the time-table of the Lawrenice Mills, without comment.
The recent circular of Mr. Beckwith, the American agent at
the Paris Exposition, includes twenty-one points of inquiry but
omits the hours of labor.
The Memorial of the Boston Sanitary Association, (House
112, 1861,) is similarly defective, but nobly redeems itself by
an annunciation and defence of principles of the greatest
importance. Three brief extracts will suffice:
"They respectfully represent that the interests of human health and
life, and the vital statistics and condition of the people of this Commonwealth, in their opinion, require more of the paternal care, watchfulness
and protection of the legislature than they now receive."
"Trade, commerce, agriculture, manufactures and other means and
methods of creating money, in every shape, have been and are watched,
encouraged and aided by whatever legislation they seem to need, while
the health and power, the comfort and availability of the man  himself,
by whom and for whom all this is done, is made a matter of secondary
consideration, in a national point of view.",
"Our civilization hitherto has not felt a due responsibility for these
destructive influences, which, in manifold ways of sorrow and pain,
weigh heavily on every class of society; but, in another step of advancement, it will look after and grapple with them, and apply its resources
of intelligence and power to modify and diminish them. That work is
yet to be done. These evils are still present with us. They endanger
the people's safety; they mar their happiness; they very seriously
curtail the blessings of life, which the constitution specifies as among
the objects of the institution and maintenance of government."
Guided by the erroneous or partial views thus impressively
alluded to, State authority has given existence to institutions
so absolute in their control of industry as to give rise to just
apprehensions for the consequences, and to necessitate counterbalancing legislation.  These fears seem reasonable in the light
*.,,:
132
[Jan. 
HIOUSE-No. 44.
of the misapprehensions pervading society. Because the restrictions of the Old World pauper system are not felt here, and a
laborer may travel without inquisition, or locate without ejectment; it is forgotten that the power exists, and is sometimes
exercised, in all our large manufacturing cities, to close the
gates of every mill in the place at the briefest notice, or at
no notice at all, to any operative, without any of the provision
for the weak, as against the strong, which would be gained by
an impartial oversight of labor, with proper publicity, while
combined operations in coal and grain and gold throw off even
the semblence of secrecy. The misapprehensions alluded to
find expression in the following sentences, denouncing organizations of labor:
"We live in a more free and intelligent age, and under institutions
which encourage and foster the largest personal freedom. Merchants
and manufacturers have long since abandoned these oppressive and
effete organizations; and the sooner their example  is followed by
mechanics, the sooner will these latter be in a position to advance their
interests according to their merits."
Is HUMAN LABOR A COMMODITY?
Can it properly be bought and sold with as little regard to
elevated considerations as merchandise? If it can, then invidious
comment on the course of the millionaire, who has built up his
fortune on the profits of the labor of sewing women, is uncalled
for.
The fact that the millionaire's course is quite extensively the
subject of criticism, and that in quarters not by any means
radical, affords room for the opinion that society distrusts
itself, however tenaciously it may defend the laws of supply
and demand, as sufficient to control this question. Arguing
from the prosperous side, it has been said that " the world is
one vast co-operative association, so admirably adjusted that it
is impossible for any party to take advantage of the other."
The sewing women and sundry other interested parties deny
this; nor is the denial  confined to one class.   Professor
Fawcett, M. P., has recently said,
"That he never heard the Chancellor of the Exchequer bring forward
his budget, and show in terms most eloquent the vast increase of our
1867.]
133
0 
HOURS OF LABOR.
national wealth, without the sad reflection that, whilst one class was
growing immensely rich on the labor of the country, the accumulation
of riches did not do so much as it ought to do to diminish the poverty
of the land, and lessen the hours of toil."
