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Obregon's History
Of 1 6th Century Explorations
In Western America
ENTITLED
Chronicle, Commentary, or Relation of the
Ancient and Modern Discoveries in New
Spain and New     Mexico, Mexico, I584
Translated, edited, and annotated by
GEORGE P. HAMMOND
University of Southern California
and
AGAPITO REY
Indiana University
WETZEL PUBLISHING COMPANY, INC.
336 SOUTH BROADWAY
Los ANGELES, CALIFORNIA
1928...............0




f
COPYRIGHT, 1928, BY
GEORGE P. HAMMOND
AND
AGAPiTo REY


PFIRNTED 11N THEB UNITED STATES OF' AMERICA




TO
HERBERT E. BOLTON
WITH APPRECIATION




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0ZACATECAS


NORTHWESTERN NEW SPAIN TO 1583
Com~Je/d by Georye PHamnmond
Ibarrai Expedit ion, 1565 -- (or...?- )
Rodrigquez fXpedltion, 1581-1582 —
Espe~jo Expedition, /582Z-1583 ".SAN LUIS PaOTOS


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General Reference: Map)




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O              'o-n. en
Contents
PAGE
INTRODUCTION...........   xiii
TWO LETTERS FROM OBREGON TO PHILIP II...                    xxvii
PROLOGUE.......                                XXX
BOOK ONE
CHAPTER I............                  1
Which tells of the first news that the ancient Mexican Culguas,
through old paintings and records, gave and revealed of their customs and former history, of their stock and origin, and of their
coming from far away lands to conquer the empire and kingdoms
of Mexico.
CHAFrER II........                             4
Describing how his imperial majesty granted the marquis Don
Hernando Cortes the twelfth part of all that he might discover,
conquer or win in this New Spain; and of the litigations and
differences which arose between Don Antonio de Mendoza the
viceroy and Panfilo de Narvaez.
CHAPTER III..............    12
Dealing with the journey, discoveries, and events in the lands bordering on Cibola, and with the information gathered by the expedition.
CHAPTER IV.........                          29
Which treats of the rebellion and uprising of the natives of the
new kingdom of New Galicia; and how the viceroy Don Antonio
de Mendoza punished and reduced them to the service of the
imperial crown of his majesty.
CHAPTER V......                                           40
Which relates how after Don Antonio de Mendoza left for Peru
as viceroy Don Luis de Velasco tried to discover the origin, root,
and stock, the arrival and the place from which the ancient Mexican Culguas are supposed to have come; and the reasons why the
newly found lands have remained unknown.
CHAPTER VI......                                        47
Which tells of the departure of the governor and his army; how
he took possession of his gobernaci6n in the name of the imperial
crown; and of the services he rendered.
CHAPTER VII.......                              50
Which deals with the discovery of Topia; the uprising and insurrection which took place among the leaders of the army; the robvii




CONTENTS


beries and killings of horses; and some encounters with the
natives.
CHAPTER VIII..............                                  58
Which concerns the expedition made by the governor to Topia;
and the hardships which were endured until it was conquered by
force of arms.
CHAPTER IX.......                             66
Which treats of the qualities, character, and customs of the
mountaineers of Topia and its surroundings; and of the events
which took place before departing from their lands.
CHAPTER X........                         72
Relating how it was learned that the army was at the frontier
and province of Culiacan; how the governor brought the rebellious
towns and revolting people of its surroundings and neighborhood
under the service of God our Lord and the royal crown; how
he insured peace to the town and the estates of the settlers; and
the benefits which redounded to the imperial crown and to the
residents of that province.
CHAPTER XI.......                             77
Regarding the things which the governor Francisco de Ibarra
prepared in order to enter, conquer, and settle the province of
Cinaro; and the entry and pacification of the river of Petlatlan.
CHAPTER XII.......                             81
Which gives an account of the entrance and pacification of the
river and town of Ocoroni; and of the friendship of the people of
Petlatlan for the natives of Ocoroni.
CHAPTER XIII.......                             85
Telling of the entry and pacification of Qiguini, Tegueco, and
Cinaro.
CHAPTER XIV........                                             90
Relating how the governor founded a town in the province of
Cinaro; and telling of the soil, climate, people, and wealth found
there.
CHAPTER XV.......                             97
Which relates how the maeso de campo built a church; and how
he punished and reduced to peace the people of Tegueco and
those along the river down to the sea.
CHAPTER XVI [Part One]...... 105
Concerning the reception given by the judicial and administrative
bodies and the inhabitants of the town of San Miguel de Culiacan;
the many services which Don Pedro de Tovar rendered his sacred
cesarean Catholic royal majesty; and the expenditures which the
governor and his soldiers incurred in settling and supporting the
provinces of Chiametla and Cinaro.
CHAPTER XVI [Part Two]...... 108
Which explains the reasons why so many wanted to conquer Chiametla; and how Nufio de Guzman formerly established a town in
it when Culiacan was conquered.
viii..o.
VIII




CONTENTS


CHAPTER XVII [Part One]......                        111
Describing how the governor Francisco de Ibarra conquered, pacified, and settled the province of Chiametla; how he stamped out
the iniquitous sin of human butchery practised by the natives of
this region; and how it was settled at the expense of the comendador Diego de Ibarra.
CHAPTER XVII [Part Two]........... 119
Which shows how the oidores of the audiencia of the kingdom of
New Galicia had litigations and differences with the governor
Francisco de Ibarra on the pretext that he had settled the
province of Chiametla without their permission and authority.
CHAPTER XVIII......123
Which makes known the arrival of Captain Salvador Ponce
with his soldiers from the cities of Mexico and Guadalajara and
the coming ef Hernando de Trejo and myself.
CHAPTER XIX........ 127
Giving an account of how the governor Francisco de Ibarra
founded the town and mines of the province of Chiametla; of
the distribution of the encomiendas, towns, lands, orchards and
lots; and of how he took leave of its settlers.
CHAPTER XX........34
Which discloses how the maeso de campo Antonio Sotelo de Betanzos caused metals to be discovered at Cinaro; a rebellion which
began to spread in the army; and the events which took place
while the governor was settling the town of Chiametla.
CHAPTER XXI........142
Recounting the arrival of the governor with his army and Don
Pedro de Tovar at the town of Cinaro; the provision he made
there for the expedition to the plains; and the reception he was
accorded.
CHAPTER XXII..............146
Explaining the destruction and depopulation of the town of Cinaro; and the great revenue his majesty is losing by not settling it.
CHAPTER XXIII....... 152
Telling of the departure of the governor and his army to discover
new settlements; of the preparation he made therefor; and of a
wild nation that was found.
CHAPTER XXIV.......159
Relating the manner in which the army entered the valleys of
Oera and Cinaro; how it was informed of the poisonous plant and
of the people who live in houses of great height.
CHAPTER XXV.............        166
Which narrates the notable harm caused by the poisonous tree,
its sap, milky juice, and branches, of the provinces and valleys
of Sefiora, Oera, Guaraspi, Cumupa, Batuco, Qaguaripa and other
neighboring towns; the victory obtained by the natives of Sefora
over Captain Diego de Alcaraz and one hundred men; and the
harmful properties of the tree.
ix




CONTENTS


CHAPTER XXVI......                           177
Which explains how the natives of the valleys of Senora, Cumupa,
Guaraspi, and other neighboring districts revolted; and a lucky
battle and victory which the governor and six soldiers won over
six hundred Indians.
CHAPTER XXVII......                          186
Which tells how the general and his army camped and fortified
themselves at the town of Qaguaripa; and of a notable battle
with the allies from Senora and the neighboring districts.
CHAPTER XXVIII......                            196
Describing how the army entered and marched through better
lands than those in the valleys previously visited.
CHAPTER XXIX......200
Which shows how the governor was received by the Querechos,
people who follow the cattle; how the Christians are respected
and worshipped in this land as the children of the sun; and the
miracles that were performed by Alvar Niuez Cabeza de Vaca
and his companions.
CHAPTER XXX........204
Which describes the arrival of the army at the city of Paquime
with its remarkable abandoned buildings; and the things which
were seen and learned in these provinces.
CHAPTER XXXI..........                  209
Concerning the return of the general Francisco de Ibarra and
his army; and causes which moved him to discontinue the explorations in the provinces of New Mexico which he had undertaken; the address he made to the soldiers, urging them to go
on with the expedition; and the various opinions expressed in
this connection.
CHAPTER XXXII......                           215
Regarding the reports of discoveries in the great land of Cibola,
Quivira, New Mexico, the coasts of the North and South Seas, and
the great Salado river.
CHAPTER XXXIII....... 224
Which sets forth the reasons why the harbors on the coast of
La Florida and on the gulf of the South Sea are not suitable for
the transportation of the things necessary for the discovery of
New Mexico, Paquim6, Quivira, and the surrounding districts.
CHAPTER XXXIV......229
Dealing with the qualifications, character, and temperament that
must be possessed by the generals, governors, and captains
chosen by monarchs and princes in power; and with the course to
be pursued in new discoveries in order to avoid distressing mishaps.
CHAPTER XXXV.......240
Which relates how the general Francisco de Ibarra and his army
returned from the plains and the river of Paquime to found a
town on the Yaquimi river on the coast of the South Sea; and
of the privations, famine, and hardships they experienced and
suffered in crossing the great mountain range.
x




CONTENTS


CHAPTER XXXVI........249
In regard to the great length of the enormous unbroken mainland in the kingdom of this New Spain; and the towns that could
be established in useful and favorable places in the lands and
provinces of New Mexico and the surrounding territory.
CHAPTER XXXVII.........                  255
Which explains how the general went to punish the natives of the
valleys of Sefiora for certain thefts and the killing of horses; how
the author made horseshoe nails without a forge; how the army
passed through three districts of Indians; and how the people of
the camp became swollen from eating salt.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.....                                       261
How the general distributed the towns in the province of Cinaro;
of his departure for Chiametla; and how he undertook the settlement of the provinces of Guaynamota and Guazamota.
BOOK TWO
Which deals with the discoveries and explorations in the lands
and regions of San Felipe of New Mexico, Cibola, Ciquic, Tuzayan, and nearby regions, by Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado and
Antonio de Espejo and those who accompanied them.
PROLOGUE TO BOOK Two..... 267
CHAPTER I.......271
Regarding the trip of the discoverers to new lands; the type of
Indians met on the expedition; and how they were received in
their towns and lands.
CHAPTER II........ 276
Which treats of the discovery of the Rio del Norte and of the
people called Cabri and Rayada.
CHAPTER III.......283
Picturing the valleys found by the discoverers as far as the first
buildings; the journeys through uninhabited lands; and how
they wished to return to the land of the Christians.
CHAPTER IV.......288
Dealing with the discovery of the province of San Felipe of New
Mexico; and the first settlement of large houses in the northern
region.
CHAPTER V......293
Which describes the mode of living of the natives of the provinces
of San Felipe of New Mexico, their ritualism, ceremonies, and
idolatry.
CHAPTER VI.......300
Giving an account of the mines; the riches of silver and other
things in the provinces of San Felipe of New Mexico; and the
parts frequented by the cattle.
xi




CONTENTS


CHAPTER VII....... 308
Setting forth the methods which the discoverers used in dealing
with the natives in obtaining provisions without offending them;
and how they tried to kill the former.
CHAPTER VIII........315
Which tells of the expedition made by Antonio de Espejo and
Francisco de Heredia and their companions to the province of
San Felipe of New Mexico and other regions.
CHAPTER IX.......321
Relating how Antonio de Espejo and his companions visited the
provinces and people of San Felipe; the provinces of the Tiguas,
Quires, Quecera, Qia, Cola, Cibola, Alpemo, Xonami, Xomupa,
Olay, Ola, Tamobes, Ciquic,* and the others which he traversed;
and the events that took place in those provinces.
CHAPTER X........335
Telling how Antonio de Espejo and his companions visited Cicuic;
of the idolatry, ritualism, and ceremonies used in the provinces
he traversed; of how he finished the expedition; and of the number of pueblos, houses, and people he discovered and visited.
SUMMARY................ 340
Summary of the pueblos, houses, and natives of the provinces
traversed, seen, and visited by Antonio de Espejo and those who
went in his party.
INDEX............ 343
FRONTISPIECEFacsimile of a page of Obreg6n's manuscript.
GENERAL REFERENCE MAP... Facing Page vii
ERRATA
In the Chapter IX headings on pages xii and 321 read
Alpe, Moxonami, Xomupa, Olayyola..... These pueblos
correspond to the modern Walpi, Mishongnovi, Shongopovi, and Oraibi, respectively.
On page 329, lines 24 and 25, read blankets.
*There are a number of irregularities in the table of contents of Obreg6n's manuscript which we have not followed. Some titles are omitted, for
example. In this instance the word "Ciquic" is given as "Sicuique" and
in the next chapter heading as "Qiquique," the only cases in the book where
that is true.
xii




INTRODUCTION
NORTHERN EXPANSION IN MEXICO, 1519-1584
HEN in 1517 Martin Luther nailed his ninety-five theses
on the door of the church in Wittenberg the Protestant
Reformation was inaugurated. His act kindled a war on
the Roman Catholic Church which rent it asunder, dividing the
Church for all time. The episode compares strikingly with a
contemporary historical event in another sphere of the world,
likewise of far-reaching significance. This was the discovery
and conquest of Mexico, following close upon the heels of the
work of Columbus, which offset in a measure the effects of Luther's attacks in that it compensated the Catholics for their losses
in Europe. Luther might break off the northern countries from
their allegiance to Rome, but in America, of which little definite
information was current on the continent, the Roman Catholic
Church was in the act of planting its banners and of carrying
them to the Straits of Magellan and far into North America.
A remarkable contrast indeed, and one which did not escape
our chronicler, who inveighs against "the infernal, abominable,
contagious, and pernicious sect of the basilisk Martin Luther.. this perfidious opponent and enemy of our holy Catholic
faith," and praises "the Catholic and Christian marquis Don
Hernando Cortes for the preservation, conversion, and salvation
of large numbers of idolatrous Indians." Spain became the
champion of Catholicism in the New World as she had been in
the Old.
The Cortes expedition to Mexico, undertaken on the heels of
Luther's memorable, deed, was a remarkable occurrence. In
two years a vast and purely American society in the valley of
Anahuac had been partially subjugated, treasure and blood had
flowed in great quantities, especially native treasure and blood.
And in the following years as the area of conquest, like a stream
in flood, spread over an ever widening region, the process went
on. Heathen idols and temples and belongings were despoiled;
new territories occupied. The conquerors found their appetites
xiii




INTRODUCTION


whetted by what had been gained and pressed on. Cortes, the
great conqueror, governor, captain general, and Marquis of the
Valley of Oaxaca and the richest vassal of the king of Spain in
America, did not leave these tempting fields till 1540, and then
it was to defend himself against the encroachments of others,
like himself, emboldened by greed and gold.'
Cortes had left Cuba under doubtful circumstances. Velazquez, the governor of the island known as the Pearl of the
Antilles, had become suspicious, but the conqueror sailed hurriedly and gave him the slip. But not for long could that continue. Cortes might sink his boats, hasten inland, and win
great glory in battles with the natives. It served only to heighten
the wrath of the piqued governor, his superior. Not to be permanently outdone he organized a great force, larger than the
one Cortes had, and sent it off under Panfilo de Narvaez to bring
back to his rightful allegiance this adventurer so careless of his
responsibilities. But that superb politician and soldier, who
might spend his idle moments in amorous pursuits-and what
conqueror did not-was always equal to such occasions as this.
Leaving his fiery lieutenant Pedro de Alvarado in the city of the
Montezumas, he departed for the coast to obtain a great and
easy victory over Narvaez and his adherents, largely by blandishments. Narvaez lost an eye; Cortes won a great army. All
therein were enticed by the prospect of sharing in the treasure
for which Mexico was already renowned and readily enlisted
under the banners of Cortes. Thus strengthened as regards
1This summary of northward expansion has been prepared as a general introduction to Obreg6n's Chronicle. References have been omitted as
they may be found in the notes accompanying the body of the work. The
principal books on which it is based are: Aiton, A. S. Antonio de Mendoza,
Durham, 1927; Baldwin, Percy M. Fray Marcos' Relacion in New Mexico
Historical Review, vol. I, no. 2, Santa Fe, 1926; Bancroft, H. H. History of
Mexico, 6 vols., San Francisco, 1886; Bolton, Herbert E. Spanish Borderlands, New Haven, 1921; Bolton, H. E., and Marshall, T. M. The Colonization of North America, New York, 1920; Hodge, F. W., and Lewis, T. H.
The Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States, 1528-1543, Nev(
York, 1907; Hackett, C. W. Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico,
Nueva Vizcaya... to 1773, Washington 1923; Hammond, George P.,
and Rey, Agapito The Gallegos Relation of the Rodriguez Expedition, Santa
Fe, 1927; Lowery, W. Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of
the United States, 1513-1561, New York, 1901; Mecham, J. Lloyd Francisco de Ibarra, Durham, 1927; Priestley, Herbert I. The Mexican Nation,
New York, 1923; Winship, George P. The Coronado Expedition, 1540-1542.
Bureau of Ethnology Fourteenth Annual Report, part I, Washington, 1896,
xiv




INTRODUCTION


both men and horses, this last reinforcement being particularly
worthy of note, the victor was able to vanquish the native hosts
in and around Mexico city and to send able subordinates all
over southern Mexico and even into Central America whither
he also journeyed on one memorable occasion.
While Cortes in Mexico was subjecting a wealthy native
society and winning the favor of Charles V by princely gifts,
others, as bold as he, sought to emulate his achievements. The
same Narvaez who had met the Marquis of the Valley on unequal terms and been imprisoned for his pains, was at length
liberated. Then he returned to Spain, very bitter against the
man who had defeated him. He was not the only one who nourished grievances like that. Velazquez of Cuba, whose vassal
Cortes had been during the years spent in the conquest of the
island, had suffered even greater losses, if not greater humiliation. But they were unable to prevail against the lucky adventurer at the court of Charles, even with the purchased support
of the powerful Bishop Fonseca. The king was in a happy
mood over what had been won. He had been given an empire;
it was not well to look too closely into the manner in which it
had been acquired.
But there was still hope for Narvaez. Ponce de Leon, of
lasting fame, had died before completing the conquest of La
Florida. Here the one-eyed Narvaez might succeed. He sought
and was given a grant extending from La Florida to the Rio de
las Palmas in modern Texas. Many hundred adventurers enlisted under his banner, to meet at last only hardships and
death, finding the greatest adventure of all coming too soon.
Five survivors there were. One was picked up by De Soto some
years later in Florida. The other four, after experiencing much
as slaves and then as medicine men, escaped from the natives
and the land itself and reached the west coast of Mexico eight
years after the start of the expedition. These men, Cabeza de
Vaca and his companions, had much to tell. They had seen
the buffalo. They had heard about Indians who lived in houses,
and many other tales-the imagination may almost be given free
rein in conjuring up the pictures told by them.
Cabeza de Vaca went to Spain and whispered some things
into the ear of the monarch, so it was said. There must have
xv




INTRODUCTION


been a reason. At least it helped fire the imaginations of others
who wanted to conquer natives for the glory of God and for the
treasures they possessed. Cortes, nearing the end of his career
in the New World, insisted that the newly reported areas were
his by previous royal grant. Mendoza, the new viceroy and
scion of the royal house, found here the opportunity to increase
the prestige of the viceroyalty. The handsome Pedro de Alvarado of Guatemala, former lieutenant of Cortes, also had his mind
on new conquests. The bloodthirsty Guzman felt he had claims
which entitled him to renewed royal favor. A merry-go-round
contest it was, culminating in a visit of Cortes to Spain to see
Charles V personally. But his sun was rapidly sinking; he
never again returned to the early scenes of his glorious accomplishments.
Much had meantime occurred in New Spain. The hotbloods
of Mexico city, as Professor Bolton calls them, ever eager to
try their mettle if the gamble seemed good, had added new
provinces to the constantly growing Spanish Empire. Panuco,
in the Tampico region, Nueva Galicia on the west coast, became
familiar names of new territories. Prospectors, missionaries,
and settlers all filled in gradually. And then without warning
Cabeza de Vaca and his three companions emerged from the
great unknown interior in 1536 with bewildering tales. It
caused a great stir in the New World and reverberated in the
Old. When the petty jealousies of the ambitious leaders had
been smoothed out or squelched, the viceroy was seen to have
the situation firmly in hand. If any "new" Mexicos were to be
won it would be by his authority. The prestige of success would
redound to him and his new office.
Mendoza's first move was to interest Cabeza de Vaca in
northern exploration. That doughty individual may have been
tempted, but declined, as did his former associates. The negro
slave Estevanico, however, could be purchased. That was done.
Provided with an experienced guide the viceroy undertook a
preliminary reconnaissance of the northern land. It was performed in dramatic fashion by Fray Marcos de Niza, aided by
Estevanico. Setting out from Culiacan they reached and crossed
our Arizona, their journey ending near the Seven Cities, called
Cibola, identical with pueblos around the present Zunii, in westxvi




INTRODUCTION


ern New Mexico. The negro entered first, being days ahead
of the padre, and was killed. Fray Marcos observed what he
could of the first village from a distance and absorbed what
the Indian guides were trying to tell him-and some besides.
His stories told and retold in Mexico, made Cabeza de Vaca
appear to be a piker. There in the Cibola country was something worth a great gamble indeed. And Mendoza proceeded
to dig deep into the royal coffers in order to organize the Coronado expedition on a grand scale.
Fray Marcos had made his exploration in 1539. Coronado
with a resplendent army was ready the next year. The viceroy
made the long and laborious trip from Mexico city to Compostela in person, to bid his favorite, the governor of Nueva Galicia, Godspeed. The men were in high spirits; the Seven Cities
dreamed of for ages would soon be theirs! Cooperating with
Coronado were a couple of vessels under the command of
Alarcon. They sailed up the Gulf, ascended the Colorado river
to Yuma, but found that Coronado was too far away for them
to be of any assistance. He was forced to rely on his own resources.
The Coronado expedition pushed slowly northward. Men
and horses unused to camp life had to become accustomed to the
new order of things. To make faster progress the leader selected a small group of horse and foot from among his friends
and pushed ahead. The army followed more slowly. The advance party, eager to gaze upon the new cities, supposed source
of extraordinary wealth, nearly wore themselves out as well
as their horses in crossing the inhospitable deserts and mountains of Arizona. They were indeed in a greatly weakened condition when they approached the first pueblo of the new lands.
But what a disillusionment! It was an adobe village with no
visible sign of treasure. Moreover the Indians were opposed
to their visit and invited them to leave. That meant a fight.
One followed, and Coronado would perhaps have been counted
among the dead but for the timely aid of his companions in
arms. He was the special target of the Indians owing to his
brilliant armor, and was twice struck and unhorsed. One immediate need was met by the Spanish victory. There was a
xvii




INTRODUCTION


good supply of food in the conquered village; and the soldiers
cared for little just then but to satisfy their hunger.
Extensive explorations were soon undertaken to learn the
true nature of the land. In the course of this activity Cardenas
discovered the Grand Canon of the Colorado river. He became
the first white man to gaze upon it, but not to reach its bottom,
for in this he failed after several days of labor. A companion
by the name of Tovar found his way to the Hopi pueblos of
northeastern Arizona. Alvarado, another leader, went eastward, visited Acoma, the Rio Grande valley pueblos, and continued till he came upon the buffalo herds, of which the Spaniards had before this time heard much.
It was now desirable to establish winter quarters and upon
the natives of the Rio Grande valley fell the choice. They were
unwelcome hosts, but it was inevitable. Soon the main forces
also came, aggravating the situation so far as the natives were
concerned. The Spaniards had meanwhile left a part of their
number in a newly founded town in the Sonora valley. They
were later massacred in an Indian uprising owing to the excesses of the soldiers.
In the spring of the following year Coronado explored as far
as Kansas with a small force in search of the province of
Quivira. The results were the same as in the past, endless
hardship and suffering, nothing more. Another winter was
spent in the Rio Grande country among the overburdened natives
and then home, friends, recognized failure, and disgrace. Much
had been learned during these two years, but little gained save
experience and considerable definite knowledge of the country
and its occupants.
While the Spanish knights were thus galavanting through
our Southwest, the Indians of sparsely settled New Galicia took
occasion to revolt. The restrictions which they suffered under
the civilization imposed upon them were great. They preferred
to be free, and precipitated a conflict known as the Mixt6n war.
Encomenderos and padres were killed or driven out, and even
Guadalajara was besieged. Here was work for eager swords
and some were found who scorned not the opportunity. The
deputy governor was cautious and waited for reinforcements.
But Pedro de Alvarado, chancing by on a projected expedition
xviii




INTRODUCTION


up the coast, was invited to help and he accepted. Caution
was not part of the nature of this successful adventurer. Spurning offers of assistance, he attacked, was repulsed with great
loss, and in the flight of his men lost his life ingloriously. Tonatiuh's star had at last bit the dust. Such reverses roused the
viceroy and heavy forces were sent from Mexico, after which
the embattled natives were driven from their fortresses. They
had fettered new collars of servitude for themselves.
Such was the situation on the mainland upon the return
of the Coronado forces in 1542. It was natural that for some
time to come there should be less enthusiasm for chasing another
will-o'-the-wisp in the unpromising north.  Time heals all
wounds, however, and past obstacles were forgotten when, a
few years later, rich silver veins were discovered in the Zacatecas region. It was the old story over again and some of the
older settlements were well nigh depopulated by the rush of
settlers to the new regions. This movement led to the organization of a regular provincial audiencia, Nueva Galicia, to care
for the recently occupied territory. From this time on it became
a factor in the extension of Spanish authority into the lands
of nearby Indians, especially because of the presence of valuable mines over which it desired to exercise administrative
sway. In this effort it came into conflict with Francisco de
Ibarra and his friends. He was the youthful member of a
wealthy and influential family, destined to achieve great things,
engaged like the rest of his type in prospecting and subjugating
the hostile Indians. In 1554 he had secured appointment in this
northern field and soon led conquering expeditions into new
regions, discovering numerous famous mines. Ibarra was not
alone in these tasks. Mercado, looking for a fabled mountain
of pure silver, Juan de Tolosa, Luis Cortes, and other restless
spirits, engaged in these daring pursuits.
Ibarra worked out of Zacatecas, which then marked the
limit of Spanish occupation. The year 1554 witnessed his first
expedition, but a small one. The party passed the later Fresnillo, went on to the Rio de Nieves, north to San Miguel where
they first heard of the mines of San Martin. Some soldiers
actually went there and procured samples of ore. The next
place on the line of march was Avifio, also to be famous for its
xix




INTRODUCTION


mines. Hearing of the fabulous province of Copala they marched
northward into the San Juan valley. As the Indians were
hostile they went on to the mines of San Lucas and then turned
southward, passing through Guatimape and to the valley of
Guadiana where a serious fight with the natives took place.
The latter had no desire to entertain the intruder in any other
way than with clubs and arrows properly directed. Supplies
running short, the party now returned to Zacatecas. This expedition was purely an exploratory one.
In the interval marked by this expedition and Ibarra's appointment as governor in 1562, settlements were established
at the mining sites already visited. To this period belongs the
founding of such towns as San Martin, Avifio, Chalchihuites,
Sombrerete, Fresnillo, Nieves, and others. As was invariably
the case the occupancy was the joint work of the military and
religious leaders.
As indicated above, Francisco de Ibarra was given the right
to conquer the new lands beyond San Martin and Avifio, the
appointment coming through the influence of his uncle Diego
de Ibarra, the real backer of the intended explorations. Diego
being a cripple could not personally undertake work of that
nature. Francisco was given the title of governor and captain
general, his province being named Nueva Vizcaya.
Early in the following year Francisco de Ibarra left San
Martin for the frontier to spend half a decade in great explorations. Topia was the first "kingdom" discovered. It was high
in the mountains, poor and very difficult of access. The natives
helped them find a way out of these dreary lands, guiding them
to a river which proved to be the Culiacan. The men were
chagrined to learn that they were in territory already occupied
by white men. That was nevertheless true. The villa of Culiacan had been founded by Guzman in 1531, and the land round
about occupied.
To the Ibarra party it must have seemed that fate was a
tricky player. Topia was anything but a Paradise; and from
there their military expedition had been led into settled lands.
Should they return? There were two other avenues of escape
from the dilemma, one of which gleamed with hope. They
might turn south into inviting Chiametla, not yet settled, or
xx




INTRODUCTION


go north into Sinaloa, then quite unknown. This was the better
chance, for Chiametla had been granted to an oidor of the
audiencia of Guadalajara, and though he had remained inactive
it seemed unwise to disturb vested interests of that kind. Accordingly Ibarra went north into Sinaloa and spent some time
exploring Petlatlan, Ocoroni, Tegueco, and other populous Indian towns. A small fortification was erected on the Sinaloa
river, and here all of the soldiers gathered. Thus reinforced a
town site was laid out on the banks of the Fuerte, officials of the
town were named, and lands distributed. In the midst of these
activities word came that Morones, the Chiametla grantee, was
dead, thus opening the way for the occupancy of that very desirable province. Placing a trusted subordinate in charge of the
newly founded San Juan on the Fuerte, Ibarra hastened southward in April, 1564, all this' with the support of his uncle Diego.
In Chiametla Ibarra labored eleven months in effecting its
permanent occupancy. The Indians were pacified, towns
founded, mines discovered, and the road from Mexico made
secure. Meanwhile stories of great kingdoms far in the north
continued to be picked up by the sensitive ears of the soldiers,
always eager to hear such reports. Ibarra decided to test them,
having now regulated matters in Chiametla to his satisfaction.
Thus in the summer of 1565 he marched north to undertake one
of the most extraordinary expeditions since Coronado's time.
Ibarra's force was small, including only about sixty soldiers.
Northward they went from San Juan, across the valley of the
Mayo, up that of Los Cedros, and into the Yaqui amid great
difficulties. To increase their worries they found the Indians
using poisoned arrows, a fact which caused much concern. From
the Yaqui valley they evidently turned eastward, finally ending
their march at the pueblo of Paquime, perhaps Casas Grandes in
Chihuahua below the New Mexico border. If they did not visit
the Chihuahua pueblos they went north to the Gila, but there
seems to be more difficulty in reaching this conclusion satisfactorily than the former. The Indians talked about Cabeza
de Vaca, at least the Spaniards thought so, but made no mention of Coronado or his force. The assumption would be that
he did not come through that point, Paquime, where Ibarra
was now pondering the past and the future, and thus Ibarra's
xxi




INTRODUCTION


goal must have been Chihuahua, not Arizona where Coronado
did go. In any event the expedition did not reach the New
Mexico pueblos. Their rediscovery was to wait more than
another long decade and be effected by a force even weaker than
Ibarra's. Amid incredible hardships, which almost occasioned
the destruction of the expedition, the return was made over a
different and more southerly route. The aim was to avoid the
territory where poisoned arrows were in use. Success crowned
their efforts at last and they reached home in safety.
The great character of our story, Francisco de Ibarra, disappears from the stage soon after the return from Paquime.
He left the coast provinces and spent his last days on the other
side of the Sierra Madre. Death overtook him while still in
the middle thirties.
After the departure of Ibarra from the Sinaloa country
development proceeded more slowly, but a decided impetus had
been given to northward expansion.
Before the close of the century one other incident of striking significance took place and is depicted for us in part two
of the Chronicle of Obreg6n. This was the second discovery
of the Pueblo region of New Mexico and Arizona in 1581. There
was really nothing extraordinary about it. On the contrary
the frontier had by that time reached Santa Barbara in Chihuahua and stories of the north, wafted south by traders and
explorers, were sufficient to stimulate the organization of a
new expedition. It was a natural movement of expansion. The
work of preparing the new force was done by Father Rodriguez
and a soldier named Chamuscado. The missionary secured the
approval of the authorities for the exploration; the soldier provided the escort and leadership of the party. From Santa
Barbara they descended the Conchos river and went up the
Rio Grande, visiting the pueblos en route. The inhabitants
had real houses and wore real clothes, both objects of surprise
and admiration. Up to Taos the country was explored, and
from Pecos on the east to Acoma and Zunii on the west. Then
the soldiers departed, leaving the missionaries behind.
Upon the return to Santa Barbara of only a part of the force
plans were immediately put under way for a relief expedition.
This was carried out within a few months by Antonio de Espejo,
xxii




INTRODUCTION


a merchant of Mexico city with a penchant for adventure and
gain. The party covered approximately the same territory as
its predecessor, after ascertaining the death of the missionaries, though exceeding it by a visit to the Hopi pueblos and
a long jaunt into Arizona in search of mines. The return
home was made by way of the Pecos river. These two explorations accomplished what Ibarra had failed to do. The Pueblo
region was this time permanently discovered, though its occupancy was to wait another fifteen years.
Thus far Obregon takes us in his Chronicle, weaving in a
multitude of interesting stories and facts, the extent of which
is barely indicated in the above sketch. The reason for stopping with the story of Espejo's exploit is not far to seek. Obreg6n was a soldier, one of Ibarra's faithful. His encomienda
was not rich. By presenting the king with a magnificent report on his northern provinces of New Spain, in which the
chronicler had played a part, might he not win glory and reward? And perchance, being a loyal vassal, secure appointment as governor of this new land? Espejo was back in Santa
Barbara in November, 1583. Obreg6n completed his chronicle
in Mexico in April, 1584. No time was to be lost in presenting his case to Philip II. What happened?    We know that
Obreg6n did not win this honor. That went to Onate. We
do not even know whether it caused a favorable reaction in
Spain.
Baltasar de Obregon was born in the city of Mexico early
in 1544.2  Record of the baptismal service of January 14 is
still preserved. His father was also called Baltasar and his
mother, Dofa Beatriz. Luis Marin and his wife, and Luis de la
Torre and his wife acted as sponsors. Marin is said to have
reached Mexico within a month after the coming of Cortes.
He was present at the siege of the city of Mexico, took part in
the conquest of the neighboring provinces, and served as captain in various towns and provinces. La Torre, a native of
2The material presented regarding Obregon's family may be found in
Cuevas, Mariano, ed. Historia de Obregon, Mexico, 1924; Icaza, Francisco
A. de Diccionario Autobiogrdfico de Conquistadores y Pobladores de Nueva
Espana, Madrid, 1923; and in Obreg6n's Informacion de Servicios, Archivo
General de Indias, 59-6-23. A copy of this document was obtained through
the courtesy of Dr. Arthur S. Aiton of the University of Michigan and
Dr. J. Lloyd Mecham of the University of Texas.
xxiii




INTRODUCTION


Ciudad Real, was long a soldier in Granada, but finally came to
Espafiola with Diego Columbus and later moved to Mexico with
his entire household where Cortes granted him certain towns
in encomienda. These facts indicate the standing of the Obreg6n family in New Spain.
Obregon's grandfather, Rodrigo de Baeza, married Mari
L6pez de Obregon. Both were from Burgos. From this union
came three sons and two daughters, the first being Baltasar de
Obreg6n, father of our chronicler. He first moved to Espafiola
and then became one of the first settlers of New Spain. There
he was given the pueblo of Tezuntepec in encomienda. The
second son Luis de Obreg6n also served with distinction in the
New World. He was one of the first settlers to come to Mexico,
but moved to Espafola and aided Diego Velazquez in the conquest of Cuba, where he served in various offices. He was
later with Narvaez's party to Mexico, with Cortes to Honduras
as his secretary, and served in other important charges. The
other children of Rodrigo de Baeza and Mari Lopez de Obreg6n
played less conspicuous roles. The latter died in the city of
Mexico when over ninety years of age.
Obregon's mother, Dofia Beatriz, was a daughter of G6mez
de Betanzos, an interesting fact in view of later events. Gomez de
Betanzos was born in Valladolid, the legitimate son of Gomez
Garcia Sotelo and Beatriz de Betanzos. He served with Pedrarias for a time, but due to ill health returned to Spain where
he married. He held numerous positions and also served as
soldier in the Alhambra as well as in Italy. Later he brought
his family to New Spain, where one of his four sons served the
king honorably as is told in this Chronicle.
Baltasar de Obreg6n, our chronicler, inherited his father's
encomienda at Tezuntepec, where he probably spent a part of
his youth. When nineteen years of age he began serving the
king, as is seen from his first letter to Philip II. This may have
been the occasion when he joined Antonio de Luna on the pearl
fishing excursion to California. Thereafter he followed the
standard of Ibarra and when the latter's conquests were ended,
and they were practically over by 1566, he returned to Mexico
and there married the daughter of Antonio de Luna, Dofia
Mariana, probably around 1570.
xxiv




INTRODUCTION


Obreg6n's Chronicle is particularly valuable as a firsthand
account of the northern border after 1564, when he began serving Ibarra. It is our chief source of information for Ibarra's
tour of 1565 and related events. But it was not written till
some years later and suffers in this respect. That handicap is
considerably minimized, however, by other documentary materials now available. The Chronicle will always remain the
standard contemporary account of Francisco de Ibarra and his
times in the same manner that Castaineda's narrative is the
principal record of the Coronado expedition. It is an historical
record of real lasting value.3
A faithful attempt has been made in this translation to adhere strictly to the thought and meaning of the original. Any
translator must seek to convey to his audience the ideas that
animated the author, rather than a mere rendering into English
of his words in about the same order. Such practise cannot
be condoned and has not been attempted. We have sought to
make the translation as readable as a faithful adherence to the
original permitted. The paragraphing, punctuation, and capitalization are our own. Spanish terms which have no equivalent
in English and which usage has not adopted have been italicized.
Proper names in general have not been changed, with some
important exceptions. We have modernized the spelling in such
words as Ybarra, Quibira, and Guadalaxara, for example. In
words like Narvaez, Velazquez, Vazquez, Vizcaya, and Galizia,
where "s's" and "z's" constantly vary we have adopted a standard form. Similar uniformity has been followed with reference
to Mohoce, Cinaro, and some other words where the "(" is used
occasionally. Cinaro, for example, is spelled with a "C", "C",
SThe only title which Obreg6n's History bears in the original is the somewhat unwieldy one:  Cr6nica comentario 6 relaciones de los descubrimientos antiguos y modernos de Nueva Espana y del Nuevo Mexico. Or in
English: Chronicle, Commentary, or Relation of the Ancient and Modern
Discoveries in New Spain and New Mexico. It was written in Mexico in
1584. The manuscript is in the Archivo General de Indias, 1-1-3/22, but
there are several copies in the United States, including one in the Ayer
Collection in the Newberry Library, Chicago, and another in the Bancroft
Library, University of California, Berkeley. The editors secured photostat
copies of the entire document and have taken great pains to insure the absolute integrity of the text. This task is of special importance because
of the errors in the typewritten copies and in the edition recently printed
in Mexico.
xxv




INTRODUCTION


or "S" in the manuscript. There is no sufficient reason for
continuing these differences. The lengthy marginal notes have
been abbreviated where possible. Brackets indicate extraneous
material. Some confusion in the numbering of the chapters
has been rectified for the sake of clarity. Such liberties as we
have taken would seem to fall within the discretion of editors
and in no case have we departed from the original without
warning the reader of any variation.
The translation is a joint work. The introduction is by
Mr. Hammond. We have constantly collaborated and compared
the results of our labors.
We are deeply indebted to the many friends who have kindly
given of their assistance in the preparation of this work. Especially to Dr. F. W. Hodge of the Museum of the American Indian, New York, do we extend our thanks.
GEORGE P. HAMMOND
AGAPITO REY


xxvi




TWO LETTERS FROM BALTASAR DE OBREG6N TO
PHILIP II
MOST POWERFUL LORD:
It is the duty of gentlemen, hidalgos, and eminent people to
serve your highness and your royal crown in the defense of our
holy Catholic faith and of your kingdoms, vassals, and states.
My forefathers, grandparents, and parents always occupied
themselves in the fulfillment of these obligations and rendered
these services not only in the kingdom of Castile but also here
in the Indies. Desiring to do likewise, I began from the time
I was nineteen years to serve your highness at my own expense
through much hardship and at the risk of my life in the conquests in New Vizcaya, on the expedition to California, and
elsewhere, as is evident from the affidavits I am sending to your
highness.
In view of the various accounts which private individuals
may forward concerning the newly discovered lands and the
interests of your royal crown, I determined to serve your highness by writing the commentary and relation which I am remitting. I am sure it is of great value; a warning and incentive to awaken the innumerable natives found in these strange,
diverse, and remote parts, who lack the light of faith, from
the slumber in which they have been held by the devil, and to
free them from Satan by whom they are enslaved. If your
highness may be pleased to have the Holy Gospel preached
to the people in those provinces with the necessary zeal, God
our Lord will be served and many idolatries and notable sins
which the devil has implanted among the natives will be eradicated. Thus having succeeded in this holy purpose your royal
crown will be served by an increase of vassals, tribute, and
royal fifths.
In these accounts are also recorded most of the discoveries
that have been carried out in these parts, the captains and
persons who undertook them, and the value and results thereof.
Those which are unprofitable and of no value and those from
xxvii




Two LETTERS


which profit and benefits for your royal crown may be expected,
particularly the discovery of the provinces of San Felipe of
New Mexico, are indicated. [It is also shown] that the latter
are not new discoveries. [It mentions] the wealth of those
provinces and the good news obtained regarding new lands and
peoples. [It contains] information and forewarnings necessary
in those lands for the service of God and of your royal crown.
[It gives] a report relative to the conduct of warfare against
the Indians. I entreat your highness to have this read, examined, and studied and to select and utilize that which may
be most profitable for the service of God our Lord and your
royal crown.
I offer to serve your highness in these regions as your maeso
de campo or captain and to discover, investigate, and explore six
hundred leagues* beyond San Felipe of New Mexico, provided I
am furnished with everything necessary for the said expedition. Or, I offer to go and settle the said provinces in company with the general who may be chosen for that purpose.
This enterprise will result in furthering the service of God
our Lord; and your royal crown will be benefited by the increase
of vassals and services.
May our Lord protect and enrich with all the favors and
happiness in His power the cesarean royal person of your
highness.
From Mexico City, Tuesday, April 17, 1584. Mighty lord:
kisses the royal feet of your highness,
BALTASAR OBREGON.
SACRED CESAREAN ROYAL MAJESTY:
My ancestors, forefathers, and parents devoted themselves to
the service of your majesty in conquering, settling, and pacifying this your domain of the Indies and the city of Mexico. They
served as captains, treasurers, and contadores besides holding
other prominent positions in this New Spain. I have followed
them in this duty as a humble vassal of your majesty in the
conquests of New Vizcaya, California, Cibola, and New Mexico,
as is fully recorded in the reports that this royal audiencia is
*A league varies from about 2.42 to 4.6 English statute miles. The old
Spanish land league, 2.6 miles, is used in Mexico, Texas, the Philippines, etc.
xxviii




Two LETTERS


sending to the royal council of your majesty. Likewise I have
devoted myself to the service of God our Lord and of your
royal majesty by composing a chronicle, commentary, and relation dealing with the ancient and modern discoveries in the
largest part of these Indies. [It contains] warnings and advice of importance for the service of your majesty and for the
growth of your kingdoms and real hacienda.
I beg that your majesty may be pleased to examine it or to
order it read in order that that portion which your majesty
may consider most useful may be selected, and that my needs,
as my services may merit, be relieved by one of the appointments usually tendered to others, not because they have served
your majesty but because of the influence which they bring to
bear. Likewise I hope to be honored, entrusted, and favored
with military appointments in new discoveries, for I have held
similar offices in many different places. Of this I am giving
an account which is my duty as an obedient vassal of your majesty, whom, may our Lord favor with the prosperity and
happiness which He can bestow.
From the Indies, the province of New Spain, April 26, 1584.
Sacred cesarean royal majesty: Your obedient vassal kisses
the feet of your majesty.
BALTASAR OBREGON.


xxix




PROLOGUE


NE OF the most wonderful creations which God our
Eternal Benefactor ordered and established was the immortality and excellence of the soul, which is and was
made in the image of His divine Majesty. This harmonizes with
the immortality and eternity of His divine Being. He further
ordained the most precious mystery, the resurrection of the
dead, in order that they, resplendent, bright, beautiful, and impassive likewise should enjoy His eternity. To see humanity
thus joined to divinity exceeds all majesty, I would not say
human but angelic. God wanted to be man and joined two
natures in Himself perfectly. He chose to be man in order
that man might be like God. This is a wonderful and admirable
mystery, which I do not know if celestial language can describe
and which indeed exceeds all human understanding. God did
not wish to be counted among angels but among men in order
that thereby we should appreciate His deep love and great consideration for us. Then what shall we say of that great love
and infinite mercy by which He places us above the angels, appointing them as our companions and guardians to protect us
against the enmity and temptation of the world, the flesh, and
the devil, the three capital and mortal enemies of the majesty
and likeness of God our Lord?
Besides this mighty creation, the most perfect and most excellent of all was man, for besides the virtue, strength, and
energy which He placed in the soul in order to elevate us above
all other creatures in this universal vale of tears, He put all
other creatures under man's dominion, authority, and servitude
and made him their master. That infinite and highest Creator
in order to lift us high above other mortal creatures wished to
make us in His image and likeness. He also endowed us with
understanding and will, two godlike virtues taken from the
greatness and majesty of His divine Being. He gave us a mind
in order that we should know Him and the mysteries and usefulness of science and learning, and that we should learn art,
xxx




PROLOGUE


science, and religion. He gave us a will in order that we should
be good, just, liberal, and pious.
Together with these gifts He gave us speech in order that by
it especially we should be preferred to other creatures and in
order that we should be taught and instructed in the knowledge
of things and in the good moderation of them, as they are the
interpretations of our desires, concepts, and thoughts. This
gift of speech was so greatly appreciated by the wise men that
they considered it of the same value as immortality and as the
best possession of man. Speech is the guide of truth and the
life of memory. This witness [oral tradition] of ages and
events, the light of antiquity, has always been preferred to histories.
Besides these most valuable gifts, the wonderful creation
of the celestial chorus and angels, the heavenly bodies, the
movements of the heavens, stars, sun, moon, earth, and sea,
what is there that will equal the blessed and inestimable gift of
truth? It is like God Almighty and was given to His disciples
as the example and guide of good living, the principal of all
treasures in the world. Without truth no one can very well be
happy.
Therefore, sacred cesarean Catholic majesty, without some
of these gifts, especially that of truth, no historian will fail
to fall into the abyss of blindness, and it will be unwise to give
credit to his history. Although my little worth, talent, experience, study, and practise in the field of letters is evident and
notorious, I determined to run the risk and expose myself to the
danger of the criticism, which my boldness and the judgment
of others, because of differing views, may bring upon me.
I am stealing the occupation and natural activity of the bee,
which gathers the substance of many diverse flowers, brings it
together, and changes it into sweet honey.' In following this
example, I should not be blamed for what I may seem to have
taken from other histories, if these borrowings are presented
with the reasons, examples, and the background necessary to
1The passage is similar to one of Seneca's in Epistle 84: "We should
follow, men say, the example of the bees, who flit about and cull the flowers that are suitable for producing honey,..." Lucius Annaeus Seneca,
Epistulae Morales.
xxxi




PROLOGUE


illustrate the point in question. There are many cases and
events in the past which serve as example and warning and
prevent us from falling into the same mistakes. The latter are
pointed out and recorded by historians in order that these examples may not be buried in oblivion or ignored by the short
memory of man. Since this history and relation is supported
by your majesty and favored and protected by your highness
against detractors, who often criticize and find fault with things
which are not bad and which bring with them truth, principle,
progress, and usefulness, it is fitting that it should be appreciated at its just and righteous worth.
Moreover it has these objects and others of greater value and
perfection and serves as a light, guide, example, and model. In
it I seek above all things that God our Lord should be obeyed,
praised, and exalted by the increase of obedience to Him, His
precepts, and by bringing the Indians into the Catholic Christian
Brotherhood, as they live in blindness and outside the holy community and do not obey God our Lord. These Indians inhabit
the lands discovered by the Christian governors and captains,
who were lost in those lands and sections of the northern region
and its confines and surroundings, from Paquime to Quivira,
New Mexico, and the other provinces, new lands and settlements,
and the others located along the valleys and coasts of the south.
Among these are the valleys of Sefiora and Corazones, the rivers
Tiz6n, Yaqui, and Cinaro2 as far as the South Sea and the gulf
which begins at San Miguel de Culiacan, and all the lands still
to be discovered in those regions.
[I likewise seek], in this relation, that your royal majesty
may be served with the addition of many provinces, cities, vassals, royal fifths, and tribute; and that the generals, governors,
and captains who go to discover, conquer, and settle in your
royal service may go warned and informed of many cases and
things which are necessary for the proper and successful accomplishment of such expeditions and exploits. It is important
that they should be advised of the many dangers which befell the
2Instead of the words Yaqui and Cinaro Cuevas has this blunder: y
Aquicinaro. Historia de los descubrimientos antiguos y modernos de la
Nueva Espana, escrita por el conquistador Baltasar de Obreg6n. Mexico,
1584. Edited by Father Mariano Cuevas and published in 1924, P. 4.
Hereafter cited as Cuevas, Obregon.
xxxii




PROLOGUE


first explorers, who lacked this warning. Experience has been
a great teacher to those of us who come from there. It has also
been an example of the good Christian way in which Governor
Francisco de Ibarra conducted his discoveries and government;
of the hardships which he and those of us who accompanied him
had to suffer; and of the excessive expenditures incurred by the
comendador Diego de Ibarra and his nephew Francisco de Ibarra
and their soldiers in conquering, pacifying, and settling the
provinces of New Vizcaya, mountains, mines, and districts.
I am making a record and account of the good news and discoveries which to this day remain unknown of those parts which
I have mentioned. In all this I shall give true testimony of
what I have seen and experienced in his company in traveling
through six hundred leagues of different lands, languages, and
nations. When treating of other things I shall cite reliable authors with records and accounts of their events and true exploits in the lands which they have seen and discovered, giving
them all whether good or bad. For all this I beg the favor and
aid of God our Lord and of your majesty in order that this
undertaking may win the esteem, merit, and value for which
this your obedient and humble vassal hopes.
Kings and princes, especially constituted by the Almighty
God on such a powerful and great throne as your majesty, on
whom, as everybody will admit in this world, unquestionably
depend this entire organization and the protection of our holy
Catholic faith and its entire Christian dominion, being ordinarily too busy with the great weight and immense responsibility
of the administration of so many regions and peoples, are seldom
able to read histories or other works if, in their composition,
these relations are long. This is due to the fact that they have
little time left to examine and consider long writings. To
remedy this condition properly, and wishing to serve your majesty, and then these your kingdoms in the Indies, as I have
verbally [i.e., by letter] related to your majesty, I made and
arranged this general and universal history and relation of the
places located there. Reduced to suitable brevity and summary
are here found their diffusely written histories, some not well
understood, and others which remain almost unknown. All
learned men will admit this and especially those who are inxxxiii




PROLOGUE


formed regarding these events, provided they are unprejudiced.
I dedicated it to your majesty and invoked the favor and aid
of God our Lord, without which I do not doubt it will deserve to
be blamed and rejected with contempt for what it contains.
Without this aid, light, and favor it would be temerity to
undertake any task, for with His power to fathom what is
hidden He causes the work to acquire that high degree of perfection which only His inspiration and worthiness can impart.
At least if I lacked these precautions I can supply the good zeal
and desire to succeed in serving the greatness and power of
such a learned and powerful king and lord. The least and most
obedient vassal of your majesty begs that you be pleased to
grant him the favor and kindness that, in case your majesty
is prevented from reading this book, it may be given to someone who will read, examine, and study it. By so doing, that
which I present may be of benefit to the service of God our
Lord, and of your majesty, whom may the great mercy of God
Almighty protect, grant strength, and keep on your highest
Catholic and royal throne and state with all the increasing
fortune possible.
* * * * *
SACRED CESAREAN CATHOLIC ROYAL MAJESTY
Although the apostle was very sure of the truth which he
was preaching he went to discuss it with the disciples at Jerusalem in order to comply with the obedience which is due the
Church as well as to gain prestige among those who were to
listen to his doctrine. Following this example, although I do
not doubt the certainty of this history, commentary, and relation, but in order to verify it further I have corrected it, consulting people, readings, and accounts which were given to me
and certified by many people. I found it accurate and truthful. May your lordship be pleased to receive it in token of the
great desire which I, in my humble capacity, have of serving
your majesty, whose powerful, highest, Catholic and royal majesty may God our Lord protect and benefit as He is able.
Highest Catholic and powerful majesty, your humblest servant kisses your royal feet.
BALTASAR OBREGON (Rubric).
xxxiv




BOOK I
Which deals with the discovery and
conquest of Mexico, called Tenochtitldn, New Galicia, New  Vizcaya and
adjacent regions.








CHAPTER I


Which tells of the first news that the ancient Mexican Culguas, through
old paintings and records, gave and revealed of their customs and
former history, of their stock and origin, and of their coming
from far away lands to conquer the empire and
kingdoms of Mexico.
N THE royal palace and halls of the very rich and mighty
king Moteczuma, lord of the distinguished and great
city of Mexico-Tenuchutlitlan-and the kingdoms of
the Mexican empire, the marquis Don Hernando Cortes found,
on rich and well woven blankets and on paper of the large leaves
of trees, made by delicate hands, many curious and pleasing
paintings, writings, and characters drawn in their old method
of writing. They were of wonderful and striking colors and
shades, very pleasing to the eye and mind, 3 and much more so
to the investigators, because there were three memorable things
among the many notable stories which aroused the admiration
and curiosity of the inquisitive people.
Knowledge of the Flood among the Mexicans
The first one is that by following the account of the years
which every king and lord ruled in the great city of Mexico they
came to know the time when the Flood occurred and how, all
was submerged and lost due to the rains.4 However they did
not learn the cause and explanation of it, or whether they had
been warned and had the means of gathering and saving a few
of their generation and of all species of birds and animals.
Knowledge of the earthquake
The second memorable curiosity is that by following the
same account and relation they came to know, through their
sThe art of picture writing, among the Nahuas, was very highly developed and most zealously cultivated by a special class of men trained
for the purpose. The hieroglyphs were generally painted on long strips
of maguey paper, though sometimes also on cotton cloth or prepared skins.
For an interesting account of this subject, see Bancroft, H. H. Native
Races, II, 521 ff.
4The Biblical account of the Flood is found in ch. 7 of Genesis.
1




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


ancient histories, the year and time when the earthquake took
place5 and the eclipse of the sun when God our Lord suffered on
the cross.
Origin of the Mexicans; great mortality
The third occurrence, an old one, was the remarkable notice
which is related in their accounts, writings, and histories of the
time when there was a great pestilence and mortality in the city
of Mexico, its wards and surroundings, caused by a drought
which lasted three years. There was no rain in this time, and
on that account the natives of its provinces, parts, and districts
contracted diseases and ailments which lasted for many years.
Mexicans conquered by the Culguas
These regions were inhabited and held by Otomi, Mactactrinca [Matlatzinca?], Totonaca, Tepeguanes, and others of different languages and customs. All were rustic, poor, and
wretched. At that time they were conquered and subjected by
the ancient Mexican Culguas, people of greater culture, strength,
and courage.6 The latter are mentioned by the Mexican histories
as originating and coming from far away lands toward the east.7
They subdued and won by force of arms this empire and its
lords and natives. These remained in bondage and paid tribute,
although they resisted until overpowered. There were many
battles, deaths, robberies, and much shedding of blood.
5Cf. ch. 27 of Matthew.
6According to Priestley the earliest tribes of historic times to inhabit
central Mexico were called Chichimeca, and of these the Toltecs were the
most important. These Toltecs came from the northwest, the whole Chichimeca group having first lived on the Gila and Colorado rivers. They were
skilful, industrious, and peaceful, but were overthrown sometime in the
eleventh or twelfth centuries, probably migrating southward into the Maya
country in Yucatan. These earliest Chichimecas were followed by other
tribes, of which the Acolhua finally became supreme round about the lake
country and founded Tezcoco. They maintained their predominant position
till half a century before the coming of the Spaniards. Meanwhile another
group, the Aztecs, came down from the north, founded Tenochtitlan in
1325, and before the Spanish conquest ruled with undisputed sway over
their less fortunate brethren. Priestley, H. I. The Mexican Nation, 18-22.
When Obreg6n talks of the Mexican Culguas he evidently refers to the
Acolhua mentioned above.
7They are thought to have entered the valley of Anahuac from the
northwest. Ibid., 18.
2




BOOK I-CHAPTER I


These old chronicles, histories, and accounts were the basis,
beginning, and cause which induced the marquis Don Hernando
Cortes and the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza to discover and
learn the origin, coming, and ancestry of the ancient Mexican
Culguas. They believed them to have many people, towns, and
riches, and wished to subject them to the communion of our
holy Catholic faith.


s




CHAPTER II


Describing how his imperial majesty granted the marquis Don Hernando
Cortes the twelfth part of all that he might discover, conquer, or
win in this New Spain; and of the litigations and differences
which arose between Don Antonio de Mendoza the
viceroy and Panfilo de Narvaez.
Birth of Luther and Cortes
HRISTIAN consideration, clear and notable, is that which
has been explained and stated in the chronicles of the
second part of the Pontificals8 and conquests of Mexico,
relating how God our Lord permitted in our souls, due to the sins
and transgressions of men, the infernal, abominable, contagious,
and pernicious sect of the basilisk Martin Luther. God allowed
and ordered that on the day when this perfidious opponent and
enemy of our holy Catholic faith was born there was also born
the Catholic and Christian marquis Don Hernando Cortes for
the preservation, conversion, and salvation of large numbers
of idolatrous Indians.9 Owing to the deception and blinding of
the devil they used human sacrifice and lived subdued and enslaved in the cursedness of their bestial10 idolatry and licentious
and obscene vices. For that reason they lacked the inestimable
virtue of salvation and fell into the depths of the eternal torment of hell.
Suit of Narvaez against Cortes
After this holy disposition and after creating this valiant
and brave marquis for the conversion of this idolatrous people",
8The author seems to refer to Gonzalo de Illescas' Historia Pontifical y
Catolica, 1574. See note 315.
9Luther was born at Eisleben November 10, 1483. McGiffert, Martin
Luther: the Man and His Work, 5. Cortes was born at Medellin, Estremadura, in 1485. Bourne, E. G. Spain in America, 152. The exact date
of Cortes' birth is not known.
l0The word is bestiales. Cuevas has vestidas. Cuevas, Obreg6n, 11.
11The Cortes expedition had been prepared in Cuba, with Diego de
Velazquez, the governor, meeting the heaviest expenses. At the last moment he tried to remove Cortes from the command, but failed. The following spring, 1520, he sent Panfilo de Narvaez with a large force to arrest
Cortes, but he failed signally and most of his force joined Cortes in the
4




BOOK I-CHAPTER I


He made him suffer persecutions by his enemies, Diego Velazquez
governor of Cuba and Panfilo de Narvaez, to atone for his sins.
Following his imprisonment Narvaez went to the kingdom
of Castile to undermine the reputation of the marquis, destroying and belittling his heroic and famous deeds. He accused him
of being a transgressor of the laws and royal orders, rebellious
against the governor Diego Velazquez, and guilty of much bad
treatment and the death of many Indians in carrying out his
conquests. Moreover he accused him of owing the natives and
the real hacienda of your majesty large sums and quantities of
treasures.12
Cortes goes to Spain
In order to refute and explain this accusation and render
obedience to his imperial majesty the marquis went to the kingdom of Castile.13 He had conquered and pacified the greater
part of this rich new kingdom and left it subdued to the service
and obedience of the imperial crown. [He also went] to ask for
favor and remuneration for the services which he and the conquerors had performed for the crown in conquering and placing the land under his royal dominion and to ask for priests to
convert and keep the natives in our holy Catholic faith.
When he had satisfied the royal council and refuted the bad
opinion which Panfilo de Narvaez had given of him, he went to
confer with the invincible Caesar, of glorious memory, who was
conquest of Mexico. Velazquez then appealed to the crown. Bishop Fonseca, in charge of the department of Indian affairs, was won over by
heavy bribes and exerted himself to defame Cortes. By his influence
Crist6bal de Tapia was sent to take charge of the government of New
Spain and to investigate the conqueror of Mexico. However he was compelled to return to Spain without having accomplished anything. On the
emperor's return from Germany in 1522 an investigation of the charges
against Fonseca anid Cortes was ordered. Irregularities by both parties
were uncovered but Cortes had won a great empire, and the crown was
not unaware of the necessity of justifying the means he had used. The
decision therefore was in favor of Cortes. See Bolton and Marshall, Colonization of North America, 33, 34; Priestley, The Mexican Nation, 37-41;
Bancroft, History of Mexico, II, 85-90.
12After the defeat of the Velazquez party Narvaez, Tapia, and others
continued to press the charges against Cortes, but received no satisfaction.
Bancroft, Mexico, II, 91.
13Cortes reached Palos in May, 1528. MacNutt, F. A. The Letters of
Cortes, I, 51.
5




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


in the German empire14 punishing the rebels and enemies of our
holy Catholic faith, and the disobedience within the empire to
his imperial authority. When he had kissed the emperor's
feet he was received pleasantly and kindly and honored and
thanked for the good, profitable, and loyal services which he
and the conquerors had performed for the imperial crown at
the cost and risk of their lives. These services his majesty rewarded honorably and liberally.
The above departure for the kingdom of Castile was in the
year '22, when his imperial majesty bestowed upon him the
title of Marquis of the Valley, made him lord of 200,000 vassals and governor and captain-general of New Spain.15 In addition to this title he was granted the twelfth part of all he
might discover, conquer, or win, with the right to give Indian
towns in encomienda everywhere.1
Concession to Narvaez
His majesty, in order to escape the great importunity of Panfilo de Narvaez, who prosecuted the marquis in lawsuits with
much determination and care, thereby preventing the reward
of his own services and those of Diego Velazquez, named him
governor and captain-general of La Florida and the Rio de
Palmas, with a rich army of six hundred picked soldiers and
gentlemen of high standing.l7 He accepted this favor with
the proper gratefulness and departed with his large army of
showy and brave people.18
Loss of Narvdcez's party
Since Florida was very poor in population and provisions,
and owing to the bad government and mismanagement of Panfilo
14The emperor received Cortes at Toledo after his return from Germany.
Merriman, R. B. The Rise of the Spanish Empire, III, 510 ff. Bancroft,
Mexico, II, 307 ff.
16As already noted above Cortes did not go to Spain till 1528. The
patents granted him by the emperor were signed July 6, 1529. Ibid.,
308, 309.
16Cortes was granted twenty-two towns, and the encomiendas already
given were confirmed. That was all the emperor conceded in this respect.
Ibid., 313.
17Narvaez's patent was issued December 11, 1526. Lowery, W. The
Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United Sta.tes, 15S1 -1561. 173.
'8He sailed from San Lucar, Spain, June 17, 1527. Ibid., 174.
6




BOOK I-CHAPTER II


de Narvaez, his people and army were lost.19 Some drowned
in poorly constructed boats, others starved till they were reduced to cannibalism, and others were lost in boundless shipwrecks which decimated them till only four were left. They
were:
The four wanderers
Alvar Nufiez Cabeza de Vaca, a gentleman of great courage, piety, and esteem, a native of Jerez de la Frontera, son
of Francisco de Vera and grandson of Pedro de Vera, who conquered the Canary Islands. His mother was Dofia Teresa Cabeza
de Vaca.
Captain Andres de Orantes de Carri6n, a very deserving,
pious, and brave gentleman was another. He was a son of Pablo
de Dorantes and Beatriz de Carranza, and a native of Bejar de
el Castafiar in Old Castile.
Alonso del Castillo Maldonado, a Christianlike gentleman of
high quality and worth, a native of Salamanca, son of Doctor
Castillo and Dofia Aldonza Maldonado.
And Estevanico, a negro of the Arabian nation from Azamor,
the slave of Captain Andres de Orantes de Caranza.
Wanderings and shipwreck of Vaca and companions. News of
Cibola
By His divine grace and will, God our Lord permitted them
to cross from the seacoast of Florida to the South Sea at San
Miguel de Culiacan, and on to the city of Mexico.20 On that
journey and pilgrimage they suffered strange and unbearable
shipwrecks, and hardships of many kinds. They spent ten
years21 covering 2,000 leagues of remote land of different nations with unlike languages and customs, as is told in the book
entitled, Naufragios de Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca. He and
his companions notified the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza
and the marquis Don Hernando Cortes of the many different
19Narvaez landed at Tampa bay in the spring of 1528. Striking into
the country he was soon disillusioned regarding its rumored wealth.
When he reached Apalachee bay some crude boats were built in which to
escape to Mexico. Ibid., 177 ff.
20They reached the city of Mexico on July 24, 1536, where they were
entertained by the viceroy Mendoza and by Cortes. Ibid., 209.
210nly eight years were consumed in their "hike" from Florida to Mexico.
7




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


provinces, peoples, languages, having different ways and modes
of living.
The viceroy and the marquis aroused
Thus the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza became interested in the discovery of those lands of which he had been informed. With the approval and consent of the royal audiencia and the ministers of this kingdom, he sent an expedition
to verify the discoveries and the report given him of the region
toward the north by the four lost ones. This was carried out
by Fray Marcos de Niza of the order of San Francisco.
Orantes' services
To serve as his guide and interpreter went Estevanico, the
negro of Captain Andres de Orantes de Caranza. The latter
was very much displeased to have him serve the viceroy Don
Antonio and did not wish to give him up for the five hundred
pesos which the latter sent him by a third person on a silver
tray. He therefore let him serve the viceroy, in the name of
his majesty, without any remuneration, for the sake of the wellbeing, profit, and benefit which would thereby come to the souls
of the natives of those provinces, and for the interest of the
real hacienda.
The route to Cibola; Fray Marcos reconnoiters and returns
without Estevanico
Fray Marcos de Niza set out for the discovery of Cibola in
the year '35,22 by way of the provinces of Mechoacan, Guadalajara, Chiametla, Culiacan, and the valleys of Sefiora and Corazones, until he reached the province of Liboro, which was later
called Cibola by the Christians. It is five hundred leagues from
this city. He found these provinces settled by well behaved
people, dressed in well woven cotton blankets.23 They live in
houses of four and five stories. They use, sow, and harvest much
maize, beans, and calabashes. They share and enjoy a great
number of woolly cattle,24 leather goods made from their hides,
tents, footgear, droves of dogs and turkeys. He informed him22Fray Marcos left Culiacan March 7, 1539. Lowery, op. cit., 264.
23Mantas. The word is uniformly translated blankets in this work.
24The buffalo were regularly called cattle by the Spaniards and the term
is so rendered in this narrative.
8




BOOK I-CHAPTER II


self from the natives of those provinces regarding the nations
and peoples who lived in the environs of those districts. When
he had been informed, instructed, and satisfied of all pertaining
to the journey he returned by way of the same provinces as
when he entered, but without Estevanico, who was killed by
the natives of that land. In this martyrdom died the poor negro
after his many wanderings.25
Niza reports riches; effect of the report
When Fray Marcos arrived at the city of Mexico he announced that he had seen and discovered a large number of
provinces, towns, riches, and seven famous and populous cities,
greater and better than those of this kingdom of Mexico. He
said that the natives who owned them were well organized and
orderly, moderate in dressing and eating and in all things of
everyday life. All this caused the viceroy Don Antonio de
Mendoza,26 the marquis Don Hernando Cortes, and the settlers
and dwellers of this kingdom of Mexico great greed and eagerness.
Claims of Cortes
On account of this news and the avarice and restlessness
of his friends, the marquis determined to conquer and win the
new discovery and its districts. By proper means and mild
words he requested the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza to
favor him with the patent granting him the expedition to conquer the Seven Cities of Cibola. It was obvious and clear to
him by legal title that his majesty had given him the twelfth
part of all that he might discover, conquer, or win, in remuneration of his merits and services.
Reply of the viceroy to Cortes
The viceroy replied that the land and conquest which he
claimed had been discovered by his own industry and by agree25For an interesting account of Estevanico's exploits and of how he met
death, see Bolton, Spanish Borderlands, 83-86.
2SAs early as 1537 Mendbza had asked the king for permission to take
part in enterprises of discovery, and now resorted to force to prevent the
marquis from reaping the advantage of the friar's reports. He seized the
vessels which Cortes had prepared, but in spite of his vigilance Francisco
de Ulloa managed to set out from Acapulco in some of Cortes' boats.
Bancroft, Mexico, II, 424-426.
9




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


ment with the royal audiencia through Fray Marcos de Niza,
in the name of his royal majesty; that Cortes' titles and grants,
as his warrants stated, consisted of all that he might have discovered, conquered, and acquired through his personal expense
and efforts. Therefore he had no right or just title to what he
asked for and the conquest of Cibola would belong to him. He
said that he wanted to send the gentlemen to conquer, subdue,
and colonize it. The viceroy and the marquis held lengthy discussions in regard to which one of the two should carry out the
expedition and bring about its conquest. However the viceroy
decided that he did not care to grant it to him. For this reason
the marquis was displeased, peevish, and hostile toward the
viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza.
The Marquis goes to Spain; Visitador Sandoval
It was on this occasion27 that the marquis Don Hernando
Cortes went to the kingdom of Castile to complain to his imperial majesty of this offense which he felt was given him by
the viceroy, and to ask for a visitador against him. Owing to this
and other things which happened in New Spain his majesty and
the royal council sent Tello de Sandoval28 as visitor-general and
executor of the new ordinances29 in the kingdom to the detriment and loss of its conquerors and settlers. This situation was
overcome by the prudence of the viceroy and the appeals and
efforts of the municipality and of the residents of this city of
Mexico.30
Reasons for the expedition; origin of the Mexicans
As a result of this it appeared that the first and principal
reason for desiring the discovery and journey to the provinces
27In 1540. Priestley, The Mexican Nation, 58.
28The licentiate Francisco Tello de Sandoval was a member of the Council of the Indies. He reached Mexico in 1544. Ibid., 63.
29The New Laws of 1542 and 1543 placed the Indian upon an entirely
new legal status. The most important provisions of these laws were that
encomiendas could not be inherited, additional encomiendas were not to be
granted, and churchmen and royal officers were to give up their holdings.
Ibid., 62-67; for the New Laws in full, see Stevens, H. and Lucas, F. W.
The New Laws of the Indies for the Good Treatment and Preservation of
the Indians, promulgated by the Emperor Charles the Fifth, 1542-1543.
London, 1893.
83The publication of the New Laws caused such a storm of protest that
the most objectionable features were revoked in 1545. Bancroft, Mexico,
II, 522-527.
10




BOOK I-CHAPTER II


of Cibola was the fact that the marquis had found the chronicles,
hieroglyphs, and pictures among the ornaments and treasures
of the powerful king Montezuma, which explained the origin,
foundation, stock, and coming to these kingdoms of the Culguas
and ancient Mexicans. The second reason and occasion was the
departure, journey, and report of Alvar Nunfiez Cabeza de Vaca
and his companions, who gave an account of the settlements of
the region to the north. The third was the inventions and deceptions of Fray Marcos de Niza, causes for greed, who stated
that there were large numbers of Indians, towns, and riches of
gold and silver in those Seven Cities.