It forms an interesting subject of inquiry, whether the ideas
and sentiments which it is clear are busy on this problem have
found any development in this State on the plane of the interests
involved in this inquiry.  Intellectual labor seems to be met in
a higher spirit than is usually found in the market.place. We
do not accept the lowest bidder to fill our pulpits or conduct
our schools.  In theory, certainly, and to some extent actually,
we govern ourselves by motives of a personal and moral character. The question has been widely asked, what had school
teachers ought to have? not what can we get them for. If a
merchant makes a loss in business, hle does not immediately
run to his clerk and say," I must cut down your salary; " neither
does he import clerks by wholesale for the sake of placing
salaries at the minimum.
An approach to more elevated dealing with manual labor,
may be found in the course of some of our corporations, in
beautifying by shrubbery their grounds, providing books, &c.;
but beyond the moral benefits incidental to a well-ordered
community, the labor of the State cannot be said to enjoy any
of the advantages  which it is supposed will  ensute from
practical recognition of the doctrine that human labor is so
connected with exalted mental and moral capacities, that it of
right ought to have higher consideration than merchandise.
An exception to this conclusion may be found in the successful
union of labor and capital, on elevated principles, in the cod
and mackerel fisheries of the State. Maritime usage and laws,
have exercised a conservative influence in restraining impulses,
which in ordinary affairs would lead to disagreement and
disaster, and the general prosperity and good feeling ensuing,
contrast strangely with the results of the whale fishery, even
in the same ports; the last, being conducted on the usual
commercial principles offers a share so disproportionate as only
to command the services of adventurers for its laborious and
hazardous duties.
134
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
It has long been known that in some of our distinctively
fishing towns, conditions existed, much more favorable to
industrial prosperity than in localities devoted to commerce or
manufactures. In many of the towns first named, the young
men are retained in the place of their birth under circumstances
favorable to marriage, the owning of a residence, and the
support of a family.   In some of these communities  the
response to the inquiry, " What proportion of your people own
their houses?" will be, "Two-thirds."  It may be questioned
whether so large a portion as one-quarter of the remaining
industry of the State are so favorably situated. The secret of
this is to be found in the following peculiarity of the business.
"After the articles needed for the voyage are paid for and the
fish sold, the profits are divided in the proportion of threeeighths to the owners, and five-eighths to the crew."
It is certainly an interesting fact that we should go back to
the description of industry which laid, in colonial times, the
foundation of our prosperity, for the practical adoption of all
idea which seems likely to be regarded as the culmination of
our industrial civilization. In the explanation of this doctrine,
facts and principles are happily blended by Mr. Harrison, an
English writer on this subject:
",As it is this interference with what is called Free Trade which is
the main charge against unionism, it is important to examine this
question in detail. It is often asked,'why cannot the fifty shillings'
worth of puddling be bought in the same manner as the fifty shillings'
worth of pig iron?' Well, one thing is, that the pig iron can wait until
next week or next month. It is in no immediate hurry. But the fifty
shillings' worth of puddling cannot wait even a few days. The'human
machine' in question is liable to the fatal defect of dying. Nor is it in
all the relations of life that'each man is free to bargain for himself.'
It is curious in how many sides of our existence this liberty is curtailed.
If one wants ~1,000 worth of horse, one can go to Tattersall's and buy
it without question. But if one wants ~1,000 worth of wife, there will
be a good many questions asked, and a good many people to consult.
The lady's relations even may wish to say something; there may be all
sorts of stipulations, to say nothing of settlements. A man cannot buy
a place in a partnership exactly in open market. He cannot go to a
physician, or a lawyer, or a priest, and haggle about the fee. In fact,
wherever there are close or permanent human relations between one
135
1867.] 
HOURS OF LABOR.
man and many, an understanding with all jointly is the regular course.