11




CHAPTER III


Dealing with the journey, discoveries, and events in the lands bordering
on Cibola, and with the information gathered by the expedition.
HE NEWS that Fray Marcos de Niza announced and
discussed in this kingdom of Mexico in skilful manner
and style was of great power and effect.3' In a short
time he had aroused the cupidity of most of the settlers and
inhabitants of the kingdom. They paid no attention to the
repartimientos of Indians which had been allotted them    by
chance, but wished to better themselves by participating in the
treasures and riches which he maintained existed in the Seven
Cities of Cibola. For this reason they asked the viceroy Don
Antonio de Mendoza and the marquis Don Hernando Cortes to
conquer and settle them. The majority of the settlers volunteered for the expedition. Each one in particular claimed to
favor his party [Cortes'] and he showed greater friendship for
them.
When the marquis saw the great eagerness and importunity
with which his friends supported him, that he had not been able
to obtain his desire, and that the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza had not granted his request and claim, he decided to go to
the kingdom of Castile to obtain it from his imperial majesty.32
He did not succeed in this as the members of the royal council33
were opposed. They considered it especially improper to give
him the expedition as he and the viceroy were not on friendly
terms. They knew that this would give rise to increased enmity
and hatred between the friends and supporters of both parties.
While matters were in this condition the marquis died,34 and
thus the litigation ended.
31"Friar Marcos de Niza's account of the cities of Cibola,... set all New
Spain by the ears with hope of sudden undreamed of wealth...." Priestley,
op. cit., 57, 58.
32See note 27.
33That is, the Council of the Indies.
34Cortes died at Castelleja de la Cuesta, near Seville, December 2, 1547.
MacNutt, Letters of Cortes, I, 66.
12




BOOK I-C HAPTER III


In order to carry out the expedition the viceroy held a council of war with the judges of the royal audiencia, and obtained
the opinions of leading citizens and learned men. From this
council and these opinions the following selections were made:
Francisco Vazquez de Coronado as captain-general and governor of the Seven Cities and of what he might discover, conquer, and pacify. He was empowered to allot the pueblos and
repartimientos among the conquerors who went with him and
among those who might go to settle in those provinces. He was
a gentleman who had the essential gifts and merits, well qualified for such duties. Before this expedition he was governor of
the new kingdom of New Galicia.
Lope de Samaniego, resident, regidor, and warden of the
arsenals of the city of Mexico, a gentleman having all the required qualities and virtues, as maeso de campo.
Don Tristan de Arellano, a gentleman who possessed all the
suitable merits and qualifications, as lieutenant-general. He was
later commander of the expedition to Florida.35
Don Pedro de Tovar, a very brave, worthy, and generous
gentleman, as captain and alferez mayor of the army.
Don Rodrigo Maldonado, Juan de Saldivar, Hernando de Alvarado, worthy and well qualified gentlemen of much esteem, as
captains.
Antonio de Rivero de Espinosa, Luis Ramirez de Vargas,36
competent and deserving gentlemen, as contador and factor respectively of the real hacienda. Antonio de Rivero first held that
position in the city of Mexico.
Juan de Galeas, a virtuous soldier, as alguacil mayor and
aposentador37 of the expedition.
Paladinas, a good soldier, as alguacil and warden of the prisoners of the army.38
Six hundred good and picked men were chosen, the majority
from the chief nobility of New Spain, a quantity of provisions
of all kinds, many horses, cattle, and sheep, as well as a quantity of arms, and munitions in abundance for a good and well
35Don Tristan de Luna y Arellano, who conducted an unsuccessful expedition to Florida in 1559-1560. Bolton, Spanish Borderlands, 130-133.
3SCuevas has it Bargre. Cuevas, Obregon, 18.
37An aposentador is one who finds lodgings for the soldiers.
38This line is omitted by Cuevas.
13




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


equipped army. It was organized, embellished, and provisioned,
all in readiness for war.
After this faultless preparation of the viceroy Don Antonio
de Mendoza, he [Coronado] departed with the expedition, going
as far as Compostela, where he ordered and arranged that a
parade and review should be held. There were present the
governor Crist6bal de Ofnate, the factor Gonzalo de Salazar,
Pedro Amildes Cherinos39 the veedor, Barrios, comendador of
the order of St. John, learned in holy theology, and many other
gentlemen, residents and conquerors of that city and province.
The aforesaid review was carried out with fine order, harmony,
and a display of trappings of great value. With the same order,
uniformity, and rejoicing, the standard, the royal insigne of
the army was shown. Hereupon the viceroy and the remainder
of the nobility took leave of the general and the people who
were going on the expedition. After having issued and ordered
proclaimed ordinances of great accord and equity for a just war,
he commanded, by authority from the viceroy Don Antonio de
Mendoza, that they should be obeyed.
The soldiers who accompanied the viceroy departed, and
Francisco Vazquez Coronado's army marched through very hot
lands,40 full of rocks, mosquitoes, and crags, till the province
of Chiametla was reached. Here it happened, unfortunately,
that Lope de Samaniego, who had gone ahead of the army to
quiet the people and to secure provisions of maize for the expedition, was killed in a town up the river of Chiametla in the
presence of Juan Jaramillo and his soldiers. They shot him with
an arrow which pierced one of his eyes. He was buried on the
bank of that river. On account of his death Don Garcia L6pez
de Cardenas, a gentleman of much valor, was chosen to occupy
the position which he had held as maeso de campo.
In this province some wornout cattle were left, which the
governor Francisco de Ibarra later found in increased numbers.
From this province the expedition continued on its way to
39Cuevas has Almindez Cherinos. Cuevas, Obregon, 18. Castaiieda gives
the names of some of the others who were present. See Winship, G. P.
"The Coronado Expedition, 1540-1542," in Bureau of Ethnology, Fourteenth
Annual Report, Part I, 477.
40The Coronado expedition left Compostela in February, 1540. Ibid., 382.
14




BOOK I-CHAPTER III


the province of San Miguel de Culiacan,41 which Nunio de Guzman conquered and settled. From here they marched by way
of the rivers and provinces of Petlatlan, Cinaro, Maxon,
Cibola,42 and those of Sefiora and Corazones, where the governor Francisco Vazquez Coronado established a town for the security of the persons who must go to and come from the
provinces of Cibola. He founded the said town with a hundred
and some settlers, leaving Diego de Alcaraz as its captain and
justicia mayor. This town was attacked and leveled by the
natives owing to certain causes which I will state in the proper
place.
The pueblos of Cibola; maca que macilona que quina acin co cana
From this province and the valleys of Sefora the army
marched by way of Chichilti Calit43 through remote, deserted,
and mountainous lands until it reached Ciboro, which is five
hundred leagues from the city of Mexico by this route. The
distance is shorter by way of the mines of Santa Barbara. Here
[in Cibola] they found seven pueblos44 of three- and four-story
houses, enclosed and walled in, as if belonging to a belligerent
and warlike people. It is located opposite large numbers of the
unmanageable people.
From   Ciboro the expedition continued toward the Tibuex
river,45 which is eighty leagues from Cibola, called Ciboro by
the natives. On this river of Tibuex they found established,
clustered on both sides of the river, a number of pueblos with
houses of lesser height. In these two provinces they found a
quantity of cotton blankets, cowhides, shields, native birds,
maize, beans, and calabashes.
Between Cibola and Tibuex and the distance covered by
4Culiacan was founded in 1531.
42Instead of the words Maxon and Cibola Cuevas has Majonabola. Cuevas,
Obreg6n, 19. Cibola is clearly correct, but what is meant by the other word
is doubtful. Cinaro seems to be the name Sinaloa.
43This name, and the names of the pueblos of Cibola given in the subheads, are given exactly as in the manuscript without capitalization. For
the location of Chichilti Calit, see Lowery, op, cit., 465, 466.
44Of the seven Zufii pueblos we have the names of six. They are:
Hawikuh, Matsaki, Kiakima, Halona, Kwakina, and Kechipauan or Kyanawa. See Hodge, "The Six Cities of Cibola, 1581-1680," in The New
Mexico Historical Review, I, 477-488.
45The Rio Grande.
15




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


Francisco Vazquez Coronado they discovered a pueblo46 in a
deep valley, on top of a large, bare, and elevated rock, threefourths of a league in circumference and fifty estados47 in
height. It was very strong and of strange shape and size. Those
who ascended its summit affirm that it has a beautiful and level
location, settled with five hundred three-story houses, more or
less, and that it appeared to have five hundred warriors. The
pueblo has, on its site and settlement, fields of maize, beans,
calabashes, tobacco, and cotton. There are also wells and reservoirs. The natives have everything necessary for their wants,
even raising food and weaving clothing on their stronghold.
Thus they need not have recourse to aid from other places.
Although surrounded by enemies this causes them no embarrassment or harm, nor are they inconvenienced if their descent
is taken, because they are supplied with everything necessary,
and fortified on this strange and remarkable citadel. Nevertheless some of the ancient discoverers say that they found an
ascent for people on horseback behind the rock. This is a
strong pueblo and the most noteworthy of any seen in all the
Indies. Besides the fact that the houses cannot be harmed or
attacked from below, the tunnel to blow it up must be made
through hard rock, broken with difficulty, and for this a quantity of powder is necessary.
The ascent and descent is very extraordinary since it is
found in an inconspicuous part of a cliff which rises to within
two estados of the top of the rock. In order to ascend or descend from the top of this cliff holes have been made in the
rock. On account of this only one at the time can go up or
down. Thus it cannot be taken or subdued from the side of the
ascent under any circumstances. All of this was clearly pointed
out by the five soldiers who, with great difficulty and hardship,
went up to the pueblo where they were well received by the natives. This strong pueblo is called Acuco. It was first seen
and discovered by Francisco Vazquez de Coronado. Those who
visited it next belonged to the party of Francisco Sanchez Cha46The sky pueblo of Acoma.
47An estado measures 1.85 yards.
16




BOOK I-C H APTER III


muscado. Antonio de Espejo's men were the third ones to see
it.48
Pueblos of Tibuex
In the province of Tibuex were found twelve pueblos, not
including two others situated toward the southeast, each containing one hundred settlers and separated about six leagues
from the others. According to what I have experienced, fathomed, and learned from the discoverers it seems that the settlements mentioned by Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado's men
are these on the Tibuex river, because Coronado's followers state
that Acuco, the strong pueblo, is fifteen leagues from the Tibuex
river. Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado's party called this the
Guadalquivir, province of San Felipe. The companions of Antonio de Espejo affirm that this river Tibuex is fifteen leagues
from Acuco and fifty from Cibola. Thus it is proved that these
are the settlements formerly discovered by Francisco Vazquez
de Coronado.49
Width of the Tibuex; Cicuic, Coronado's best discovery
From this Tibuex river, which is said to be four hundred
paces wide, the army marched toward Cicuic,50 the best and the
most populous of the pueblos discovered by Coronado and Antonio de Espejo. It is situated on a high and narrow hill, enclosed on both sides by two small streams and many groves. The
hill is bare of trees. Half a league beyond the pueblo are many
groves of cedar, pine, and oak. The entrances are on the east
and west sides. This pueblo has the greatest and best buildings of those provinces and is most thickly settled by clothed
people. They possess quantities of maize, cotton, beans, and
48In 1581 Fray Agustin Rodriguez and Chamuscado organized an expedition which explored in New Mexico. Two years later Espejo followed
with a small party to rescue some friars who had remained in the country
from the former entrada.
490bregon is laboring to show that the places discovered by Chamuscado
and Espejo were really the same as those visited by Coronado. It seems
obvious, but at the time he was writing it was believed that Coronado did
not come near New Mexico. See this volume, note 81. Obregon himself
falls into error when he says: "The reason that Coronado did not strike
New Mexico was that he left it on his right hand, forty leagues from the
river Tibuex, more or less, and from the strong pueblo of Acuco." See page
26.
50The pueblo of Pecos. Cuevas gives it as Cicuil. His copyist almost
invariably has mistaken the "c" for an "1".
17




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


calabashes. It is enclosed and surrounded by a palisade, large
houses, and by rows of walks which open out to the country.
Here they keep their offensive and defensive arms, bows, arrows,
shields, lances, and clubs [macanas].51 On the shields are
painted some red crosses resembling the Taos insigne.52
This pueblo of Ciquic53 could not be reduced to peace by
force of arms or by the rigor of siege and assault, though it was
attacked by artillery for eighty days.54 Nevertheless it showed
in its courage little fear of death and less of starvation. The
natives of this pueblo resisted the vigorous assault of the Christians with such fervor that they compelled them to agree to
leave them their pueblo and land like valiant and indomitable
people.
Plains of the cattle
On account of this resistance and because the army had to
continue on its way, the general ordered the expedition to proceed. They continued the journey six days. At the end of that
time they came to the plains of the cattle, which are said to
extend over four hundred leagues. The plains are very strange
and unusual; neither mountains, hills, nor highlands of any
kind are seen. There are no landmarks for finding one's way
through the land, the place from which the start may be made,
the way if the route is changed, or if one moves about from
place to place. In these plains the compass is as necessary as
if one were at sea. The risk of traveling without a guide has
been tried with fatal results. It happened that some soldiers
went hunting and failed to return. They did not have any landmarks to enable them to find their way to the point of departure
15The macana, translated club rather than sabre, was "a flat blade of
wood three or four feet long, and three inches broad, with a groove along
either edge, into which sharp-edged pieces of flint or obsidian were inserted,
and firmly fixed with some adhesive compound." See the Maudslay translation of Bernal Diaz del Castillo, The True History of the Conquest of
New Spain, I, lvii.
52The tao was an insigne worn by the knight of the order of San Antonio
Abad and by certain dependents of the order of Saint John. It was in the
shape of a "T".
53See note 50.
54Castafeda tells a very different story. He states that when Don Tristan with forty companions went in search of Coronado the people of
Cicuye came out to fight, but that they were punished in four days. Winship, G. P. The Coronado Expedition, 511.
18




BOOK I-CHAPTER III


from the camp, from which meanwhile the army left for settled
lands. The result was that nothing more was known of them,
neither whither they had gone nor whether they had been killed.
The abandoned city of Uraba
It [the army] found itself by the river Uraba55 near the
snow-capped sierras. They saw and discovered a great deserted
city with large houses and buildings of four and five stories,
fallen and in ruins, walled in and enclosed as if belonging to a
warlike people of great wisdom. It appeared to the discoverers
that it must have been settled by over 40,000 Indians in its day.
The cattle
The plains are filled with a great number of cattle56 of
small stature, although fat and thick skinned. The bulls are big
with large neck, head, and chest; thus there is suspended from
their throats a notable girdle of flesh and skin. The horns are
big and black and the eyes large, so that they look more ferocious
than the cattle of Spain. They are bearded and run fast like
boars. When wounded they stop, although the wound may not
be mortal. They are woolly and possess a quantity of tallow.
For this reason the wool can be used for making clothes and
the hides for footgear. The meat is delicious and more wholesome than that of the cattle of Spain. Most of the cattle are
black and the others nearly so. They breed and multiply in
large numbers. They were seen throughout over six hundred
leagues from Florida to these plains,57 not counting those provinces toward the sides which have not been discovered or explored. In their beginning and natural state these plains are
lacking in water, stormy and extremely cold. However those
bounded by mountain ranges are not so cold, and have water,
better pastures, and a mild climate.
The vaqueros; droves of dogs
In these plains dwell the coarse, vile, and wicked Querechos,
55Jaramillo mentioned a pueblo called Uraba which has been identified
with Taos. Ibid., 587. Obregon's Uraba is not the same, however.
56See note 24.
57Cabeza de Vaca wrote of the buffalo: "They come as far as the seacoast of Florida, from a northerly direction, ranging through a tract of
more than four hundred leagues." Hodge and Lewis, Spanish Explorers
in the Southern United States, 68.
19




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


the vaqueros.58 They imitate the gypsies in having little stability or permanence of location. Ordinarily they go from one
place to another, taking with them all their property, loaded on
droves of dogs the size of the large mastiffs of Castile. They
equip them with pack saddles of cowhide and load their leather
tents on them. They almost imitate the villagers of this country. These dogs carry the tents, poles, and other implements;
likewise the household goods, supplies, meat, and foodstuffs in
quantities of almost four arrobas.59 They have many of them.
These dogs do not howl like those of Castile. They only
threaten, show their teeth, and growl. They are muzzled in
order that they may not eat the meat which they carry. Each
dog travels three or four leagues with a load.60
Eating of raw meat
The sustenance of these vaqueros is the meat of the cattle.
Most of them eat it raw or dried by the sun and fire. They support themselves by hunting deer, hares, rabbits, and other kinds
of game, reptiles and wild things. Their ordinary and constant habitat is in the lagoons, salt water holes, rivers, and
streams frequented by the cattle. This brackish water and the
little grass fattens them [cattle] so that their meat is fat and
much like that of hogs.
The gypsies go naked. The women wear overskirts of cowhide and deerskin. The men wear some skins, narrow at the
waist, with which they cover their privy parts.
The expedition set out from these plains 61 and marched till
the end of May. At their termination camp was pitched one
day when the sun looked like burning fire. There came heavy
clouds loaded with water, and hail the size of large oranges.
This brought a terrible and furious storm which caused such
fear and consternation that it compelled the army to repair to
shelters and made the horses and those who were caught outside of the camp flee. Had they not been stopped by a great
58The Querechos were most likely the plains Apache, especially those subsisting on the bison. Hodge, Handbook of American Indians, II, 338, 339.
The word vaquero is often used interchangeably, and merely indicates that
they followed the buffalo.
69The arroba is about 25 pounds.
60Compare Castafieda's description in Winship, op. cit., 527.
61Coronado left Tiguex on April 23, 1541. Ibid., 395, 580.
20




BOOK I-CHAPTER III


ravine obstructing the flight owing to its enormous height, had
they not encountered this obstacle, the recovery of the horses
would have been very doubtful. The soldiers would have run
great danger by the loss of the horses and both horses and
soldiers would have perished in the depths of the gorges and
plains. On account of the great size and quantity of the enormous hail which fell during the storm and caused terrible havoc
it happened that not an earthenware vessel was left which was
not broken to pieces, no tent which was not destroyed, nor a
horse which was not bruised, wounded, and covered with swellings all over its body.62
Departure of the general
The general traveled for two days from this ravine with
fifty horses and with the two guides called Turco and Isopete.
He left as substitute and lieutenant of the remainder of the army
Don Tristan de Arellano. The expedition continued on its way
in search of Quivira, and the rest of the army returned to the
river Tibuex by a different route.63 There it awaited its general.
Distance covered by Coronado
Meanwhile the latter went to Quivira, four hundred leagues
from the river Tibuex, the plains being filled with cattle as well
as with a vaquero and gypsy-like people. The result was that
the expedition of Francisco Vatzquez Coronado, from the city of
Mexico to Quivira, traversed some nine hundred leagues of lands
different from each other, containing different languages and
customs and made up of mountains, plains, and lands with different climate. From Tibuex to Quivira it marched directly forward.
Tovar finds Tuzaydn
From Cibola toward the northern border the captain and alferez mayor Don Pedro de Tovar went about forty leagues to investigate and explore. At the end of that distance he discovered
62For Castafieda's description of the same event, see ibid., 506.
63In the spring of 1541 Coronado set out with his entire force, but after
reaching the plains went on ahead with a small party, Coronado said
thirty men, and Arellano was sent back to Tiguex with the rest of the
army. Ibid., 395, 396; 580, 581.
21




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


the river and settlement of Tuzayan which Antonio de Espejo
called Mohoce.64 This river, as Don Pedro de Tovar and Antonio de Espejo told me, is very well settled by clothed people,
owners of good houses, cotton, maize, beans, and calabashes.
It is an orderly people. They enjoy good, temperate lands, forests, and water.
Exploring north from Cibola
The maeso de campo Don Garcia L6pez de Cardenas went to
discover and investigate on the other border of Cibola toward
the slopes of the south. He traversed seventy leagues of strange
lands which could not be crossed on horseback. However he
passed a great and deep ravine having a slope of three leagues
which he tried to descend, searching for a pass for over forty
leagues, but he could not cross it.65 It is firmly believed that
the Tizon river, which enters the bay of the South Sea and
which they say has a mouth three-fourths of a league wide, has
its source or bed in this canion.
The Tiz6n river; its discovery
This river had been reached and explored by Marcos Ruiz
de Rojas and by Alarcon66 with two ships by order and mandate
of the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza.67 His armada set out
to discover it in the year '40,68 completely provided and properly
equipped with everything necessary to aid and be of assistance
to Francisco Vazquez Coronado's army in its undertaking. With
these two boats Alarc6n took possession of the bay and river
of Tiz6n in the name of the imperial crown. He set up a cross
in a large cave and at the foot of it buried a bottle with letters
and instructions concerning the voyage arid discovery which he
had made. These were later found and dug up by Melchior Diaz,
a captain from Nunio de Guzman's territory, who, by order of
64The Moqui pueblos, now called Hopi.
s6This was the Grand Cafion of the Colorado. The journey from Cibola
was northwestward, not south.
6OHis name was Hernando de Alarcon. See Hakluyt, The Principal
Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation,
(1904) IX, 279.
67Mendoza sent Alarc6n and Rojas to co-operate with the Coronado expedition. Alarc6n commanded the San Pedro and Rojas the Santa Catalina. They set out, probably from Acapulco, in May, 1540. Bancroft,
North Mexican States, I, 90.
68In August and September, 1540. Winship, op. cit., 403-406.
22




,BOOK I-CHAPTER III


Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, had gone to see and explore this
river.69 Here he was killed by his own lance in trying to avoid
the death of one of his dogs after whom he had hurled it. It
pierced him near the thigh.70 They called this great river the
Tiz6n because the natives cross it, in spite of its width, on a
great raft made of agave. On this they cross paddling with their
feet and carrying a lighted torch in their hands in order to
keep fire on both sides.71
Waste land at the Tiz6n river
Melchior Diaz went up this river fifty leagues. He found
the country sandy, windy, and full of great sand dunes which
move repeatedly from one place to another. The strong and
constant winds make them grow or decrease to big or small
dimensions. Thus necessity and the danger of being lost compelled him to return. He was a deserving and well qualified captain.
Rams as large as horses; large goats
In this river were found sheep horns measuring over a vara72
in length and as thick as one's thigh. In shape and appearance
they resemble those of Castile. The natives affirmed that they
were of sheep as large as horses. They likewise found a quantity of these horns on the journey of exploration to New Mexico
on a rancheria of the Indian nation, the Tatarabueies.73 The
wool of these animals is like that of sheep, common and somewhat coarse. They saw goats the size of Peruvian sheep 74 on
the mountain crags.
This river and land is extremely warm, with very deep and
terrible ravines. The coast is rough and narrow from border
to border, very sandy, full of strange, ugly, and thorny trees
69He came from San Geronimo, founded by Arellano in the Yaqui river
valley.
70See Castafeda's account of his death, in Winship, op. cit., 501.
71In regard to the custom of carrying a firebrand Castafeda related:
"On account of the great cold, they carry a firebrand in the hand when
they go from one place to another, with which they warm the other hand
and the body as well, and in this way they keep shifting it every now and
then. On this account the large river which is in that country was called
Rio del Tis6n (Firebrand River)." Winship, op. cit., 485.
72The vara measures about 33 inches.
73The word appears as Tarabucies in Cuevas' Obreg6n, 25. These Indians
were the Patarabueyes, or Jumano, of Espejo.
T4The llama.
23




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


and covered with rugged mountains. However the land farther
in the interior improves as the climate in those regions grows
better.
Arrival at Quivira; news of the land beyond
After the general had marched four hundred leagues with
the army he inquired about the unknown things, the people, and
the settlements of those and more remote regions. The Turk
explained that there was a great river which was settled by
many people who had canoes, clothes, gold, and provisions. He
was not believed since his descriptions and accounts of new lands
had been found untruthful. Nor did he and the other guide
whom they called Isopete agree in their statements and opinions.
In his information the Turk had mentioned settlements in Quivira located on the right hand side of the regions toward the
north.
Location of settlements
The settlements of these lands and discoveries are very distant and widely separated. They extend down to the plains
over which the cattle roam.
Return from Quivira; fall of the general; his return
The general returned from Quivira75 with his army, marching by ordinary stages until he united with his force on the
Tibuex river. Here unfortunately he fell from his horse. From
this fall, say the veterans of his company who were present,
he gradually declined. His good judgment and leadership began to fail and was the occasion for his determination to leave
the land he had discovered and which he could have settled.
Others say the cause for this decision was that he had left his
beautiful wife, children, and his property in the city of Mexico.
Some captains, royal officials, and gentlemen obstinately opposed
the return at great risk. But he did not wish to relent, and thus
he returned to the city of Mexico with his army.76 He went by
way of the provinces, valleys, and rivers as when he entered as
far as Mexico city. He had one hundred soldiers, some servants
75Coronado's Quivira is usually located in central Kansas. Bolton,
Spanish Borderlands, 101.
76In 1542.
24




BOOK I-CHAPTER III


and friendly Indians, a smaller number than that with which
he had set out from the city of Mexico.
Certainty of lands
That which I found and with which I wish to serve your
majesty in this chapter and account is that I have found,
learned, and verified where, how, and in what land and provinces, parts and places the new discovery of the provinces of
San Felipe of New Mexico77 is situated; how many leagues
there are from these new lands to the provinces and settlements
discovered by Francisco Vazquez Coronado in Cibola, Tibuex,
and the other establishments of large houses, so that there may
be no doubt of its true verification.
I found it very true and certain that the pueblo which Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado's men, discoverers of San Felipe of
New Mexico, and those who were with Captain Antonio de Espejo, call Acoma,78 was discovered by Francisco Vazquez Coronado. This pueblo is located and settled on top of a remarkable,
large and very strong rock. It is fifteen leagues from the towns
of San Felipe of New Mexico, in the region west of the river
and province of Tibuex. Accordingly the settlements of Cibola,
Tucaran, and Cicuic79 are close together and whether fifteen,
thirty, or eighty leagues apart, so situated that they will be of
use to the colonies which the Christians may found. The new
explorers assured me that they saw this pueblo which is called
Acoma and that it is fifteen leagues from the river, so that although they called it San Felipe it is proven that it is the river
of Tibuex which Francisco Vazquez Coronado discovered. Thus
discoverers, both ancient and modern, saw it, and they bear out
what is contained in this narrative in which your majesty may
be interested. Moreover the conquerors who go to subdue and
settle those provinces in your royal name may thus be advised
77New Mexico seems to have been called by that name for the first time
by Antonio de Espejo because of its resemblance to old Mexico. Bolton,
Spanish Borderlands, 165.
78The pueblo of Acoma, 357 feet high, is situated about sixty miles west
of the Rio Grande in Valencia county, New Mexico. Hodge, Handbook,
I, 10.
79Cuevas has Cibola tucaran cica y ecetan, which is followed by an absurd explanation. Cuevas, Obreg6n, 27. See note 50. Tucaran (Tuzayan)
is the Hopi country.
25




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


how far the settlements of Tibuex are from each other and will
more easily recognize them by their names when they get there.
News of the Salado river
The return of their general greatly offended the soldiers of
Coronado's expedition. They desired to know the secrets of
that great land and its termination in the sea, especially because
there had been indications and speculations that they had approached the great river Salado and the North Sea where it was
considered certain that the strait of the cod, which extends toward Ireland, was located.80 The discovery of this strait and
coast has long been desired in order to make the voyage to Spain
from it and to learn about the nations and peoples who inhabit
its lands.
This land of Quivira is as cold as Ireland. Its location is
in the same latitude, though a few degrees lower. It has the
same cattle. Its coasts are cold. It is believed that they are
near each other, or at least communicate in some way. If this
strait and coast are discovered it will be very important for your
majesty and Spain because of the trade of those lands and provinces, and because the voyage will be shortened. The reason
that Coronado did not strike New Mexico81 was that he left it
on his right hand, forty leagues from the river Tibuex, more
or less, and from the strong pueblo of Acuco.82
Good reports of new lands
I have investigated and certified from old discoverers and
from accounts and records which I have read regarding all the
lands in the Indies, islands, and mainlands, from the strait of
Magellan to Quivira and New Mexico, which include almost
three thousand leagues of contiguous lands, that there are no discoveries, provinces, or settlements with such good houses, lands,
climate, and metals as those parts; there are no such extensive
80The reference is to the mythical strait of Anian which was supposed
to furnish an easy route through the continent to the Pacific.
81Bancroft points out that in a few years after Coronado's journey everyone seemed to have forgotten where he had gone. G6mara (1554), Espejo
(1582), Benavides (1630), and Mota Padilla (1740), seemingly had no
idea that Coronado had been in New Mexico. Bancroft, Arizona and New
Mexico, 70.
82Acoma.
26




BOOK I-CHAPTER III


lands, none with so abundant provisions of cattle and maize or
with such great expectations as that which has been discovered
and those which are to be traversed, discovered, and explored.
Wealth of metals
Nevertheless it is true that the natives have not mined silver
or gold in those provinces, because they did not know their value,
nor had they ever used them. It is unquestionable that the greatest quantity of metals in all the Indies is found in that mountainous range and its extensions. If they [the natives] had appreciated the value of these metals in the same way as they did copper, which they have mined, worked, and cast into beautiful
designs and figures, they would have been much richer people
than those of other parts. They would have used these metals
with greater benefit, as they are of higher value. All that has
been observed in this land is five small bags of silver in grains
which the natives presented to Alvar Nunfiez Cabeza de Vaca.83
Other persons were seen wearing bells of low grade gold brought
from distant lands for barter.84 These bells are held in great
esteem by the natives.
These lands are cold, provided with fine water, mountains,
plains, and valleys, abundant and suitable for all kinds of grains
and cattle. This does not include those regions which are far
from the mountain ranges nor those beyond the places frequented by the cattle. All this has been ascertained by experience. Those who travel in the plains should prepare themselves
for the return by leaving landmarks of rock or dung of the
cattle at certain intervals in order to get back safely, provided
they do not have guides.
The best route to Cibola
It is known that the distance from Mexico to Quivira is
much shorter by way of Santa Barbola. If Coronado had gone
that way he would have eliminated bad roads and hot lands,
83Vaca's own narrative says: "And having welcomed us with great
festivity and rejoicing, they brought out and presented to us what they
had concealed. These were beads, ochre, and some little bags of silver."
This occurred while they were traversing the plains of Texas. See Cabeza
de Vaca's account in Hodge and Lewis, Spanish Explorers in the Southern
United States, 92.
84Rescate is the word.
27




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


although they are more destitute of population in the north.
The march to Cibola, Quivira, Tibuex, and other nearby provinces must be made by way of Santa Barbola, equipped with
everything necessary, arms, horses, and supplies, until New
Mexico and the plains of the cattle are reached. Thus the
danger of the poisonous herb of the valleys of Seiora is
avoided.


28




CHAPTER IV


Which treats of the rebellion and uprising of the natives of the new kingdom of New Galicia;85 and how the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza
punished and reduced them to the service of the imperial
crown of his majesty.
Assembly and rebellion of the natives
FTER the dispatch and departure of the expedition which
the general Francisco Vazquez Coronado brought to
conquer and settle the pueblos and provinces of Cibola
new discussions and disturbances occurred and the news secretly
transmitted from one to the other among the natives of the
cities and provinces of Mexico, Mechoacan, and New Galicia.
[They felt]that the opportune time for them to rise, revolt, and
fall upon the Christians, in order to drive them from their lands,
was while they were divided, some having gone on the said expedition. This they determined upon, and it was carried out at
the same time in each city and province.
Beginning of the revolt in New Galicia;
murder of friars and encomenderos
As a result of this restlessness, conference, and agreement
the natives of the kingdom of New Galicia, the province least
settled by Christians, commenced to carry out their evil intention. They are the boldest and most indomitable people, crafty
and skilful in the practise and exercise of war. They began to
put their plan into effect without order, coordination, or cause,
since the first clash was caused by certain cases of drunkenness
in the valley of Tlastenango and at Tevlan86 where they killed
their encomendero and friars.87
The fear of punishment which the natives knew their crime
merited infuriated them and drove them to rebel and fortify
85The Mizton war, 1541, 1542.
88Cuevas has Tlaltenango and Teul. Cuevas, Obreg6n, 31.
87Bancroft states that the conflict began when the Guaynamota and
Guazamota Indians killed their encomendero Juan de Arce. Mexico, II, 493.
29




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


themselves on the strong pefiol of Mizt6n.88 On this account
they procured everything necessary for the defense of their
persons, wives, and children. [They did this] in order to support themselves and realize their evil intention, considering it
certain that the strong and high pefiol would be their defense
and protection. On this rock the biggest part of those in the
kingdom who had revolted awaited the battle. They all assembled and brought with them everything of value which they
had in their houses and fields. But as the Divine Will did not
permit the evil and harm which they had proposed and discussed some of the allies did not revolt.
Cristobal de Onicte goes to punish the rebels
To relieve this situation and to punish the rebels, Governor Francisco Vazquez Coronado's lieutenant Crist6bal de Ofnate,
who had remained as substitute in his absence, set out with the
soldiers and settlers from the city of Guadalajara, which at that
time was a villa. The said Crist6bal de Ofnate was chosen and
appointed because he was a deserving and highly qualified gentleman. Fully provided with soldiers, arms, munitions, and supplies he set out with his army to punish the rebels, marching
in good order and with well formed plans. He arranged his
force so as to lay siege to the people entrenched on the strong
pefiol.89
Fighting begun; victory over the Christians
Although the army was brave, imposing, and strong it did
not inspire the natives with the fear of death, for, moved by the
infamous lures of the devil their spirits were strengthened with
great fervor. Thus they gave battle to the Christians with wild
impetus and brutal courage, pouring countless arrows, stones,
88The conspiracy, although affecting most of New Galicia, centered about
Mizt6n, Nochistlan, Acatic, and Cuina (the Acatlan and Coyna of Obregon). Here the capable Tenamaxtli was in command. Bancroft, Mexico,
II, 491.
s8The story is somewhat confused here. Ofiate, realizing the seriousness
of the revolt, first made an attempt at reconciliation. In April, 1541, he
sent Captain Miguel de Ibarra with about twenty-five Spaniards and some
Indians to reconnoitre. He found the Indians entrenched on the penol of
Mizt6n. The Indians, confident of success, hookwinked Ibarra by peace
negotiations, then attacked him with the result here described by Obreg6n.
Ibid., II, 493, 494.
30




BOOK I-CHAPTER IV


and spears upon them with the strange and loud clamor, the
impetuosity, the courage and bravery of beasts, moved by infernal diligence. The result was that in a short time they broke
the strong resistance and gallant effort of the Christians, much
to their own safety and advantage. They had killed and
wounded, and despoiled the strong and brilliant Christian army
of the victory.
Plunder of the Christian camp
The wild and disorderly army rejoiced and celebrated with
the music of drums, flutes, and conchs, so that it seemed the
day of the last judgment. Some busied themselves in plundering, others in dancing, and others in following the victory by
pursuing those who unfortunately were retreating. For this
reason the latter could not unite nor reorganize to resist the
barbarous rage [of the natives]. On the contrary each one fled
wherever luck or good fortune directed him. This victory was
the reason that the natives of the other districts of the entire
province rose and fortified themselves on this and other pefoles.
Alvarado to the rescue; second engagement
At this time Don Pedro de Alvarado arrived from the province of Guatemala with his armada of good ships, soldiers,
arms, and supplies. His expedition was going to the Philippines.
He anchored in the port of Navidad in the South Sea.90 While
in this port he heard of the uprising and, with most of his
people, went to the aid of the city of Guadalajara where he
united his army with that of the general Crist6bal de Ofiate in
the year '40.91 The two captains set out with this combined
force to punish those who had rebelled and had fortified themselves on the strong peinol of Nuchiztlan. This was the second
pefiol to revolt and it brought about the second encounter with
the Christians. This took place in May of the same year.
The Christians attacked; Alvarado's death
Prepared and supplied with arms, horses, and everything
necessary for a very brilliant and well provided army the gen90In August, 1540. He then went to Mexico to confer with the viceroy,
after which he returned to New Galicia in June, 1541.
slIt should read 1541. See previous note.
31




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


eral, thus equipped and employing proper tactics, besieged the
rebels.92 In the expedition were many gentlemen of rank, among
them Diego de Ibarra, a knight of the order of Santiago, Don
Luis de Castilla, likewise of the order of Santiago, Captain Miguel de Ibarra, Juan de Saldivar, Don Pedro de Tovar, and
many other gentlemen. The pefiol could not be reduced at that
time although the general made great efforts. This caused him
to withdraw to the city of Guadalajara. The enemy believed that
this was due to the weakness of the Christians. Thus they sallied forth after them with great daring, killing and wounding
some Christians as far as the bad crossing at Yagualica, where
it happened that a secretary's93 horse fell. It came rolling down
to the bottom of the ravine with great speed and fury where
it collided with Don Pedro de Alvarado. The fall and encounter
crushed and hurt him so badly that he died from it in a short
time. His death was keenly felt by all, both because of his
bravery and worth as well as because his presence was so necessary at the time.
War pact of the natives
On account of this second uprising and victory of the natives over the Christians, the others who had remained undecided, neutral, and vigilant, deceived by their blind faith and
trusting that the devil, whom they adored as god, was favorable to them, determined to rebel and revolt. In a general assembly of all the rebels from the whole province of that kingdom
they decided to go and besiege the Christian army in Guadalajara. This was done with the support and cooperation of all
in the province who had revolted, and of the remaining petioles.
Fight between Christians and natives; the church burned
Four months later in this same year, on the eve of Saint
Michael, this league and war pact and the determination of the
natives became known. It was likewise learned that they were
fifteen thousand men, as the Christians later guessed in their
calculations. They came supplied with the necessary arms and
provisions. All this was done heedless of the harm which might
92Alvarado sets out with his own army, scorning the aid of others in the
venture.
98Alvarado's secretary, Baltasar de Montoya.
32




BOOK I-CHAPTER IV


befall them. They came with such fearful boldness that their
siege and attack occurred in the daytime.94 They arranged and
divided their army into four parts, as if they were skilful captains schooled in Italy. This onslaught was not unexpected.
Therefore precautions were taken by a selected council of war to
ward off the harm which was awaited. Everywhere careful defenses, spies, and sentries were provided. Each day news of
what the natives were doing and planning was brought by
[friendly] Indians who went back and forth. The former,
excited and boldhearted, stimulated by the wine and strength
which the devil and his deceit afforded them, entered the city,95
venting their fiery and ugly wrath by burning the church in the
middle of the day. They surrounded the army and city and
compelled the general to select some mounted men, commanded
and led by Captain Inigo L6pez de Uncibai [to face the foe].
Victory in the skirmish
Thus they set out for this fight, forty gentlemen, chosen
troopers. They skirmished with the battalions of the enemy
with perfect order, boldness, bravery, and gallantry. The result was; that during the four hours which the siege and battle
lasted the league and alliance was defeated, and the first victory
of the Christians in this rebellion was sung. They killed, subdued, and routed the hostile Indians, who were so badly beaten
that those who managed to escape with their lives considered
themselves fortunate.
This victory was won by the Christians with such little sacrifice that only one of their number died out of two hundred who
were engaged. The battle lasted from the middle of the day
till four in the afternoon. At that time the soldiers who had
won the laudable victory withdrew. As it was such a famous
triumph and worthy of praise and remembrance I did not wish
that the names of such brave gentlemen should be buried or
forgotten. These men were: Captain Inigo de Uncibai; Antonio
Sotelo de Betanzos; Juan de Alvarado; Galvan Escobar; Bartolome Rodriguez de Fuenlabrada; Juan Lozano; Raba Martin;
94Cuevas says dina for de dia. Cuevas, Obregon, 33.
950f Guadalajara.
003




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


Miguel de Ibarra, captain of fifty men; Agustin Guerrero; Juan
de Saldivar; Rui L6pez de Villalobos; and Juan de Mendoza.
Death of seven hundred enemies
The above were thanked for their commendable and valiant
fight and victory of forty soldiers over fifteen thousand enemies.
It seemed, according to their calculations, that they killed seven
hundred foes, an achievement worthy of the praise and gratitude of your majesty and the people, and of being forever kept
in reverent remembrance. Their indebtedness to the soldiers is
due to so deserving and inestimable an accomplishment, because
their deeds resulted in the reduction and pacification of the natives of that kingdom without risk to the people.
The viceroy gives aid; his army
On the day of this battle the viceroy left the city of Mexico96 to punish the rebels and to relieve the settlers of the city
of Guadalajara, from whom he got news of the past encounters
and defeats. He arrived at that time determined to reward the
enemy for their victories over the Christians. He came with a
splendid, imposing, and well equipped army, made up of six
hundred brave and gallant gentlemen and soldiers and sixty
thousand Indian allies from Mexico and other neighboring cities
and towns, striking people, organized and supplied with everything necessary.97 They went with great courage and desire
to distinguish themselves by the revenge and destruction of the
victorious rebels.
Lake Chapala; river Toluca
With this well organized and harmonious army the viceroy
began his journey, going by way of Mechoacan until he reached
the Rio Grande which flows into the lake of Chapala. Here he
stopped with his army to spend a few days. They got a quantity
of canoes from the villages near the lake, in which the baggage, people, and horses crossed. This lake is larger than the
96The dates differ, but September 22 or 29, 1541, are probably about
right. See Bancroft, Mexico, II, 505 note 16.
97The chroniclers vary greatly in the estimates of the viceroy's forces.
Bancroft says there were about 450 Spaniards and some 30,000 Tlascaltec
and Aztec warriors. Ibid, II, 505.
34




BOOK I-CHAPTER IV


one by the city of Mexico. The river rises in the valley of
Toluca.
First clash at Acatldn
From this river, which was crossed twice, the viceroy went
to besiege the pefol of Acatlan. In that siege he began to punish
the uprising of the poison-minded heathen. He besieged and
routed those entrenched on the strong penol of Acatlan, which
was fortified by fifteen hundred Indians.98 Inspired by the devil
and past victories which the others had won, they showed boldness at his bravery. For that reason they dared to wait and resist the great power and punishment which came upon them.
The desire for plunder, which they expected to enjoy by a third
victory, deceived them. This first peiol was taken in four
hours with no Christians and but few Indians killed.
Penol of Coyna; Onate and viceroy meet
From this place the army went to the penol of Coyna which
was quickly routed without any noteworthy occurrence. After
subduing the pefiol of Coyna, the viceroy passed with his army
to the strong peiol of Nuchiztlan where he found Crist6bal de
Ofiate with his people and companies.
Camp pitched at Nuchiztldn
The viceroy's camp was laid out with proper order and
strategy. He had the artillery placed facing the enemy. He
entreated those in rebellion to accept peace, promising to pardon the delinquent if they would surrender peacefully. This
they did not accept but replied with unusual, stupid, and disorderly behavior. He pointed out to them through the interpreters the dangers which they incurred and the punishment
he would inflict on them if they did not wish to avoid it.
Notable battle
These entreaties were continued for ten days. After that
time and after many threats and shouts from the rebels the
viceroy decided to give them battle with all the rigor possible.
98Obregon has evidently reversed the proper order of events. The
viceroy first reduced the pefiol of Cuina, and then Acatic, without difficulty.
Ibid., II, 506, 507.
365




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


For that purpose he brought his army within gunshot of the
enemy's pelol. He ordered mass to be said in which all should
commit themselves to God our Lord and ask Him for aid and
victory over their enemies, that He might free them from the
danger in which they were putting themselves. He had the
artillery discharged against the enemy during the mass. This
caused great havoc in their midst and in the fortress to which
they had trusted the defense of their lives.
The battle; casualties
When the mass was over the enemy were attacked in daring
assaults by artillery and men so that the rashness and slaughter
on both sides lasted the whole day. During that time the enemy
killed twenty Christians and there were many wounded. The
Christian combatants routed, subdued, and killed a large number of Indians.
Victory of the Christians; flight of the enemy
Thus the victory was ascertained, sung, and celebrated by the
Christians. So many advantages were realized that they took
the strong pefiol. Not an Indian remained who did not flee or
throw himself headlong from the great height and rocky portion of the fortress, preferring to die rather than to fall into the
hands of the Christians.99 These acts were inspired by the industry of the devil whom they obeyed.
Two companies sent with the Tenamaz
When he had conquered and leveled this pefiol the viceroy
and his army marched to the mountains which are between the
petioles of Nuchiztlan and Juchipila. There the Indians, having
heard of the destruction of Nuchiztlan, did not dare to wait, but
departed. Here the viceroy stationed his army and sent Miguel
de Ibarra, captain of forty men, with the Tenamazo00 to talk
of peace with the Indians entrenched on the strong pefiol of
Mizt6n. A deep ravine separated the two parties and across
99The prisoners were condemned to slavery by the viceroy, but Ibarra,
who was the encomendero of the district, allowed them to escape. Ibid.,
II, 507.
10His name is spelled Tenamaxtli by Bancroft and Priestley. He had
led the Indians at Nochistlan, and was now putting up a last stand at
Mizt6n.
36




BOOK I —CHAPTER IV


this they discussed the conditions of peace. The enemy and the
Christians were at such a distance that although they could not
harm one another, they could hear the arguments of both parties.
These conferences were many but led to nothing whatsoever.
Tenamaz jumps from a precipice
After these exchanges the Tenamaz threw himself enchained
as he was down the precipice of the cliff, and because the Christians considered it impossible for him to escape with his life
they left him for dead. Afterwards he revived and appeared
alive among those entrenched. He performed this act bravely
and encouraged by those who were on the pefiol, who promised
they would defend him. He was captured in this battle.101
Tenamaz besieges the two companies; a battle
Through the ingenuity of the gallant and warlike Tenamaztli
they [the Christians] were attacked at their camping place in
these mountains by four large squadrons. These he placed in
ambush, concealed. Although there were reports of them, the
two companies who gave battle were put in difficulty. There
was so much confusion and danger everywhere that the two
companies were on the point of being annihilated. Although some
Christians were wounded none were killed. Of their adversaries many were wounded and killed. These two companies
reached the camp located at Juchipila where they took care of
the wounded and rested several days.
Siege of Mizton
From this place the army, with all the companies, went up
over mountains and rough ridges toward the pefiol of Mizton
till it reached this place. Camp was located and pitched onefourth of a league from the pefiol. It could not be placed any
closer because of the ruggedness of the mountains. The enemy
was routed without battle or bloodshed. The guilty were punished in an unusual way, for ten of them [Indians] were blown
up by an artillery shot. It seemed an act of cruelty.
lo0The siege of the pefol of Mizton lasted over three weeks. This defeat broke the resistance of the Indians. Ibid., II, 808.
37




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


Siege of penol Esteul
From here the viceroy sent Captain Pedro Martin de Chirinoya and the maeso de campo Agustin Guerrero with their soldiers to besiege the pefiol of Esteul.102 When the entrenched
Indians heard the two companies they fled. At this pefiol the
two captains awaited their general, and having united their
companies with his army marched "into the valley below seeking the enemy who might be living there. The army marched"'03
through the lands and towns of those provinces restoring those
who had revolted to peace and quiet. All this was done with
noteworthy prudence, peace, and harmony without having recourse to harshness, punishment, or shedding of blood or any
unusual occurrence of which account should be given here. [The
army] continued until it reached the pacified lands and the city
of Guadalajara. Here it was divided and the gentlemen and
soldiers taking part in the war and in watching and guarding
disbanded.
When he [the viceroy] had punished the rebels and reduced
those in the provinces and neighborhood of the new kingdom
of Galicia to peace and order with much equity and care and
with the wise judgment of the chief gentlemen of his army, he
charged all the settlers to preserve peace and harmony and to
treat the natives properly and preserve peace among them. This
was a deed of great esteem and the viceroy, captains, officials,
soldiers, and others who took part in this laudable service for
the royal crown of your majesty deserve remuneration. The
viceroy left some companies and gentlemen for the protection
and defense of the settlers of Guadalajara.
From this place, after having taken leave of the gentlemen
and settlers of the kingdom, he returned to the city of Mexico.104
He was received with great solemnity, rejoicing, and feasting
even though this occasion was preceded by distressing news of
the rebellion in the kingdom of Peru in a letter from de la Gasca,
102Bancroft states that the warriors of Teul joined those on Mizton and
proposed a general sortie. When this was refused they tried it alone, but
shot their arrows into the air and surrendered to the Spaniards. Ibid.
o03Cuevas omits the part in quotation marks. Cuevas, Obreg6n, 37.
104In 1542.
38




BOOK I-CHAPTER IV


who sent to ask for aid against those in revolt.105 The viceroy
Don Antonio, with much care and solicitude, prepared to send
the aid which was asked of him. He provided a large number of
people, arms, munitions, and other necessities and appointed
his son Don Francisco de Mendoza as general for the said purpose. Thus was equipped and made ready the best and most
brilliant army of the city of Mexico.106 A parade and review
was held of this army, including a display of all the equipment.
This brought out many select and fine trappings. After the
said aid had been prepared news came from de la Gasca that he
had reduced the kingdom to the service of the imperial crown
of his majesty and that he had taken and punished the guilty
ones. He held Don Francisco Pizarro'07 prisoner, whom he
hanged. This expedition was given up, as it was unnecessary,
and they then turned to celebrate the two victories over the
rebels of New Galicia and Peru.
o15Peru was in the throes of civil war, the Pizarros versus the Almagro
faction. In 1542 the situation was further complicated by the revolt of
Gonzalo Pizarro against the enforcement of the New Laws. That insurrection cost him his life. Bancroft, Central America, II, 245-273; or
Moses, B. Spanish Dependencies in South America, I, 204-229.
ls6About six hundred men had been prepared under the command of
Francisco, the viceroy's son, and Crist6bal de Ofiate. Ibid.
l07An error for Gonzalo Pizarro. Francisco met a violent death some
years earlier. Merriman, Rise of the Spanish Empire, III, 595-602.


39




CHAPTER V


Which relates how after Don Antonio de Mendoza left for Peru as viceroy
Don Luis de Velasco tried to discover the origin, root, and stock, the
arrival and the place from which the ancient Mexican Culguas
are supposed to have come; and the reasons why the
newly found lands have remained unknown.
Meeting of the two viceroys; Mendoza decides on Peru
FTER the coming of the viceroy Don Luis de Velasco to
this New Spain in the year 1535,108 as its viceroy and
captain-general and president of the audiencia and royal
chancery, which has its seat there, [people] were sent to call
on him and congratulate him on his arrival and on the honors
newly granted to both viceroys by his majesty. [They came]
with renowned ambassadors, extending courtesies of great
honor, and with messages and letters written in befitting terms.
In their reply and agreement they [the viceroys] decided to
meet in the city of Cholula, twenty leagues from the city of
Mexico and two from that of Los Angeles.109 This meeting was
to determine on what they should do and which of the two viceroys should go to rule the kingdom of Peru, since his majesty
had left the exchange and choice of the two governments in the
hands and power of the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza. In
order to reserve for himself the opportunity of going to Peru,
and in order that he might not be accused of remaining owing to
laziness or cowardice, he accepted the journey of greatest hardship and danger; deed and proof that he was an obedient and
loyal servant of your majesty.110
Reception given the viceroys
Both viceroys were well received by the gentlemen and gentry
108An error, it should read 1550. Priestley, op. cit., 70. Antonio de
Mendoza, first viceroy of New Spain, came in 1535. See Aiton, A. S.
Antonio de Mendoza: First Viceroy of New Spain.
1ogPuebla.
110Mendoza left Mexico in September, 1551. He ruled but nine months
in Peru before death overtook him. For an account of his accomplishments
in New Spain, see Aiton, op. cit.
40




BOOK I-CHAPTER V


of this New Spain and the cities bordering on the great city of
Mexico. [They were received] with wonderful demonstrations
of joy and celebrations involving large expenditures, new features, and remarkable receptions by the natives. Nevertheless
all were in general very sad on account of the departure of the
viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza for Peru. In him they lost a
brave, devoted, and prudent man and prince who had governed
this kingdom with peace and love and in harmony with all. He
was like a father to this land which he protected, favored, and
augmented by praiseworthy and prudent means.
Mendoza and Velasco confer
After he had determined to go to Peru he discussed with the
viceroy Don Luis de Velasco many contingencies and appropriate warnings for the proper and Christian government of this
New Spain and its growth in the things relating to our holy
Catholic faith among the natives and the increase of the vassals
and real hacienda of his majesty. Among the things discussed,
he [Mendoza] particularly emphasized the means appropriate for
new conquests which he [Velasco] ought to adopt, especially
for the discovery and explanation of the stock, root, and coming
of the ancient Mexican Culguas to conquer this empire and the
provinces of Mexico. [He pointed out] methods of shortening
long and difficult roads, unnecessary expenses, and advised that
the route should be through level lands suitable for the journey.
Likewise he explained the recent good news which had just
come from persons who had been in the localities and places
where it was suspected the Mexican nation had its origin."'
Interest of Velasco in discovery
The viceroy Don Luis de Velasco was very much pleased
with these warnings and was bent on putting the discovery into
practise with the greatest order possible. Accordingly he put
it into effect later. He inquired of all the explorers of new
lands about the reports which they had received and what they
knew of New Mexico.
11Such recommendations to new officials became an established and very
valuable feature of Spanish colonial administration.
41




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


Commission of Luis Cortes; Cortes halted
This information increased the viceroy's desire to carry out
the expedition. Therefore he commissioned Don Luis Cortes,
son of the marquis Don Hernando Cortes, as captain and explorer. From this court he went inland toward the north about
two hundred miles farther than other captains had gone. He
found the land sparcely populated by naked and wild people who
lacked order and provisions. While he was carrying out the
expedition Don Luis de Velasco, viceroy and president of the
royal audiencia, sent Juan de Cueva, secretario mayor of the
government of this New Spain, to notify him [Luis Cortes] of
a royal decree by which he was ordered not to go farther inland
nor to continue the expedition entrusted to him, but to return.
This was due to the great unrest among the inhabitants and
settlers of this New Spain who wanted to follow him, and to
other causes which moved them.112 With additional advice
they were induced to send a number of people, some provisions,
and equipment of war to the expedition. It is certain that if
Don Luis Cortes had continued his journey in a straight line
he would have discovered the nations who live in houses of great
height called New Mexico, which was discovered by Francisco
Sanchez Chamuscado in [15]81.
The journey and expedition was postponed for several years.
Hereupon there were some further entries by captains and adventurers to some mines, which produced good news.
Diego Ibarra weds Velasco's daughter
The viceroy Don Luis de Velasco married his daughter Dofia
Ana de Velasco, a lady of great quality and esteem, to the gentleman and comendador Diego de Ibarra, a native of the kingdom
of Vizcaya. He possessed commendable and excellent merits.
As he was a gentleman of good and prudent counsel and as his
estates were along the route of the journey to the new lands in
112Another version of this expedition is that it was a joint affair led
by Juan de Tolosa and Luis Cortes. It left Zacatecas in December, 1'556,
and went inland about fifty leagues in search of mines, visiting Sombrerete,
San Martin, Aviiio, and other places. Ibarra had already been over the
territory, and the expedition only served to bring back false tales of the
wealth of the land. See Mecham, J. Lloyd  Francisco de Ibarra and
Nueva Vizcaya, 60, 70.
42




BOOK I —CHAPTER V


the north, he communicated to the viceroy Don Luis de Velasco
his determination of carrying out the discovery and conquest
of New Mexico by his own means. At that time it was called
Copala. It was agreed that Francisco de Ibarra1t3 should serve
as the general for its exploration and subjugation.
Debating the expedition
The viceroy was gratified that he [Diego de Ibarra] not only
rendered him respect and homage as viceroy, but also obliged
him by seeking his advice. He wished him to select his nephew
Francisco de Ibarra as his captain, even though there was such
a splendid nobility in this kingdom. This likewise pleased him.
Evading the appointment; selecting a general; his commission
Likewise he satisfied him that the expedition was very necessary for the conversion of the idolatrous people in those regions
to our holy Catholic faith, and for increasing the vassals and
hacienda of the royal crown of his majesty. He tried to excuse
his nephew Francisco de Ibarra from the appointment which the
viceroy wished to grant him, saying that he was too young and
lacked the experience and means necessary for an undertaking
of such gravity and importance, considering that these two qualifications should precede such a position. Although the comendador Diego de Ibarra sent communications excusing his nephew
the viceroy gave first consideration to the service which would
be rendered God our Lord and the imperial crown of his majesty.
In his reply the comendador Diego de Ibarra conceded his mandate with kind words and good offers, and constrained him to
support his nephew. He did this without fail, fully and faithfully.
With this excellent foresight Francisco de Ibarra was elected,
"SFrancisco de Ibarra belonged to the nobility. The family, one of the
oldest in Vizcaya, had three branches. The first and oldest was in Hergueta, the second in the villa of Ybar (or Hivar) in Guipuzcoa, and the
third in Durango. His father, Pedro Sanchez de Ibarra, had been inquisitor of Toledo. The father of Pedro Sanchez had served the crown
in important positions. An uncle of Pedro Sanchez had been constable and
governor of Castile at the beginning of the reign of Charles V. An uncle
of Francisco had been inquisitor of Navarre and of the bishopric of Calahorra. Another uncle, Diego de Ibarra, was prominent in New Spain.
It was to him that Francisco was entrusted on his arrival from Spain
and to whom he owed his education in the city of Mexico. See this volume,
chapter XXXVIII, and also Mecham, Ibarra, 5, 6.
43




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


chosen, and designated captain-general.114 [He was] a native
of the kingdom of Vizcaya, a gentleman of suitable worth and
ability. He was given authority, power, and privilege to grant
the native villages which he might conquer and settle in encomienda, and in all other matters he was granted full and sufficient power. Accordingly the viceroy Don Luis de Velasco and
the comendador Diego de Ibarra dispatched his commissions and
instructions for the expedition.
Acceptance of the governorship
When he [Francisco de Ibarra] had received them and considered the resources which were necessary, he was in doubt
whether or not to accept. Urged by the fact that the commission
was bestowed on him by the viceroy Don Luis, whom he had
served as a page, and by his uncle Diego de Ibarra, on whom
depended the hope of its success, he accepted the appointment,
expressing the proper gratitude, without apology. According
to his letters and explanations he had heretofore stated that he
was not worthy of the appointment given him. But it was deserved. He was a gentleman of ability, prudence, and patience,
and qualified for a better position and estate. His deeds, his
life, and his habits proved the truth of all this. He always
directed his actions to the true and good purpose of God our
Lord.
Appointment of officers
When he had invoked His favor and aid, begging Him to
direct his good purpose and aim, he [Francisco de Ibarra] began
to choose and select the officers of his army.115 He commenced
with Martin de Gam6n whom he gave the office of maeso de
campo. He was the bravest soldier in the expedition. As his
alferez mayor [he chose] Martin de Renteria, a good soldier;
114In 1562 he was made governor and captain-general of a new province
called New Vizcaya. It comprised the unconquered region beyond New
Galicia. Bolton and Marshall, Colonization of North America, 56; Mecham,
Ibarra, 102 ff.
115The expedition was recruited at Zacatecas and the San Martin mines,
about one hundred Spaniards besides many native auxiliaries being enlisted, according to Bancroft. North Mexican States, I, 103. According
to Obregon one hundred and seventy men composed the force. See page
45.  The recruiting probably took place late in the summer of 1562,
after Ibarra had received his appointment.
44




BOOK I-CHAPTER V


as captains, Don Pedro de Quesada, Andres de Ibarra, Martin
de Arana, good and chosen soldiers; as officials of the real hacienda, his cousin Martin L6pez de Ibarra, Bartolome de Ariola,l6 Juan de Heredia, virtuous Biscayan gentlemen, well qualified for such positions; as his secretaries, Sebastian de Quiros
and    -     Lerma, able, qualified, and virtuous; Alonso de la
Mancha as alguacil mayor of the army. He selected one hundred
and seventy good soldiers, most of them Biscayans, who had
made good in this gobernacion.
Provisioning the army
The comendador Diego de Ibarra provided the camp fully
with everything necessary, arms, munitions, horses, iron for
horseshoes, clothing, and cattle; everything very proper and sufficient for all. He always maintained and supported them with
whatever was necessary, and with his good and prudent industry, kept them in peace and harmony, consoling them in
their necessities and hardships and curing their ailments.
Blessing of the flag; military regulations
With this excellent selection, and supplied with all that was
necessary, as a good general, he took in his hands a very brilliant and handsome standard of blue damask, embroidered and
worked in gold and silver. On it was designed the image of
Christ our Lord and that of His blessed Mother, and its borders
contained letters and devout words in gold. Cords and tassels
of gold and silk adorned it and at the ends the royal arms; all
of wonderful and elegant design and workmanship. With great
solemnity, rejoicing, celebration, music, firing, and a large following they carried it to the church at the mines of San Martin.
With much solemnity and that of the church the priest here
blessed it and the general delivered it to his alferez Martin de
Renteria.117 Later when the appointments and necessary things,
the arms, clothes, and horses had been distributed, he ordered
proclaimed the decrees and instructions which the viceroy Don
Luis de Velasco commanded should be observed. All were of
116Cuevas has de Cariola. Cuevas, Obreg6n, 42.
llTThis ceremony at the mines of San Martin evidently took place in
January of 1563. Obregon is in error in placing it in April, 1564. See
page 47.
45




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON
much Christian equity, well planned for war and the method of
procedure in war. He always caused them to be heeded, fulfilled, and executed with great prudence, piety, and care. There
was always agreement and Christian purpose in their origin and
results.


46




CHAPTER VI


Which tells of the departure of the governor and his army; how he took
possession of his gobernacion in the name of the imperial
crown; and of the services he rendered.
Uncle and nephew part
FTER the army had been provisioned, decorated,ll and
organized, which was accomplished by the comendador
Diego de Ibarra and his nephew Francisco de Ibarra at
great expense and effort, it left the mines of San Martin in the
month of April, [15]64.119 This was the place where it had
been prepared. Uncle and nephew took leave of each other with
great affection, and with offers from the comendador Diego de
Ibarra for his nephew and the rest of the army, promising to
aid and support them with everything which they might need
for the prosecution of the journey. On taking leave he likewise
gave his nephew righteous and commendable advice which the
latter accepted and promised to obey. Its effect was recognized
by his accomplishment.
Mass to the Holy Spirit; ceremony of taking possession
The army continued to march in good and careful formation
with vanguard, main body, and rear guard, well arranged and
distributed according to good practise and the method of marching in enemy lands, until it reached the beginning of the territory of his gobierno and charge. Here a mass was said, addressed to the Holy Spirit whom all asked for aid that everything be directed to Its holy service. After the mass he took
possession in the name of his imperial majesty with much solemnity, pomp, and many records drawn up by the secretaries.
When he had taken possession, he made a laudable and very
Christian exhortation to the members of the expedition, urging
"llThe word is adorno, and refers to the elaborate flag ceremony described in the last part of chapter V.
1sIbarra's commission was issued in July, 1562, and his expedition, recruited in Zacatecas and elsewhere, left San Martin on January 24, 1563.
Mecham, Ibarra, 113.
47




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


that every one of them as good and loyal Christians and servants of his royal crown should contribute with truthful accomplishments and appropriate deeds to the service of God our Lord
and the imperial crown of his majesty. In their reply they
promised the obedience and loyalty necessary as good Christians
and loyal soldiers of your majesty.
Security of settlements and mines
One of the most useful and most important things for the
increase of the royal fifths, the peace, harmony, and safety of the
miners of Zacatecas, San Martin, Chalchiguites, Avifio, and of
the other mines, villages, farms, and estates of the neighboring
miners and traders, was that which the governor Francisco de
Ibarra brought about in reducing and making safe the surrounding districts. He pacified and punished the rebels and enemies
who harmed the people in their occupations, farms, mines, settlements, and on the roads. He reduced them to peace and harmony by good and pacific means, without shedding of blood, in
the name of the imperial crown of his majesty.120 All this was
of increasing utility and advantage for the real hacienda and
the welfare of the miners and traders.
Foundation of two towns
The second thing of great importance and no less praiseworthy, was to provide order and facilities that there might be
supplies in abundance and at moderate prices in those settlements, provinces, and surroundings. For this purpose he founded
two towns in places where they would be able to communicate
and trade with each other and sell them the provisions from their
harvests and villages. These he founded, calling the one Nombre
de Dios and the other Durango.121 He laid with his own hand
the foundations and built the first structure of the churches as
an example for the members of the expedition, and that all
should work willingly. This they did and later they finished
them with the help of the natives.
120Before going to his new field Ibarra visited Nombre de Dios, Aviio,
San Lucas, Valle de San Juan, Pefiol Blanco, Valle de Guadiana, and
claimed that these settlements lay within his jurisdiction. Ibid., 114 ff.
121Nombre de Dios and Durango were founded late in 1563, before
Ibarra crossed the Sierra Madre into Sinaloa. Bolton and Marshall, Colonization of North America, 56; Mecham, Ibarra, 121-123.
48




BOOK I-CHAPTER VI


Distribution of towns and lands; chiefs baptized; mines
These two towns and the surrounding lands have fertile
plains, meadows, and river basins with plentiful streams, and
can be cultivated or used for all sorts of cattle. He furnished
them with farmer-settlers and gave them repartimientos of villages, ranches, and farming lands. He set up a system of justice and administration in them; reduced the neighboring Indians to peace without engaging in battle or shedding of blood.
He instilled order, justice, and good habits in them, and had the
leaders and chiefs baptized. By this opportune prevision and
these good acts he subdued and placed these towns in the service
of the imperial crown of his majesty. He caused the mines of
Coneto, Indehe,122 Mazapil, Charcas, San Andres, and others,
from which a great quantity of silver has been extracted, to be
discovered and settled. He greatly increased the fifths due the
imperial crown of his majesty. All this could not have been
accomplished by the governor Francisco de Ibarra and his soldiers without the help, protection, and support of the comendador Diego de Ibarra. Had he not supported these enterprises
it is certain that the entire gobernaci6n of New Vizcaya would
have been abandoned and depopulated.123 This would have resuited in loss to his majesty of the interests in mines and tribute
which he has in these provinces.
In this conquest and pacification he [his majesty] did not
spend any revenue nor did any of his judges take part in its
subjugation and reduction. He [his majesty] found these towns
and this gobernacion conquered and brought under his imperial
crown without paying a salary to any captain or soldier. He
[Ibarra] did away with the abominable massacres, cannibalism,
and other bestial vices and sins to which those unmannerly
idolaters were subjected and addicted. He bound them to the
union of our holy Catholic faith. For all this they are entitled
to and deserve the appreciation and gratitude of all people.
22Regarding the opening of these mines, see ibid., 127 and 188 ff.
123Diego de Ibarra reported in 1582 that he had given over two hundred
thousand ducats to his nephew in the conquest of New Vizcaya. Diego de
Ibarra to Juan de Ledesma, November 10, 1582, in Hackett, Historical
Documents relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches
Thereto to 1773, 115.
49




CHAPTER VII


Which deals with the discovery of Topia; the uprising and insurrection
which took place among the leaders of the army; the robberies and
killings of horses; and some encounters with the natives.
Establishment of a fortress
FTER the governor Francisco de Ibarra had restored
peace, order, and quiet among the towns, provinces,
districts, and surroundings of the mines and settlements
of his gobernacion he decided to continue marching with the
army as far as the Valle de San Juan,124 fifty leagues from the
town of Nombre de Dios. Since that was an ample and suitable
place to attain and put into effect the purpose of the expedition, he ordered that a good fortress be founded and built in
order that from it they might go and bring the Indians to peace,
and punish the cannibal highwaymen who infested those frontier mountain ranges, robbing, harming, and killing the miners,
traders, and travelers and their slaves, servants, properties,
and cattle.
Reply of the Caribs; stealing of the horses
They were presented with entreaties of peace and concord
and offers of friendship that they might be brought over to the
service of God our Lord and the imperial crown, but it did not
satisfy the desire of their vicious and bestial life, for they were
obstinate and addicted to it. In reply they sent some people
making many fierce threats and menaces of death in case the governor did not evacuate their lands. These were put into practise by force of arms with great harm to the property and lives
[of the soldiers]. At first they spied the camp, and without
I24Valle de San Juan, which served as headquarters for a time, was
probably situated near San Juan del Rio. Writing on May 26, 1563, the
viceroy reported that Ibarra with about one hundred men had discovered
two fertile valleys, San Francisco and San Juan. In the latter he had
been told of Copala, a rich province, which was not far off. "Relacion de lo
que descubrio Diego [Francisco] de Ibarra en la provincia de Copala,
llamada Topiame...." Col. Doc. Ined., XIV, 553. The events described in
this chapter occurred in 1563.
50




BOOK I —CHAPTER VII


being heard by the soldiers, safely stole, drove off, or killed two
hundred and fifty horses, the larger number of which were later
recovered with great hardship.
News of Topia; samples of gold and silver
At this time some natives brought information of the town
of Topia, which is in the midst of the rough mountain range
on the southern slopes,125 from which they had brought and
exhibited a feather shield of many colors and much charm; a
feather crest of silver; and cotton clothing woven of twisted
thread, which the natives acquired by exchange from the people
of Topia.
Departure for Topia
Eager to discover those towns, he [the governor] sent out
Salvador Ponce with four soldiers.126 They wandered many days
hungry and tired through very rough, cold, and desolate mountains until [they came] to a plateau of great height from which
they could perceive the inhabited part of Topia. They returned
to give an account of this to the governor, who provided twenty
picked soldiers and as many guides for its discovery and exploration. The latter promised that they would take the captain
and soldiers [there] in ten days. He sent the maeso de campo
Martin de Gam6n as leader of this expedition.127
Deceit of the devil
He and his force marched several days more than promised
by the guides through very rugged, frigid, and forsaken mountains, sometimes over a path by which they go to Topia, at
other times circling hills, mountain ranges, and deep ravines,
or going over mountains of terrible darkness and mountainous
125Topia was on the headwaters of the Culiacan river in the vicinity
of the present Topia.
126Mecham believes that Salvador Ponce's trip never took place, as
Obreg6n mentions his arrival from Mexico a little farther on in the narrative. See page 54, and Mecham, Ibarra, 117, 118.
127It is possible that Obregon is in error in regard to Gamon's scouting
expedition, and that it was actually made by Martin de Renteria. The
latter, with twenty men and five or six Indian guides, marched about
thirty leagues through a mountainous land and then seized the guides
and made them confess that they were trying to lead the Spaniards astray
with the intent of killing them. Thereupon Renteria punished them conforme a su delito. Col. Doc. Ingd., XIV, 556, 557.
51




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


thickets. Since they wanted to get there and the devil wished
to prevent the natives from becoming Christians, he had recourse to the expedient and artifice of his deception and illusion.
Mistreatment of the guides; they are hanged
Thus the maeso de campo and his soldiers understood that
the guides were leading them with the evil intention of delivering them to their enemies that they could kill them. For this
reason they [the soldiers] persuaded the maeso de campo to
punish the guides. Moved by the deceit and blindness of the devil
and the persuasion of some soldiers, he vexed the guides with
threats and imprisonment.128 They freed themselves from this
confinement, determined to defend their lives and kill the Christians. They would have done so if they had had their bows.
Using whatever they could find at hand, they defended themselves until soldiers, with difficulty, hardship, and risk, apprehended them. The maeso de campo Martin de Gam6n hanged
them unjustly, unchristianlike, and without cause. They were
hanged from a beautiful, blooming, and fruitful tree. At once
it showed the crime of the unjust death of the guides, manifesting it by divine and miraculous permission. After they were
hanged the green wood and fine leaves, dried up in a marvelous
way worthy of remembrance and admiration.
Gamon's jealousy
On account of this deed and offense to God our Lord, He allowed dishonor, haughtiness, and misconduct to fall on Martin
de Gam6n, who had become hardened in the abominable sin of
envy, because the governor had left Martin de Arana as his substitute and lieutenant in the valley of San Juan.129 Martin de
Gam6n tried to discredit the expedition for revenge on the governor, whose position he wanted to usurp. He found fault with
the land in order that the soldiers should abandon and leave the
army. Moved by his bad intention, he [Gam6n] caused some
128The "Relacion" says they were tortured. Ibid., XIV, 557.
129While these incidents were going on at San Juan the governor was
away exploring. As the party marched toward Guatimape, an Indian
woman told them they had been deceived and that she would direct them
to Topiame, and it was then decided that Ibarra with forty men should
follow her. He discovered some mines at Valle de Sant Maria (San
Matias) and Valle de San Jer6nimo. "Relacion... de Ibarra," in ibid.,
XIV, 557, 558.
52




BOOK I-CHAPTER VII


gentlemen in the army, among them Don Pedro de Quesada and
Andres de Ibarra, to be dissatisfied and of the same evil mind.
They made common cause with Martin de Gamon.
Arana summons the loyal
When the lieutenant governor Martin de Arana saw the
harmful dissension which was raging in the camp and the mischief which might occur if this danger were not forestalled, he
rallied to the flag with the royal standard in his hand, saying
in a loud voice that the servants of his majesty should come to
the flag, because it comported with his royal service. Not only
did Martin de Gam6n, Don Pedro de Quesada, and Andres de
Ibarra not wish to obey this statement and order which Martin
de Arana had given, but, moved by hatred and jealousy, became
enraged and increased their guilt by offensive and disrespectful
words. They replied to his command with disdain, with contempt for his person, and with disguised threats.
The mutiny punished; Gamon imprisoned
When the governor came he remedied this situation with
great courage and sense of justice by banishing them. He subdued and punished them by imprisonment and exile. However
Martin de Gamon did not wait for sentence. He absented himself from the prison in which he was and continued to increase
his crime by disparaging the prestige of the governor and the
expedition. With more premeditation and action than Martin
de Arana in working for good, he employed rude incivilities
worthy of punishment. All this came to the notice and knowledge of the governor, who seized him together with fourteen
soldiers from the mines of San Martin who were in his company.130 He brought him to his gobernacion where the case was
arranged, criminal charges formulated, and he was condemned
to death. The sentence was executed after he had been prepared to die Christianlike. The governor was forced to impose
this penalty for the sake of right and justice.131 He and the
O180ther accounts say he was accompanied by twelve comrades, who were
noted as criminals. Bancroft, North Mexican States, I, 103.
s18The sentence was approved by the viceroy. Gamon had meanwhile
escaped to San Martin, but was brought back to suffer for his misdeeds.
Ibid.
53




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


members of the army were much depressed because he [Gam6n]
was a very brave soldier.
Arrival of Betanzos, Ponce, and del Rio; election of a maeso
At this time Antonio Sotelo de Betanzos came from the city
of Mexico to serve his majesty.132 Together with him came
Rodrigo del Rio, Salvador Ponce, Hernando Ramon, and other
good and picked soldiers. From these men and the whole army
the governor resolved to select and choose a maeso de campo
in a council of war. With this counsel and the approval of all
Antonio Sotelo de Betanzos was selected. He was a gentleman
who possessed all the necessary qualities and merits and in particular very capable in waging war. He accepted the appointment with the proper acknowledgment and gratefulness, promising to hold and fulfill the office with the fidelity, diligence, and
care which, as a good maeso de campo, he owed the service of
his imperial majesty and the governor.
Arrival at Guatimape; stealing of horses
After having restored harmony and peace to the force which
had been in rebellion and having chosen a maeso de campo, he
ordered [him] to punish and reduce to peace those guilty of
stealing and killing the horses. He supplied his army with a
reinforcement of soldiers, arms, and provisions, of which they
had fallen short. With this preparation, he continued to march
with his troops until they reached the valley of Guatimape.133
Although forewarned and on their guard due to the past thefts
and losses and though having a sentry and a cavalry guard, they
were here robbed of several horses, including the governor's.
He decided to inflict the punishment which the Indians deserved
for the past thefts and effrontery. Leaving the maeso de campo
as he did to guard the camp, and with the necessary preparation
and caution in the army, he ascended the mountain at night in
I32Writing on June 5, 1566, Betanzos said he had spent two and a half
years on the frontier. See his letter of the same date to the king, A.G.I.,
59-4-3. This would place his arrival there about November or December,
1563.
1'8Guatimape is on the railway between Durango and Tepehuanes, west
of San Juan del Rio.
54




BOOK I —CHAPTER VII


good order until he arrived at its summit. This was thickly
populated with marauding Indians, cannibals, whom he routed
while they were eating breakfast. This victory cost them some
dead and wounded, whereupon they divided and scattered without order or military plan. Since he did not find the stolen
horses, he decided to retire to the camp in order to throw them
off their guard and to catch them unawares. Moreover [he did
this] because he got trace and information of the place where
they had hidden the loot and where he would find it.
Recovery of the horses; a battle-Christian victory
Soon after his arrival he furnished the maeso de campo with
some good picked soldiers, among them Rodrigo del Rio and
Salvador Ponce; all were well provided with everything necessary and in readiness for battle. With this good provision he
marched over the rugged height of the sierra until he arrived at
a deep ravine. Here all dismounted, routed the enemy, and recovered the loot which the latter had taken. They were unsuspecting and confident of their hiding place. They [the soldiers] left the horses of their force under guard and then descended with great effort and difficulty until within gunshot of
the enemy, by whom they were heard, and on seeing them in the
distance took to arms. With deliberate courage, effort, and
boldness the maeso de campo.and his soldiers attacked them,
[the former] shouting: "Santiago, after them!" The good and
chosen soldiers routed them by the fire of the harquebuses although they defended themselves with great courage, shooting
many arrows in a short time. They realized the advantage the
Christians had over them and, terrified, sent their women and
children on ahead and retired to the sierra above, taking its
roughness for their stronghold and shelter. At this place they
faced the enemy. However by means of the harquebuses they
were broken up, defeated, and demoralized until compelled to
come down from the elevation to the ravine where it was so
craggy that it was impossible to fight. They were left
thoroughly punished and warned in case they should return to
steal horses.
Loera's sword
As they [the Christians] could not find the way out and did
55




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


not know how the Indians got them there, they let the horses
take the lead. By this means they found a passage, as the horses
led them out of the ravines and crags of this ridge where they
had been hidden by the natives, guiding them over the path by
which, though with great difficulty, they had been brought
in. In this profound sierra, in a rancheria, they [Christians]
found the sword of Loera, a brave soldier who had been killed
previously when fighting the Indians.
Cause of the native revolt
The occasion which prompted the natives to become disgusted and to steal the horses was that the peace and truce which
had been promised them was broken. Accordingly the maeso de
campo, Father Pablo de Acevedo, Salvador Ponce, and other
soldiers went to persuade and reduce the enemy to peace which
they refused to accept.
The maeso de campo followed a path over which he and Salvador Ponce had gone and at a short distance they found it deserted although the sierras were full of enemies. A soldier
named Amador L6pez discovered a deposit of corn hidden in
a small gorge, and although there was no lack of supplies, the
maeso de campo decided to take it to the camp and keep it for
use in time of need. Thus it could be defended from the enemy
in case they should want to carry it away. Consequently when
Father Pablo de Acevedo arrived at the place where the maeso
de campo was, the latter notified him of his determination. For
this reason he let him return hastily to the camp, giving him an
escort, in order that he should at once send aid to relieve them
of the great danger in which he left them among such a large
number of enemies. These could be seen around the sierra hurriedly calling and encouraging one another to come down and
attack them. After the departure of the friar he [the maeso
de campo] caused some of the harquebusiers who had remained
to dismount; the horses were taken away from the rolling
ground and placed where the enemy could not shoot arrows at
them and where the grain supply could be defended.
War imminent; the foe loses heart
With this precaution and having encouraged the soldiers and
promised that the one who fought most valiantly would be given
56




BOOK I-CHAPTER VII


a silver bugle which could be worn suspended from the neck,
the maeso de campo and four mounted men remained on a plain
close to the ravine, in order to engage the enemy who must come
out of the gorge. When the enemy, ready to come down, saw
the maeso de campo supported by so few people, they came, furious, joyful, and swift. However on lifting their eyes, they could
perceive the aid which the governor was bringing. For this
reason they did not dare to come down. It was fortunate that
the maeso de campo and those who were with him escaped this
danger, especially because of his determination of engaging
with that multitude of Indians, as the numbers on both sides
were uneven.
Truce made by the Christians
When the governor arrived such good order was effected that
in a short time he induced some of the leaders through the interpreter to accept peace and withdrew up the hill in order to further reassure them. Likewise he gave them some sandals, which
he was wearing, as a signal of peace and cessation of hostilities.
Challenge of the Indians
Having quieted them and promised firm friendship, they [the
Indians] went on up the sierra. After they had gone the governor ordered the corn to be loaded and carried to the camp.
When the enemy saw that their provisions were being carried
away after having been promised friendship, they shot an arrow
into the air, which is a challenge and a sign of enmity among
them, and so this was. The insult of taking their corn almost
caused them to steal the horses, for although they are a heathenish and uncivilized people, they want the word given them to
be kept. Since they took away their corn after promising peace,
they did not consider the peace which had been agreed upon a
good one. Finally after these events the governor returned to
the camp with his army where he is going to rest during
Christmas.134
1840f 1563. Mecham believes the camp was in the Guatimape valley.
See his Ibarra, 126. This was after the formal founding of Nombre de
Dios and Durango.


57




CHAPTER VIII


Which concerns the expedition made by the governor to Topia; and the
hardships which were endured until it was conquered by force of arms.
The incident of the dead tree
HEN Christmas was past135 and the soldiers, servants,
and horses had rested, the governor decided to undertake the conquest of Topia, a town and province which
he was sure would have many people and much wealth owing to
the way in which the neighboring Indians had praised it. They
had displayed silver feather crests, feather shields, and cotton
clothing. This purpose he carried out in good and concerted war
order until he reached the Valle de los Ahorcados, where the
guides had been executed by Martin de Gam6n. There they saw
the tree which was dead though it showed no sign of having
been damaged by a thunder bolt or fire. This was considered to
have occurred by divine consent in order to demonstrate the unjust death inflicted upon the twenty guides who were hanged
upon it. They were unjustly declared guilty on mere appearances, for Martin de Gam6n believed they were avoiding the
town of Topia and leading him into the hands of some who would
kill them. This was far from the truth. In this valley were
found pieces of the cart which the friars had taken to that
point.
Crossing the T6pia sierra
From this place the army went on up the sierra, making
short journeys in order not to fatigue the men and the pack and
saddle horses. They passed over ranges of great altitude, over
numerous large mountains, cliffs, deep ravines, and ridges, unloading and reloading the cargos of the pack-horses. The latter
very frequently fell because of the great roughness of the
mountains. The men did this work with much courage and contentment, although they were in poor, deserted, and unproduc1350f 1563.
58




BOOK I-CHAPTER VIII


tive lands, where not even birds live, nor were they seen flying
in these high regions until the Sierras de las Cruces were
reached. This was a sierra of very great roughness and seemed
to indicate that they should not go on. It is surrounded and
hemmed in by frightful cliffs, rocks, and terrible ravines, so
that it was necessary to remove some stones in order that the
horses might pass.
The five who discovered Topia; dancing at Topia
From there on Pedro Hernandez acted as guide. He was
one of the five who discovered T6pia in company with Salvador
Ponce. They bravely overcame hunger, mountains, cold, and
loneliness until they came in sight of Topia. Without being
noticed, they perceived the valley, houses, and defenses, and the
natives dancing to the sound of a drum, a teponastli, Mexican
music.136 When they had reported on this reconnaissance,137
there was great incredulity among the majority of the soldiers
because they saw that the land was so uninhabitable and lacking
in paths and roads. The discouraged people cursed the governor, saying that he was leading them to destruction.
The maeso's suggestion
When the maeso de campo saw the craggedness of the mountains, he suggested that the army should fortify itself there,
and that part of it well provisioned with all things necessary
should go to conquer Topia, and thus fortified should send for
those who had remained behind. But the governor not wishing
to do it, went on until they reached a valley shaped like a basin.
That night the contador Bartolome de Arriola got lost. It is
believed that he would have died of cold if his companion had
not come to his rescue with fire which he made with the trigger
of the harquebus.
Agreement made; departure of the governor
The governor left this place with the maeso de campo, Rod136Ibarra was anxious to seize an Indian at Topia, and for that purpose
the village was approached at night. They heard the teponastlis, but
failed to take anyone captive. "Relacin... de Ibarra," in Col. Doc. Ined.,
XIV, 558, 559.
l'7This was evidently a scouting party which now returned to report to
the main body of the army.
59




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


rigo del Rio, Salvador Ponce, and other picked soldiers, to explore Topia. It rained and snowed on the way and owing to the
rain and cold they reached different places. They were suspicious of having seen the smoke with which the natives signal
war. For this reason and the large amount of water and the
dampness of the mountains which would be a hindrance in using
their harquebuses and leather armor, he decided to return to the
camp.
A storm of rain and snow; thirty-eight horses frozen to death
Having rested for a few days, recovering from fatigue and
hardships, and the storm having subsided, the governor got
ready the men who had gone with him before. With these he
marched until they came to such a terrible and frightful rocky
place that it was impossible for human understanding to comprehend how it could be crossed. A great storm of rain and snow
broke out, so furious that besides dividing the people of the
army into three parts, thirty-eight horses froze to death; the
governor's horse appeared in the morning frozen stiff leaning
against a tree, and three of the maeso de campo's horses froze
to death.138
The governor took refuge in the sheltered place of a deep ravine, where the dangerous cold was alleviated by abundant fire
wood. He used this to make many fires which the storm could
not put out. However they had nothing to eat until the following day when he sent someone to find a way out. As soon as
this was found they were supplied with provisions and the
divided army united again. The storm lasted two days and
nights and on the following day God aided them with the necessary succor. The snow and the rain stopped and the sun came
out. Everything that was wet they dried in the sun, and they
rested from the past hardship which was intolerable. Meanwhile a descent was sought and although it was bad, one was
found.
138This incident is also reported in the "Relaci6n de los descubrimientos,
conquistas y poblaciones hechas por el gobernador Francisco de Ibarra en
las provincias de Copala, Nueva Vizcaya y Chiametla, (afo de 1554)."
[It should read, after 1554]. Cot. Doc. Ined., XIV, 480.
60




BOOK I-CHAPTER VIII


Plans to take Topia; in sight of Topia
The governor ordered twenty-six soldiers and the maeso de
campo to be equipped. This they did, providing them with
good arms, horses, and everything else necessary; all carried
harquebuses. With all these people, he marched away, leaving
Captain Hernando Ram6n as his substitute for the rest of the
army. With this good preparation, he went over rough ridges
and mountains to conquer Topia, very doubtful of the account
which had been given by the five discoverers, although they were
reliable men. When they began to see crows they were somewhat reassured in their hopes of reaching Topia. Passing the
gorge and ascending a very high mountain, they perceived the
town and surveyed at a glance the valley and settlements, all
very similar to the ones they had passed, as though belonging to
wild and indomitable people, lacking good order, livelihood, and
customs. Although houses were not seen, the joy which the
governor and his army experienced was very great, for they
thought they were to realize the fulfillment of their hopes of
riches and civilized people which would give relief from the hardships they had endured on the journey.
Advice of the maeso
On account of the joy and courage which they had felt on
seeing the valley, they desired, even though it was late, to go
down to the settlement and conquer Topia. But as the army
was not furnished with supplies the maeso de campo prevented
it, saying that it was not proper to enter new- enemy land so
late. That should be done at such an hour and time that in case
the enemy came out to attack, they would have time to get located, fortified, and win the victory.
Fall of the maeso
This advice was followed and he [the governor] commanded
the camp to be made on the summit of the mountain. He sent
Pedro Martin and Father Pablo de Acevedo to find a path during
the remainder of the day. They found one, narrow, dark,
rocky, and untrodden, which they marked in order that it could
be located on the following morning. At daybreak the army,
well provided with arms, horses, and everything necessary, got
started. They marched on foot, shouldering the harquebuses,
61




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


their horses at the right, going over ridges and rocky places in
great darkness. Amid all this the path was not found and they
would have been in great danger if they had been attacked by
their enemies amid the hardship they endured. On this march
the maeso de campo fell and if his helmet had not warded off the
blow, he would have perished.
Preparations to take T6pia; the river and fields
Having descended into the valley, the governor put his army
in order, placing each one in his position, the officers of the
real hacienda in the vanguard, warning and encouraging all
of them to do their duty in battle. They came to a river and
wondered if they would be able to cross it. Pedro Martin sought
a ford although it was at the risk of drowning, as the current
carried him a considerable distance from the place where he had
started, and he lost his helmet. Once past the river, they passed
through fields of corn, beans, and pumpkins. This increased
their courage and joy, the more so when they saw six Indian
women clothed from the waist down in cotton blankets. These
fled, frightened at the sight of people not belonging to their
kind, and they could not be caught because they disappeared in
the dense corn fields.
Fortress at Topia; the natives take to arms; weapons used
They [the soldiers] now saw houses, a fine fortress, and
another house of three stories with a stone wall. The inclosure
was as high as a small lance and consisted of a dry wall and
maguey and prickly pear trees. All of this at first sight gave
them the impression that it was a town of great importance.
Moved by the eagerness and desire to accomplish what they had
set out to do, they conferred with those who had first discovered
Topia in the belief that they had found another Mexico. The
governor went toward the fortress, which seemed to be the
stronghold and fortification of a great lord. Before reaching
it they were heard by the enemy, who took to arms, shouting
with much disorder, tumult, courage, and boldness. The echo
of their angry clamor resounded in the cavities and summits of
the terrible cliffs, precipices, and rocks. This greatly disturbs
those who fear death, and causes cold perspiration to roll down
their faces. The fear of being considered cowards oppresses
62




BOOK I-C H A P TER VIII


them and forces them to resist the Christians with strength and
boldness. Others who are by nature brave, seize with great
rage and boldness, bows, arrows, shields, clubs, and small spears.
They are decorated with very brilliant native trappings of feathers, beads, conchs, colored wreaths, and darts of brazilwood
with arrow heads. They attack by shooting arrows and opposing
the genuine and manly efforts of the Christians.
The victors
They were met by Antonio de Betanzos, Salvador Ponce, Rodrigo del Rio, Pedro de Unzueta,139 Alvaro de Mata, the three
royal officials, the alguacil mayor Pedro de Montoya, Alonso
Nuniez, Amador L6pez Pefia, Pedro Hortuflo, the Verdugos, Hernando de Buena Lerma, and the other soldiers with great courage, reliance, and bravery. All of these men had been organized
and placed in military formation by the governor and the maeso
de campo, who made them dismount and line up in single file,
holding their shields, and with the harquebuses in readiness.
An Indian killed by del Rio
Following the advice of the maeso de campo, they went to
take a good position, going on horseback until they came to a
little sloping hill located about an harquebus-shot from the
fortress. The enemy were continuously shooting arrows and
throwing darts, stones, and clubs with great turmoil, commotion,
and madness. Since their ordinary mode of fighting is in continuous motion, the harquebuses had no effect. This increased
their anger, courage, and boldness and their desire to kill the
Christians, until Rodrigo del Rio, a good soldier and the best
harquebusier of the army, felled one of the enemy. This inspired them with fear of the damage which they knew the harquebuses caused.
Investment of the fortress; the wounded
They began to move into the fortress, and the maeso de campo
requested that it be assaulted and conquered before it should be
taken and held by a larger number of enemies, asking that he be
given command during the dangerous victory. This was soon
139Cuevas has Unzuleta. Cuevas, Obregon, 58.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


granted because the day before he had asked the governor to
entrust him with the affairs of greatest danger in the war and
its clashes and that he should be the first among them to attack
and conquer the fortress. This task of investing and assaulting
it was entrusted to him with twenty picked soldiers. Among
them were Salvador Ponce, Rodrigo del Rio, Alvaro de Mata,
Juan de San Pedro, Amador Lopez, and Pedro de Montoya. With
these men he carried out his task, fighting with great discipline,
courage, and bravery. In the first clash on arriving at the fortress, Salvador Ponce was knocked down by a stone blow on
his head which drove the helmet into his scalp. The alguacil
mayor Mancha, Juan Arias, and other soldiers were felled by
arrows.
Verdugo's mishap; an old Indian badly hurt
At this time the maeso de campo reached the very strong
stairway of the fortress, made of stone and mortar, and, followed by Rodrigo Verdugo and others, began to ascend it in
order to conquer the stronghold. The latter [Verdugo] met
with disaster while fighting and conquering it because Pedro
Ortuio, without intending to hurt him, shot one of his arms to
pieces from the post of the governor which was in front of the
fortress. It was fortunate that he was not killed, because the
shot passed through his jacket. Continuing the ascent, the
maeso de campo was attacked by an old man who was defending
the approach. He had long locks of hair. With great determination he beat his shield with a heavy club, but the maeso de
campo gave him such a thrust and cut that his cheek, jaw, and
face were badly shattered on one side. Seeing himself so badly
and terribly wounded, he attacked the maeso de campo to avenge
his injury. The latter braced up with furious determination.
He changed the harquebus to his left hand and with the right
seized his sword and compelled the enemy to flee. He entered
the fortress, dominating it so completely that he forced the
enemy to retire hastily, but they faced about and gathered within gunshot distance of him.
Victory of the Christians; T6pia conquered
Thus the victory was won, although with hardship and at
the risk of their lives. The maeso de campo did not permit his
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BOOK I-C H A P T E R VIII


army to shoot or harm the vanquished, who were frightened
at the promptness and boldness with which their fortress had
been taken. Here140 the governor and the entire army established their quarters, and by signs he offered peace to the natives. One of them approached, although with great fear, and
seeing that he was not harmed, the others decided to come and
brought their wives loaded with provisions. He [the governor]
presented them with gifts of things which they lack in their land.
He promised them good friendship and support against their
enemies, at which they were pleased. In this manner he pacified
them and kept them from abandoning their homes.
14OIn T6pia.


65




CHAPTER IX


Which treats of the qualities, character, and customs of the mountaineers
of Topia and its surroundings; and of the events which
took place before departing from their lands.
Discovery of T6pia by Guzmdn's captains
HIS mountainous territory and district of Topia was discovered by the captains of Nuino de Guzman from the
province of San Miguel de Culiacan,141 which is twentyfive leagues distant a little more or less. They were discovered
that they might be subjected to our holy Catholic faith. Owing to
the fact that their dwelings are in such rough lands and that
they are accustomed to a mountainous life and that they are
so distant from level and profitable lands they could not be
subdued.
An encomendero of Topia; its provisions
The people of Topia were given in encomienda by Nuio de
Guzman to Don Diego de Guevara, a former resident of the city
of Mexico.142 Topia is located in a deep and level valley, about
half a league down, and is covered with streams, fields of corn,
beans, pumpkins, and wild apples. Of all this, they gather
large quantities. On this occasion they and the Christians
gathered the harvest in great harmony without showing any
resistance or displeasure. On the contrary, they laughed together.
Strange way of curing wounds
After obtaining these provisions they [the Christians] decided it was best to pass the winter143 in that valley in order
that men and horses might rest from the past hardships. They
141While Guzman was in the Culiacan region numerous expeditions were
sent out in various directions to explore, but as nothing was found the
villa of San Miguel was established at Culiacan in 1531, and the ruthless
conqueror gave up his plans of discovering a new kingdom to rival that
acquired by Cortes. Bancroft, Mexico, II, 341 ff.
142Don Diego de Guevara had been a captain in Coronado's expedition
to Cibola. Hodge and Lewis, Spanish Explorers, 324.
143That is, the early months of 1564.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER IX


cured their wounded from the previous battle, as did the natives,
but in a strange and unusual fashion. This consisted of sucking
the wounds until they were healed without the use of medicine
or anything else. However they diet. The governor sent for
the rest of the army. In this valley were found chick-peas
brought from Culiacan. The natives inquired whether the
Christians were enchanters. They thought that they had come
down from the air, as the approach over such a frightful mountain chain was impossible. Then the old wild-looking man who
had been cut in the face said that he had been wounded by an
iron man.
Cannibalism
These enemies practise cannibalism. Countless bones and
skulls of those whom they had killed and eaten were found.
A celebration; muster of the soldiers
The governor asked for information concerning the neighboring people and towns and was told that there were few people
living in rough lands, impossible for travel on horseback. The
maeso de campo ordered an entertainment to amuse the soldiers,
who were dissatisfied because they had not found pleasing lands.
He brought out the royal standard and ordered the artillery,
harquebuses, and culverins put into play. This caused a frightful thundering and shaking, and the echo resounded in the different gorges, high mountains, ridges, and rocky places, which,
owing to their altitude and imposing depth, caused the resonance
to sound strange. He had the soldiers skirmish. This was
all done to make themselves feared and in order that the natives
should see in practise the strength, power, and skill of the
Christians, their horses and arms.
Departure of the governor to discover nearby towns;
destruction of idols
It was a conspicuous fact that there were two factions in
the town of Topia and in the clash. The one did not wish to
fight or help its friends but the party which fought was the
one which afterwards better served the faction of the principal
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


sayayn.144 He asked the governor to go against his enemies,
which he did. He left the maeso de campo fortified in the stronghold,145 which he repaired and renewed in fine shape so that the
enemy could not harm him anywhere. He ordered a large cross
to be placed in the town. It required many people to bring the
timber and to set it up. At the base of this cross he buried all
the idols he could find, all those he knew they had and which he
could lay hands upon, and those which they had high up in the
mountains and in caves. From the heights of that mountain
chain they could perceive other mountains and caves. They
could see from that mountain range extensive plains and the
smoke of towns. The plain was the South Sea, but as it was so
far away they could not then distinguish or determine what it
was.
In order to satisfy himself as to what towns there might be
the governor asked the maeso de campo to call the roll and select
the soldiers which he preferred and to go with them to explore
the valleys which they had perceived. However as he was given
insufficient time he desisted. Thus the governor decided to
go. He took with him the maeso de campo and the soldiers who
had conquered Topia. He left Captain Hernando Ramon as
leader.146 With this good precaution he started,147 descending
and climbing the great altitude and craggedness of rough mountains and ravines until he came to a deep gorge settled by few
people, as was usual in Topia. He lodged his army close to the
town in order to be near the enemy in case they wanted to cause
any harm.
The following day the maeso de campo, accompanied by
eleven harquebusiers and the friar, went to find a descent for
the army and horses. The way was of great roughness and hardship until they came to a strong house where the principal
sayayn had guided them. Although he [the maeso de campo]
entreated them to accept peace they were doubtful whether or
not they should wait. Finally when the maeso de campo apl44Sayayn, seemingly a name corresponding to cacique. Cuevas here
commits the error of writing caya (sic) impidi6 for sayayn pidi6....
IO5f Topia.
46That is, of the soldiers remaining in T6pia.
17For the South Sea.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER IX


proached they abandoned their fortress, seeking safety in flight.
They left it full of maize.
Flight of the guide; ladder made from vines
At that time one of the guides fled, which led to the disturbance in the land. The governor wrote to the maeso de campo
that he should apprehend him and not return without the sayayn,
who had gone to offer peace to the rebellious ones. The soldier
who brought the letter came over such unusually rough cliffs,
gorges, and rocky places that it was necessary to descend by
means of hand ladders made of vines which the natives had
to save time for their messengers. The reply was written in
ink made of powder with a reed pen. In it he notified the governor that the descent was impossible by that way. The friar advised the maeso de campo to abandon the place. They were risking their lives because the natives were in revolt and because
the army was divided in two dangerous positions. The maeso de
campo replied that he would not leave without the sayayn, that
he and his men were endangered because of their small number, and that even if all the people in the settlement should get
together they would not be strong enough to defeat them owing
to the good order and caution which they observed.
The rebels submit
While they were in this situation the sayayn reappeared. He
had restored to peace the Indians and those in revolt. He [the
maeso] made the signal of peace to them by sounding the bugle
and by many fires, in order that the governor might know of it.
The following day he sent guides and wrote to the governor to
come and join him near the summit of the mountain and that
he would go along the lower caion and through the towns until
a descent should be found. Thus the maeso de campo went forth
accompanied by only eleven harquebusiers through strange and
deep gorges in warm and wooded lands, suffering great hardships, fatigue, and heat. They encouraged one another and refreshed themselves and their horses in order to be rested and
able to fight if the occasion came. That night the enemy wanted
to fall upon them. However by a warning from the sayayn the
maeso de campo took great care and precaution and was ready
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


to resist the evil intentions of the enemy; on this account they
did not dare to attack.
Juncture of the armies
The maeso de campo and the governor corresponded concerning the descent and their meeting. The latter offered to send
him horses if necessary or, that he would join him where he
was. He did not accept the aid of the horses but continued with
his soldiers on foot until he met the governor. They received
one another with great satisfaction and joy. There they took
two guides and continued their march. They watched these
guides very carefully, but they managed to escape. One asked
permission to go get some provisions and as he failed to return
the governor was notified. He ordered the other to be shackled
with a rope around his neck. The one at liberty gave notice
that both had not been able to join the natives.
Offers of the natives
On the following day while the maeso de campo was leading
the advance guard some Indians, who were waiting for him at
the edge of a river, approached. By following its windings one
can go to Culiacan.148 He was also met by those from the mountains whom they had previously seen and passed by. They came
down to offer them their towns, which were close by, and also
promised to give provisions. This is a thing which they usually
try to avoid by all means.
Peace urged; cannibalism opposed
In the meantime those in the rear wanted to kill the sayayn
because he had taken the Christians to their towns. In regard
to the invitation, as was afterwards learned, it was the result
of an assembly of the people from the whole mountain region
and adjacent lands which decided that if they were not given the
guide willingly they would take him by force of arms. Not
wishing to show weakness and in order to see what sort of town
it was which they offered him, he continued the march in well
planned fighting order until he rejoined the governor at Matoen.149 Here he very affectionately took leave of the sayayn,
148They were on the Culiacan river or a branch.
149Matoen was not far from Culiacan.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER IX


cacique of Topia, charging him to keep peace and harmony with
his enemies and that they must not eat one another because it
was a great offense to God our Lord. Father Pablo preached
the Gospel and good conduct to these people and to all those
left behind. He did it because they inhabit such remote and
rough lands, impossible of being settled by Christians. They
can be made Christians150 only if some good mines are found
and if God our Lord gives the necessary assistance. To Him all
of us should pray for the salvation of this idolatrous people.
150This phrase, donde se hardn cristianos, is omitted by Cuevas.


71




CHAPTER X


Relating how it was learned that the army was at the frontier and province
of Culiacan; how the governor brought the rebellious towns and
revolting people of its surroundings and neighborhood under
the service of God our Lord and the royal crown; how
he insured peace to the town and the estates of
the settlers; and the benefits which redounded
to the imperial crown and to the residents of that province.
Reception by the people of Matoen
i   HE TOWN of Matoen is on the frontier of Culiacan. The
population is composed largely of refugees who had
fled from the towns of Culiacan to avoid paying tribute
and serving their encomenderos. They were opponents and
enemies of the residents of Culiacan and of their encomenderos.
On his arrival they presented the governor with many rich and
beautiful bouquets of flowers. He was met by a large concourse
of people all of whom harbored the evil design of killing the
Christians by treachery if an opportunity should offer. When
the governor saw the town and observed that the people were
orderly, intelligent, and well behaved, he was very much pleased.
He thought he had found what he had been looking for. So he
dismounted and took possession of that land in the name of his
majesty.
Nearing Culiacdn
While they [the governor and his men] were thus felicitating
themselves, they unexpectedly saw a rosary hanging from a bow,
which aroused suspicion because of its novelty. The governor
asked them where they got it. They replied that it had been
obtained from some towns near there, a day's journey from a
village of an encomendero of Culiacan.
This news was very sad and depressing for the governor and
his people. They asked the governor for the guide, which he
gave them at once. They showed their appreciation very heartily, serving him and giving everything necessary for each one
72




BOOK I-CHAPTER X


in the army. All this they did as people who knew how to do
it well, for they were skilled and experienced in performing this
duty for their masters.
Fall of the maeso
On the following day when the governor and the maeso de
campo went to visit the villages and buildings near Matoen [the
horse of] the maeso de campo stumbled and fell while trying to
climb some rocks. The fall stunned the maeso de campo besides
smashing the butt of his harquebus and his saddletree and he
was unable to return to the camp on horseback. Nor did he find
any relief or cure there. The governor did not wish to abandon
the place in the mountain until the maeso de campo had recovered from his injury but the latter would not consent to this
plan. The governor and the members of his army were greatly
disconcerted at finding themselves lost in a land which others
had discovered and trodden. [They saw themselves] thus deprived of the fine expectations which they had nourished amid
their hardships, and realized that it was necessary to find other
fields of conquest and follow other routes.
Tovar receives the governor with supplies; council of war
When Don Pedro de Tovar, a very brave, pious, and generous gentleman, heard of the departure of the governor for Culiacan, gobernacion of New Galicia, he went to receive him with
succor and refreshments, bringing many gifts and things necessary for the army, both in abundant measure and of good quality.
They met with great cordiality and exchanged brave and courtly
offers. He [Pedro de Tovar] expressed his condolence for the
misfortune which had befallen him [the governor] by going
into such unprofitable lands. However he advised him to go
and settle the provinces of Cinaro and Chiametla,151 districts
which are on the borders of the town of San Miguel de Culiacan
which was conquered by Nuiio de Guzman, for by so doing he
I5"Tovar suggested that Ibarra might exploit Sinaloa, to the north of
Culiacan, or Chiametla, to the south. As Ibarra hesitated to recross the
mountains to Nombre de Dios and Durango and did not wish to encroach
on the rights of Doctor Morones in Chiametla he went into Sinaloa and
spent some time developing that province. This is explained by Obregon
but more clearly summarized by Mecham in his Ibarra, 135.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


would be rendering a great service to God our Lord and to the
imperial crown of his majesty. All this seemed excellent to
the governor, especially as he feared for the lives of some soldiers, who were both fatigued and downhearted and dreaded
to go through additional hardships similar to those they had
endured. In view of this fact he decided to call the maeso de
campo, the royal officers, and the chief men of the army to a
council of war. The conclusion reached was that the plan and
purpose suggested by Don Pedro de Tovar to settle the towns
of Cinaro and Chiametla was very sound. Likewise they agreed
that the army should not enter the village of Culiacan in order
to avoid the harm which might be caused its inhabitants. With
this good agreement and plan of war the army set out, marching
by the right hand side of Culiacan over the slopes of the mountains.152 Thus the governor and his soldiers were able to perform an achievement appropriate and beneficial to the service
of God our Lord.
Losses; behavior of the enemy
During this time, before and after the governor Nufio de
Guzman had conquered and settled the province of San Miguel
de Culiacan, most of the towns and Indians of the mountains
had been in revolt, resisting its inhabitants and settlers and its
villages, estates, and slaves, who live in or frequent its frontiers. They had frequently disturbed them and done unusual
harm, killing and eating them and their women and children.
They captured them and took their property; they burned their
houses and caused them to be frightened, uneasy, and distressed.
Likewise they killed the servants and slaves of farm and ranch
owners, and left them no cattle which were safe nor any of their
houses which were not burned.
Attempt to arouse the Indians; punishment of Mascado
Thus it came about that the rebel Indians had a general assembly and, bent on war, entered the village at night with much
noise and shouting, displaying not only great boldness, but impudence as well. They stole everything they could find, even
the ornaments in the church. They tried to induce the friendly
52Instead of visiting Culiacan the party thus goes on toward the north.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER X


Indians to revolt and kill the Spaniards. A native chief tried
to destroy the town with their help but was torn to pieces after
his crime was known and parts of the body placed along the
roads. They lived like brute animals, butchers of their own
human kind. They ate one another and committed unusual
cruelties on those whom they captured, seized, or plundered.
They did the same to the traveling tradesmen. Often they fell
upon the peaceful towns and farms. The settlers lived in continual fear of the harm and death which they caused them, not
knowing the time or hour when their village would be destroyed.
They lived in this state of continual anxiety, watchfulness, and
fear, having ever ready horses, arms, and everything necessary for the defense of the town and their lives and always
prepared to resist the destruction with which they were constantly threatened.
The governor restores peace; mines; important services
The governor pacified the country and made the roads and
mountains safe. Thus they were able to search for, discover,
and settle with safety and freedom, the mines of Chiametla,
Charcas, Indee, Coneto, San Andres, and other rich mines from
which your majesty has been and is increasing the real hacienda
by many royal fifths.153 He protected the trade of the settlers,
tradesmen, and merchants, who in former times did not dare
to venture or travel in pacified lands without going in parties
and guarded by a heavy escort. Hitherto they were apprehensive and feared to be attacked by the Indians in the open country, which extended for eighty leagues over hostile lands. Even
this was not sufficient precaution, for sometimes the Indians
plundered, killed, and ate those whom they caught unawares,
asleep or separated from the group, or who, moved by greed,
had ventured forth alone to buy and sell their merchandise.
This happened very often. All these losses, acts of cannibalism,
robberies, massacres, and offenses to God our Lord; all the injuries to the inhabitants and settlers of the town, mines, and
roads of San Miguel de Culiacan, ceased with the relief and
pacification afforded by the governor Francisco de Ibarra and
153This is a general statement of what Ibarra and his men accomplished
during their exploring activities.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


his soldiers. These are valuable, brave, and estimable deeds and
services, worthy of remembrance and reward by your majesty
as well as by the inhabitants, settlers, and tradesmen of those
parts, towns, and districts.
Reduction of the pueblos
In these and many other services and very Christian efforts
to prevent those damages, sins, and hostilities your majesty did
not incur any expense, having been served without the solicitude
or watching of any local magistrate. Nor were these services
accompanied by robberies, massacres, or any kind of offense to
God our Lord, or any harm to the natives. All was accomplished
by good means and very Christian zeal for peace, concord, and
harmony. He left them charged to preserve peace, and reduced
the towns and encomiendas which had risen and revolted, to
the service of some people of Culiacan. He made new encomiendas of them, especially those on the river of Sebastian de
Eboroto,154 twenty leagues from Culiacan and twenty from Petlatlan, and those of Tedoto, twelve leagues from Culiacan, which
he reduced and gave anew as an encomienda to Don Pedro de
Tovar.155 There were two encomiendas, one consisting of one
thousand men and the other of four hundred. They promised
once more to recognize, obey, and pay tribute to their encomendero Don Pedro de Tovar.
All this was brought about by good means, by threats, and
without shedding of blood or force of arms. The judges and
magistrates of that gobernacion had been unable or incompetent
to put order in all these things. When it was asked of them
they demanded large salaries and many people. This was especially true of Doctor Morones, to whom had previously been entrusted the conquest and settlement of Chiametla and of Alonso
Valiente.156 All this I shall relate in its proper place.
54The Sebastian de Eboroto, or Evora, the Rio Mocorito.
155Mota Padilla gives a different story. He says that Ibarra did favor
his own men in redistributing the encomiendas after he had pacified the
land. Historia de la Nueva Galicia, 208.
156Alonso Valiente was made governor and captain-general of Chiametla
for twenty years. His province was to extend one hundred leagues northward and fifty leagues inland. Capitulacion de Alonso Valiente, sobre la
pacificacion y poblaoion de la provincia de Chiametla, por su cuenta. No
date, A.G.I., 58-6-9.


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CHAPTER XI


Regarding the things which the governor Francisco de Ibarra prepared in
order to enter, conquer, and settle the province of Cinaro; and
the entry and pacification of the river of Petlatlan.
Preparations for peace
HEN the governor had brought peace, concert, and harmony to the people at the river and towns of Sebastian
de Ebora he asked the natives for messengers to invite
and warn those near the river of Petlatlanl57 to accept peace.
They furnished them and likewise two hundred friendly natives
to guide the army. They were all provided with the necessary
arms, in the use of which they are very skilful. They gave aid
also with supplies and services, all in good will, without showing displeasure at this or other things. Prepared in this manner the army continued on its way for twenty leagues by ordinary marches, going through very warm lands covered with
innumerable crags. However some of these regions are very
good for all kinds of cattle. The lands on the river banks are
well adapted for all kinds of grains. Throughout these twenty
leagues the country is almost wholly deserted.
Reply from Petlatldn
The messengers who had been sent to the river of Petlatlan
returned with a favorable reply. They agreed to what the governor had requested of them, promising him a friendly reception and that they would give him everything required while in
their lands. However they had been in doubt as to whether
they should offer resistance to the entrance into their lands and
prevent it by force of arms. In deciding in favor of a peaceful
reception, they were influenced by the prudence, order, and forethought which the Christians exercised in the use and practise
of war and the advantages they derived from their determinal57The Petlatlan is the present Sinaloa. The name is derived from the
petates, or mats, with which the natives covered their dwellings. Hodge
and Lewis, Spanish Explorers, 346.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


tion and bravery and from their possession of firearms. Thus
fear compelled them to remain at peace.
Weapons used at Petlatldn; reception given the governor
Accordingly they got ready six hundred comely men, provided with an equipment of all their customary arms, such as
shields, bows, arrows, clubs, and spears of brazilwood. All were
adorned and decorated with the usual tribal trappings such as
rich tassels of feathers, wreaths, beads, shells, conchs, and pearl
shells. They came out to meet the governor and his army a
league beyond their town. They were divided into their definite
squadrons, which, both at a distance and nearby, made a fine
appearance and pleased the governor and his army very much.
The latter went out to meet them in good order and arrangement, ready and well prepared for either attack or defense in
case any harm might come to them. With this show and display they received the governor and his army with great respect, ceremonies, and offerings, welcoming them on their arrival in their lands and town. Here they were met with proper
kindness and affection and with good huts and shelters arranged
and provided with all necessities. They presented him with
many gifts of houses, supplies, and servants.
The Gospel preached
The governor received them with friendly courtesies, presenting gifts in return for theirs, things which they lacked and
which they appreciated very much because of their novelty. He
promised them friendship and good treatment of their persons,
requesting them to keep peace and harmony with their enemies,
because the people from these valleys and provinces used to be
continuously at war with the natives from other places. He
ordered the Holy Gospel to be preached to them through Father
Pablo de Acevedo's words. The latter informed them of the
joy and eternity which God gives to those who are good and who
obey His commandments, and of the grievous abomination and
perpetual damnation reserved for the bad and disobedient who
lack the redemption of the passion of "God our Lord. Likewise
he informed them how it is that there is only one"158 God Al'58The words within the quotation marks are omitted by Cuevas.
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BOOK I-C H APTER XI


mighty, creator of all things, through whose will, order, and
agreement they find support and life. They were so frightened
and well disposed by this holy warning that after they had given
thanks and expressed their gratification in polite terms to the
governor and to the preacher for such an unusual favor, they
earnestly asked the friar with many entreaties to preach to
them on a designated day, speaking for the rest of the natives
who live along both sides of the river.
Distance from Tlatldn to the South Sea
In the vicinity are many mountains and numerous crags
which they fortify in order to defend themselves against their
enemies.  The country is fourteen leagues from the South Sea
and is inhabited by naked people who wear only a cotton cloth
tied around the waist. The women wear a sort of skirt of tanned
deerskin above the waist.'59 They sow and harvest corn, cotton, beans, and calabashes. They are near the mountains from
which they derive precious metals, such as silver. In their many
small towns the houses are arranged in terraces.
News of a Christian interpreter; her arrival
In this village the interpreter whom they had employed died.
On this account the governor inquired for another in order to
continue the expedition. He was informed of an Indian woman
who knew the Mexican language and three other languages of
those provinces. However he could not find an Indian who
would go and notify her, because she was at Ocoroni,160 a territory of their enemies. Finally there was found an Indian, a
friend of both tribes, who went to call her, carrying letters from
the governor in order that she would believe that she was being
called by the Christians. When Luisa and the people of Ocoroni
saw this they decided to send her accompanied by twelve able
and gallant young men. She wore cotton skirts from the waist
down and was naked above the waist. Although she had forgotten the use of the Mexican language she became skilful in
a short time by reviewing and practising it. She was intelli"s9Perhaps an error for below the waist.
600Ocoroni was twelve leagues from Petlatlan. See pages 80, 81. It was
on the Ocoroni river, in the vicinity of the present village of Ocoroni.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


gent and willing to obey and serve the Christians. The governor
received her and presented her with clothing and glass beads.
He took leave of these people of Petlatlan, offering them
friendship, good treatment, and aid against their enemies. They
asked his favor and aid against the latter, expressing their appreciation for the good advice and the promises of the governor. He replied that he had come to give them peace and
harmony and to teach them to avoid wars among themselves;
and that he intended to punish those who broke the truce which
should be imposed upon them. They did not take this speech
very well because they had hopes of destroying their enemies,
the Christians, and likewise because it seemed to them that he
was usurping too great authority.
It was fortunate that they were on the frontier of the town
of Culiacan, a village settled by Christians. The rigid determination to reduce them to good habits was due to the fact
that among them were Indians who had escaped from those
baptized at Culiacan and they would be able to weaken the obedience to the Christians. Moreover they are naturally a cruel
people, guilty of having killed some Christians. They are also
very cunning and skilful in their ways, so that they often cause
damage to the fields of the Christians.
The governor asked for messengers to guide the army and
to send a request of peace to the people of Ocoroni, twelve
leagues distant. They furnished them and also two hundred
young men, well adorned, gallant, and organized in martial
style. With this good precaution the army went on its way
by short marches.


80




CHAPTER XII


Which gives an account of the entrance and pacification of the river and
town of Ocoroni; and of the friendship of the people of
Petlatlan for the natives of Ocoroni.
Warning to Ocoroni
ROM the settlements and the river of Petlatlan to the
river of Ocoroni is twelve leagues, a journey of two
days, over lands and valleys of the same nature and productivity as those which had been crossed before. The army
marched through these districts with the necessary order and
concord. Half a league from Ocoroni there came several messengers sent by the leaders and chiefs of that town to learn the
purpose and determination of the governor in coming to their
settlement. They also came to implore him to prevent the people
of Petlatlan from entering their village, because they were cruel
and mischievous enemies. They asked him that in case he commanded them to enter they should be rigorously prohibited from
causing the harm which they might inflict and he should order
them not to commit any thefts in their houses or fields. The
governor received the messengers with kind offers, reassuring
them against the harm which the people of their town feared
from their enemies. "He assured them that his visit to their
settlement was to protect and defend them against their foes"1'6
and to establish good friendship with them.
Security for Ocoroni
The messengers were not satisfied in regard to the security
from their enemies, owing to the high degree of hatred and
hostility which they felt for each other, and which was still
greater because they were close to one another. They showed
by their gestures and their frowning faces as well as by their
threats that they had the utmost dislike and hate for their enemies. The governor reassured both sides and imposed upon them
'61The part in quotation marks is omitted by Cuevas.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


the order that they must be friends and not harm, rob, or kill
one another or be bad neighbors, under pain of punishing severely anyone who should break this command. This pleased
and satisfied the messengers very much.
Reception by the people of Ocoroni
After having given his reply to the people of Ocoroni five
hundred men appeared in full view, a fourth of a league from
the river, over a beautiful and fertile river basin. They were
divided into three squadrons all fully provided with bows, arrows, shields, spears of brazilwood, and clubs, and were wearing
rich feather ornaments, sea shells, and conchs. They were all
adorned according to their style and custom. This brilliant parade greatly pleased everybody. In this harmonious and respectful way they received the governor and his people and welcomed
them on their arrival and visit to their lands.
Ocoroni warned
The governor received them with his usual words and courtesies; with the same kindness and liberality formerly shown to
others. He and his army greatly rejoiced at seeing a town and
people with so much order and good behavior and having such
abundance of provisions. He located and stationed his force
at a commodious place protected from the harm which their
enemies might cause from the crags. He gave the natives the
same warnings and commands as to all others. In this manner
he won them over and attracted them to the Gospel, to the use
and practise of good habits of peace, harmony, order, and reason, obedience to the worship of our holy Catholic faith, and to
the benefits which they would derive by conversion and by
observing it. They accepted this and gave themselves up peacefully, becoming vassals of his majesty without complaint or resistance by force of arms.
Use of truces among the natives
He tried to restore friendly relations between the people
from the river of Petlatlan and these of Ocoroni. This friendship was accepted. For this reason and as the sign [of friendship] used among them they exchanged their bows and arrows.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XII


After this agreement of peace the people from the river of Petlatlan were sent back.
Cacica and chieftainess; obedience to Luisa
This town and river of Ocoroni was ruled and governed by
the interpreter Luisa, because of the superiority which the
people recognized in her over the other women in neatness, intelligence, and ability, rather than in the exercise and practise
of war. She was the wife of the leader and chief of this territory. Because of this predominance she was held in greater
esteem and respect by the natives of those provinces. She secured order and efficiency in many affairs which the natives
ignored and could not solve. Owing to these advantages over the
others she was coveted, respected, and obeyed by all the rulers
and chieftains of those provinces and places where she had been
a captive, and in all of them she had been the cacica, captainess, chieftainess, and the wife of each of them.
Election of leaders among the natives
There is a custom in these provinces that the bravest person
and the one who kills the most enemies is raised to the highest
leadership and obeyed in everything. By virtue of this custom
they recognize the one who kills and captures the most foes.
This woman Luisa was a captive in five different places, from
which she roamed from valley to valley; after that she escaped
from or, forgotten, was left behind by the forces of Francisco
Vazquez Coronado returning from their expedition to Cibola.
Some old people affirm that she was a native of the town of Culiacan and that to avoid serving and paying tribute she fled and
went to Ocoroni. She was familiar with the customs and languages throughout two hundred leagues of those provinces, from
Ocoroni to the valleys of Seiora and Corazones, near the plains
of the cattle. She served in this expedition from her town both
to and from the plains with great faithfulness, sincerity, care,
and diligence.
Four hundred houses at Ocoroni
Her departure caused much grief to the people of her village,
which is one of the best, and better organized than any in the
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


province of Cinaro. It consists of four hundred houses made
of reeds and reed matting and contains eight hundred inhabitants. These [houses] are round with vaulted roofs and each
one has two barbacoas and a fireplace where they cook their
meals. They are situated and congregated on the bank of a small
river, on the crest of a hill near the rough ground surrounding
a crag. This they use as a defense, fortress, and protection
against the harm which is often caused them by their enemies
from Petlatlan, Qiguini, Tegueco,162 and Cinaro. They are dexterous, spirited, and valiant in carrying on war. They resist
and defend their district against the above mentioned enemies.
The governor took leave of these people of Ocoroni with
a kind farewell and with a promise of good will, fair treatment,
and aid in everything that might be necessary, all with much
faithfulness, love, and earnestness. He asked for messengers
and guides to the town of Ciguini, which they gave willingly.
Thus they marched on to urge the people of Qiguini and other
neighboring hamlets to accept peace.
162Cuevas has Tepulco. Cuevas, Obreg6n, 76. The record does not indicate the distance from Ocoroni to Ciguini, but it was reached before coming to the Fuerte. Cinaro was on the Fuerte, and Tegueco two leagues
from the Fuerte. The three villages were seemingly close together. See
page 85. Bancroft locates Tegueco (Tehueco) on the lower Alamos, but
this would seem to be too near the coast. North Mexican States, I, 208.
On the modern map Tehueco is just south of the Fuerte, a short distance
below the town of El Fuerte, and it may indicate the location of Obregon's
Tegueco. The towns visited on both the Petatlan and the Fuerte were
fourteen leagues from the sea, according to Obregon. Cf. also Mecham's
conclusions in his Ibarra, 139.


84




CHAPTER XIII


Telling of the entry and pacification of Giguini, Tegueco arl Cinaro.
Reception by Qiguini; a strong town
HE natives of Ocoroni guided the army through thickets,
rough and dangerous mountains; through very warm,
difficult, deserted, and sandy regions; and over narrow
and unused paths until they reached the town of Ciguini. Here
the natives came out to receive the governor with great solemnity, kindness, and respect, presenting him with many kinds of
game and with honey-combs. They served everyone in the army
with great diligence and care. This town is strong and is protected by a palisade of heavy timbers built like towers. Due
to the fear of fire and no less to the fear of their enemies, for
whom they are always prepared and on the look-out, they place
sentries regularly to protect their lives and property. The governor made the same entreaties and warnings to them as to the
ones encountered before. In obedience to him they accepted
peace as vassals of his majesty. He asked them for guides,
which they gave willingly.
Fear of Tegueco; Christians disregarded
They [these natives] directed the army as far as Tegueco,
the most thickly and best settled in the province of Cinaro, and
the most famous and feared by the natives. These people paid
no attention to the Christians and did not wish to come to receive them with the order, display, and friendliness that had
previously been shown them.
Method of meeting others; reception by Cinaro
They are all in the habit of receiving visitors, expressing a
welcome on their arrival by shouting as if preaching. This is
done by one of their number who is placed in some plain or
meadow of the river with great precaution and military preparation. In these valleys they [the Christians] saw approaching
85




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


about a thousand men divided into four well organized squadrons. They were brilliantly equipped with rich feather shields,
spears of brazilwood, bows, arrows, and clubs, decorated with
quantities of feathers, wreaths, and plumage of parrots and
aquatic birds; with shells, conchs of different kinds, and pearls.
All were nude except for small pieces of cotton cloth worn
around the waist. About their necks and ankles they wore
many conchs, trinkets, and stones from the sea which, as they
came on, made an unusual noise. With all this and with great
order, joy, and concord they came to meet the governor and
his army, welcoming them on their approach and arrival in their
lands and town. They put the latter at his disposal. They provided quantities of game of all kinds, and likewise the provisions
and necessary services in abundance.
The governor meets the people of Cinaro; the Gospel preached
The governor received them, regaling them with friendly
courtesies, gifts, and with the promise of protection and firm
friendship, [saying] that he would defend them from their
enemies and that he would instruct them in good moderation,
order, justice, harmony, equity, and in the customs of good
Christians. It was important to teach them these principles of
orderly life because they live in the center of the province, whose
example the others must follow. The governor ordered the friar
to preach the Holy Gospel to them. He did this with the aid of
Diego de Soberanes and the interpreter Luisa. He informed
them of the grace and infinite mercy which God our Lord
showed them by allowing some one to come to them who could
make them understand God, their Creator and Savior, Who protects, preserves, and prospers all His creatures; that without
knowledge and confession of this truth and obedience to it and
without being baptized they could not be saved, but would suffer
perpetual and infernal pain, would miss the eternity and the
supreme and everlasting enjoyment of God our Lord, Whose
image is painted on the flag which he brought and which they
had before them. On the other side of the flag was that of the
blessed Mother of God, empress, queen of heaven and of all
the celestial and earthly creatures whose name was Holy Mary,
who intercedes and pleads for sinners.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XIII


The Gospel explained; reply of the natives
Having preached about the infinite mercy God had shown
them, and placed in their midst, and seeing that by this truth
he was drawing them to conversion and to the point of salvation, the father preached to them concerning the precious gift
of the commandments and the precepts of God our Lord, prescribed to obtain salvation as well as to live peaceful and virtuous lives as is befitting good Christians guided by the good laws
of nature. The natives listened attentively and were startled
to hear such wonderful things which their uncultured minds
could not comprehend nor dared to question. Their reply to
this sermon and good advice was that they were very much
pleased to hear such a good sermon and things of such greatness of which they were ignorant, because they had always worshipped as their god the sun, which gives them light.
The natives plan war
They often came in squadrons to see the Christians. It was
affirmed, and there were many occasions for suspecting it, that
they wished to kill them by assembling a great many people, and
that at the time when they wished to carry out their intent there
was a fight among some soldiers. When they saw the disturbance
and the many drawn swords they desisted from their determination of engaging them in battle.
Nature of this land; the river; boats used
The natives from this river are very dexterous, skilful, and
versed in the art of carrying on war. They are also good farmers. They have fields of beans, corn, calabashes, and cotton,
and are good fishermen. They live along this river as far as the
South Sea, which is fourteen leagues distant, and as far as the
mountain range, six leagues away. This river is swift, wide,
treacherous, and bordered by shade trees. It is surrounded by
fertile banks and plains suitable for grazing and farming. It
is the widest river found in those provinces next to that of Qenticpas,163 one hundred and forty leagues behind, and has better
plains, pastures, climate, and location than Chiametla or Culia6OsCuevas has Centiepac. Cuevas, ObregOn, 79.
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can. They can float small boats down this river when it is high.
It has quantities of fish and crocodiles and there is much game
both of foot and wing.164
Council of war; a fortress
When the governor learned of the scheme of the natives to
fall upon his army, and, realizing that his men were few because
the rest of them had remained at Topia, he called a council of
war. It was decided that the army should return to the river
of Petlatlan to await and rejoin the others. This was carried
out accordingly. The governor sent the maeso de campo to that
place to select a convenient site in which to lodge and protect the
army. It was carried out in the best possible manner. He ordered a fortress to be built and it was begun. A wooden one was
utilized for a few days.165
Reunion of the army
At this time the governor decided to go to Culiacan to get
men and to provision the army with the necessary things. The
officers of the real hacienda tried to prevent this trip. They
suggested that the maeso de campo should go instead. He [the
governor] begged him to go, but he declined, saying he would
never do it as it might be attributed to cowardice since he was
the one who would have to remain with few men. Even when
the governor would leave him only four soldiers, he would not
try to avoid remaining but would stay there serving his majesty
until death. When the governor saw that the restlessness
caused by his contemplated departure was increasing, he very
prudently postponed it. He sent Father Pablo de Acevedo to
Mexico city and some soldiers to the mines of San Martin. He
sent for the rest of the army which had remained at Topia, and
within a short time they rejoined him at Petlatlan.
Desertion of soldiers
At this place some soldiers deserted. The governor sent
the maeso de campo to pursue and apprehend them and to pun164This is the Fuerte which is being described.
165This camp on the Sinaloa (Petlatlan) was only temporary. After
the maeso returned from Culiacin with supplies the soldiers again went
on to the Fuerte to establish their fortress.
88




BOOK I-CHAPTER XIII


ish them in exemplary manner so that the others would not become involved in a similar crime. Although the maeso de campo
was suffering from measles, he accepted the charge entrusted
to him. He marched day and night without stopping, except
to rest during the afternoon because the excessive heat in those
lands made it impossible to march. When he reached Culiacan
he took from the stores of the merchants, on the governor's account, iron for horseshoes, powder, shirts, footgear, and other
necessary things.
After obtaining provisions he returned to Cinaro with great
precaution until he reached the province, because the land was
unreliable and somewhat disturbed. There he was well received. He gave an account of what had been commanded, meanwhile concealing the imprisonment of the fugitives in order not
to hang them and because one of them was badly wounded in
the arm by the harquebus shot given him by Pedro Ortufio during the taking of the fortress of T6pia. This deed of humanity
was greatly appreciated and praised by everyone in the army.
Council of war
After all this the governor assembled a council of war to
determine in what manner and where the town- and settlement
of those who were to inhabit that province should be established.
This will be set forth in the following chapter.


89




CHAPTER XIV


Relating how the governor founded a town in the province of Cinaro; and
telling of the soil, climate, people, and wealth found there.
Reports of metals
FTER the governor and his maeso de campo had visited the
rivers, mountains, and territories of the province, he
decided to found a town on the river Cinaro.166 This
conclusion was in part due to the large number of people found
in that province without the light of faith, as well as to the
service which would thus be rendered to the royal crown of his
majesty. In order to do so they inspected and surveyed towns
and repartimientos which would provide for the comfort of the
settlers so that they could maintain and defend the town from
the natives in case they should interfere with its founding.
There were likewise mountains nearby adapted for silver mines.
The natives had given indications of them by the large quantity
of metals which they extracted from the mountains for their
ornaments. There were likewise numerous valleys and lands
suitable for grazing and farming, which yield profits for their
owners.
Council of war to establish settlements
In order that this plan of founding the town might be done
peacefully, without forcing or oppressing the soldiers who, besides not drawing any pay were tired from the past hardships,
the governor agreed to call a council of war. [This was done]
after having communicated his design to each soldier individually, as a prudent ruler wishing to be right in such an important matter. Likewise he ordered that all of them should attend
mass together, a mass directed to the Holy Spirit, in order that
because of their prayers His holy Providence should direct them
in the manner most suitable to His holy service; should illumine their minds in that which pertained to the location and
166The Cinaro was the present Fuerte.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XIV


founding of that town and people; should lend His precious hand
and will for the conversion of that heathen people, ignorant of
His inestimable and highest worth, of His eternal enjoyment,
of the abominable damnation and punishment of the wicked,
and of the reward of the blessed. To encourage his soldiers not
to refuse a deed of so great importance, usefulness, and profit
for that people, that rustic nation, he [the governor] delivered
the following speech to them:
Address to the soldiers
"My brave and valiant Christians and friends: I should
like to have discovered and conquered another new wealthy Constantinople, another prosperous and powerful Venice, or at least
another famous and rich Mexico or another treasure-laden Peru
in order to put them into your hands and make you lords of
their estates and riches. You are more deservedly entitled to
them than those who possess, dominate, enjoy, and hold them.
But as Catholics and valiant soldiers, we must justly and devoutly consider that treasures, riches, and estates are granted
by God, our supreme Being, to whom, when, and in the manner
He pleases. Considering the unquestionable obligation owed to
His holy service by us who are Christians and who have promised and professed holy obedience and guidance in the things
pertaining to the practise and exercise of our holy Catholic
faith, it is just that we should enlist in His holy service. We
can do this by bringing to our faith this barbarous and rustic
nation, ignorant of their God, Creator, and Saviour. Thus they
may know, attain, and enjoy the splendor of His inestimable
and resplendent light of justice, and we may be a part, basis,
and means of saving them from the eternal sufferings of hell.
"Moreover by our Christian and natural duty, we are obliged
to protect and properly counsel them and to serve and increase
the number of vassals of our powerful Catholic king and natural lord. We are also bound by our honorable obligation as
good and valiant soldiers to continue doing virtuous and famous
deeds following the responsibility imposed upon us by our predecessors. On this account I decided to use you in this small
beginning, for with this as a starting point we shall find other
means to attain and augment the greatness and culmination of
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


my desire to make it match the reward of your merits, accomplishments, and loyal services. I assure you that this forms the
basis of all my promises, aims, and deeds, except for that which
I direct and employ in the service of the dominion of God our
Lord and that of the imperial majesty of our Catholic and powerful emperor and natural lord."
Reply of the soldiers
The maeso de campo, the captains, ensigns, royal officers, and
the rest of the army replied to the governor with fitting respect,
veneration, and gratitude for the favor, good offer, and advice
which he gave them. They submitted in everything to his will
and obedience, to which they swore allegiance once more, promising not to do anything whatsoever against his will but to obey
him in every respect as their captain-general.
Mass for founding a town; selection of town officials; distribution of the land; command given the maeso
After being assured of the good will and obedience of the
army and of the way they accepted the founding, locating, and
settling of a town in that province he ordered mass to be said,
offered to the Holy Spirit. By Its will, favor, and protection
he founded the settlement'67 on a beautiful and fertile bank of
the river Cinaro on the mountainous side, because that part was
spacious and dominated gentle plains, meadows, and common
lands. He appointed judicial and administrative bodies, who
by virtue of their authority distributed with great equity and
harmony the lots, small farms, and tracts of land. Each settler
was provided according to his service and merits. He left the
maeso de campo Antonio Sotelo de Betanzos as his substitute
and deputy. Since he was experienced, learned, and diligent in
matters of war he [the governor] granted him authority for the
enlargement, planning, and good organization in arranging the
town.
167The settlement established was San Juan de Sinaloa or San Juan
Bautista de Carapoa, on the Fuerte. Bancroft, North Mexican States, I,
107, 108. It was in May or June, 1564. The settlement was five miles
north of Tegueco. Mecham, following Perez de Ribas Historiac de los Triumphos de Nuestra Santa Fee.
92




BOOK I-CHAPTER XIV


A fortress suggested
To carry this out and to provide for the safety of the lives
of the settlers he suggested to them the advisability of building
a fortress. This advice was not received with pleasure. It was
like giving them aloes to taste, because they understood it was
to be built and founded by the strength of their arms. As they
were not drawing wages from the crown, the maeso de campo
used a scheme to make them work. He built and set up the first
wall with his own hands and the aid of his negroes and servants.
When it was begun he placed himself inside with the purpose of
making them feel ashamed so that they would imitate him and
lose the fear of being humiliated by mixing mortar and loading
dirt as he was doing. He did it as an example and that they
should imitate him voluntarily in the fortification for the protection of their lives.
These plans they declined and with much agitation criticised
the determination of the maeso de campo. They offered all sorts
of suggestions and reasons without any basis in order to excuse themselves from this work. It is affirmed that the chief
evil-doer in this discontent among the soldiers was the alguacil
mayor Alonso de la Mancha, who was moved by jealousy because he was not the principal author of such an important
undertaking. Consequently he took part in defending the view
of those who prevented the building of the fortress. His pretext
was that it was not right that they should do so since there were
natives who could be compelled to do it, that it was not just to
oppress the soldiers with so much work, for they were not drawing any wages and were tired from the marches and past hardships, and that by flattery and payment of gifts it would be
possible to induce the natives to do the labor.
When the maeso de campo had considered the obstacles which
were arising he held an assembly of all the soldiers. He calmed
and pleased them with much flattery and kind words, saying
that it was not right to oppress such notable and valiant soldiers in order that the fortress should be built by their labor. In
case necessity forced them to that extremity it should be with
their previous consent and pleasure. He wished to build the
fortress with his slaves, servants, and such people among the
93




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


natives of the locality as would voluntarily help him. [He
wanted to build it] for the safety of their homes; to avoid the
harm and danger which might come; to free himself from the
charge of carelessness in not having fortified his camp; to enjoy
greater liberty from the enemy; to avoid guards and sentries,
which were absolutely necessary where there was no fortress;
and in order that they might rest from the past hardships, so
that they would be ready to fight the enemy if the occasion came.
Reply in regard to the fortress
The soldiers replied to the maeso de campo saying that they
had understood him perfectly. His personal effort was only a
means of persuading them to imitate him in carrying out the
work. They pointed out to him that it was a big undertaking
and doubtful whether it could be completed. The governor himself would not have dared to undertake it, because it would require so much time that it would not be possible to finish it in
eight months. If he was determined to complete the fort, it
should be done by asking the natives to help him or by forcing
them to do so. This could not be done without the risk of driving
them to rise and rebel. In addition to being free and not used
to serve, the majority of the natives were scattered and far
from the fortress. When they came to the camp with provisions
or to trade they went back avoiding the occupations to which
the soldiers would put them. It was not right to urge or compel
them to serve until better protected and safe from the harm
which might be caused them. They paid no attention to the
ways and means of accomplishing such a useful undertaking.
Building the fortress
He [the maeso de campo] continued his work with such diligence, eagerness, and care that in twenty days he had finished
four walls one hundred paces long, although some parts were
made with heavy timbers. When the soldiers saw the progress
he was making, forced by shame, they decided to help the maeso
de campo. He distributed to them on his account, on a pro rata
basis, the wages to which they were entitled. The maeso de
campo took upon himself the task of finishing two walls and four
94




BOOK I-CHAPTER XIV


towers at the corners where the culverins were to be located.
They would guard the walls and protect the fortress.
The maeso in danger; rescuing the raft
He went up the river half a league from the camp, taking
along some soldiers, slaves, and servants. He gathered all the
axes, ropes, and cables in the army and made a raft of the logs
which had been carried down by the current of the river. Then
there came a great freshet and flood of the river. It is very
swift and treacherous during the rainy season and sometimes
when the snow in the mountains melts during the cold weather.
For this reason there was not a soldier, slave, or servant who
dared to use the raft. When the maeso de campo saw that his
work had been in vain he sent soldiers and servants to the camp
to come to his aid with naked people to draw him into a sort of
harbor found near the fortress. He was not afraid of the suffering and danger through which he was going to pass. He
warned the natives and ordered the raft to be put into the turbulent and swollen river. It started with great fury, running
beneath the willow trees thrown up on the shore of the river
by the great floods.
When the maeso de campo saw the danger to which his life
was exposed he lay down on the raft and held fast to it as best
he could in order to escape alive, waiting to be dashed to pieces
at any moment. God provided a remedy to prevent this, because
He permitted the raft to break through and open a passage with
one end, pushing aside the branches and the trunks of trees
which might kill him. It drifted to the middle of the river, approaching the fortress. The maeso de campo shouted, calling
for help. In response the soldiers rushed out hurriedly, fully
armed for battle. They were certain that those shouts and calls
were against the enemy, whom they suspected to be fighting
those on the raft. But however quickly they arrived and undressed, the raft was already going beyond the fortress and
drifting in the direction of enemy lands. To save the situation,
and especially because he feared the dangers of a cascade or
water-falls in the river, the maeso de campo decided to jump
from the raft, and he escaped by swimming at great risk to his
life. God was pleased to save him from this and other dangers.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


Value of the fortress
After this he continued the construction of the fortress until
it was completed, much to the pleasure and benefit of all. Accordingly from that time on the soldiers were more orderly,
peaceful, and contented on account of the security which had
been provided for their lives. The maeso de compo was free
from the danger and reverses which might result therefrom and
from any blame for having failed to provide himself with such
an important defense. With it ten thousand enemies would not
be enough to harm and destroy them. It eliminated watches
and sentries which they had to provide regularly at the cost of
much hardship and care. So even though it was built by dint
of much labor, it spared many painful troubles, cares, and hardships through which they must necessarily have passed if they
had not had it.


96




CHAPTER XV


Which relates how the maeso de campo built a church; and how he punished and reduced to peace the people of Tegueco168 and
those along the river down to the sea.
Building the church; its patron saint; crosses in the towns
FTER arranging the defense and protection afforded by
the establishment of the fortress for the community of
the settlement, the maeso de campo Antonio Sotelo de
Betanzos decided to build a church for the administration, practise, and exercise of the things of our holy Catholic faith and for
the conversion of the natives to the knowledge and obedience of
our God, Lord, and Creator. He began to build it in His name
and that of His Holy Mother. He chose as its patron and advocate Saint John the apostle and evangelist. To begin the structure he made, mixed and set the first mortar, foundation, and
adobe wall. The result was that through his endeavor, labor, and
care the church was founded in the province of Cinaro. From
that time on the sacraments were administered there until the
natives revolted and rose up in arms. Its consecration and the
necessary ceremonies did not take place then because Father
Pablo de Acevedo was absent from the province. He had gone
to the city of Mexico to bring friars to help him in the conversion
and instruction of the natives.169 When he returned the consecration and dedication of the church and sacraments were
carried out. The maeso de campo had an altar and a beautiful
cross placed in the patio of the church and later on he ordered
one placed in the center of every town bordering on the settlement.
168In this chapter Cuevas erroneously adopts the form Tegusco for
Tegueco.
6e9According to Bancroft Ibarra had been accompanied by four Franciscans, Acevedo, Herrera, and two not named. North Mexican States, I, 103.
If that is the case they did not accompany him on this expedition into
Sinaloa.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


The province explored
When he had finished the construction of these two works
he decided to set out to provision his army with supplies and to
restore order and harmony among the towns and natives of
the province. Since the largest town, called Tegueco, distant
two leagues from the village of Cinaro, was in rebellion and
haughty on account of its power, the people of the latter were
frightened, remained absent, or fled from their town and homes.
He had been unable to remedy this situation by persuading them
to return to their houses and to remain there securely undisturbed and without fear of the harm which they dreaded.
A spy from Tegueco
The expedition first went to these people who were nearer,
disobedient, and in need of correction. They were continuously
spying on the maeso de campo on the pretext of sending necessary provisions to the camp. They came to see and learn what
he and the Christians were doing, being guided in all this by
their schemes and malice to accomplish their evil purpose. However he ordinarily pleased and quieted them with good promises,
gifts, kindnesses, and by defending them from the harm inflicted on them by their enemies. These good assurances and
flatteries lasted until they became impudent and wanted to kill
those who went to their town.
Punishment of Tegueco
As the maeso de campo could not reduce them by peaceful
methods he determined to seize a spy and to keep him in custody
and under guard. He had some good rafts built, picked the
soldiers he wanted, and left those in the village, army, and fortress, warned and in accord. He let the horses swim across the
river and remained in hiding the rest of the day. He ordered
that the entry should be made suddenly, with great noise and
tumult, simply to frighten and reduce them to peace without the
shedding of blood.
With this arrangement and purpose he marched with the
army until it arrived at the town and meeting place of the enemy
without being suspected. The maeso de campo, soldiers, and
friends attacked with terrible tumult, noise, uproar, and shout98




BOOK I-C H APTER XV


ing. This caused such apprehension and fear in the enemy
that he who found himself alive considered himself fortunate.
Some fled in one direction, some in another, urging and bringing their women and children before them. Others found refuge and protection in the thicket, which is the shelter and safeguard for defending themselves, because it cannot be overrun or
controlled by cavalry due to its thick growth.
Capture of thirty women
Since the maeso de campo had given orders not to kill or
harm anyone, the natives were running away as fast as they
could and he was unable to effect the purpose for which he had
come. Observing that the enemy did not offer resistance and
that there was such a great tumult, the maeso de campo ordered
the men to dismount, and then went after the enemy on foot
until he reached the open country. He had left the mounted
squadron in a place where it could easily be brought into play.
Seeing that the enemy was getting away from him, he gave the
command to bring the horses. With these they pursued the
enemy until they apprehended thirty women and their children.
Worship of the sun
With this booty he returned to the camp. It was of so great
importance that while they kept it in the camp, the enemy never
dared to harm the soldiers, their servants, or horses. On the
contrary, since there was more noise than harm in the encounter,
they came from far away lands to visit and to bring presents.
At this time they came to the settlement to beg for the release
of the prisoners with pleadings and flatteries, using very complimentary words, calling them sons of the sun, which they worship and acknowledge as their god. The maeso de campo received them with the necessary kindness and courtesy. He reassured them in view of the previous harm and fear. For this
purpose he gave them the following argument and talk.
The natives urged to be Christians
Through the interpreter, Luisa, he gave them to understand
that they should know as an evident truth that the coming of
the Christians was to make good friends with them and not to
cause harm. They came that through their effort, endeavor,
99




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


and care they should be converted to the knowledge, use, and exercise of our holy Catholic faith; that by means of this true
knowledge they should obey and believe through faith; that
there is only one God almighty, Who created them, Who gave
them the life which they enjoy, and Who preserves and supports
them and all creatures and things of this world. He likewise
made and created the sun, which they feared and worshipped
as their god and true creator, cause, and maker of all things
which are established and governed by His divine will alone.
They should acknowledge Him with the proper obedience and
respect as a God without beginning or end, Whom all good and
true Christians respect, serve, and obey. He gives such people
the most precious and eternal repayment and reward, and the
wicked, who do not possess the light of faith, eternal suffering.
The prisoners are returned; their reply and promise
In the same manner they came to reduce them to reason,
justice, harmony, and order, because they lived like wild beasts,
completely given up to the cravings of their bestial lives and
vices. He told them that the stern imprisonment of their wives
was done in order that they should come voluntarily to the submission and obedience of that which he had communicated to
them. Their women he returned to them, and they were received with great joy. They appeared to have been persuaded
and pleased, and promised to obey everything which they might
be ordered. He instructed them not to go away nor to refuse to
do what should be asked. Even if they should go as far as the
clouds it would not be of any avail, for by the favor of God
they were invisible and any resistance would be futile. This
they had seen by experience, for so few Christians had entered
their lands to subdue all those provinces. All this was proper in
such a new land and among such an indomitable people as arguments would have been of no use whatsoever.
View of the Cinaro river
After these good counsels and warnings the maeso de campo
decided to go visit the settled parts of this river from the
mountains to the sea. There the natives could not be pursued
because the land was so densely covered with dangerous crags.
He gave the same discussion and admonition as he had given to
100




BOOK I —CHAPTER XV


the people at Tegueco in all the towns. In all of them he gathered and collected some provisions. He marched through the
settlements with great difficulty due to the many swamps, groves
of trees, and extremely laborious craggy spots which the deer
can hardly cross,
Urique; the natives frightened; gifts brought by them
He entered a town called Urique.170 Its people were greatly
frightened by the Christians, their harquebuses and horses, so
much so that they took to flight with much tumult and shouting. Accordingly it was with some difficulty that a means was
found of quieting the crying and hysterics of the women and
boys. This was done through an Indian who happened to come
out in full flight from a rugged spot near some cotton-wood
trees and broken country.171 It was pitiful to see the trembling
and the fear which the sight of the Christians and the horses inspired in them. They thought that they were going to be killed
there or taken captives. They were so astounded and frightened
that it was necessary to reassure them and to call and pacify
them by means of the captured Indian. Little by little and with
difficulty he induced them to accept peace, and the maeso de
campo completely reassured them. He lodged his army outside
of the craggy spot, in the open ground. Here the natives
brought him many presents of corn, beans, calabashes, fish
roasted in barbecue style, deer, hares, rabbits, and quail, all in
large quantities.
A harbor
From this place he went to explore the sea, where he looked
for harbor facilities. He found a harbor among some coves
formed by the river and although he did not ascertain whether
it was deep enough for large vessels, he let some people fish
there and they found a great quantity of big fish. He ordered
the river's mouth and entrance into the sea to be sounded. It
was done at low-tide and the depth was a little less than two
l7OThe present village of Urique is far up the Fuerte, in the state of
Chihuahua, and is not identical with the village here mentioned. Obregon
says they visited the "settled parts of this river from the mountains to the
sea." See page 100.
171This Indian was captured as he tried to escape.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


fathoms. All the people near this river provided everything
necessary with great diligence, care, and respect. They gather
much corn, beans, and calabashes. They are good fishermen;
make good pottery; and are skilful with the bow and arrow.
They are naked, with only a cloth tied around their waist. This
land is enclosed by mountains and innumerable thorny crags.
It is very warm. However there are some level plains.
Qiguini; revolt among the natives
From this town the maeso de campo returned by stages. He
came with great precaution, placing harquebusiers in the dangerous passes for the protection of those who were going by. He
continued until the army reached the walled town of Qiguini,
where the army was well received. However on the following
day when some Indians had been requested to load and carry the
baggage and provisions, one of the soldiers urged them without
the patience necessary in dealing with such strange and indomitable people. For this reason they took to arms and began to
fight the soldiers with their bows and arrows.
Punishment of a rebel; a native hits a Christian; the army
returns
When the maeso de campo learned of the impudence, daring,
and boldness of the Indians he attacked them with precaution
and swiftness. Finding the one most guilty, he had him tied
and whipped. He told those in revolt that the punishment was
for his crime and that the hands would be cut off of all those
who should dare to take up arms to fight the Christians, and
that since the guilty one had been punished, they should come
out of the thicket. He induced them to return to the town of
their own accord. He took along the Indian who had been
whipped, who while walking along gave one of the soldiers a
blow in the face. The latter, in a moment of rage, stabbed the
Indian seven times. Then they rose in real fashion. However the Indian did not die. One of the maeso de campo's negroes had forgotten a silver pitcher in the town and the enemy
gave it to the wounded man. In a rage and in revenge for the
wounds the soldier had given him, he dashed the pitcher to
pieces. After these events the maeso de campo returned to the
village, where he was well received.
102




BOOK I-CHAPTER XV


Four thousand Indians; report of metals
There are thirty thousand men more or less in this province
and the surrounding territory in a radius of forty leagues, from
the mountains to the sea and from Petlatlan to Mayambo,172 both
rivers forming frontiers. It is a very mountainous region in
the northern part, and contains large quantities of metals. In
these mountains [veins] were found [running] from seven to
eight marcos, although they were not lasting. In those parts
where metals were sought some were found of different kinds,
colors, and worth. I found many metals and veins along the
Meriombo river, in the mountains of Temmoca, while in search
of provisions to relieve the people in the army. Some of these
metals were lead, which I did not assay, others were silver,
which I sent to Don Pedro de Tovar, who assayed them at two
marcos. These metals had been taken from the surface of the
land. From that time on mines of three and four marcos have
been discovered and worked at San Andres, thirty leagues from
this province.173 Since then metals have been discovered in
places which could not be settled because the discoverers lacked
means. Much silver is taken from the mines of San Andres
and much could have been taken from the other districts if they
had been settled.
Cinaro ought to be settled
Therefore with so good and sufficient a supply of people,
provisions, lands, and metals it is certain that your sacred
cesarean Catholic majesty will increase the royal fifths; and the
real hacienda will obtain a great increase of vassals at little
expense and at the risk of few settlers. One hundred men are
enough to settle, maintain, and defend it if a good fortress,
gifts, and moderation in the demand of personal service and
tribute from the natives are used. Above all things they should
be treated with proper consideration. When the contrary was
practised it happened that they rose and killed those who had
172The Mayambo river, variously written Mayombo, Meriombo, or Mayonbo, was clearly the Mayo. Guzman called it the Mayomo. Bancroft,
North Mexican States, I, 57 note 52.
17?The impression given by Obreg6n is that San Andres was near Topia,
which is also intimated by Bancroft. Ibid., I, 107.
103




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


been living there for five years, as I shall set forth in the proper
chapter and place.
Once this town is established they could set out from there
to conquer and found others farther on, all of which are large
and [will be] profitable to your royal service.


104




CHAPTER XVI
[PART ONE]
Concerning the reception given by the judicial and administrative bodies
and the inhabitants of the town of San Miguel de Culiacan; the
many services which Don Pedro de Tovar rendered his sacred
cesarean Catholic royal majesty; and the expenditures
which the governor and his soldiers incurred in
settling and supporting the provinces of
Chiametla and Cinaro.
Departure of the governor; reply of the army and the natives
FTER the governor had founded the town of Cinaro, very
Christianlike both as to manner and means, with harmony, without massacres, wars, or shedding of blood,
he decided to subdue, conquer, and settle the province and district of Chiametla.174 There were many reports of rich mines
in that region. For this reason it was coveted by numerous persons who wished to conquer it. To carry out his plans he took
leave of the maeso de campo and soldiers.175 He charged them
to preserve peace, friendliness, and unity among themselves and
with the natives. He warned and commanded the latter to obey
the maeso de campo, the magistrates, and soldiers, admonishing
them that in case they deviated from that which he had ordered he would punish them. To do this he would return
shortly with a large number of soldiers whom he had ready.
In their reply the Christians and natives promised to obey
faithfully at all times.
Reception of the governor at Culiacdn
After these precautions he set out, traveling by ordinary
marches until the settlement of Culiacan was reached.    Here
the judicial and administrative bodies and the settlers and Don
Pedro de Tovar had received news of his departure. They de174This decision was due to the death of Doctor Morones, news of which
reached Sinaloa in June, 1564. Mecham, Ibarra, 142. Morones died in
Guadalajara on February 13, 1564. See letter of the audiencia, February
15, 1564. A.G.I., 66-5-14.
7They remained at San Juan de Sinaloa.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


cided to show the governor their appreciation for the good and
beneficial services and worthy deeds which he had performed
in the cause of your sacred cesarean Catholic royal majesty
and for the inhabitants and settlers of the town of Culiacan.
They met him with suitable hospitality, kindness, and respect;
with all possible solemnity, love, and liberality; especially with
all the help and succor that would be necessary, all in the name
of your sacred cesarean Catholic royal majesty. For this purpose you will always find them obedient to your will.
Aid by Tovar; his merits
The governor received them with much friendliness, respect,
and gratitude, particularly Don Pedro de Tovar, a gentleman
endowed with much Christian fervor, honor, and generosity.
The latter welcomed him [the governor] for the others and expressed their appreciation of his worthy deeds and accomplishments. Without these exploits and without his [Tovar's] aid
and assistance it would not have been possible to settle the
towns of Cinaro and Chiametla, because he sustained him and
his soldiers with aid, support, and comfort, and he did this regularly. Without this succor it is certain that the majority
would have abandoned him [the governor] and thus he [Tovar]
had a part in the settling of these places by his advice, judgment, and counsel.176
When the governor entered the village he [Tovar] took him
and the majority of his soldiers to his house. Here he lodged,
entertained, clothed, and provided them with everything necessary: horses, clothing, and many other essential things. This
hospitality continued for a period of six years. During this
time he did not fail to lodge, help, and encourage them in their
efforts in the conquest. To aid in this manner, he had a house
adjacent to his own set aside and devoted entirely to that purpose. All was aimed and directed to the service of God our
Lord, the conversion of the natives, the service of your sacred
cesarean Catholic majesty, the increase of the real hacienda
and vassals, and the common good of the people of the town.
176Other chroniclers make note of the cordial relations existing between
Tovar and Ibarra. Bancroft, North Mexican States, I, 108.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XVI


Francisca de Guzmdn
He [Tovar] did all this at great cost; with much courage
and generosity. He was the most virtuous and accomplished
gentleman in that kingdom. He was married to Dofa Francisca
de Guzman, daughter of Gonzalo de Guzman, a former governor
of Cuba. She was a lady of much Christian fervor, courage,
discretion, and beauty, so perfect in every respect that I doubt
if there was any one in those regions who could equal her in
virtue or quality.
Report sent to Ibarra
From this town the governor sent messengers to his uncle
Diego de Ibarra. He gave him an account and explanation by
letter of the reason for the extent and success of the expedition,
of what he had conquered and settled, and of his determination
to settle the province of Chiametla. This would not be possible
without his favor and aid. He pointed out to him the great
service which he would thus render to God our Lord and to
the imperial crown of his sacred cesarean Catholic majesty, the
emperor our lord, of glorious memory.177 To carry out this
plan his support, favor, and aid was necessary.
Ibarra gives aid
The comendador Diego de Ibarra satisfied his demand in
everything necessary, clothing, iron for horseshoes, footgear,
and munitions for the soldiers. With all this, a large number
of horses and much clothing which he took on account in the
town of Culiacan he [the governor] settled the village and province of Chiametla. Without this help I doubt it would have
been possible to settle it, because the governor and the soldiers
were in great need. He enlisted soldiers in Culiacan, in the
kingdom of Galicia, in Mexico, and other places to enable him
to put into effect his good design.
177Charles V abdicated the Spanish and Italian crowns in 1556, and died
in 1558. Hayes, A Political and Social History of Modern Europe, I, 86.


107




CHAPTER XVI


[PART TWO]
Which explains the reasons why so many wanted to conquer Chiametla;
and how Nufo de Guzman formerly established a town in it
when Culiacan was conquered.
HE TOWN and province of Chiametla is one hundred and
sixty leagues distant from the city of Mexico and eighty
from Guadalajara, in the new kingdom of Galicia, where
a royal audiencia is located. It is fifty leagues from the province
of San Miguel de Culiacan and forty from Compostela, which
is north178 of Chiametla and south of Culiacan. The great mountain range is to the west and at the right hand side going south
toward Culiacan. However from Cinaro on, as we go toward
the valleys of Senora, it runs east and west until nearing
Cibola,179 where it breaks. From Compostela it begins to widen
and gradually rises in altitude. Meanwhile the farther we go
the wider, rougher, the more craggy, and the colder it becomes.
The greatest portion of it is impossible for travel on horseback.
All of it, or the greater part, is inhabited by people with permanent mat houses, although differing in ways and customs.
This province and the mountains of Chiametla were famous
for riches of gold, silver, and metals of all kinds; for their clothing, fish, salt, lands, pastures, and fruits. Ear-rings of gold
and silver were found there. These were the things that excited
the minds and thoughts of many who desired, coveted, and
claimed the conquest and pacification of the land after it was
depopulated under Nuno de Guzman. The latter, attracted by
its great fame and by what he found there, subdued, conquered,
and pacified this province of Chiametla. Up the river of Espiritu
178It should read south.
179The directions are confusing. Cibola is of course to the north. Cuevas
has corre Este-sueste. Cuevas, Obregon, 97. The correct reading is,
leste gueste.
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BOOK I-CH A P TER XVI


Santo he founded a town,180 which he settled. There he built a
church and appointed judicial and administrative bodies. He
divided the town and encomiendas among its inhabitants and
settlers.
Since the natives were an indomitable people, hardened in
bestial and abominable vices and bad habits, they did not consent to subjugation or to serve the Christians. They decided to
rise with a great assembly and prepare for war. Consequently
in a short time they killed, robbed, and destroyed without leaving a trace of anything in sight. Fearing the punishment which
they deserved and which they dreaded on account of having
perpetrated such crimes they abandoned their lands, towns, settlements, and houses. They settled on the high and rough
mountains and gorges, concealed in the depths of the frightful
ravines, gulches, and caves. On account of these occurrences
not only were they unable to return to inhabit the town, but
they remained proud and unpunished for their crimes, and forgotten for a long time. But they repented at seeing themselves
living in the dens of wild animals and returned to inhabit their
towns in the parts and places where formerly they used to live.
Death of Samaniego
In this province, along the river above Chiametla, in a little
town surrounded by craggy heights, they killed Hernando de
Samaniego,181 who had gone ahead of his general to forage and
to secure provisions for the army. This mishap occurred on account of his recklessness and lack of care in failing to march
with precaution accompanied by his army, and in neglecting to
send messengers to the town to reassure the natives and keep
them at peace. He thought it would be a deed of boldness to
enter alone with Juan Jaramillo. The latter would have run the
risk of being killed if he had not retreated. They pierced one
of his [Samaniego's] eyes with an arrow shot. They buried
him on the shore of this river. He was a gentleman of great
80OThis was the Villa de San Miguel which Bancroft thinks was near
the mouth of the Rio de Mugeres, or San Lorenzo. North Mexican States,
I, 37, 38.
l8lThe name should read Lope de Samaniego. He was an officer in
Coronado's expedition of 1540. Cf. Castafieda's account in Winship, Coronado Expedition, 480.
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courage and boldness. He had served as maeso de campo under
Francisco Vazquez Coronado in the expedition to Cibola.
On account of the good news and signs from this province
and their verification its conquest and gobernacion was sought
by Alonso Valiente,182 a conqueror of this New Spain, and
former encomendero of Tecamachalco, and by Doctor Morones,
a former oidor of the audiencia of New Galicia. They were both
commissioned to go and conquer it, each one carrying the title of
governor and captain-general. Because the salaries and advantages which they desired were not satisfactory they did not want
to accept in the hope that your sacred cesarean Catholic majesty
would have to grant them larger salaries. Finally Doctor Morones
was granted fifty thousand pesos. With this he did not dare to
start, fearing the expenses and hardships which are experienced in these conquests. He was right because it has been
learned through sufficient information obtained by the comendador Diego de Ibarra that he spent on his own account and that of
his nephew over one hundred and fifty thousand pesos, and over
thirty thousand were spent by private soldiers in the conquest
and pacification of New Vizcaya. Remuneration and gratitude
is due them before God and your sacred cesarean Catholic royal
majesty for this service.
182See note 156.