Every  partnership of labor, all co-operation to effect anything in
common, involves this mutual agreement between all.  It is because
employers fail to see that manufacture is only the combined labor of
many of which they are the managers, that they regard the whole
concerns, stock, plant and' hands' as raw material, to be bought and
sold. The iron-master who buys pig iron is not entering into permanent
relations with it, or even with its possessor.  It cannot work with him
obey him, trust him. The'human machine,' however, is a very
surprising engine. It has a multitude of wants, a variety of feelings,
and is capable of numerous impulses which are commonly called human
nature. An iron-master cannot buy in open market fifty shillings'
worth of puddling, because he does no, want fifty shillings' worth of
puddling. It would be of no good to him if he had it. He wants a
man who will work, not his fifty shillings' worth of puddling but day by
day, and year by year; who will work when he is not himself overlooking him; who will work intelligently, and not ruin his machinery
and waste his stock; who will not cheat him, or rob him, or murder
him;  who will work as a chance hireling will not and cannot work;
who will trust him to act fairly and feel pride in his work, and in the
place. If he cannot get men like these he knows that he will be
ruined and undersold by those who can. He knows that fifty shillings'
worth of black slave would not help him, nor fifty shillings' worth of
steam-engine.  Do what he will, perfect machinery to a miracle, still
the manufacturer must ultimately depend on the co-operation of human
brains and hearts. NQ' human machinery' will serve his end. Can a
general in war buy fifty shillings' worth of devoted soldiers? Can he
make his bargain with each man of his army separately?  They are
too precious to be picked up in a moment, and their efficiency lies in
their union. If the iron-master had to go into the labor market as
often as he has to go into the iron market, and haggle for every day's
work as he does for every pig and bar, he would be a dead or ruined
man in a year. He cannot buy puddling as he can buy pigs, because
in one word men are not pig iron. Sentiment, this, perhaps; but a
sentiment which cannot be conquered, and produces stern facts. For
the fifty shillings' worth of puddling by long reflection has discovered
that to the making of iron goes the enduring, willing, intelligent labor
of many trained men;  that it is work which is impossible without a,,
permanent combination of will and thought, but the produce of which
may be unfairly divided unless all act with a spirit of mutual defence
and protection. They see their employers too often forgetting this, the
underlying fact of all industry, and their answer is, Unionism.   Sentimental! emotional economy! but a fact.  When  pigs and bars of iron
136
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
exhibit a similar phenomenon, an iron-master will buy his fifty shillings'
worth of puddling as freely as he buys his pigs or his bars,-but not
till then."
These views derive force from the evident truths'that labor
cannot be transferred; that it is not a substance that can be
separated and carried away. A thing may be bought and sold,
because it is a thing; but a man with his labor, cannot be
bought and sold, without recognizing slavery as a right. Those
profound utterances, which light the progress of the race, do
not say that labor is worthy of its price; but the laborer is
worthy of his hire.
The burden and the curse of the present ideas are, that they
enslave the spirit, by repressing, if not forbidding the exercise
of all but the most common-place emotions in daily relations.
Our development of civilization, is not distinctively at fault, on
the score of generosity, but a more elevated sense of justice, in
social relations, seems to be the impulse needed at the present
time
The practical application of this doctrine may be seen in the
items below, from English and American labor organs.  The
first one being from the same authority as the second:
"It is well known that if each workman gave his mind to his work
and put his good will into it, for the benefit of his employers, they could
together, create a new amount of profit. Take one instance. It has
been calculated that the working colliers at Whlitwood and ]Iethley,
could, by simply taking the trouble to get the coal in large lumps, and
reducing the proportions of slack, add to the colliery profits ~1,500 a
year.  If they would further take a little extra care below ground in
keeping the best coal separate from the inferior, they could add another
~1,500 to the profits. In these two instances alone, men working-not
with good will instead of bad will, but with good will instead of no
will-could create ~3,000 a year.  Now, a man of original business
sagacity, looking at these facts-which are true, less or more, in all
trades-would say,'I discover herein a new method of making money
I see my men can, if they had a motive to do it, create for me ~3,000"
a year. If I gave them ~1,500 of it, they would have that motive;
they would be delighted; I should appear a great benefactor in their
eyes. And I should be a benefactor, too; for I should put in their way,
and place it within their power, to add ~1,500 a year to their wages.