110




CHAPTER XVII


[PART ONE]
Describing how the governor Francisco de Ibarra conquered, pacified, and
settled the province of Chiametla; how he stamped out the iniquitous
sin of human butchery practised by the natives of this region;
and how it was settled at the expense of the
comendador Diego de Ibarra.
Aid from Ibarra; the governor leaves Culiacdn for Chiametla
FTER the governor Francisco de Ibarra had prepared,
equipped, and organized his army with everything necessary, such as more soldiers, provisions, arms, horses,
and clothing in large quantities, which he took on credit from
the settlers and merchants of the town of Culiacan; and after
receiving assistance and support from his uncle the comendador
Diego de Ibarra, without which he would have been unable to
carry out or succeed in the expedition and conquest, he took
leave of the judicial and administrative officials and the inhabitants of Culiacan, and in particular of Don Pedro de Tovar and
Doina Francisca de Guzman, his wife. He left with his army
for the province of Chiametla in the month of April, 1566,183
during the hardest and most dangerous part of the rainy season.
Reception at Caguacdn
Having marched five days he arrived at Caguacan,l14 a town
situated on the frontier of Culiacan, which was at war. They
had rebelled against the settlers, [friendly] natives, and the
encomendero Juan Arias Hidalgo. On account of the great
fame enjoyed by the governor among these barbarians he was
respected, feared, and obeyed by all. For this reason they did
not dare to resist him by force of arms. On the contrary they
received, obeyed, and served him. He reduced them to the
I88The date is incorrect. Ibarra left Culiacan for Chiametla about June,
1564. See note 174.
184Caguacin is evidently to be identified with the CiguatAn of Guzman's
time. It was on the Rio de las Mugeres, the present San Lorenzo. Bancroft, North Mexican States, I, 33, 34.
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service of the royal crown of your majesty and to their encomendero, in your royal name, kindly, courteously, and with threats
in case they should break the truce. All was done by peaceful
means and with great benefit for Christianity; without harm
or shedding of blood. They had been in revolt for thirty years
and were living contrary to the law of God our Lord. They
craved human flesh. He ordered them to attend continually the
exercise, practise, and doctrine of Christians and to obey our
holy Catholic faith.
Message sent to Piaztka; reception given there
From this town he sent messengers to the people of the river
of Piaztla,185 the first district in the province of Chiametla.
They gave him guides with whom the army marched, well prepared and with military precaution, until he came to the first
settled place on the river. Here one hundred Indians, well arrayed, adorned, and equipped with weapons and trappings according to their usual custom, came out to meet the governor.
They offered him their persons, property, and everything they
possessed. The governor received them, regaling and attracting
them to his purpose by means of kind and pleasing words and
glass trinkets, which they appreciated very much. They expressed their gratitude for this with proper politeness and gave
in exchange such foodstuff as was found in their land. Here
he was well served and well treated. He made known to them
his purpose in coming to their territory and towns. This was
appropriate because they live on the frontier of the Christians.
He informed them that he was coming to favor, protect, and reduce them to peace, order, and good habits. They thanked the
governor for this, recognized themselves as vassals of your
sacred cesarean Catholic majesty, and promised to become
Christians.
Chiametla-taking possession
This was the first land and town of the province of Chiametla
and bordered the Christians' lands. Therefore the governor
took possession of the province of Chiametla, which is next to
the land of the Christians, in the name of your sacred cesarean
185The Piaztla formed the northern boundary of Chiametla.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XVII


Catholic royal majesty. This was done by the testimony and
signature of his secretary Sebastian de Quiros. He ordered a
church to be built and, by his own hand, arranged and set up
a cross in the center of the town.
Messengers to Chiametla
When he had reduced them to the service of God our Lord and
to that of your sacred cesarean Catholic royal majesty he sent
messengers to the river and chief towns of the province of Chiametla to offer them peace and friendship, that they should not
ignore the good purpose and Christian zeal which would be of
benefit to their persons,-the Gospel, orderly living, and salvation. Having heard and learned this from the messengers they
accepted the message, the admonition, and the coming of the governor and his army. They promised to receive him with the
necessary presents and obedience. He prepared the army with
what was needed and took military precautions in order to resist any harm which might be offered them.
Reception at Chiametla
With this good preparation and with warlike caution he
marched down the river. On its shores appeared three hundred
men in fine formation and martial arrangement, handsome, brilliant, and arrayed with many feathers, sea shells, conchs, and
trinkets from the sea. They carried bows, arrows, spears, clubs,
and shields. With this order, concert, and prudence they met
the governor and his army, with much respect, good feeling, and
politeness. In a short time they presented in abundant and sufficient quantity many native roosters and hens, much corn, beans,
calabashes, fruits, and game, and everything else necessary for
the horses and for personal use. The governor and his army
received them with the proper treatment, gifts, and kindness,
offering their support, favor, and good friendship. Likewise
they offered to teach them the doctrine of our holy Catholic faith,
and instruct them in order, reason, good customs, justice, and
peace; to urge them to live moderate, good, honest, and concerted lives; to draw them from the rude and bestial practise,
the vicious and dishonorable life in which the devil holds them
blinded and deceived. He gave them some gifts, trifles and
glass beads, which they esteem highly.
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Chiametla at peace; offer of Chiametla
These people of Chiametla have been at peace for a good
many years. They regularly traded and bartered with the travelers who passed through their town, and sold them provisions
for trifling wares. They promised the governor that they would
be obedient vassals of your sacred cesarean Catholic royal majesty in everything that should be commanded them. An
affidavit of this promise and of the act of taking possession of
this town and district was taken as testimony. They themselves offered to assist in the pacification and subjugation of the
cannibals in the mountains, savage, vile, wretched, and indomitable people, eaters of human flesh, so wild that they wear cues
and mirrors on their backs as a decoration. However they are
bellicose and brave. They live and are found eight leagues from
the river of Chiametla, in the rough mountains, gorges, ravines,
and high cliffs. They had usually been enemies of and at war
with the people of Chiametla. He ordered the latter to build a
church and to erect a cross in the center of their town. They
built, in good order and harmony, many houses ahd huts of straw
and wood two leagues from their village on the banks and plains
of the river above Chiametla, in the part freest from crags and
trees in a radius of a stone throw.
Camp established at Chiametla
The army was located and lodged there until the town was
founded. This plan was very useful and practical to avoid harm
to the natives, to their fields, houses, daughters, and wives, and
also to prevent insults, dishonorable sins, and offenses to God
our Lord. Such events and deeds often embitter the natives and
cause them to rise and kill those who perpetrate such offenses
on them. In the same manner it helped to keep the horses from
causing the harm which they often do to the plantations. This
can be avoided by fencing them in. It was important also in
order to be able to use the horses against the enemy in case they
should attack and injure those in the camp.
Hatred of Cacalotldn
After having established the camp he [the governor] decided
114




BOOK I-CHAPTER XVII


to visit and reduce to peace the mountaineers on Cacalo Ogtoc,186
a high and craggy sierra. To put this into effect he ordered and
warned the people of Chiametla that they should prepare to go
against those of Cacalotlan. This they did very willingly, with
great care, eagerness, and joy, because these were the enemies
with whom they continuously carried on war; who had killed
and eaten many [of their] women and children, relatives and
friends, and who had robbed them of many provisions.
When they [the natives] were prepared, arrayed, and
equipped for war according to their customary style, the governor provided his soldiers with arms, ammunition, horses, and
all other things necessary. Thus provisioned he marched with
circumspection and good military order until he arrived at the
inhabited parts of Cacalotlan. This they accomplished. Camp
was pitched in a convenient place. From that point he called,
warned, entreated, and offered peace to the mountaineers. They
paid no attention to him nor did his words and promises give
them any satisfaction. On the contrary they became more incensed and enraged. Trusting to their daring, strength, and
brutal boldness, scorning and underestimating the Christians,
they threw dust into the air, uttering unusual, bold, and frightful shouts. They made strange and rash threats against the
Christians and especially against the friends whom they brought
from Chiametla whom these natives had always been able to
frighten, intimidate, and subdue.
The Caribs attack
After these discussions, entreaties, and threats the wild barbarians attacked with terrible noise and infernal determination,
shooting numberless arrows, stones, spears, and clubs at the
Christians. They showed so little fear for their adversaries
that, ignoring the advantages, the resistance and courage of the
Christians, they continued to approach them in such a way that
in a short time they compelled the friendly Indians whom the
Christians had brought from Chiametla to retreat and flee.
Death of the Carib chief; their flight; a Christian victory
When the battle and turmoil had lasted for four hours withi86The word should read Cacalotlan. See next sentence.
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out either side obtaining victory, the governor ordered shot a
dexterous, valiant, and shameless captain who came rolling
down from the top of some cliffs. This caused most of those
who were fighting to busy themselves in carrying their captain
to his position. As they assembled there was an opportunity
to cause them greater harm with the harquebuses. By these
they were so badly treated that they would rather have seen the
mountain level in order to better safeguard their lives.187 Not
being able to hold out any longer, they fled toward the mountain
where they fortified themselves. However they had lost three
walls and some strong petioles and finally, little by little, they
abandoned the last one, giving vent to their, mad anger with
cruel threats.
Destruction of houses and orchards; Ram6n punishes the
Caribs; the battle; the governor sends aid
Nevertheless the governor once more summoned them to
accept peace, promising good treatment, friendship, and peace
with their enemies. All this was of no avail whatsoever. Seeing that there was no remedy by peaceful means he destroyed
their houses and fruit trees. Thereupon he left them after this
bad treatment and the death of their relatives, friends, and
chiefs. A short time later he sent Captain Hernando Ramon, a
good prudent soldier versed in the use and practise of war, with
some soldiers to summon them to peace. To his entreaty they
replied by attacking with great courage and desire for revenge
because of the past damages. They attacked almost fearlessly,
forgetting former punishments. They did not fear for their
towns. Thus the battle was greater and more furious than the
previous one, with a larger number of killed and wounded, and
the Christians were in need of help. For this purpose the governor came out at once on being notified, marching during the
night. He arrived at daybreak with succor. When he learned
of the battle and of the death of four horses and the wounding
of nine Christians he was determined to avenge and punish this
offense.
187The construction is curious. The point is that they would have been
able to run faster if there had been no mountains.
116




BooK I-C H APTER XVII


The tribes surrender; Caribs afraid of negroes
However when help arrived the mountaineers lost heart,
with the result that they decided to surrender and to come
down in peace. Before doing this they asked and capitulated
that the negroes should leave that region because they frightened
them and, thus terrified, they did not dare to come down until
granted what they demanded. They were asked why they feared
the negroes and they replied that they had been informed that
the negroes flew through the air and pulled them out of the caves.
The governor accepted their stupid capitulation with the warning that if they did not stop eating human flesh and making
war upon their neighbors, he would punish them with the
harm which the negroes caused and would make it more rigorous
and cruel than was said of them. He informed them that if
they abandoned their bestial practise, he would protect them
against their enemies.
Three hundred natives pacified; a warning; punishment of
murderers
Three hundred rustic, wild, and abominable cannibals came
down. The governor changed them from their ferocity by good
treatment and presents of blankets and glass beads which they
esteem very highly. He made them know and declare their
conversion to our holy Catholic faith. Likewise he established
friendship between them and the people of Chiametla, under
the penalty that he would punish those who broke the amity and
peace. He would also punish them if they ate human flesh or
if they committed the horrid sin in which they indulged. In
some towns he punished this vile and abominable sin with the
death of a few in order to eradicate such damnable vices and
sins, and to serve as an example for those who might be inclined
to relapse into this infernal evil. He told the natives to come
to the camp frequently in order that they might be instructed
and encouraged in good habits. They promised to obey his command in everything that should be ordered them.
People eaten by the Caribs; skulls found at Jamoroa
This was an accomplishment and feat useful and beneficial
to the service of God our Lord and to that of your royal crown,
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


for these wild cannibals were devourers of human flesh and so
persistent and regular in this abominable vice that although this
province had been inhabited by large numbers of people, they
had exterminated them, by eating and consuming them. Accordingly the governor Francisco de Ibarra hardly found five
thousand men in the whole province, while in former times
more than this number had come to war on Nuio de Guzman
from only one district. At Jamoroa, a small town in the sierra,
there were found in one house alone two thousand skulls and a
great number of bones from the people they had eaten.
This conquest and pacification was carried out with so much
prudence, harmony, and Christian spirit that not a soldier
was killed. There were only four battles in which few Indians
were killed although some soldiers were wounded and four
horses killed.
Eight men from San Martin seek mines
After the mastery and subjugation of this province, eight
soldier-miners, most of them Portuguese, set out from the mines
of San Martin, attracted by the fame of the mines, and crossed
seventy leagues of high and rough mountains on the track and in
search of metals, which they discovered and located. They settled on the slopes of the mountains toward the South Sea. These
are eight leagues from the old town of San Sebastian.188 There
they found gold and silver in quantity. They named these mines
Las Charcas, because lagoons had existed in these mountains
and mines. A few years later they were killed and exterminated
and their houses and settlements destroyed and laid waste. These
were the first mines which had been discovered and developed
in the province of Chiametla and the reason why it had not been
abandoned by its inhabitants and settlers at that time.
1880n Bancroft's map of Sonora in the eighteenth century San Sebastian
appears a short distance from the mouth of the Mazatlan river. North
Mexican States, I, 669.


118




CHAPTER XVII


[PART Two]
Which shows how the oidores of the audiencia of the kingdom of New
Galicia had litigations and differences with the governor Francisco
de Ibarra on the pretext that he had settled the province of
Chiametla without their permission and authority.
Decision of the oidores
FTER the governor had subdued and reduced to the obedience of the imperial crown most of the province of Chiametla and its towns, the oidores of the kingdom of New
Vizcaya, I mean, Galicia, were informed of and acquainted with
the fact. They lacked the proper forbearance and prudence
and became embittered and touched by the infernal evil of
jealousy. They tried to certify among themselves that the conquest and settlement of the province of Chiametla, which was
within the jurisdiction of their government and power,189 had
been done with too much disregard for authority, with boldness
and lack of respect for their persons and government. That is
to transgress the law and incur the same penalty falling upon
those who deprive or usurp the jurisdiction and authority of
other judges which has been given them by the order and agreement of your majesty. They held that in case he190 wished to
settle it their authority, permission, and consent should have
been obtained, and that since it had been done without this
sanction, it was just and proper that they should retrieve their
prestige and the importance of their persons and positions.
For this purpose they entered into an agreement by which
they decided to send him a letter of reprimand in which they
gave vent to the intensity of their bitter discomfiture and envy,
189The audiencia of New Galicia felt that it had been defrauded by
Francisco de Ibarra of new territory belonging to it by right of discovery.
The quarrel began before Ibarra's time. On October 8, 1559, the viceroy
was given authority to conquer that region and Doctor Morones protested
against the annexation of Copala to Mexico. Mecham, Ibarra, 193 ff.
o90Ibarra.
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censuring him for what is contained in this chapter. They
treated him as a delinquent and a criminal, when the deed
and accomplishment of so great importance, cost, and hardship
for himself and his soldiers deserved praise, gratification, and
reward. In the letter they threatened him that if he did not
leave their territory, if he did not admit as alcalde mayor of his
district the man they had selected and who must be subject to
the audiencia,191 they would provide the proper remedy, proceeding with the necessary rigor against his disobedience and
rebellion.
Reply of the governor to the oidores; he consults Tovar
This message and letter reached the governor. He armed
himself with patience and fortitude. In replying he made good
use of the virtues of prudence, charity, and Christian forbearance, healing their impure hearts and appeasing their anger and
jealousy. He moderated their wicked intentions with select and
Christian explanations of what God our Lord had ordered and
willed by his expedition. He told them how his army had been
defeated on the plains of San Juan while in search of and after
news of the town of Topia and other information. All turned
out to be very uncertain and very different from what he
thought, because they had been pointed out as crowded with
people and riches. He had not come directly to the province of
Chiametla, but with the purpose and desire of serving God our
Lord and of increasing the vassals and hacienda of the imperial
crown of his imperial majesty. Considering the weakness and
laziness of some of his soldiers who, he realized, would desert,
he consulted with Don Pedro de Tovar and with the principal
people in the army. They decided that he should settle the
provinces of Chiametla and Cinaro.
The governor defines his commission
Moreover God our Lord had allowed his defeat and descent
to these provinces without his previous intention or desire to do
so, and even when he wished to go back it was impossible due to
the ruggedness, height, and roughness of the mountains, which
0llOf New Galicia.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XVII


could not be climbed or crossed by any means.192 In view of the
great service that would be rendered to God our Lord and his
imperial majesty, and the benefits and profits which the natives
would derive by conversion, good habits, harmony, and justice,
he determined to settle those two provinces. Furthermore this
had been done at his expense and by his plans, labor, and persistence. He had sufficient authority to conquer and settle new
lands. This had been granted him by the viceroy Don Luis de
Velasco. Both they'93 and the governor were vassals of the
same king, working toward the same end and all dedicated to
the obedience and will of God our Lord. His'94 titles and grants
showed and declared how he had been named captain-general
and governor of all he might discover, conquer, and subdue. In
that conquest and settlement, his majesty had not taken part or
incurred any expenditure, but had been served, and the imperial
service increased with many vassals, tribute, and royal fifths.
[He added] that since the truth and real knowledge of this fact
was evident to them, it was just, holy, and proper that they
should permit, favor, and aid in the conversion and salvation
of those pernicious heathen, eaters of human flesh.
Padilla sent against the governor
In spite of all this good and very Christian explanation; in
spite of the zeal, the benefits and many good deeds, the hearts
[of the oidores] were hardened in the fierce evil of abominable
jealousy. They sought and gave orders that some one should
go and rigorously urge and compel him [the governor] to concur
in what they planned. They sent Don Lorenzo de Padilla because he was rigorous and of rough disposition, and they gave
him stringent orders. He returned from the trip because of the
good news he received of the bravery and fine deeds of the governor and because he did not have people and arms with which
to impose his commission. Moreover as he was going to hinder
the service of God our Lord, He softened and changed his purpose and anger.
192See note 151.
i93The oidores.
94Ibarra's.
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Rivera's commission; he vouches for the governor
When the oidores saw that Don Lorenzo had not dared to go,
they gave Antonio de Rivera, whom they had sent as visitor of
the province of Culiacan, the commissions against the governor.
Obeying the order he made known his powers when he arrived
in Chiametla, without imposing his authority or by appealing to
the rigor of justice, but guided by moderation and good purpose. The governor received him as if he were a judge of his
imperial majesty, showing him great respect and good treatment. He [the governor] satisfied him in every way, so that although there were many private demands, objections, and discussions between them, he wrote to the oidores vouching for the
Christian and humane deed which the governor had accomplished, for which he really deserved reward and support for his
good beginning.
After this God our Lord allowed that there should be peace,
harmony, and conformity, and it was arranged and agreed that
the appeals in the litigations and lawsuits in this case should be
sent to their audiencia.195 The governor accepted all this because it was convenient for his gobernacion, considering its
proximity, and because the city of Mexico was one hundred and
sixty leagues from Chiametla. These and other annoyances, discomforts, and hardships the governor endured as reward for
the esteem and gratitude which his honorable achievement and
loyal service merited. This reward and gratitude is not given
to those people from these parts who do not ask it from your
sacred cesarean Catholic royal majesty.
195That is, the audiencia of New Galicia. It was done by royal cedulas
of 1573 and 1574. Before that occurred appeals from New Vizcaya went
to Mexico. This had been confirmed on May 31, 1567, by Viceroy Falces.
It was on Viceroy Enriquez's recommendation that the later c6dulas were
based. Mecham, Ibarra, 196, 197.


122




CHAPTER XVIII


Which makes known the arrival of Captain Salvador Ponce with his
soldiers from the cities of Mexico and Guadalajara and the
coming of Hernando de Trejo and myself.
News regarding Trejo
s THE governor wished to provide the town with a capable
person in order to entrust its growth to him, he investigated and inquired for someone who would be qualified for this charge. He heard of Hernando de Trejo from Estremadura, a prudent gentleman, credited with many virtuous
qualities in his person, reputation, and life, and versed in the
use and practise of war. He decided to write him a letter in
which he earnestly begged him to come and assist in the conversion and pacification of the natives. It seemed that at that
time God our Lord allowed that some mining property which he
[Trejo] had at the mines of Jocotlan should burn down. This
gave him reason to suspect that it had been permitted to let him
understand that God had taken away his property because it
prevented him from helping in that enterprise. As he found
himself helpless without this resource and as the governor was
offering him a better position he replied to his letter saying that
he wished to serve your majesty in any capacity the governor
would employ him in his gobernacion.
Abellaieda's commission; warning given
At this time I arrived at the city of Compostela'96 where I
found him because I went ahead to warn the governor that Don
Juan de Abellanieda was on the way against him and his soldiers.
He had a royal decree, obtained by a false report, which an
enemy of his brought from your royal council, in which he [the
governor]was ordered to go give an account and explanation regarding seven hundred horses which the soldiers of his army
had stolen at the mines of San Martin. He alleged that since
196Compostela became the capital of New Galicia when conquered by
Guzman in 1531. Guadalajara later was made the capital. Bolton and
Marshall, Colonization of North America, 39, 55.
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he [the governor] was a man of great power no judge would
dare to coerce him or to take measures against him. Desiring
to render this service and to warn the governor, I determined
to travel alone through forty leagues of uninhabited enemy territory during the rainy season when the rivers are swollen and
furious.
Trejo's decision
When Hernando de Trejo saw my determination he communicated his decision and plans to me. I advised and explained
how the trip was to his interest and that we should travel together. Although he was undecided and set forth the disadvantages of his limited means and the dangers referred to, it was
finally agreed that we should go together, that we should travel
light, with only our arms, without being hindered by baggage,
in order to be prepared to defend our persons in case we happened to meet hostile Indians.
Statement of a friar; arrival of Trejo and Obreg6n
With this determination we proceeded on our trip doubling
our marches.197 However I was hindered in my progress by
tertians which bothered me at Jalisco. Here I wished to confess as it was my duty and on account of the danger in which I
was, due to my illness and because we had to travel through hostile territory. A Franciscan friar refused to confess me on
account of the bad opinion which he had of soldiers, because he
said they killed the Indians. In order not to show weakness I
continued on my journey, suffering hardships due to the warm
lands. We watched by turns. Well provided and cautious we
continued doubling our marches until we came to the town of
Chiametla where we found the governor. He received us with
much kindness, pleasure, and courtesy. He lodged us in his
quarters where I explained my reason for having gone on ahead.
He thanked me therefor and made the proper arrangements so
that the coming of Don Juan de Abellafieda was not necessary.
Arrival of Ponce; reward for Ponce; services; his expenses
A few days later Captain Salvador Ponce arrived with the
l970bregon and Trejo thus traveled together from Compostela to Chiametla.
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BOOK I —CHAPTER XVIII


people whom he had gathered in the cities of Mexico and Guadalajara. These people were not many because they were given
no wages, arms, or any help other than food.
The governor received and thanked him for his good diligence, labor, expense, and earnestness, offering and promising to
reward it. If he wished, this might consist of encomiendas and
the profits of the land which he should prefer. He wanted to
be rewarded for his services in the royal court of your majesty.
To favor him and to enable him to marry off two maiden sisters
your royal Council of the Indies granted him a captaincy for
the wars in Italy. This he also refused because he did not wish
to abandon the orphan girls. He was favored with the rod of
alguacil mayor of the town and province of Chiametla, which is
of little value. He deserves greater reward because he spent
five thousand pesos in the conquest and pacification of New Vizcaya. He served your royal crown in the things of most importance with much earnestness, effort, care, and at the risk
of his life, always with the proper fidelity and obedience.
The governor sent the soldiers brought by Salvador Ponce to
Cinaro to take part in the expedition to the plains of the cattle.
The first to find metals in Chiametla
I was the first discoverer of mines in this province when I
came from the trip which I made to the island Cardena de la
Carniferia. I was accompanied by my father-in-law, Don Antonio de Luna, and the adelantado Melchor de Legaspe. This
happened before the province was settled. Diego de Guzman saw
the metals in the town of Culiacan.198   I assayed them  and
found them high grade. Consequently the find was utilized after
this discovery. I made assays while I was a soldier of the governor Francisco de Ibarra. I gave reports of the mines which
are today settled by the people who have discovered and settled
198The passage is obscure. It reads: "Fui el primer descubridor de
minas en esta provincia cuando vine del viaje que hice a la isla cardena
de la carniferia en compania de don Antonio de Luna mi suegro, antes que
se poblase viniendo juntos el adelantado Melchor de Legaspe. Diego de
Guzman vio en la villa de Culiacan los metales y su ensaye de buena ley,." This is the verified reading. See the last paragraph of chapter
XXXVI. It seems clear that California is meant and that the above
jumble is an error committed by the copyist in making the manuscript
now in the Archivo General de Indias.
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them.199 Large quantities of silver have been extracted from
them. From this service of mine to your royal crown has come
a large increase of royal fifths.
1990n several occasions Obregon states that he discovered rich mines.
These mines were not exploited owing to lack of laborers.


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CHAPTER XIX


Giving an account of how the governor Francisco de Ibarra founded the
town and mines of the province of Chiametla; of the distribution of
the encomiendas, towns, lands, orchards, and lots; and of
how he took leave of its settlers.
Appeal to the Christian natives; decision to found a town
FTER the governor Francisco de Ibarra had conquered and
pacified the province of Chiametla with such Christian,
pacific, and harmonious means he issued a general call
to all the native chiefs and leaders of the province. Likewise he
talked with all the soldiers that they should make up their minds
as to what they wished to do in regard to settling in that province. The rest should think of going on new discoveries which
he was going to undertake. His determination and plan was to
found a town in that province and to apportion the towns in
which they should remain as settlers.
Trejo's excuses
Moreover he begged Hernando de Trejo with much kindness,
modesty, and honorable courtesy, to remain in that province and
village which he was going to establish200 as his substitute,
justicia mayor, and deputy in order that he, by his good industry,
earnestness, and care would encourage its prosperity and protect it with the defenses necessary for its safety and growth.
Hernando de Trejo declined, stipulating and asking that he be
granted the privileges necessary for the benefit and profit of the
community, and for the founding and support of the province
and its settlers, setting forth as his excuse the damages and annoying inconveniences [to which they would be subjected]. All
of this was sufficient reason for his refusal, especially since he
offered to serve [the governor] without any appointment. He
did not dare to govern and command as he was in such financial
straits.
This was an unfortunate situation in a new land, lacking all
20oIn Chiametla.
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necessities and without the support of your real hacienda. On
this account he [Trejo] could not urge or use force with those
who would like to escape. Aside from this he wished to learn
the will of those who had decided to remain as settlers, and to
inquire about his claim to reward for his services.
Mass for founding a town
The governor answered him urging them with greater offers
and the obligation due to the service of God our Lord and your
royal crown. He asked him to join the soldiers and ordered all
of them to attend a mass dedicated to the Holy Spirit. At this
mass they should pray and ask It with much devotion to illumine
their minds in order that in their meeting and council might be
decided that which would be most suitable for Its holy service
and for the benefit, advantage, and profit of the natives, the
community and the foundation of the town which they wished
to establish, especially that it should be for the conservation of
peace and harmony; the conversion of the natives to the communion of our holy Catholic faith; that It should draw them
away from their bestial, blind, and abominable vices and sins;
and that they should be taught and kept in justice, moderation,
order, and Christian conduct.
Trejo's offer; Trejo accepts on own terms
After attending mass the soldiers assembled in a house.
There Hernando de Trejo offered them his person and good
friendship with much kindness and fine words, promising to
work for the benefit, advantage, and protection of their persons,
houses, and estates. The soldiers thanked him, answering with
similar promises of obedience and loyalty in all that they should
be commanded. They earnestly begged him with much kindness
and respect to accept the position of lieutenant-governor. He
answered that he would do it to please them, provided the governor would accept the capitulations that might be drawn up at
their council meeting, for it was just that all things should be
provided for in order to protect themselves from the Indians in
case they wished to hinder the foundation and building of the
new town and community. He thanked them for their good
will.
That which Hernando de Trejo demanded and stipulated in
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XIX


his own name and in the name of the residents who were to settle
there was as follows: Before all other things he [the governor]
should give them their repartimientos of Indians, lands, and
servants for personal use. He should ask your majesty to approve the repartimientos of towns and privileges to gentlemen
and others; to approve the twentieth part;201 and to exempt
them from the pecho and alcabala for a few years.202
The conditions approved
He [Trejo] discussed all this with the governor, who accepted
these conditions but repudiated the clause referring to the servants. He excused himself, saying he could not grant it because
it was beyond his power, but that in the future they would be
given a repartimiento of personal servants for working the
mines and for the use in their houses. He advised that each
should take the orphans from his encomienda into service with
the responsibility of paying, instructing, and Christianizing
them. This should be put into practise when the natives were
more manageable and better subject to persuasion.
Title and salary of the governor; he aids the soldiers
After this decision your majesty was informed of these and
other loyal and profitable services. Through this information
your majesty had the kindness to grant them the things and capitulations which they asked from the governor, granting a salary of two thousand ducats and a new title for his gobierno. All
this was granted in respect of their hardships, expenditures, and
worthy services, so beneficial and profitable for the increase of
our holy Catholic faith and of your royal crown. The governor
gave them succor consisting of horses, arms, ammunition,
clothing, iron for horseshoes, and footgear all in quantity.
The town founded; baptism of the chiefs; meet encomenderos
With this good preparation, order, and harmony the governor founded the town of Chiametla, naming Saint Sebastian
20lThis was to take the place of the royal tenth which had to be paid
on the precious metals or stones found in the region during the first ten
years. "Ordenanzas de su magestad hechas para los nuevos descubrimientos, conquistas y pacificaciones, Julio de 1573.".Col. Doc. Ined., XVI,
164.
202The pecho was a tax formerly paid to the government by those who
did not belong to the nobility. The alcabala was a sales tax.
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as its patron saint, because it was founded on his feast day.203
He selected alcaldes and magistrates. He distributed the towns,
lands, orchards, and lots, giving each man according to his quality, service, and merit. He ordered the natives to be instructed
in the use and practise of our holy Catholic faith. Father
Pablo de Acevedo baptized many important chiefs, boys, and
girls. He warned and charged the chiefs to preserve peace, harmony, and conformity with the Christians and likewise with the
people of their district, with whom they were always at war before they became Christians. He warned them very insistently
not to eat human flesh and not to practise the nefarious sin. He
entreated them to recognize and serve their encomenderos, introducing the latter to every one of them. He gave them especially to understand that each one of those to whom they were
given in encomienda would support, defend, and favor them
against their enemies as well as on all other occasions that might
arise.
The settlers warned to keep the peace; benefits of peace
He gave the settlers of the new town a Christian talk and
warning. He told them that since God our Lord had been
pleased to reward them for their hardships and good services
they had obtained profit and remuneration; had obtained the reward and gratification of rescuing and saving the souls that were
going to be saved. They should consider the reason which obliges
them to preserve peace and harmony with the natives. The
value, worth, and esteem of all this is well known as is stated
and affirmed by the blessed Saint Augustine,204 who says that
peace gives rise to clearness in the mind, quietude in the soul,
simplicity in the heart, and a correspondence of love compared
to charity. Charity drives away enmity, stops wars, corrects
anger, dispels pride, gives consolation to the humble, eliminates
discords, restores friendship among those who dislike one another, increases and uplifts the condition of people and of re203January 20, 1565. Bancroft was confused by certain errors in Ibarra's
"Relaci6n." It would appear from this relation that the settlement of
Chiametla was undertaken after the journey to the buffalo plains, which
was not the case.
204St. Augustine's City of God (De civitate Dei) may be read in the
English translations of J. Healey or M. Dods.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XIX


publics; it is the instrument of all honesty, it brings fruits and
riches. With it one can attain the favor of God and of nations.
It dispels avarice, adds honor to the illustrious, and to those not
so fortunate it gives courage that they may become so. It incites the spirit in every one to the service of God. Finally,
peace is a gift that everyone desires and loves. For this reason
the Blessed Saint says that he who attains it should preserve it
and that those who had lost it should strive to regain it; that in
the end the benefits derived from it were for the conservation of
happiness.
The departure
He [the governor] suggested the forms and means that had
to be observed to stop disagreements, wars, enmities, hatred,
and dissensions. At the same time he explained how to preserve,
esteem, and secure peace. They should conserve what had been
gained; be good Christians in every way, God-fearing and obedient to the royal authority. The settlers and the natives thanked
the governor for the good monitions which he gave them. After
this talk he took leave of them all. They went forth accompanying and serving him until he left the jurisdiction of their
gobernacion.
Provisions in the province
In this province there are plentiful provisions of corn, beans,
calabashes, turkeys, native fruits, and cattle which they found
had multiplied from those left for lost by Francisco Vazquez de
Coronado when he went on the expedition to Cibola and from
those left by the inhabitants of Culiacan when they brought cattle to their town. There are many fish, oysters, prawns, much
salt and cotton. The inhabitants derive profits from all these
things, especially from fish, salt, the corn fields and the mines
from which they have extracted and still secure much silver.
Ibarra's expenses
As the governor had left this province in concord, harmony,
peace, and quiet, he sent messengers to his uncle Diego de Ibarra,
giving him an account of all he had done and of the pacification
of this region. It had been subdued and settled at the expense
of his uncle Diego de Ibarra, a knight of the order of Santiago.
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For this purpose he gave all that was necessary, in very ample
and sufficient quantities. Without this assistance and support
I doubt whether it would have been possible to pacify or settle
the province. He spent a large sum of pesos. He calculated
and found that this sum amounted to one hundred thousand
ducats. He encouraged and comforted the soldiers that they
should persevere in the subjugation and settlement of the whole
gobernacion. These expenses, cares, and efforts were worthy of
the settlement of the whole gobernacion and deserved much esteem, praise, and reward from your royal majesty and from the
people who thereby derived some advantage.
The governor at Culiacdn; services of Tovar
When the governor arrived at the town of San Miguel de
Culiacan,205 he and his soldiers were very well received and
lodged in the houses of Don Pedro de Tovar and of the inhabitants. They were well treated and attended. They were given
everything necessary, in such a manner that Don Pedro de
Tovar spent a large sum of pesos in the service of your royal
crown. These deeds were worthy of reward for his wife,
children, and descendants. Moreover there should be added the
services he rendered as captain on the journey and expedition
to Cibola and the support of the province of Culiacan, by protecting and defending it from the enemies who continuously tried
to destroy the district, its inhabitants and settlers. He was the
cause and means that it was not abandoned by many settlers who
lived there. They refrained from leaving on account of his request and because he aided and protected them in their hardships and comforted them in their needs. They suffered thus
because the lands were very warm and far from Christian settlements. It is the last of the inhabited lands toward the south.
He was captain-general in that province. This he always defended, punishing the enemies who attacked it. Because of the
fear of the punishment which he administered they did not destroy it. He arranged credit for the governor for quantities of
clothing, iron for horseshoes, munitions, horses, iron, and footgear. This did not include the large quantities of gifts which
he gave, or the equipment for the boat that was being built at
206Ibarra is now on his way north.
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BOOK I-C H A P T ER XIX


Cinaro. In the same manner he lavishly continued to attend the
governor and his soldiers with much pomp, courtesy, and expense. He did not allow the governor or his soldiers to spend
anything on the trip as far as Cinaro, which is sixty-five leagues
from Culiacan. He was attracted by some famous mines which
the maeso de campo and his soldiers in Cinaro had discovered.
These mines produced eight marcos per hundred-weight. He
also went to establish some cattle ranches on the Sebastian de
Evora river, which he holds in encomienda, and to completely
pacify, as he did, the people of Petlatlan, Ocoroni, and Cinaro, in
the province and jurisdiction of his gobernaci6n.


133




CHAPTER XX


Which discloses how the maeso de campo Antonio Sotelo de Betanzos
caused metals to be discovered at Cinaro; a rebellion which began
to spread in the army; and the events which took place while
the governor was settling the town of Chiametla.
The first military precaution; sternness to secure obedience;
method of obtaining provisions
NE OF the most useful and necessary things for which
preparation is very essential in lands newly conquered
and settled is to be fortified and prepared to ward off
the damages caused by the Indians with the effrontery which
they ordinarily display. When those who Christianize them
satisfy first their craving, their abominable covetousness, rather
than the service of God, security, honor, and the defense of
their persons and lives, satisfying first their desires, how can
they be constrained and compelled by justice and force of arms
to fulfill, execute, and obey that which may be commanded for
their benefit and profit? First and above all things should be
the observance, fulfillment, and exercise of the things pertaining to the use and practise of our holy Catholic faith, and next
the obedience and respect to the royal justice. They [the
natives] should not be allowed to feel or think that they are
deprived of their goods, nor should this be the case in the dealings carried on with them in obtaining supplies and other
things.  Furthermore   whatever may conveniently be purchased from them should be paid for, or should be asked for with
propriety, kindness, and their consent obtained, that they may
imitate and follow the example of the harmony, Christian purpose, and good order of the Christians.
Punishment of first offenses
Together with this good order, agreement, and justice, harsh
and thorough punishment should be administered in the first
encounters and acts of insolence displayed by the natives on attacking. Bravery should be shown without giving them a chance
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XX


to suspect cowardice or weakness in the heart of any soldier.
This spirit should be exercised in the first battles in order that
the acknowledged advantage which they have experienced would
frighten, demoralize, and subdue them to things reasonable and
Christian. These means eliminate and prevent many barbarous
and unnecessary deaths and the shedding of blood.
No trade in time of war
This order and accord was accomplished and put into effect
by the governor in the conquest and pacification of that jurisdiction. He gave instructions to his captains that they should
imitate him without exceeding this new regulation. Likewise
he commanded his maeso de campo not to give occasion or permit any soldier to deal or trade with the natives. Sincerity and
just treatment of the natives are extremely important in these
new lands.
Trust of the Indians; their reply
While the captains of Nufio de Guzman were slave hunting in
this province it happened that Alvar Niuniez Cabeza de Vaca and
his companions arrived there. By miracles God allowed that
they should come to those parts. They were accompanied by
numerous people who never revolted or fled to those who were
being made slaves.206 On the contrary those who were in hiding
and had fled from the captains207 were induced to accept peace.
Although the latter told them [the natives] not to believe or
serve those whom they were leading,208 that they were people
who had lost their way, while they, the captains, came in the
name of the great Lord. The natives did not believe them, replying that those whom they were leading never tried to take
slaves nor did they take other things aside from what was necessary for their support. The rest they gave away, and they compelled those who held captives to return them. For this reason
they saw that those who had fled came down of their own ac206"The Indians ever accompanied us until they delivered us to others;
and all held full faith in our coming from heaven.... Thus we... traversed all the country until coming out at the South Sea." Quoted by
Bolton in the Spanish Borderlands, 43.
207Qf Nunio de Guzman.
208They were leading Cabeza de Vaca and his companions.
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cord. They [the natives] put more trust in those who did not
deceive them and whom they knew to be not greedy.
Evil deed of the Christians
The captains acted so badly during the absence of Alvar
Nufiez that they fell upon those who were coming in peace and in
good faith.209 This was a case deserving punishment, because
even though they are barbarians they want to be sincerely dealt
with and given good treatment. In this manner even animals
are tamed and domesticated.
Scheme to prevent desertion; insolence shown the maeso
The governor had also ordered the maeso de campo not
to settle the mines until the natives were pacified and subdued.
This caused the soldiers to be very discontented because they
could not obtain permission from the maeso de campo to settle
the mines. Among themselves they talked of abandoning the
province. When the maeso de campo saw that he could not put
them off by good promises he decided to send for some metals
which he assayed. He took precautions against the possibility of
the misfortune which might ensue in case the metal should appear to be poor. He put a definite amount of silver in the metal
with much secrecy and premeditation. When the amount extracted was figured up, it was discovered that the metal had no
silver.210 However this excited and encouraged the soldiers.
Thus by means of this false assay he held them, although afterwards they persistently annoyed him.  It reached the point
where an old soldier from Italy became very bold and speaking
for all asked him in an excited manner why he did not let them
take advantage of and settle the mines. He demanded whether
it was a religious precept to hold them subdued in military manner, without wages and without remuneration.
The maeso explains the assay
He [the maeso de campo211] threatened this soldier with the
209Although Vaca was able to shield the natives from the slave hunters
it was only for a short time. The slave catchers "executed their plans as
they had designed." Spanish Borderlands, 44.
210That is, aside from the amount with which it had been salted. Cuevas
leaves out the word no, the key word. Cuevas, Obreg6n, 124.
211The maeso de campo had been left in charge of San Juan de Sinaloa
when Ibarra went to Chiametla. See ch. XVI.
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BOOK I-C H A P T ER XX


gallows if he became unruly and failed to respect him as he
should. He secretly assembled the alcaldes whom he charged
under oath to maintain secrecy. He informed them that the
assay of the metal was false, that he had done it to accredit the
land that it might be settled by putting off the soldiers who
wanted to leave. Inasmuch as they were representatives of your
majesty they should help and lend their services in order that
the natives might receive the light of faith, and support the territory. If he had prevented the soldiers from going after more
metal it was that the falsity of the assay should not be discovered, for he feared that the land would be deserted if this was
known. With these things and by entertaining, exercising, and
teaching them the way they should fight, and by treating them
with kindness and pleasing remarks, he was holding them, although he could not keep them contented.
The maeso urged to find metals
At this time the governor wrote to the maeso de campo,
telling him how he had settled the province of Chiametla; that
he had left Hernando de Trejo as his substitute there, and had
sent Father Pablo de Acevedo on the expedition to the north
with the soldiers which Salvador Ponce had brought from Mexico. At the same time he informed him that he should discover
some mines, that it was nigh time, and that he should give him
an account of them.
Discovery of metals; soldiers repudiate their agreements;
are warned
He [the maeso de campo] carried out these instructions and
gave the governor a written report. To accomplish what the
governor told him in his letter he sent out a fellow with a group
of soldiers, who in a short time brought many metals of different colors, one of which contained more than eight marcos [to
the hundred weight]. When they saw that the metals were so
rich and of so high grade they became refractory, repudiating
the agreements and disregarding the authorities, and with great
impudence would not allow the other soldiers to engage or share
in it and opposed it with great tumult and shouting. The
maeso de campo came out of his tent to calm them. As they did
not wish to submit willingly he sent them to their tents as
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prisoners. The alcalde ordinario handcuffed them and did not
want to remove these until the governor should arrive. The
maeso de campo reprimanded him for his childish action and
ordered announced that under penalty of treason against your
royal crown the mines should not be disposed of or distributed
until the governor should come. Not only was this act of no
use, but they were so incensed and obstinate in their bad intentions that during that night they planned their bold designs
and near mutiny for the following day. Early in the morning
of that day the notary called in a loud voice like a town crier,
saying: "Come all and let us divide the mines, for there is no
one with authority to hinder us from so doing. It is just to
fight and to die for what one does for God, for the king, and
for the law."
The ruler threatens the rebels; division and uprising in the
army; obedience to the maeso
The maeso de campo went about cautiously, usually armed
night and day. When he heard this man he got up greatly incensed. He came out with a broadsword in his hand, shouting
in a loud voice: "To arms, servants of his majesty; and take
heed that the one who becomes unruly and disobeys me shall
be hanged or whipped!" He left the fortress thinking that with
this threat everything would quiet down. Not wishing to harm
the soldiers he did not make use of the severity which he could
have employed. When he went back to the fortress again, he
found them still more enraged and burning with their evil intentions. He called the alguacil mayor and ordered him to arrest the notary who was shouting loudly that he was not his
judge, appealing to the justice of the king. A soldier jumped
in, took the rod from the hands of the alcalde, and raised it on
high as a sort of flag. With great tumult the soldiers divided
and drew apart. The army was in serious danger. Incensed
with anger the maeso de campo attacked the notary and brought
him down before his feet with two blows from his broadsword.
He had him arrested and a couple of handcuffs put on him. At
this juncture his valiant Biscayan friends took a hand. The majority of the army acknowledged the advantage of the maeso de
campo's band. Seeing that he was more powerful, they submitted
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XX


to him. The entreaties of the entire army were so many that
he did not inflict the punishment which the impudence and crime
of [the notary] deserved. In order not to disturb the army or
fill them with apprehension, he relented and tried to eliminate
other greater inconveniences.
Exploration of the province
At this time the governor wrote that he was coming and
that the maeso de campo should visit the land, taking along
Father Pablo de Acevedo. This he did, having provided for the
defense of the camp as well as he could. With twenty picked
soldiers he marched until he reached the Mayonbo river which
is twenty leagues from Cinaro.
Rise of the Cinaro and Mayo rivers; corn burned
The guide fled, causing them to wander along a stream where
there was no road, over sands and crags covered with great
thickets and thorny trees.212 He found the people of Mayonbo
very much in need of corn, because a big flood carried away
their crops and trees a hundred years old. The river Cinaro
likewise becomes larger as far as the fortress. This caused them
to hurry in constructing houses. The first one belonged to the
maeso de campo. They did not dare to build more, fearing the
rise of the river. Because of this fact, and the disorder which
existed at the beginning in not storing any corn, the burning of
it by the soldiers and natives due to the great abundance which
there was at first, and the misuse of it at Tegueco and other
towns, caused such a scarcity that the natives went about in the
mountains and fields seeking herbs, roots, and game to support
themselves. If the maeso de campo had not kept a supply of
corn, he would have been forced to seek and bring it from the
mountains. Hunger would have compelled them to abandon the
province.
From here he went to visit the villages on the coast. When
he had visited them, he returned to the town with much precaution, without any disorder or mishap befalling him. Here
he received news of the cattle and of the houses of great height,
212They followed one of the upper branches of the Alamos northward, or
perhaps the branch of the Fuerte east of the town of Alamos.
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and he was induced to go visit them. This would have been
too bold.
The maeso fights a bear
When he arrived at the town,213 he helped the most needy
with provisions. As the want became acute the maeso de campo
went out hunting to succor the soldiers with some meat of which
they were greatly in need. He killed many deer and supplied
the necessity. Having wounded one the day before, which was
lost, he returned to look for it. When he found it, he put it on
the haunches of his horse with great exertion since he was alone.
He would never have found the deer except for the trail of the
vultures which had begun to feed on it. He had gone a distance
of two leagues, eager for the game, riding an easily frightened
horse. When night came on as he was traveling through those
mountains and crags and undergrowth, so thick that it was impossible to progress outside of the path, a bear attacked him
with such terrible and furious impetus and boldness, that besides the great noise which it was making through the crags and
thickets it made him shiver and his hair stand on end and made
the horse snort. To defend himself, he at once drew his
sword, greatly frightened and upset to find himself attacked by
an animal so ferocious and determined, without noting whether
it was a bear or what not. The animal was so near that he could
have shot it, but in the confusion, he did not think of the harquebus. The bear turned about, walking sideways, and at a short
distance rose on its feet and stood with its arms open and raised
as if waiting to fight. The maeso de campo wanted to attack,
but could not make his horse move, although he urged it on.
Seeing that his horse was so cowardly, he went to the fortress
holding the drawn sword in his hands until he reached it.
The maeso at Cinaro; his precautions
Here he214 resided and governed eleven months without attending mass or without having anything to serve as a light
except the moon when it shone. Ordinarily they lived with much
caution and forethought, with guards and sentries on horseback.
218San Juan de Sinaloa.
2l4The maeso de campo Betanzos at San Juan de Sinaloa.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XX


These he came to inspect and question at all hours of the night
that they should not grow careless. Likewise he used to go out
on the run to visit the country, never resting by day nor sleeping by night, alert, cautious, and prepared for anything that
might happen to him. He always had a horse saddled, ready and
armed in order to be the first to come to the rescue when necessity demanded. This precaution and care he observed regularly,
especially when in hostile lands. Since he performed his duty
and was so punctual and careful in the use and practise of war,
the soldiers criticised him and were jealous of him. They
asked if it was a religious scruple or a vow that caused such extreme military precaution to be observed.
With these good and careful measures and excessive hardships he maintained the town and province of Cinaro seventeen months215 without receiving any salary or emolument from
your majesty or from any of his vassals. At times he governed
by good treatment and flattery, false assays, by discovering valuable metals, and by giving them repartimientos of towns. In
all this he served God our Lord and your royal crown well,
Christianlike and faithfully. It was done by his own efforts and
means, without any reward for these and other services of much
benefit and profit. He deserves great remuneration and gratitude from your majesty and from your viceroys, whom those
settlers and we suffer, as we do not have access to your royal
presence. Most of us wish to perform greater services, but the
lack of means hinders and has hindered it.
Thus remain buried in oblivion meritorious services and men
of importance for your royal service. They are robbed of this
blessing by the friends, relatives, and partisans of the princes
and judges of your kingdoms and dominions through favor.
This is a matter worthy of correction and is very desirable if it
pleases your majesty.
215This includes the eleven months mentioned above and the six following. On Ibarra's return from the north Betanzos went to Mexico to get
his wife and children. By June, 1566, he was in Mexico city where he
wrote a letter to the king. Betanzos to the king, June 5, 1566. A.G.I.,
59-4-3.


141




CHAPTER XXI


Recounting the arrival of the governor with his army and Don Pedro de
Tovar at the town of Cinaro; the provision he made there for the
expedition to the plains; and the reception he was accorded.
Reception of the governor at Cinaro
FTER having visited the province, rivers, and towns of
Sebastian de Ebora, Petlatlan, and Ocoroni and after
commending them to peace, harmony, to the service of
God our Lord and obedience to your royal justice, the governor
entered the province and town of Cinaro.216 There he was received by Antonio Sotelo de Betanzos, his lieutenant in that
district and settlement, together with the judicial and administrative authorities and the settlers and soldiers of the town.
The flag was carried by the alferez Pedro de Montoya. The
maeso de campo brought his army in perfect order and accord,
the cavalry and infantry forming separate squadrons. Likewise
he had a brilliant and picked squadron of wild Indians, adorned
and arrayed with many trappings of feathers, beads, conchs, and
pearl-bearing shells. He concealed them in a secret ambush.
Festivity on his coming
With this arrangement, harmony, and rejoicing, they received the governor, rendering the honor of the flag and lowering it almost to the ground. They paid homage to the governor
with much respect, love, festivity, and music. The infantry expressed the sentiment of gladness and gaiety by discharging
their harquebuses. The cavalry began to skirmish, acting in
fine manner and in accord. While they were engaged in this
mirth and tumult, the savages who had been in ambush attacked, shooting arrows with great noise and shouting. All this
caused great contentment, pleasure, and happiness. When the
skirmish was over, the Indians danced before the governor in
their usual way, making strange grimaces, jumping and performing all sorts of stunts.
216The town was San Juan de Sinaloa.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XXI


The coming of the governor was very desirable. When he
had been welcomed on his arrival and after he had shown the
suitable courtesies to all the inhabitants of the town, he alighted
at the church. Here he gave many thanks to God our Lord for
the favors and acts of kindness which He had granted them in
having saved and preserved them from the past dangers and
hardships. He217 restored friendship among those who were on
unfriendly terms and quieted those who were determined to
leave. He ordered the building of the church and the houses of
the settlers to be continued. He was very much pleased at the
completion of the boat which the maeso de campo had ordered
built,218 and still more so to see the excellent fortress finished
and to have information of rich metals and of Indian towns.
Muster of the soldiers; men for the plains
The governor and his army rested for twenty days in which
he provided what was necessary for the expedition to new lands.
He ordered a roll-call of the soldiers and servants in the army
and selected the soldiers who were to go with him as well as
those who were to remain in the town, all with good and harmonious management. He did not wish to distribute the towns
and encomiendas because he was taking along many soldiers
whom he was obliged to reward for their good services and he
wanted to give them good hope of reward on their return in
case they failed to find lands where they could be advantageously
compensated.
The best province; maeso urged to remain as lieutenant
This province and village are the most thickly settled by
better and wealthier people than all other places in the gobernacion of New Vizcaya. The governor decided to leave the
province in charge of the maeso de campo, whom he begged with
much kindness, courtesy, and earnestness to remain as his lieutenant and justicia mayor in that province and town. He did
not wish to accept the appointment. He excused himself for
three days, setting forth many obstacles and ample reasons to
217The governor.
218Beaumont also speaks of boats having been built in order to explore
further by sea. Cronica de Michoacdn, V, 541. Betanzos informed the
king that he planned to build two boats, but this failed when the carpenters deserted. Betanzos to the king, June 6, 1566.
143




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


exempt himself from remaining. He asked the governor to consider that he was poor and that the needs of the soldiers were
many, which he would be obliged to remedy and supply. If he
stayed and did his duty, he would be greatly disliked by the
soldiers and if he did not do his duty, he would go to hell. The
clothes, footgear, and the iron for horseshoes which they had
left would be worn out. He could not stand the sight of the men
tattered and barefooted, without taking off his own clothes and
shoes to supply their wants and going in debt for it.
Friends of the governor plead with the maeso; Tovar gives aid
He was undecided for three days, giving many excuses. During this time the Father and Don Pedro de Tovar intervened,
entreating him earnestly, saying that he would be doing a great
wrong to God our Lord and to your royal majesty if he did not
accept the appointment. Moreover he [Tovar] promised him as
a gentleman that he would remedy those needs. This he fulfilled, better and more plentifully than had been promised, with
such efficiency and generosity that there was no one who went
to Culiacan that did not return on horseback, clothed and shod
by his hand and goods. Those who did not go were sent these
things.
The maeso accepts
After many kind and courteous words, arguments, and
threats from the governor that he would use force if he did not
accept of his own accord and after the entreaties of the intermediaries to change his mind, he agreed to what the governor
ordered.
Some soldiers abandon Cinaro; commission for the maeso
The soldiers urged that the town and encomiendas of the
province should be distributed. This the governor refused, encouraging them with good hopes on their return. This was the
occasion for the flight of many soldiers. Thus it is better to let
them know at once what is going to be granted them, provided
this is carefully and uniformly done. He put a stop to the depopulation of the town. As the land had not been allotted, the
maeso de campo asked permission to distribute some servants
from among the orphans. This commission was granted in full,
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XXI


together with instructions as to how he should proceed to fulfill it with their consent and good will. This was disapproved
and opposed by most of the natives of the province.
Tovar inspects the mines
When the governor had provided and prepared the soldiers
and the necessary things for the expedition to the plains in
search of new lands, he departed, taking along Don Pedro de
Tovar to inspect and test the new mines whose fame had attracted him. He caused them to be worked and assayed, and
although the metal was rich, it decreased in quantity as they
went farther down into the mine. Consequently he abandoned
it and returned to Culiacan, after taking leave of the governor.
Departure of the army
The army left the province of Cinaro in the month of June,
15[6]7.219 This was in the midst of the rainy season. He was
to spend the winter along the many rivers, in the snows and
heavy rains which fall on the mountains of those provinces.
219In chapter XXIII of this work Obregon states that Ibarra and Tovar
set out May 1, 1567, to inspect some mines, whereupon Tovar returned to
Culiacan, and Ibarra led the army northward. The time of the year is
doubtless correct, but it occurred in 1565, not in 1567. San Juan de Sinaloa
was founded in the summer of 1564, and then Betanzos labored eleven
months in Sinaloa before Ibarra arrived from Chiametla. On his arrival
the governor spent twenty days preparing for the expedition. This would
place it in 1565, which is proven by a letter of Betanzos written in Mexico
June 5, 1566. In this letter he gives an account of the expedition. We
have two other letters written by Betanzos on December 9, 1566, which
substantiate these facts. All are in A.G.I., 59-4-3. See also note 332,
and Mecham, Ibarra, 163.


145




CHAPTER XXII


Explaining the destruction and depopulation of the town of Cinaro; and the
great revenue his majesty is losing by not settling it.
Wealth of the great sierra; its nature and height
T IS CERTAIN, known, and proven that the riches until
now discovered, seen, and obtained are located in the
large and rough mountain range220 which has been
traveled and explored from the province of the new kingdom of
New Galicia in the regions and slopes of the south; from San
Martin to Paquim6, New Mexico, and Cibola, in the slopes and
cold lands of the north. This mountain range in some places
comprises between sixty and seventy leagues of mountains in
width, in others from eighty to one hundred. It is extremely
high, full of brambles and briers, rough and very rocky on the
northern border. Toward the plains and on the southern part,
it contains outlets, slopes, and torrid valleys. Between its slopes
and streams are mines and towns settled by Christians.
In these places there have been and are rich metals, from
which large quantities of silver have been and still are extracted. At present there are no metals so rich as those discovered by Antonio de Betanzos and the former settlers of the
town of Cinaro in its district and mountains, as has been proven
through experience. In the mines of San Andres, thirty-five
leagues inland in the mountains,221 there were and still are
found rich metals. Many miners who settled at these mines
were, on account of poverty, unable to settle other mines which
had been discovered and assayed farther on in the province and
rivers of Petlatlan.
Cinaro is the port of entry to many provinces
Cinaro is the harbor and entrance to the others farther on
to Yaquimi, the valleys of Sefiora, Corazones, Cibola, Paquime,
and the province of San Felipe of New Mexico. The approach
220The Sierra Madre.
22lThis was from Cinaro, it seems. See note 173.
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BooK I-C H A P TER XXII


to these places by other routes is hindered by the frightful and
high mountain range toward the north, which is eight leagues
from Cinaro and from the river where the town was located.
To the south is the sea. Therefore the entry must necessarily be
through this province of Cinaro.
Route to the north
If one wishes to go by sea to the town in the north or to the
provinces which extend from Petlatlan to Chichietic Cali222 and
the towns in the mountains and southern slopes, one is compelled to go by way of Cinaro. To go to the provinces of Cibola,
Quivira, New Mexico, and Florida, one can find a shorter way
over better roads and through more temperate lands by going
from Santa Barbola through the northern region. However,
above all things, one should go well supplied with provisions.
There are fewer people and less enemies there.
Natives at Cinaro; Vaca's opinion
If your royal majesty be pleased to order the settlement of
the province of Cinaro, which contains five thousand natives in
forty leagues of territory, it is certain that from there one could
continue to settle and subdue to our holy Catholic faith the more
distant provinces previously mentioned. These regions contain
large numbers of people who live in houses with foundations and
terraces. They possess provisions and there are large quantities
of metals in their lands. I saw and verified this myself in the
parts through which I passed and it is affirmed by Alvar Niuiez
Cabeza de Vaca in his history. He says that throughout two
thousand leagues of land which he traversed, the greatest quantity of metals which he saw was in this great mountain range.
It took him seventeen days to cross it.
Increase of the real hacienda; how loss may be avoided;
increase of the alcabala
If these lands are settled your majesty will render a notable
service to God our Lord and will add vassals, tributes, and fifths
in quantity to the royal crown. This I have experienced and seen
with my own eyes, and I know definitely from the revenue de222Cf. note 43.
147




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


rived by the real hacienda from the mines of this gobernacion,
as it is less populated than that which I have mentioned. Hereby
are known and ascertained the advantages which these lands
offer, especially for the increase of trade and the profits of this
New Spain in order that it may not begin to run down or its
wants increase. With the mortality of the natives and the decrease and exhaustion of the metals in the old mines these necessities have augmented. To better and increase its benefits it
is fitting to settle the towns, mines, and places mentioned. This
will cause your royal majesty to be better served by its vassals,
because they will possess more means. Your royal alcabalas will
be augmented.
Wealth of the land benefits Spain
There are no places in this kingdom better known and explored than those in the great mountain range. In it are found
great treasures of gold and silver. We see through experience
that the greatest cause and reason why this your kingdom is
needy and its inhabitants poor is the decrease of the metals in
the old mines. Since they have given the product which they
contained and because of the great haste with which they were
exploited, your majesty derives less interest and the wants grow
and multiply in the republics of these your kingdoms. These
needs will continue to multiply every day unless your majesty
orders it to be remedied by settling the mines, towns, and lands
previously mentioned. In this manner you will effect the conservation and necessary relief of your vassals, real hacienda, and
of your subjects of the kingdom of Spain, as the people there
derive wealth, profit, and benefits thereby.
Aid of king will prevent suffering
All this could be accomplished if your majesty would employ
a few vassals in the conquests and settlements which I have
mentioned with good leaders and Christian behavior, and by following the order and method which I have indicated, as it is the
result of my experience. In this way there would have been
reduced to the communion of our holy Catholic faith large numbers of heathen Indians who are being damned because they
lack the light as well as some one to urge and teach them this
holy conversion and the knowledge of God our Lord. For this
148




BOOK I-CHAPTER XXII


purpose we must pray Him to lend His divine hand to such an
important endeavor. I think that if your royal majesty would
grant commissions of governors and give them the privilege and
power to distribute the provinces they would settle Cinaro at
their own expense.
Cinaro occupied five years; regarding tribute
The province of Cinaro was settled and maintained by Antonio Sotelo de Betanzos with much effort, earnestness, and
care. It remained settled and pacified for five years and its inhabitants obtained and enjoyed their tributes and products of
corn, cotton, and cattle. At the end of five years the natives who
were being oppressed and harassed by their encomenderos with
too heavy tributes and personal service decided to call an assembly and council of war for the purpose of annihilating the settlers and driving them out of their lands. Although it was determined to do this they did not dare to carry it out, but from
that time on they secretly caused them harm, shooting arrows
at the horses and cattle on their farms, and burning the houses
which were separated from the town. They did not serve or
obey them with the customary care and interest. These were all
signs of war. They robbed them of all the things they could.
Indians rise and kill Argueta
As the settlers had not worked mines and did not have
the resources with which they could ameliorate or supply their
needs, and as mines had been settled in the town and province
of Chiametla some settlers from Cinaro went there. Others
went to reside at the town of Culiacan. When the few
who remained saw that they were alone and that the people of
Bocaberito had revolted and killed Blas de Argueta, one of the
best settlers and soldiers of the town, they decided to abandon
the town entirely.223 They did so. This was a very unfortunate
occurrence for the natives, because they were left without religious instruction and returned to practise their idolatries and
228Another version of the abandonment of the province is that several
Spaniards were killed, besides the two friars, Acevedo and Herrera. Bancroft, North Mexican States, I, 113. The date of the Indian revolt was
1569. Mecham, Ibarra, 232.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


their bestial customs. Thus the opportunity of settling the
provinces farther on was lost.
Guzman made captain
In view of the damage which the natives had caused the
settlers and that the people of Bocaberito had revolted, it was
decided to select and pick some one who should go punish their
licentious determination and crime. So they selected as captain
Diego de Guzman, a resident of the city of Mexico, a gentleman
of much good fortune, prudence, and courage. He chose and
gathered fifty good soldiers, well provisioned with everything
necessary. With these men and with a few friendly Indians,
he set out with care and military precaution to administer this
punishment. When he arrived in the said province he found the
rebels gone. They were frightened and in hiding, having fled
from their towns and houses to the mountains and crags. They
were thoroughly overcome with fear and apprehensive of the
punishment which they expected every day. When Captain
Diego de Guzman saw that he could not find them although he
made all possible and necessary efforts, he decided to return
to the town of Culiacan which he did.
These natives of Cinaro and of the provinces farther on
should be dealt with and occupied by peaceful means and the
settlers provided with a good fortress, arms, and sentries. They
should be well treated and not oppressed with personal services
and tribute until they are pacified and taught good habits and
until the provinces are well settled with Christians.
Montoya to settle Cinaro
Nineteen years after these events224 the lieutenant-governor
Hernando de Trejo decided, with the consent and authority of
his governor the comendador Diego de Ibarra, to appoint a captain and some people who should go to settle the province of
Cinaro. He selected as captain for this purpose Pedro de Montoya, a good soldier, experienced in military affairs. He assembled thirty soldiers well provisioned with arms, horses, and
other necessary things and with these, he entered the province
224This statement cannot be correct. Montoya's entrada was in 1583,
which would place the revolt in 1564, the year of its founding. Cf. Bancroft, North Mexican States, I, 113.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XXII


in the year 1583. At the time of finishing this commentary and
relation they are serving your majesty, well protected by a fort
and by sentries.225 They have asked to be helped with people
and supplies, but their request has not been granted. I doubt
whether they can support themselves without the favor of your
majesty. It will be a notable service to God our Lord to help in
the conversion of the natives to our holy Catholic faith.
The cattle are found multiplied
They found the natives quiet and peaceful and were received by them in that manner. They found large numbers of
cattle, cows, mares, and colts which had multiplied to over ten
thousand head from the few which had been left by the first
settlers. They sent their request for help to the governor Diego
de Ibarra. Their towns are in danger and since the people are
so few, they cannot maintain the settlements of the province
without the aid of people and other necessary things. He did
not help them because he was in straitened circumstances and
because he had given up his office. Your majesty ought to help
them in an undertaking of such importance for the service of
God our Lord and for the salvation of such a multitude of Indians who are damned and lack the light of faith. From there
on the land could be settled by a hundred men properly equipped.
May your majesty provide the most suitable remedy.
225Montoya refounded San Juan, calling it San Felipe y Santiago de
Carapoa. It was about half a league from the original site. Montoya and
his men were soon murdered and the province maintained a precarious
existence till 1595 or 1596, when a presidio was established and a period
of renewed prosperity set in. Ibid.


161




CHAPTER XXIII


Telling of the departure of the governor and his army to discover new
settlements; of the preparation he made therefor; and of a wild
nation that was found.
Sixty men go to the plains; two field guns
FTER the general Francisco de Ibarra had restored order,
peace, and harmony in the province and town of
Cinaro226 he prepared his army, prudently and uprightly, with the most necessary things obtainable. There were
sixty soldiers,227 most of them harquebusiers, the rest consisting
of foot soldiers, men of all kinds. Among them were very brave,
daring, and valiant soldiers. The majority of them were poorly
equipped with arms and other things necessary for such a long
journey. The governor took along field pieces, some ammunition, iron for horseshoes, and three hundred pack and saddle
horses. The soldiers were distributed in groups of four and five
in their tents and lodgings. Each group took along an Indian
woman servant who prepared their meals. In some quarters
this was done by Indian men because of the lack of women.
Soberanes and Luisa, interpreters
He [Ibarra] took along as interpreter his page, Diego de
Soberanes, and Luisa, the Indian woman who had been found
at Ocoroni. [He marched] until near the plains of the cattle.
As he did not wish to cause unrest among the soldiers taken
along, he did not wish to continue nor to find the rich mines
until he had sent the army on the discovery which he had
planned. This exploring party was entrusted to the alferez
Pedro de Anzueta, Father Pablo de Acevedo, and the contador
Bartolome de Arriola.
226That is, San Juan de Sinaloa. Ibarra is now on the way to the
northern interior.
227Bancroft, following Beaumont, gives the number as fifty. North
Mexican States, I, 109.
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BOOK I-C H A PTER XXIII


Time of departure for plains
On the first of May of 1567,228 after taking leave of the
residents of Cinaro and after having dispatched the army, he
[the general] set out, at the beginning of the rainy season, to
inspect and evaluate the rich mines. He found them to contain
eight marcos [per hundred-weight] but they decreased in production. On account of this he departed. The governor and
Don Pedro de Tovar took leave of each other with much kindness and courtesy. He [the governor] likewise took leave of the
inhabitants and the principal people of the province. He earnestly charged the natives to persevere in their new conversion
to God our Lord, to maintain peace and harmony with their
friends, their old enemies, and the Christians. He charged the
maeso de campo and the settlers with the good treatment and religious instruction of the natives. To this effect he left them a
friar of the order of Saint Francis. He took along Pablo de
Acevedo of the same order. He asked them to act as good and
firm Christians and to persevere in the good purpose of their
deeds in the founding of the town, for it was evident that nothing was worth beginning that did not have a good aim.
The governor takes leave
The maeso de campo, the soldiers, and the natives took leave
of the governor with great respect, obedience, and affection.
They promised not to disregard what he had commanded them,
and that in his place they would obey the authority and leader he
had appointed in the province. It was important for the governor to take leave of the residents with much affection, due to
the fact that he was leaving them disgruntled and displeased as
he had not distributed the encomiendas of towns among them.
This was the cause for the departure of many soldiers who left
the maeso de campo. Neither false metal assays nor the news
that the governor was returning, that he was near and coming to
distribute the lands among them, reported through spurious
letters, were of any avail in changing their obstinacy. Since
they were not getting any pay, it was a hard and painful obligation to oppose, suppress, and overcome the desires of the soldiers.
Thus when he [the governor] returned he found the maeso de
campo in serious straits and the lives of his men endangered on
228See note 219.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


account of the few people he had left. With these people, the
good fortress, and precaution he maintained himself until the
governor returned from the expedition to the plains.
The army at Mayonbo; getting provisions; a bold Indian
assails five men; cowardice of one hundred Indians
When the advance force reached the Mayonbo river, twenty
leagues from that of Cinaro, it waited for the governor. In the
meantime the army was provisioned with supplies. Captain Salvador Ponce and I with five soldiers went up the land along this
river to search for, gather, and obtain them. We took some corn
in a mountain town named Temosa229 in the house of an Indian
who defended it with great boldness and courage against five
soldiers. He came out after us to shoot arrows and injure our
persons and pack horses without fearing the harm which we
might cause him. It was an incident worthy of praise and remembrance for a lone Indian to dare five soldiers. One hundred
Indians who were within sight on top of the mountain did not
dare to come down and fight. They made many fierce and insolent threats, uttering piercing shouts and throwing quantities of dust into the air. By means of their hands and bows
they imitated a fight, shooting arrows into the air as a sign of
challenge and enmity. But although the brave Indian called to
them for help, they did not dare to come down nor to draw near.
Rich metals at Tevmoca
In this region we found good corn, beans, and calabashes and
substantial flat-roofed houses, although not many. I found rich
metals, taken from the surface of the land. From Mayonbo I
sent these metals to Don Pedro de Tovar who assayed them at
two marcos per azogue. The veins are found down the stream
of Tevmoca; up the mountains, near the permanent houses. Tevmoca is above the river Mayonbo in the height of the sierra near
some high petioles; it was in those houses that we took the provisions. The people of this mountain range go about naked.
Their little villages are one and two leagues apart and those near
the river three and four leagues. The sea is twenty leagues
229The mountainous area, which Obregon says was twenty leagues from
the sea, begins at the junction of the Cedros and the Mayo proper, and
Temosa, or Tevmoca, was some distance up the sierra.
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BOOK I —CHAPTER XXIII


from the mountains. About three thousand Indians are found
within this distance.
Rio de los Cedros five days from Mayonbo; the ascent begun
After these events the governor caught up with the army
near Tevmoca. From here he continued the march for five days
through the valleys and rivers of Los Cedros,230 along river
banks of great beauty, streams covered with tall and beautiful
poplar, willow, and cedar trees. From these places the guides
led the army toward the right hand side up the mountain,
through cliffs and gorges thickly covered with growth and of
great altitude, through mountains with numerous crags, and
through extremely warm, deserted, and rocky country. They
reached the crest of the first mountain range on the southern
side at the risk of falling down the precipices and after calming
some of the horses. The soldiers with much labor and weariness
broke rocks and cleared obstructions to make roads and passes
for the horses.
War signals; first meeting with the mountain tribes
From this point they could perceive large numbers of smoky
fires by means of which it is the custom and practise here to call
and warn their friends to prepare for war. In the same manner
they notify one another of the enemy who happens to be going
to trouble them. Their habit is to respond and gather at the
greatest and highest column of smoke. Through this warning
and call they assembled at the place where they were summoned. This happened to be in the path of our journey. This
was in a good, convenient place. From it we could see five hundred men well arrayed, bearing arms and adorned with feathers, beads, conchs, and pearl-bearing shells.
Truce; signs of peace among the natives
The governor sent the friar with the interpreter and guide to
call them. Although timid and frightened to see people in their
lands different from themselves, white, black, and on horseback,
they came down little by little as they were eager to view them
280He was probably ascending the lower Cedros river, the north fork
of the Mayo. The village of Cedros is a short distance from the river.
"Pine, fir, spruce, oak, and cedar of Lebanon" abound in the cordilleras of
Sonora. The Mexican Yearbook, (1908), 687.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


at closer range but very cautiously and with their bows, arrows,
and clubs ready. First of all they shot an arrow down the
mountain toward the ground while looking up at the sky as a
sign and promise of peace. This is the custom and practise
among them.
The governor receives them; an harquebus discharged
They rendered obedience to the governor. He received them
with kindness and courtesy, presenting them with trinkets,
glass articles, and a few blankets which they lack in their lands.
He let them know through the interpreter that his arrival in
their lands was to favor, protect, and defend them from their
enemies. The natives thanked the governor, promising good
friendship and giving some things which they had in their
country. However they were more interested in gazing at the
Christians, their horses, equipment, and personal dress. A soldier happened to discharge his harquebus at that moment. At its
report the natives fell to the ground for a moment, startled and
frightened, intending to run away because of fear if the interpreter had not reassured them.
Natives questioned regarding the interior
He [the governor] questioned them through her, asking that
they tell him how many towns there were in that mountain ridge
and locality; how many people and of what quality and characteristics; what they ate and how they dressed. The natives
replied that at all those fires which had been seen, numbering
more than twenty, there were towns, large and small. This did
not include many others located in the valleys and mountains
farther on. The largest and most famous of these is called
Oera.231 In that town are found people much more advanced as
regards houses as well as clothing and food.
Terraced houses in the sierra
[They stated] that the mountaineers live in houses with flat
roofs to protect themselves against the cold weather, while their
own are made of reeds and matting for protection against the
great heat which occurs in their lands. [They added] that the
people farther on wear blankets made of cotton or of the thread
28O0era was located on the Oera river, a branch of the Yaqui.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XXIII


of young agave plants; that they gather quantities of corn, beans,
calabashes, melons, prickly-pears, cacti, many kinds of game,
and fish of all sorts. In all this they told the truth as we ourselves saw.
The friar preaches
The friar preached the Holy Gospel to them, informing them
of the blindness and misfortune in which the devil held them
"subdued and oppressed by virtue of the bestial vices in which
he had them"232 enveloped. They marveled to hear things of
such loftiness and begged the friar to remain among them. The
governor asked them for supplies and guides which they willingly provided in sufficient quantities. They were paid in goods.
A dark and strange land; wealth of metals at Oera
He [the governor] took leave of these people and continued
to march with his army through the deepest and most frightful
mountains and gorges which we crossed in that province. They
were of strange darkness and very stony, so that they receive
little of the light and heat of the sun. In these frightful chasms
and caves of this uninhabitable mountain range we found the
people wearing deerskins and some agave thread blankets. Most
of them go about naked. They wear their hair long, to the
waist, and cover their privy parts with deerskins. They wear
cone-shaped caps of the same kind of skin. Their abode is in
these deep ravines in order to take advantage of the juice of the
agave fruit and of the wild grapes. They were called by the
friar, by the guides, and by the interpreter, but they did not
wish to listen to any reasoning. On the contrary they took to
flight, abandoning their rustic shelters. The army marched
three days through this uninhabitable land. During this time the
soldiers suffered unbearable hardships, darkness, and endangered
their lives, because even a few Indians could hinder our passage
and departure and kill us by rolling stones down from the
heights and shooting arrows at us. But as God our Lord protected and defended us we came to the summit, although the
ascent was through high ridges, cliffs, and gorges covered with
282The part in quotation marks is omitted by Cuevas.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


numerous oaks, pines, and obstructing mounds.233 There are
veins of metals and many signs and traces of them, of gold, silver, and lead there in quantity, of many different colors and
kinds. We found virgin lead and stones with gold corners. We
located a vein of such great size that the army could not span
its breadth at the place where camp was pitched. We found it
in three ridges within a fourth of a league.
The natives came down from this high mountain ridge to
see the Christians. They wear blankets of cotton and agave
thread and wear pointed deerskin caps. The women wear coverings of the same material from the waist down and pointed
sleeveless shirts above the waist. They carried bags of netting
full of ears of corn. They carried their children in small
wooden cradles.
Oera offered peace
In these mountains a day before reaching the town of Oera,
we found indications of the largest amount of metals and the
necessary conditions for mining gold and silver. Here the governor dismissed the guides and took others whom he sent to
offer peace to the natives of the valley of Oera and to tell them
to come visit him. He did this before going to their town. The
guides carried out the orders as they had been instructed.
233The party was crossing the ridge between the Cedros river and the
Oera.