We should be on good terms after this.'  This is the theory of the part                   18
1867.]
137 
HOURS OF LABOR.
nerships of industry, cleared of all sentimentality and the confusion of
ideas which surround new discoveries in economical science. It is simply
a wholesome utilitarian principle applied to industry. These partnerships are based on a principle from which all new civilization has sprung;
a principle of intelligent selfishness. Good feeling alone will not conduct a large commercial concern; there needs self-interest tempered by
good sense; and this good sense now perceives that a thousand workmen
will produce to a concern, far more profit, if they have an interest in
what they are doing, and have a motive to avoid waste of material, loss
of time, and to work with all their skilfulness."   *         *      *
"PARTNERSHIP  OF  LABOR.   Mr. G. J. Holyoke has published,
with this title, the paper he read at the Sheffield meeting of the Social
Science  Congress.   We  have published  extracts of Mr.  Holyoke's
Essay, and should like to make another quotation, in order to call further
attention to what we regard as one of the most hopeful signs of the new
era in industrial progress-the co-operative colleries in Yorkshire.
After noticing the initiation of the co-operative partnership principle
by the Messrs. Crossley of Halifax, Mr. Holyoke remarks:  "The Messrs. Henry Briggs & Son, proprietors of the Whitwood and
Methley Colleries, have had the distinction of carrying the principle of
industrial partnership further, and of being the first employers to recognize labor as property entitled to profits. Taking the average profits
their capital ought to produce (they fix upon ten per cent. as the amount
that must be realized,) they have converted their business into a company, and admit, like the Messrs. Crossley, all their workmen who choose
to invest their savings in shares. And if they do not, or cannot, it is
provided in the prospectus, that all profits over ten per cent. shall be
divided between the shareholders who have risked their capital in the
business, and the workmen whose devotion and skill have produced the
profit. This is the first time any employers have thus formally recognized the poor man's labor as property.  This is a distinction not to be
mentioned without gratitude, and of immense significance in the industrial progress of the future. I have visited the Whitwood Colliery, as
I wished to see for myself the spot where this sacred change has begun.
I was allowed to descend into the pits, as I wished to judge of the security for life for which these colleries are known. Being invited by the
men to make a speech to them, I addressed them as' the first Englishi
men whose labor employers had recognized as their property, and counselled them to err for the first time on the side of confidence; to listen
to no suspicions; to abate no exertion, that this new compact of Capital
with Industry might succeed for the sake of their brethren; to respect
themselves; to entertain no uncomfortable or ungenerous criticism of
138
[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
their masters' motives; but, like men of sense in the middle class, to fix
their attention on the tendency of the scheme to promote their own benefit, and give their employers honorable credit for a proposal, whose tendency is the workingman's advantage. Made in the face of the nation,
applauded by the most eminent friends of labor, the compact could never
go back if they were faithful to it; and the noblest experiment commenced in our time, would be dated from those pits in which they
worked.  It was now in their power not only to raise their wages, but
to raise their order.' I can bear my testimony from examination, that
the system of accounts devised by the MIessrs. Briggs, for enabling the
men to secure the profit that may accrue to them, is simple, accessible
and satisfactory. The experiment bids fair to succeed, as more coal has
been worked since it was commenced, than has been worked before in
the same time."- The Co-Operator (Eng.), Dec. 15, 1865.
"While upon the subject of Co-operation, it occurs to me that our
present system of day wages might, with propriety, be so arranged as to
be partially co-operative, and being made so, would prove mutually beneficial to both employer and employed. It would also tend to check a
disposition to ramble, that is getting to be a trait in the character of
American workmen, which is alike detrimental to his pecuniary and social
interest. If the employers were to announce at the close of each year's
business the amount of their profits during said year, after allowing a
proper interest upon their capital, and of said profits were to disburse
amongst the employees, say ten or twenty per cent. of said profits, in
proportion to the amounts earned by the various workmen, it would tend
to make mechanics and laborers more steady and increase their proficiency, and lead them to study the interests of their employers, which
would, by this system, become identical with their own. A system of
that kind can be inaugurated only by a more fraternal relationship being
cultivated between the respective parties, than at present exists. No
one will deny that such a system would be conducive to mutual interests; it would be more in accordance with the institutions of our country.