158




CHAPTER XXIV


Relating the manner in which the army entered the valleys of Oera and
Cinaro; how it was informed of the poisonous plant and of the
people who live in houses of great height.
Reply from Oera
INCE the town of Oera was so famous among the natives
of that mountain range because it was large and its inhabitants orderly as well as skilful, bold and versed in
the use and practise of war, the governor got his army in readiness. He marched with excellent military precaution and order until he came in sight of the town and valley of Oera.234
After marching for two days through a valley two leagues long
planted with corn fields, beans, calabashes, and melons, all irrigated, the governor lodged his army here in a spacious and level
place well suited for defense in case that became necessary.
The messengers and guides whom the governor had sent to Oera
returned with twenty Indians well clothed and adorned, dressed
in well woven clothes made of cotton and white agave thread.
The people were more substantial, orderly, and had better customs than those of the other provinces crossed in the whole
gobernacion. The governor received them with much kindness
and courtesy, pleasing them with gifts of glass beads which they
esteem very highly. They replied in the name of the inhabitants
and chiefs of Oera, welcoming him to their town where they
promised in their own name and that of the others to show
him good friendship and attention. For this reason they
awaited him at the town the next day. They offered guides and
provisions to proceed farther and warriors to annihilate and destroy their enemies in the valleys of Cinaro.
Precaution at Oera; reception; Oera a good town
The governor thanked them and sent them to thank the
chiefs for everything, making them a gift of some shirts. On
234See note 231.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


the following day the army continued to march. He put the
culverins at the head, all in readiness, and went on with much
caution and warlike tactics, the governor in the vanguard and
the alferez Pedro de Unzueta in the rearguard. A fourth of a
league from their town four hundred Indians came out to receive them. They were well dressed in blankets made of cotton
and of extremely white and brilliant agave thread. They also
wore elegant and showy feather crests, beads, conchs, pearlbearing shells, bows, spears of brazilwood or shields and clubs.
They arrived in two squadrons with good discipline, bringing as
presents quantities of corn, beans, fruits, and game. With these
things they met the governor by whom they were well received
and regaled with courtesies and gifts of shirts. On the way
he passed through their town with his army. It is made up of
good flat-roofed houses about an estado and a half in height and
excellently grouped. Their plantations are well provided with
canals used for irrigating them. They gather a great deal of
corn, chick-peas, melons, calabashes, and other vegetables.
News of the houses of great height
In this town of Oera the governor was informed of the
towns with houses of great height235 and of those in the region
toward the South Sea. These villages were permanent, and as
he [the governor] was closer to the southern settlements, he
decided to visit those which were nearest. They were located on
the slopes of the mountains and on the coast of the South Sea.
By this decision he was forced to retrace his steps and the ascent
of the mountain.236
Worship of the sun
The friar preached the Holy Gospel to the natives. They
marveled to hear things of such seriousness and loftiness. They
said that the people in their town and in the others throughout
three hundred leagues of those provinces, peoples differing in
languages and ways of living, acknowledged, served, respected,
and worshipped the sun as their true god and prayed to it to
give them health, life, and all that was necessary for the things
235The pueblos of Arizona and New Mexico or of Chihuahua.
236There is no other evidence to show that Ibarra turned back as this
statement would seem to indicate.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XXIV


of this life. Father Pablo undeceived them in regard to this
savage idolatry.
Oera one thousand houses; marriage customs; trading in
slaves
This town of Oera consists of one thousand houses and seems
to contain two thousand inhabitants. They provided ample supplies and guides as far as the valley of Cinaro. They have four
and five wives and do not use those who are pregnant or who
are nursing babies until the child is two years of age. They
punish those who break this law. They are pugnacious warriors
and enemies of those of the valley of Cinaro, Corazones, Guaraspi, and Cumupa.237 They have many slaves imprisoned in
wooden stocks. They exchange these slaves and sell them for
blankets, salt, feathers, and provisions, especially for salt, which
they do not possess in their territory. They eat unrefined alum,
and carry on war for it with the people of Batuco238 and with
those who live on the coast of the South Sea, even though it is
over twenty-five leagues away. The people of Batuco make small
loaves of a pound and a half which often cost them lives on
both sides; those who fight to defend them, or who try to wrest
them from the owners. They have large numbers of parrots
and eagles, great and small, in cages. There is all sorts of
game.
Natives come to see the Christians; view of Senora valley
From Oera the army descended extremely rough and torrid
mountain ridges, ravines, rivers, streams, and crags. In most
of the camping places the Indians came out to see and enjoy the
ways of the Christians and to barter foodstuffs for glass and
iron articles. They were more astonished at the sight of horses,
negroes, war materials, and armor, things never seen by them,
than at the sight of strange people differing from them in race
and customs. After marching for four days through abomin237As near as can be determined the manuscript reads Guaras pias en
muza, which is meaningless.
238The Sierra de Batuco is the ridge west of the Moctezuma river,
stretching from Soyopa in the south to beyond the town of Moctezuma in
the north. This village of Batuco, occupied by the Endeve division of the
Opata, was above the confluence of the Moctezuma and the Bavispe. Another settlement of the same name, also among the Opata, was occupied by
the Tegui branch. See Winship, op. cit., 537.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


able mountains and hot crags the army camped on the summit
of a very high mountain from which they could see two beautiful valleys five and six leagues long, crossed by many
streams.239 These were choice, beautiful, and fertile plains
planted with crops.
The poisonous tree in Seiora
During this halt I went to cut two tent poles to repair the
tent of my companions. When I took the timber from a tree in
my hands, I felt a strange itching in them, and on taking the
poles to the camp the guides recognized that they were taken
from the poisonous tree. Therefore they were very much disturbed and began to make wry faces and contortions toward the
tree, telling me to leave it, that it was harmful and very poisonous. Its sap, a milky juice, is especially so. With it they smear
their arrows. Those wounded die, suffering great pain and a
terrible death, even though the wounds be small.240
At the same time the guides informed us that we were in the
province of the valleys of Sefiora and Corazones and that a town
of one hundred settlers had been destroyed there.241  It had
been founded by Francisco Vazquez Coronado, who had left
Diego de Alcaraz242 as its leader and captain to protect this passage because it was greatly dreaded on account of the poisonous
herb which the natives possess. When the governor saw how
fruitless it had been to make the descent and to have turned his
army from the expedition to the plains and to have come into
provinces which others had discovered he was very much dejected and mortified. In order not to show weakness and to obtain provisions and guides he decided to pass through the province of the Sefiora valley with more military caution, discipline,
and care than he had taken in the other provinces. This was
because the people here were emboldened and victorious after
the battle and attack on Alcaraz's men.
23sIf the identification of the route thus far followed is correct the party
was perhaps looking down upon the Yaqui river valley.
240See note 250.
241This town was San Ger6nimo, founded in 1540. This reference would
thus indicate that Corazones was in the Yaqui valley.
242Melchior Diaz had been left in charge of San Ger6nimo with about
eighty men. He disliked inaction so fitted out a party of twenty-five men
and with these set out for the coast. Meanwhile Diego de Alcaraz was
put in charge of the San Ger6nimo post. Lowery, op. cit., 304-30.
162




BOOK I-CHAPTER XXIV


Arrival in the Senora valley
On the following day the governor entered the first settled
part of the valley of Seniora. There four hundred Indians
equipped with arms of all sorts such as bows, arrows, darts
made of brazilwood, clubs, and shields came to meet him. They
presented the governor with a quantity of such provisions as
they had in their country. They were well received by him, although he showed himself reserved and severe toward them.
This was fitting because they were victorious and did not show
the proper respect, acting as a cruel and triumphant people.
Cause of the revolt against Alcaraz; news of two mestizos
The governor had been informed about them and of the
causes for which they had killed the Christians. The natives,
although savages, said that they had killed them because they
took their wives and daughters to use them for dishonorable
purposes, and that the Christians subjected and oppressed them
with too many tributes and personal services. They mentioned
two mestizos who were living on the sierra in a town called
Caguaripa, the children of the Christians, whom they had killed,
and the native women of that place.
Climate of Senora
From this place the army continued marching through this
valley along the river for four short days' journeys. Most of
this valley was populated. The towns were three and four
leagues apart. All had terraced houses made of reed matting,
which were located on both sides of the river. They told of
other towns. In all these places we were amicably received and
supplied with the necessary provisions and servants. The
natives ordinarily followed the army, showing great desire for
the equipment and trappings of the Christians, especially for
things of iron, which they desired to use for working their fields
and as cutting instruments. These valleys are extremely hot
and craggy, and the mountains are covered with poisonous
trees.
People in Senora; languages; faults of the natives
The mines and metals which we found are located twenty
leagues from this valley. This province must have over twenty
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


thousand natives in an area of thirty leagues in length and
twenty in breadth. They speak two languages, caytas and pima
aytos.243 They are enemies of and carry on wars with the peoples of Oera, Uparo, Yaquimy, and those of the coast. The
Christians who may happen to venture into their lands to settle or simply to pass through should be warned and prepared
for them, because they are extremely covetous, thievish, treacherous, and warlike.
Care with drinking water; provisions; wars for salt
In this valley and among these nations are found the largest
number of poisonous trees. In using them to cause harm, they
are more skilful than the natives already seen. Likewise they
[the Christians] should bring drinking water, for if the natives
happen to throw branches of the poisonous tree in the water,
it will kill those who drink it. The water should be blessed and
drawn from wells and springs dug during the night in secreted
places and covered during the daytime. They are feared and
respected by their neighbors because they are very merciless,
despotic, experienced, and skilled in cruelty and tyranny and in
carrying on their wars. They are good growers of corn, beans,
calabashes, and melons. The fruits which they have are prickly
pears, cacti, and chile. The melons are from the seed left them
when they killed Alcaraz's people who used to cultivate and
gather them. They pick quantities of prickly pears and cacti
and dry them. The inside they keep in the form of seed to be
eaten in time of necessity. It is a tasty food. In the same
manner they cure slices of melon and calabashes which keep
the whole year and which they carry as provisions during their
wars. They have little salt. To get it and to obtain women
slaves and wives they carry on wars with their neighbors whom
I have mentioned.
Uparo; customs; cruelty of the natives
The people of Uparo who live on the coast are savages. They
do not cultivate the land. They eat the seed of wild amaranths,
game, fish, and all sorts of wild reptiles. Although these people
are all paganish and wicked, they do not eat human flesh. How248See notes 267 and 268.
164




BOOK I —CHAPTER XXIV


ever they quarter those whom they kill in war and distribute
and hang them in their houses and terraces as trophies. They
mistreat those whom they make captives in war.


165




CHAPTER XXV


Which narrates the notable harm caused by the poisonous tree, its sap,
milky juice, and branches; of the provinces and valleys of Sefora,
Oera, Guaraspi, Cumupa, Batuco, Caguaripa, and other
neighboring towns; the victory obtained by the natives
of Senora over Captain Diego de Alcaraz and one
hundred men; and the harmful properties
of the tree.
Council of war of the natives
HESE bloodthirsty butchers of the valley of Senora were
vain with infernal madness because of the victory which
they had obtained over Captain Diego de Alcaraz and
one hundred men who had remained with him as settlers in their
land and province. [They were proud] at having profited by
and enjoyed the spoils and to have had an occasion to grow and
prosper by them. They craved to take part in another annihilation and robbery. To this effect and to carry out their wish,
they, coveting our lives and goods, assembled in their stupid
council of war. Here they discussed how and when they should
attack and murder us. They decided that only the people of
their own town should take part in this affair in order that no
others should share the victory, gain, and booty, as though they
were sure of success and already in possession of our belongings.
Precautions against the natives
When the governor learned of the evil purpose and hope
which they were nursing, he employed clever schemes and precautions to dissuade and make them desist from their infamous
and haughty intentions. He explained and let them know by
arguments and deeds the advantages which his soldiers had
over those whom they had killed, in spirit, bravery, and arms;
how they [the Christians] were prepared for the harm which
might be caused them by the poisonous herb; and how they had
harquebuses and field-pieces. By making the soldiers shoot
against the coats-of-mail, leather jackets, and steel armor, which
were not even bruised when that was done, he demonstrated to
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XXV


them that they [the Christians] could not be harmed. In the
same manner the soldiers took arrows and with these hit
themselves all over. They were convinced by all this that they
could not cause the harm which they had expected with their
poisonous arrows. He let the soldiers shoot at the target and
the culverins fire upon some large trees. They [the natives]
were frightened to hear this great thundering and to see how
the trees were destroyed and torn to pieces. He showed them,
by wrestling matches and trials of strength, the superior might
of the Christians over them. Although they appeared merry
and joyful before the governor, later they were sad and downhearted and less hopeful of the success of their plan of war.
Second native war council
On account of this and because greed, the work of the devil,
had taken a firmer hold on them, they again assembled in a
council of war to discuss two things. First, that since the
Christians wore armor they should not fight with bows and arrows, for they would not be useful or effective. Second, that
they should deceitfully lead the army to the high, rough part of
the mountain range, pretending that it was the best and most
populated part of the mountainous district. They wanted to
take them [the Christians] to a place where they could not
make use of their horses on account of the great roughness
and rocky condition of the mountain ridge and valley of
(aguaripa.244
Escape of the Christians; names given the Christians
On arriving at this place the guides left the army and the
inhabitants concealed themselves, together with their provisions,
women, and children, the utensils of the houses and personal articles, abandoning (aguaripa and hiding. All these preparations, schemes, and demonstrations which the governor showed
the natives, were the ways and means of sparing our lives, for
if they should fight with poisonous arrows, I have no doubt that
we would have been destroyed since they were so numerous.
They called the Christians men of iron, and gods of the thunder
and lightning from heaven.
244This reference points to the future. The army has not yet reached
Qaguaripa. See note 255.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


Destruction of Alcaraz's party
They destroyed, demolished, and plundered the city which
had been established in this valley, and they killed Captain Diego
de Alcaraz and one hundred men whom Francisco Vazquez Coronado had left settled there.245 This was the result of disorders
and offenses which they caused the natives, such as dishonoring
their wives and daughters as well as imposing too heavy tribute
and exacting too much personal service from them. It was also
due to the lack of discipline observed in taking their provisions
and wasting them, by taking the goods without paying for them
and without their consent.
Death of Alcaraz; destruction of the town
The greatest evil which they caused the natives was to corrupt them and to undermine their hearts with the poison and
ill feeling of jealousy, because they stole, took away, and used
their wives and daughters. [They did this] with great licentiousness and openness. I have been assured by those who were
present that when the enemy entered and destroyed the town,
the captain was lying with two Indian women who helped him
put on a lequaquipil,246 a protecting cotton garment. Between
the seams of the lesquaquipil they gave him two arrow wounds
of which he died in a short time. He had been warned of the battle and attack, but being dull and obstinate in his blindness, he
failed to take measures for the defense and conservation of their
lives. This is attributed to the fact that God our Lord willed
it in order to punish, as He did, their loose conduct and the iniquitous example which they were giving to people whom they
were to discipline and attract to our holy Catholic faith. This
battle and destruction took place at night, very suddenly, and
they were not given time to escape or to defend themselves because it was dark and they had no fortress. They plundered and
destroyed everything in the town without leaving a person alive
in it. Only a priest and five soldiers escaped, and like a brave
man, he defended these from their enemies with a broadsword.
He brought them to the land of the Christians through his
courage and earnest efforts. After this battle they [the sur245Cf. chapter XXIV.
246Cuevas spells it escuaguipil. Cuevas, Obreg6n, 152, 153.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XXV


vivors] marched at night and hid themselves by day until they
reached Culiacan, two hundred leagues from the province where
the battle took place. Information of all this was brought by
Urenia, one of the five who escaped with the priest.
Plans of the natives
Monday morning there came to the camp two hundred Indians from the province which destroyed the town and Captain
Diego de Alcaraz's men. They had left four hundred Indians
crouched and concealed in some corn fields and a stream near
the camp. They were well equipped and provided with their
usual weapons of all kinds and with cord to bind and carry us
away. With this evil plan in mind, they came into the camp
downcast, frightened, and submissive, having planned and
agreed to embrace us as a sign of peace and, while we were
scattered through the camp, to fall upon us, six or eight upon
each soldier. When this tumult, impetus, and assault should
occur the four hundred who were in hiding should come to carry
out the evil intentions of the natives.
Warning of the ambush; the natives stopped; their reply
Before they succeeded in making the false embrace a young
servant saw the ambush and the place where they were concealed and came hurriedly to the camp to warn the general and
governor. So in order to take measures against the harm
which might be caused it was necessary for Father Pablo to
hurry with the mass which he happened to be saying. Without
any disturbance the governor ordered the army to assemble and
organize in good order to resist the deceitful and false embrace
of the enemy. When the latter arrived, to their great surprise,
he commanded them through the interpreter not to enter the
camp until they had listened to what he wanted to tell them.
When they had stopped he calmly and smilingly informed them
that his God had let him know the wicked purpose which they
and those in ambush cherished. If they intended to carry out
their plan they should not tremble, be downcast, or approach
the Christians until they had been joined by those whom they
had left in hiding. They should send word for them to come.
They were surprised, abashed, and much more humiliated than
before, looking at each other without knowing what to say, what
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


to decide in regard to their plan, or what to answer. They did
not dare undertake the execution of their wrathful and nefarious
scheme. Although so timid they did not let go of their bows and
arrows. They were uneasy, looking around in all directions.
Finally one of the boldest replied in the name of all that they
had not come to do harm but to accept peace and friendship.
Those who had remained behind had begged and persuaded them
to help them kill the Christians.
Belief in thunderbolts
This angered the soldiers to such an extent that they importuned the governor to permit them to open battle in order to
annihilate and punish them for their bold intentions and to make
themselves feared by them and by the other natives. The governor did not wish to grant this, in order to avoid bloodshed,
wars, and disturbances. He quieted the Christians and the natives with good means and much prudence. The latter notified
those in the ambush of the reversal of fortune from what they
had expected in their plans against the Christians. The governor
told the Indians not to hinder the coming of those who were
in hiding. They replied that they were being warned, so they
might escape the punishment he could inflict on them for their
intended harm. The governor reassured them as well as he
could. They went away sad, dejected, and disappointed for having failed to carry out their evil designs. The governor told the
natives he was not punishing them because they were few.247
They had already seen the bolts of fire and the harquebuses
which God had given them to punish those who molested or
harmed them. By virtue of this protection they came without
fear of large numbers of people. They did not fear the damage
which all the natives put together could cause them. Everything
they said in secret their God made known to them. The natives
could not help believing all of this to some extent and were convinced that they could not seize them [the Christians] bodily.
The poisonous tree of Seiora
In these provinces about twenty leagues from the river and
247That is, he did not want to take advantage of the Indians when they
were not all there.
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BOOK I —CHAPTER XXV


towns of Yaquimi and forty leagues from Mayanbo going west
from  Cinaro and Chichilticcali toward Cina,248 coming from
Cibola to the valleys of Corazones, Sefora, Guaraspi, Cumupa,
Batuco, Chuparo, Qaguaripa, Horeco,249 their surroundings, districts, and towns, there has been discovered, seen, and experienced the strangest and most terrible poisonous tree known
to exist in the world. Nothing similar or equal is mentioned in
any history or relation, for besides its strange and noxious
nature and properties, it grows and is found in over three hundred leagues in the mentioned districts. This does not include
those that have not been discovered, explored, or traversed.
There are large numbers of them [these trees] and they are extremely dangerous and can easily be used to cause great harm.
Those who may visit these provinces are subject to the danger of
their toxin and poison.
Danger of sleeping in its shade; poisoned arrows
The tree is always green, beautiful, and flowery. It is two
estados250 high, more or less. Its leaves are almost like those of
the olive tree but a lighter green. He who falls asleep under its
shelter puffs up and dies from the swelling if he is not given
some medicine as a cure. Its sap is white and coagulated like
sour milk. It is extremely harmful and poisonous, containing
pernicious qualities. When the arrows are dipped in it the
wounds they inflict, however small, occasion such terrible and
painful suffering that the injured die in wild convulsions. If the
wound is on the legs or arms, the flesh falls to pieces because it
cancerates and rots and drops from the places where the sore is,
even though the poison may not have done more than touch or
contaminate the blood of the bruise for a moment. It is a re248Cuevas has Cana. Ibid., 155. It is difficult to make anything out of
this passage except that the poisonous tree was found over a large area.
249Cuevas fails to divide his words properly. He has Patuco, Caguri and
Pahoreco. Ibid.
25oCuevas makes this read doce estados. Ibid. The poison tree is named
and described in the Rudo Ensayo. "Mago, en lengua Opata, es un arbol
pequeno, mui lozano de verde, y hermosa a la vista; pero contiene una
leche mortal que a corta incision de su corteza brota, con la que los Naturales suelen untar sus flechas; y por esto lo llaman hierba de la flecha,
pero ya pocos lo usan. Sirbe tambien dicha leche para abrir tumores
rebeldes, aunque no lo aconsejara, por su calidad venenosa." Rudo Ensayo... de la Provinia de Sonora, (ca. 1762), San Augustin de la Florida,
1863, 64, 65. Cf. Winship, op. cit., 537, 538, 541.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


markable fact that if it is brought near a wound or close to
blood in any limb, it rushes to it with strange swiftness and rapidity as if it were a living organism.
Drawing the sap; fish and game killed
The natives take care not to approach the tree when they
draw its sap on account of the damage which it often causes.
For this reason they fell the tree from a distance with stones,
and when it is down the sap, with which they smear their arrows, trickles forth of itself. They throw the branches into
rivers, streams, ponds, and lagoons to kill, as they do, every kind
of living game which dies soon after having tasted its juice or
after having drunk the water which has been touched by its
branches. Hardly any grass or trees grow near or beneath its
shade. It does not change or shed its leaves like other trees, nor
can the change be noticed, as this takes place little by little
within a long time. It is always green.
Death of the wounded
The wounds caused by an arrow dipped in this poisonous
sap if inflicted on the head or body are incurable and the enemy
dies of them within a short time with much swelling and in terrible convulsions. Some die within twenty-four hours. The same
is true of any kind of animal. If the wounds are in a different
part or limb, they last twenty years without ever healing completely. The sores heal and then reopen again many times as
happened to Pedro de Montoya.
An antitoxin
The danger from this poisonous tree brought great fear to
all. The governor tried to find out if there was a medicinal remedy or antidote against it, or what the natives applied to the
wounded. This was at the time when we were in the last part
of the provinces where such a remedy is found. A native said
that there was a root with which they are all provided and which
they esteem very highly. He asserted that it was beneficial to
relieve the pain and to save the lives of the wounded, which was
affirmed by the other natives. No test of this root was made, as
the governor would not allow it to be tried on an Indian since
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they would see how they [the Christians] cured themselves and
what remedies there were against this very dangerous tree.
In its appearance this medicinal plant has leaves like those of
the herb used to cure piles; its flower is yellow like that of the
common-cress of Castile. The natives affirm that they dissolve
this root in water and drink the solution and that when it is
thrown into the fire, it relieves pain and suffering; that these
are likewise relieved by drinking quince juice; that in order to
stop the danger and poison in the arrow cuts the wounds should
be cut out and the parts affected tied with cotton string and
covered with raw corrosive sublimate twice or until the injured
and damaged flesh should disappear.*
The tree not found in cold lands
This poisonous tree is not found nor does it grow in cold
lands. However by exchange the natives within twenty and
even thirty leagues make use of it. Those who happen to travel
through the provinces where the poisonous tree is found should
be warned and on their guard. They should look for it along
the rivers, streams, swamps, and lagoons. The water which they
may have drawn by their hands should be from a secret spring
which the natives should not have seen or learned about. This
is important for the protection of the water that it may be free
from contamination by the poisonous plant which the natives
might cast into it.
Guvraspi; seven hundred houses
From this valley the army marched for three days through
small towns of terraced houses with walls one and a half estado
high, located in warm lands and hills covered with small oak
trees. On the following day the army reached Guaraspi,251 a
town well populated with clothed people and more advanced
than those met before. The town consists of six hundred terraced houses with adobe walls. It had well planned streets and
irrigation canals for their plantations. They wear blankets
made of cotton and agave thread. From the latter they make
heavy well woven blankets which served us as tents in lieu of
*The Rudo Ensayo mentions an effective antidote under the name caramatraca. Page 65.
265Guaraspi was in the Yaqui valley, a five days' march below Cumpas.
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canvas. The women wear short skirts of deerskin well tanned
and painted in different colors; they go naked from the waist
up. These people cultivate and sow their lands in the same
manner as those left behind and enjoy the same provisions,
mountains, pastures, fruits, and game. They are greedy,
thievish, careful, and very skilful and versed in the art and
practise of war. This is due to the fact that they are neighbors
of the most valiant and daring people in those provinces. These
are the Querechos, who follow the cattle. They began to put into
practise what they had discussed in their council of war, for
they began to steal our horses and were spying on our sentries.
They took us to the high and rough part of the sierra, feigning
that it was the best and the most populated land of all. They
follow and spy on the army hoping to catch us unawares or
sleeping. As the guard was mounted and provided with little
tinkling bells, they did not dare to start the battle in the ten days
which they remained in hiding, planning to kill us and to win
the victory and the spoils. This continued until we came to
Caguaripa. In this town the battle was fought, the opportunity
which they had awaited for thirteen days.
From Guaraspi the army continued to march through small
towns of one and two hundred terraced houses of the same type,
quality, and arrangement as the others. In these towns the natives came to meet the army with provisions, and to barter for
what we had. This afforded them the occasion to give everyone
a little to eat of the things they had in their land and an opportunity to see and enjoy the ways and the dress of the
Christians.
Cumupa; five hundred houses; cruelty of its people
From this town the army marched to Cumupa,252 a five days'
journey from Guaraspi. It is a town of five hundred houses. In
their attire and mode of living the people follow those of Guaraspi. Here two hundred good looking men, well equipped with
arms, clothes, and feather adornments, came to meet the army.
They are a warlike people as was to be expected from neighbors
252Cumupa may have been identical with Cumuripa. If so Sahuaripa and
Caguaripa were also identical.
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of the Querechos.253 This could be seen from the trophies which
they had in their town and their houses made of high timbers.
Dead bodies, heads, arms, legs, tongues, and ears were hanging
in the streets and prominent places. These were distributed
and scattered in all streets. They do this as cruel and murderous people. It was said that they had had a battle with their
enemies and gained a victory over them three days before. The
latter had assaulted a town, and when informed they came out
to meet them and routed them. They killed them and took away
the booty, spoils, and slaves which they had taken, and as a
sign of victory had hung up the limbs of their enemies. This
settlement has a valley one league in extent entirely given over
to irrigated fields. In its neighborhood are found four small
towns from one to two leagues apart as was pointed out to us
and as we could guess from indications and columns of smoke.
The best and most thickly settled part of Senora
From here the army marched one day. During this journey
we passed through and examined three hamlets of the same
type, customs, and construction as the town of Cumupa. These
marches "of the governor and the army from the valley of
Sefiora to (aguaripa were over the best and the most populated
lands of all those"254 seen in these provinces by the governor
Francisco de Ibarra. From this point the army went on over
high mountains, warm and craggy. Some horses became exhausted and some fell down the precipices. I was unable to go
up one third the distance on account of the load and exhaustion.
As it was impossible for me to continue and not wishing to have
my courage belittled, I was forced to remain behind, concealed in
a crag as if left to die. This continued till night when I recovered strength and courage to mount a horse and reached the
camp. They thought that I had been killed by the enemy and I
was well received and kindly treated for the suffering I had endured. The army reached (aguaripa255 where the natives had
agreed to abandon the army in order to kill the Christians. On
258He evidently gets his name Querechos from his knowledge of Coronado's expedition and here applies it to any wild tribe, much as the
Mexicans used the name Chichimecas.
254The part in quotation marks is omitted by Cuevas.
255(aguaripa was probably located in the Sahuaripa range.
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account of the great roughness of the land and the harm that was
expected from the enemy the army marched with special precaution.


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CHAPTER XXVI


Which explains how the natives of the valleys of Sefiora, Cumupa, Guaraspi, and other neighboring districts revolted; and a lucky
battle and victory which the governor and six
soldiers won over six hundred Indians.
Council of war in Senora valley
N THE discussions and stupid war councils of the wrathful barbarians of the valleys of Seiora, Cumupa, Guaraspi, and of the other towns it was agreed that as soon
as the army reached the valley of (aguaripa the guides should
abandon it and no native should provide the Christians with
guides or provisions. All were to say that the sierra was populated with towns and that the land was level; and they should
shoot and kill the Christians, their servants, and the horses which
might be found straying beyond the camp. They led the army to
the high and rough part of the mountainous region that the soldiers would be unable to use their horses. Accordingly it happened that the valley was surrounded by high ridges, deep
ravines, cliffs, and frightful rocks which were crossed only with
much difficulty and hardship. Here they [the Christians] would
be unable to run or to fight the natives. Likewise it was decided
in their war pact that they should give battle and kill the Christians in this valley of Caguaripa and that the spoils should be
divided into four parts and distributed among the four best and
largest villages of this valley of Sefora.
Promise to deliver two mestizos
The people of this valley had promised to deliver the two
mestizos to the governor, but they declined to do it fearing that
he might take them along and thus learn of the confederacy and
agreement directed against the lives of [the Christians]. For
this reason they hid the mestizos and gave some excuses.
Flight of guides; women and children hidden; smoke signals
The governor asked for them with kind words but as this
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was of no avail, he tried to demand them with harsh threats.
This further irritated them [the natives], who were eager for
the battle in order to inflict the damage which they had planned.
For this reason the guides fled. They [the natives] abandoned
their town and houses and hid their women, children, and supplies in such a manner that not an Indian or a living soul could
be found. They did not leave anything of value in their houses.
Through war signals employed by them and recognized in their
method of warfare, they signaled one another from the different towns and provinces. According to their military customs, they called one another by means of smoke columns to the
gathering and league agreed upon in their war council in order
to kill the Christians. By means of these fires they communicate with and understand one another easily.
The first offense; horses wounded
I was on guard that night and I warned the general that it
would be well to appoint mounted guards and sentries for the
greater safety of the horses of the army. The first damage
which the Indians would attempt would be on the horses, which
went loose about the field. That was what happened. On the
following day at early dawn they shot fourteen horses that
happened to be somewhat distant from the camp. They shot
them with such cruelty that each horse had from ten to fifteen
deadly arrows sticking in its body. The arrows were standing
up and had been treated with the sap of the poisonous herb. For
this reason the horses became mad and began to run, roll on the
ground, kick, curvet, and groan. All died within twenty-four
hours and at about the same time.
Certainty of the rebellion; the Christians are challenged
Thus the general understood that the uprising of the natives
was true. In order to be more certain he sent scouts from the
army down the valley. They found the people of Caguaripa in
arms, organized and prepared for war, and so filled with courage and boldness that they replied to the entreaties of the scouts
with great shouting and by throwing stones, arrows, and dust
in the air. These are signs of challenge. Not wishing to exceed the mission given them by the general the scouts decided
not to punish the rage of the infuriated Indians. On the con178




BOOK I-CHAPTER XXVI


trary they returned and reported to the general what they had
seen.
Purpose of the general; six soldiers prepared; they obey
When the governor saw the resolution and impudence of the
natives, he decided to bring them to their senses by showing
them the determination, courage, and bravery of his soldiers.
He wanted to demonstrate the advantage which the Christians
had over the emboldened barbarians who were insolent on account of the victory which they had won over Alcaraz's men. To
carry out his plans and to teach the natives a lesson, he selected
six brave and valiant soldiers and two negroes well arrayed and
provided with arms and good horses in order to go punish those
who had revolted at the town of Caguaripa. He prepared these
soldiers, encouraging and charging them to commit themselves
to God our Lord with true fervor and a clean heart and to supplicate His favor and aid to be victorious over the people of (aguaripa. He asked them to do their duty as good soldiers, trusting that they would fulfill their mission with all the loyalty and
effort necessary to accomplish the task for which he had selected
them. He urged them to punish the people of Qaguaripa in
order to gain prestige and to inspire fear in them and the other
natives who were absent, that they would not dare harm or attack the Christians. At the same time he and the six men were
risking their lives to save the others from death that they might
depart and seek shelter in the valleys less populated by Indians
where the return to Christian lands would be safer and closer.
The six soldiers promised their general to obey in every way;
to do their duty and to put forth their best efforts with care
and obedience without exceeding his command while serving
under him.
The stronghold of Qaguaripa
This valley and town of Caguaripa is on the frontier of the
Indians of the plains. These people are very skilful, warlike,
and better versed in the use and practise of war than all other
people in the provinces as far as the vaqueros, called Querechos.
Their neighbors are their enemies and they make war upon
them. They are respected and feared by their opponents because they are more valiant than all others. This is a strong
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town. It is surrounded on two sides by a rough and deep ravine which girds and protects it on the east and west sides. At
the end of and above this gorge there is a fortress made of four
houses built in the form of a square. They are large and strong,
with stout walls and a large patio in the center. At the end of
the town and at the bottom of the ravine are many crags covered with numerous groves of wild, as well as fruit trees.
Six hundred warriors in Qaguaripa
In this house and fortress were six hundred brave and
angry Indians, all ready for war and determined to defend their
persons, women, children, houses, and property. They had
placed their women and children on top of the fortress and supplied them with quantities of stones, clubs, and brazilwood
spears. In order to fight at close range the governor searched
for an ascent which he found to be very difficult and dangerous.
This path was gained after much effort, for it was defended by
the enemy with quantities of stones, arrows, and clubs. This
defense did not help them any as it was taken, much to their
displeasure.
Peace offered; battle at Qaguaripa; the women hidden
When he [the governor] reached the top he warned and offered them peace, promising firm friendship. This was done
through the interpreter and by the requisition of the secretary
Lerma. All this lasted half an hour. The deposition whereby
the damage inflicted on the natives was justified was put down
in writing three times. They did not want to listen to reason.
They attacked with a terrible and diabolical impetus, with tumult, frenzy, boldness, bravery, and courage. With this and
the numerous stones which they threw from the top of the
fortress, they did not cease to vex the governor. To protect himself from these stones and to gain a breathing spell and organize his soldiers, since they were fatigued and out of breath from
the hardship of the ascent and from defending themselves, the
general took refuge beneath the crags and fruit trees. After
this he planned and commanded them to march ahead very cautiously, firing their harquebuses against the enemy. They were
well armed and brought their horses in case it became necessary
to fall back. The animals were conducted by two negroes who
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followed them. They went on gradually through the numerous
crags and fruit trees which protected them from the many arrows and stones which were thrown from the fortress, until they
came within sixty paces. They prayed and invoked the favor
and aid of God our Lord, of His holy Mother and of the blessed
Santiago, through whose favor and help they, in a short time,
with vigor, diligence, and bravery, compelled the natives to
abandon the top of the fortress and the terraces on account of
the damage inflicted upon them by the harquebuses. They
brought down their women and children, who disappeared and
hid without our knowing where.
The Indians fight without order
When the enemy saw the enormous damage which the Christians inflicted on them with the harquebuses and that their
poisonous arrows did not cause their opponents any harm,
they thought they would try to use a larger quantity of stones.
These they poured down on the trees where the Christians had
taken refuge. Had the Indians fought with order, skill, and
discipline there is no question but that they might have been
able to celebrate the victory because they could easily surround
the poor place where they [the Christians] had taken refuge.
They could have taken the ascent and when the ammunition
gave out they [the Christians] would be unable to defend
themselves or to retreat. Had they taken this precaution
and fortified themselves in their fortress, the Christians
would have perished. But as God our Lord defends and protects
those who are guided by true faith He does not permit the
natives to succeed and carry out such plans. By merely throwing a branch of the poisonous tree into the water of the rivers
and springs from which they must drink that would be enough
to kill and destroy large armies.
The enemy lose heart; they withdraw
When the enemy saw that their allies were decreasing in
number and fleeing, fearing the harm inflicted on them by the
Christians, and that the courage and bravery of the latter were
increasing; and when they saw their superiority and predominance over Alcaraz's men, they said that we had been warned of
the harm they had done to Captain Diego de Alcaraz with their
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poisonous arrows, of which they were so boastful in their wars,
and that we were prepared and protected against them by
wearing iron armor. They concluded that it was of no use to
fight so brave and well protected Christians. They had experienced this in the fight of so few against so many. For these
reasons they decided to withdraw. This occurred when their
captain, who had encouraged his people very earnestly, and who
fought at their side, had just been killed. As soon as he died
they gave up the fight, became disheartened, and abandoned their
fortress, houses, and town.
Victory of the Christians
As a result of this the governor attacked the fortress and
the houses with his six soldiers, singing and rejoicing over their
lucky victory. He came with such swiftness that he did not
give them time to take away what they had of value in their
houses. Those who insisted on taking it had no retreat. On account of this they threw themselves from a high precipice with
deep gorges, falling on top of one another. The governor did
not let any harm come to those who surrendered.
A guide is taken; he dies of rage
The general tried to take an Indian alive that he might be
used to guide the army. One was found, a brave and robust
young man. He was hiding in a dark backroom and when discovered by the Christians, defended himself and avoided being
taken. He used his arrows until they gave out and then taking a
club, tried to escape through the door. He fought and defended
himself until apprehended. This was done without hurting or
giving him a blow. They tied and took him to the camp, putting
him behind the negro on the horse he was riding. Seeing himself carried away thus bound and in the hands of his foes he
died from fear or anger before arriving at the camp. His death
was greatly felt because there was no one to guide the army nor
anyone to report on the plans of the hostile alliance, the number
of the enemy, when they intended to gather and give us battle,
or how, when, or against whom we should be prepared and on
our guard. The general ordered this Indian to be hanged from
a high tree near the horses they had shot in order to make it
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XXVI


seem that he had been hanged as a punishment for having
killed them.
Wars and battles; King Alfonso; Tamerlane and Bajazet
In their histories the old chroniclers mention many wars,
battles, and victories that have taken place, such as the famous
and praiseworthy triumph won by the very famous and Catholic king Alfonso over Alboacen,256 the powerful king of Morocco. [There is also the victory] over the rich and powerful
king of Granada on the Salado river near Tarifa. With eight
thousand horsemen and fifteen thousand foot soldiers he conquered, routed, and harassed six hundred and sixty thousand
Moors, sixty thousand of them being mounted. He killed four
hundred thousand without losing more than fifteen or twenty of
the Christian force.257 Likewise deserving of laudable remembrance is the powerful, commendable, large, and awe-inspiring
army which the great Tamerlane assembled to destroy the
greatest and the most powerful and numerous army ever seen or
collected, consisting of one million one hundred thousand men
belonging to the famous and valiant king Bajazet whom the great
Tamerlane conquered and carried away as a prisoner in a golden
cage.258 This remarkable and noteworthy victory took place at
Mount Estelia. There were nine hundred thousand men in the
force of the great king Tamerlane and one million one hundred
thousand in the army of the conquered Bajazet.
Cortes in Mexico
The fortunate and religious triumph which the Catholic and
famous marquis Don Hernando Cortes gained over the Mexican
Culguas, powerful lords of the Mexican empire, in the year 1521,
is also worthy of praise, appreciation, and recollection. With
a thousand men he overcame, subdued, routed, and killed a large
number of Indians in this conquest. Particularly important
256This was Alfonso I, called "the Catholic," 739-757. Chapman, C. E.
History of Spain, 64, 55.
257The victory of Alfonso XI at the Rio Salado just north of Tarifa,
occurred in 1340. The Moorish army is usually estimated at 20,000,
which indicates the gross exaggeration of the narrative. This invasion
was the last serious effort to invade Spain from north Africa. Merriman,
The Rise of the Spanish Empire, I, 27, 28.
258The famous battle of Angora in Asia Minor, in which Tamerlane conquered Bajazet and took him prisoner, occurred in 1402. Ibid., I, 159, 160.
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was his triumph over two hundred thousand Indians at the renowned and powerful city of Mexico where he killed, conquered,
and put to flight large numbers of Indians. He brought this
empire and these regions into the dominion of our holy Catholic
faith and under the imperial crown of his majesty.
Pizarro in Peru; battle of Lepanto
The noble and outstanding victory which Don Francisco
Pizarro gained in Peru,259 where with few Christians he conquered a large number of Indians, powerful lords, who possessed
great treasures, is also memorable and deserves great praise.
Likewise worthy of credit is the powerful, unequaled, remarkable, and Christian naval victory which the Catholic and invincible prince Don Juan of Austria obtained over the brave king of
Constantinople in the sea of Lepanto.260 Here he conquered,
killed, and subdued a great number of pashas, kings, princes, and
Moors, and took many strong galleys through his Christian vigor,
boldness, and courage, all through the mighty and singular hand
and will of God our Lord.
Greed emboldens the soldiers
In all these wars and triumphs which the combatants won
at the risk of their lives, the benefit, profit, and honor for thus
endangering themselves and the reward for their hardships and
victories was plainly seen and acknowledged, or at least the
ample reason for risking their lives. Such opportunities always
strengthen and increase the courage, effort, and valor of men
who often lack these excellent gifts.
Praise of the battle of (aguaripa
Although it may seem audacity and a disparagement of such
famous victories to recall in this commentary a small battle
which the general Francisco de Ibarra fought in the mountains
and remote parts of the valley of Sefiora, I wished, although it
was less important, to honor it by placing an account of it at the
259A brief, interesting account of Pizarro's conquest of Peru is given by
Richman, I. B. The Spanish Conquerors, 154-215. A more extended account is Prescott's famous Conquest of Peru.
26OJohn of Austria won the naval battle of Lepanto over the Turks in
1571. Chapman, op. cit., 249.
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end of things so deserving of praise, appreciation, and remembrance. May it be given only its proper consideration, and I
beg to be pardoned for my fault in case I have erred.
Victory of seven Christians over six hundred Indians
However it does not deserve more respect than your majesty
and the Christian readers may wish to grant it, without adding
or detracting anything from the praise or esteem it may deserve. For without the previous inducement of material interest, encomiendas, gold, silver, slaves, or other profitable
spoils; without any object other than subduing the Indians to
the guidance of our holy Catholic faith, six good soldiers and
their general261 conquered, killed, and subdued six hundred
barbarians. The Indians were strong and valiant and possessed
arrows tipped with the poisonous plant. Those wounded by
these arrows die in convulsions, and if they escape alive the
wounds remain for twenty years. The Indians were fortified in
their fortress and houses and in a remote and distant land where
the Christians could not hope for help and could not even retire
on account of the rough condition of the land. He [the general] killed many of their people and gained the victory over
them by taking their stronghold and houses all at great risk to
the lives of his men.
26tCuevas makes a bad slip when he makes this part read "six hundred
soldiers and their general." Cuevas, Obregon, 165.


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CHAPTER XXVII


Which tells how the general and his army camped and fortified themselves
at the town of Caguaripa; and of a notable battle with the
allies from Sefiora and the neighboring districts.
Experience the best teacher in all things
T IS A well known and acknowledged fact that experience
is the best teacher in all cases of danger and doubt. It
usually awakens the ignorant from the lethargy and
obstinacy into which he often falls and which ordinarily keep
his mind in a stupefied and coarse state, thus preventing him
from being able to distinguish between good and evil. By good
advice, which is the guide of righteousness and the enemy of
ignorance, emperors, kings, and monarchs of the universe are
able to rule properly; princes govern; judges are prevented from
erring; wars, battles, and victories on land and sea are just and
right. Finally, through good counsel come peace, harmony,
justice, and moderation. It is the companion and guide of truth
in all cases and events everywhere.
Council of war at (aguaripa; horses to be tied
By means of this prerequisite, important and necessary on
all occasions, I continually saw people succeed, and especially
the general Francisco de Ibarra. With this good judgment, he
called his army to a council of war after the victory of
Caguaripa. He received the advice of every one individually,
in general adopting what was best to dissuade the barbarians
from their stupid plan and wish. In this assembly and war
council it was decided that the army should fortify itself in the
stronghold gained at Caguaripa. Here it camped in the square
formed by the four houses, which was large enough for almost
the whole army. He issued a command ordering every soldier to
keep two horses tied at night to prevent the enemy from shooting them, as they were stealing the horses and killing them with
their arrows. Upon the soldier who failed to keep them tied he
threatened the penalty of making him serve two years with his
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XXVII


horses and arms wherever required. Likewise he ordered that
no soldier, negro, or servant should leave the camp without permission and without a mounted guard. He commanded the
watches and guards to be doubled and mounted. He directed
that the camp should be supplied with provisions during the daytime. He sent Rodrigo del Rio with seven picked soldiers to
discover a passage to the plains and to find guides. Bartolome
de Arriola, myself, and three other soldiers were sent in another
direction. We were unable to find a way, nor did we find an
Indian who did not flee before us.
Advice of Fray Pablo
Sunday, the following day, Father Pablo de Acevedo, after
saying mass, told the governor and the soldiers to be on their
guard and to be careful where they drank, because they had
conquered that town. He thought its owners were going to seek
revenge for that and for the death of their relatives. They
should be prepared to meet the damage which the enemy might
inflict upon them. He asked them to take these precautions because he saw that the soldiers were very careless in going about
unarmed and because they were playing and taking little care
of their arms and horses. They did all these things because they
were fortified at (aguaripa. This warning caused the good soldiers to be cautious and prepared.
Bows and arrows discarded
When they [the natives] saw that the army was divided and
diminished by the eight soldiers who had gone to search for a
passage they hastened to call and assemble the confederacy of
that locality. At the time this gathering consisted of only two
thousand Indians well equipped with spears of brazilwood, clubs,
bludgeons, and stones. They ordered that the bows and arrows
should not be used because the Christians had heard of the harm
caused by their poisonous arrows and had put on iron armor to
protect themselves from the damage thus inflicted.
Two thousand Indians on hand; their war plans
In order that the Christians should not go away the two
thousand Indians tried to detain them with promises while they
sent for the rest of the allies. The entire league when assembled would comprise over fifteen thousand Indians from all
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the neighboring valleys. They sent out their war orders that
the battle should be without bows; that it should be fought with
spears, clubs, bludgeons, and stones; and that it should be
started in three places by three different squadrons. They were
warned not to let a living soul be seen during the daytime in
order that the Christians should not take any of them from whom
they could learn their plans. They were ordered to assemble at
midnight a few at a time within a stonethrow of the Christian
camp. They were to come with great caution in order not to be
heard. They should remain there crouching, hiding, and on
their guard until the battle started. This should not take place
until they thought the sentries would be sleeping.
The Christian guards asleep
With this precaution and plan they watched many nights with
their weapons in readiness. They did not dare to start the
battle on account of the care exercised [by the Christians], but
the clash came due to the carelessness of the wicked and faithless guards, who disregarded the obligation, precaution, and care
which they ought to observe in order not to endanger and hazard
the lives of those in the camp. They went to sleep toward daybreak, at the time when sleep is soundest and men are most
forgetful of duty. This slumber and carelessness was noticed
and ascertained by the enemy, who were extremely pleased and
joyful because the time and occasion to carry out their plans and
to give vent to their fury had finally arrived. They arranged
and organized the two thousand relief Indians, dividing them
into three divisions. Each of these was to attack independently,
giving the alarm and the sign of battle, throwing many spears,
brazilwood darts, clubs, bludgeons, and stones.  They were
commanded to attack and to seize the Christians, binding and
carrying them away to be roasted and eaten during the feasts
and demonstrations which they had planned in order to celebrate the expected victory.
Battle at (aguaripa; the Indians are heard
Thus this battle came about on account of the wicked and
careless guards. It was accompanied by strange and terrible
fury, by the heaving and throwing of clubs, stones, and spears,
and ferocious, loud, and frightful shouts. They broke down, de188




BOOK I —CHAPTER XXVII


stroyed, and plundered all they could find and carry away. Their
terrible and unexpected rage resembled the greatest depth and
confusion of the inferno. The enemy was heard shortly before
the fighting began by Father Pablo de Acevedo, who at that
hour had risen to recite matins, and by Crist6bal Osorio, a good
soldier who was on the alert and ready to take the morning
guard which was his duty. Between the two of them they
quickly gave the alarm, crying: "Come on, valiant soldiers, to
arms, to arms, the enemy is coming!"
The general encourages his men
This awakened the general, who encouraged his soldiers
bravely and with determination, saying: "Forward, valiant
soldiers. Santiago!262 After them! Let us defend ourselves
valiantly and die bravely, fighting for our holy Catholic faith
and for God our Lord, who will protect and aid us and will grant
us the victory, shielding and protecting us with the defense and
support of His worshipful and almighty holy name!"
By divine will the horses aid in the battle
The general organized his army in a short time and with
it faced the enemy, coming forth to defend his army and the
lives of all against the savage and infernal fury of the enraged
and daring barbarians. With their rush and noise and the reports of the harquebuses, most of the horses of the camp were
frightened. They were tied to heavy timbers and small shacks
made of reed matting. When the tumult occurred they got
loose and ran about, dragging the heavy logs and shacks. Owing
to fear of the uproar they became so frightened that they resembled loose demons running over, knocking down, and routing
the enemy. And as the night was dark, dreadful, and warlike,
the horses dashed about, fighting and clashing into one another.
By the clamor which they made with the logs and shacks on
clashing, they stirred up fear and the battle seemed as fiendish,
furious, and disorderly as the depths of hell.
Some soldiers fear death and hide
The general and his men were in a difficult situation and in
262"Santiago" was the battle cry of the Spaniards.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


great danger because the enemy were very numerous, and almost
half of the soldiers who had to face and fight the enemy concealed themselves since they feared death and were afraid to
engage in the battle. The attack of the enemy was so sudden
and fierce that in a short time they had scaled, gained, and
taken the high land near the fortress and had surrounded the
army on every side, feeling sure of the victory and of the surrender of the Christians. The natives thought that by this impetus, outcry, and the fear of death the Christians would not
dare to resist or await the attack but would have to flee. The
enemy attacked a soldier named Leon, who had been stationed
outside the camp. He defended himself with his sword until he
re-entered the camp like a good soldier. The damage and destruction occasioned by the horses and the fact that the enemy
did not fight with bows and arrows gave the Christians the opportunity to escape alive and to win the victory. This was especially due to the favor, aid, and will of God our Lord, Who was
pleased to protect and spare us from this danger. He blinded
their rustic and barbarous minds so that they would doubt the
effectiveness of their poisonous arrows on account of the protection and resistance of the armor. He also made them forget
to put the branches or sap of the poisonous tree in the drinking
water. This would have been sufficient to destroy, kill, and annihilate their enemies and even large armies and expeditions.
The enemy forced to withdraw
After the infuriated enemy had been routed by mounted
men, the harquebusiers, and the thundering and damage caused
by the loose horses, the general reorganized and fortified his
army. Discipline and order were effected and he directed the
field guns to be placed at the entrance and in the dangerous
places of the houselike fortress.
Six horses wounded
In this battle my harquebus burst and I fought with lance
and shield. In the onslaught of the battle the enemy wounded six
horses. They died in a short time from small wounds, being in
convulsions until they burst. One of them died from a small
wound in its ear because it had been shot with a poison-tipped
arrow.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XXVII


Christians besieged; the culverins; children of the sun
They surrounded us at three o'clock at night and the battle
continued until the following noon. The general attacked
those who were encircling the army with half of the soldiers.
He routed and forced them to seek shelter on a hill near the
camp facing the fortress. Here they assembled and showed resistance. He sent them a fusilade of large balls with the culverins. This was so effective that they soon ceased dancing and
lost their courage and ardor. They were startled and frightened
to see some without heads, others without arms and legs, and to
see that the flying limbs of the dead and wounded injured those
nearby. They were also frightened to see the nimbleness and
fury of the horses. For these reasons they said we were children of the sun and that we carried lightning-bolts and clothes
from heaven, with which we defended and protected ourselves
against their poisonous arrows. The latter caused them to be
feared by other people.
The general fortified himself and took precautions against
the damage which might be inflicted on him in the future. He
closed the apertures in the fortress, doubled and bettered the
watches, and commanded that guard duty should be done by
mounted men, the horses wearing poitrels with sleigh-bells.
Threats of the Indians
The Indians made many threats, showing the ropes with
which they were going to tie us and the kettles in which they
were going to roast us. They asked us to give up the bolts of
fire with which we fought, saying that they would fight us man
for man. They let us know that it was our advantage that disheartened them, and on this account they departed sorrowfully,
without hope of gaining a victory over the Christians. Their
league was broken up and they went back to their villages over
different roads in groups of one hundred.
Second native council of war
Later they reassembled in a council of war in which they
decided to give battle and kill the Christians. This was to be
during the daytime in the rough and dangerous passages and
places where we would be unable to make use of the horses.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


This league and assembly was called by means of messengers and
numerous high columns of smoke.
News of this battle carried three hundred leagues
This battle was heard of three hundred leagues from where
it took place. It was known at Cinaro within two days, and as
I understand and suspect, through the industry of the devil or
through the smoke signals. The latter I consider the more
likely because the natives go about for hours communicating
with one another and sending out warnings from town to town
and from province to province. Thus by these signals and warnings the news, as I have learned, reached the province of Cinaro,
three hundred leagues distant from Qaguaripa in two days.263
This news inspired and encouraged the natives of that province to kill the settlers and the soldiers who were living there,
because they feared that they [the Christians] might be reinforced; the punishment which might be sent from there; and
they wanted to free those natives from paying tribute to and
serving the Christians. The natives of Cinaro264 did not dare
to attack, for they were doubtful of victory on account of the
precaution, order, and discipline in which the maeso de campo
maintained his camp.
Return of del Rio; the general leaves (aguaripa
At this time Rodrigo del Rio came back with the soldiers he
had taken. Their return caused great contentment as it was believed that they had been killed by the Indians before giving
battle. When the general saw that the hatred and desire of the
enemy to harm us was increasing, he decided to appease them by
leaving the place and by avoiding the occasions where his army
could be harmed. He determined on this because their greed for
what they saw in the camp, consisting of the attire of the
Christians, and the fact that we held their town and fortress,
made them think of killing us. He departed chiefly in order to
continue his expedition to the plains. Accordingly he put this
into practise, marching very cautiously with scouts in advance,
going through mountain ridges of strange height, over gorges
263If Caguaripa was three hundred leagues from Cinaro it must have
been far in the interior.
264At San Juan de Sinaloa.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XXVII


and rocky places where some worn-out horses fell down precipices and were left behind. With this labor and care he brought
his army to better lands which were more easily traversed than
those already seen.265
After marching two days, we discovered a town of two
hundred terraced houses. When we were heard by the inhabitants they abandoned it and took to flight, uttering wild cries.
The general sent Father Pablo and the interpreter to reduce
them to peace. They reassured the natives and gradually they
returned peacefully. However they were frightened and cautious, suspecting that we wanted to harm them. That night
twelve of us provided with horses were on guard, the horses
wearing poitrels with sleigh-bells. At midnight as the natives
heard the jingling of the bells they were frightened and terrified. They asked us to sleep and to stop making a noise, since
we were disturbing their women and children. They could not
rest or sleep as the continuous jangling made them afraid. The
general replied that they never slept nor did they know what
it meant to sleep. He added that at night they retired on account of the darkness prevailing then, and that the noise was to
punish and kill those who might wish to harm them.
Indians reappear; dare not attack; confines of Senora
I was on the first guard that night. The other sentries and
I heard a great tumult of people in the town. It was suspected
that it was the alliance and league which was coming to overtake us and to give us battle as they had planned. But they
did not dare to attack on account of the precaution and watch
exercised by the mounted men. This broke up their plan. The
confederation came to an end in this town and the natives lost
the opportunity and hope of enjoying the spoils by a victory over
us. They had had quarrels and differences in regard to who
should have the articles which they were going to take from
us. Here they came to the limits of the lands of their friends.
265Ibarra now either continued northward into Arizona or turned east
around the bend of the Bavispe river into Chihuahua. No mention of a
change in direction is made, but it seems probable that the latter supposition is correct.
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T HE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


Two languages in four hundred leagues
We went into the lands of the Querechos,266 who are neighbors of the people in the plains of the cattle, their enemies.
Their habitat extends two journeys from the plains, from their
friends and districts of Seiora, Cumupa, Guaraspi, and the
other towns in warm and temperate climates. There are two
peoples in the regions extending from Petlatlan to the last inhabited region of the mountain range and the slopes toward the
South Sea. This comprises over three hundred leagues of
Caitas267 and Pimahitos,268 which is the same as to say Mexicans and Otomites. They are found in many places all mixed
together and intermarried among themselves. These two words,
Pimahaito and Caita, signify no hay.
Vaca mistaken
Alvar Niiiez Cabeza de Vaca says in his history that the
Pimaito alone extend over four hundred leagues. In this he was
mistaken, for even in the regions near them are other people
using different languages, such as those of the coast, at Uparobapuzar. There are also those in the heart of the mountain
range who employ different languages. He was wrong in regard to the number of leagues because he had traversed the territory on foot, making many turns. He was also in error concerning the languages because he did not go down to the coast
nor did he travel through the mountains as we did. We passed
through them on both sides, from the northern and southern
slopes and through the center. Alvar Niniez was mistaken in
affirming that this was the best and most fertile of all the lands
in the Indies. The truth is just the opposite because although
there is an abundance of provisions, very little cotton is found.
The land is very rough, rocky, covered with numerous crags,
mountains, and rough ridges, extremely warm, and full of the
poisonous tree. Its people are thievish, treacherous, and go
266The plains Apache.
267"The name Sinaloa is synonymous in application with Cahita, a group
of tribes including the present Yaqui and Mayo." Hodge and Lewis,
Spanish Explorers, 346 note 3. This word Cahita is identical with the
Caita of Obreg6n.
268These Pimahitos, spelled variously, were the southern Pimas, or
Nebomes. Mecham, following Bandelier, in his Ibarra, 167.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XXVII


about naked for the most part until we come to the slopes of the
sierra in temperate lands, where the houses with terraces begin
to be found.
The crude people in reed houses
The people living in reed houses have no organization, and
wear hardly any clothing. They are found as far as Florida,
including Cumupa, Guaraspi, Hoera, and other neighboring
towns.
Reptiles eaten; native preachers; degenerate Indians
All these nations eat all sorts of wild reptiles. They are aggressive warriors. They have preachers and exhorters of their
idolatry and wars. They perform their duty with so much
zeal, fervor, and shouting that it often happens that they collapse, exhausted by the enthusiasm which they show and by the
cries they utter. This office is entrusted to the most important
captains and chieftains. Throughout the greatest part of these
regions are found nefarious Indians who practise sodomy. They
wear women's clothes.
From this place the general carried away two Indian slaves
who were from the plains. They guided the army to the place
where we were told of numerous people, terraced houses, and
of the cattle. They conducted the army through cold lands of
greater roughness than the others already traversed.


196




CHAPTER XXVIII


Describing how the army entered and marched through better lands than
those in the valleys previously visited.
God helps the needy; the Word of God protects those lost in
enemy lands
N TIMES of danger, hardship, and shipwreck there is nothing of such benefit and profit as to implore the almighty
hand and mercy of God our Lord for His aid, succor,
and protection. In cases of great need He gives support and
relief because of His infinite and great providence, with the
celestial relief of His holy and supreme mercy, by means of
which and through the intercession of His holy Mother He
grants the forgiveness of sins and alleviates toil, need, and tribulation. I am sure that by this holy and merciful means the
mighty power of God our Lord protected and liberated the general Francisco de Ibarra and his army from terrible trials and
perils. He shielded and delivered them from the fearful mouth
of the hungry enemy and from their fierce anger.269 Likewise
He saved them from being captured and made slaves by that
coarse and barbarous people, ignorant of the bright light of
justice and mercy. This, it is true, amplifies, aids, and preserves
everything in any part of the world if only His most ample holy
name and doctrine is carried as a shield and protection into the
places and remote regions where the splendor of His most
precious and holy doctrine is not found among the ignorant
people. They have lacked and are still deprived of His holy
presence.
Ingratitude of the soldiers
He led them out of the mountains, cliffs, and the very deep
and imposing ravines, and away from lands where one might
rightly say that the sun was like fire that burned rather than
light which illuminated. We were led out of a place where the
269The reference is to the cannibals.
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B o o K I-C H A P TER XXVIII


natives did not give us a moment's rest, nor let us eat or sleep
safely for an hour. It was impossible to travel through level
land without being in constant fear of coming to crags and
fearful mountains. We were freed from the place where there
had been quarrels, differences, and fights over the spoils that the
natives hoped to obtain by a victory over us, and where we
hourly expected to fall a prey to the toxin of the poisonous tree.
If they had put it into our food or into the water which we
drank not a man would have escaped. It would be just then that
since God our Lord aided, protected, and saved us from such
danger, hardship, hunger, and fatigue, we should all acknowledge these favors and show Him gratitude and reverence, for
each one of us is indebted to Him for these and previous acts of
kindness. But weakness, forgetfulness, and ungratefulness are
so prevalent in man that as soon as he is out of danger and free
from want he forgets the great favors granted him by his God,
Creator, and Savior. I beg and implore Him that He may be
pleased to forgive our ingratitude, neglect, and ignorance, as we
are obliged to Him for these and other incomparable gifts, both
before and after the creation of the world.
Reports of bears
When the army had marched two days from the last town
in the provinces and regions of the valleys and districts of
Sefiora, home of the Caitas and Pimeitos,270 it ascended the last
ridges of the mountain range in the direction of the northern
border. From its summit we could see large, splendid, and fertile valleys covered and enriched with very beautiful meadows,
prairies, springs, rivers, and streams, with excellent, clear, and
delightful waters. The climate and nature of these temperate
lands are the best I have ever seen. This fertile and attractive
land is adorned and endowed with fine mountain ranges, hills,
and tablelands, where, as we were informed, bears which ate the
fowls and the ears of corn from the houses of the natives live
and flourish. Here are large madrone trees, many very tall
nut-bearing walnut trees, Castile prune trees, and wild grapes.
We began to discover abandoned houses of two and three stories.
27OSee notes 267 and 268 above.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


All were glad to see the fertility and beauty of that good land
and still more pleased to have left the rough enemy territory
with its infernal heat. The army went on through plains and
valleys inhabited by many deer, stags, hares, rabbits, and all
sorts of game and birds.
The first Indian of the plains; he resists
After enjoying and celebrating with great contentment our
arrival in better lands and among pacific people, we met the first
Indian of the plains. He was a comely young man, handsome
and well attired. When he saw such unusual people, so unlike
his own kind, he fled with great determination and swiftness.
Two soldiers went after him. He resisted them, making use of
his arrows with much skill, courage, and bravery. He fought
until his strength and arrows gave out. He was seized after
much effort and at great risk by the two soldiers who, although
they were on horseback and on the run, were more fatigued and
paler than the Indian. He was taken to the governor. He was
frightened, dejected, and grieved to find himself a captive in the
hands of people who, he imagined, would deprive him of his
liberty and life. He seemed to be trembling with terror at the
sight of people so strange and different from his own kin. The
governor reassured him, treated him kindly, and by friendly and
gentle words dispelled the dread of the harm which he imagined
would come to him. He clothed and gave him adornments of
beads and gifts which he esteemed very much. In this manner
his sadness, fear, and captivity were changed to joy, profit, and
honor among his people, because the general sent this first Indian to call the others, promising to give them presents and to
treat them very kindly.
Flight of the guide; no interpreter; near New Mexico
All this was done by signs because at this place the guide
through whom we might have been able to make the natives
understand the questions put to them and to interpret their
answer ran away, and we had none. Consequently from this
point on we lacked an interpreter who could understand the
natives of the plains and of the region toward the north. This
was the greatest misfortune that befell us in the expedition to
these plains. On account of this mishap, we did not discover
198




BOOK I —CHAPTER XXVIII


nor learn of the secrets, towns, and provinces of this extensive
and fertile land. Thus we were unable to reach New Mexico.
According to the second explorers who went with Antonio de
Espejo, 271 we came within two days' march of the last inhabited
part of this region.
271An account of the Espejo expedition is given in chapters VIII to X
of book II of this volume.


199




CHAPTER XXIX


Which shows how the governor was received by the Querechos, people who
follow the cattle; how the Christians are respected and worshipped in
this land as the children of the sun; and the miracles that were
performed by Alvar Niniez Cabeza de Vaca and his companions.
Pre-eminence of Spain over other nations
F ALL THE people that have been discovered, seen, studied, and known up to the present time, none have been
able to equal or rival the Spanish. This has been tested
and verified both by the master, experience, and by the greatness
of their famous and heroic deeds which are related and attested
by ancient and modern historians. The histories give just and
true praise of how they have surpassed all others in firmly and
constantly supporting the practise and worship of our holy
Catholic faith. [They have upheld it] with resolute and faithful uprightness, risking their property, lives, women, and
children. They conquered and destroyed fortresses, walls, and
castles; they leveled cities, towns, and villages of those who were
enemies of our holy Catholic faith. They overcame and routed
numerous armies, leagues, alliances, and combinations of diverse, far-off strange nations, composed of large numbers of
people that resisted or molested and persecuted them.
God'permits miracles in heathen lands
In the same manner they have been the conquerors and destroyers of the perfidious competitors and enemies of our holy
Catholic faith, defending and supporting it to preserve the
purity of the Holy Scriptures, dogma, and theology. They have
defeated and subdued many foreign, remote, and distinct
nations, protected and brought them into the community and
benefits of our inestimable Catholic faith. [The Spaniards] are
born with this virtuous inclination, eagerness, determination,
and great spirit to extend and augment this brotherhood, which
indeed should be united without division of kingdom, authority,
law, usage, or precept. People from that nation have passed
through lands inhabited by heathen barbarians, ignorant of our
200




BOOK I-CHAPTER XXIX


God, Creator and Savior, and through His unlimited, pious, and
merciful will have performed miracles.272  This was granted
that this people which was blind and unconscious of God and of
His evangelical precepts, would be inclined to become Christians.
That is what happened in these distant and strange lands, inhabited by heathen people unaware of the practise and teachings
of the Gospel.
Revive the dead and heal the sick
Those who performed miracles in these lands were Alvar
Nufiez Cabeza de Vaca, Andres Dorantes, Alonso del Castillo
Maldonado, and Estevanico, a negro, native of Azamor. These
men were stranded with the expedition to Florida made by
Panfilo de Narvaez,273 and then lost their way while going in
search of Christian lands. They crossed two thousand leagues
of unknown and remote regions inhabited by divers rustic and
dissimilar nations, suffered untold hardships, and wandered
far in excess of their natural habits. While roaming in these
places, they performed remarkable wonders outside the limits of
natural laws, all by miraculous permission and authority. They
revived the dead, cured and healed the sick.274 This is all attested by Alvar Niniez Cabeza de Vaca "and is stated in his book
entitled Naufragios de Alvar Niuez Cabeza de Vaca."275  All
this I affirm and testify to be true, because the natives have assured us that all the miracles contained in his history are true
as are the others he mentions.
On account of these deeds and happenings we were well
treated at the places where we came and by the people whom
we met. They followed us, worshipping and serving us in every
way as if we were children of the sun, as they affirmed we were.
Reception of the general
One day later there came to the camp three hundred
Querechos with their women and children. They had been
called and brought there by the Indian whom the general had
272Cabeza de Vaca and his companions.
27sNarvaez's expedition to Florida set out from Cuba in 1528. For a
detailed account of its history, see Lowery, op. cit., 172-212.
2740n the credibility of Cabeza de Vaca's narrative, see ibid., appendix I,
456, 457.
275The part in quotation marks is omitted by Cuevas.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


provided with clothes. The men are lively, of noble disposition,
friendly, brave, and able-bodied; the women and children are
attractive. They came singing and dancing around the camp
and showed great joy and merriment at seeing us. They made
strange faces toward the sky which are ceremonies they employ
in their worship of the sun.
Vaca prayed for rain; captives recovered
They welcomed us to their lands, saying that others of our
kind and appearance had passed through their lands years before, and that they had caused the enemy to return the captives whom they had taken from them. These men had ordered
the clouds to rain on their lands; had healed the sick and resurrected the dead. The natives affirmed and believed that we
were children of the sun, which they obeyed, feared, respected,
and worshipped as their god. They thought that we had descended from heaven. They insisted and importuned us to
touch and bless them, which was the ceremony employed by
Alvar Niniez Cabeza de Vaca. God our Lord through His infinite mercy permitted these occurrences, and granted so many
unusual favors and cases beyond the natural order of events in
order to free them from the wanderings and hardships which
they suffered. These and other miracles were retold by them
without erring or differing from what is stated in the history
mentioned.276
News of Cibola and the cattle
The general received the Indians with much kindness, giving liberally gifts and iron trifles which they esteemed very
highly. He learned from these people the things that were
found in those provinces and what they knew of them. They
replied, giving the information by means of signs, that Cibola
was three days' march from there and the cattle four journeys
toward the north. We believe it to be certain that the cattle
were so near because here we found hides of the cattle that
had died and also bones and manure. The natives stated that
276The above statements must be considered with extreme caution.
Ibarra's party had lost its interpreter (see next paragraph), and Obregon
ascribes to the Indians this summary of what he knew Vaca's narrative
to contain.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XXIX


during part of the summer they lived on the slopes and sheltered places, fleeing from the cold weather which afflicts them
in the open country.
Enemies of the plains Indians
These people are enemies of the Querechos who live among
the cattle. They have droves of dogs. They are well built, lively
and warlike. They eat all sorts of wild reptiles; some corn,
acorns, and walnuts, Castile prunes, and all kinds of game. They
are more friendly, loyal, and valiant than those we had met
before. They possess hides from the cattle; they do not have
salt. We could not see what sort of habitations or houses they
had because the army passed at a distance from their town.
They are a rustic people. They followed the army several days,
sleeping and eating among the Christians. They could not see
enough of us it seemed. The general dismissed them and they
went away sadly and unwillingly.


203




CHAPTER XXX


Which describes the arrival of the army at the city of Paquime with its
remarkable abandoned buildings; and the things which were
seen and learned in these provinces.
King Philip preserved and enlarged his domains
T IS AN evident, obvious, tested, and true fact, verified by
the sacred writings, as well as by the ancient chronicles
of reliable historians, that the principal emperors and
monarchs who have ruled in the universe enhanced and multiplied the greatness of their heroic and famous deeds by discovering, conquering, and mastering powerful armies and noted
empires, kingdoms, and dominions in various parts and places.
The extent of their greatness and the fame of this prosperity and
opulence made it necessary for them to seek information from
explorers, generals, and captains. They molded and adapted
their wishes to these deeds, records, and accounts, thus increasing and broadening the power and magnificence of their famous
domains and states.
This fact and many more have been noticed, seen, and experienced in the heroic, religious, and great deeds of our mighty
and celebrated defender of our holy Catholic faith, the very
just king Don Philip, our master.277 For in such a worthy and
religious manner, in concert and justice, he has preserved,
broadened, and increased his kingdoms, dominions, and vassals. Through the merits of his very Christianlike deeds, the
powerful hand and will of God our Lord permits the multiplication of his kingdoms and the increase of his subjects, riches, territories, and states. Thus this king and lord by well arranged
and religious plans, with such harmony and principle, has made
and is still making the service of God our Lord and the salvation of his vassals an accomplished fact.
Desire of author to serve king; against greed
It is just that we should serve, obey, and help him loyally
277Philip II of Spain, who ruled from 1556-1598.
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BOOK I —CHAPTER XXX
with our children and our property, eagerly and carefully. I,
your most insignificant and humble servant, although I do not
possess the means, never lacked nor shall I ever lack the desire
to perform truthful accomplishments and services. And because
I do not have the means for these undertakings I decided to
obey and serve your majesty by offering boldly of my little
strength, person, and life and with these relations and commentaries. I do this in order that by your renowned exploits, your
mighty and powerful name and reputation, which is feared and
obeyed in most parts of the entire world, these accounts may
serve as an example of good deeds. They may serve as a lesson and a check on uncontrolled and abominable greed, because
of which men often forget the path of virtue. They may be used
as a guide and chart of the provinces, towns, and places found in
them and one may learn in what localities and places gold and
silver ores are found, and which of the provinces and towns are
suitable for occupation. One may likewise learn the character,
quality, and condition of the natives, distinguish the peaceful
from those who are not, and in what locality and region they
cause harm by means of the sap and the branches of the poisonous tree. One may also learn the good and bad roads that the
best may be chosen and the difficult and dangerous ones avoided,
and thus prevent the loss of life and the hardship and suffering
which befell many explorers and old settlers who lacked warning, experience, and information. For these reasons I was bold
enough to offer this account to your majesty.
Buildings of Paquime
In the same manner I decided to render this service, this admonition, memorial, and notification of what is of importance
and interest to your majesty, your kingdoms, dominions, and
real hacienda, in order to conquer and settle the lands, provinces,
and towns in the northern region beyond New Mexico. I am
stating the manifest and truthful reason in this commentary, account, and relation of how and why this should be carried out.
I will begin with what I saw, read, and have been informed of.
I will start with the great expectations offered formerly and at
the present time by this large city, which contains buildings
that seemed to have been constructed by the ancient Romans. It
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is marvelous to look upon. Here the general and his army had
taken quarters.278
Patios; pillars; walls
This city is located in some fertile and beautiful valleys surrounded by splendid and rich mountains and small mountain
ridges. It is situated on the shores of the river, below Paquime. This is the most useful and beneficial of all the rivers
we found in those provinces. Its shores are covered with beautiful and tall poplars, willows, and savins.279 It can readily and
at little cost be utilized for irrigating the fertile shores. There
are many houses of great size, strength, and height. They are
of six and seven stories, with towers and walls like fortresses
for protection and defense against the enemies who undoubtedly
used to make war on its inhabitants. The houses contain large
and magnificent patios paved with enormous and beautiful stones
resembling jasper. There were knife-shaped stones which supported the wonderful and big pillars of heavy timbers brought
from far away. The walls of the houses were whitewashed and
painted in many colors and shades with pictures of the building. The structure had a kind of adobe walls. However it was
mixed and interspersed with stone and wood, this combination
being stronger and more durable than boards.
Canals; estufas; copper plates
There were great and wide canals which they used to carry
278The location of Paquime is involved in some uncertainty. Ibarra may
have gone east from Qaguaripa and visited the casas grandes situated
along the Casas Grandes river, which empties into Lake Guzman just
below the New Mexico border. The hypothesis has also been advanced
that he might have continued northward and reached some of the notable ruins scattered along the Gila river in Arizona. But as Mecham
notes, the Indians did not talk. about Coronado, which we might have expected if Paquime was in the Gila country. Moreover Dr. Byron Cummings of the University of Arizona informs us that no underground kivas
have ever been found in the pueblos south of the Gila in Arizona. No
thorough investigation has yet been made of the ruins in Chihuahua in this
respect. Cf. Mecham, Ibarra, 173; for the Chihuahua ruins, see Bancroft,
Native Races, IV, 604-614; for Arizona antiquities, see ibid., IV, ch. XI.
279Poplars and willows would be found in either the Gila valley or in
Chihuahua, and savins and junipers possibly. There are certain types of
junipers that grow along the Gila at an elevation of about four thousand
feet. These facts thus help little in locating the point reached by Ibarra.
For this information we are indebted to Dean J. J. Thornber of the University of Arizona.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XXX


water from the river to their houses. They have spacious and
broad estufas under their houses and buildings to protect themselves from the cold weather which is greatly felt there, as it
snows a large part of the year. The north winds, which sweep
into the plain from the mountains where it snows more than
usual, are extremely cold. Metal slag which the natives had undoubtedly exploited, and stones to grind it, were found. It was
believed that it was copper metal because we found two copper
plates among the savage Indians, worked from molds as if they
had been cast and made by some skilful and dexterous Spanish
artisan. One may also infer that the slag is of silver because
there are quantities of silver ore in the neighboring mountains
there. I found many veins in the places which I have already
mentioned in other chapters.
Five small bags of silver
This suspicion was strengthened because in these mountains
the natives presented Alvar Nuiiez Cabeza de Vaca with five
small bags of silver.280 We found paved roads here. This large
cluster and congregation of houses is not in one place but scattered over a distance of eight leagues down the river, extending
northward from the first tableland in the large mountain range.
Rodrigo del Rio and I visited and explored this ridge by order
of the governor. Houses continued to be found down the river
and we did not lose sight of them. This seemed to be the largest
and most ancient settlement in those lands. We found traces of
the cattle. Most of these houses were in ruins, worn away by
the rains and torn down. It seemed that they had been abandoned and given up by their owners many years past.
Savages near Paquime; news of settlements
However close by lived wild, coarse, and roaming people,
who, rather than live in such large houses, preferred to dwell in
straw shacks like wild animals, exposed to the sun, wind, and
cold. They are hunters; they eat all sorts of game, wild reptiles, and acorns. The men go about naked; the women wear
short skirts of tanned deerskins or cowhide. We asked them by
signs where the former owners of the houses and lands of that
28sSee this volume, ch. III.
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town had gone. They replied by signs that they were settled
and living six days down the river toward the north, and that
they had been forced to move away on account of the war waged
on them by their enemies who came from the other side of the
mountains. They added that about four days to the west
[north?] lived many other people who occupied houses of great
height, who wore clothes, and who possessed large amounts of
cotton clothing, corn, beans, calabashes, fowls, and native
cattle.
Distance from Paquime to first settlement of Senora
The settlements of the Sefiora valley are forty leagues from
here and could be subdued and controlled by those who might
settle on this Paquime river. Such a settlement could be supplied with goods from the South Sea, provided a town was established in the Seflora valley, as the sea is forty leagues from
there and the Paquime river is ninety leagues from the sea. The
harbor for this purpose is located on the Yaquimi river at the
place where it flows into the sea.
Depth of Yaquimi harbor
The bay has been explored and sounded by two sailors by
order of the general. They affirmed that the entrance has a depth
of two fathoms. Paquime is on one side of Cibola on the slopes
of the mountains stretching northward from the valleys of Sefora. It is five hundred leagues from the city of Mexico over
the Santa Barbola road. By way of Culiacan and the valleys of
Sefiora it is over six hundred leagues, but the road is better and
safer than the Santa Barbola route. However one should have
supplies and provisions enough to last until the province of San
Felipe of New Mexico is reached.


208




CHAPTER XXXI


Concerning the return of the general Francisco de Ibarra and his army;
the causes which moved him to discontinue the explorations in the
provinces of New Mexico which he had undertaken; the address
he made to the soldiers, urging them to go on' with the
expedition; and the various opinions expressed
in this connection.
The soldiers lose heart; determine to return
L-THOUGH the general and his army had endured untold
hardship, fatigue, and the risk of losing their lives, they
kept up their courage with the good hope which had ever
sustained them of discovering large towns in accordance with
the information they had received. This condition lasted until
they came to this abandoned town of Paquime, where all their
good expectations were shattered when they saw that it was not
inhabited as they had imagined and hoped. Consequently they
regretted having come and secretly talked of insisting upon the
return of the general and his army. On account of this determination they [the soldiers] went about depressed and downcast. They considered and schemed how and where they could
escape without going over the route by which they had come,
in order to avoid endangering their lives, for they feared the
poisonous plant and the wars of the people in the Seiiora valley.
The general informed
The general learned of the discontent, plans, and restlessness
of the soldiers and also that about a dozen men in the camp had
discussed the plot and reached an agreement. From them he
learned of the harm which those who were disappointed with
the expedition had whispered about and desired to carry out.
As a prudent man he played the part of the loyal thief in such a
way that he felt the pulse of their intentions one by one. He
discovered that they were all of the same opinion. This was
due to the fact that the iron for horseshoes and the ammunition,
things most necessary for waging war in new lands, had given
out, as had the clothing, footgear, and horses. Such reinforce209




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


ments were doubtful, three hundred leagues distant, and provisions scanty along the way. Moreover the soldiers had everything so arranged and prepared for escaping that neither mountains nor enemies, as found in the land traversed, could prevent
it. However they would not even have dared to dream of it
had they known that the people were so numerous and warlike.
The will of God; the general near New Mexico
Beside these obstacles and events, God our Lord did not wish
that the settlements of New Mexico should be discovered. He
desired that the people of Cinaro and Chiametla and the other
towns should first be settled and brought to the light of the
faith as they were less numerous and poorer than those of the
plains. Furthermore He was not pleased that we should enjoy
the glory of this undertaking and discovery, but that it should
be made known by those who finally explored it, for it is evident
that we came within two days march of the first inhabitated
area.281 If He had been pleased, He could easily have granted
that we should be the discoverers of these greatly desired and
eagerly sought provinces which have caused so much suffering
for many years, and which were so near to the places that we
had reached. Thus the will of God and the misfortune of the
general and his soldiers are known.
Council of war; mass to the Holy Spirit
Owing to these incidents, necessity, and the restlessness and
change of heart of the soldiers, he [the general] decided to call a
council of war in order to urge the continuation of the expedition by kindly means. He ordered the soldiers to attend a mass
offered to the Holy Spirit. He asked them to implore It with
much fervor to inspire their hearts and illuminate their minds
and wills in the manner that would be most suitable, beneficial,
and necessary to Its holy service and interest for the conversion
of those natives.
Reply of the army; assembly of the army
The cowardly soldiers listened to those words very willingly.
They had been waiting for them and things were taking place
28lThis statement was written in 1584, after the return of Espejo's party
from New Mexico, but is not necessarily accurate.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XXXI


in accordance with their wishes and desires. All replied to the
general that they would obey him in everything he commanded.
They did so. When the mass was over all assembled in the tent
of the general, who, in order to oblige and urge them to carry
on the purpose of their trip, the discovery and the conversion
of the natives to the use and practise of our holy Catholic faith,
gave them the following speech and argument:
Address to the soldiers
"My valiant, brave Christians and friends: The use of this
inestimable and triumphal title is of great importance, merit,
and obligation. Besides having an advantage over and being
preferred to all other nations of the universe we should by
means of our capability, harmony, and virtuous deeds, instruct
others in the goodness and exercise of our holy Catholic faith.
We should be, through the word and celestial treasure of the
power of God our Lord, Who embodies, amplifies, and preserves
everything in all parts of the world with His incomparable name,
the occasion and means of redeeming and freeing the natives
from utter darkness and the tyranny of the devil. It seems that
through His power and divine will we have been chosen to
preach the Gospel in order that the kingdom of heaven might be
extended. This has brought immortal fame to those who in
their time through industry and care helped to extend the
Christian religion. We have been honored by being appointed
the ministers and participants of such divine means of very
great merit. Even though laziness, fear of privation, and the
activity of the devil may obstruct that serene virtue, God's love
will protect and give us peace, quietude, rest, and victory. He
will grant us the fulfillment of the purpose for which we came,
which is to overcome and amend the weakness and blindness of
the ignorance in which this barbarous nation lives. By virtue
of our nature, it is our duty and obligation to protect, relieve,
and advise them, and to serve our mighty Catholic king and
natural lord by increasing the number of his vassals.
"Beside these rightful and worthy obligations, it is fitting
that we should maintain the glory, honor, good deeds, and traditions of our forefathers. We must uphold them or be considered inferior and less valorous than they. All this will be
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lost, since the failure to continue our expedition and achieve the
enterprise for which we came would be due to weakness or ignominious flight. If we fail to attain our aim through death,
we shall at least have merited the immortal enjoyment of glory
and no less the right to real fame. As it is our goal to seek to
increase the Christian community and to leave a famous and
memorable record at the end of our lives as our forefathers did,
who would disregard and flee from the glorious and fine opportunity when he holds it in his hands? What honor, wealth, and
merit can be gained without risk, hardship, and combat? What
women, children, comforts, and estates are delaying, hindering,
or calling us when we can make up the time we are losing by
such a noble, useful, and profitable enterprise? What disappointment shall we not feel when others win what you want to
lose? I trust in the bravery, courage, and honor of your persons
that you will act as valiant Christians whom it is not right to
urge or menace with more than this Christian, just, and virtuous exhortation. I rely on your personal honor to carry out the
good purpose which I desire, expect, and ask of such good
soldiers."
Reply of the soldiers; the loyal ones
They replied, thanking him for the good advice he had
given them, saying that each one would state his opinion individually as he had prescribed and commanded. This resolution
gave contentment and joy to the cowardly and discouraged soldiers and disappointment and grief to the brave for losing such
a good and profitable opportunity. The latter feared the opinion
and votes of the lazy and evil-minded, cowards in the honorable
exercise of war. In this assembly there were many foolish
opinions, suggestions, and plans. Some of these sought to
thwart the good purpose of the general and the soldiers who
agreed with him and were striving for the fine ideal of serving
God our Lord and the imperial crown of your majesty. Those
who were prompt to imitate, follow, and obey the general were:
Father Pablo de Acevedo; the alferez Pedro de Unzueta; Captain
Salvador Ponce; Rodrigo del Rio; Don Hernando de Tovar;
Pedro de Montoya, alferez of the maeso de campo who now is
captain in Cinaro; the contador Bartolome de Arriola; Fran212




BOOK I-CHAPTER XXXI


cisco de Carvajal; Hernando de Buelna; Crist6bal Osorio;
Pedro de Torres; the secretary Lerma; Pedro Ortuno and
Pedro de Zuiiga. They all imitated and followed the general in
everything and gave their good and Christian pledges to seek
the service of God our Lord and the imperial crown of your
majesty.
A second suggestion; a third; decision to return
In particular Rodrigo del Rio, Don Hernando de Tovar,
Crist6bal Osorio, and myself offered to go for reinforcements of
soldiers, horses, ammunition, and what else was needed to refit
the army. In the meantime the army should remain fortified
in one of the strong houses on the Paquime river where they
would be safe from the harm that the enemy might cause them.
From there they could go to the first settled parts of the valleys
of Sefnora, thirty leagues from Paquime, to supply the army with
provisions. We made this offer on the condition that the soldiers
who would accompany us should take an oath to come back again.
In the same manner the good soldiers proposed that after the
army had rested for a few days, it should continue to march down
the river the six days as far as the towns of which the inhabitants of this river had given information. The other soldiers suggested that inasmuch as the army lacked everything necessary
for going forward it was much more fitting that it should return
and not proceed any farther. [They suggested] that the general
and the army should go to settle a town on the Yaquimi river
and to preserve, maintain, and divide up the province of Cinaro,
forty leagues from Yaquimi toward the border where the sun
rises. As the latter suggestion was offered by a majority of
the men, the general decided to return to Yaquimi, much against
his will, compelled by the fear that the soldiers would desert
him.
On account of these incidents and events we failed to carry
out the undertaking and to reap the benefits and honor of the
discovery of New Mexico, its districts, surroundings, and towns
which have actually been gained by the new discoverers with
less labor than we endured. We may rightfully affirm that we
saw the walls of its enclosures and towns, and had we gone
ahead it would have been discovered, subdued, controlled, and
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placed under the royal crown of your majesty. You retained
this undertaking and favored the viceroy Don Lorenzo Xuarez
de Mendoza, late Count of Corufia, with the honor of planting
the Holy Gospel there.282 None of his predecessors, all of whom
had endeavored to be the instrument of subjecting it to our holy
Catholic faith and to the royal crown of your majesty, had been
able to find or settle it. This discovery gave rise to litigations
and differences with the marquis Don Hernando Cortes.283
282Don Lorenzo Suarez de Mendoza, Count of Coruiia, ruled from October, 1580, to June, 1582. Priestley, op. cit., 88, 89. It was during his administration that the pueblo region of New Mexico was rediscovered by
the Rodriguez expedition of 1581.
283The reference is to the first rumors of rich towns in the north brought
back by Cabeza de Vaca and Fray Marcos de Niza, when both Cortes and
the viceroy wanted to conquer New Mexico.


214




CHAPTER XXXII


Regarding the reports of discoveries in the great land of Cibola, Quivira,
New Mexico, the coasts of the North and South Seas,
and the great Salado river.
News of Paquime; the cattle roam six hundred leagues
N THIS last part of Paquime where the general Francisco
de Ibarra turned back, we obtained much good news
of provinces and towns, of houses six and seven stories
high, and of orderly, peaceful, and industrious people who wore
cotton blankets and gathered quantities of corn, beans, calabashes, and fruits. They possessed all sorts of game and fowls,
and caught large numbers of the woolly cattle. The latter are
plentiful in the plains, lands, and provinces extending over six
hundred leagues to Florida and Quivira. This does not include
those regions and places whose extent has never been discovered. Although Alvar Niiez Cabeza de Vaca did not see them
in La Florida, he was told of them and given of their meat and
skins. Francisco Vazquez Coronado found them four hundred
leagues beyond Cibola, and Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado four
hundred leagues from the city of Mexico. Francisco de Ibarra
found their hides, bones, and manure on the river and in the
province of Paquime, five hundred leagues from Mexico.284
Location of New Mexico; the Tibuex is the Del Norte
According to the information obtained by the general Francisco de Ibarra from the natives and the accounts which I gathered from those who had been in these provinces and places, "I
consider it conclusive that the new discovery,"285 the province
284At the time of the coming of the white men the buffalo roamed over a
much greater area than in later times. See Hodge, Handbook, I, 169, 170.
Remains of the bison (tooth, bones, horn, and a small piece of skin) have
been found in a cave on the upper Tularosa river in Socorro, New Mexico,
by Dr. Walter Hough of the United States National Museum. See Lyon,
M. W. "Mammal Remains from Two Prehistoric Village Sites in New
Mexico and Arizona," Proc. U. S. Nat. Mus., xxxi, p. 648, Washington,
1906. This probably is the southwesternmost limit in which bison remains
have been found in recent times.
285The phrase in quotation marks is omitted by Cuevas.
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of San Felipe of New Mexico, is situated fifteen leagues from the
strong pueblo of Acuco.286 This is truly certain because Francisco Vazquez Coronado discovered this town and had five soldiers visit it. It was likewise seen by the discoverers of the
province of San Felipe of New Mexico who accompanied "Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado, and by those who went with"287 Antonio de Espejo. I have compared these three expeditions and all
are agreed in regard to the distance from one place to another,
and in regard to this large river. The latter is called Del Norte
by the men with Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado, and Tibuex by
Coronado's followers.
Tuzaydn; exploration south from Cibola; the Tibuex river;
two Mexican Indians from San Hipolito
Farther on are the towns of Tuzayan288 discovered by Don
Pedro de Tovar, captain and alferez mayor of Francisco Vazquez
Coronado, and those which had been discovered by Don Garcia
Lopez de Cardenas toward the sea and gulf of California. This
stream called San Felipe of New Mexico is without doubt the
river Tibuex where the army of General Francisco Vazquez
Coronado remained until he returned from Quivira.289 It is so
alleged by two Indians who spoke the Mexican language and who
were found in these provinces by Antonio de Espejo. They said
that they had remained behind when Francisco Vazquez Coronado passed through those lands and that they were from the
city of Mexico, from the suburb of San Hipolito.290 They have
corroborated the contents of this my relation.
Settlers of New Mexico must be aided
I am stating all this in order that your royal Catholic majesty may know what was traversed and discovered by Francisco Vazquez Coronado, although that of which they gave account has been extended. It is a new discovery and I do not
286Acoma.
287The part in quotation marks is omitted by Cuevas.
288The Moqui (Hopi) towns.
289Part of Coronado's force under Arellano was stationed at Tiguex
during the commander's absence in Quivira. Lowery, op. cit., 328.
290They were found at Zufi. Obreg6n says there were four, Andr6s and
Gaspar, brothers, from Mexico, Martin from Tuiala and Anton from Licican. See pages 325, 326 and note 427.
216




Bo K I-C H APTER XXXII


doubt that they saw some towns not visited by Francisco Vazquez Coronado or his captains. So it is befitting that your
royal majesty should grant great favors to those who went to
settle these provinces and villages made up of houses of such
great height. They are situated on the return route and come
down to the plains and places where the woolly cattle are found,
except those regions near the southern coasts, namely, the valleys of Sefiora, the Tizon river, and the coast and gulf of California.
Location of houses of great height
The houses of great height are first found three hundred and
sixty leagues from the city of Mexico toward the north, and are
not found in the warm or rough lands. Those that have been
discovered are in lands of the same climate and nature. The
houses, the customs, and the provisions are all alike. As these
towns were the first to be found they give promise and hope of
larger ones at the principal place of their establishment. They
are located in very extensive lands and seem to indicate that
there are in them many settlements with such high houses and
similar customs.
Here your majesty can employ the idle and needy vassals
found in this New Spain, and indeed they are not few. They are
anxious to carry out this undertaking. This would be a good
method of discovering and settling newly acquired lands and
towns of great importance and interest for your real hacienda.
Information gathered by Coronado; the Turk and Isopete
differ; report of a river and canoes at Quivira
The general Francisco Vazquez Coronado also obtained
some news at Quivira, the last land he reached on his expedition.
However the two guides, Isopete and the Turk, did not agree
but differed in their reports. The Turk especially was contradictory, and the general Francisco Vazquez Coronado ordered
him to be garroted for giving false news. They had stated that
ten days from Quivira toward the west was a large river inhabited by many people who wore clothes, who gathered much
corn, and who possessed many canoes. This was considered untruthful because of the dealings they had had with the Turk.
Thus this is still doubtful. Nevertheless it is considered true,
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because since that time this same information has been given
to the explorers who have been in these lands, and in particular
to Antonio de Espejo.
Information given by a Frenchman
Tidings were also brought by a Frenchman who fled from
Florida at the battle and annihilation of his companions on the
coast by the former marquis of Florida Pedro Menendez. He
affirmed that on his journey and wanderings until he came to
Panuco, land of the Christians, the natives told him of the
provinces, plains, and regions frequented by the cattle, of many
towns composed of houses of great height, and of people who had
clothes and quantities of provisions. They indicated that all
this existed toward the north.
Salado river discovered
Juan Juarez, a former inhabitant of Rodilla, discovered and
visited some large towns in the year 1550.291 At that time a
boat which had left Ireland with a cargo of hides and tin lost
its way and sailed many days to the northwest. Then it entered
the mouth of a river in the month of April of that year. This
river was seven leagues wide at the widest place and five at the
narrowest. The water was salty. He sailed up this river two
hundred leagues. There were no towns on its banks. Finally
they came to some shoals and landed. Half a league farther on
they found another salt water river of the same breadth. They
built four brigantines and equipped them with artillery. Ninetysix men embarked and continued up the river another two hundred leagues. One morning they found themselves in the midst
of some large Indian settlements, and about four hundred canoes
came out toward them. They discharged the artillery at them
whereupon the Indians raised a flag of various colors as a sign
of peace. They approached one another and the natives asked
them by signs to disembark. After they had landed, the Indians took them before a king who wore a copper crown on his
head. This king had a body guard of four thousand beardless
men who wore white skins and carried in their hands bows and
291This tale, which is pure fiction, is based on one of several papers
written by Men6ndez, in which substantially the same story is told. Bancroft, Northwest Coaost, I, 50, 51.
218




BOOK I-CHAPTER XXXII


arrows tipped with copper and flint. They marveled to see people unlike their own race and having different clothes and
customs.
Battle with Christians; fight between French and Portuguese
After seeing them the king went to his palace and appointed
some one to look after the lodging of the Christians. They remained forty days among these new people who gave them
many turkeys, deer, and tortillas of corn. Two women wearing
cotton clothes came to see them and by signs they [the Christians] understood they were daughters of the king. At the
end of the forty days, they quarreled and in the fight that ensued
the natives killed six Christians while the latter inflicted great
damage on them with the artillery. They returned to their
boats, taking along the provisions they could get and those
which were presented to them. They went away, taking fresh
water from the rivers that empty into the Salado river. After
getting back to their ship they came to the coast of the codfish
and to the coast of Spain where they encountered a Portuguese
vessel. They fought, but on account of the bad condition of
their ship surrendered and were taken on board the Portuguese boat. The captain and the pilot, who were Frenchmen,
drowned.
Report of Juan Judrez, discoverer of the Salado
The inen were taken to the city of Porto. They did not render a written, merely an oral report. Juan Juarez, a native of
Rodilla near Burgos, went to the city of Mexco where his testimony was taken under oath by order of the viceroy Don Luis de
Velasco. Under this oath he gave all the information contained
in this relation, telling by what winds they entered and left the
many settlements they had seen. He affirmed that he had seen
crescents and bracelets which seemed to be made of gold and
that he had seen large quantities of high grade copper. The
viceroy Don Luis de Velasco commanded him not to leave the
city of Mexico under penalty of death, and he died there. It
seems certain that this information obtained through these
channels is the same that was given to Francisco Vazquez Coronado at Quivira, to Antonio de Espejo, and to the other discovers in the provinces of New Mexico. These accounts are in the
219




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


possession of the heirs and successors of the former viceroy
Don Martin Enriquez. They were given to them by Antonio
Sotelo de Betanzos.
Two gold plates
The general Francisco de Ibarra found two copper plates
worked in the shape of crowns. He also found these regions to
be very cold and similar to the lands of the great Salado river in
regard to houses, climate, lands, and altitude. Owing to these similarities and the fact that they are situated in the same direction, it seems certain that it is the same land. Or at least it is
nearby and borders on the land of this Salado river, the coast
of the codfish, Quivira, Cibola, Tuzayan, New Mexico, and other
nearby districts.
In the same way the Tiz6n river was discovered by Marcos
Ruiz de Rojas.292 Many Indians were seen there although they
were naked and lived in underground houses. This river was
also visited from the sea by Alarcon and reached by land by
Melchor Diaz.293  These two were captains of Nuiio de Guzman. This river is in the gulf of California, is very deep and
has very high banks. It has not been learned what sort of people
live along this stream. It comes from the plains of the cattle
and empties into the South Sea. This arm of the sea, called gulf,
is inhabited along its entire length. However it is not known
what sort of clothes the people wear, what they eat, or the kind
of houses they inhabit. We have seen only numerous columns of
smoke along the coast and farther inland. Apparently it is
inhabited throughout.
This entire coast is unbroken and connects with that of
Quivira, Cibola, Tibuex, New Mexico, and Florida. This land
was also entered by the general Hernando de Soto who in the
year [1539] went to settle Florida with a large expedition. As
he found it poor in people and provisions, he went on to discover
new settlements. He marched six hundred leagues through deserted mountainous lands inhabited by a few naked, poor,
wretched, and worthless people. He went northwest toward the
292Marcos Ruiz de Rojas commanded one of the ships of Alarc6n's expedition. See note 67. Cuevas confuses this passage. The second and
twelfth lines on p. 197 of his Obreg6n are interchanged.
293See chapter III above.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XXXII


coast of Ireland. He found large quantities of metals in the
mountains and many pearls and oysters on the coast of the North
Sea. He suffered many hardships. Consequently there is no object in going to discover these desolate and uninhabited lands.
Furthermore seventeen adventurous soldiers who were at the
cape of Santa Elena with their general Pedro Menendez, marquis of Florida, went inland to discover new lands.294 They went
north by northwest from the said river. They crossed great
marshes and mountains until they came to a large mountain
ridge containing quantities of silver. From there they descended
to more temperate lands with good valleys and pastures until
they came to a large lake well inhabited by Indians who were
adequately dressed in cotton clothes. They had terraced houses
one and a half estados in height; they had towns of six and
seven thousand men and others less populous. It is a thickly
settled land. They gather quantities of corn, beans, salt, calabashes, and use the woolly cattle. This account was attested by
one of the seventeen soldiers previously mentioned, called
Morales. He stated that this settlement is five hundred leagues
from the cape of Santa Elena in a northwesterly direction toward Ireland.
Moreover the adelantado Pedro Menendez went to discover,
see, and explore the new lands located between the San Mateo
river and the one called Espiritu Santo which empties near
Panuco. He had two brigantines, one of them manned by Captain Cristobal de Herrera, a resident of the city of Mexico and
a native of Puerto de Santa Maria. They went up the river
about two hundred and fifty leagues and saw but few settlements.
After having navigated the aforesaid leagues and reached the
end of the river, they came to a lake called Maymi. It is about
twelve leagues across and in the middle of it is a small island
with a little hill like a piece of loaf-sugar. Here over fifteen
hundred canoes came to make war on them. The Indians are
aggressive archers and wear tanned deerskins. They fought
him for three days, but he forced them to retire to the island of
the hillock as it was large and strong enough for their defense.
From some who surrendered peacefully they learned that an
294This story is evidently to be classed with the purely fictitious.
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arm comes from that lake and empties into the Espiritu Santo
river, the one that empties near Panuco, which agreed with the
account they had for finding it. On this lake great battles are
fought between the different native factions in their canoes, and
it is a strange sight to see the way they fight with such large
numbers of canoes. Thus they did not go on to discover the river
communications between New Spain and the settlements of
Florida. They did not go ahead because they had learned what
they wished to know, and they wanted to undertake the expedition with more people and provisions as was necessary. They
returned by way of this river, which is half a league wide in
some parts and in others one mile. It is of fresh water and
inhabited in places.
After this the said Captain Herrera with fifty men reached
a place between twenty-nine and thirty degrees. He marched
toward the west and sometimes toward the northwest, going
about two hundred leagues up and down hill. In these two hundred leagues he did not find any mountains but only plains covered with forests of oak and pine trees. Along this route he
found chestnuts, acorns, wild grapes, and nuts. The settlements
which he found are well planned like fortresses, surrounded by
palisades of timber, the walls and terraces made of clay. The
people wear cotton blankets called maxtles tied at the waist, and
blankets of tanned deerskins and of hides of the cattle. At the
end of the two hundred leagues he came to a great mountain
range at the foot of which he found a very large settlement.
There he met a cacique called Guaiquiri who was the lord of the
town and who rejoiced immensely on seeing people different in
customs and nature from his own. He gave them [the Christians] food for three days and asked them where they were
going. They told him that they were going to join their brothers who were in New Spain. He informed them that by marching for a moon and a half they would reach them and that if
they were looking for the other sea they could reach it in two
moons.
The cacique was very much grieved when he heard that they
wanted to proceed on their way, since there is another cacique
with many people on top of the mountain. He wanted their
support and aid to destroy him. The said captain replied that
222




BOOK I-C H APTER XXXII


he was not going to harm or make war on anybody, but that
he wished to proceed with his journey. When the cacique saw
this he thought the captain was going to help the other cacique
against him and that night he gathered a large number of people. The cacique Guaiquiri fell upon the said captain and his
people. He fought them for three days until they were forced to
return to the place from which they had started. They had been
traveling for three months and were out of ammunition.
From appearances and from the samples of mineral which
the soldiers took and assayed when they returned to the fortress
this mountain range seems to contain large quantities of silver
metal. The towns are well grouped and consist of white clay and
wooden houses two and three stories high. They have well arranged streets and squares. The people wear cotton clothes and
cattle and deerskin blankets. Their traffic consists of bartering
the products of the cattle for corn and cacina. This is a leaf
used in making a drink. They obtain it in trade from the people who live on the coast, in exchange for the herb called picete.
It seemed as if this inhabited region had over thirty thousand
Indians, not counting those which were heard about, but not
seen.


223




CHAPTER XXXIII


Which sets forth the reasons why the harbors on the coast of La Florida
and on the gulf of the South Sea are not suitable for the transportation of the things necessary for the discovery of New Mexico,
Paquime, Quivira, and the surrounding districts.
The ports are distant
NE OF THE most useful and necessary things for the
growth of the cities, towns, and villages of the newly
discovered lands and provinces in the Indies, islands,
and mainland of the Ocean Sea and the dominions of your
majesty, is that [these settlements] where they intend to settle
and establish themselves must have access to ports near the sea.
They must be in safe places that have already been proven accessible for ships. In this manner these establishments could be
supplied with all necessary things at moderate prices. Thus the
profits, fruits, tribute, and products of such new communities
could be preserved, since those which lack this convenient transportation must buy merchandise at excessively high prices. For
this reason settlers avoid such towns, nor are they sought by
agents.
Harbors must be sought diligently; transporting goods by
land is costly; two hundred leagues to South Sea
In view of the fact that those provinces and newly discovered lands are lacking in seaports it is proper that I should explain and prove the great necessity there is that generals, governors, captains, and explorers who undertake these expeditions should exercise wholehearted energy and care in searching
for and acquiring harbors, rivers, or lakes which they may be
able to utilize. They should be nearby and easily accessible without danger or risk, in order that the products of the residents
and the trade of the merchants could be developed and carried
on, and that these cities, towns, and villages which would be
established might be supplied with provisions. If these harbors
are not discovered the difficulty, danger, and expense of sup224




BOOK I-C H A P T E R XXXIII


plying such settlements through distant and deserted lands, far
from Christian settlements, would be great. The place closest
to these regions from which supplies can be obtained is Santa
Barbara, which is separated from the province of San Felipe of
New Mexico by two hundred and sixty leagues of desolate and
enemy land. The South Sea and the port of Yaquimi is over
two hundred leagues from Cibola, Paquime, New Mexico, and
the other provinces in these regions. To travel back and forth
to that port one must cross high mountain ranges, rough and
cold at the summit and toward the north. They are very warm
in places, extremely craggy, and inhabited by warlike people
who make use of the poisonous plant.
A town in the valley of Senora
On account of these inconveniences the South Sea and its
harbors are of no benefit for the transportation of the necessary
provisions or the commerce of the provinces mentioned above.
However a city could be founded in the Sefiora valley in order to
communicate with the harbors of the South Sea from there.
From the Sefiora valley merchandise could be carried to Paquime,
Cibola, New Mexico, and the neighboring settlements possessing
houses of great height. They are all in the same place and latitude, in the region to which the cattle come, between thirtysix and over forty-six degrees north latitude.
Florida far from New Mexico
Standing with the back toward the South Sea, one faces the
coast and sea of Florida, which is far away, over four hundred
leagues. The intervening land is inhabited by naked people,
lacking in provisions. Most of these lands are deserted, uninhabitable, and the natives without houses, organization, or good
mode of living. This is told by Alvar Niniez Cabeza de Vaca in
his history. According to the journeys which he made from
the coast of Florida to the river of New Mexico it seems that
the distance is over three hundred leagues.
Pedro Menendez also set out northward from the coast of
Florida to find new lands.295 To this end they went inland two
295In November, 1566, Menendez sent Juan Pardo from Santa Elena to
discover and conquer the interior country from there to Mexico, in order
to connect the two frontiers. Going northwest he reached the snow-covered
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


hundred leagues and reached the mountain range, but they did
not cross it nor did they come to the plains of the cattle or to
the mountain range of Panuco, which is over two hundred
leagues from the plains of the cattle and from the provinces of
the high houses. From these facts and experiences it seems
that the North Sea is over four hundred leagues from these
provinces and settlements. Moreover the farther one goes beyond New Mexico, Cibola, and the regions toward the west, so
much more distant is the coast of the North Sea. Even if it
were two hundred leagues nearer, the mountain range, the
swamps, deserts, hills, and scanty provisions possessed by the
few natives found between these provinces and Florida, would
greatly hinder communication. On account of these reasons
and that which is affirmed by those who have sounded the ports
I doubt if there are any large enough and so situated as to be
of profit and use for the provinces and towns mentioned. There
are no harbors with the required facilities, nor is there any use
in trying to find them in these explored regions.
Distance from coast to coast
It is a noteworthy and certain fact that the breadth of the
land from one sea to the other is over six hundred leagues in
some places.
Location of lands to be discovered; place where the horses
froze to death; Carabajal's territory
Likewise I am warning those who may start out to discover
new lands and settlements beyond the mines of Santa Barbola
not to look for them within two hundred and fifty leagues to the
left when going west. If they did so, they would enter the great
rough mountain range whose slopes are extremely rugged, laborious, and uninhabited as far as the southern region. Its peaks
and slopes toward the north are very cold. Many of our horses
froze to death there. Toward the south are the valleys of Cinaro,
Alleghanies in western North Carolina, established two garrisons on the
way, and returned. Boyano, left at one of the garrisons, made expeditions
into the mountains, and in 1567 marched southwest to Chiaha near Rome,
Georgia. Being joined there by Pardo, they set out "in the direction of
Zacatecas and the mines of San Martin" in Mexico, but were turned back
by Indian hostility. Bolton and Marshall, Colonization of North America,
64.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XXXIII


Mayanbo,296 Yaquimi, Sefora, Guaraspi, Cumupa, and the others
near them. Toward the north is Mazapil, the lake of the sierras
of Panuco297 and the gobernaci6n of the new kingdom of Leon
which was settled by the governor Luis de Carabajal.
Lands to be discovered; land beyond Quivira
From that place to the west are lands with savage nations.
These people have no dwellings, order, or provisions. These
lands were traversed and seen by Alvar Niniez Cabeza de Vaca
and his companions. They have been crossed on, one side by
the French and on the other by Pedro Menendez and the captains who got lost farther down in Florida.298 They made the
definite statement that as far as the provinces and towns of the
houses of great height and as far as the slopes of the great
sierra toward the south, they had not found any people or districts that could be settled or that would be of any profit. For
these reasons those who might be inclined to discover new lands
and settlements must go beyond the provinces of San Felipe of
New Mexico toward the northwest, and to Quivira, west of
north, by way of the sea and coast of Ireland. They must go
through the great Salado river, which was discovered by, Juan
Juarez, a resident of Rodilla, who found many very profitable
settlements toward the north in fifty degrees latitude. It is
considered certain that these places are joined to those of
Quivira, Cibola, New Mexico, and the others near them. This
is due to the fact that they are similar in altitude, characteristics, and coldness of climate. Since the land beyond New Mexico
and Quivira has not been traversed or explored by Christians
it should be discovered gradually, as information is obtained,
because these are new and untouched lands, very favorable for
the discovery of settlements of great importance. They will
bring prestige and reward to those who may explore them.
Report of the Salado river
Moreover both French and English have affirmed as a well
296Cuevas confuses these two names as follows: Zinaroma y Ambo.
Cuevas, Obreg6n, 203.
297Cuevas has Paitiuco. Ibid. The word is not distinct. It looks like
"'Painuco."
2980breg6n here repeats the current misconceptions already noted. See
chapter XXXII.
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known fact that beyond Quivira is the Salado river, discovered by Juan Juarez, a native of Rodilla. An English and a
French fleet, on separate occasions, have navigated it, and their
crews saw the populated, plentiful, and profitable places as described by Juan Juarez. Accordingly all three explorers attest
this discovery, and judging from the descriptions which they
and others have given, all refer to the same place.
Acles came to settle the Salado river
This information was given to me and Gonzales de Guzman
Ovando by a Frenchman.299 It was repeated to me by a Juan
Ingles who said that the coming of Juan Acles was to settle this
river Salado by authority of the queen of England, but that
storms, mishaps, and lack of provisions drove him to the rich
town.
Belief in the Strait of the Cod
Likewise it is deemed certain that near this Salado river,
beyond Quivira and its limits, is found the strait of the codfish,
through which one could find a means of communication between
the North and South Seas. Consequently those who go to explore must come to these regions and follow the information
which I have explained. The rest that is undiscovered will remain hidden as long as it may be the will of God our Lord. Such
explorers may select from these accounts, notices, and forewarnings what they deem most useful and profitable. Likewise
they should keep in mind the warnings given in the following
chapter regarding the proper policy to pursue in war and in
making discoveries in these new lands.
299Naturally this has nothing to do with the accuracy of the information.


228




CHAPTER XXXIV


Dealing with the qualifications, character, and temperament that must be
possessed by the generals, governors, and captains chosen by monarchs and princes in power; and with the course to be pursued
in new discoveries in order to avoid distressing mishaps.
Selection of leaders for new discoveries
XPERIENCE is the teacher and guide in cases of doubt; it
is the shield and weapon against inconveniences, and the
enemy and remedy of unfortunate undertakings. It is
preferred to the advice of the wisemen, of the ancient and modern historians. It is a teacher of science and good counsel. In
virtue of this fact I dare to put together this example of efforts
bedecked and mixed with colors of wonderful accomplishments
and adornments of virtuous deeds. Those who should like to
make use of or inspire themselves in its pages should consider
the utility of the deeds and efforts described and pay no attention to the one who compiled them.
Their qualifications; teaching of Saint Paul
Oftentimes experience compares with science, especially in
military matters. My purpose in stating this is good. I desire
to be right in giving straight-forward, useful, and profitable
advice for the proper Christian conduct of carrying on war,
expeditions, and founding settlements in newly discovered lands,
wherever your majesty, or princes and magistrates acting in
your name, might order towns to be established. When these
authorities select, designate, and appoint generals, governors,
and captains for the said discoveries, expeditions, and establishments, they should provide themselves with all the information,
and exercise the care necessary for suitable elections that they
may be carried out justly and in accordance with the importance
of the merits, virtues, and qualifications of those who rightly
should be sought, chosen, and appointed. They should inform
themselves regarding each of the candidates, especially of their
services, merits, conduct, and habits. For it is a well known
fact that the governorships, offices, and captaincies are often
229




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entrusted to men who would never have been heard of if they
had not had recourse to unfair means, cleverly disguised flattery, gifts, and schemes. Others, although deserving those appointments, are not considered. At least they do not apply for
them, following a modest policy and the saying of Saint Paul
which states that no one should take, aspire to, or solicit an
office until called.
Example of David; reproof of Samuel
We have an example of this in the Holy Scriptures when God
sent Samuel to select a king for Israel. Isaac300 was presented
to him. He was sent to Samuel in order that one of his sons
might be chosen king. The text says that Elias,301 one of his
sons, was introduced to him. According to the Scriptures, he
was a man with a very handsome face and able-bodied. Then
all his sons were brought forward. God said to Samuel that he
should not take into consideration the beauty of Elias' countenance or the height of his stature. For, says God, I do not judge
by outward appearances but by what lies at the bottom of the
heart.302 As Isaac had forgotten David, the youngest of his
sons who was on the mountain taking care of the sheep, Samuel
requested that he bring David before him. When he arrived,
God told Samuel to select him king of Israel. In this manner
David was selected and anointed king of Israel by the hand of
Samuel in the midst of all his brothers. He was the youngest
and the most neglected of them all. Isaac had not introduced
him to Samuel as a possible king. Thus occurred the just election of a person who besides being ingenious and educated was
a good Christian. These virtues, justice, and equity, as may be
read in Ecclesiastes, he guarded, preserved, and exercised with
more diligence and better order than many arrogant wisemen.
It must be understood that those who make appointments
should exercise their bounden duty with diligence and painstaking effort, informing themselves fully and faithfully in re30oIt should read Jesse. The error persists throughout the passage. See
book I of Samuel, chapter XVI.
301For Eliab. Ibid.
302"But the Lord said unto Samuel, Look not on his countenance, or on
the height of his stature; because I have refused him; for the Lord seeth
not as man seeth; for man looketh on the outward appearance, but the
Lord looketh on the heart." Ibid.
230




BOOK I-CHAPTER XXXIV


gard to all things necessary for the useful and profitable conduct
of war, for the attainment and conservation of peace and harmony, and for the reduction of the natives and those under their
jurisdiction to Christianity. They should consider and resolve
with all industry the disposal to be made in all cases to further
the service of God our Lord. This can be accomplished on the
one hand by mortifying the five physical senses, and on the other
by enlivening the faculties of the soul with Christian intentions
and good means that will stop, hinder, and eliminate wars, and
the hatred, enmity, and discord of war; and by carrying out the
elections, the expeditions, and the founding of communities.
Following this method, order, and precaution, they will imitate
the election of David, and their selection will be tempered with
Christian moderation. This will be the occasion and means that
may be agreeable to the will of God our Lord, Who embraces,
amplifies, and preserves all things. By observing this Christian
precept, your majesty and your successors, princes, and magistrates, will fulfill your duty and make the choice which you
owe the law of God our Lord and the success of Christian warfare.
Friars; respect due them
After this selection the most useful and convenient thing in
warfare and in the conquest of new lands is to take friars along
who may administer the sacraments to the Christians and to
those newly converted in the recently settled areas. Those who
are in authority should order that these churchmen be well
treated, honored, and respected, in order that this respect may
serve as an example to the new converts that they may imitate it
and give full credit to the preaching and teaching of the Holy
Gospel. There are many examples of this throughout the Indies.
Owing to the respect in which the preachers are held by the
Christians they are esteemed, revered, honored, and obeyed by
the neophytes. By these means and by favoring, defending, and
treating the religious properly, the natives obey and venerate
them and have faith in what they are commanded in the teachings of the Holy Gospel.
Harmony between leaders and soldiers
Hatred or enmity must not be permitted to arise between the
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


leaders and the soldiers. This will hinder and put a stop to the
misfortunes that ordinarily grow out of this bad seed of hatred
and which breeds great harm and discord among those who
rule and govern.
Medicine to be provided; arms needed in fighting Indians
When going on expeditions one should carry medicinal remedies to cure the diseases and wounds that usually occur in time
of war, and especially an antidote against the poisonous plant.
These remedies consist of quince juice and raw corrosive sublimate. The latter must be put on the wounds. The quince juice
is to be drunk. The swellings must be cut open near the wound
and the cuts powdered with corrosive sublimate. It is essential
to carry good coats-of-mail of medium mesh, for if it is very
fine it is destroyed by rust, and arrows pierce it more readily
than if it is coarser. Thus the mesh should not be too small or
too large but medium, because that resists the force of the arrow more effectively. It does not need to be cleaned, which is
not the case with the fine mesh.
One must carry helmets having flaps of chain armor on the
sides to protect the neck and the back of the head. One should
wear breast plates and jackets of buckskin, and escuaguipiles303
outside of and beneath the armor as protection against flinttipped arrows. It is important to have breeches of chain armor, leather shields, horse armor, and knotty woven blankets as
they are better and more durable than the leather ones.
Culverins to reduce large houses
Good harquebuses with supplies and duplicate parts should
be carried. Most of them should be operated by fuse because
it often happens that the damp powder makes the firing of the
flintlocks difficult. Moreover the harquebuses with fuses are
easier to handle. The ones with flintlocks often need a mechanic to make repairs and to replace the pieces that get out
of order. One must take along culverins to fight the Indians who
are accustomed to fortify themselves in their houses as hap80sFor escaupiles, an ancient form of padded armor.
232




BOOK I-CHAPTER XXXIV


pened to Coronado at Cicuic.304 As they had fortified themselves
they could not be subdued for forty days.
Animals and iron for long journeys
One should take along pack horses and mules that are used to
the hardships of the road. They are much better than the
others.
Artisans for long trips
Large quantities of iron for horseshoes and the largest possible amount of nails should be brought. If the iron gives out
during the expedition it causes great inconvenience and makes it
impossible to go any farther, as happened on our expedition.
Because the horseshoe nails gave out we were forced to turn
back, leaving many horses behind. It is necessary to bring
skilled blacksmiths, farriers, and carpenters with implements to
practise their trades. The carpenters can build boats for crossing rivers, lakes, and gulfs that often hinder and prevent explorations. Thus harbors and rivers may be located and through
these channels trade and communication with the new lands and
communities may be carried on. The smiths make, repair, and
provide all necessary iron articles for the army that'may be out
of order or worn out. The farriers should be taken along to cure
and shoe the horses and mules belonging to the army.
Losses when poorly equipped
It is a notorious fact that because some generals who went
to discover and settle new lands failed to go provisioned with
these things many deaths, misfortunes, and shipwrecks have
resulted.
Good ammunition, which should be inspected and distributed
with moderation, must be taken along. It should be kept away
from moisture and kept in the sunshine in order that it may
not lose its strength. It must be protected when wading bodies
of water and during showers so that it will not get wet. From
time to time it should be dried in the sun or in pans over the
fire.


304Pecos.




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


Neglect of the guards brings disaster; mounted guards
The watches and sentries should be divided into four parts
as the first quarter of the night is very long, tedious, painful and
sleepy. It is important to watch and guard oneself with much
precaution, care, and earnestness. The guard should be mounted
and the horses should carry poitrels with sleigh-bells in order
to hinder the Indians from attacking and giving battle during
the night. The attack at night is very dangerous, because the
people can not see one another and do not know from whom
or from what direction to protect themselves. The watch and
sentry should be distributed among good soldiers, men of conscience, training, care, and pride, because many losses, hardships, and deaths have occurred in the war owing to the carelessness of poor guards. During the daytime mounted guards
should be placed, because the natives not only shoot the horses
but scare and steal them if they stray from the camp.
Playing-cards to be banished
All the playing-cards possessed by the soldiers should be
destroyed on leaving the towns and in places where they cannot obtain others. In so doing a great deal of harm and many
unpleasant circumstances would be avoided. If soldiers did not
have cards they would not gamble away their valuables, arms,
and horses which they need on expeditions. They would occupy
their time in fixing up their arms and the other things necessary for the success of the journey and peace would be preserved if playing-cards were not present.
Towns should not be entered
Efforts should be made to avoid having the army enter or
pass through any settlements in order to prevent the damage
caused by the soldiers, and the harm done to them when they
gamble their belongings and arms, when they ruin and exact
service from the residents, and in the fights which they usually
stir up.
No parades in towns; pay and bonus for equipment
Military reviews, parades, or public roll-calls should not be
held in the cities, towns, or villages where soldiers are being recruited and selected. If these ceremonies cannot be put off it
234




BOOK I-CHAPT ER XXXIV


should be on the condition and with the understanding that the
pay and enlistment bonus given the recruits should be spent for
practical things, such as arms, clothes and horses, and other
things necessary for a successful conquest. The clothes should
be of native or Castile cloth, showy articles being avoided.
This should be done in order that the majority of the men may
not spend their pay on them. They acquire, scatter, pawn, and
wear out these articles before they receive pay or aid from the
real caja or from their generals. They spend their money in the
stores of merchants, who besides selling them goods on credit at
exorbitant prices make them buy trappings that they may go
forth looking well and showing off on these parades, forgetful
of the things that they are going to need when traveling in lands
and places where they cannot obtain succor. It is proper that
the generals and leaders who are in charge of such soldiers
should avoid and prevent these things.  The distribution of
bonus and payments should be made with the object that the
soldiers may use the money for arms and clothes of native or
Castilian cloth. In this regard they should imitate one another
that it be not overdone. In this way the men will not be jealous of one another on account of their personal appearance or
military equipment and they will provide themselves with the
things that are necessary, durable, and essential for the trip.
Otherwise before the expedition starts they will have spent and
consumed their aids and payments on trappings, gambling, and
illicit things.
Women must be respected in new lands
Heavy punishments should be imposed in order that the
soldiers may not dishonor the wives and daughters of the
natives, especially those who are not yet baptized and those
who have recently been converted. This must be observed in
the towns and places which they settle or merely pass through.
When they fail to keep and obey this just and Christian law of
discipline and chastity, the natives usually revolt, because it is
like poison which perverts their hearts and incites them to
destroy and kill those who perpetrate these offenses.
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Examples of Columbus, Coronado, Guzmdn
We have examples and experiences of this among the first
discoverers whom Don Francisco Columbus left at Santo Domingo,305 who, because they wanted to take advantage of
the women and daughters of the natives of that first land of
the Indies, were killed. The same thing happened to Nuio de
Guzman, who had settled in the province of Chiametla, and to
those whom Francisco Vazquez Coronado had left in the Sefiora
valley. He had left Diego de Alcaraz with one hundred men.
Of these only six Christians escaped. All of them were found
in these parts and places. The natives annihilated, destroyed,
and killed them because they had used their wives and daughters
for dishonorable purposes. By avoiding these practises and by
living with precaution, without poisoning the minds of the
natives or vexing them, the soldiers will observe the law and
precept of God our Lord and set the natives a good example.
They will eliminate disturbances, wars, and massacres.
Moderation in distribution of supplies
It is essential to observe care and moderation in the distribution of provisions. They should be acquired through proper
and peaceful means, requested and bought from their owners in
exchange for goods, all with their consent. Provisions should
not be taken by force, but if this were done, it should not be
till, with Christian moderation, the necessary entreaties and
warnings had been tried.
Messengers should be sent ahead
Messengers should be sent ahead to the towns "through
which the army would have to pass, especially to the settlements"306 and places that have not been visited and where
Christians have never been seen. They should offer peace to
the natives and carry them some articles as gifts to oblige and
attract them through kindness. It is well known that animals
3060bregon is evidently thinking of Christopher Columbus who left a
small colony at Navidad on his first voyage in 1492. On his return the
Indians reported that the Spaniards had gone away with their wives and
daughters. Columbus did not find one of his colonists alive. See Bourne,
E. G. Spain in America, 25; 35, 36.
806Cuevas omits the phrase in quotation marks.
236




Bo K I-C H APTER XXXIV


can be tamed, taught, and brought under control by kindness.
This same method can be used in subduing and pacifying the
natives.
Settlements to be apart from the natives
The armies and Christian communities must be located apart
from the settlements and plantations of the natives.
Live stock to be brought
All kinds of cattle should be taken along to succor those
places in need of provisions, as well as to increase and multiply
the stock in places where there is a lack of cattle. Goats in
particular are of great advantage when going to discover new
lands far away. They are good walkers and can travel four
leagues in a stretch, so they do not hinder the march to new
regions which must be made by stages.
Indications of native revolts
It should be noted that when the natives do not come forth,
but hide their wives, daughters, and provisions, and build great
smoky fires, that these are signals of war by means of which
they call and warn one another.
Gifts for new lands
Showy articles of cloth from the locality, such as used in
Mexico, should be taken along for barter; likewise glass beads
and trifles, jet trinkets, small hatchets, tarequas, knives,
punches, and needles to exchange for provisions and other
things that may be found in new lands; and friendly Indians
from this section who might be of service on the expedition and
in case of war. Thus the people in the new lands may follow the
example of these peaceful Indians when they see them serve, respect, and obey. They may learn from them how important it
is to become Christians and that they cannot prevent it by force
of arms should they wish to resist.
Concubinage not allowed
Concubinage must not be allowed in the army. On account
of this offense God our Lord often permits defeats in war, and
does not grant favors or victory.
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Implements for mining silver
Quantities of shirts, breeches of cloth and canvas, footgear,
pots, copper pans, tents of very coarse linen, well lined and provided with the necessary nails and poles so that they can easily
be put up, should be brought. There should be carried along all
sorts of implements used in searching for and mining silver, and
also bellows and implements to smelt metals.
Setting one foe against another
Advantage should be taken of the enemy by setting those
of one district against the opponents and foes of another, if it
should become necessary, as was done by Don Hernando Cortes
in the conquest of Mexico and by Francisco de Ibarra in New
Vizcaya.
Mining and military regulations
The ordinances of war should be improved and compiled with
Christian equity, and it should be commanded that they be observed, kept, and fulfilled under heavy penalties. This should
also apply to the mining laws, because some of them are harmful, dangerous, and apt to give rise to litigations and discord.
Because of this unjust situation, mines are frequently taken
away from their owners and given to others who have not discovered them and who have no claim to them.
Regarding personal service
Moderation should be exercised in exacting personal service
from the natives where settlements have recently been established, and it should not be done at once. On account of being
oppressed and compelled to give tribute they often rebel, as was
done by those of the provinces of Cinaro, Chiametla, Xalisco,
and those in the valleys of Seiora. In these rebellions they harrowed and killed their encomenderos, and in both places they
remained victorious and it has not been possible to subdue them.
Leaders to be considerate
The leaders should be cautious not to say anything to any
man that might be injurious or offensive to him. They should
be careful that their language is used to honor and favor all, and
not to discredit anyone. They should chastise with justice and
238




BOOK I-CHAPTER XXXIV


reason those who may have erred or who are at fault. This punishment should not be accompanied by anger or be made offensive by insulting words. Unless this advice is followed, the
leaders will be depriving the executioners of their calling.
Reprimand to be in private; leaders must be affable
The captains must rule and govern the soldiers with kindness, prudence, and good words. They should privately reprimand them for their negligence, indolence, and errors in order
to justify their trials, if it should be considered advisable to punish them in public, as an example to others. The leaders should
be affable and unaffected in wartime and the first to take part
in the dangers and hardships of war. They must set their subordinates an example of good Christian lives and habits, because
their errors are more noticeable and deserve greater punishment than the faults of their inferiors. On account of such incidents of neglect and wrong-doing the soldiers ordinarily have
little respect for their leaders.
In regard to all those things that I may forget and which my
mind fails to recall the time and occasion will indicate what
should be done. Those concerned will act according to the nature of the cases, events, and new people in the lands where they
may be, in conformity with the habits and ways of the natives,
and in accord with the principles, practises, and rights of the
things pertaining to our holy Catholic faith.


239




CHAPTER XXXV


Which relates how the general Francisco de Ibarra and his army returned
from the plains and the river of Paquime to found a town on the
Yaquimi river on the coast of the South Sea; and of the privations, famine, and hardships they experienced and
suffered in crossing the great mountain range.
From one hardship into many; failure owing to poor soldiers
HE COWARDLY soldiers had become frightened at the dangers they endured in the valleys of Sefiora. In order to
avoid their repetition and in the belief that the return
trip could be made with less danger, they persuaded the general
to take a different route, leaving the enemy lands on the one
side. In trying to avoid such privations they entered into some
that were greater and worse. They descended the mountain
ridge for some distance and went on over its slopes and valleys.307 The general and the good soldiers were displeased, sad,
and rueful that they were not able to succeed in finishing the expedition owing to the lack of reliable soldiers.
Savage people
There were found on the sides of these mountains toward the
north, some small towns inhabited by but a few vile and wretched
people. They live on acorns, calabashes, and all sorts of game
and wild reptiles; they do not sow or gather corn. They received the general with the same ceremonies as the people of
Paquime had employed with Alvar Nuniez Cabeza de Vaca. These
valleys are very beautiful, fertile, and well provided with water,
mountains, pastures, and a good climate.308
307If the soldiers were at Casas Grandes in Chihuahua they must now
have gone south, crossed the Bavispe, and perhaps the Aroz, and finally
the Yaqui.
308The dry river beds of the Southwest were once not so. "Everywhere
the plains were grass covered to an extent unknown at the present time,
the ranges being now as a rule over-grazed. The valley bottoms were covered by a dense growth of perennial Sacaton grass, oftentimes as high as
the head of a horseman and so thick and tall that cattle, horses and men
were easily concealed by it. Indeed, in early days it was necessary to
drive cattle out upon the mesas at the time of the rodeos, where they
240




BOOK I-CHAPTER XXXV


Crossing the sierra; the first lack of supplies
After marching for five days the general and Father Pablo de
Acevedo thought it would be best to cross the great mountain
range, hoping that the army might come to peaceful and safe
lands. Rodrigo del Rio and I were opposed to this plan. Our
opportune opinion was not taken into consideration, as the general commanded the army to ascend and cross the mountain
range. The marshy and level ground covered with pumice stone
located amid the darkness of the high and craggy mountains
terrified them. The food that the army found in these mountains
consisted of bitter, distasteful acorns from pin-oaks which upset
our stomachs and made us sick.
Living on horseflesh
The army marched through this type of mountains for five
days until it reached the crest "of this great range. On reaching its summit, we overcame"309 the bitter acorn and mushroom
food when Salvador Ponce decided to relieve the army with the
flesh of a gray horse. This made us feel better than the acorns
and mushrooms. There was not left any portion of hide or the
bowels that was not eaten. We prepared and cooked pottages
which on that occasion were more appetizing than the choicest
dishes prepared here310 in time of plenty. We lost the loathing
and fear of eating sweet and spongy horseflesh and we ate it
without salt or chile which we had exhausted two months
earlier.
Poisoning from mushrooms
In this great ridge were found many snow-covered peaks, excould be seen and handled. The uplands were well covered with a variety
of nutritious grasses, such as the perennial black grama, and the many
annuals that spring into growth during the summer rainy season. The
abundant vegetation, both on highlands and in valley bottoms, restrained
the flood waters resulting from the torrential storms of the region, so
that there was no erosion in valley bottoms. Instead, the rainfall soaked
into the soil and made grass. Sloughs and marshy places were common
along the San Simon, the San Pedro, the Santa Cruz, and other streams,
and even beaver were abundant in places where it would now be impossible for them to live." Forbes, R. H. The Penningtons, 6. Speaking of
Tucson in 1860, Forbes mentions "the chills and fever that then prevailed,"
where today all is dry and healthful. Ibid., 12. Mr. Forbes was dean of
the College of Agriculture of the University of Arizona for many years.
S30The part in quotation marks is omitted by Cuevas.
31OIn Mexico.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


tremely high and dark. There were rugged mountains, very high
petioles and cliffs which made us fear that we might not be able
to cross the sierra. In the midst of this range some soldiers ate
mushrooms which deprived them of their senses. This happened
in particular to the general. One night after he had eaten them
he arose from his bed, shouting repeatedly: "To arms, to arms."
He rushed to a large fire in the camp, and if the men had not
taken hold of him, he would have jumped into it. The soldiers
and horses suffered greatly from the severe cold.
The general wished to return
After the army had marched three more days, we came to
a greater, taller, and more imposing ridge of such a rocky nature
that all thought of crossing it seemed futile. The general wanted
to turn back but could not do so because he had descended such
unusual gorges that neither the saddle nor pack horses could
climb them. The horses were exhausted and some were left behind. The fact that they were used for food diminished their
numbers.
A swift river; harassed by hunger; bleeding the horses
The army continued to descend this terrible and frightful
country for three days. At the end of this time we came to a
large, roaring, and swift river which swept along enormous
cedar, pine, and oak trees. The water leaped over high rocks
and cliffs, making such a noise that when near the river we
could hardly hear one another, even when shouting. We were
unable to ford it at that time. Here we were reduced to such a
state that we were forced to eat the leaves of the thorny prickly
pear, bitter amaranths, old and dirty leather straps, shoes, hides,
wild agave plants and horseflesh roasted in barbecue style. As
our horses were giving out we bled them frequently and consumed the blood which was wasted through fatigue and full of
matter.
Difficulty in building rafts; famine and disease
The general decided to build rafts to cross the river. This
was done amid unbearable hardships, for we had to get the lumber on the crest of a rough, hot ridge. We suffered untold fatigue, collapsing in our tracks on account of hunger and ex242




BOOK I-CHAPTER XXXV


haustion. We were weak, sick, and starved. There was not a
man who could stand on his feet for more than a moment; some
sighed for food; others grieved over their faults and sins. They
had no hope of getting out of those difficult mountains, and almost less of escaping with their lives. Some suffered from aches
and ailments that prevented them from getting up from the
ground; from the rough, hard, rocky, and steep mountain beds.
There was not a level place where one could stand. On awaking
we would be at some distance from the place where we had
first gone to sleep.
Lack of a ford; hardship owing to rocky river
We could not find a ford during the seventeen days that we
worked on the rafts in which we crossed. The furious current
broke the heavy cables of which we tried to avail ourselves. The
force of the stream carried us along so that all the men in the
camp could not hold the raft for more than a quarter of an hour.
Finally we crossed it six times by means of this intolerable
labor. Marching close to the cliff, we came to a place where the
river was much more furious and where it was doubtful that
it could be crossed. Thus we found ourselves surrounded and
walled in by very strong cliffs, precipices, and sharp rocks.
Two horses drowned; opposition to destroying the raft
Another raft was built and efforts made to find a crossing,
but it was very dubious whether one for both man and horse
could be found among the rocks. Hunger and worry afflicted
and demoralized us every hour and the scanty feed for the horses
decreased, for this is a sandy and stony land. A soldier tried to
send his horses across the river to pasture. He urged them into
the river so that they would cross, but they were swallowed by a
furious whirlpool. This incident banished all hope of finding a
place where we could cross on the raft, and for this reason the
general ordered it taken apart. Salvador Ponce, Rodrigo del
Rio, and I opposed this plan with much diligence. The general
told us, with sadness and anxiety, his eyes full of tears, that
God had willed that disastrous situation as a punishment for his
sins. In order to overcome it, he gave us full authority to do
whatever we thought best, and because of our requests, the raft
was not taken apart.
243




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


Crossing the river
On the following day we put it in the still water and in the
whirlpool where the horses were drowned. We fastened it with a
strong cable about the thickness of one's thigh. It was made of
all the cord and rope in the camp. By means of this cable and
the fervent prayers of everyone God our Lord was pleased that
we should cross. However only those who did not know how to
swim went over. As the river had increased considerably owing
to the heavy rains that had fallen and owing to the quantity of
snow melted by the heat of the sun on the summit of the
mountains, we could not complete the work of sending the supplies and servants across.
A strange occurrence
Cristobal Osorio became paralytic in this place on account of
being exposed naked for two days to the sun, the cold wind, and
the heavy rains. Others became ill. With these and many other
hardships we finished sending the remainder of the army and
the horses across the river after it stopped rising. The horses
were tied to the raft and taken over one at the time. The current
of this river carried Vidal, the general's page, five leagues down
the river, but since he had commended himself to our Lady, the
Mother of God, she saved him from this danger and returned
him unhurt to the camp the following day. His good fortune
caused great satisfaction.
An unusual canon; salt safeguards health
After all had crossed the river, we experienced greater difficulty in continuing our trip. For twenty leagues in every direction no pass was found that could be crossed either on foot or
horseback. For many days we were unable to discover one. The
general and the soldiers saw this grievous situation. It was believed that the journey to the valleys of Seiora was impossible,
since the men were sick and unable to stand the suffering which
they would experience if he could induce them to return by the
same way they had come; considering particularly the great
height and roughness of the lofty mountains, the insufferable
toil of fording the rivers on rafts, the poor health of the men,
and the great lack of provisions and salt. The dearth of the lat244




BOOK I-CHAPTER XXXV


ter saps the health and strength needful to carry on war, and
endangers the lives of the men. The lack of salt in those wild
regions is very serious, especially when one has to eat primitive
foods, injurious to human beings and unhealthful.
Determination of the general
In view of these discomforting obstacles, the general decided
to continue the march down the river on foot, leaving the baggage buried in a cave. Each one was required to take along all
he could carry, including horseflesh. The horses should be left to
shift for themselves. This plan was opposed by the majority
of the soldiers. Without horses we could not defend ourselves
from our enemies, for on account of the horses and harquebuses
the Christians are feared by the Indians.
An offer to find a pass
While this argument was going on I offered my services to
the general, comforting and encouraging the soldiers, who were
privately discussing the best way each one could die in the service of God our Lord. They entertained no hope of leaving that
great sierra, not even on foot. My proposal was to go search for
and find a pass. I wanted to risk my life in that attempt. This
offer inspired them to laughter owing to my great weakness and
the fainting spells caused by hunger. This starvation caused
my feet to falter and I was unable to stand. It happened to
everybody in general. But as God was pleased to grant me
strength, I gained courage and spirit, and as I insisted on my
proposal the general decided to send me to look for a passage.
They gave me a soldier named Martinez as my companion. He
obstinately insisted on a wager that he was a better pedestrian
than I. The governor authorized us to go into the mountains
five leagues, and that if we did not discover a pass in that distance we should return.
Return of my comrade; I find food; a pass found
After marching two leagues my companion held back and
tried to induce me to return. "He thought we had already gone
farther than was required of us. Although he urged me to go
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


back,"311 I left him and proceeded with my trip until I ascended
six leagues of rough, dark, and imposing ridges. I put up for
the night in the hollow of a large oak tree. In the morning I
found a turtle in a stream. With it and the leaves of wild vines,
I revived and escaped death from starvation which I had expected momentarily. God was pleased to spare me, and I gave
infinite thanks to Him for succor in the moment of such dire
need. This food gave me enough strength to return to the camp.
I had ascended the great mountain range with its high cliffs,
and through my endeavor and toil and at the risk of my life,
God our Lord granted that I should find a pass for the army and
save so many lives. I gave many thanks to Him for this favor
and mercy.
The southern slopes recognized
This ascent is very difficult and steep. It is necessary to
open a road over rough and dangerous cliffs. From this point
I could see where the lands and valleys of Sefiora were located
and that the road which the army must follow was toward the
towns of Guaraspi, Qaguaripa, and Cumupa, which are near the
town of Sefiora. I recognized that we were already on the slopes
and basins of the southern region. I could distinguish houses of
matting and reeds five leagues away.
Reward for the discoverer
After this successful undertaking, which no other soldier
had been able to accomplish and which was considered impossible, I went down to the camp loaded with leaves of the wild
grape vine. As soon as I arrived the hungry soldiers hung on
me, begging me to give them some of that new and refreshing
succor. I distributed it among the most needy. I gave the governor the good tidings of having discovered a pass for horses.
He answered with incredulity and I certified it under oath. In
remuneration for this service he told me that nothing less could
be expected from such a good soldier. He was very much pleased,
and seeing me barefooted, took off his hemp slippers and gave
them to me. This was not a small favor or gift, as the ones
which I had were worn out and had been mended many times.
31The part in quotation marks is omitted by Cuevas.
246




BOOK I-CHAPTER XXXV


Death of a negro from hunger
On the following day the army marched through this unusually rough country. During the ascent some of the horses
fell down the precipices and we used them to appease our past
hunger. In this deep gorge a negro belonging to Cristobal Osorio
died from lack of food. Salvador Ponce remained behind to minister to and bury him. I went to relieve him312 with three leaves
from the wild and thorny prickly pear. He ate them with as
much eagerness as if they were preserved lemon-peel. On arriving at the camp he ate some roasted horseflesh.
Food in warm lands
The next day the army continued its march through lands
of different nature, quality, and temperature. They were warm
lands. Here we overcame our hunger by eating palm tree
shoots, palmitos,313 puchotes, mountain dates, and other foods
found in temperate lands. We saw large mountain ranges toward the South Sea. On account of this the soldiers kept pestering me, insisting that I was taking them to worse lands
harder to cross. These mountains, although they can be traversed, seemed rougher than they really are, because we were
looking at them from above. We found paths, and footgear made
of palmetto leaves, indications that we were near inhabited
places. The army stopped for the night on some level land a
fourth of a league from a small town, without realizing that it
was only two harquebus shots away.
An Indian seen
The next day when the army began to march, the general
noticed an Indian and grasping his shield, rushed after the Indian, who fled in fright. When he was caught he fell down terrified at the sight of strange people, differing from him in nature
and clothing. The general reassured him through the interpreter, and after recovering his breath and overcoming his fear
of the Christians, he said that on the other side of the hill where
we were was a small town, and that three days beyond were
312Ponoe.
8l3According to Buckingham Smith, the palmito is the dwarf fan palm,
not the cabbage palm. Hodge and Lewis, Spanish Explorers, 25.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


the valleys of Sefiora. Consequently I was not mistaken in my
opinion regarding the place where I thought the army would
come out. Father Pablo de Acevedo was wrong in this respect.
As he was an astrologer, he affirmed that we had reached a place
fifty leagues farther on. Without being a learned man, I succeeded in taking the army out of those strange mountains. On
this account I gained prestige with the general in guiding the
army through such rough lands and in saving the soldiers from
many hardships.
A small town
We found the little town of which the Indian had informed
us. It has five houses and large quantities of corn, beans, and
calabashes. In this place we satisfied the hunger we had endured
and rested from the great and painful privations of the past. This
was necessary as there were some who became ill because of exercising too little moderation in eating. We gave infinite thanks
to our Lord for having freed us from untold suffering, famine,
and danger. The general continued his journey to the river
Yaquimi on the coast of the South Sea,


248




CHAPTER XXXVI


In regard to the great length of the enormous unbroken mainland in the
kingdom of this New Spain; and the towns that could be established
in useful and favorable places in the lands and provinces of
New Mexico and the surrounding territory.
Extent of the mainland in the Indies; opinion of Illescas;
of a history of Mexico
ANY HISTORIANS and ancient chroniclers have written in
their histories and accounts about the length in leagues
of the mainland. They got their information from people who had neither studied nor practised astrology, and were in
error in recording such facts as true, things which had already
been proven false. The historians had certified those accounts
as beyond doubt,314 especially Doctor Gonzalo de Illescas, chronicler of the second part of the Pontifical.315   In it he states
the mainland of the kingdom of Mexico consists of four hundred
leagues of contiguous land. The same thing is affirmed by
[Francisco Lopez] de Gomara, author of the Conquista de la
Nueva Espaina.316 This is stated even though the contrary is
notorious, as has been observed and verified. It has been explored, measured, and proven that from the strait discovered by
Magellan to Chile, the La Plata river, Peru, Guatemala, Mexico,
New Galicia, Cibola and Quivira, there is a distance of over
twenty-six hundred leagues of continuous unbroken mainland.
Belief that this land extends to China
Moreover we know nothing about the lands beyond Quivira
314Cuevas omits the negative, thus reversing the author's meaning.
Cuevas, Obreg6n, 223.
3s"Illescas compiled the Historia pontifical y catolica, which contains the
lives of the popes. Only the first two parts are by Illescas. The work went
through many editions, the first appearing in 1574. Bibliotheca de autores
espanoles, desde la formaci6n del lenguaje hasta nuestros dias, vol. XXI,
p. xvi.
3l6G6mara's history appeared in many editions, including changes in
title. See Wagner, Henry R. Bibliography of the Spanish Southwest,
1542-1794.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


and New Mexico since they have not been discovered, explored,
or traversed. There the breadth of land extends toward China
and it is supposed that here are located many lands and nations
of unknown people. From Quivira to the coast of Florida is a
long stretch of mainland, and the region on that coast which is
situated toward the east forms a part of it. Further we do not
know how far the confines of this lengthy and broad mainland
go. But it has been learned, verified, and demonstrated that
these lands are as extensive as has been stated; in fact of greater
length and width.
Habitable lands in the Indies
Those who have written about this matter have not been
properly and truthfully informed. The things they state are
neither reliable nor true. Nor are those people correct who
wrote and affirmed that these lands are uninhabitable, on the
ground that they lie in the torrid zone. This statement we recognize as unreliable, untrue, and contrary to what has been proven
and learned through experience. On the mainland are found
temperate and cold lands, and some having a very healthful
climate. Others, in the warm lands near the North and South
Sea regions, are insalubrious. Thus most of them are fit to be
inhabited. The atmosphere is fine and warm, and there are
pleasing and suitable dwelling places. In these lands are found
the same products as are grown in Castile.
The best lands found; ports on the South Sea
From all that I have learned since the time of the great discovery "of Don Francisco Columbus317 to this recent discovery"318 of the province of San Felipe of New Mexico, and in
regard to other explorations in all the Indies, in the islands and
mainlands of this New Spain, your majesty does not possess any
new regions with such useful and promising indications as those
beyond New Mexico, Quivira, and the neighboring districts. If
your majesty should command the provinces on the South Sea
and gulf to be settled, the expedition should go by sea from the
317This should be Ferdinand Columbus, the son of the discoverer, who
wrote the Life of Columbus.
318Cuevas omits the part in quotation marks.
250




BOOK I-CHAPTER XXXVI


port of Acapulco, since it is near and easily reached. It should
anchor at the river of Cinaro, sixty leagues from Guayabal, the
harbor of San Miguel de Culiacan. The first town could be established in the province of Cinaro, and another one forty
leagues farther on, on the Yaqui river, eight leagues from the
place where it empties into the sea. There is a port in this very
river at the place where it enters the sea. Another town could
be founded in the Sefiora valley, which is thirty leagues from
the province of Yaquimi and forty from the South Sea. We did
not find any harbor in its vicinity, the closest one of those discovered is that of Yaquimi.
A rough coast
This coast is rough because it is on a gulf and less than one
hundred leagues in breadth. It faces the coast of California.
In these provinces are well-to-do people, provisions, and metals.
The valleys of the mountain ranges from twenty to thirty leagues
away are inhabited by clothed people who live in terraced
houses. This arm of the sea which is called a gulf is over five
hundred leagues in length and less than one hundred in breadth,
a few more or less. In some places it is wide and in others
narrow. At high tide it extends down to the island of California,319 and at low tide it is a part of the mainland that
stretches to Quivira and Florida. On this coast of the gulf
large numbers of people and many columns of smoke were seen.
It is believed that it contains many towns. Most of this coast
and the interior region has not been explored.
The island California; inhabitants; divers on Cardona Isle320
In California are high bare mountains. It is a thorny and
craggy island inhabited by naked cannibals, the most primitive,
immodest, dirty, vile, and wretched people ever seen or known in
the Indies. Besides eating their own excrement they do not act
with propriety, nor do they consider it immodest for the women
319The idea that California was an island took shape in the time of
Cortes and persisted for over a century and a half. See Wagner, Henry R.
California Voyages, 1539-1641, 9; and Bancroft, North Mexican States, I,
168, 169.
32OThe name Cardona was occasionally applied to California from a
cactus found along the coast. Wagner, California Voyages, 9.
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to place themselves on all fours and have intercourse with the
Indians before one another and the Christians at any hour of the
day like mere animals.321 They wear their hair long, stretching
to the waist. They are warlike from pure bestiality. They are
wonderful divers and practise that activity in finding pearlbearing oysters in water from fifteen to twenty fathoms deep.
This is their ordinary food. They also eat all sorts of wild reptiles, game, and cacti.
Number of whales
In this gulf I saw numerous whales from which ivory could
be obtained. On the voyage to the Philippines a continuous
mountain chain stretches from the island for a distance of over
six hundred leagues. Along this region navigators have seen
numerous smoke columns and many Indians on the beach. It is
believed that the coast and the mainland are populated by many
people, and it is possible that they are clothed people who possess gold and silver. It is important that your majesty send
someone to explore and investigate the secrets of these extensive
lands which are thought to have good towns. This should be
done in order that the Holy Gospel may be introduced among
those nations and that God our Lord may be served and your
majesty's vassals and dominions augmented.
Expedition to New Guinea
Furthermore a fleet composed of three boats left this New
Spain, from the harbor of Navidad, on October 4, 1564,322 to
discover New Guinea on the island of Mindanao. The chief pilot
of the fleet, by order of your majesty, was Father Andres de
Urdaneta, an Augustinian friar who at that time was sixty
years of age. They were to return to the said harbor of Navidad
or to Acapulco. When they reach forty-four degrees north latitude, they must begin to descend until they arrive at the said
321Cuevas omits the following passage: "Porque demas de comer su
propia suciedad no se recatan ni tienen por caso deshonesto ponerse las
mujeres a gatas y aprovecharse dellas los indios unos delante de otros y
delante de qualesquier cristianos y en qualquiera hora del dia como bestiales
animales." Cuevas, Obregon, 225.
322Chapman states that the expedition left Navidad, November 21, 1564,
and reached the Philippines, February 13, 1565. Chapman, History of
California, 85.
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BOOK I-CHAPTER XXXVI


harbor. It was done by order of the viceroy Don Antonio de
Mendoza through a cedula granted him for that purpose by his
imperial majesty, of glorious memory.323 He sent a fleet from
the port of Navidad, situated on the coast of the South Sea in
the region of Colima. It was discovered in the year 1545. Extremely black negroes like those of Guinea are found there, and
also many precious stones, fine silver, gold, civet-cats, and parrots, as is affirmed by those who discovered it.
Use of the negroes
If your majesty should order this land to be settled many
Christian results would be obtained through the conversion of
that barbarous nation, and also through the advantages that
would come from the enrichment of the real hacienda. This expedition would cost less and require less time if carried out from
the Philippine Islands, provided the passage is not too difficult
from there. The voyage from the coast of Acapulco has already
been tried. If these negroes can be made slaves by the same regulations and means as those of Guinea, beside using them in
their own lands, they could be employed in mining gold and silver. They would be useful in the Philippines and in New Spain.
The real hacienda of your majesty would derive great avails
from this undertaking in royal fifths as well as in alcabalas. A
still greater good would be to serve God our Lord through the
conversion of this barbarous nation that lives without the light
of faith. In so doing your majesty would gain inestimable praise
for an accomplishment which is indeed the obligation of your
majesty. In this manner the natives would be protected, bettered, and brought to justice and harmony, and started on the
road to salvation. This is one of those tasks which your majesty is accustomed to undertake in your kingdoms and dominions.
Width of mainland at Mexico City; at Quivira
It is a noteworthy and ascertained fact that the mainland
323In 1559 Philip II ordered Velasco, the Mexican viceroy, to equip an
expedition for discovery in the Philippines and to search for a return route
to Mexico. Bolton, Spanish Borderlands, 112. Obregon is mistaken in attributing the order to Charles V, who died in 1558.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


near the territory and city of Mexico does not separate the North
and South Seas over one hundred and twenty leagues. One sea
is sixty leagues to the north and the other sixty leagues to the
south and the city of Mexico in the center. Accordingly it does
not compare with the great breadth of the lands of Quivira and
its regions extending to Florida and the gulf of the South Sea;
from the coast of one sea to the other. Thus it is over five hundred leagues from sea to sea. In most of this mainland and
along these coasts are spacious and inhabited places where your
majesty can employ your vassals and convert the ignorant to our
holy Catholic faith.
Pearls in California
I have been an eye witness of some of the things of which
I am giving account to your majesty, especially of those in the
region along the coast from Acapulco to the Tiz6n river and
California, where I went to serve your majesty in the company
of Don Antonia de Luna, my father-in-law. He went to that
island to fish for pearls.324 In three days he obtained a large
number of oysters through the help of the native divers of the
island. Among these people were found large quantities of
misshapen, burned, and unbored pearls damaged by fire. The
marquis found one which he valued at more than five thousand
ducats; and many others of high value were secured by the soldiers whom he took along. If the said Antonio had gone at the
proper time and occasion and persevered in the expedition,
there is no doubt that he would have obtained numerous large
pearls.
Spring on California island
Those who may go to this island should provide themselves
with fresh water. Within two harquebus shots from the shore
in front of the harbor of the marquis Don Hernando Cortes is a
spring which flows into the sea. Its water must be drawn when
the tide is low.
324This paragraph should be compared with the last one of chapter
XVIII of this volume.


254




CHAPTER XXXVII


Which explains how the general went to punish the natives of the valleys
of Sefora for certain thefts and the killing of horses; how the
author made horseshoe nails without a forge; how the army
passed through three districts of Indians; and how the
people of the camp became swollen from eating salt.
Lack of iron
N THE rough and rocky parts of the craggy and rugged
sierras the horseshoe nails brought by the soldiers were
used up. On this account many horses were left behind
as their hoofs wore off. Their number diminished every day,
some being eaten and others left behind, nor were we able to
remedy this loss so dangerous to our lives. Without horses we
cannot overcome our enemies. Accordingly the general tried to
make bellows out of horsehide, but without any encouraging results. Therefore he tried to reach less stony land on the coast
of the South Sea.
Horseshoe nails
While we were in this precarious situation, I devised a way
to make horseshoe nails. I succeeded in doing it without fire,
making the points on an anvil and leaving the heads in the
shape of a right angle. I made them out of girth buckles, harness, sword-belts and of the iron of stirrups. We shod our
horses and all the others, and every soldier learned something
from the teachings of necessity. This was so fortunate that if
we had not contrived to make these nails we would have lost our
horses because of the unusually rocky condition of the ground in
the sierra and because the heavy rains softened their hoofs to
such an extent that in a short time they lost them, and we could
not make the animals move about. Horses shod with this kind
of nails were good for eight days. I found this remedy which
enabled us to escape from that place and to save the lives of
all those in the army. I do not doubt for a moment that we
would have been lost if we had failed to keep our horses.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


Horses killed near Senora; punishment inflicted
From this place the army continued its marches through the
mountains, skirting the settlements of Sefiora, which had been
hostile in the past, and who showed their unfriendliness by killing some of the horses upon our arrival. The general did not
pay any attention to this and continued to march slowly with
the army for two days. Then he came back one night when
they suspected nothing and at daybreak gave them a bad morning greeting, for he punished them much to his desire. He
killed, wounded, and put to flight very many from that town.
However Pedro de Montoya and Juan Ruiz were wounded. Pedro
de Montoya endured untold suffering and pain. He carried this
wound for twenty years without ever being completely healed.
The flesh from the calf of his leg fell off entirely. The wounded
part of the leg dropped off. Raw corrosive sublimate was put on
the wound in order to stop the effect of the poison.
A guide; victory; swelling from eating salt
The general seized an Indian in this town who served as
guide. After gaining this victory he turned back, taking the
Indian, and went on with the army until he reached Batuco.325
Here we found salt for the first time since our supply had given
out. It was found in very small rolls. As we had been without
it three months we ate a great deal, so strong was our craving
for it. On the following day all awoke in a swollen condition.
That caused us no little surprise. Owing to this swelling we cast
off several kinds of intestinal worms and other filth. These
things had grown in our stomachs because of eating wild foods,
and the salt had destroyed them. It is well known that salt
preserves health and life.
Valley of Pipa
In these valleys we were plentifully furnished with everything needed. These valleys of Pinebaroca and Paibatuco326
are on the river Yaquimi and touch those of Huparo.327  They
325In the valley of the Moctezuma. See note 238.
326The reference is evidently to the region between the lower Yaqui and
the Sonora rivers.
327The province of Huparo was near the coast on the lower Yaqui, it
would seem,
256




BOOK I-CHAPTER XXXVII


contain numerous towns of orderly and friendly people. It seems
that they are enemies of the people of the Sefiora valley and
those of Yaquimi. On a stretch of bad road along this river the
guide whom we had taken along ran away. We found him in
the country hiding between some rocks.
The rustic Uparoans; extent of the poisonous plant
From here the army went on for four days through extremely hot and craggy lands inhabited by the poorest and most
primitive people of these coasts. This province and land is called
Huparo. The people live in these rough and craggy mountains.
The men go about naked and the women wear skirts made of
tanned deerskins. They eat the seeds of wild amaranths, all
sorts of game, and wild reptiles. They are enemies of the people
in the valley of Sefiora and of those of Yaquimi. The poisonous
plant extends to this town of Huparo. It is not found from here
on.
Messengers from Yaquimi; reception given there
The general sent messengers from this town of Huparo to the
people of Yaquimi to reassure them so that they would not be
frightened. They returned with good news. They said that they
were glad of the coming of the Christians. They promised a
good reception for the general and his men. This was given on
the following day at the river and province of Yaquimi.328 At
this welcome were five hundred handsome and brilliant Indians. They wore their typical dress, decorated with bright
feathers, conchs, beads, and sea-shells. They were well equipped
with weapons, although poor in clothing because they do not
gather much cotton. The general met them with much kindness
and presented them with gifts.
Yaquimi most thickly settled; trip to the South Sea
This river of Yaquimi is the most thickly populated of all
the regions traversed by the general. It must contain fifteen
thousand men in the ten leagues from the sea to the mountains.
The town is situated amid a luxuriant grove, a fourth of a
league in extent. The river is large, cool, and contains quanti328Yaquimi was on or near the Yaqui river not far from the coast.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


ties of good fish. On its shores are many fields of corn, beans,
and calabashes. The people are kind. The women are beautiful
and go about naked. Their long hair is worn loose and reaches to
the waist. They cover their privy parts with green grass. The
general explored this river as far as the sea. There we found
clusters of coral and quantities of pearl-bearing shells. The
natives presented the Christians with gifts of fish, game, and
other food which they had in their land.
Desire to settle Yaquimi; answer from Cinaro
When the general saw the large number of people and the
supply of provisions he decided to found a town there, as had
been agreed at the council of Paquime. He sent ten soldiers to
the settlement of Cinaro to request the maeso de campo for reinforcements of soldiers, implements, iron, ammunition, and
moulds for adobe-walls for building a fortress and founding a
town on the Yaquimi river. The maeso de campo replied that he
did not have the soldiers or the things that were asked of him.
Not only was he in need of men but also of such supplies. Besides being in want many soldiers had deserted him. He expressed the opinion that it would be better if the general went to
preserve and support the town of Cinaro. It was more fitting
to conserve that than to lose what had been gained in trying to
conquer more. At the same time he notified him of the discontent among the soldiers he had left, caused by the fact that he
had not assigned them  their repartimientos. This was the
reason that those who were away had fled. He pointed out that
his return to Cinaro was important for many reasons, especially
to protect that town and others in his gobernacion. He said that
Cinaro was on the verge of being abandoned.
Petition of the natives; hunt by people of Yaquimi
In view of these warnings the general decided to go to Cinaro,
intending to return to settle the province of Yaquimi. When the
general had reached this decision he asked the natives for guides,
which they furnished unwillingly. They grieved to see the
Christians leave their land. They begged the general not to depart. They promised to provide food for all as long as he
wished to remain in their lands. He responded that he would
258




B o oK I-CHAPTER XXXVII


come back shortly to remain among them. Disappointed in
their request they quickly assembled two thousand brave and
brilliant Indians, provided with the weapons which they use.
They were ordered to gather at the road, after organizing and
carrying out a good farewell hunt and rejoicing with us. At
the same time they intended to go attack their enemies of
Mayonbo.329 For this reason they treated us well, and the general kept up the belief that he was going to aid them in war
against their enemies.
On the level shores near a bay the two thousand Indians
emerged, forming the wing of a circle. They covered a fourth
of a league. As they suddenly came into view we were on the
alert, fearing that they were coming to attack us. Some of the
soldiers got excited and took to arms. But since the guides
knew that it was only a celebration which they wanted to perform for us they told the Christians not to worry, that the Indians were waiting to entertain them with a hunt. The hunters
began to carry out the chase. They surrounded a marsh with
much shouting, rejoicing, and nimbleness. Thus in a short time
they caught and killed much game, deer, hares, rabbits, and
quail of all kinds. This they presented to the general in large
quantities, some of the game being alive. This hunt was the
most showy and brilliant I ever saw.
Groves of Api; Yaquimi natives plunder Mayonbo
The general could not prevail upon these people of Yaquimi
to go back, so the next day he marched with the army through
mountains covered with an unusual growth of chictelpin intertwined with wild prickly pears and thorny trees. It was necessary to break through and open a road as we went along, and
even though the Indians helped, it was very difficult to cross.
This Yaquimi river is twenty leagues from the Mayonbo river.
The Indians entered that region with much determination and
courage, killing the people and plundering and destroying the
houses and fields of their enemies. It was only with great effort
and many threats that the general was able to stop it. Then the
desolation ceased and he reconciled them. As a sign of friend329Mayonbo, on or near the Mayo.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


ship they returned the captives that had been taken in war.
They exchanged their bows and arrows to indicate the cessation
of hostilities.
Three thousand Indians at Mayonbo
The general explored this river330 from the sea to the mountains. He found as many as three thousand Indians, more or
less. The river region is fertile, having good lands well planted
with corn, beans, and calabashes. After having restored peace,
harmony, and friendship among the natives, he promised to come
back to visit them and to defend them against the damage inflicted by the people of Yaquimi. He went on with the army
through small towns for three days until he reached the province
and town of Cinaro.331 He came back with only two persons less
than the number he had taken along when he left the town. He
was received with much love and gladness by the maeso de campo
Antonio Sotelo de Betanzos, and by the residents, magistrates,
and authorities of the town. This was done because it was fitting and because they thought all had been killed at Caguaripa.
This was the news they had received two days after the battle
which took place there. The general and his soldiers dismounted
before the church where the friars offered a Te Deum. Through
these and other prayers they gave thanks to God our Lord, for
the benefits and great mercy He had shown in saving them from
so many unusual hardships in which they had risked their lives,
and for having brought them back to the lands of the Christians.
330The Mayonbo.
331San Juan de Sinaloa on the Fuerte.