It would have a tendency to counteract the degrading influence of
the present system, which is nothing more or less than the same which
has been in vogue in the old world since time immemorial. To see the
same adopted in America, as the only system by which capital and labor
can exist, is to acknowledge that, though politically free, we  are yet in'
social bondage, and groping our way through life in deep darkness; and
this in the middle of the nineteenth centnry. If it be objected that the
proposed distribution of a portion of the profits will lead to inconvenience, or to dishonest reports on the part of employers; let it be borne
in mind that, under the present system the laborer gets none of the
1867.]
139 
HOURS OF LABOR.
profits; he could get no less; and as for inconvenience, it weighs nothing
in the scale of justice. If, to secure justice, it becomes necessary to
invoke the aid of legislative enactments, let us, in the majesty, and in
the right of labor, demand them.   Let us have a system of compensation for labor in America, that will bear the imprint of progress; one,
the result of which will be to lead the creator of wealth to the enjoyment of at least a portion of his creation.
"I cannot ask for the foregoing suggestion, at the present time, more
than a passing notice, but desire it to be recalled at your leisure, that it
may be weighed, and, if found correct, its agitation commenced at an
early day."-Extractfrom Annual Report of the President of International Union of Machinists and Blacksmiths.
The abandonment of the true interests of society, as embodied
in the prosperity of its industrial classes, to the sole influence
of a competitive system of wages, is, in its ultimate results, a
most injurious omission; it is an exaltation of the element of
necessity, to the place of supreme authority in business affairs.
The ideas contained in the words "it must needs be," will
undoubtedly continue to have an influence in ordinary, as by
irresistible decree, they do in the profoundest experiences of
life; but the advancing years bring the happiest omens, that
their hard features are to be relieved by the genial influence of
truths hitherto unnoticed or unrecognized.
Not forgetful in these pages, of the many beneficial results
of our present industry, I cannot conceal from myself the burdens which hinder its progress. The distribution of the results
of labor seem to me to bear no just proportion to the means of
production, the patient application of the toilers, their average
elevation of character, as evinced in the sublime deeds of the
times, or their social needs.
Our charitable and reformatory institutions, grapple ineffectively with misery and crime; we already propose to limit further effort in this direction.  Our extended railroad system,
and our projected lines of ocean steamers, indicate a growth as
local, and in some respects, as barren as the civilization oh
medieval Venice or Genoa; while the occasional wholesale exodus of our people, reveals the industrial burdens under which
we labor; we shudder at ancient systems, which have condemned to celibacy, large numbers of human beings, and
buried knowledge in dead languages; but fail to see, in the dis
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[Jan. 
HOUSE-No. 44.
proportion of the sexes, and the stinted culture of the laboring
masses, that we bear the same burdens.
The remedy will not be found, until, by a wiser system of
abbreviated labor, we faithfully conserve those material, intellectual and moral forces, which the Creator has so bountifully
bestowed upon us.   In the equation of time proposed by the
present reform, we have a proposition, richly charged with germinal influences of future good, paving the way for the development of new productive forces; for the equitable distribution
of wealth, and solving, by these means, social problems which
have hitherto perplexed the ages.
CONCLUSION.
I recommend as the result of my investigations, and in view
of the expressed wish of the interest of labor in the factories,
and, so far as ascertained, on the farms; the enactment of ten
hours, as a legal standard for a day's labor-in the absence of
contracts-for factory and farm work; and a similar enactment
of eight hours as a legal standard-in the absence of contractsfor mechanical labor.
Respectfully submitted by
EDWARD IH. ROGERS,
Commissioner on the Hours of Labor.
1867.]
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