260




CHAPTER XXXVIII


How the general distributed the towns in the province of Cinaro; of his
departure for Chiametla; and how he undertook the settlement
of the provinces of Guaynamota and Guazamota.
Inspection of the province; distribution of towns
HE SOLDIERS lacked the things necessary for waging war
owing to the delay of the army in traveling through
lands where these could not be provided. All were needy
and anxious to know the remuneration they were to obtain for
their merits and services. For this reason they asked the general to distribute among them the towns of the province. He
agreed to do so. To put this into effect he ordered the maeso de
campo to visit the towns of the province and to estimate the
number of people in each place. He did this in a very short
time.
After having been given an account of the inspection, [the
general] began to distribute the towns. The first to whom he
assigned an encomienda was the maeso de campo, who received
the capital of the province called Cinaro, and Huiri; they contained six hundred Indians. He gave Don Alvaro de Tovar the
town of Ocoroni, which had six hundred inhabitants. The other
towns he distributed in order, giving each man according to his
merits, services, and worth. Some residents of Culiacan came
to live in this town and bought some encomiendas from the
soldiers. This was allowed in order to increase the town. The
general took leave of the maeso de campo, whom he granted permission to go and bring his wife, children, and household.332
This misfortune brought about the abandonment of the province.
If he had not gone away the town would have been able to hold
out through the care, interest, and prudence with which he had
maintained it in peace and harmony.
The governor in Chiametla; accepts title of senoria
The general also took leave of the residents. He took along
332Betanzos was in Mexico early in June, 1566. See note 215.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


those who failed to get repartimientos. He marched as far as the
town of Culiacan. Here, after being welcomed with all possible
solemnity, he was informed of the imprisonment of the marquis
Don Martin Cortes and his friends Alonso de Avila Alvarado and
Gil Gonzales de Avila.333 And as the events that take place in
remote regions are interpreted in different ways, so the general
thought that his presence together with the people of his gobernacion would be necessary for the defense and service of this
kingdom of your majesty. Accordingly he gathered on his way
all the people he could from San Miguel de Culiacan to the
province of Chiametla, where he was well received by Hernando
de Trejo and the residents of Chiametla. The general was
pleased to find the town enlarged and well provided with settlers, houses, and everything else necessary. He also found occupied the good mines of gold and silver in the sierra, seven
leagues from the old town. As the settlement was permanently
fixed, he accepted the title of senoria at the instance and entreaty
of the residents, who maintained that that was proper for the
ornamentation of his gobernacion.
Expedition to Guaynamota and Guazamota
After he had finished giving stability to the towns, mines,
and villages of his gobernacion, he got ready people and provisions to settle the provinces, mountains, valleys, and mines of
Guaynamota and Guazamota.334 For this purpose he appointed
Salvador Ponce as captain and leader of the undertaking. With
much diligence, interest, and care he went ahead with the expedition and inspected the mountains and valleys at great labor
and at the risk of the lives of those whom he took with him. It
is a rugged land, covered with a heavy undergrowth and sparcely
inhabited. The people he met were naked, habitually at war,
and plundering their enemies. This expedition was undertaken
on account of the great fame of the rich metals which had often
33'The Avila brothers were executed August 3, 1566, but Cortes was
spared. For a full account of the conspiracy, see Bancroft, Mexico, II,
602-636. This incident lends further proof that Ibarra's trip to the north
occurred in 1565. See note 219.
334Guaynamota and Guazamota were near the border of the province
of Chiametla and Durango in the San Pedro or Guadiana valley. See map
in front of Bancroft's North Mexican States, I.
262




BOOK I-CHAPTER XXXVIII


been told of by friars and captains who had been in those
mountains and surrounding territory. The metal had been estimated at thirty-four marcos, but they were unable to find it.
That land cannot be settled until rich metals have been found
and assayed. This is due to the fact that it is rough and sparcely
populated and because the people are indomitable, savage, coarse,
and wicked, without permanent houses or deer. He inspected,
examined, and investigated all these things in order to give an
account and explanation to the general. From this tour he returned with diligence to Chiametla without any disastrous or
noteworthy occurrence.
Death of the general
When this last expedition was over the general wanted to
effect the discovery of the provinces with the houses of great
height and also to settle those he had discovered. He desired
to satisfy himself in regard to the origin and principal stock of
the people of these provinces and of the ancient Mexican Culguas. He was prevented in this by a lack of resources and because it was not the wish, pleasure, and will of God our Lord.
Moreover the thread of life of the gentleman so beneficial and
useful to the service of God our Lord, and the increase of the
vassals and real hacienda of your majesty, ran out.335 It is
deemed certain that had he lived a few years longer he would
have realized his good intention and have reduced many peoples and towns to the obedience and knowledge of God our Lord,
and to the service of the royal crown of your majesty, thereby
adding to it many vassals, royal fifths, and more tribute. Idolatry, abominations, and sins engendered and inspired by the detestable and subtle deceit of our enemy the devil would have
been eliminated and destroyed.
General Francisco de Ibarra was the legitimate son of the
licentiate Pedro Sanchez de Ibarra, descendent from the ancestral house of Ibarra of the town of Hivar. After his father became a widower he was appointed inquisitor of Toledo. His
brother, uncle of the said Francisco de Ibarra, was inquisitor
of the kingdom of Navarre and the bishopric of Calahorra. He
335Francisco de Ibarra died on August 17, 1575, a victim of consumption.
He was only thirty-six years of age. See Mecham, Ibarra, 222, 223.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


was likewise a native of Ybar. They were brothers of the
comendador Diego de Ibarra, and uncle to the general Francisco
de Ibarra, native of the town of Hivar. All are descendants of
the said ancestral house.
The said general had been brought up and educated at the
house of the said comendador Diego de Ibarra and later served
as a page to the viceroy Don Luis de Velasco. As a result he
was a well instructed, capable, and accomplished man. He was a
good grammarian, learned, self contained and a good Christian.
He spent seven years exploring and conquering, with much
equity, good order, and Christian fervor.
The Holy Spirit, Whose grace I invoke for all related in this
work, demonstrates completely the benefits of love and the charm
of learning, for in chapter seven of the Book of Wisdom,336 we
are told that kingdoms, power, and riches are insignificant in
comparison with learning. Precious stones, gold, and silver are
as empty as the atmosphere or resemble mud in its presence.
Moreover it says that we must love it more than health because
its light cannot be extinguished; all things come with it; it is the
origin of all possessions; and its treasure is of infinite value to
man. This very thing is also stated by various other authorities in the Sacred Scriptures as well as in all other treatises
by learned men of all sciences and fields of endeavor.
Thus whoever finds a fragrant flower which is similar to
another should bring it to the notice and knowledge of some
learned man. Likewise he should acquaint him with the different customs of the Indians that inhabit the newly found
lands, Indians who lack the treasure of the sciences and the
sacred teachings. These things should be brought to their attention in order that as true Christians they may intercede before God our Lord, to enlighten the natives with His holy doctrine and Catholic faith, and that He may uproot and banish
the vices from their lives and the wretched mode of living from
their lands which are contrary to the law of the Gospel.
s33Cf. chapter 7 of Ecclesiastes, and 8 and 9 of Proverbs.


264




BOOK II
Which deals with the discoveries and
explorations in the lands and regions
of San Felipe of New Mexico, Cibola,
Ciquic, Tuzaycna, and nearby regions, by Francisco Sdnchez Chamuscado and Antonio de Espejo and those
who accompanied them.








PROLOGUE TO BOOK TWO


Appreciation of letters and arms
HE SUPREME power and will of God Almighty, Who, with
incomparable equity and concert made all beings and
supports and preserves them, created man in the model
and greatness of His divine image, and appointed him the most
deserving and worthy of all. He ordained and endowed man with
the laudable and virtuous knowledge of letters that with this
gift he may learn and understand the secrets, the proper and
difficult things for governing with justice, peace, equity, and
harmony. He also ordered and established discipline to punish
the disorderly cases and events, of which we have reliable proof.
We know especially that after giving man these special virtues
He will give him the true reward of His divine presence in
eternity if he uses them with Christian propriety. Moreover in
anticipation He grants men in this present life prestige, honor,
and riches, if they do everything with the moderation and harmony befitting. These things must be done without departing
from His divine precept and will.
By means of science and the sacred writings one can resist,
overcome, and rout the faithless enemies of our holy Catholic
faith; convert the ignorant who live in darkness and are unacquainted with the glory and greatness of God Almighty and lead
them on the road to salvation and to the precious knowledge of
His divine power.
Through the application and exercise of discipline justice is
feared and respected. It moderates and restrains the abominable
and unreserved greed which when unchecked often grows deep
roots in men of bad conscience. This is caused by the subtle
and hateful craft of the devil working against the precepts of
God our Lord and against Catholic monarchs and their vassals.
With this double-edged sword, deceit, which is damaging to
the truth and excellence of our holy Catholic faith, may be cut
away and eliminated. Our faith will be defended and come to
267




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


be feared by the blind enemies who lack the light of faith and
its glory; and all things will receive their due and just reward
and regulation. The empires, kingdoms, and dominions of
Catholic emperors, kings, and princes will be established, augmented, and exalted. Finally the divine word and will of God
Almighty will and should be guarded, fulfilled, and executed in
such a way that the Catholic community, even though it is divided, should be reduced to a single body.
Good opportunity not to be wasted
He who knows the truth, advantage, and use of these practises, important and beneficial for such accomplishments, and
fails to profit by them must be a worthless individual of mean
and idle intellect. This would be especially true of those persons
to whom these virtuous and religious opportunities are offered
and who fail to take advantage of them, particularly those who
have no property or wealth where they are living.
Study and exercise of arms elevating
These things should also be undertaken in order to win favor
before God our Lord. By so doing He permits this machine
[the world] to be ruled and governed, and men to leave behind
them immortal fame achieved by the glory of their good and
famous deeds in such activities. They will merit it if they have
preceded others in discovering and bringing new lands to our
knowledge and dominion. The will of God our Lord will enable us to convert, rule, and exploit the natives of the newly
found provinces of San Felipe of New Mexico.
The chief promoter of the expedition; he obtains two friars
These places were discovered by Father Agustin, a native of
Ayamonte del Condado.337 He was a lay brother and wore the
habit of the order of Saint Francis. Moved by the will and grace
of God our Lord he was the author and principal agent of the
said discovery. He solicited and obtained the grant and commission for the leader and the people who discovered it, from Don
Lorenzo Xuarez de Mendoza,338 Count of Corufia, viceroy and
337Fray Agustin Rodriguez. Bolton says he was a native of Niebla,
Spain. Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 138.
338See note 282.
268




PROLOGUE TO BOOK TWO


captain-general of this New Spain and president of the audiencia and royal chancery there established. As he was the
principal promoter of the said expedition he asked for two friars
in order to direct and carry it out, to undertake the conversion
of the natives who might be found and assembled and to administer the sacraments. For these purposes they appointed Father
Francisco Lopez, a native of Seville, as guardian, and Father
Juan de Santa Maria, a native of Valencia, who also belonged to
the same order, as his companion.
Commission for the leader; eight men recruited
The commission which Father Agustin obtained was directed and given to Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado, a native of
the bishopric of Coria in Caceres, who was born in the town of
Arroyo del Puerto. He took with him eight good soldiers whom
the said Father Agustin had enlisted and brought together with
great care and earnestness. These soldiers were: Hernando
Barrado, a native of the town of Montanches; Pedro de Bustamante, from Santander; Hernando Gallego,339 a native of the
city of Seville; Pedro Sanchez de Chaves, a native of Almodovar
del Campo; Felipe de Escalante, a native of Laredo; Pedro de
Herrera, a native of the city of Lisbon; and the brothers Pedro
and Juan Sanchez de Fuensalida, natives of Fuensalida. It is
known by experience that God our Lord imbued them with boldness and courage, and favored them with His grace in carrying
out and accomplishing the discovery of the said provinces of
San Felipe of New Mexico.
Date of departure; duration of the trip
This exploration was started on June 6, 1581. From the
time of the departure of the expedition from, and the return to
Santa Barbora, [sic] the last Christian settlement toward the
north in the extreme inhabited part of the gobernaci6n of New
Vizcaya, eleven and one-half months were spent. 340 The boun339Ib is usually written Gallegos. The name Barrado is given as Barrundo by Bancroft. Arizona and New Mexico, 75.
340Bustamante and Gallegos were in Mexico in May, 1582, giving reports of the expedition.
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dary of the said gobernacion is one hundred and eighty leagues
from the city of Mexico.341
In order that such notable events, worthy of the praise, appreciation,S42 and reward of your majesty, might not be forgotten and buried in oblivion, I decided to record them in this
commentary and account, that they may be praised and honored
by those of good judgment and unprejudiced minds. Those who
took part in such virtuous deeds deserve that tongues be engaged
in thanking them and fame in rewarding them as they so justly
deserve. This should be done that the glory which they so
rightly merit may be perpetuated and that other vassals of your
majesty may imitate them in similar services and in obeying
such a powerful, mighty Catholic king and lord.
341The San Gregorio river in the modern state of Chihuahua marked the
frontier of settlement in this period.
342Instead of loa, merecimiento, etc., Cuevas has los merecimientos. Cuevas, Obregon, 243.


270




CHAPTER I


Regarding the trip of the discoverers to new lands; the type of Indians
met on the expedition; and how they were received
in their towns and lands.
New lands found only by God's will
T IS CONSIDERED as true that the discovery of new peoples,
nations, and lands has not been and will not be effected
until God our Lord may be pleased that the time for their
discovery and enlightenment as determined by His divine will has
arrived. The mystery that they had remained unknown for
many years is reserved for the almighty knowledge of God our
Lord. We have seen that in our times numerous nations have
been found and subdued. They lacked the light of faith and
were situated in distant lands, far away from those of the
Christians. They could have been found long ago if it had
been so determined by the rightful and just will of God our
Lord.
Past attempts at discoveries
We also know and have seen the great eagerness, care, expense, and effort which emperors, kings, princes, and rulers of
the world have undertaken on being informed of the secret
things and discoveries in the rest of the globe. It is known that
they doubted that there was anything to be discovered in the
way of new lands and nations, as they had believed and taken for
granted that everything had been explored, traversed, and investigated. They doubt that there are any unknown lands. The
efforts, labor, expense, and expeditions undertaken by order and
commission of the viceroys who have resided in this New Spain
in order to learn and discover the origin, stock, and natural
roots of the ancient Mexican Culguas, are also notorious. They
wanted to find the settlements of the regions toward the north
and the houses of great height, which God our Lord was pleased
should now be discovered by a small number of people with little
expense or hardship.
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Power of God to permit discoveries
Thus it is evident that the power and plan of God our Lord
is applied and allowed to operate with great righteousness. By
favors and compensation for services He rewards those who
merit it for the deeds and acts justly accomplished, and punishes those who fall into error and are without grace. It is His
will and purpose which determines when and how they shall be
discovered. The time when this is to take place never fails to
come, nor does it go beyond the limit within which it is to take
place, nor does He fail to indicate the number of persons who
have been and are to be the agents for His purposes.
Government at time of discovery of New Mexico
We have seen through experience and reasoning that God our
Lord was not pleased that the viceroys, generals, governors, and
captains who have gone to explore, conquer, and settle those
newly found lands should enjoy the honor and recompense for
the discovery of the provinces mentioned above or of being the
means of planting the Holy Gospel among the natives. God
denied this that the glory should be won by the principal authors and leaders of His aims. These were Don Lorenzo Xuarez
de Mendoza, Count of Corufia, viceroy and captain-general of
this New Spain and president of the audiencia and royal chancery established there; and the previously mentioned friars,
leaders, and soldiers. Likewise He granted that this glory should
be shared by the generals, governors, captains, conquerors, and
settlers who from now on may go to conquer, settle, and hold
them in the name of your majesty.
Preparations for the expedition
The friars, leaders, and soldiers referred to were well
equipped with offensive and defensive weapons and ammunition.
They had seventeen Indian servants, two Indian women, six hundred head of stock, goats, sheep, and rams, and ninety saddle
and pack horses. They had hard-tack, flour, corn, iron for horseshoes and articles for barter, esteemed among Indians in distant
lands.
272




BOOK II-CHAPTER I


Among the Conchos* for sixty leagues
They started from Santa Barbora on the aforesaid day,
month and year343 and marched down the San Gregorio river,
the last region inhabited by Christians in that northern region.
They traveled sixty leagues in the lands of the people called the
Conchos.344 They live along the Conchas river. They have been
baptized and have intercourse with the Christians. On this account they received the explorers peacefully, serving them and
willingly giving them the provisions they had.
Revolt of the Conchas; their pacification
From this region they continued their journey by short
marches until they came to the land of the Chichimecos Indians,
called los rayados345 who became disturbed on learning that the
discoverers were coming to their lands and towns. [They rebelled] because they were apprehensive and cautious due to the
damage which had been inflicted on them by some companies of
soldiers who had entered their lands to catch slaves, and who
had carried some captives away in chains.346   [The Christians]
sent them an interpreter, whom the friars had taken along, in
order to calm the disturbance and uprising. He reassured them
and let them know that they were not coming to cause harm but
to be their friends and to defend them from the damage which
their enemies inflict on them in time of war.
God our Lord granted that they should receive the explorers
in a friendly manner as a result of this precaution. They served
and gave them the provisions they possessed.
*This word is also written Conchas in the original and we have adhered
to the author's spelling.
343June 6, 1581. See page 269.
344They followed the San Gregorio to the Conchos river, a distance of
twelve leagues from Santa Barbara, and then descended the Conchos to the
Rio Grande. Sixty leagues was approximately the distance to the junction
of the Conchos and the Rio Grande. Hernan Gallegos, Relacion y concudio de el viaje y subseso que Francisco Sdnchez Charmiscado con ocho
soldados sus compaieros hizo en el descubrimiento del Nuevo Mexico
(June, 1581). A.G.I., 1-1-3/22. An English translation by the editors is
found in the New Mexico Historical Review, II, 239-268, 334-362. It is also
published separately.
s45So called because of their striped faces. Hodge's statement that this
name was given them by Ofiate, must be modified. Handbook, I, 636.
346Slave-hunting raids among the unsubdued Indians were one of the
evils of the frontier. Bolton, Spanish Borderlands, 12, 43, 44.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


Reception by the Conchas
For fifty leagues they marched up the river among these barbarous people called Pataros.347 Everywhere they came out to
receive them in a friendly way, with presents of tamales, mesquite, prickly pears, and fine deerskins.
Reception by the Rayados; native ritualism
These above mentioned people had heard of the miracles that
God our Lord had permitted Alvar Nunfiez Cabeza de Vaca and
his companions to perform in those parts. They had spent
several days in their lands when they passed through them
after being lost in the expedition to Florida. On account of
these good deeds and miracles they received the discoverers
with some ceremonies that consisted of blowing toward the sky.
They made faces and insisted that we should touch them and
make the sign of the cross upon them.
They imitate Vaca's party
In order to please them the friars touched them and made the
sign of the cross upon them. This was also done by Pedro de
Bustamante, who turned medicine man in order to gratify them,
in the same manner as they said Cabeza de Vaca had done.
After they had been touched and the sign of the cross made upon
them they were very happy and said that they were now healthy
and strong. These Indians are enemies of all those who live on
the borders of their land.
From the district of these people the explorers marched up
the river for nineteen days.348 Some of the time they passed
through deserted lands so desolate that not even birds were
seen, and at other times through mountains difficult to traverse.
The Conchas and Rayados plant no corn
In these two districts the Indians live like wild beings. They
are naked; they do not sow corn. They support themselves on
mesquite, prickly pears, dates, game, and fish from the rivers.
They will be hard to subdue because they do not have permanent
8470bregon uses the name Conchos to apply to all the tribes along the
river of the same name. The Pataros were one division of these, it would
seem. Cf. Patarabueyes in note 73.
S48This must be an error for down the river. See the paragraph following.
274




BOOK II CHAPTER I


houses; their neighbors live in the same way. They gave good
news regarding the towns toward the north which are along
the river.
Means of subduing the Conchos and Rayados
All these regions will be conquered and settled by Christians
if rich metals are found. This must be done to convert them to
our holy Catholic faith. However it will be tedious and difficult
to accomplish because they live without any permanent dwellingplace and there is no way of forcing them into submission. They
are like gypsies who carry all their belongings with them.
After the discoverers had marched fifty leagues down the
Conchas river they entered another district, inhabited by people
of different language and customs. They came to another district called Cabri. These people are neighbors of the Conchos
who never go beyond the junction of the two rivers. The Conchos are barbarous, filthy, badly bred, bestial, and ill-featured.
They call corn sanate, water bate, and each other yolly.349
s49In the Gallegos document corn is called fonet, water bod, and the
people yoslli. See Hammond and Rey, The Gallegos Relation of the Rodriguez Expedition, 14.


275




CHAPTER II


Which treats of the discovery of the Rio del Norte and of the people called
Cabri and Rayada.
ROM THE last inhabited portion of the Conchas river the
explorers marched through lands and mountains difficult to traverse, until they came to the junction of the
two rivers, the Conchas and the Del Norte. After they had gone
five leagues numerous people using a language different from
that of the Concha came to receive them.350 They were of better appearance, more gallant, skilful, friendly, and cleaner than
those met before. They mark their faces in many ways with
pleasing designs. They go about naked. They wear a little long
and smoothly combed hair on the top of their heads which makes
them look as if they were wearing small skull caps.
Reception by the Cabris; customs; their enslavement
They received the discoverers with much kindness and respect, presenting them with ground mesquite, bread of the
same, maguey, beans, calabashes, and prickly pears. They eat
all kinds of fish and game. This excellent and liberal reception
was due to the message and good offer which they had sent to
assure them that they would not be harmed but defended against
their enemies, and that the Christians would not enslave them.
Fearing this they were dejected, cautious, and had retreated to
the mountains. They said that some companies of soldiers had
taken their kinsmen, wives, and children captive and had enchained them. This was very unjust because these natives have
never done any harm unless they were first offended. They
[the explorers] assured them that in the future they would not
be harmed by the Christians or by the enemies with whom they
carry on war, but that they would restore friendship among
them. All this was told them through the interpreter.
850These people were the Cabris. See page 277.
276




Bo K II-C H A P T ER II


Security for Cabris; sign of peace
They were so well pleased that they notified their friends of
the news and sent for them. They and all their neighbors came
in large numbers. They apologized, saying that they would have
come sooner if they had not feared that they had come to take
them captive, as others like them had done. They [the-discoverers] assured them that they came as friends and showed such
kindness that the natives finally believed in their friendship.
They told the latter that the best safeguard against the harmful
soldiers would be a cross which they gave them. This they received very eagerly, with much solemnity and merry-making
dances. They were charged not to flee from other Christians
while in possession of this symbol and badge as they would not
harm them.
The people in the interior
They were asked about the towns and people farther on.
They replied that toward the north were people who lived in
large houses, who wore clothes and gathered quantities of corn,
beans, and calabashes. These people were called Allaguabas.
They carried on war with the neighboring Indians.
Pacification of new Indians; reception of the Christians
In order to gain the good will and friendship of the natives
they [the explorers] decided to send the interpreter and messengers ahead. This was done to reassure them and let them know
that they came to be good friends, to defend them against their
enemies, and to restore peace among them. Due to this precaution and foresight they were well received, kindly treated, and
respected.
A difficult journey
From this point the discoverers went on a day's journey over
a ridge of mountains covered with underbrush and difficult to
traverse. They suffered much hardship in unloading and reloading the pack horses which frequently fell on account of the
undergrowth. They were fatigued and disheartened when they
found themselves in such a bad passage. They were comforted
in their toil by the messengers whom they had sent ahead. These
reported that they would be well received by numerous Indians
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


with presents and such provisions as they had. After descending the mountains they marched down the river, where they
halted.
Provisions of the Rayados
Large numbers of the Rayada people came to meet the explorers there.351 They showed great respect and presented them
with mesquite loaves, calabashes, corn, beans, prickly pears, and
maguey, all of which they plant and gather. The leader and the
friars received them with much kindness, regaled them with
the articles of barter which they had brought, and promised firm
friendship. They [the natives] were timid and apprehensive on
account of the harm which the soldiers did who entered to harm
them as they had maltreated those farther back. The party dispelled this fear, saying that they had been sent by their Great
Lord to inform them that if they became Christians and erected
a cross in their towns they would not be harmed thereafter by
those who used to capture them. They rejoiced very much over
this and believed what was told them.
Nature of the Rayados
The people living in this district, the Rayados, are brave,
comely, handsome of countenance, noble, and well disposed.
They use Turkish bows, clubs, and spears. They are weavers of
cloth. They live in terraced houses made of logs and covered
with mud. They go about naked. They are good hunters and
fishers. The Holy Gospel was preached to them, to which they
listened willingly and with pleasure.
News of new lands; report of valley and river of Concepci6n
They were asked for information in regard to the secrets and
towns in the interior. They [the natives] replied that in their
district and land were many people of the same language and
customs and that there was a still greater number in the interior.
They said that three leagues to the north on the side of the
Conchas river by which the discoverers had come, were numerous people, and although it was out of their route they decided
851The Spaniards were now among the Jumanos near the junction of
the Conchos and the Rio Grande.
278




BOOK II-CHAPTER II


to visit them. They said that the people living far away inhabited large houses; wore clothes; and had quantities of corn,
beans, calabashes, cattle, and turkeys. They affirmed that these
people spoke the Mexican language. All this comforted and
heightened the spirits of the adventurers and they determined
to go through the hardships at the risk of their lives. They did
not doubt that they were guided and led by the divine will and
power of God our Lord for the relief and conversion of such a
large number of Indian souls that were being damned since they
lacked the light of faith.
Distance between Concepcion and San Gregorio rivers
From this locality and river to that of San Gregorio from
which the discoverers set out are sixty leagues of solitary, dismal, and sterile lands covered with underbrush.352 They are
the worst and the most unproductive of all the lands traversed
on their expedition to the discovery of San Felipe of New
Mexico.
First fixed houses; reception of explorers
From this place where they had halted the party, led by the
guides, started out the next day, crossing the land of which the
Rayados had told them the day before. The latter took them to
their beautiful settled valley, the best and most important river
to be found on that route. They called it the valley of Nuestra
Seiora de la Concepcion.353 In that valley and along that river
they found numerous people living in well established towns,
where they received the explorers with much respect and friendliness and with presents of the same kind of provisions as the
people farther back had given. They were regaled with gifts by
the discoverers, who promised them the same friendship and
good treatment as they had shown those whom they had already
met. They halted in this valley in order to rest and to obtain
information regarding the settlements farther inland.
The ruler of that land; the Concepcion river
These people were better looking, more intrepid, and better
352See note 344.
835The Rio Grande. Obreg6n calls it by various names.
279




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


built than the others. They seemed to respect, serve, and obey
a cacique in their towns. Wherever he went they accompanied
him and provided him with a seat of tanned hide of the cattle
found farther inland. These hides, which they obtain by trade,
they possessed in quantities. They found over two thousand
Indians along this river. To reach it they left the Conchas river
on the right toward the southeast. It is the largest, widest, and
finest river in those provinces. It has pleasing climates, valleys,
and meadows suitable for the cultivation of all kinds of things.
The friars honored; worship of the sun
The explorers respected and honored the friars in order to
set the example for the natives. In the presence of the latter
they worshipped them and kissed their hands, and thus the
natives imitated them. They told them [the Indians] that they
had descended from heaven and that they were children of the
sun. They believed all this and made many faces and signs
toward the sky, a ceremony which they use to denote respect
and acknowledgment of the sun, which they worship as their
god.
Houses and granaries
These people live in log houses made of heavy paling plastered with mud. Near their houses they have their granaries
like those of the Mexicans. They received the discoverers with
much respect and rejoicing, most of the men and women standing on the terraces. They presented them with the provisions
which they sow and gather. These are the same as found in
other places.
Copper; a bell; news of coral
In this Valle de Concepci6n a day's journey from this place,
they saw two Indians wearing a piece of copper and a little bell
of the same metal about their necks. They were asked where
they had obtained the copper and the little bell. They replied
that they called that metal payla354 and that it was brought from
the west. They also saw three Indians wearing coral suspended
354The word is written porba by Gallegos. The Gallegos Relation, 19.
Regarding bells among the Indians, see Hodge, Handbook, I, 141.
280




BOOK II-C    A P T E R II


from their noses, but it was not of fine quality. They were asked
where they had obtained it and they answered that it came from
the South Sea.
Reports of towns
These people were asked for information concerning the
secrets and towns of which they had known or heard. They said
that thirteen days inland from their town were numerous organized people, who not only had large houses but wore clothes,
gathered quantities of corn, cotton, calabashes, and beans, and
ate numerous birds and cattle. They told how these people spin
and weave. The discoverers rejoiced immensely at this news.
In view of such good indications they credited this information
fully, gained courage and hope of discovering good settlements.
These natives affirmed that these people were warlike. They
[the explorers] did not doubt the reliability of the reports they
had already gathered from the other natives, that this was the
settlement of the ancient Mexican Culguas. All this encouraged them and raised their spirits. They gave thanks to God our
Lord for the favor He was showing them. These natives tried
to frighten them, saying that they should not go any farther
as they would be killed in the towns. This was not sufficient to
make them relinquish their good purpose. On the contrary they
were anxious to be in the danger and risk of which they had
been told.
A three-span piece of iron
While they were at this place an Indian came to the camp
with a piece of iron three and a half spans in length. It was
shaped like the hoe with which the Mexicans till the soil. He
was asked where he had obtained it and he answered that it came
from the lands of which his companions had spoken.
A large number of Indians accompanied the discoverers for
many days. Often those nearby came to see and serve them,
joyfully and solemnly entertaining them with their customary
dances; making strange motions with their hands and eyes
heavenward and blowing toward the sky. They did all this because they believed them to be children of the sun. They pre281




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


sented them with quantities of provisions, feathers, deerskins,
cowhides, and other things.
Information regarding Vaca's party; the friar and negro were
the second discoverers
They were asked if they had seen or heard of people like
them [the Christians]. They affirmed that many years before
there had passed through their lands and towns four bearded
men, resembling them in their ways, speech, and color. Through
the descriptions and informations given and the book they carried,355 it was inferred and taken for granted that these men
must have been Alvar Nfiuez Cabeza de Vaca and his companions, who traveled among these people and crossed the river,
but as they were lost they had not tried, so carefully and earnestly to learn about the unknown things and the towns of
those provinces. For this reason the natives gave better information and reports to the discoverers. However the first account of these lands was obtained because those four wanderers
had gone through them. To follow this up the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza sent forth Father Marcos de Niza and the
negro Estevanico, who were the second explorers.
55Evidently someone in the Rodriguez party had brought along a copy
of Cabeza de Vaca's Naufragios.


282




CHAPTER III


Picturing the valleys found by the discoverers as far as the first buildings;
the journeys through uninhabited lands; and how they wished
to return to the land of the Christians.
Traces of large rams
HE DISCOVERERS marched through these populated districts, very much pleased at the good treatment accorded
them by the natives. This was the result of the miracles that God our Lord permitted Alvar Nfiiez Cabeza de Vaca
and his companions to perform. They had left the natives well
disposed, and they received the explorers with the same respect,
ceremonies, and presents as they had used when receiving the
others. In this manner the party continued inland. They
marched up the river356 four days more until they reached and
discovered a beautiful, fertile, and inviting valley with a
rancheria and some abandoned houses. In them were numerous
horns which resembled those of large rams different from those
familiar to the Christians. Other horns have been seen in
other places. The natives have told of these rams and they must
be almost as large as those of Peru, according to what they indicated regarding their size and height. On account of this the
discoverers called this region the Valle de los Carneros.357
Valley of La Laguna
From the locality of this rancheria the discoverers went up
the river for six days. At the end of this time they came to
another valley which they named the Valle de la Laguna.358
s56The Rio Grande.
357The party is now ascending the Rio Grande. Gallegos states that the
Valle de los Carneros was twelve leagues from the Valle de Concepcion.
The Gallegos Relation, 21.
3S5Gallegos calls it Valle de la Madalena, and states that it was nine
days from the Valle de los Carneros. Ibid. They were still among the
Jumanos, but in the limits of their territory. Mecham locates the place
about ten miles south of Fort Quitman on the Mexican side of the Rio
Grande. Mecham, J. Lloyd "The Second Spanish Expedition to New
Mexico," in the New Mexico Historical Review, I, 271.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


Here they were met and led by large numbers of handsome,
noble, and friendly people, who danced with merriment and presented them with bows, arrows, feathers, cowhides, and some of
all the provisions they possessed. They gave these things with
much joy and gladness, without being forced. Their celebration
consisted of something which resembled negro dances which they
performed at the beating of a sort of a leather container [jicara]
sounding like the beating of a drum. When they finish their
dances they make grimaces, keeping rhythm with the beating.
They imitate the dance of the matachines.359 They raise their
hands toward the sun and in unison say in a singing tone: ayo
canimas.360 This is done by a thousand Indians without anyone
getting out of tune. It is very pleasant due to the excellent harmony of the song, for it sounds as if only one were singing.
Reports of towns
They were asked for information in regard to the people and
towns of their districts. They replied that five days up the river
were large towns of clothed people who lived in large houses and
had corn, cattle, and turkeys.361 The discoverers were more
encouraged as this substantiated what others had told them.
When the natives were again asked for information they once
more confirmed the good news.
Different native languages
They went on two days from this place, but at the end of
these journeys they discovered and met people of different
language and customs, better looking, more daring and dexterous than those left behind. The discoverers were received by
them with much respect and happiness. They brought presents
and offered all they had. However the interpreter did not understand them, and it was necessary to communicate with them
through signs. They asked them concerning the settlements of
which they had been told and were in search of and what profitable things might be found in them. They replied by signs that
seven days from their towns were the settlements and other
359The idea is that the dance was performed by figures like jesters.
360It reads ayia canima in the Gallegos document.
361The term is native birds, translated literally; it means turkeys.
284




BOOK II-CHAPTER III


things concerning which they had inquired. They [the Christians] told them that the people farther back had said that the
settlements were only five days from their town. They contradicted this by signs, and affirmed that those people had not
stated the truth and did not know it as well as themselves who
had seen those towns many times. They complained of the
damage inflicted upon them by those people who were warlike.
They made it clear through signs that they must travel three
days without meeting any people and that at the end of that
time they would meet people who ate corn, calabashes, and beans
and who wore clothes.
Valleys of Cienegas and Valientes
They took leave of these people and marched up the river for
three days. They found a valley with many swamps. It was
about six leagues in extent and suitable for the cultivation of all
sorts of grains. There were mosquitoes here. They named it
the Valle de los Valientes.362 It was uninhabited by Indians.
Doubt regarding settlements
From this place the discoverers continued for eight days up
the river over deserted and desolate hills and mountains. At the
end of the eight days they became doubtful, fearing that they
were being led astray and deceived by the information they had
gathered. They considered the whole thing a fraud and the
majority were determined to turn back. As they were guided
by God our Lord they went on two days farther. Not finding
any trace of Indians they decided to return because the Indians
had lied to them in regard to the distance from their lands to
the settlements and also because their supplies were being exhausted and they and their horses fatigued. They had marched
through seventy leagues of uninhabited land since leaving the
Indians. They were sad and disappointed at the realization of
the fact that their labor and the hope they had nourished were
in vain.
362This swampy land begins at Guadalupe and extends up the west side
of the river to the neighborhood of El Paso. It was sixty leagues from
the junction of the rivers. Mecham, "The Second Spanish Expedition,"
op. cit., 272.
285




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


In respect to returning
They decided to make a side trip to follow up the trace of
a human path which they had found the day before. From the
information obtained they could then come to a decision in regard to returning. On this trip were Father Juan de Santa
Maria, Pedro de Bustamante, Hernando Gallegos, Pedro Sanchez
de Fuensalida, and Pedro Sanchez de Chaves. They marched
over twelve leagues363 across a plain and then came to a mountain. They saw an Indian near the entrance to this mountain
and shortly afterward large numbers of people. As they
launched forth after them with their arms and horses the Indians fled up the mountain. They [the Christians] followed at
full speed but were stopped by a heavy shower. Consequently
they failed to secure a guide who could give them reliable information.
A guide secured
After this event they returned to the camp. It happened
that Father Agustin forgot his prayer book a day's journey back
and he begged Juan Sanchez to return to the camping place of
the day before to look for it. The friar thought he had left it
on the bank of the river. The said Juan Sanchez went to the
place indicated by the friar and found the prayer book. On the
way back he met two Indians. He rushed after them and captured the one whom he brought to the camp. He was about
forty years of age. This succor and comfort was sent by the
hand of God our Lord, for if He had not provided this relief
they would have turned back. This is clear proof which no one
should doubt that He chose them as the discoverers and the first
ones to bring the Holy Gospel to the natives of those regions.
This help was sent so that they should not lose heart or abandon
the expedition which was so important for His service and for
the good of the natives.
The captured Indian affirmed and certified the good news
which the natives farther back had given without differing in
anything. He said that they would reach the settlements they
363Gallegos says two leagues. The Gallegos Relation, 23.
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BOOK II-CHAPTER III


were looking for the next day. This colloquy was carried on
by signs, their only means of communication.
They gave infinite thanks to God our Lord for all this, for
having aided and comforted them in the moments of greatest
sorrow, hardship, need, and disappointment.


287




CHAPTER IV


Dealing with the discovery of the province of San Felipe of New Mexico;
and the first settlement of large houses in the northern region.
Labor a means of rest
XPERIENCE has shown that all things of great esteem,
price, and value are acquired and maintained with hardship and at the risk of the lives of those who try to obtain them. It is likewise difficult to convince! people of them.
This is what happened to these brave adventurers who, although
assured of the existence of the settlements which they sought to
discover, were almost incredulous in regard thereto. When they
discovered and visited them it was after great persistence and
hardship, and at the risk of their lives. The same would happen
to those who might try to imitate them. One should not fear
death or try to avoid privations, because good deeds achieved
through such difficulties merit glory and reward, which were
deserved by the discoverers of these towns, so unknown, remote,
and concealed from Christians.
Trace of a town in ruins
After questioning the guide the explorers set out the next
day. Led by him they continued until they came upon an ancient abandoned town in ruins. The houses seemed to have been
three stories high with terraces and walls. Here they halted
for the night and rested during the day which was Sunday.
Guide sent to calm the people
They again examined and questioned the Indian guide, who
insisted that the settled region and the towns were very near, and
that upon marching three hours364 the next day they would see
and enter them. He said that he wished to go ahead to tell
of their coming and to call on the inhabitants of the first town
that they might come out to receive and to present them with
364Gallegos says two leagues. Ibid., 24.
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BOOK II —CHAPTER IV


provisions. By the wish and agreement of all he was sent
ahead to reassure and reduce the inhabitants of the town to
peace that they would not be disturbed at the sight of strange
people. Upon this decision the guide left.
Precautions; the first town; the discoverers detected; the
first natives seen
On the following day the discoverers got ready their arms
and horses. They commended themselves to God our Lord and
set out with order and military precaution. After marching
two leagues they saw the first town.365 From afar it seemed
very good because it was composed of high and well arranged
houses with three terraces and corridors. They entered this
town very cautiously, fearful of the harm that might come to
them at the hands of the natives. They found it abandoned by
its owners. They had fled from their homes the night before
from fear of the discoverers who had been heard and seen the
day before by some Indian hunters who were not noticed by the
discoverers. They found in the houses of this first town large
quantities of corn, cotton, turkeys, cloth, and ornaments. Of
all this, nothing was touched. That was necessary in order that
the natives might know that they were not people who caused
harm and so might acquire a good reputation. While they were
searching the houses for people to talk with they found a sick
Indian with food by the side of his head. He was so near the
end of life that he was unable to give any account of himself and
could not flee, for if he had been able he would also have done
so.
Camp pitched
When the discoverers saw the absence of the inhabitants
from the houses of the town they decided to halt and fix their
camp in the open a league from the town, away from the fields
where the servants and horses could not cause any damage.
They wanted a place suitable for the defense of their persons
and lives.
365Mecham holds that this town called San Felipe was two leagues below Trenaquel, near Fort Craig. "The Second Spanish Expedition," op.
cit., 272, 273. Cf. Twitchell, Leading Facts of New Mexican History, I,
274, 275, for a slightly different view.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


Natives pacified; their reception; the Gospel preached
After doing this the leader and the friars tried to devise
means to reassure and peacefully attract the absent natives.
When the latter found everything in their houses as they had
left it, without anything missing, they felt certain that these
people did no harm. For this reason they decided to go, a few
at the time, to see and visit the discoverers in their quarters.
They did so, and were well received, calmed and regaled by
them, who promised them good treatment, friendship, and gifts
of the goods they carried. The natives lost all fear. In a short
time numerous Indians came to see, meet, and present them with
quantities of provisions, blankets, and other things. They were
all accorded a good reception and given the gifts possible. For
this reason the natives loved, respected, and feared them. The
friars preached the Holy Gospel to them by signs and they received it with good countenance. Likewise they were offered
assistance against their enemies with whom they carry on war.
This pleased them.
Number of towns; in the first settled area
In the days that followed over two thousand Indians came
to their quarters. They were bewildered, and marveled at the
sight of people unlike themselves, at the horses and other things
which the discoverers had, but which they did not have and
had never seen or used. They asked the leaders and old men for
information in regard to the secrets and settlements of their
lands and surroundings. These declared that in the district of
their land and nation were twelve towns, and that the last inhabited portion of their territory bordered on numerous settlements larger and better than those of their lands.366 They said
that the people of those places were their enemies and waged
war on them. All of these towns and most of the people are congregated un the river as one enters the province.
Naming of the Guadalquivir; native plantations
The discoverers marched up the river, visiting and exploring
the towns toward the sides of the province in order to give an
366The nation of the twelve towns was the Piros, and the "larger and
better" settlements, the Tiguas.
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BOOK II-CHAPTER IV


account of them. As the river was so wide and carried so much
water, they called it the river Guadalquivir.367 It is large, swift,
and beautiful, surrounded by numerous meadows and farms,
most of them of corn, beans, calabashes, cotton, and piciete, a
medicinal herb very useful for curing many ailments.
Clothed people; good houses; goods
This first town and district where this language is spoken is
inhabited by very orderly people. Both men and women are
clothed, largely with cotton cloth, fine, well tanned deerskins,
and cowhides. They wear shoes and some have caps of tanned
leather. They live in houses of adobe-walls; some are of stone.
The houses are well built. They are square, whitewashed, and
painted in many colors with pictures and very showy figures.
They are whitened and have their windows, corridors, and embrasures. Their towns have streets, squares, and walls. They
have pottery more beautiful and useful than that used by the
Mexicans. It is of better quality and finer. They work it into
kettles, large jars, pans, and other small containers for all sorts
of uses.368
Another settled region; Christians mret by sign of the cross
From the people of this first town and district the discoverers went on to see and visit another larger and better town.369
It had four terraces and was in another district where a different language was spoken. They wore the same kind of clothes
and had the same customs. However their houses were better
built and had better paintings, colors, and designs. They received the discoverers like the first, especially by making the
sign of the cross. They went on exploring this district for four
days, passing through numerous towns, large and small. In one
day they visited twelve towns whose people used the same
language and had similar clothes, houses, and customs.
Another Indiant language; customs of the natives; sun worship
After visiting this district and its people they came to a difs67It was the Rio Grande.
368The description is of the Piros. For an account of the making of pottery among the Indians, see Hodge, Handbook, II, 295-299.
369The Spaniards were now entering the lands of the Tiguas.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


ferent region where they rested for two days.370 They were informed of the oldest settlements in the interior. They were told
of numerous people and towns located up the river along its
banks and the nearby areas. All these Indian nations in the
high houses are skilful, friendly, neat, and industrious in their
fields as well as in the decoration and cleanliness of their houses.
They are not so comely as the primitive naked vaqueros. They
are bellicose and feared by the other districts, especially because of their towns, for they use the houses as fortresses. They
have numerous fowls in their yards. They breed many dogs,
though not as fine or useful as those of Spain, keeping them in
their pens underground.371  These Indians;are skilful with
bow and arrow and with the club. They worship the sun.
Another district with better towns
From this district and people the discoverers went to see and
visit another.372 They came to a large town up the river. They
[the natives] received them, making crosses with their hands as
a sign of peace. They brought quantities of provisions, all of
which the discoverers accepted in order that the natives would
be pleased and spread the news that they were being received
with presents. That is how this custom was established. In
this region are larger and better constructed towns. The houses
are of finer appearance, higher, and more elegant than those in
the pueblos previously found. They travelled up this river and
visited most of the towns. It is the most densely settled, although there are better pueblos away from the river.
370The party was now visiting the Queres towns.
371See below, ch. VI, for the use of dogs among the Indians.
372They explored the Tewa towns and went as far north as Taos.


292




CHAPTER V


Which describes the customs of the natives of the provinces of San Felipe
of New Mexico, their ritualism, ceremonies and idolatry.
These Indians better than others
ROM WHAT has been seen and experienced by explorers
and adventurers in these provinces it has been proved
that these people are the most civilized in all the known
regions of the Indies. They are the most advanced in regard
to clothing, the nature of their settlements, houses, provisions,
and way of living, as I shall prove by the following:
Method of building houses
First, because the common and ordinary houses of the
natives of the kingdoms of Mexico, Peru, and all the others are
from one and a half to two estados high; and made of adobe,
pales, matting, reeds, and straw, and situated along narrow
alleys. On the other hand the houses of the natives in the
provinces of New Mexico and its vicinity are built in the following manner. They bake the dirt to make the adobe-walls. They
build the houses square. They insert heavy pine and willow logs
ten to twelve feet long in the walls. They build the foundations
of stone and heavy wooden pillars. They provide them with
windows and corridors which open into the streets, squares, and
the country. These houses have walls and loopholes from which
they defend themselves and attack their enemies in their battles. They tile their patios with large stones. They leave wide
streets and large squares around which they build the towns.
The stairs to their houses can be raised because they fear the
damage inflicted by their enemies with whom they wage war.
Before going to sleep they take up these ladders to the upper
parts of their houses.373
87sThe pueblos were constructed without doors on the first floor. The
natives used ladders, and then entered their rooms from the roof.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


Better clothed than Mexicans; dress of the new people
They dress with greater neatness and elegance than the Mexcans and others of the past. The majority of the common people
went about almost naked, with only a blanket thrown over their
shoulders and body and a piece of cloth, called mastli374 in their
language, tied around the waist. Their arms and legs were bare.
The footgear did not cover the ankle. On the other hand the
people of New Mexico wear tight cotton shirts, with bright
stripes of colored thread woven around the edges, and at the
throat a bow, a gem, and a band. Beside this they wear some
blankets. They wrap themselves with handsomely worked pieces
of cloth three varas375 long and two wide which have colored
tassels at the ends. They cut their hair so as to leave it of even
length and arranged on top of their heads as if it grew naturally
in that way. They look as though they were wearing small
Milan-cloth caps. Others use pointed leather caps. Their shoes
are of cowhide. Some dress in well tanned deerskins. Some
wear their hair long.
Dress of the women
The women wear a skirt from the waist down, in our language called petticoat, which is finely worked and painted in
many colors. Over these skirts they wear a blanket of the same
style and kind as used by the men. They grow, comb, and bleach
their hair like the Spanish. They braid it above their heads like
the women of Castile.
Method of acquiring goods
They are a cleanly people, kind, well disposed, and industrious. Ordinarily both men and women busy themselves in the
fields and houses, in spinning cloth and in other necessary occupations. The women employ their time in making blankets for
clothing, in painting, and in preparing the food; and the men in
other necessary duties.
Pottery superior to the Mexicans; method of grinding corn
They use better pottery and vessels than the Mexicans and
374Cuevas has mastle. Cuevas, Obreg6n, 263.
375The vara measures about thirty-three inches.
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BOOK II-CHAPTER V


other native Indians. It is superior in construction, coloring,
and serviceableness. They have large earthen jars with covers
in which they keep the drinking water. They are cleaner and
more painstaking in grinding the corn than the others. They
use stones placed on a clean spot and reserved for this purpose.
The women and their daughters do this with much cleanliness.
Protection of girls; early marriage
They protect and shield the young girls from being harmed
by the men. They never leave the house without permission or
accompanied by old Indian women. They marry early, at eleven
or twelve years of age. These people do not recognize more
than one wife. They affirm that while the wife is living the
men do not know or have relations with any other and that they
are faithful to the wife.
Better baths than in Mexico
The women spin, weave, paint, and work the clay like the
men. They have finer, larger, better, and more useful baths
than the Mexicans. They are built in caves underground, are
twenty feet long, and circular. They cover the bottom with
mortar of clay and plaster. They are about twelve estados
deep.376 To fortify these baths they use heavy supports, covering the upper part with mortar, leaving only a trap door like
that of a ship through which they enter and leave by means of a
movable ladder. This bath is used by the entire community, and
therefore is built in the center of the town.377
Languages easily spoken; worship and idolatry
Their languages are easily spoken and the natives are docile
and ready to be converted to our holy Catholic faith, as has been
demonstrated. They regard the sun as their god, which they
serve, respect, and worship. The ceremonies that were seen and
which indicate the nature of their idolatry were as follows.
When the sun rises they rejoice and make signs and faces toward
the place where it appears, with much dancing, music, and singing. They repeat this ceremony when the sun sets. They do
376This seems incredible, but so the manuscript reads.
377This is the kiva, or estufa, the ceremonial chamber. The Spaniards
did not understand its purpose and so supplied an explanation.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


this on certain days which are set aside for the purpose. They
also have some underground chambers like cellars where they
customarily place many fine offerings of clothing, feathers, ornaments, food, and things used for painting. They do all these
things that their idol will grant them health, success in war,
and good weather. They repeat these ceremonies every fifteen
days between the months of December and March.
A stick two fingers in thickness
These celebrations are common, being open to all. They
dance and sing from morning till night and from night till
morning. They place an Indian in the middle of the gathering,
on a seat which they utilize for this purpose.378 Six Indians,
holding twenty sticks, are also seated. They come out and dance
about. At each change one steps out and puts in his mouth
seven sticks a vara in length and as thick as two fingers. When
he has finished placing them he steps out and dances with the
sticks in his month. Then each of the seven who are sitting
next to the one seated in the special place give him seven lashes
with willows. Then they dance again and repeat the lashes until
they make the blood run profusely down his back. The one who
is being flayed shows no pain.
Devil in form of snake talks to them
While they are striking him they talk to a large snake about
a vara and a half in length and as thick as an arm. The snake
creeps around the one who is being lashed and around those who
are dancing. When it wants to speak it rolls up. The one being
whipped calls to it and it answers in the language of the Indians.
This is a strange case, although I have my doubts about it because I have not received conclusive proofs. I mention it because it formed part of the accounts given to me. And it may be
true, for the stone idols used to speak to the Mexicans. This
account was given by Hernando Gallego, notary of the party.
I do not doubt that it was the devil who took the form of the
snake in order to speak to them.
S78This is probably the first description of the snake dance on record.
296




BOOK II -CHAPTER V


Two snakes; how carried; their transformation
He also says that two other Indians dance around among
these Indians, carrying in their hands two vipers that coil themselves around their necks and creep all over their bodies. These
Indians come dancing to the place where the lashed one is seated,
whom they respect and obey as their lord. On that occasion
they offer him on their knees the two vipers. He takes them
and each one creeps up one of his arms, making a great deal
of noise. When they reach his neck he rises from the place
where he is seated. He talks to them and they leap and roll up
on the ground. Then those who offered them take them and,
kneeling, talk to them and put them in their mouths. Soon there
appear two jackals that walk around among them and talk. This
is marvelous if it is true, which I doubt, and I am including it
for the reasons previously stated.
When they finish their dance and celebration they cane the
man who has been lashed and carry him along, adorned with
numerous brilliant feathers, to exhibit him at the roads and
fountains between the different towns. The man remains so
bruised and lacerated from the beating that he does not recover
from the wounds and bruises for two months. These men are
honored and respected as forbearing and brave men.
Graves; cremation of 'the dead
They have the graves in the cellars. The dead bodies
wrapped in some blankets with provisions are burned. The
ashes and bones that have not burned out completely are offered to their idol by two Indian women or men selected for this
purpose.
Wedding ceremonies
They marry with great solemnity, rejoicing, gatherings, and
feasts. They invite the entire town and the relatives on both
sides. They select and invite godparents who instruct them in
what they should do in order to be properly wedded. Both
parties are given dowries which consist of lands, houses, clothing, furniture, and adornments for their needs and for the decoration of their houses. They celebrate their weddings with much
dancing, banquets, games, and other kinds of amusement. The
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


bride and groom are accompanied to their house with much noise.
Their relatives and godparents go with them.
Permanence of the union; oath taken at their marriage
When they reach the house they are given a long speech to
which all listen in great silence. This advice is begun by the
godmother who tells them the duties and obligations of matrimony. On being married these conditions are accepted. They
give the bride a milling stone or earthenware pan, matting, and
utensils for weaving. After having danced and sung like the
Mexicans the godmother tells the bride with great solemnity
that she must support her husband, who is present with those
materials, providing him with two meals a day. By means of
the weaving equipment she must spin and weave the clothing
he would need, and with the crockery before her prepare the
necessary food and beverages. With the cotton blankets, turkey
feathers, and matting she must provide for his sleep and for the
cure of his ailments. They give the groom to the bride and tell
her to take him, to love, entertain, serve, be faithful to him, and
not betray him. The bride replies under oath that she takes
and accepts him, invoking the rigor of the idols that she will keep
and fulfill her sworn statement. The oath is ministered by one
of those who serve in the house of idolatry and by the godparents. When these ceremonies and speeches are over they
dance once more to the sound of the grinding on the stone where
they pound their food. They do this with pleasant singing and
music.
Advice of the godfather
When this part is finished the godfather makes the same
charge to the groom. He admonishes him to treat the bride
well. They give the groom a bow, some arrows, a club, a hoe,
and a crate to help him carry his burdens. He is given the bride,
and the godfather tells him to love and serve her, to treat her
well and to defend her from the enemy with the weapons given
him. By means of the hoe he must provide her with the necessary food and clothing. The crate is for carrying their goods
and what they might acquire. He must not permit her to bear
burdens.
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BOOK II-C H A P TER V


The groom accepts the conditions and takes the previously
mentioned solemn oaths and agrees not to break them. Then
they dance and sing again. An old man repeats the conditions
once more and the bride and groom accept them anew.
Monogamy
It is known with certainty that the natives of those provinces
have only one wife and that they live a more modest and moral
life than the Mexicans and other Indian nations.


299




CHAPTER VI


Giving an account of the mines; the riches of silver and other things in
the provinces of San Felipe of New Mexico; and the
parts frequented by the cattle.
Three and four story houses; provisions
HAVE inquired, learned, and verified as certain that
Francisco Vazquez Coronado, Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado, Antonio de Espejo and those who accompanied
them were the discoverers of these provinces of San Felipe of
New Mexico, Tibuex, Ciquil,379 Tuzayan, Ciboro, and the others
near them. These lands are populated by numerous people due
to the fact that the houses are from two to three and even six
stories high.
Blankets; salines; mats; pottery; Castile flax and linen
The natives gather quantities of corn, beans, calabashes, cotton, and piciete, a very useful herb. They make large numbers
of blankets, both heavy and light, beautifully woven and dyed
with various bright colors. They possess numerous turkeys.
They utilize the feathers, interweaving them in heavy cotton
blankets. They have quantities of salines of rich salt. There
are salt deposits that extend over five leagues. They have large
numbers of mats made of rushes and reeds, and large and small
baskets. They possess good crockery, both heavy and fine, brilliantly decorated with admirable colors. They grow Castile flax
without cultivation. It flourishes naturally at Cieneguilla and
the Valle de los Valientes.380 Consequently they make Castile
cloth.
Number of cattle; wool used for cloth; nature of the land
Thirty or forty leagues away are numerous cattle which they
utilize; the meat for food and the hides for many purposes like
379Cuevas has Aqui for Ciquil, typical of his many errors.
380Valle de los Valientes is one of the names applied to the Rio Grande.
This particular place was the swampy region south of El Paso.
300




BOOK II-CHAPTER VI


the hides of the cattle of Spain. They use their wool for clothing, the fat for candles and other things. The hides are good
for making shoes and weapons when very well tanned. These
provinces and towns mentioned have a fine climate, numerous
plains, valleys, mountains, rivers, streams, lakes, springs, and
river banks, suitable for the cultivation of any kind of grain
from Spain and for raising all sorts of cattle.
Indication of metals; explorers who found silver
There are many sierras on its confines where I saw and examined rich metals when I was on the expedition with General
Francisco de Ibarra. In the ridges of these mountains and near
the settlements are the mines discovered and inspected by Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado and his companions. The first mines
were discovered thirty leagues before they reached the province
of San Felipe, in the valley of San Lorenzo in a ridge of the
sierra. No claims were staked out, nor was it known there that
other mines existed in the valley of Nuestra Sefiora,381 twelve
leagues before the first town of San Felipe. No mining was
undertaken nor were the metals assayed. There was another
vein in the Virgin mountains, thirteen leagues down the river
before entering the province. The explorers staked out claims
but no assay was made. Another was found in the province of
San Felipe, a league from the town which they call Mal Partida.382 The discoverers staked out claims and assayed the
metal in order to settle the place. There was another vein
which they called Santa Catalina,383 five leagues from a town
which they named Mal Partida. I have been informed that
this is the best of those discovered.
Decision of the explorers
After visiting, exploring, and examining the towns, the advantages and profits that could be derived from the exploitation
of mines, cattle, salt deposits, and other things in the province
381This must have been the Fray Crist6bal Range.
382These mines were in the vicinity of Cerrillos. Cf. Bandelier, Adolph
F. A. Final Report of Investigations among the Indians of the Southwestern United States, carried on mainly in the Years from 1880-1885,
II, 93, 94. Malpartida was in the Galisteo valley, perhaps identical with
San Marcos, near Cerrillos.
383This was in the Manzano mountains, southwest of Malpartida.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


of San Felipe of New Mexico and its surroundings, the discoverers decided to visit the natives called Querechos. They follow
the cattle and go about like the gypsies in Spain. They wander
around and live in the regions frequented by the cattle. The
natives had already given them accounts of these people.
Departure for the cattle; the vaqueros
They set out from the river Guadalquivir and the town of
Mal Partida in the province of San Felipe on September 28, 1581.
They went to learn of the customs of the gypsy-like Indians and
of the cattle, their number, appearance, habitat, and the gain
that could be derived from them. The first day they marched
more than six leagues over plains with good and plentiful pastures for cattle raising. There the discoverers gathered that
the information given them concerning the cattle was true. From
that place on they began to find old cattle tracks. During this
day's march and through the night they went without water.
They feared that the horses would suffer.
A large mountain; no water for eleven leagues
The next day they marched over a large and beautiful mountain containing groves of numerous big pine, oak, and cypress
trees.384  It seems the discoverers affirm it is the largest mountain they have seen in the Indies. After going five leagues
farther they came to a large gorge where they found a large
pool of rain water. Here they quenched the great thirst which
they had endured for eleven leagues. They halted for the night
at this pool. The next day they marched seven leagues past a
large mountain and through plains until night came. They were
without water. They feared getting lost as they had no guide
or water. They were afraid of missing the cattle as they had
marched three days and the natives had assured them that they
would meet the vaquero Indians and the cattle in two days.385
Like good soldiers they continued the expedition.
384The description is characteristic of the Pecos mountains.
385According to Mecham the party had skirted the northern edge of
the table-land between Galisteo and the Pecos river, but since they were
looking for a pass through the mountains, they remained in the plains
country and did not cross the hills separating them from the Pecos. Ibid.,
283, 284.
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BOOK II-CHAPTER VI


Pool of salt water
The next day after marching a league they came to a pool
of salt water located in a glen at the edge of a plain. At this
pool they satisfied their need of water and halted the next day
to rest. They left that place, marching along this valley where
they found many pools of briny water. They named this place
the Valle de San Miguel because they reached it on his day. This
valley is excellent and suitable for raising sheep.
A waterhole; River Santo Domingo
From this place they marched down the valley five leagues,
where at its edge they discovered a large water hole. They
halted here for the night. Around it were many, indications of
people who had left the place the day before. They found more
tracks of the cattle which increased their hopes and assured them
of the information given them. They continued on the following day and after going about a league came to a large and
beautiful river adorned with numerous fine trees. They named
it the river Santo Domingo.386 It is a river of brackish water
suitable for cattle.
Meeting the vaqueros
From this place they marched four leagues down the river.
At the end of this distance they saw a column of smoke and
marched toward it, discovering a rancheria of vaquero Indians
having over five hundred huts and tents of tanned cowhide almost like those of Castile. The vaquero Indians were so disturbed that in a short time four hundred handsome and brave
warriors equipped with bows and arrows came out to meet them
ready for battle. When they were quite near they decided to
question the discoverers, which they did, where they were
going, and what they wanted in their lands. This was done by
signs because they had no guide or interpreter. They [the
Christians] replied in the same manner that they came to visit
them and to offer firm friendship.
The vaqueros offered peace; friendship established
The discoverers also prepared for war, taking precautions
38sThis was the Pecos.
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against the harm the Indians might cause them. They withdrew to their camp until they could see what the natives would
do and to see if they could attract them in a friendly manner.
Thus they did not show any weakness. If they would not come
peacefully they were determined to subdue them by force of
arms. They made the sign of the cross from a distance with
their hands as a sign of peace and friendship. Father Agustin
Rodriguez dismounted to entreat them to accept peace, carrying
a cross in his hands. God our Lord was pleased with these precautions, for He infused fear in them at the sight of the discoverers and caused them to submit peacefully. They imitated
the Christians in making the same sign of the cross with their
hands. They were received by the leader and by Father
Agustin, who let them kiss the crucifix which he wore about his
neck. He let them know through signs that they came in the
name of their Lord who lives in heaven and whose messengers
he and the discoverers were, and that they had come to see
them and to be their good friends. They believed all this and
were so pleased that they received the explorers with much love
and respect and offered them what they had and used for food.
It was necessary to employ these methods and speak in this manner in order to make them accept peace since the Christians
were few in number. After all with them any artifice is better
than the rigor of war.
Frightened by harquebus shot
The discoverers answering their call halted near their camp
as requested. The natives were astounded to see people different from their own kind. While marveling over this fact an
harquebus was discharged. The explosion dumfounded, frightened, and stupefied them. The majority fell to the ground with
fear. God our Lord permitted all this in order to instill greater
fear in them. They were so terrified that not even united did
they dare approach a lone horse. They asked them not to fire
the harquebuses as it frightened them and their wives and
children and stunned their senses.
News of the cattle from vaqueros
They were asked where the Indians of their nation lived and
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BOOK II —CHAPTER VI


questioned about their customs and about the cattle. They replied that they regularly roamed over the greater part of the
plains and along the rivers, lakes, and salt water holes. When
it was cold or snowed they sought shelter in the extensions and
slopes of the sierra. They said that the beginning 'of their inhabited area is two days from where they found them.
Number of cattle exaggerated
As for the cattle they existed in large numbers. To stress
the number they said that they were as numerous as the grass
in the fields, and as the sand in the rivers, and that they roam
over extensive lands. No Indian dared to accompany the discoverers. The latter inferred that they were lost, having
abandoned the direct route which they should have followed to
reach them without circling about. They had been lost.
Dress and customs of vaqueros; like gypsies; their tents
These people who live among the cattle go about naked. They
merely use some coverings of deer and cattle skins. They wear
shoes and caps made from the same materials. They are well
formed, lively, warlike, and brave, and feared by those in the
neighboring districts. They are like gypsies, wandering about
from place to place, following the natural sources of their food
supply. This consists of the raw meat of the cattle, the prickly
pears and dates which they gather. They have tents made of
tanned cowhides, which are provided with the necessary fixtures
of poles and willow stakes.
Droves of dogs; loads carried
They have droves of dogs on which they load their tents,
the contents of their huts, household goods, and provisions.
These dogs can bear a load of two or three arrobas. They are
equipped with leather harness, poitrels, girths, and headstalls
by means of which they are guided. They travel two or three
leagues a day with a load. The dogs are strong, shaggy, and not
very large.
No water for forty hours; San Francisco valley
From this first rancheria of vaquero Indians the discoverers
marched over some plains. They left the river Santo Domingo
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


on one side. On this day's march they found no water in the
four leagues traversed. Nor did they see any cattle. They
thought they were lost. The leader decided to return to the
rancheria. Before reaching it Pedro Sanchez de Fuensalida and
Pedro Sanchez de Chaves armed and prepared themselves for
battle and went on with Father Agustin Rodriguez. They
seized and brought to the camp an Indian who guided them for
three days. They went without water during this time when
they came to some small water holes where they quenched their
thirst and rested from the fatigue they had endured. They
opened these pools with spades and enough water to supply a
large army flowed from them. They named them the Ojos Zarcos. Here they found fresh tracks of the cattle and felt certain
that they were near. They rested at these holes a day because
their horses were worn out. They had been without a drop of
water for forty hours. If the lack of water had continued for
another day both men and horses would have perished of thirst.
At this place the guide said that the cattle were a day's march
away. Next day, October 9, 1581, they negotiated this distance and stopped at some salt water lakes. They found numerous pools of water in a dale which runs from the lakes to the
east. They called it the valley of San Francisco because they
discovered it on St. Francis day.387
Description of the cattle
During this day they found large numbers of cattle. They
came in herds of five hundred, cows, calves, and bulls. The latter are large and hideous. They have a strange and ferocious
head, larger than the bulls of Spain. These cattle are hairless
and humpbacked. They have heavy black horns and long beards
which drag on the ground when they are grazing. They run like
boars and are very swift. They have over forty arrobas of
meat. The cows are one-third smaller than the bulls and their
horns measure a span. The meat of these animals is fatter,
healthier, and more delicious than the meat of the cattle of
Spain. The discoverers killed numbers of them for food one
day when they saw over three thousand. They are woolly and
887They were evidently on some branch of the Canadian.
306




BOOK II-CHAPTER VI


the wool can be used for making clothing and other articles;
their hides can be utilized for shoes and many other things.
Explorers return; distance to the cattle from San Felipe
The discoverers were told of the river which flows through
the plains388 and that on its banks were unusually large numbers
of cattle. As their provisions were running low they did not
dare to go to find them. On October 19, 1581, they returned
from this valley of San Francisco by stages to the town from
which they had set out. The distance to the beginning of the
regions frequented by the cattle is forty leagues. If a direct
road is taken it is much less. For this reason and because of
the scarcity of water a guide must be secured. If the discoverers had followed the advice of the natives they would have
come to the cattle after two days of marching. Thus it seems
that they are to be found twenty leagues from the nearest point
of the inhabited parts of the San Felipe river.
The explorers sent the Indian guide ahead loaded with meat.
He was much pleased to have seen the ease with which they had
killed the cattle. It happened that they did not miss a single
shot. He told of all this at the rancheria, whose inhabitants
came forth to receive and entertain them. They begged the discoverers to return as they wished to take them to a place teeming
with cattle. They consoled them with the promise that they
would come back to carry out their wishes. They gave the
natives part of the meat which they had brought, and the latter
said they would wait for them. They took leave of these people
and went on very cautiously, fearing that the natives might try
to avenge the seizure of the guide who belonged to their town.
After these incidents they returned to the province of San Felipe of New Mexico.
388The Canadian.


307




CHAPTER VII


Setting forth the methods which the discoverers used in dealing with the
natives in obtaining provisions without offending them;
and how they tried to kill the former.
Method of obtaining provisions
FTER the discoverers returned from   the regions of the
cattle they established their camp in the town which
they called Piedra Ita.389 It has about three hundred
houses.390 Here their provisions began to grow scarce, and all
spoke to the leader, indicating that these should be obtained by
requesting them from the natives without arousing the latter to
harm or to take up arms. All reminded him of their needs, and
of the inconveniences and dangers they would have to surmount
in order to avoid danger, injury, and the shedding of blood. In
consequence the leader, friars, and soldiers entered into an
agreement in a council of war. They decided that provisions
should be asked for in a friendly manner in order that order
and good customs might be established and that they would be
enabled to instruct the natives throughout the province.
They [the discoverers] undertook to ask for supplies with
friendship, kindness, and harmony. As they previously had
the necessary supplies and had not asked for anything this demand was novel and they [the natives] acted as if they did not
hear or understand. It was surprising that there was an agreement among all those in the province to kill them as was ascertained later. Once more they stated their needs in a friendly
and kindly spirit, and again they failed to heed the request,
acting as if they were deaf and did not understand what was
said.
389Bolton calls it Piedra y Taques, an error for Piedra Ita que es....
Spanish Exploration, 148 note 2. It is called Piedra Alta by Gallegos.
It was San Crist6bal, the easternmost of the pueblos in the Galisteo
basin. Cf. Bandelier's description of San Crist6bal, Final Report, II,
103-105.
390Gallegos adds that the houses were of three and four stories, made
entirely of stone. The Gallegos Relation, 50.
308




BOOK II -CHAPTER VII


Reply of the leader and the friars
The leader and the friars were informed of all this. They
told the discoverers that it was not right to take the provisions
by force, nor was it advisable to do so as they could not exert
much pressure to compel them to give the supplies. They were
too few to defend themselves against the damage that might be
inflicted upon them in revenge for taking the provisions by force.
Over thirty thousand Indians could be called and assembled in
an hour. It would be precarious to place themselves in such
danger when they could use more moderate and suitable means.
The soldiers importuned the leader to use his commission, saying
that they would rather die fighting than starve to death. He
replied that they could employ whatever means seemed best if
they tried to avoid a greater harm.
Desire to use force
The discoverers believed that it was most feasible to use
threats and the force of arms. To this effect the leader and
seven soldiers armed themselves and got ready for battle. They
went to the strong town which is five or six stories high.391 They
found that the people had retired to the terraces and corridors of
their houses. They were armed and suspicious of the discoverers. The latter asked for the provisions, threatening harsh
treatment and punishment if they refused. To these entreaties
they were still more indifferent and disinclined to obey. Seeing
the fearlessness and disregard of the natives they fired some
harquebuses, aiming at those who were in retreat. This was
done to frighten them and to compel obedience through terror
of the guns. As they failed to comply they [the soldiers] decided to request the provisions from house to house, asking for
a little at each place.
Provisions given willingly
Overcome by the fear of the harquebuses, their noise and
danger, they said that the harquebuses were rays from heaven
which the sun had given them for their protection as its immortal children. Believing these things they decided to give the
391According to Gallegos from whom Obregon gets his information
these events took place at Piedra Ita.
309




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


provisions voluntarily in accordance with the method and amount
suggested by the discoverers. Following this good plan each
Indian offered to relieve their need of corn. They were asked
for flour, which they brought in quantities from all the houses.
After all had contributed they asked for an alliance, for peace
and friendship. This they promised one another, although the
discoverers were cautious and prepared to defend themselves.
It was clear that the fear of the harquebuses caused them to give
provisions and promise friendship.
The method used in supplying the needs of the discoverers
was made known from this pueblo, and for this reason it was
followed in the other towns perhaps because each gave only a
little. Accordingly they did this before it was requested, and
before the party could reach their town they had gathered the
supplies. They also gave fowls and other things in quantities.
This method of giving tribute was generally followed. They
gathered it in three large piles, one containing corn in grain,
another flour, and the other tortillas. From these piles they
took only what they honestly needed; the rest was returned.
This pleased them [the natives] very much. Calls were received
from many towns to come and get tribute in this manner and the
town not visited was considered unfortunate and unhappy. They
did all this out of fear, so it seemed, because of the harm which
they proposed to do.
An opportunity came later to carry out their plans. This
was brought about by the selfishness of Father Juan de Santa
Maria who, having seen the service which those few explorers
had rendered to your majesty in having discovered such important settlements, wished to be the first to carry the news
to the Christian lands. He was opposed in this by the arguments,
the obvious difficulties, and the entreaties of the leader, soldiers,
and guardian. The latter pointed out that it was a dangerous
undertaking to go alone through enemy lands, that they would
kill him, and that he would endanger the lives of all since they
must try to avenge his death. Moreover they had not explored
the whole land nor completely learned all its secrets and sources
of profit so that a true account could be given your majesty with310




BOOK II-C H A P T ER VII


out being accused of negligence. All of these reasons were of no
avail and he insisted on going.392
Death of the first friar; feigning ignorance thereof
His departure was very unfortunate for the land as news of
his death came within five days.393 He had been killed by the
crude people who live in the mountain range which they called
Sierra Morena. The discoverers and friars feigned ignorance of
his death, for that seemed advisable. Before this fatality the
natives had considered the discoverers and friars as immortal
children of the sun.
Plot to kill the Christians; killing of three horses
Seeing how easily Father Juan de Santa Maria had been
killed the natives talked of killing the Christians in a general
assembly of [the people] of their district. When this was
known and their intentions suspected the party decided to leave
these evil-minded people. They went to the town which they had
named Mal Puerto.394   Here they [the natives] began to effect
the harmful plans agreed upon and circulated among themselves. They began with the horses, killing three of them while
they were at this town called Porne.395 The discoverers were so
grieved and emboldened at this offense that they asked the leader
for permission to punish the people of Malagon396 as it was the
first act of rashness, in order to prevent similar outrages which
would take place if they failed to punish this one and to serve
as a warning to others.
Punishment inflicted; the guilty abandon the town
When the leader saw the determination of the soldiers to
chastise the delinquents he ordered five soldiers to get ready
392When Father Santa Maria insisted on returning despite the protests
of Chamuscado and the soldiers a written statement to this effect was
drawn up by the notary "in the province of San Felipe," on September
10, 1581. A.G.I., 58-3-9.
893He left on the eve of Our Lady of September, according to Gallegos.
The Gallegos Relation, 37.
394Mal Partida, according to Gallegos. Ibid., 38.
395Porue, says Cuevas. Obregon, 279.
396Cuevas has Malago, which is the form in the manuscript, but there
has been an erasure. It should be Malag6n. See The Gallegos Relation, 38.
311




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


and to go to the town.397 They went there determined to destroy and burn it and to kill a few of the offenders. Their town
consisted of eighty houses.398 They were determined to impose this punishment in order to frighten them and to gain
prestige among the other pueblos. They [the Indians] were fearful, apprehensive, and cautious. They withdrew, abandoning
the town. The boldest fortified the terraces and corridors of
their houses in the pueblo and from there asked the discoverers
what they wanted. They replied asking for the daring ones who
had killed three of their horses. They [the natives] replied that
the people of their town were not to blame. They were given
to understand that they were going to punish the audacity of the
guilty, and to frighten them fired several harquebuses. This
terrified the natives greatly. They.were astounded to see how
so few Christians dared to attack such a large number of Indians. They excused themselves with much skill, and to appease
the discoverers threw them numerous dead fowls which they
did not take in order to appear rigorous and angry.
Punishment avoided as friars intervene; the guilty satisfy
the discoverers; war council to kill the Christians
They seized three Indians and took them to the camp to have
them publicly punished by the leader. He feigned to condemn
them to be beheaded in public and arranged that the friars
should come to intercede for them, in order that the Indians
might know that the friars would protect and aid them. Thus
the sentence was not carried out due to the entreaties of the religious. All these things frightened them. To soothe and dispell
the anger of the discoverers they decided to give them quantities of fowls and other presents, promising to take care of the
other horses and to provide the party with food. They asked
them not to be angry but to be their good friends. They [the
soldiers] warned them that if they knew who had killed the
horses, and that if they killed another they would burn their
towns and punish them with great severity. They [the Indians]
397Gallegos gives their names: Pedro de Bustamante, Hernan Gallegos, Pedro Sanchez de Chaves, Felipe de Escalante, and Pedro Sanchez de Fuensalida. Ibid., 39.
8S8This is the pueblo called Malag6n.
312




BOOK II —CHAPTER VII


resented these threats and held a council "of war in which it
was"399 decided to call a general assembly of all the people in
the province to kill them.
However as brave soldiers they did not fail to visit as much
of the provinces as they could. They did this with all precaution, fully prepared with horses and weapons. On every trip
they stationed guards day and night. And as the Indians
noticed this precaution they did not dare to attack. On the
contrary others learned of the determination reached in the
council of war. Because of this fact the natives became still
more fearful of the discoverers. The latter discussed among
themselves whether they should anticipate a break and destroy
a few towns in order to inspire greater fear in all, especially in
those who might follow them in the first acts of rashness.
Suggestion of the friars; murder of the other two friars
The religious and the leader prevented this break. They
said it was not good policy, that it would cause war where there
was peace. Moreover the friars must remain to convert them
through friendliness. They remained there to accomplish these
aims.400 However this was not a good plan because horses,
goats, trinkets, and gifts had been given them and as the natives
coveted these spoils, which are not found in their lands and thus
highly esteemed, they killed the friars after the Christians had
left these provinces. This was very unfortunate, not only on
account of their death, but because it was difficult for the friars
who followed them to convert the natives and to instruct them
in the things pertaining to our holy Catholic faith. These last
deaths revealed to them that the Christians were neither the
children of the sun nor immortal.
Number of towns discovered by Coronado
In these places and provinces discovered there have been seen,
inspected, and counted sixty-one pueblos with houses from two
to six stories high and composed of three, four and five and even
399This phrase is omitted by Cuevas.
400Fathers Francisco Lopez and Agustin Rodriguez determined to remain in New Mexico when Chamuscado was ready to return, February
13, 1582. They did so against his firm opposition. See Chamuscado document of same date, in A.G.I., 58-3-9.
313




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


eight hundred houses. These towns contained from one to four
or six hundred or even one and two thousand inhabitants, not
including the many boys and girls.401 Besides these pueblos
they were informed of many others in the neighboring districts, very distant from them, some better than others. They
were told of cities in addition to those discovered and inspected
on the confines of these provinces by Francisco Vazquez Coronado, Antonio de Espejo and Francisco de Ibarra.
Most of these explored regions are in lands with good climate,
soil, mountains, pastures, provisions, cattle, birds, game, and
fowls. They are in places beyond which there doubtless are important towns as the land is extremely large and there is no
knowledge of its limits or borders. Being an unknown land and
undoubtedly containing very promising regions your majesty
should be pleased to ascertain what is to be found farther on.
This could be done with an expenditure of less than five thousand
ducats with which fifty soldiers with a good leader, trained and
used to these experiences, could be equipped.
Offer to explore beyond New Mexico
Even though I am the humblest of your vassals I offer to
undertake it and to serve your majesty by discovering and exploring five hundred leagues beyond the province of San Felipe.
If this service is not accepted there are captains in these parts
very capable for such an undertaking. This should be done for
the service of God our Lord and for the extension of this kingdom of your majesty. The enterprise would provide employment
for your needy vassals and there are many, both there and
here.402
401Regarding the population of the pueblos, see Hodge, Handbook, II,
324, 325; cf. also The Gallegos Relation, 10 et. seq.
402That is, both in Spain and in Mexico.


314




CHAPTER VIII403


Which tells of the expedition made by Antonio de Espejo and Francisco
de Heredia and their companions to the province of San
Felipe of New Mexico and other regions.
HEN the discovery of the provinces of San Felipe of New
Mexico with its people, its opportunities, and things of
profit was known the envy and desire of many of your
majesty's subjects in this your kingdom were aroused. They
wished to serve your royal crown by conquering and subduing
the people, towns, and provinces in the new regions of San Felipe of New Mexico and the surrounding places, both because
of their loyalty and in order to overcome their wants. These are
almost as great as the needs endured by the vassals of the kingdom of Castile, which are greater among the important people,
because there are no wars in which they can find employment
and no lords whom they might serve. Likewise notable is the
greed of the miners and others on account of the excellent reports which the discoverers have given of rich veins of silver.
This unrest and covetousnesss were such that if it were not for
the fact that they did not wish to disregard the loyalty and obedience which they owe your majesty many would have attempted
to conquer and subdue the said provinces in your name. In the
hope that your majesty will soon give them this opportunity
they have controlled and calmed their determination, cupidity,
and desire. Meanwhile there is not lacking someone earnest
and determined who would serve your majesty and furnish a
true account of the number of towns, the resources and the customs of the people in those provinces. This would make known
the other parts near those provinces. Thus as a protector and
supporter of the Christian fold, who guides conversion to our
403There have been many changes in the numbering of the chapters
in the manuscript. This chapter was first numbered "capitulo primero."
Perhaps it was planned that the volume should consist of three parts
with this the first chapter of Book III.
315




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


holy Catholic faith, you might devise the suitable remedy to prevent the damnation of a large number of heathen Indians who
are condemned because they have lacked the light of faith and
someone to instruct them. These things could easily be brought
to them through the power and will of your majesty as I have
explained in this account.
The determination of Antonio de Espejo, and his brave deed,
deserve to be praised, esteemed, and rewarded by your majesty.
He was a resident of this city of Mexico and a native of the town
of Torre Milano, a district under the jurisdiction of the city of
Cordova. Moved by the desire to serve your majesty with his
person, life, and property earnestly and industriously he was the
instrument and the principal promoter in assembling all the
soldiers and friars possible.404 He gave them everything they
needed to accompany him on the expedition in the service of
your majesty. He had obtained a commission from the authorities of Santa Barbola,405 who likewise invested money and
helped the expedition as much as possible, each according to his
means. Those who went were: Father Pedro de Heredia, until
he returned, of the order of Saint Francis; Captain Bernardo
de Luna, from Aragon; Juan L6pez de Ibarra, a native of Biscay; Diego Perez de Lujan and Gasper de Lujan, brothers,
natives of Seville; Francisco Barreto, a Portuguese; Pedro Hernandez de Almansa, a native of Almansa; Alonso de Miranda,
a native of Galicia; Juan Fernandez, a Portuguese. They served
your majesty with much interest, care, and perseverance, obedient to their captain Antonio de Espejo.
On this expedition also went Miguel Sanchez Valenciano;
Lazaro Sanchez and Miguel Sanchez Nebado, his sons; Casilda
de Amaya, wife of the said Valenciano and mother of the two
said children called Pedro and Juan;406 Cristobal Sanchez, and
404The Franciscans feared for the safety of the two friars of Chamuscado's party who had remained in New Mexico (see note 400), and Espejo
volunteered to lead an expedition to rescue them. See his narrative in
Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 169.
405Espejo got his commission from the alcalde mayor of Cuatro Ci6negas,
a settlement seventy leagues east of Santa Barbara. Ibid., 170.
406Espejo does not give the names of the boys Pedro and Juan, but
Luxan does. A translation of this journal is soon to be published by the
editors.
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BOOK II-CHAPTER VIII


his nephew Gregorio Hernandez, both of Galicia; and Juan de
Frias. All of them were provided by Captain Antonio de Espejo with provisions, arms, horses, clothing, and other things
necessary for the expedition. With these preparations Captain
Antonio de Espejo left with the above mentioned soldiers from
San Bartolome, which is under the jurisdiction of the town and
mines of Santa Barbola. He left on November 10, 1582.
After marching two days they were overtaken by additional
friars of the same order with express command for Father
Pedro de Heredia to return as it was necessary in obedience
to the prelate.407 He obeyed. He left to Father Bernaldino
Beltran and Antonio de Espejo a commission granted him by
Juan de Ibarra, lieutenant-governor of New Vizcaya, by which he
was given authority to penetrate and explore, and subdue the
Conchos Indians and other nations near them, and bound the
magistrates of the said jurisdiction to aid and support Father
Pedro de Heredia on his mission. He also left Father Bernaldino Beltran in charge to minister the sacraments, asking
the party to march slowly so that he could overtake it.
They marched seventy leagues down the Conchas river from
the above mentioned valley. Having gone that distance, they
came to the river which the discoverers of the province of San
Felipe had named the Rio del Norte. As I say they reached the
junction of the two rivers. From that point they continued to
the towns and settlements oni the Guadalquivir river, which
comes from the new land.
Killing of three horses; an interpreter found
On that expedition they called the natives the Conchos and
Pazaguates;408 restored them to peace and thus left them. They
next reached the Patazagueyes,409 among themselves called
Jamana,410 who live along the same rivers, the Conchas and
Del Norte, which the discoverers named Guadalquivir. These
Indians, fearful and cautious of companies of soldiers that had
407A fuller account of these events is given in Luxan's Entrada.
408They came to the Pazaguates, according to Espejo, after having
marched thirty-four leagues, while the day by day reckoning of Luxan
makes it sixty-seven leagues.
409These are the Patarabueyes.
410The Jumanos. The name is spelled variously.
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THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


offended them by making them slaves, believed that they had
come to cause harm, and therefore killed three of their horses
that night. Some soldiers went to put a stop to this and to
punish the offense. They called the natives through an interpreter who knew both languages. He was named Pedro and
had been baptized. He had been seized at that rancheria. As
he was recognized by his father and relatives the Indians came
down from the mountains in answer to his call. About sixty of
them returned to their town at the instance and advice of the
soldiers.
Find a Christian Indian left by the first friars
From this rancheria they went on two days to a town up the
river which they called San Bartolome. Here they found an
Indian, Juan Cantor, a native of the said town, versed in the
Mexican language. He had been made a slave on a former occasion. He had gone to the new land with the first friars who
accompanied Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado.
News of the friars
When this Indian learned of the coming of Antonio de Espejo he went out to find and receive him. As Father Bernaldino
Beltran recognized him, he inquired about the friars with whom
the native had come to the new land, whether they were dead or
alive. The Indian replied that one of them had been killed by
the natives of that land and that the other two were still alive.
Demand of the friar; reply of the soldiers
Father Bernaldino Beltran exhorted all the soldiers to go to
their rescue. If they did not go he would go alone. The soldiers
answered that they should be acquainted with the contents of his
requisition, and they were. They questioned some Indians to
verify the statements of the interpreter Juan Cantor. These
declared that the friars were alive.
Choice of Espejo
As they [the soldiers] had not chosen a captain or leader to
direct them they decided to hold a council of war and reach an
agreement. In this meeting Antonio de Espejo was chosen and
appointed as their captain and justicia mayor. This appoint318




BOOK II-C H A P TER VIII


ment was made in the name of your majesty so that they might
hasten to relieve the two friars. It was to be valid until further
orders might be dispatched by your majesty.411 He was appointed with the provision that if they should establish any
town or village the said charge and commission should remain
under the authority of the cabildo they had appointed, that it
should be held in the name of your majesty, thus taking the
necessary measures for the service of your royal crown.
Arrival at valley of La Cienega
From this place they marched up the river until they came
to a place where they were told of the location of the horse be.
longing to the friars. During the stops made along the way the
captain called together the Indians, whom he gave good advice
and presents, leaving them in peace which they still preserve.
From here they continued up the said river until they
reached the Valle de la Cienega where they rested for eight
days.412 During this time the captain sent out calls to the natives who lived in the neighborhood. They came in large numbers and were well received, advised, and presented with the
kind of gifts which they carried. By such means he left them
pleased and pacified.
Espejo's party at the first settlements
They went on from this place until they reached the first
towns which are located two hundred and sixty leagues from
Santa Barbola.413 These settlements were discovered by Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado and the friars and soldiers who accompanied him. Antonio de Espejo and the people with him
were friendly received in that province. The natives served and
presented them with quantities of provisions, corn, tortillas,
chickens, beans, and calabashes. In this province they found
shiny metals, a black amorphous substance, and a soft metal
which seemed to be silver ore. This took place toward the region
41lFather Heredia, as stated earlier in this chapter, had been detained
but was expected to join the expedition again and to name a captain.
This appears from Luxan's Entrada.
412Bolton thinks this was some distance below El Paso. Spanish Exploration, 175 note 1. Cf. note 362 of this volume. Espejo says they remained there three days and nights.
41"Cf. note 365.
319




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


of the South Sea. This region has mountain ranges very promising for mines. Antonio de Espejo, Bernaldo de Luna, and
those who went with them affirm that the people of this province
are domestic, orderly, and industrious. By means of a hoe such
as used by the Mexicans they cultivate quantities of corn, beans,
calabashes, and piciete, a herb very beneficial for health. As
weapons they use a shield made of cowhide, a club, and a small
bow.


320




CHAPTER IX


Relating how Antonio de Espejo and his companions visited the provinces
and people of San Felipe; the provinces of the Tiguas, Quires,
Quecera, Cia, Cola, Cibola, Alpemo, Xonami, Xomupa, Olay,
Ola Tamones, 414 Ciquic, and the others which he
traversed; and the events that took place in
those provinces.
Espejo visits the first settlement in New Mexico
HILE Antonio de Espejo, Father Bernaldino Beltran, and
their companions were visiting the people, province,
and towns of San Felipe bordering upon the Tiguas
they were informed how the latter had remained in the Tigua
pueblo of Puara. These people knew of their coming, and that
they were thirty-nine mounted men including the captain, friars,
soldiers, and servants. They had counted them in order to kill
them. The soldiers answered the natives that they cared nothing
for their threats and that they were not afraid of all the natives
in all the provinces as they were powerless to harm them.
Espejo and the soldiers disagree
At this time arose divergent opinions which gave rise to differences415 and arguments between the captain and the soldiers.
Thus Father Bernaldino Beltran, Miguel Sanchez Valenciano, his
sons and his nephew Crist6bal Sanchez, and Gregorio Hernandez were of the opinion that all should return inasmuch as the
friars had been killed. Antonio de Espejo, Diego Perez de Lujan, Bernaldo de Luna, and the rest of the party were opposed
on the ground that it was not fitting to turn back. On the con.
trary they should go on discovering, inspecting, and exploring
the provinces and go to the place where the friars left in the
country were said to have been killed. This same opinion was
held by Juan Lopez de Ibarra, Gaspar de Lujan, and Pedro Her414These names are confusing. In the manuscript we have the following:
xonamixomupa y olay y olatamones. Cuevas has this arranged in his
own manner.
415Cuevas has unos litigios, for hubo litigios. Cuevas, Obregon, 289.
321




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


nandez de Almansa. The outcome of these disagreements was
that they went to gather information and visit some of the largest pueblos situated back of the sierra. They did this to explore
the lay of the land and to determine on a place suitable for the
establishment of their camp.
The Manguos visited; eleven pueblos
These pueblos are eleven in number and of similar organization, arrangement, and customs as the others.416 The houses
were two and three stories high, the walls being of stone and
adobe. They sow in the rainy season. No river was found in
their settlement. They gave some silver metal which seemed
rich. The mountains are very suitable and likely to contain
metals. In this region are fine mountains and pastures. The
water and climate are good. They till the soil with hoes like
the Mexicans. The weapons which they bear are a small bow,
arrows, a cowhide shield, wooden and stone bludgeons loaded at
the end. These people are more warlike than those formerly
encountered.
The Tiguas; Puara, where friars were killed; sixteen pueblos
From there they continued their journey to the province of
the Tiguas and to the pueblo of Puara where the friars had remained. They went there because they had learned that it was
a suitable place for a Christian settlement. They reached this
place in the second week of Lent in the year 1582. In this region
they visited sixteen pueblos, some containing over six hundred
houses according to Antonio de Espejo's men. They found them
abandoned but containing plenty of provisions. They were
afraid of punishment for having murdered the friars.
Pacification of Puara
After Antonio de Espejo learned that the people of Puara
had really killed the friars417 he endeavored to have them come
down from the mountains to the towns where they made their
abode and had fortresses. He did this personally, and by means
of flattery induced about two hundred of them to come down.
416They are also called Magrias or Maguas. They were southeast of
Puara. Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 180 note 2.
417Fathers Francisco L6pez and Agustin Rodriguez.
322




BOOK II-CHAPTER IX


Half of them came to the camp, where he promised all good
friendship. He urged them to influence the others to come down.
Moreover he promised to leave their towns soon. To this effect
he issued a proclamation, commanding the party to leave the
town within three hours to discover other provinces of which he
had information. This was done to preserve peace between the
Christians and the natives. By this method he prevailed upon
them to be peaceful and to stay in their settlement, in the houses
of their towns and in the fields. The people are industrious.
They cultivate the land in the rainy season, using hoes like the
Mexicans. They have the same weapons as their neighbors.
Visit to the Tiguas [sic]
From the district of the Tiguas they went to visit the Quires,
who are six leagues from Puara.418 These people received the
party with much respect and friendliness, presenting them with
much food consisting of corn, pinole,419 tortillas, chickens, beans,
and calabashes which they raise in the rainy season. They are
friends of the Christians. They have the same customs as the
eople of Puara.
Quereque; Espejo takes possession of the provinces
From the Queros they went to discover, visit, and inspect
the pueblo named Queraque.420 It contains over one thousand
houses three and four stories high and has seven plazas. Here
Captain Antonio de Espejo took possession of the town and
provinces in the name of your majesty. He did this with unfurled flag, with much noise and rejoicing and notarial acts.
The inhabitants of this pueblo were given to understand that
they were now vassals of your majesty and that they should report the damage inflicted upon them by their enemies that the
Christians might defend, protect, and help them. Accordingly
they offered them assistance and support. After these exercises they returned to their camp. These people sent the cap/ 41Up the Rio del Norte. See Espejo's narrative, in ibid., 181.
419"They drink toasted pinole, which is corn toasted and ground and
mixed with water." Ibid., 178.
420A comparison with Espejo's narrative shows that this is the province
which he called Pumames, or Punames, and that Sia is the same as
Queraque or a nearby pueblo. See ibid., 181, 182.
323




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


tain presents of fowls and all kinds of the provisions which
they possess.
Rich mineral ore
In this pueblo, in the house of a cacique, the natives gave
Bernaldo de Luna a lump of metal about the size of two fingers.
It seemed to be very rich. Its color was a bluish black tint. It
was dry, similar to the metal found at Chiametla. It could be
cut with a knife. It was not assayed for its richness.
Metal
A small river flows close to this pueblo or city. The natives
said the metal had been brought from the province of the
Emixis.421 They affirmed that the largest town in the provinces
of the Emixes was three times larger than theirs. They said it
contained four thousand houses like their own and that it was
twice as large as Cia.422
These natives are similar to the Mexicans. They sow and
harvest in the rainy seasons. They are peaceful and industrious.
They employ the same type of weapons as the others. There is
a mountain range two leagues distant with many hills very well
adapted for silver mines.
Acuco discovered by Coronado
From the pueblo and city of Cia the captain and soldiers went
to visit and examine the strong town of Acuco.423 It was discovered by Francisco Vazquez Coronado in the year 1540 and
had been visited by Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado and his
companions. It is strong, being located on a great rock fifty
estados high and three-fourths of a league in circumference.
The ascent and descent of this town is by means of holes made
in the rock, and when an Indian is descending no other can ascend at the same time. I have already given an account of this
strong town in the chapter424 regarding the expedition made by
Francisco Vazquez Coronado, first discoverer of that pueblo and
42'Jemez. Espejo's party visited Jemez before goining on to Acoma.
422Sia. Today it is a small Keresan tribe on the Jemez river. Hodge,
Handbook, II, 562.
423Acoma. See note 78.
424Chapter III of Part I above.
324




BOOK II-C H A P T ER IX


province.  According to Antonio de Espejo and Bernaldo de
Luna it has six hundred houses.
The natives received the party with much respect and many
gifts. They celebrated with the performance of dances called
mytote in the Mexican language. Four hundred Indians took
part and it lasted day and night. It was done with much solemnity, the dancers being adorned with richly painted blankets and
brilliant feathers after the Mexican fashion. The natives presented them with quantities of fowls, pinole, corn, and tortillas.
Their fields are down below, surrounding the town. They have
other fields three leagues away which are irrigated.425. Each
Indian has a shack on his field where they gather their harvests.
Above these farms and the creek is a sierra with many hills,
some of them bare and suitable for silver mines. They did not
look for such because they were not properly equipped. The
houses and people, their food, weapons, and way of dressing are
like those of the people previously visited.
Election of an alferez
On leaving this town for Ciboro the differences among the
soldiers and their desire to return to the land of the Christians
increased. To appease the author and principal instigator of
this discord they agreed to elect Gregorio Hernandez, a Galician,
as their alferez. This was done in order to force him, by virtue
of his position, to abandon his bad ideas and to cease disturbing
the other soliders. But it did not have that effect as I shall relate in the proper place.
Cibola; how received; four Christian Indians; six pueblos there
From here the captain and his companions went to Ciboro,
called Cibola426 by the Christians, where they were extremely
well received, respected, served, and regaled by the natives. They
offered their personal services and presented them with tortillas,
fowls, hares, and rabbits. There came out to meet them especially four Christian Indians who had remained in those provinces when Francisco Vazquez Coronado was there. They speak
425The same is true today. See Sedgwick, Mrs. W. T. Acoma, the Sky
City, 33, 159.
426This is Zuni, in Valencia county, New Mexico.
325




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


the Mexican language. Two of them are brothers, Andres and
Gaspar, natives of the city of Mexico. Of the others one called
Martin is a native of Tuiala and the other, Anton, is a native of
the town of Lician.427 It was very pleasing to the captain, the
friar, and the soldiers, as they were Christians and spoke
languages that would enable them to learn about the secrets and
settlements of those provinces. These Indians showed great satisfaction at the sight of the Christians. This made the others
suspicious. As they [the soldiers] told them that they were
going to settle in their lands the four did not go away with the
former. They are more esteemed and respected in those towns
than the caciques. They had erected crosses in six different
towns subject to Ciboro, in Masaque, Zaquema, Alona, Quequina,
Acinco, Cana.428
Reports of gold in new lands
At the town of Quequina it happened that an Indian named
Nolaca, a resident of the said pueblo, on taking hold of a trumpet
and the tassels on its cords, said that sixty days from his town
toward the northwest was something shiny like that. It was in
the west, of higher quality and more shiny than the metal of the
trumpet. They showed him a copper spoon to see if he would
say that it was like that, but he maintained that it was like the
metal of the trumpet and even better. He said that in the place
mentioned where the metal is found the natives wear it around
the fleshy part of their arms, on the forehead and head. They
asked him if he had been in the region where he affirmed that
kind of metal was found. He answered that he had seen the
metal and that he knew of it through the information passed
from one to another and from district to district. He was asked
if there was water along the road to the place where the metal
was located. He did not know, but at Olapo,429 a town forty
427Espejo in his narrative says there were three, Andres of Cuyuacan, Gaspar of Mexico, and Anton of Guadalajara. Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 184.
428Regarding these pueblos, see Hodge, "The Six Cities of Cibola, 1581 -1680," in the New Mexico Historical Review, I, 477-488. Obreg6n's Masaque becomes Matsaki; Zaquema, Kiakima; Alona, Halona; Quequina,
Kwakina; Acinco, Hawikuhl; and Cana, Kyanawa.
429Perhaps one of the Hopi pueblos is meant. The distance is wrong,
but that might be due to faulty interpretation.
326




BOOK II —CHAPTER IX


leagues farther on, the natives would give them more reliable
information of all these things. These people cultivate their
lands in the wet season and irrigate them. They promised the
party that they would double the crop in the coming year to
provide for the time when they would return to their towns.
Reference to Coronado; docile people
The people of this pueblo told them that Francisco Vazquez
Coronado had left two or three companies of captains there for
a long time while he went to Quivira. Antonio de Espejo and
his companions rested here fifteen days, until Easter was over.
The people of this region are the most domestic, obedient, and
loyal of all those visited by Antonio de Espejo. Their houses are
three and four stories high and have corridors. They are hard
workers, warlike, and have the same weapons as the rest.
Tuzaydn, discovered by Tovar; Christians forbidden to enter
From Ciboro they sent messengers to the people of the pueblo
of Mohoce,430 which the men with Francisco Vazquez Coronado
call Tuzayan, to reassure them and to gain their friendship. They
sent a reply by four old men of their town who stated that the
people of their town, Mohoce, said that they did not wish them
to enter their pueblos, nor would they consent to that "and that
they should let them know what they desired"431 of that which
they possessed and they would send it. If they insisted on going
they would prevent it by force of arms and make war on them.
The Christians replied that their great king and lord ordered
them to visit and examine their towns and that if they returned
without doing so he would order them to be killed. For this reason they could not fail to go and see them. Thus they marched
during Easter week until they reached Mohoce.
Appeal to Tuzaydn; peaceful welcome
Don Pedro de Tovar, captain and alferez mayor of Francisco
Vazquez Coronado, had destroyed a city in this province called
Tuzayan to avenge the death of five Christians killed by the na430The Hopi towns in northeastern Arizona were called Tuzayan by
Coronado, and Mohooe or M4ohace by Espejo.
431The part in quotation marks is omitted by Cuevas.
327




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


tives.432 This was stated by the four old men. Remembering
this destruction the messengers told the Christians that they
would give them a friendly reception and become their friends.
They reached this conclusion because they [the Christians] were
well equipped with arms, horses, and harquebuses. They had
different, better, and more dangerous arms than those carried by
Coronado's people, for the latter carried lances, while Antonio
de Espejo's followers had good defensive weapons which shot fire
and made the stones crumble like the lightning from heaven. On
this account they changed their minds and sent away the warriors that had been assembled in the mountains. These people
are called the Querechos. They go about naked and the people of
this town had enlisted their aid.
One hundred eighty Cibolans to go against Tuzayadn
The day when the party reached Tuzayan they had sent away
the Chichimeca people gathered to attack the soldiers. The latter took with them one hundred and eighty friendly Indians433
from Ciboro. They arrived at sunset. At this hour the natives
came to receive them a league beyond their town. They met the
party with much respect and love, bringing a cart load of the
provisions which they possessed.
Fortress built at Tuzayan; Aguato, a well settled city
It should be noted that on the following day the people of
Ciboro suggested that the Christians should build a fortress and
that they would help. This was done with the aid of the people
of Ciboro and Mohoce. The fortress was built of stone, about
one estado high, more or less. Thus the surrounding land could
be seen at a glance. Its walls were two varas thick. It was over
sixty yards square, with only one entrance through which two
mounted men could ride abreast.434 There were so many people
to build it that it was finished in four hours. It was of no use
432This seems to be an error. Tovar visited Tuzayan and had a fight
with the natives after which they were peaceful, but that was all. See
Winship, Coronado Expedition, 488.
433Espejo says one hundred and fifty. Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 185.
434Espejo merely notes that a stockade was built. Ibid.
328




BOOK II-CHAPTER IX


to them because they decided to go to the pueblo called Aguato,435
which was visited by the captain and nine soldiers. The others
had remained at Ciboro with Father Bernaldino Beltran, saying
that they did not wish to go away to die.
Fear of the harquebuses
Those who went with him were Miguel Sanchez Valenciano;
his sons Lazaro and Miguel Sanchez; his nephew Crist6bal Sanchez; Juan de Frias; and their servants. These nine people entered the city with unfurled flag and bugle blowing. They
marched around the streets and plazas, and at the main plaza
the captain took possession of the city in the name of your majesty for your royal crown. At the discharge of the harquebuses
the inhabitants became so terrified that they did not show themselves except one here and there, pale with fright. This city is
composed of fifteen hundred houses three and four stories high.
Gift of one thousand blankets
After these events they left the city and fixed their camp a
fourth of a league from the city, next to a spring below the pueblo. Hardly had they camped there when as many as two thousand residents came with quantities of corn, fowls, rabbits, and
other things needed in the camp. They also presented them with
a thousand cotton blankets, many pieces of cloth, and well tanned
deerskins.
Xoalpe; no glankets given the friar; gift of three thousand
blanquets; no mines
From this province and district of Mohoce and Tuzayan they
went to explore and visit the other towns of the same language
and customs. These towns are called Oalpes, Moxanamy, Xomupa,
and Oloxao.436 They took possession of them in the name of
your majesty. They belong to the same nation and their houses
are of the same type. The captain and the soldiers were offered
over three thousand blankets in these five pueblos. They affirmed
that these towns contained over fifty thousand souls. No trace
435Aguato was identical with Awatobi. It was situated on a mesa
nine miles southeast of Walpi in northeastern Arizona. Hodge, Handbook, I, 119.
436Luxan has Aguato, Gaspe, Comupani, Majanani, and Olallay. Bolton,
Spanish Exploration, 186 note 2.
329




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


or indication of mines was found. They cultivate the land in
the wet season. There is little pasture for cattle. They use the
same kind of weapons as the other natives. They have numerous fields of the products grown by the other towns. In this
province they heard of veins and decided to send five men to
discover them. According to report the metal was fifty leagues
farther in the interior. The other five men returned to Ciboro
where Father Bernaldino Beltran and the rest had remained.
Report of metals beyond Tuzaydn
They took along guides from Tuzayan.437 After these events
they continued cautiously to the confines of the valleys of Sefiora.
438 On their way they found three rivers and many swamps,
hills, and meadows. They also met numerous Querechos, naked
people, who wore crosses by instructions from the other people
farther back so that they would not be harmed. These crosses
were carried on the head with the end reaching to the bridge of
the nose. These people took them to the mines. They found
there a coppery metal and some bluish stones used by the painters and goldsmiths for coloring and decorating. With it they
paint their blankets, houses, and pottery and also themselves. As
these mines were not good they asked the natives for others.
They answered that three days farther on were many mines from
which they got shiny and white metals.
Split in Espejo's party
As the men were so few and far from their companions they
did not go to discover and assay them, but returned, going as
far as Ciboro, a distance of eighty leagues.439 On arriving there
they found the people divided into different camps. Miguel
Sanchez, his sons, his nephew, and Juan de Frias were with
437This refers to the party that went in search of mines.
438They did not go near Sefora but into western Arizona, and may have
reached Bill Williams Fork. Ibid., 187 note 2.
439Espejo says he went directly west from Moqui forty-five leagues and
then returned to Zufi by a better road, a distance of sixty leagues. Ibid.,
187, 188.
830




BOOK II-CHAPTER IX


Father Bernaldino Beltran. They had left the others and gone
to another town.440
Flag taken from the alferez
The captain asked Father Bernaldino Beltran to say mass for
them on the day of Corpus Christi.441 He complied with the
request in order to reassure them, for with cunning and deceit
the said friar, the alferez, and the other allies were acting with
duplicity, determined to return to the land of the Christians.
With this in mind they began to get ready on the day before
Corpus Christi. On the morning of that day they shod their
horses. The captain was informed of all this and remonstrated
with them, pointing out the reasons wherefore they were obliged
to continue the expedition and the exploration undertaken. They
feigned that their departure from the town was to find better
pasture for the horses as this existed in the town where they were
going. Since the captain knew the dissimulation and the pretended excuses he ordered the alferez not to leave the camp,
and that if they insisted on going he should leave the flag. He
had taken part in making the above excuses and replied that he
would not leave the banner because it belonged to him. The
captain responded that he gave him the standard with which to
serve your majesty in discovering, exploring, and settling the
land, or at least to give an account of the resources and inhabited parts of those lands. The alferez, knowing that they
were watched by the others, replied that he did not wish to remain in land so distant from Christians; a place where in two
hours thirty thousand Indians could be assembled who would
kill their horses and themselves afterwards. On account of these
reasons he did not wish to stay but to accompany Father Bernaldino Beltran and those who were returning to the Christian
lands.442 Seeing his determination the captain took away the
flag and they departed, going eight leagues from there without
stopping.
440They were in the town called Aquico, or Hawikuh. See Hodge, Handbook, II, 1017. Espejo adds the names of Cristobal Sanchez and Casilda
de Amaya, the wife of Miguel Sanchez Valenciano. Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 185.
44'The feast of Corpus Christi is celebrated by Roman Catholics on the
first Thursday after Trinity Sunday.
442Espejo does not mention these dissensions in his report.
331




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


On this expedition an Indian servant ran away from them
and returned to Ciboro where he remains. He speaks the Mexican and Castilian languages, and those who may go to Ciboro
can employ him as interpreter and as a means of learning
some of the secrets of the land in the interior.
Death of a Christian Indian
Two days after these dissensions among the Christians they
left Ciboro. The natives took leave of them with much respect
and love, grieving that they were leaving their town. They went
to Hacholma,443 five days from Cibora, where two Indian servants ran away from them. One of them, a married man, was
killed and his wife came to the camp to report that the Indians
of a nearby pueblo had put her husband to death. The captain
sent some soldiers with the woman to punish the guilty. They
found the man wounded but still alive. They took him to the
camp where he said he was dying because those who had gone
away had asked the natives to escape and join them and that
they would give him horses for leaving the land. While making
these statements he died and they buried him in the fields of
Acacolma.
Clash with the natives; one wounded
From this pueblo of Acacolma they went to the Cieneguilla
del Rosal belonging to "the Querechos; There are numberless
roses"444 of Castile here. At this place they were attacked at
daybreak by the natives who killed a horse. To avenge and
punish this act the soldiers went in search of them the next
morning and succeeding, had a fight with them. The natives
wounded a soldier with an arrow which pierced one of his arms
and his jaw. They took an Indian woman in this encounter.
The captain wanted to free her, but at the suggestion of Bernaldino de Luna he took her along that she might learn the Mexican language and serve as guide and interpreter. Thus she
443Clearly Acoma.
444The part in quotation marks is omitted by Cuevas. Dr. F. W.
Hodge, in a personal letter, notes that the Cieneguilla del Rosal was
identical with Acomita. Here the Acoma Indians have had their fields
since the Spaniards first appeared in New Mexico. Hernando de Alvarado in 1540 and Antonio de Espejo in 1583 speak of them. See 14th
Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth., 594, and Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 183.
332




BOOK II-CHAPTER IX


was brought to Santa Barbola. These people do not wear clothes;
they are hostile and warlike. They use the same kind of weapons
as the other natives.
Bernaldino de Luna leaves tools; his death
From Ceneguilla del Rosal the captain and the discoverers
returned to the province of the friendly Quires Indians where
they had been before. At this place Bernaldino de Luna left
some implements for mining silver with the cacique of the pueblo
for storage. This good soldier died in the service of your majesty. His descendants are entitled to some compensation since
he came to this city to give an account of the service which he
and the others rendered your royal crown.
Discoveries of Coronado and Espejo contiguous
He [Luna] gave me the account of the entire expedition and
the discoveries made by Antonio de Espejo and his companions.
I consider it reliable due to the comparisons which I made with
what had been said of the pueblos by those who went with Francisco Vazquez Coronado on his expedition. A chapter is devoted to that subject at the beginning of this relation. By comparing the names of the towns, provinces, and the other things
it is possible to determine the truth of these accounts. This was
done for that purpose as well as to learn the number of leagues
from the land discovered by Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado,
the provinces of San Felipe of New Mexico, to the provinces of
Cibora, Tibues, Cicuic, and the others discovered and traversed
by Francisco Vazquez Coronado. This was done that your majesty might know of these former explorations.
It seems that the people and towns have increased, according to these accounts and from what I have learned from Coronado's men still living. It cannot be considered untruthful merely because those who went with Antonio de Espejo affirm that
the towns, provinces, and people are more numerous than is
stated by those who accompanied Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado. It is a matter of experience in these parts that small towns
and provinces have increased and large ones have diminished.
Moreover the climate is good in those lands and there are no
human sacrifices. Even though there are wars among them they
are infrequent and do not result in many deaths. For these
333




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


reasons one must credit their reports, particularly since they
have been given under oath as testimony.
Trip to the mines of Santa Catalina
From the Quires the captain and his men went to see and inspect the mines called Santa Catalina445 discovered by Francisco
Sanchez Chamuscado and his companions. They had not assayed them because they left, taking some samples along. The
other people also brought samples.
Visit to the Tamones
From the mines of Santa Catalina they went to visit three
towns in the province of the Tamones446 called Xameca. These
towns consisted of a plaza and three hundred houses, three and
four stories high. From the district of the Tamones they went
to see a large town named Tepocoty,447 which has almost one
thousand houses of the same height and has terraces like the
others. The people live, sow, and fight like the rest.
445Espejo says they went east twelve leagues from the Quires to a
province called Ubates having five pueblos, and from there found the
mines of which they had heard after traveling two days. Bolton, Spanish
Exploration, 188, 189.
446Tanos, See Hodge, Handbook, II, 686, 687.
447Espejo's narrative mentions only Cicuye (Pecos) after leaving the
province of Tanos. 1Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 189. Tepocoty, or
Tepotro as it is called in the next chapter, was near Pecos. See page 335.


334




CHAPTER X


Telling how Antonio de Espejo and his companions visited Cicuic; of the
idolatry, ritualism, and ceremonies used in the provinces he traversed; of how he finished the expedition; and of the number
of pueblos, houses, and people he discovered and visited.
Visit to Cicuic
ROM THE town called Tepotro Antonio de Espejo went
to see the city of Cicuic,448 the best and largest of all the
towns discovered by Francisco Vazquez Coronado. This
town is built on rocks. A large part of it is located between two
streams. The houses, having from three to four terraces, are
whitewashed and painted with very bright colors and showy
paintings. Its fine appearance can be seen from afar. They
camped within two harquebus shots of the city, on a level space
between the two streams. They thought it noteworthy that
Francisco Vazquez Coronado's party of six hundred Spaniards
and three thousand Mexican Indians had surrounded and besieged this town over forty days, battering and trying to conquer it. The natives had defended themselves with bravery and
determination. They would not submit or accept peace either
through friendliness, threats, or force. Thus the general had
decided to raise the siege and leave them victorious.449
Espejo enters Cicuic with five soldiers
Antonio de Espejo entered the town with five soldiers. They
[the Indians] had become bold, impudent, and insolent and the
soldiers came to punish the audacity and effrontery which they
had shown. They entered the city with much precaution and
care, determined to chastise them and to impress them. They
discharged some of the harquebuses while passing through the
plaza and streets. When they [the Indians] saw that they were
so determined and well equipped with arms they became so
frightened that hardly one of them dared to appear. Only a
448The pueblo of Pecos.
44See pages 17, 18.
335




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


bold and audacious Mexican Indian who had been with Coronado's expedition ventured forth. He begged them with great
fear and humility not to fire the harquebuses nor to start fighting because they wished to be their friends and would give everything they desired and needed. Thus peace was made between
the natives and the six Christians. When they were located once
more in their camp they were brought quantities of provisions,
as much as they wanted and would have need of for the whole
trip to Santa Barbola.
Two Indians taken to be educated
They left this place, taking along two Indians to Christian
lands. They should learn the language and serve as guides to
the general who might go to settle this new land. They took
leave of these people and left them pacified and friendly toward
the Christians. One of the Indians ran away. Those who accompanied Antonio de Espejo affirm that this is the largest
pueblo they saw on the entire expedition. The same is affirmed
by those who went with Coronado.
These and the other towns situated in the provinces mentioned are of similar type and have the same customs. The
men and women wear well woven cotton blankets painted with
beautiful colors and designs. They are almost two varas in
length, like those of Mexico. The women wear skirts open on
the side and tie them with a wide sash of woven cotton. Next
to the body they wear a somewhat better blanket. At the ends
are colored trimmings and tassels. They do their hair like the
Spanish women and fix it in beautiful knots.
No king in those provinces; respect for chiefs
In none of the regions of these Indian nations nor in those
of the surrounding territory of which information has been
gathered do they obey or acknowledge a king. However each
has its own chief and leader who, though little respected, rules
the others. This is known because the caciques have been seen
to carry burdens like the least important Indian in the town.
They do not pay him tribute. The recognition of these chiefs
consists in working their fields and protecting their houses.
They rule and govern the pueblos, their idolatry, and wars, and
the larger the town the greater the cacique.
336




BOOK II-CHAPTER X


House of idolatry; ritualism
The Indian nations in these regions are idolaters. For this
purpose they build and set aside houses and have priests and
persons who practise this worship. The sacrifice is of all sorts,
goods, food, clothing, and other things which they possess. There
are few blood offerings. In some places they have idols painted
on flag-stones as high as a man's breast. There is a figure of
an Indian badly painted with a crown on his head and surrounded
by flames. The offering generally consists of all the things they
have and of as much as each can give.
The funeral honors and anniversary of one who dies consist of gathering all the articles of clothing left by the deceased
and throwing the clothing and the dead body on a heap of firewood and burning it.450 All of the Indian women in the town
come together. Each one carries a little corn and some wood
which they throw on the fire until the wood and the body are
completely consumed. If a bone remains unburned, no matter
how small, it is picked up by those who serve in the temple and
thrown into a hole dug inside of a large one. When they dispose
of it thus they say "toma come," and then cover it with a stone
and fill the large hole with dirt. If any corn is left from the
offering because of coming too late for the fire and sacrifice it is
carried away by the man or woman who serves in the house of
idolatry.
Decision of the captain to return; service rendered by Espejo
When they had seen and visited all the pueblos and provinces
possible, noting that the land was commodious and fit for settlement, the captain decided to return in order to ask for aid and
support from the governors whom your majesty has in these
parts. They came to give an account of their expedition in
order to go back to settle those lands and convert the natives
to our holy Catholic faith. Father Bernaldino Beltran and Captain Antonio de Espejo had already instructed and prepared
them for it. On account of this good and loyal service rendered
your majesty he deserves the reward which your majesty may be
pleased to grant.
4500n burial customs, see Hodge, Handbook, I, 945-947.
337




THE CHRONICLES OF OBREGON


Return of Espejo's party; a swollen river
They returned to the land of the Christians, descending the
Rio de las Vacas451 which they reached a league from Cicuic.
They followed this river one hundred and thirty leagues452
without meeting a living soul. Along the river they saw numerous tracks of the cattle. These plains are very much like those
of San Juan de los Chichimecos in Mexico. This river empties
at the [land of the] Indian caciques and at the Conchas river.
The junction of both rivers forms a basin two hundred varas
wide and two varas deep. The water reaches to the pads of
the saddle when forded during the dry season. It flows eastward toward Panuco and empties into the North Sea. Before coming to the junction of these two rivers they met three
Indians of the Jumana nation who guided them. They made
them leave the river453 and followed another route farther up
until the road to Santa Barbola was reached. This was a different road than the one taken in going to the new land.
Espejo's party arrested at Santa Barbola; goods seized
After these events, diligence, and labor they arrived at Santa
Barbola without meeting with any mortal accident other than
the death of the Indian servant. On arriving at Santa Barbola
they went to give an account of the expedition to the alcalde
mayor. He took and kept the original report of the incidents
that had occurred on the expedition of discovery. He also appropriated the Indians that they brought as guides and another
Indian, a Xumana, who had come with them. He was a native
of the same place as the Indian Pedro of the Jumana nation
whom they had taken along as interpreter. Moreover he had
them arrested and their goods confiscated, including three thousand blankets which they brought. These had been given to them
as gifts by the natives of the new lands. When he had calmed
down he returned these things by order of the royal audiencia
of this New Spain.
451The Pecos river.
452Espejo says one hundred and twenty leagues. Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 189.
453The Pecos. They crossed to the Conchos river, a march of twelve
days. See Espejo's account, in ibid., 190.
338




BOOK II-CHAPTER X


Intervention of a magistrate
By the request of your fiscal Eugenio de Salazar a royal provision was drawn up in order to bring to light the deeds and
diligences performed in the interior and the causes for the imprisonment of the discoverers. This was done to make amends
to them and to teach the Indian guides brought along so that they
might serve as interpreters in the new land. It is a matter of
fact that the one who has shown greatest interest, diligence, and
care in this expedition is Eugenio de Salazar, your fiscal. In
everything desirable for your royal service he is extremely careful, solicitous, and diligent.


339




SUMMARY


Summary of the pueblos, houses, and natives of the provinces traversed,
seen, and visited by Antonio de Espejo and those who went in his party.
HE PROVINCE of San Felipe of New Mexico has, according
to Bernaldino de Luna, twelve pueblos each containing
two hundred and fifty houses with terraces. They are
found in an area twenty leagues by six. He says that each house
has three residents.
The province of the Tiguas contains sixteen towns, each with
two hundred terraced houses, having on an average three inhabitants.
The province of the Quires is six leagues from the Tiguas.
It is composed of five towns of two hundred and fifty terraced
houses each with three residents.
The province of Cia is six leagues from the Quires. It contains five towns. They have twelve hundred houses with terraces three and four stories high and with handsome corridors.
Acuma, a strong pueblo on top of a rock, discovered by Coronado, has seven hundred houses three and four stories high.
Coronado puts the number at five hundred.
Ciboro, called Cibola in the Castilian language, is twentysix leagues from the strong town of Acuco. De Espejo calls it
Acoma. It has six towns of two hundred and fifty terraced
houses. They are three and four stories high and there are
three dwellers in each.
Mohece, known by another name, was called the province
of Tuzayan by Don Pedro de Tovar. It is thirty leagues from
Cibora. It contains five towns in which there are fifty thousand
souls. They presented four thousand blankets. Back of the
Rio del Norte and of the mountains between that river and the
sierra of the cattle is the province of the Maguas. This includes
eleven towns of two hundred and fifty houses, each three stories
high and containing three inhabitants.
The Tamones have three towns close together, which constitute Cicuic. It has fifteen hundred houses with three residents
340




SUM MARY


each. All these houses have terraces with corridors. The walls
of these houses and of all others mentioned are of stone and
adobe.
Thus it seems according to the report and the count made
that there are seventy-eight towns in the regions seen, 22,400
houses and 117,300 Indians without counting the young men and
women, the bachelors, and the children that are innumerable.
In all these provinces and towns there is no fruit of any kind,
nor have they seen anything except Castile flax which the soil
produces voluntarily without cultivation. They have no chile,
but the natives were given some seed to plant.
BALTASAR OBREG6N (Rubric)
We the undersigned notaries certify and attest that we saw
the said Baltasar Obreg6n, whom we know, write the above
signature reading "Baltasar Obreg6n" which he signed in our
presence. He is a resident of this city and at his petition we attest it in the city of Mexico on the twenty-ninth day of April of
the year 1584.
Pedro Sanchez Moreno-Notary of your majesty.
Juan Maria Jimenez-Notary of your majesty.
Manuel de los Reyes-Notary of your majesty.
(All carry rubrics)


341








INDEX


A
Abellafieda, Juan de, 123, 124.
Acacolma, 332.
Acapulco, 251, 252, 254.
Acatic (Acatlan), 30n., 35n.
Acatlan, battle at, 35.
Acevedo, Father Pablo de, 56, 61,
71, 97, 130, 137, 139, 152, 153,
157, 160, 161, 169, 187, 189, 193,
212, 241, 248; preaches at Petlatlan, 78, 79; preaches at Cinaro, 86, 87; sent to Mexico, 88.
Acinco, 326.
Acles, Juan, 228.
Acolhua, 2n.
Acoma, 25, 26, 324n., 332n.; description of, 16, 17.
Acomita, 332n.
Acuco, 216, 324, 340. See also
Acoma.
Acuma, 340.
Aguato, pueblo of, 328, 329.
Alamos, 139n.
Alarcon, Hernando de, explores
Tizon river, 22, 220.
Alboacen, king of Morocco, 183.
Alcaraz, Diego de, 15, 162, 164,
166, 181; cause of revolt against,
163; death of, 168, 236.
Alfonso I of Spain, 183.
Allaguabas, 277.
Alona, 326.
Alpemo, 321.
Alvarado, Hernando de, 13, 332n.
Alvarado, Juan de, 33.
Alvarado, Pedro de, in Mizton war,
31; death of, 32.
Amaya, Casilda de, 316, 331n.; her
sons Pedro and Juan, 316.
Amildes Cherinos, Pedro, 14.
Ammunition, 233.
Anahuac, valley of, 2n.
Andres, Christian Indian at Cibola,
326.
Angora, battle of, 183n.
Anian, Strait of, 26n.
Api, groves of, 259.


Aquico (Hawikuh), 331.
Arana, Martin de, 45, 52, 53.
Arce, Juan de, 29n.
Arellano, Tristan de, 13, 21.
Argueta, Blas de, 149.
Arias, Juan, 64.
Aroz river, 240n.
Arquebuses, see harquebuses.
Arriola, Bartolome de, 45, 59, 152,
187, 212.
Artisans, needed on journeys, 233.
Avila, Gil Gonzales de, 262.
Avila Alvarado, Alonso de, 262.
Avifio, 48.
Awatobi, 329n.
Ayamonte del Condado, Spain, 268.
B
Bajazet, 183.
Barrado, Hernando, 269.
Barreto, Francisco, 316.
Barrios, 14.
Batuco, 161, 171.
Bavispe river, 240n.
Beltran, Father Bernaldino, 317,
318, 321, 329, 330, 331, 337.
Betanzos, Antonio Sotelo de, 33,
54; defeats Indians, 55-57; expedition of to Topia, 59-65; explores beyond Topia, 68-71; sent
to Culiacan, 89; building a town
and fortress, 92-96; building a
church in Cinaro, 97; exhorts
people of Tegueco, 99-100; at
Urique, 101; at (iguini, 102;
pacifies the soldiers, 136, 137;
urged to find metals, 137; subdues uprising, 138; fight with a
bear, 140; at Cinaro, 141; receives Ibarra, 142; remains at
Cinaro, 143 et. seq.; discovery of
metals, 146; at Cinaro five years,
149; receives Ibarra on his return from Paquime, 260; encomienda in Cinaro and Huiri,
261.
Bocaberito, 149, 150.
Buelna, Hernando de, 213.


343




INDEX


Buffalo, 19, 215, 300, 301, 306; expedition to buffalo plains, 302 -307.
Bustamante, Pedro de, 269, 274,
286, 312n.
C
Cabeza de Vaca, Alvar Nnfiez, 11,
19n., 27, 136, 147, 194, 207, 215,
225, 227, 240, 274, 282, 283;
Naufragios de, 7, 201; arrival
of, 135; miracles of, 201, 202.
Cabris Indians, 275, 276, 277.
Cacalo Octoc, 115.
Cacalotlan, oppose Christians, 114
et seq.; pacification of, 117.
Caceres, Spain, 269.
Caguacan, 111.
Caguaripa, 163, 167, 171, 174, 175,
246, 260; plan to kill Christians
at, 177; rebellion at, 178-182; a
guide taken at, 182; description
of, 179, 180; defeat of, 185; battle at, 187-192.
Caitas (Cahita), 194, 197.
California, Island of, 251, barbarous natives of, 251, 252; whales
near, 252; Obreg6n on expedition to, 254.
Cana, 326.
Canadian river, 307n.
Cantor, Juan, 318.
Carabajal, Luis de, 227.
Cardena de la Carniferia, island
of, 125.
Cardenas, Garcia L6pez de, 14,
216; discovers Grand Cafion, 22.
Cardona Isle, 251.
Carvajal, Francisco de, 213.
Casas Grandes, 240n.
Casas Grandes river, 206n.
Castanieda, the chronicler, 18n.
Castilla, Luis de, 32.
Cattle, need of, 237.
Centicpas, 87.
Cerrillos, 301n.
Chalchiguites, 48.
Chamuscado, Francisco Sanchez de,
16, 17, 25, 42, 215, 216. 269, 300,
301, 316n., 318, 319, 324, 333,
334.
Chapala, Lake, 34.
Charcas, 49, 75.


Charles V., 107n.
Chiametla, province of, 73, 74;
mines of, 75, 120; decision to settle, 105; location of, 108; its
riches, 108; town of Saint Sebastian, 129; taking possession of,
112; reception of Ibarra, 113;
camp at, 114.
Chichietic Cali, 147.
Chichilti Calit, 15.
Chichimecas, 2n.
Chichimecos Indians, 273.
Chirinoya, Pedro Martin de, 38.
Cholula, 40.
Chuparo, 171.
Cia, 321, 324, 340.
Cibola, 15, 108, 146, 202, 225, 226,
227, 249, 321, 325, 340; route to,
8, 27, 28, 147; customs of Indians, 8; interest in, 10, 11;
Seven Cities of, 9, 11, 12; pueblos of, 15, 25.
Ciboro (Cibora), 300, 325, 326,
327, 328, 330, 332, 333, 340; see
also Cibola.
Cicuic, 25, 321, 333, 335, 338, 340;
description of, 17, 18; resists
Coronado, 18.
Cicuye, 334n.
Cieneguilla, 300.
Cieneguilla del Rosal, 332, 333.
Ciguatfn, 111n.
Qiguini, 84; welcomes Ibarra, 85;
furnishes guides to Tegueco, 85;
revolt of, 102.
Cinaro, province of, 15, 73, 120,
133, 161; barbarous Indians of,
75; method of giving welcome in,
85; river of, 100, 139, 251; village of, 98, 105, 106, 141, 145,
146; a port of entry, 146, 147;
reasons for settling, 147-149; occupied five years, 149; news of
battle of jaguaripa in, 192; soldiers desire to settle, 213; destitute condition of, 258.
Ciquic, see Cicuic.
Ciquil, 300.
Cola, 321.
Columbus, Christopher, 236n.
Columbus, Francisco, 236, 250.
Compostela, 108.
Comupani, 329n.
344




INDEX


Conchos (Conchas) Indians, 273,
274, 275, 276, 317.
Conchos river, 273, 275, 276, 278,
317, 338.
Concubinage, evil of, 237.
Coneto, 49, 75.
Copala, 43, 50n.
Corazones, 15, 83, 161, 162, 171.
Coronado, Francisco Vazquez de,
13, 162, 215, 216, 217, 219, 236,
300, 314, 324, 325, 327, 333, 335,
340; leaves Compostela, 14;
founds a town, 15; explorations
of, 15-28; his return, 24; cattle
left by, 131, 168.
Corpus Christi day, 331.
Cortes, Hernando, 3, 183, 214, 254;
birth of, 4; grant to, 4; expedition of, 4n.; charges against, 5;
goes to Spain, 5, 6, 10; Marquis
of the Valley, 6; aroused by
Fray Marcos, 9; death of, 12.
Cortes, Luis, 42.
Cortes, Martin, 262.
Council of the Indies, 12.
Coyna, battle at, 35.
Cuatro Cienegas, 316n.
Cueva, Juan de, 42.
Cuina, 30n., 35n.
Culguas, ancient Mexicans, 1, 2,
11, 41, 263, 271, 281.
Culiacan, San Miguel de, 7, 70, 72,
108, 131, 133, 150, 261, 262;
province of, 15, 66; reception of
Ibarra, 105, 132.
Culverins, when needed, 232.
Cummings, Dr. Byron, 206n.
Cumupa, 161, 171, 194, 195, 227,
246; description of, 174, 175.
D
David, king of Israel, 230.
Diaz, Melchior, 22, 23, 162n., 220.
Dogs, 8; droves of, 20, 305.
Dorantes, Andres de, 7, 201; releases Estevanico, 8.
Durango, founded, 48.
E
Elias, 230.
El Paso, 285n.
Emixis (Emixes), 324.


Enriquez, Martin de, viceroy of
Mexico, 122n., 220.
Escalante, Felipe de, 269, 312n.
Escobar, Galvan, 33.
Espejo, Antonio de, 17, 22, 25, 199,
210n., 216, 218, 219, 300, 314,
316, 320, 321, 322, 327, 332n.,
333, 336, 337, 340; chosen leader
of expedition, 318.
Espejo expedition, 315 et. seq.;
equipment of, 317; members of,
316, 317; reaches first settlements, 319; disagreement in, 321,
322; visiting the Manguos, 322;
at Puara, 322, 323; at Cia and
Acuco, 324; at Cibola, 325; finds
Mexican Indians, 325, 326; at
Mohoce, 327; at Aguato, 328,
329; division in the party, 330,
331; to Santa Catalina mines,
334; visits Cicuic, 335; return
of, 338; arrest of, 338.
Espiritu Santo river, 108, 221, 222.
Esteul, besieged, 38.
Estevanico, 7, 8, 9, 201, 282.
Estufa, 295n.
F
Falces, Marquis of, (Gaston de
Peralta) viceroy of Mexico,
122n.
Fernandez, Juan, 316.
Flood, knowledge of in Mexico, 1.
Fonseca, Bishop, 5n.
Fort Craig, 289n.
Fort Quitman, 283n.
Fray Cristobal Range, 301n.
Friars, respect due, 231.
Frias, Juan de, 317, 329, 330.
Fuenlabrada, Bartolome Rodriguez
de, 33.
Fuensalida, Juan Sanchez de, 269,
286.
Fuensalida, Pedro Sanchez de, 269,
286, 306, 312n.
G
Galeas, Juan de, 13.
Galisteo, 302n.
Galisteo valley, 301n.
Gallegos (Gallego) Hernando, 269,
286, 296, 312n.
345




INDEX


Gamon, Martin de, 44; expedition
to Topia, 51-54; 58.
Gasca, Pedro de la, 38, 39.
Gaspar, 326.
Gaspe, 329n.
Gifts for Indians, 237.
G6mara, Francisco Lopez de, Conquista de la Nueva Espana, 249.
Guadalajara, 30, 31, 32, 33n., 38.
Guadalquivir river, 17, 290, 291,
302, 317.
Guadiana, Valle de, 48n.
Guaiquiri, Chief, 222, 223.
Guaraspi, 161, 171, 194, 195, 227,
246; description of, 173, 174.
Guard duty, 233.
Guatemala, 249.
Guatimape, 52n., 54.
Guayabal, 251.
Guaynamota, 262.
Guazamota, 262.
Guerrero, Agustin, 34, 38.
Guevara, Diego de, 66, 125, 150.
Guzman, Dofa Francisco de, 107,
111.
Guzman, Nuno de, 15, 66, 73, 108,
118, 135, 220, 236.
Guzman Ovando, Gonzales de, 228.
H
Hacholma, 332.
Halona, 15n., 326n.
Harquebuses, 232.
Hawikuh, 15n., 326n.
Helmets, kind required, 232.
Heredia, Francisco de, 315, 316,
317, 319.
Heredia, Juan de, 45.
Herandez de Almansa, Pedro, 316,
322.
Hernandez, Gregorio, 317, 321, 325.
Hernandez, Pedro, 59.
Herrera, Crist6bal de, 221, 222.
Herrera, Pedro de, 269.
Hidalgo, Juan Arias, 111.
Hopi, see Mohoce.
Horeco, 171.
Hortufo, Pedro, 63.
Huiri, encomienda of, 261.
Huparo (Uparo), 256, 257; people
of, 257.


I
Ibarra, Andres de, 45, 53.
Ibarra, Diego de, 32, 42, 43, 44, 45,
47, 49n., 150, 151, 264; aids
Francisco de Ibarra, 107; expenses of, 110, 132; reports sent
to, 131.
Ibarra, Francisco de, 14, 314;
chosen governor of New Vizcaya,
43, 44; in Durango, 47-49; to
Valle de San Juan, 50; punishes
Gam6n, 53; pacifies Indians, 57;
expedition to Topia of, 58-65;
explores beyond Topia, 68-71; in
Matoen, 72; near Culiacan, 72,
73; goes to Cinaro, 74; pacifies
natives of Cinaro, 75; goes to
Petlatlan, 78; departs for Ocoroni, 80; reconciles natives of
Ocoroni and Petlatlan, 82; departs for Qiguini, 84; returns to
Petlatlan, 88; founding a town
on the Cinaro, 90; address to the
soldiers, 91, 92; plan of to found
Chiametla, 105; reception at
Culiacan, 105, 106; sends reports
to Diego de Ibarra, 107, 131;
leaves Culiacan, 111; at Caguacan, 111; at Piaztla, 112; takes
possession of Chiametla, 112,
113; reception at Chiametla, 113;
at Cacalotlan, 114 et seq.; quarrel with Audiencia of New Galicia, 119-122; relations with Hernando de Trejo, 127-129; returns
to Cinaro, 142; leaves Cinaro for
the north, 145, 153; equips his
army, 152; at Mayonbo river,
154; at Rio de los Cedros, 155,
156; reaches Oera, 159; hears
of houses of great height, 160;
p u n i s h e s Caguaripa, 179-182,
184; at (aguaripa, 186; battle
at Caguaripa, 189-192; in the
lands of the Querechos, 194 et
seq.; near New Mexico, 198, 199;
receives the Querechos, 202; at
Paquime, 206; soldiers desire return of, 209-213; gets news of
New Mexico, 215, 216; finds
metals, 220; return by new
route, 240; suffering of the
party, 241-248; goes to Cinaro,


346




INDEX


258-260; distributes encomiendas,
261; learns of- Avila conspiracy,
262; death of, 263; his ancestry, 263, 264.
Ibarra, Juan de, 317.
Ibarra, Jtian Lopez de, 316, 321.
Ibarra, Martin Lopez de, 45.
Ibarra, Miguel de, 30n., 32, 34, 36.
Ibarra, Pedro Sanchez de, 263.
Illescas, Doctor Gonzalo de, 249.
Inde (Indehe), 49, 75.
Indies, habitable lands in, 250.
Ingles, Juan, 228.
Isaac, 230.
Isopete, guide, 21, 24, 217.
J
Jamana, 317.
Jamoroa, 117, 118.
Jaramillo, Juan, 14, 19n., 109.
Jemez, 324n.,
Jimenez, Juan Maria, 341.
Jocotlan, mines of, 123.
Juan of Austria, 184.
Juarez, Juan, stories of, 218, 219,
227, 228.
Juchipila, 36, 37.
Jumana nation 338.
Jumanos, 23n., 278n., 283n., 317n.;
sun worship of, 280; accompany
discoverers, 281.
K
Kechipauan, 15n.
Kiakima, 15n., 326n.
Kiva, 295n.
Kwakina, 15n., 326n.
Kyanawa, 15n., 326n.
L
La Plata river, 249.
Las Charcas, mines of, 118.
Leaders, character of, 238, 239.
Legaspe, Melchor de, 125.
Leon, a soldier, 190.
Lepanto, battle of, 184.
Lerma, Hernando de Buena, 45, 63,
180, 213.
Liboro, see Cibola and Ciboro.
Loera, 55, 56.
Lopez, Amador, 56, 64.
L6pez, Father Francisco, 269, 274,
313n., 322n.
Lozano, Juan, 33.


Luisa, interpreter, 79, 99, 152; ruler of Ocoroni 83, 86.
Lujan, Diego Perez de, 316, 321.
Lujan, Gaspar de, 316, 321.
Luna, Antonio de, 125, 254.
Luna, Bernardo de, 316, 320, 321,
324, 325, 332, 333, 340.
Luther, Martin, birth of, 4.
M
Macana, described, 8n.
Magellan, Strait of, 249.
Magrias (M a g u a s, Manguos),
332n.
Maguas, 340.
Mainland, extent of in Indies, 249;
extends toward China, 250;
width of, 253, 254.
Majanani, 329n.
Malag6n, 311, 312n.; punishment
of, 312, 313.
Maldonado, Alonso del Castillo, 7,
201.
Maldonado, Rodrigo, 13.
Mal Partida, 301, 302.
Mal Puerto, 311.
Mancha, Alonso de la, 45, 64; opposes building the fortress, 93.
Manzano mountains, 301n.
Marcos de Niza, Fray, expedition
to Cibola, 8; stories of, 9, 11, 12,
282.
Martin, Christian Indian, 326.
Martin, Pedro, 61, 62.
Martin, Raba, 33.
Martinez, 245.
Masaque, 326.
Mascado, 74.
Mata, Alvaro de, 63, 64.
Matlatzinca, 2.
Matoen, 70, 72, 73.
Matsaki, 15n., 326n.
Maxon, 15.
Mayambo (Mayombo, Mayonbo,
Meriombo), 103, 154, 155, 171,
227; river of, 139; number of
Indians in, 260.
Mayo river, 103n., 259n.
Mazapil, 49, 227.
Mecham, Dr. J. Lloyd, 206n.
Mechoacan, see Michoacan.
Medicine, needed on expeditions,
232.
347




INDEX


Mendoza, Antonio de, Viceroy of
Mexico, 3, 14, 253, 282; sends
Fray Marcos to explore, 8, 9;
controversy with Cortes, 9, 10l
12; sends Alarc6n to explore, 22;
quells revolt in New Galicia, 29,
34-39; goes to Peru, 40, 41.
Mendoza, Francisco de, 39.
Mendoza, Juan de, 34.
Menendez de Aviles, Pedro, 218,
225, 227; explorations of, 221 -223.
Mexico, mortality in, 2.
Michoacan, 29, 34.
Mindanao, 252.
Mining, implements and rules for,
238.
Miranda, Alonso de, 316.
Mizt6n, pefiol of, 30, 36; siege of,
37, 38n.
Mizt6n war, 29n.
Mocorito river, 76n.
Mohoce (Mohace), 22, 327, 328,
329, 340.
Montezuma, 1, 11.
Montoya, Baltasar de, 32n.
Montoya, Pedro de, 63, 64, 172,
212; refounds Cinaro, 150;
wounded, 256.
Moqui, 330n.
Morales, soldier, 221.
Moreno, Pedro Sanchez, 341.
Morones, Doctor, 73n., 76, 105n.,
110.
Moteczuma, 1, see also Montezuma.
Moxanamy, 329.
N
Narvaez, Panfilo de, 4, 5; expedition to Florida, 6, 7, 201.
Navidad, 252.
Nebado, Lazaro Sanchez, 316, 329.
Nebado, Miguel Sanchez, 316, 329.
New Galicia, 146, 249; revolt in,
29 et. seq.
New Galicia, Audiencia of, quarrel
with Ibarra, 119-122.
New Guinea, 252, 253.
New Laws of 1542-3, 10n.
New Mexico, 225, 226, 227, the
name of, 25n. See also San
Felipe of New Mexico.


New Vizcaya, 143, 269.
Nochistlan, 30n., 31; battle at, 35,
36.
Nolaca, Indian, 326.
Nombre de Dios, founded, 48.
North Sea, 26, 221, 226, 228, 254,
338.
Nuchiztlan, see Nochistlan.
Nuestra Sefora de la Concepci6n, 279, 280, 283n., 301.
Nufez, Alonso, 63.
0
Oalpes, 329.
Obreg6n, Baltasar de, 213, 241,
243, 247, 254, 341; arrival of at
Compostela, 123, 124; discovers
metals, 125, 154; desire of to
serve the king, 204, 205; gives
advice to conquerors, 229 et seq.;
finds a pass, 245, 246; makes
horseshoe nails, 255; offers to explore New Mexico, 314.
Ocoroni, 79, 80, 142, 261; sends
messengers to Ibarra, 81; reception of Ibarra, 82; description
of, 84.
Oera, town of, 156, 164, 195; nature of the land, 157; metals at,
158; arrival of Ibarra at, 159;
description of, 161.
Ojos Zarcos, 306.
Ola, 321.
Olallay, 329n.
Olapo, Hopi pueblo, 326.
Olay, 321.
Oloxao, 329.
Oiiate, Crist6bal de, 14, 39n.; besieges Mizt6n, 30, et. seq.
Ortuflo, Pedro, 64, 89, 213.
Osorio, Crist6bal, 189, 213, 244;
death of his servant, 247.
Otomi, 2.
Otomites, 194.
P
Padilla, Lorenzo de, 121.
Paibatuco, valley of, 256.
Paladinas, 13.
Panuco, 218, 221, 222, 226, 227,
338.
Paquime, 146, 213, 225; buildings
of, 205-207; location of, 206;
348




INDEX


savages near, 207, 208, 240; distance from Sefiora, 208; route
to, 208; news of land beyond,
215.
Pardo, Juan, 225n.
Patarabueyes, 23n., 317n.
Pataros, 274.
Patazagueyes, 317.
Pazaguates, 317.
Pecos, 335n.
Pecos mountains, 302n.
Pecos river, 302n., 303n., 338n.
Pedro, Jumano interpreter, 318,
338.
Pefia, Amador Lopez, 63.
Peru, 249; civil war in, 39n.
Petlatlan, 76, 142, 194; province
of, 15; Ibarra prepares to enter,
77; reception of the Spaniards,
78; customs of, 79; departure of
Ibarra from, 80, 81.
Philip II, king of Spain, 204, 253n.
Philippine Islands, 253.
Piaztla, reception of Ibarra at,
112.
Piedra Alta, 308n.
Piedra Ita, 308, 309n.
Pimahitos (Pimahaito, Pimaito),
194, 197.
Pinebaroca, valley of, 256.
Pipa, valley of, 256.
Piros towns, 290; customs of, 291.
Pizarro, Francisco, 39, 184.
Pizarro, Gonzalo, 39n.
Playing cards, evil of, 234.
Poisonous tree, 162, 170-172; antidote against, 172, 173.
Ponce, Salvador, 55, 56, 59, 60, 64,
123, 124, 125, 212, 243, 247, 262;
explores T6pia, 51; arrival of,
54; kills a horse for food, 241.
Pome, 311.
Pontifical, The, 249.
Priestley, H. I., 2n.
Provisions, method of obtaining,
236.
Puara, pueblo of, 321, 322, 323.
Puebla de los Angeles, 40.
Pumames (Punames), 323n.
Q
Quecera, 321.
Quequina, 326.


Quereque (Queraque), 323.
Querechos (plains Apache), 19, 20,
174, 175, 179, 194, 201, 203, 302,
328, 330, 332.
Queres, 292.
Quesada, Pedro de, 45, 53.
Quires, 321, 323, 333, 334, 340.
Quiros, Sebastian de, 113.
Quivira, 215, 217, 219, 220, 227,
249, 250; province of, 21, 24, 26;
like Ireland, 26.
R
Ramirez de Vargas, Luis, 13.
Ramon, Hernando, 54, 61, 68, 116.
Rayados (Rayada) Indians, 273,
274, 275, 279; customs of, 278.
Renteria, Martin de, 44, 45, 51n.
Reviews, military, 234, 235.
Revolts, indications of, 237.
Reyes, Manuel de los, 341.
Rio Grande river, 273n., 278n.,
279n., 283n., 300n.
Rio de las Vacas, 338.
Rio de los Cedros, 155.
Rio de Losa, Rodrigo del, 54, 55,
60, 63, 64, 187, 192, 207, 212, 213,
240, 243.
Rio del Norte, 276, 317, 323n., 340.
Rivera, Antonio de, 122.
Rivero de Espinosa, Antonio de,
13.
Rodriguez, Father Agustin, 17n.,
268, 274, 282, 286, 304, 306,
313n., 322n.; promoter of expedition to New Mexico, 269.
Rodriguez expedition, departure
of, 269; equipment of, 272;
among the Conchos and Rayados
Indians, 273-275, 278; among the
Cabris, 276, 277; hears reports of
towns, 281, 284; news of Vaca,
282; going up the Rio Grande,
283 et. seq.; a guide found, 286;
discovery of a town in ruins, 288,
289; among the Piros, 289, et
seq.; among the Tiguas, 291;
among the Queres and Tewas,
292; method of obtaining provisions, 308-310; plot to kill the
members of the, 311.
Ruiz, Juan, 256.
Ruiz de Rojas, Marcos, 22, 220.
349




/


INDEX


S
Saint Augustine, 130.
Saint Paul, teachings of, 229, 230.
Salado river, 26, 218, 219, 220,
227, 228.
Salazar, Eugenio de, 339.
Salazar, Gonzalo de, 14.
Saldivar, Juan de, 13, 32, 34.
Samaniego, Hernando de, death of,
109.
Samaniego, Lope de, 13, 109n.,
death of, 14.
Samuel, selects king for Israel,
230.
San Andres, 49, 75.
San Andres, mines of, 103, 146.
San Bartolome, 317.
San Crist6bal, 308n.
San Felipe of New Mexico, province of, 17, 25, 146, 216, 268,
279, 288, 300; town of, 289n.,
301; houses of, 293; dress of the
natives, 294; weaving and pottery making in, 294; early marriage in, 295; baths in (kivas),
295; burial customs in, 297, 337;
marriage ceremonies in, 297-299;
number of pueblos in, 313, 314;
desire of many to conquer, 315;
ritualism in, 337.
San Felipe river (Rio Grande),
307.
San Francisco, valley of, 305, 306,
307.
San Geronimo, 162n.
San Gregorio river, 270n., 273,
279.
San Hipolito, 216.
San Juan, Valle de, 48n., 50, 52,
120.
San Juan Bautista de Carapoa,
92n.
San Juan de los Chichimecos, 338.
San Juan de Sinaloa, 92n., 136n.,
140n., 142, 152, 192n., 260n.
San Lorenzo, valley of, 301.
San Martin, 45, 47.
San Pedro, Juan de, 64.
San Pedro river, 241n.
San Sebastian, 118.
San Simon river, 241n.
Sanchez de Chaves, Pedro, 269,
286, 306, 312n.


Sanchez, Cristobal, 316, 321, 329,
331n.
Sandoval, Francisco Tello de, 10.
Santa Barbara (Santa Barbola,
Santa Barbora), 15, 27, 28, 225,
226, 269, 316, 317, 319, 333, 336,
338.
Santa Catalina, mines of, 301, 334.
Santa Cruz river, 241n.
Santo Domingo river, 303, 305.
Santa Elena, 221.
Santa Maria, Father Juan de, 269,
274, 286; return of, 310; his
death, 311.
Sebastian de Eboroto (or Evora),
76, 77, 142.
Sefiora, valley or province of, 15,
146, 161, 194, 246; poisonous
tree in, 28, 162; arrival of Ibarra at, 163; its climate and people, 163; schemes of the natives
of, 167, 169, 170; reason for
founding a town in, 225.
Seven Cities of Cibola, see Cibola.
Sia, 323n.
Sierra Morena, 311.
Signals of war, 155.
Slave hunting raids, 273.
Snake dance, description of, 296,
297.
Soberanes, Diego de, 86, 152.
Soto, Hernando de, 220.
South Sea, 22, 160, 220, 225, 228,
247, 254, 281.
South sea, ports on, 250.
Spain, pre-eminence of, 200.
Strait of the Cod, 228.
T
Tamerlane, 183.
Tamones, 321, 334, 340.
Tanos, 334n.
Taos, 292n.
Tarifa, 183.
Tatarabueies, 23.
Tecamachalco, 110.
Tedoto, 76.
Tegueco, 84, 97, 139; hostility of
85; rebellion of, 98; punishment
of, 98, 99; thirty women captured in, 99; obedience of, 100.
Tegusco, 97n.
350




INDEX


Temmoca (T e m o s a, Tevmoca),
103, 120, 144, 153, 154, 155.
Tenamaz (Tenamaxtli), 30n., 36,
37.
Tenochtitlan, founded, 2n.
Tepeguanes, 2.
Tepocoty, 334.
Tepotro. 334n, 335.
Teul, 38n.
Tevlan, 29.
Thornber, Dean J. J., 206n.
Tibuex, 25, 26, 300, 333.
Tibuex river, 15, 215, 216; pueblos
of, 17.
Tiguas, 290, 291, 321, 322, 323, 340.
Tizon river, 22, 23, 217, 254.
Tlastenango, 29.
Toltecs, 2n.
Toluca river, 34, 35.
Topia, 50, 51; conquest of, 64, 65;
its location, 66; description of,
62; cannibalism in, 67; factions
in, 67, 68; fortified, 68.
Torres, Pedro de, 213.
Totonaca, 2.
Tovar, Pedro de, 13, 22, 32, 73, 74,
103, 105, 212, 213, 216, 261, 327,
328, 340; his encomiendas, 76;
aid rendered Ibarra, 106; services of, 132, 133; inspects
mines, 145.
Trejo, Hernando de, 123, 124, 150,
262; accepts appointment to
serve in Chiametla, 127-129.
Trenaquel, 289n.
Tribute, 238.
Tucaran, 25.
Tuiala, 326.
Turco, guide, 21, 24.
Turk, 217.
Turkeys, 8, 279, 284, 300.
Tuzayan, 21, 22, 216, 300, 327, 328,
329, 330.
U
Ubates, 334n.
Uncibai, Ifnigo Lopez de, 33.
Unzueta, Pedro de, 63, 152, 212.
Uparo, 164, 165.
Uparo-bapuzar, 194.
Uraba, abandoned city, 19.
Urdaneta, Fray Andr6s de, 252.


Urefia, 169.
Urique, 101.
V
Valenciano, Miguel Sanchez, 316,
321, 329, 330, 331n.
Valiente, Alonso, 76, 110.
Valle de la Cienega, 319.
Valle de la Madalena, 283n.
Valle de los Ahorcados, 58.
Valle de los Carneros, 283.
Valle de los Valientes, 285, 300.
Valle de San Miguel, 303.
Vaquero Indians, 303; customs of,
305.
Velasco, Dofia Ana de, 42.
Velasco, Luis de, Viceroy of Mexico, 40, 42, 43, 44, 121, 219; confers with Viceroy Mendoza, 41.
Velazquez, Diego, 5, 6.
Verdugo, Rodrigo, 64.
Verdugos, the, 63.
Vidal, Ibarra's page, 244.
Villa de San Miguel, 109n.
Villalobos, Rui Lopez de, 34.
Virgin mountains, 301.
W
Walpi, 329n.
Women, must be honored, 235, 236.
Writing, among Mexicans, 1.
X
Xameca, 334.
Xoalpe, 329.
Xomupa, 321, 329.
Xonami, 321.
Xuarez de Mendoza, Count of Coruna, 214, 268, 272.
Y
Yagualica, 32.
Yaqui river, 240n., 251.
Yaquimi, 146, 164, 171, 213, 227,
257, 258; harbor of, 208; desire
of Spaniards to settle, 258.
Yaquimi river, 248, 256, 259.
Z
Zacatecas, 48.
Zaquema, 326.
Zufi, 325n., 330n.
Zufiga, Pedro de, 213.


351












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